THE NOVELTY OF POPERY, Opposed to THE ANTIQUITY Of True CHRISTIANITY.

Against the Book of Cardinal Du Perron, Entituled, A Reply to the Answer of the most Serene JAMES King of Great Britain.

By PETER DU MOULIN D. D. once Minister of the Reformed Church of Paris, and since Professor in Divinity in the University of SEDAN.

Translated out of French by the Authors eldest Son PETER DU MOULIN D. D. Canon of Canterbury.

PSALM 109.28.

Let them curse, but bless thou.

LONDON, Printed by Robert White, and are to be sold by Francis Tyton at the three Daggers in Fleet-street, near unto the Inner Temple-Gate, Anno Dom. 1662.

MVNIFICENTIA REGIA. 1715

GEORGIVS D.G. MAG BR. FRET HIB. REX. F. D.

TO HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS The most Illustrious and Magnanimous Prince IAMES Duke of York and Albany, Lord High Admi­ral of England and Ireland, Constable of Do­ver-Castle, Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports, Governour of Portsmouth, &c.

SIR,

THis work made for the defence and by the express command of your blessed and glorious Grandfather King JAMES, and after his de­cease presented by the Author to your incomparable Father, our great King and holy Martyr, is now humbly presented to your Royal Highness by the Translator, son and heir of the Authors Zeal to the vindication of Gods Truth, and the Rights of your sacred Family. The enemies we had to wrastle with in the late desolation of our beheaded Church and State, are the same that are impugned in this Book. For although the Kings enemies and yours were at open defiance with the Court of Rome, yet they were acted by that Court, and played the Popes game. Their common interest, which was most earnestly followed, was to force our King [Page] and our Princes into the Romish superstition. And as the one side had made of Davids com­plaint a Motto for them, They have driven us this day from abiding in the inheritance of the Lord, say­ing, Go serve other Gods: So the other party left no way untryed to work upon the distresses of your sacred persons, and inrich their party with so great a prize. But God indowed your pious and magnanimous hearts with so much heroick strength, that the great Tempter offered in vain unto you, as unto Christ, the greatness and glory of the world to make you fall down to him and worship him: And your valour in the field, which hath got an immortal fame to your name, was yet inferiour to your valour in the tempta­tion. By thus fighting the good fight and keep­ing the faith, you are become Conquerers of three Kingdoms, besides that of Heaven, and have engaged God in the defence of your Cause by sticking to his; with so much glorious success that all ages shall adore the excellency of his love in the miracles of your restitution. Go on, Generous Prince, in the strength of God, and in conjunction with our gracious King, to be the Protector of true Religion, the maintainer of Justice, the comfort of good men, the terrour of the evil, and the pattern of all vertues, the true way to be the example of all blessings. That all the blessings which heaven can shower down, and make the earth bring forth, may ever flow upon your Princely head, is the daily prayer of

Your Royal Highnesses most dutiful and most humble Servant, P. Du Moulin.

THE PREFACE OF THE TRANSLATOR.

FOR the Glory of GOD, the reduction of strayed Sheep into Christs Fold, and the confirmation of good souls in Gods truth, against the attempts of the vigilant and un­wearied adversary, this long desired Translation now comes forth, and is recommended to all the Lovers of sound Doctrine in England, that understand not the Au­thors Language. And truly the English Protestants have an especial Interest in this Work, since it was made for the defence both of their Religion and their King; That Great and Learned De­fender of the Faith, King James of glorious memory, who had consecrated his Scepter and his Pen to maintain the true Catholick and Orthodox Doctrine, was extraordinarily maligned for it, and opposed by the Enemies of the same, who sought glory to themselves by the Greatness of their Adversary. Cardinal du Perron the chiefest of them, both in Wit and Learning, having written against the King, drew a solid confutation of his Book from his Majesty, who made use for it of the Learned Pen of the Great Isaac Casaubon. And when a volumi­nous reply of the Cardinal came forth, the strongest piece that ever came from any Romanist against the Reformed Religion, it pleased his Majesty to make choice of my Reverend Father of blessed memory to answer that book, ha­ving twice before made use of his Pen for the like service. Not for want of able men in his Kingdom to defend Gods cause and his, but partly because his adver­sary having written in French, there was need also of a French Pen to con­fute him. And partly to manifest unto the world that the Religion of England is not singular, as the Papists clamour, but the common cause of the Protestant Churches: And that our exceptions against Rome are the same that are made by the greatest searchers of holy Antiquity abroad. It is a great comfort to all lovers of Truth and Unity in the Church, to have their hands strengthened in this holy warfare by the concurrence of so many Auxiliaries and fellow-Soul­diers that live in another ayr, and under another Government.

Among those Auxiliaries this Writer may very well be set in the Front, as a known Friend, not only to the Doctrine, but also to the Discipline of the Church of England, which he hath commended in many places of his published works, and even in his private Annotations to his Bible, which I keep by me.

But we ought not to strike them out of the List of our Friends, who either out of the necessity of their condition, or by the fortune of their education differ from us in Discipline, though fully consenting with us in all the essentials of Doctrine: For I put not among the essential differences that about the points agitated in the Synod of Dort, upon which the most rational Divines cannot ful­ly satisfie themselves, much less others; and about which our Divines at home differ, without breach of concord. Let not, I say, that difference be added to the score of our exceptions, against the different Discipline of our neighbours, to make dislike grow to hatred, and set us at a further distance.

In Austins and Prospers time, there was the same difference between them and the Gallican Churches about the point of Predestination, as is now be­tween the Jansenians and the Molinists; yet Prosper calls those Churches the Servants of Christ in an Epistle inserted in the seventh Tome of St. Austin. And Hilarius Arelatensis, in another Epistle next to it alledgeth their Au­thority to St. Austin for the excepting of the Book of Wisdom out of the Ca­non of Scripture. Whereby it is evident, th [...]t the difference about that point did not break Christian communion among them.

In the late Insurrection, when I took upon me that honour to be a Champi­on both of the King and the Church of England in three Languages, I laboured to justifie the English Discipline to the French, and to excuse the French Disci­pline unto the English. But since by the iniquity of the times, and the differ­ence of the Languages that which I got Printed in French was not seen enough in England, to give that satisfaction to our Church which I intended: It will be neither improper for this place, nor unseasonable for this time to put something here tending to that blessed work of peace and mutual good opinion of Chur­ches living under different Disciplines.

Were I now speaking to the French, I would endeavour to let them see that we have more of the Primitive and Apostolick Church-Government in England then any other Church in the rest of the world. But speaking now to the Eng­lish, and presenting to them the work of a French Divine, my proper work is to represent unto them, First, that the nature of that difference in Discipline is such as ought to move their compassion, not anger. And next, that if the good opinion of the English may be won by the good opinion that the French ex­press of them, and by their desire to enjoy the same Government, if they might be so happy, certainly they have deserved it.

For the first, no equitable person will except against them, for not doing what they cannot do. If you look to the beginning of their Reformation, and to the persons that begun it, and the oppositions which they wrestled with in their work, it was not to be expected of Priests that rejected the errors of Popery, and preacht the truth of the Gospel, according to their oath and calling, that if they could not convert their Bishops, they should set up new Bishops. And if they had done so, we that finde fault with their Discipline, as it is now, would have liked it no better. For if we object to their Ministers their want of Epis­copal succession, because they were not ordained by Bishops, we might with more reason have laid that want upon their Bishops not created by Bishops but by Priests. In an interregnum, when the lawfull power is eclipsed in a Kingdom by disorder and violence, Officers may be sooner allowed to create other Offi­cers, then to create a King. The condition of the French Protestant Church li­ving under the Cross ever since the Reformation, is an interregnum, as for the Eccelesiastical power: Whereof if they have neither the right order, nor the full exercise, all that defect is the vice of the times, not of the persons, which ought no more to be blamed for it, then a workman that is manacled for doing a piece of necessary work as well as he can, not as well as it should be.

That it is not in their power to bring an Ecclesiastical subordination into their Church, it was justified not long since; for when some of their prime men that perceived and felt the inconveniences that follow the want of that subordination, moved Cardinal Richelieu to place it among them by his authority, pretending [Page] that it would bring them neerer to the Roman Church, he flatly denied to give way to it, and told them, If you had that order, you would look too like a Church.

Wherefore the more inconveniencies are found in the Order of the French Protestants by those that are too angry with them, the more reason there is to pity them, since these inconveniences are productions of the Cross, which they lye under. And among those productions of the sadness of their condition which deserveth pity, we must reckon the dislike that some of them have exprest of the Episcopal Order. For it is a weakness incident to all vulgar natures to turn long use into necessity, and necessity into doctrine, and to think nothing better then that custom which they were bred in. No wonder that the com­mon people that see no Bishops, but such as are foul Hereticks, and their Perse­cutors, can hardly conceive of a Bishop under another Notion. But the gene­rous and illuminate souls which in that brave Nation are in great numbers erected above the slavery of custom, and looking beyond the narrow limits of their ne­cessitous condition, make no difficulty to acknowledge openly the scantness of their Church-Government; and that their bed is shorter then that they can stretch themselves in it, and the covering narrower then that they can wrap themselves in it. But as short and narrow as it is, they must keep it by an invincible necessity. For though they could break the people from their wonted Discipline to the Epis­copal (which though never so ancient, is a new and uncouth thing to them that never tryed it) yet they could never obtain of the civil power a toleration of two Bishops of Paris or Orleans together, nor the adunation of many Re­formed Diocesans under one Metropolitan, nor the exercise of Ecclesiastical ju­risdiction. Such a strong knitting of the Protestant interest would give a great jealousie to the supream power, and the Council of State of contrary Religion. And their politick Statesmen will never give way to it.

Neither would the Episcopal Order fit the present posture of the French Protestant Churches; for it would be more easie for the Agents of the Court of Rome to corrupt some of their Bishops, and by them infect and disturb whole Diocesses, then it is now to win thousands of equal and scattered Ministers: for though those Court Divines have rare Organists among them, they have none that have fingers enough to serve so many stops.

Besides as long as the French Ministers profess no hatred against Episcopal Government (as indeed very few, if any of them, either profess it or harbor it in their breast) it is fitter for them to remain in an order fitted for obedience, and prepared for submission to their Diocesans, whensoever it shall please God to turn their hearts to assert the truth, and protect them. And how soon both Pastors and people may be brought to submit to Bishops, it hath been tryed by the Bishop of Troyes, and that of Meaux, who as soon as they began to for­sake the errors of Popery, were acknowledged by the Protestant Churches with­in the verge of their jurisdiction for their Diocesans. The Archbishop of Vienna and the Bishops of Orleance were once about to have done as much, and would have found the like obedience from the protestant party. But the great stream of the State proved too strong for them to swim against. Nothing hath been more eagerly opposed by the Pope and his creatures, then that the Protestants should have Bishops. Other Churches have found it in all places where Refor­mation hath been planted. And the English Church can say much of that by a late and smarting experience.

And whereas the Reformed Churches in France are so weak that they can hardly afford stipends to find a poor livelyhood to their Ministers; Can it be ex­pected of them that they maintain the dignity of the Episcopal degree with their private contributions? They can find Bishops enough, but where are the Bishopricks?

This then being evident that by the influence which the Pope hath upon their Soveraigns, they are kept low, and altogether disabled from enjoying the Epis­copal degree: I crave leave, with all mildness and humble respect, to make a [Page] question to some of my dear and reverend brethren, and fellow-sufferers in the Cause of the King and the Church who deny these poor Churches to be Churches, because they have no Bishops: Will they allow so much power to the Pope as to be able to hinder millions of true Believers from being members of Gods Church on earth, if he can but hinder them from Episcopal Ordinati­on and Episcopal preheminence by a prevalent power, and an invincible impos­sibility? With this question I have smoothed the edge of the eagerness of some prime men in our Church who were most positive in that assertion, No Bishop, no Church, their charity getting the upperhand of their most resolved sentence against these objects of compassion; and I doubt not but it will work the like effect with others. For I hardly believe that any childe of God, and son of peace, who claims a right to that goodly legacy of Christ, My peace I leave unto you, will so far put off the bowels of mercy as to eject out of the Church of Christ those thousands of good Christians that have forsaken the world and denied themselves to follow Christ, and doomed themselves to poverty, and the publick hatred for his sake, and to un-Church them all, because they live with­out Bishops. That would be a great injury offered, not only to our fellow-members in Christ, but more to God, whose mercy will not be limited, nor his wisdom strait-laced by our positions, as if there were no way for him, but one, to maintain his Church in the world.

The allegation of the Divine Right of Episcopacy. and of the Apostolical In­stitution of the same, will not justifie the severity of that Judgement. Let that stand as an undoubted truth that Episcopacy is of Apostolick institution, and therefore of Divine Right. It is acknowledged even by them that want it. But hence it follows not that where any of the Forms and Customs that are of Di­vine Right and Apostolick institution, is wanting, there is no Christian Church. Our great Bishop Andrews, one of the most rigid and rational Assertors of the Divine Right of Episcopacy, could say (writing to our Author of that holy Discipline, which many Reformed Churches have not) Coecus est qui non videat sine ea stantes Ecclesias. Ferreus est qui neget — Nos non sumus illi ferrei. He is blind that seeth not Churches standing without that Discipline. He hath an iron breast that denyeth it. I am none of those iron-breasted men.

To him I joyn the most Reverend and most learned Prelate Doctor Bramhall, now Lord Primate of Ireland, who in his golden Book, Intituled, The Serpent Salve, useth these judicious and charitable expressions about that matter. God is a mercifull God, Pag. 206. and looks upon his creatures with all prejudices of Education, Habitation, &c. And giveth this wise and pious Cav [...]at to our Divines; Breach of charity is more dangerous to the soul then any errour in Discipline. And having most worthily defended the order of the English Church, he addeth; I write not this to prejudge our neighbour Churches. Pag. 208. I dare not limit the extraordinary ope­ration of Gods Spirit, where ordinary means are wanting, without the default of the persons. He gave his people Manna for food whilest they were in the wilderness. Necessity is a strong plea. Many Protestant Churches lived under Kings and Bishops of another Communion. Others had particular reasons why they could not continue or introduce Bishops. But it is not so with us. It was as wisely as chari­tably said of St. Cyprian, If any of my Predecessors through ignorance or sim­plicity have not holden that which our Lord hath taught, the mercy of the Lord might pardon them, &c. So if any Churches through necessity, or ignorance, or new-fangledness, or covetousness, have swerved from the Apostolick Rule, or Pri­mitive Institution, the Lord may pardon them, and supply the defect of man; but we must not therefore presume. It is charity to think well of our neighbours, and good Divinity to look well to our selves. But the chief reason is, because I do not make this way simply necessary, but only shew what is safest where so many Chri­stians are of another minde. I know what some choice Divines do write of the case of necessity; and there is a great difference between a valid and a regular ordina­tion. And for my part I am apt to believe that God looks upon his people in mercy with all their prejudices; and that there is a great latitude left to particular [Page] Churches in the constitution of their Ecclesiastical regiment, according to the ex­igence of time and place, so as order and his own institution be observed. This is spoken like a right Father of the Church and a true Son of peace. And it is dubi­ous, whether this sentence be more judicious or more charitable. Truly who so will consider with an equitable eye what sore combats the Protestant Churches continually sustain about the main doctrines of Religion, which to keep, neither goods nor life are precious unto them, shall not wonder that they are less careful and skilful in the matters of Discipline, succession, Episcopacy, and the like; and shall not look upon their defects with pitty, not anger. Non jam de imperio, sed de vita sunt solliciti.

This will help to answer an ordinary question, Why the French Divines do not come over into England to receive Episcopal Ordination? The Reformed Divines of France, busy to keep the vital parts of Religion against a vigilant and prevalent power, are less employed and less skilled in the points of Disci­pline, and are not yet perswaded of the absolute necessity of an immediate Epis­copal Ordination: Which yet they will take when they may conveniently. Both the Prince of Turenne and the Duke de la Foize had their Chaplains ordained by a Bishop. Monsieur Primerose late Minister of Roven was ordained by a Bishop. And lately a Learned French Divine before he returned out of England into his Country, was presented by me to the Right Reverend and famous Bi­shop of Lincoln, who conferred the Holy Orders upon him.

To require all the French Reformed Divines to come over into England to receive Orders, is a fancy that cannot come into the brains of one that knows the world. Would their Soveraign allow it? Or would the Popish Clergy be­hold it with patience? The Protestant Students in Divinity are not so much as allowed by their King to take degrees in Divinity in our Universities, nor their Churches suffered to send Deputies to outlandish Synods, because his subjects shall not have forraign dependences; and to please the Court of Rome, which will not have the Protestant Churches to knit together, the chief work of our Adversaries being to disunite us, and break all our correspondences.

And although there were not such a bar in that design, the shortness of their means, and the remoteness of the places would be another unremovable bar. Sholars of Bearn and Languedock (where Protestants are most numerous) kept in their Academies with a poor allowance out of charitable contributions, that they may once serve their Churches for a stipend much like that of our meanest Curats, could not finde means to travel three or four hundred leagues by sea and land to fetch their Orders: That would cost their Patrons more then all their breeding: Or if they travelled at their own charges, all their stipends to come would not quit that cost.

Such difficulties or rather impossibilities lying in that way, any wise Christian that is a little acquainted with the wayes of God, will judge that (as things are now with them) our way, though the most antient holy and Apostolick, is not the only way allowed them to come to the Ministry. For God never yet made the salvation of men to hang upon impossibilities: But wheresoever he invites them to it, he giveth them also the means to attain to the same; supplying by his grace the want of the ordinary wayes, and the defect of the extraordinary. So it was in all conversions of the several Nations to the Gospel; for in none of them could all things be regulated in the beginning. And I count the Refor­mation of the Protestant Churches living under the Cross to be still in its begin­ning, as being kept in the bud by contrary weather and not suffered to shoot up to a grown order.

I must not forget here, that the indulgence of our charity to those poor Churches which could not set up the Episcopal Apostolick government with their reformation, cannot be claimed upon the same account by those that reject Episcopacy among us, and make bold to confer Orders without Bishops, since they have not the plea of necessity on thier side, as the others have. The French Protestant Divines never kickt out their Bishops that they might rule them­selves, [Page] nor cryed down Episcopacy as Antichristian. They ordain Ministers without Bishops, because they have no Bishops. But these having Bishops to whom they have sworn Canonical obedience, have given Ordination with­out and against their authority, invaded their power, and persecuted their persons.

But I see an objection at hand. That the French Discipline is grown out of the ejection of Bishops; and that Calvin and the Reformers of Geneva expelled their Bishop, whereupon the Discipline of parity began at Geneva for their own civil interest, and thence was propagated over all France.

This objection is false in all its parts. For the Reformation was in France ten or twelve years before it began at Geneva. And they had the same Discipline in substance as now, which was to shift as well as they could for an order with­out a Bishop, having their Bishops contrary. Neither had the expulsion of the Bishop of Geneva any reflection upon them.

As for the business of Geneva, I know it is a received tradition in England, that the Reformers of Geneva, Calvin especially, expelled their Bishop. And upon the faith of the first reporter, our Divines have taken it successively for a currant and undoubted truth, and built upon it divers fine and judicious infe­rences. But it is like the stories of the Phenix and the singing of Swans before their death, never the truer for the number of ancient writers that affirm them, or for the curious similes and ingenious moralities that have been spun out of that stuff. What credit can we give to histories of things happened three thou­sand years ago, if in things done so lately, and so near us, gross mistakes will generally pass for undoubted truths? I say it is utterly false, first that Calvin was one of the Planters of Reformed Religion at Geneva. It is false likewise, that the Reformers of Geneva turned their Bishop out of doors. And false also, that the Bishop went away upon the quarrel of Religion. Farel and Viret were they that wrought under God the conversion of the City by their Sermons, and by a publick conference with the Fryers and the Clergy of Geneva, there being then no Bishop in that Town. Two years before the names of Farel and Viret were known at Geneva (for Calvin came long after) and before there was any stir about Religion, the Bishop was either turned out, or fled away for his safety, upon an insurrection of the people against him for his tyranny, and many adulteries with Citizens wives. And they that made him flee, and after his flight altered the civil Government into an Aristodemocracy, were strong Papists, and most of them mainly opposed the Reformation which followed two years after. They excuse that alteration of the State, by alledging that the City had jura imperii as much as (if not more then) the Bishop. With their then Bishop they could not agree, nor choose another. And when their Bishop dyed, they were used to live without one. This business is set forth in the book entituled Le Citadin Genevois. But I must thankfully acknowledge, that I owe the best part of this information to that great assertor of the truth of God by his learned writings, and long sufferings, and undanted opposition of the adversaries, to the great danger of his life, my Lord Bishop of Durham my most noble and constant friend, who hath searcht into that business of Geneva with great diligence. But howsoever matters were carried at Geneva, either in the change of Government, or in that of Religion, the Protestants of France are not answerable for their actions.

By the way, since we are upon mistakes about Geneva, the ordinary declaiming against the Geneva Bible is another. The translation so called, was made by the English exiles sojourning at Geneva in Queen Maries dayes, and set forth with marginal notes; some of which have a rank savour of rebellion and fanatick spirit; as saying that Asa should not only have removed his idolatrous mother from the managing of publick affairs, but killed her; And that the locusts of the bottomless pit are Archbishops, Bishops, Batchelours, Masters of Arts, &c. But whosoever had a hand in that Translation and those notes, it ought no more to be fathered upon Geneva, then a conspiracy plotted at London by German [Page] exiles against their Prince or Country ought to be fathered upon the Londoners. The Genevians could have no hand in an English translation, and those notes are not to be found in the French Bibles printed at Geneva.

As for the objection, that by an express Article of their Confession parity of Ministers is asserted; If that Article be taken in the sense most contrary to the Discipline of England, yet it ought to move rather compassion then hatred. If after they had strugled many years against the tyranny of their Bishops, they have laid the fault of the persons upon the degree, that mistake was the product of a sore persecution.

But take it in the right sense and according to the letter of the Article, there is nothing in it contrary to the Episcopal preheminence. It is the thirtieth Arti­cle of their Confession, and it runs thus.

We believe that all true Pastours in what place so ever they be, have the same authority and equal power under one only head, the only Soveraign and only Ʋniver­sal Bishop Jesus Christ. And therefore that no Church ought to pretend any domina­tion or Lordship over another.

It is manifest that this Article was purposely framed and intended against the Pope who stileth himself the Universal Bishop, and against the Church of Rome which usurpeth domination and Lordship over the other Churches. Neither hath it any reflection upon England, where no Church exerciseth domination or Lordship over other Churches. It speaks of Churches not of Bishops; who yet ought not to exercise domination over the Clergy or the people. The power of the English Bishops is not a domination or Lordship, but a fatherly govern­ment and Superintendency.

What is understood in the Article by that equal power of all true Pastours, our Author tells us in his Buckler of the faith, a book written for the vindication of the Confession of the Protestant Churches of France. In the exposition of that Article he saith, that the equality of Pastors in the authority of announcing the Gospel, and administring the Sacraments, is held necessary in the French Churches; Sect. 1 [...]9. for (saith he) the announcing of the remission of sins is of equal dignity in the mouth of all Pastors, whether they be of great or small authority. But that in matter of Ecclesiastical policy the French Churches should believe a necessity of equality between Pastors, that he denieth, and professeth a brotherly concord with the neighbouring Churches (meaning the English) where Bishops have a Supe­riority.

In the second edition of that Book which is translated into English, he is far more positive for Episcopacy, and sets forth the inconveniencies of equality in degree: But all that I intend here is to shew what the French mean by the equa­lity of Pastors in that Article of their Confession. The Author having made that book at the request of the Churches of France, to clear their Confession of a heavy charge laid against it before King Lewis the XIII. had the Churches of France disliked this plea and this exposition of the thirtieth Article of their Confession, they would have publickly disavowed it since three and forty years that it was published; as the Anglican Church would have publickly disavowed any particular writer, though set on to write by authority, if he had expounded the thirty sixth Article of the Church of England to the derogation of Episco­pal preheminence. Wherefore our Authors exposition of that Article, not be­ing contradicted by so many Synods that were held since, may with good reason be taken for a full declaration of the National Church of France; he especially being of that credit, that what he writ or said in the publick defence was ap­proved with a general consent and applause. Besides no book of that nature is published by the French Protestant Divines, but with the approbation of the Synod of the Province.

But suppose that he gave to the Article another sense then they that made it; Is it not enough for him and us, that he exprest the sense of the French Churches of his time? and have we any reason to find fault with them for coming nearer us then their predecessors did?

And were they not come very neer us, when in a solemn act in the University this Thesis was set forth and defended by the Doctor,Petrus Moli­naeus Thesib. de Notis Ec­clesiae Part 2. Thes. 33. Episcopos An­gliae post con­versionem ad fidem & eju­ratum Papis­mum asseri­mus fuisse fi­deles servos Dei nec de­buisse deserere munus vel titulum Epis­copi. of the Chair, our Author, We affirm that the Bishops of England after their conversion and abjuration of Popery were Gods faithful servants, and that they ought not to forsake the Office or title of Bishop. This Thesis was since printed among his Disputations.

This is the second thing that I would shew that they have deserved our good opinion by the good opinion which they have exprest of us, and of late. For what they said before, and how lovingly they agreed with the English Re­formers both in embracing the same doctrine, and approving (though not pra­cticing) our Discipline, is a beaten subject, of which I have said much, and am loth to say the same over again. But the authority of the learned Nobleman Plessis Mornay was never yet (for any thing I know) used in England to this purpose. In a letter of his (now in the keeping of the famous Daille Minister of Paris) about Church government, he compareth the several formes thereof to the several governments of all the States of the earth; and findes that as the Presbyterian Discipline agreeth very well with the popular States (as at Geneva and in Switzerland, where a Bishop should stand too high above the Magistrate, which is chosen among Merchants only and plain Citizens) So in Kingdoms and Monarchies Episcopal government is necessary, because Presbytery should lie too far under the dignity of great Lords and crowned heads. So that as a Bishop should tread over the head of a popular Magistrate; on the other side Kings and great Lords should have the poor Presbyters too far under their feet. That therefore in Monarchical States Prelats were requisite for to sustain the dignity of the Church and shelter it from oppression. That there are some conjunctures in which the Presbyteries themselves ought to be very glad to have Bishops over them, as when it is question of making remonstrances, exhortations or censures to persons of quality. For whereas a poor Minister living in a low way, and conversing only with his petty Parishioners, might be put back with contempt if he took so much upon him, the admonitions of Bishops would be received with respect.

The above named Mr. Daille who was domestick of that Lord and much esteemed by him, relateth that he would often say, that the gifts of God were different. That according to that diversity some Ministers were fit to preach, some to write, who had not the gift of governing and moderating an Assembly. Whereas others were endowed by God with eminent qualities fit to conduct and march at the head of others, who yet had not the faculty to make books, or to teach. And that this distinction which Gods providence and the grace of his Spirit hath made among his servants, sheweth that some are called to preside and to conduct, and others are called to be conducted by those to whom God hath given meet talents for that work.

The sentence of that wise Statesman cannot but be acceptable and seasonable in the present posture of our Church and State, who are obliged for this intelli­gence to that deserving Gentleman Mr. le Conteur the Reverend Dean of Jarsey. And though this and other testimonies from Protestants, living in another air, square not exactly with the rigidest positions of our Schools, all moderate wise men will think that this is much from them, and much for our purpose.

But all that I can say of their concurrence with us, seems to be dasht by the complaint of our Divines, who in their late exile beyond the seas found the French Protestants full of prejudices against the just cause of the King and the Church of England. Wherefore I must desire the equitable Readers to distin­guish the times, and to make use of the Act of Oblivion towards them, as they are commanded to do with their Country-men. For which they have given us more reason then our Parliamenteers, having professed such a free self-condem­nation of their former misapprehensions about the right or wrong of that great quarrel, as would have become those that were so high offenders against their King and their Church, and which hath been hitherto vainly expected from most of them.

It is no wonder that they that owed nothing to us but Christian love, and whom we took no pains at all to satisfie or to inform of the wrong done to us, were won by our Adversaries, who made it their great business to court them, and to make of the concurrence of the Forraign Churches one of their chief pretences to make the insurrection at home general, and make of their quarrel a war of Religion. And it was not hard for them to prepossess the outlandish Churches with foul charges against us, they being but ill satisfied of us before, as having found of late years some abatement of that regard from England which they had in former times. It had been a wonder if the continual and earnest ap­plications of our busie enemies backed with success, the most perswasive Rheto­rick to common-spirited men, had not gotten some wel-willers in that Prote­stant party.

What disadvantage that was to our cause, it was acknowledged, but not soon enough; by our late gracious King and glorious Martyr, who made a Declaration to satisfie them, and invited all that could write to justifie his cause to the world abroad, to the Protestants especially. And this, as a Summon from God, was the reason that made me write once in French, and twice in Latin for the defence of the King and the Church.

Let us remember also, that our party did contribute to set them further from us, by forbearing to communicate with them, and to be present in their holy meetings; and by disgracing their Churches as no Churches, and their Mini­sters as no Ministers; not considering how unseasonable (that I say no worse) that contempt of their Brethren was, and how hurtfull to the Kings interest.

Well, notwithstanding all these endeavours of Satan to break the bond of love, and of faith too, between them and us; yet the palpable injustice of our enemies did so work upon their judgements and consciences, that even when the Kings businesses were at the lowest ebb, they did openly detest the long Parlia­ments Cause in their Sermons, and Books, and ordinary Discourses; and that with so much vigour and godly vehemency that more could not have come from the greatest Royalists of England. Salmatius and Bochartus the greatest Scho­lars of France, and of Vincent Herault, Pettiville, Breux, Porrey, men of note, and before them all the Epistle of the famous Diodati to the Parliament in the first year of the war, to exhort them to obey the King, and restore Episcopacy, shew sufficiently how the whole Protestant party was affected. And that their affection was not byassed by self interest, any reasonable man may answer for them; for what advantage could accrew unto them by declaring themselves for the King of England in those days?

But their affection was then chiefly seen when it pleased God by his miracu­lous mercy to make the stone which the builders had rejected, to become the head of the corner. The real joy which they manifested of his Majesties return, swelled to a height hard to be believed but by them that were eye-witnesses of their behaviour. More could not be expected from his Majesties natural and most loyal Subjects. That blessed conversion of businesses wrought so deep upon the renowned Amirault (howsoever he had been prejudiced before against us) that being sore troubled with the gout, suddenly he threw his Crutches away, and was cured meerly by his joy, that quickened his spirits, and diffused a fresh vigour into all his faculties.

At the same time a great cloud of French witnesses came over in favour of E­piscopacie. So I call many Letters from the prime Divines of France, most of them written to that Gentleman of great worth, Doctor Brevint, one of his Majesties Chaplains, who committed them unto me, and I leaving London trans­mitted them to that deserving Divine Master Durel, as one better able then I to make good use of them, among many other intelligences of the like nature. His excellent Book about this matter, the substance whereof he was pleased to impart unto me, will ease me of that labour, and shorten my task; For I must sincerely acknowledge, that all that we, or others, have written hitherto about the concurrence of other Churches with ours, comes short of the industry of [Page] this worthy Gentleman; so pregnant he is in his reasons, so diligent in his searches, and so ingenious in his Charity, that no more remains for me to attain to the end I aim at in this Discourse, but to recommend his to the carefull peru­sing of all lovers of truth and peace.

But because in point of charity, examples are more perswasive then reasons, I will back this reasoning about our condescension unto those Churches that are inferiour to us in point of Government, with the vertuous practice of that eminent Prelate in goodness and Learning, My Lord Bishop of Durham. In a Letter of his dated from Paris, April the sixth, 1658. (the place and time of his exile) he vindicates himself against Mr. Fuller, who in his Church History of Brittain referreth to his praise and commendation, that he joyned not with the French Protestants at Charenton since he got into France. But the worthy man (then stiled Dean of Peterborough) giveth him no thanks for that commenda­tion. I would (saith he) that he and all the world should know it, I never refu­sed to joyn with the Protestants either there, or any where else, in all things wherein they joyn with the Church of England. Many of them have been here at our Churches, and we have been at theirs. I have buried divers of our people at Charenton, and they permit us to make use of their peculiar and decent cemetery here in Paris for that purpose. Which if they did not, we should be forced to bury our dead in a ditch. I have baptized many of their children at the request of their own Ministers, with whom I have good acquaintance, and find them to be very deserving and learned men, great lovers and honourers of our Church, notwith­standing the loss which she hath lately received in external matters, wherein we are agreed that the essence of Religion doth not consist. Many of their people (and of the best sort and quality among them) have frequented our Common Prayers with great reverence, and I have delivered the Holy Communion to them according to our own Order, which they observed religiously. I have married divers persons of good condition among them: And I have presented some of their Scholars to be ordained Deacons and Priests here by our own Bishops (whereof Monsieur de Tu­renne's Chaplain is one, and the Duke de la Force's Chaplain another) and the Church of Charenton approved of it. And I preacht here publickly at their Or­dination. Besides I have been (as often as I had spare time, from attending our own Congregation) to pray and sing Psalms with them, and to hear both the weekly and the Sunday Sermons at Charenton; whither two of my children also (pensioned here in a Protestant family at Paris) have daily repaired for that purpose with the Gentlewoman that Governed them.

After all this, if any be curious to pick out of their Authors all that is not consonant to the constitution of our Church and State, and register all the pre­judicate opinions of particular men of those Churches, instilled into them by our Adversaries at home; I will spend no more labour to make evident unto them that their late and best Divines have amended what may be found amiss in the old, and that the late demonstrations of their concurrence with us have made amends, for their former misapprehensions. I will but ask those curious searchers of matters of discontent, and occasions of falling out with them, Cui bono? What benefit ariseth to this Church or State by searching out ini­quities among our neighbours, and accomplishing a diligent search of that which were far better buried in oblivion, or smoothed over with Charity, helped with a little winking at that which we cannot mend? Since they make a considerable part of Christendom, and are not subject unto, or to be disposed by our Civil or Ecclesiastical Government; is it not better for us to have them friends then ene­mies? Is it not a wiser course to confound our dissentors at home with the testi­monies of Calvin and Beza, as most averse from their principles and practice, th en to make weapons ready to their hand out of those Authors, and give it to them for granted, that they have the famousest men abroad for Patrons of Facti­on, disobedience, and unconformity? For these diligent searchers know how to pick out of the same Authors passages enough to make them unsay what they have said against us.

It could never yet enter into my apprehension what advantage it is to us to cast contempt upon all the Protestants of the world but our selves, and despise all the respects that we may have from them. They will all vail to us, and defer unto us (as they ought) the Primacy, if we will but open them the arms of our charity and brotherly communion. And it is not our insulting over their weak­ness and wants, or requiring of them impossibilities, that will win them.

Truly, because our disturbers at home lean much upon the authority of a few Outlandish Writers, it is wisely done to invalid their authority. But that work is ready done, and I shall think it overdone if it end in uncharitableness, and if the generality of the party be made guilty of the fault of some few men to whom they never swore obedience. Whereas the ready way to invalid the autho­rity of those Authors, is to shew that they are contradicted by their own party, and even by themselves.

Certainly when we have made them no Churches, our Church shall be never the more a Church for that. Rather by unchurching so many Churches, and despising Communion with them, we shall confine our Communion within a very narrow scantling. With the Roman Church we dare not joyn till the Court of Rome forsake and renounce her usurped right over our Church and State, and other errors of greater importance. With the Separatists of England we will not joyn till they yield to a holy Conformity with us. And if with so many Pro­testant Churches abroad we refuse to joyn till they do what they are not able to do, truly we scant our selves to a very slender communion in this West of the world. Whereas the holy Catholick Church, which with good reason we call our Mother, embraceth multitudes of dissenting children in her compassionate armes: And the Communion of Saints allyeth us with God and his Christ, and all his members in heaven and earth by charity,Eph. 6.24. which is the bond of perfect­ness. Grace be with all that love the Lord Jesus Christ with sincerity.

We that are strong (saith St. Paul) ought to bear the infirmities of the weak, Rom. 15.1. and not to please our selves. We ought not to please and exalt our selves with comparing our strength with the infirmities of our brethren. When we have made the worst of the defects of those poor Churches, they are infirmities, which should make us compassionate, not overweening. And we shall make ill use of our strength, if we imploy it to triumph over the weak, instead of re­membring them that suffer adversity as being our selves also in the hody. Heb. 13.3. Let us not turn our fellow members out of the body because they suffer adversity; for when all is said, the things that we finde amiss among them, are the sad effects of their adversity. The Anglican Church had Kings for her nursing Fathers, and Queens for her nursing mothers: Whereas the French Churches were crusht from the Cradle with all the strength and indignation of their Kings and Queens: And the Dutch Clergy are kept low by their Superiours who have converted the whole Patrimony of the Church to the defence of their State. The same hand that hath exalted us above them may bring us as low as them: And we have learned of late how soon God can pull down that which he hath built up, Let us not be high-minded, but fear.

Could it once sink into our minds what hand the Papists have in this distaste of ours against our Brethren: what advantage they get by the dis-union of the Reformed Churches: and what stain and hinderance, both before God and men, we bring upon us by giving the least suspition that we have got some fermentation of their leaven, we would be as carefull to avoid offence with the Protestant Churches abroad, as wary and stout against the opposers of our Disci­pline at home.

For it is an evident truth, and not to be winked at, that the great Agent here in the confusion of Religions, in the ruine of the Church, in the insurrection of the people, and in the murther of our King, was the Court of Rome. That is in­deed fundi nostri calamitas, that spring of all mischief and misery among us, that powerfull and working enemy, against whom all that have shaken off the yoke [Page] of Rome, ought to joyn unanimously, opening no gap of division for that Beast to creep in, and work our destruction by our separation. God forbid that any of us joyn with that grand enemy of our Church and State to unchurch so many Churches that are inrolled with us in the same good warfare against his tyrannie, and to deny them that communinn with us which they have with Christ, and which they crave at our hands, and have had a long time with the Anglican Church.

But if notwithstanding all the considerations here represented, some will be­lieve that it is Christianly and Charitably done to un-Church all the Protestant Churches that have no Bishops, let them enjoy their fancy. But I will main­tain to them (and so will all wise men with me) that it is most unpolitickly done. Let them consult the Politick heads, that understand the composure of the States of Christendom, and the posture of ours; and are acquainted with our Gracious Soveraings high concernments, and Royal inclinations. And they will confirm this; wherewith I confidently shut up this discourse, not fearing to be called in question for it; It is neither his Majesties Pleasure nor Inte­rest that the Protestant Churches abroad be disgraced among us as no Churches.

THE AUTHORS LIFE.

THere is no great need to register those mens lives who have made them memorable by their works; for they bear up their fame with their own strength;Prov. 31.31. Let their own works praise them in the gates. And yet no men deserve more to have their actions recorded then they that need it less. Very few persons deserve it more and need it less then this Author so known to the world by his great services to the Church of God. And truly he hath shewed sufficiently by the memoires of his life which he left to his family, how little ambitious he was that the History of his life should be set forth: For he passeth by those actions and passages which have got him most credit, recording only the great mercies of God to him, and the signal experiences of his assistance and providence; as also all his conversation hath manifested unto the world that he sought Gods glory, not his own. Never did I see a man more impatient of praise; none that sought more to glorifie God, less to magnifie himself. Then for Gods glory, not his, I intend in this plain relation to make his light to shine before men, and together to pay a filial duty to the precious memory of my dear and reverend Father.

The rumour which the Papists have confidently spread, both in Books and Pulpits, that he was an Apostat Fryers Son, obligeth me to say something of his Parents and descent. His Grandfather Joakim Du Moulin dying at Orleans in the Roman Profession about the year 1540. left two children Infants, a Son of his name, and a Daughter, and made his wife executrix of a plentiful estate. She took an especial care of the education of her Son, and sent him to Paris to a famous Schoolmaster of singular piety and learning: Who having a secret affection to the Reformed Religion, of which there was no free Profession in Paris, bred his Scholars in it; and so well grounded my Grandfather in Ortho­dox Principles, that when he returned home, neither the proffer of worldly ad­vancement, nor his Mothers severity threatning to forsake and disinherit him, could turn him from his holy purpose, in which he persevered all his dayes. His mother kept her word with him; for she used him most hardly all her life­time, and disinherited him at her death, leaving the whole estate to his sister; [Page] from whom he never attempted to recover it by Law; and it had been a vain attempt, the times being so contrary to persons of his Religion and Calling, for he was honoured with the Ministry of the Gospel. Yet did he by the gracious assistance of God lead an honourable life, bearing in his presence and conver­sation the character of a man well born and of gentile breeding. Besides his sin­gular ability in his holy calling, he had the vertues of conversation in an eminent degree. Sir Henry Wotton gave him this commendation, that he had not met with a wiser and better-spoken man in his Travels. Had my Grandfather been a Monk, and then converted and married, I should think it no stain to our blood. But it is known at Orleans (the place of his Origine) that he never led a monastical life.Book 7. Con­tro. 8. ch. 10. And to speak in my Fathers words in the seventh Book of this work, where he answereth that objection. His honourable conversation, his brave mind in his continual afflictions for the Gospel which he bore cheerfully, his fervent zeal, his vigilance in his calling, his pleasing and affable behaviour which he seasoned with a meek gravity; These, I say, were as far from the air of the Cloyster as the Heaven is from the Earth, and the Mass from the Gospel.

In the year 1564. he married Frances the Daughter of an eminent Gentle­man both in place and vertue, Innocent Gabet Royal Judge at Vienna in Daulfine, who dyed a Martyr for the Profession of the Gospel in the year 1572. (the fa­mous Massacre of St. Bartholomew having spread from Paris over all France) leaving to his Posterity the honour to be the seed of a Martyr, which is no small nobility. By her he had four children; 1. Esther married to a Noble and Re­ligious Gentleman Rene Bochart Minister of the Gospel at Roven, by whom she was Mother of the famous Samuel Bochart, now Minister at Caen, a miracle for learning, and a great Ornament of our age. 2. Joakim who dyed young. 3. Peter the Author of this Book. 4. Eleazar who inherited his Grandfa­thers Martyrdome; for being taken prisoner of war by the Leaguers, after a long and valorous resistance in a Fort which he commanded for his King, he was known to be a Ministers Son, whereupon the barbarous enemy cut off his fingers and toes and buried him alive.

By a second Wife a Gentlewoman of the house of Anserville, my Grandfather among other children had Mary the Wife of that great Champion of the truth, Doctor Andrew Rivet.

Our Author was born in the year 1568. the eighteenth day of October at Buhi in the Country of Vexin in Normandy, where his Father and Mother flying from a sharp persecution, were received by Monsieur de Buhi Mornay, elder Brother to the renowned Monsieur du Plessis Mornay. The said M. du Plessis and our Author were born in the same room.

At Buhi he was left at nurse till the peace of the year 1570. when his Father being called to be Minister at Coenures near Soissons gathered there his Family. The Protectour of that Church was Monsieur d' Estree, called since Marques de Coenures, who then profest the Protestant Religion. But when he heard of the great Massacre of Paris, August. 24 1572. and that the like was to be speedily executed over all France, he forsook presently the Protestant Profession, and to approve himself a true convert, expelled my Grandfather out of Coenures.

Then was the good man in great extremity. In all the Towns about there was a general slaughter of Protestants, and the Murtherers were seeking for him; and how to dispose of his Wife and his four little children he knew not. To take them along with him, or to leave them behinde, was alike dangerous. This he did; he left his children with a woman of contrary Religion halfe a mile from Coenures; himself with his Wife fled to Muret a Town belonging to the Prince of Conde, then a Protestant, and so to Sedan with the Duke of Bovillon of the house de la March, who past that way flying from the Court. The Mur­therers that were sent to kill my Grandfather and his Family (for they spared neitheir age nor sex) found the womans house where the children were left. Ruffina (it is the womans name worthy to be thankfully recorded) hid the chil­dren in the straw of a bed, the ordinary bottom of beds of the lower sort in [Page] France, and laid a featherbed and a blanket over them; scarce had she laid the blanket when the murtherers came into the room and searcht it, but lookt not in the bed; Peter the Author of this Book, then under four years of age, not liking to be thus laid up would cry; but his Sister Esther then seven years old who had been made apprehensive of their danger, stopt his mouth with her hand, whereby she made him struggle and make some noise: which to drown with another, Ruffina pretending to reach something upon a shelfe made the Pewter fall, and then took it up again with much rustling till the Murtherers were gone: as soon as they were out o [...] doors she ran to help the child, whom she found well nigh smothered with the stopping of his wind: but he soon recovered, and the children were kept safe in her house till their Parents sent for them. The gentle Reader will bear with this familiar relation, and adore in these small par­ticulars the great and never sufficiently admired care of the Almighty to pre­serve the infancy of his servants from the rage of Satan and the world.

Peter Du Moulin had his first rudiments of learning in the Colledge and Aca­demy of Sedan, founded in the year 1577. where he had for his Schoolfellow that great Scholar Jacobus Capellus. Both made in that Colledge a great Pro­ficiency, and came out together from the first Classis; Du Moulin being publickly honoured with the first prize (after the custom of the French Schools) and Ca­pellus with the second.

In the year 1588. Du Moulin being twenty years old was sent by his Father to the Universities of England. After some stay at London he went to Cam­bridge, and was received in Bennet Colledge, being a diligent hearer of the Lectures of Doctor Whitaker; but passing the long vacation at London, where he made his first tryals of Preaching before the Consistory of the French Church, A French Gentleman Monsieur de la Faye after he had heard him, being much tak [...]n with the excellency of his parts, (for his gifts and learning were beyond his years) asked him whether he would serve the Church of Paris; Du Moulin answered that he could not think of serving a Church that was not. The Gentleman told him, that there was hope of a speedy reestablishment of that Church, and that he was charged to look out a fit person to serve it, and there­fore according to his best judgement made choice of him as the fittest person he knew. Du Moulin thanked him, and the Gentleman made his word good; for the Church of Paris demanded him since, and had him; but it was many years after.

I will relate here a passage which shews the integrity and generosity of his soul, his contempt of the world, and his trust in Gods assistance. Being once at the end of his money in London, as he was pensively looking up to the feeling of his Chamber, he perceived in a dark corner between two rafters a little white rag: he made means to get up and reach to it, and found that it was the end of an handkerchief, which having pulled out of a hole, he found in it a considera­ble quantity of gold: he presently enquired in the house whether any would claim the handkerchief: and when the people of this house disowned it, he en­quired who lived in his Chamber before; they told him, that an Italian dyed in it a little before he came: he asked again whether he had any of his blood in London, and being told that he had a kinsman whom he had made his heir, he never left till he had found him and given him all that gold; though he was not sure that the money belonged to the deceased. But God in whom he trusted, did not forsake him. Soon after this, relief came to him out of his Country, and ever since he had money constantly sent to him, both to England and to Holland, till he writ that he would have no more.

Having lived four years in England, hearing that Franciscus Junius was new­ly come to Leyden to be Professor in Divinity, he would go thither; and im­barked himself with the Duke of Wittenberg to go to Zeland in September 1592. being recommended to that Duke by Monsieur de Beaunais la Nocle Embassa­dour of France in England. They were tossed with a most furious tempest which constrained the Seamen to throw the Canon and the burden of the Ship [Page] into the Sea, among other things Du Moulins books and cloaths. They were wracked by Ramekin in Zealand.

Being come to Leyden, he set forth a Latine Poeme, intituled Votiva Tabella, where he described the storm and the shipwrack, and offered his thanksgiving to God. A piece of Poetry of the highest strain, which got him great esteem, and many friends. It is certain, that for Latine Elegancy, height of conceit, and neatness of expression, whether in prose or in verse, few in his age went be­yond him.

At his first coming into Holland, he got the acquaintance of the French Em­bassadour Monsieur de Buzanual; for King Henry the Fourth in those dayes sent Protestant Embassadours to the Protestant Princes and States. That Em­bassadour was ever since his most real and intimate friend. By him he was pre­sented to the Princess of Orange, a Frenchwoman, daughter to the Admiral Gaspar de Coligny, and mother to Henry Prince of Orange, then seven years old. That Princess was since very favourable to him.

Two moneths after his coming to Leyden, he was desired to accept the place of Corrector of the Colledge of the States, where he taught Logick, and Greek, and Horace. These things he performed with so much Learning, and such a pleasing facility, that he got the special love of the Students, but together the bitter hatred of the Principal, who envied his praise, and never left vexing him as long as he was in the place. But his Ingenuity and Uprightness so pleaded for him, that alwayes the Moderators and Magistrates maintained him against the the injustice of the Principal, till once being brought to a Tertian Ague through vexation, he asked some dayes of respite from his ordinary exercise, to look to his health, and went to the Embassadors House at the Hague, where he was so well used, that in a seveninght he was well again. In his absence the Princi­pal went to the Magistrates and Moderators, and with many tears besought [...]em to remove from the Colledge that new Frenchman, who made his life bitter. They hearkened to him, and sending for Du Moulin, told him, that not for any misdemeanour of his, but for the peace of the Colledge they discharged him: And to shew that they were well pleased with him, they gave him the double of that was due to him for his Salary. He continued eight moneths in that place.

This cross fell to his greater advantage; for two moneths after the place of Professor of Philosophy being vacant, Du Moulin was admitted to be tryed among others that offered themselves for the place. In the Trial he was prefer­red before his Competitors, and established Professor of Philosophy. A young Doctor of the Chair, of four and twenty years of age. At the newes of his reception, the Principal of the Colledge, who had so persecuted him, was seized with such a deep grief, that he died immediately by a sudden suffo­cation.

Du Moulin read in publick the Organ of Aristotle in Greek, Libros Physico­rum, De Coelo, De generatione & corruptione, De Anima, De Meteoris; kept frequent disputations, and had alwayes a very full Auditory. Most of those that have been since Professors at Leyden, or famous men in the Low Countries, were his Scholars. Hugo Grotius was one of them. This exercise for five or six years was his Fencing-School, whereby he was enabled for the many Encoun­ters and Conferences which he had afterwards upon the greatest Stage of Eu­rope. As indeed of all his intellectual abilities, the most eminent was his skill in Dispute, having, besides the art of disputing, confirmed by long use, a rare vi­gour and readiness of wit, matched with a stayed, cool, and judicious temper, ne­ver confounded with passion, the ordinary dissolver of Conferences.

At Leyden he dieted at Scaligers table, who had him in great esteem, and being pleasant with him, called him often Domine Professor. When he saw his Logick which he publisht at Leyden in the year 1596. he commended especially the Preface Ad studiosam juventutem, and said of it, Haec Epistola non est hujus aevi. That Logick was printed thirteen times in few years in several Countries, [Page] and had the credit to be read in many Universities and Colledges, as one that en­richeth the stock of Philosophy, especially in the Topicks.

At Scaligers table many persons of quality, both Papists and Protestants, were boarded, whereby Du Moulin had occasion to get many acquaintances of the best rank; among others these French Noblemen, The one Monsieur de la Rochepose or Rupipozaeus, afterwards Bishop of Poitiers, a man known by his Writings; Monsieur de Gourges, since President at Bourdeaux, and another whose name I have forgot, who since became a great Abbot. These renewed their acquaintaince with him in France, and were instruments of the Court of Rome and the Popish Clergy, to tempt him from time to time with great prefer­ments to forsake the Protestant cause.

Besides his Philosophical Profession, he read Greek Lectures in the Divinity-Colledge, a Tongue in which he was extraordinarily learned. I have seen ele­gant Orations of his in Greek, made since he was fifty years old, and Greek Let­ters. This work against Du Perron, where he discovereth in so many pla­ces the Cardinals small skill in Greek, sheweth sufficiently his great skill in that Language.

That skill, and his facility in speaking Italian, made him to be invited to the Journey of Constantinople, with an Embassadour whom King Henry the Fourth prepared to send to the Grand Signiors Porta, as one fit to commune with the Grecians, and to be imployed in the businesses of the Levant. A condition which Mr. de Buzanual his great friend exhorted him by all means to embrace rather then the Ministry, representing to him the poverty annexed to that Profession, the continual toyl, the dangers, the hatred of the Roman Clergy, in Paris es­pecially, where he should have a sore labour and great oppositions. The truth is, that the comeliness of his Person, the dexterity of his Wit, and his pleasant and charming Conversation, seemed to invite him rather to the businesses of the world, then to those of the Church. But the King having altered his mind, and chosen another Embassadour, Du Moulin took it as a Divine declaration that God would not have him to think of another employment then that holy Office to which he had invited him before.

Every year in the long vacation Mr. de Buzanual, who loved him most dear­ly, would have him near him, and sometimes would bring him to the Army, where he beheld the conduct of a Siege, and learned to sleep without a bed. In his Diary he describeth the delight he took in the taking of Groninghen, where he saw the Fryars packing up their trinkets, and a bonfire made of wooden Ima­ges in the Market-place.

He lived with great credit and comfort in Holland, which he used to call his second Countrey: Yet being continually sollicited by the Church of Paris, and more by an especial invitation of God to take upon him the holy Calling of the Ministry, he took his leave of the Curators of the University, who put the Learn­ed Everardus Vorstius in his place. For a Farewel to the University he dedi­cated to the Curators a Poeme called Batavia, an Elegant piece, printed among his Philosophical works.

He left Leyden in August 1598. and went to the Hague to his great Friend the Embassador Monsieur de Buzanual, to whom he declared his desire to go in­to France through the Arch-Dukes Countrey, to see Antwerp and Bruxels: But a great obstacle to that desire, was, the sharp war between Holland and the Archduke, and the great cost, and the long time required to get a pass from him. The Embassador told him he could help him to go to Antwerp without a Pass, and innocently gave him a most pernicious counsel, though in this re­spect most useful, that it made him feel one of the rarest experiences of Gods Fatherly Love and watchful Providence that ever befell to any of Gods children.

The Counsel was this. The Embassador knew a Merchant of Rotterdam na­med Vanderweck, an intimate friend of the Governour of Antwerp, Alfonso Mexia: For that Governours Brother being taken prisoner in a Combat by [Page] Prince Maurice, this Vanderweck paid his Ransom, and sent him to his Brother, who ever since that great kindness admitted Vanderwecks Letters to him as a Pass for any that carried them, and his Letters the Embassadour undertook to pro­cure for Du Moulin. This being confirmed by many others that Vanderwecks Letters were a sure Pass, Du Moulin went to him with the Embassadours Let­ters, and got other Letters from him to recommend him to the Governour of Antwerp. Trusting on that pass, he imbarqued himself at Rotterdam in a Barque bound for Antwerp. The Barque cast Anchor before Ordham, a place garrison'd by the Spaniard, not daring to go further, because there the Passes of the pas­sengers were to be examined. They of the garrison seeing the Barque anchored, sent another Barque with souldiers to examine the Passes; and the Master of the Holland Barque called upon all the passengers to have their passes ready. Du Moulin answered that he had none but Vanderwecks Letters to the Governour Alphonso Mexia. You are undone (said the Master) for a little before we cast anchor, a ship coming from Antwerp passd by us, and the Sailers told us that the souldiers of the Cittadel of Antwerp had mutined against the Governour, and made him prisoner; and now these Spaniards that are coming to us will carry you prisoner to Ordham, and miserably torment you, especially when they know who you are. In the mean while the Spanish Barque drew nigh, when by the admirable providence of God, another ship coming from Zealand came near, in which Du Moulin knew a friend of his, brother to Mr. Aureli­us, Minister of the French Church of London, and told him his distress. He ha­ving related this to his fellow-passengers, called to Du Moulin, and told him, Sir, pass to our ship in all haste, for here we have a German Gentleman that hath a Pass for himself and his servant, who being fallen sick, his Master hath left him in Zealand: If you come to us, you may pass for his man. So then Du Moulin did, and put on that servants Livery-coat, which the Gentleman had with him in the ship, and thus scaped that horrible imminent danger, for which he praised God all the days of his life.

Being come safe into France, and to Paris, the place where he was expected, he would not make himself known unto the Church there, till he had made him­self fit for their service, but went to his Father at Jargean, near Orleans, and there stayed three moneths, disposing himself with prayers and study for that great work. Neither would he then go to Paris, saying that he would begin his Prenticeship somewhere else then in the Church of Paris. The Church of Blois happening at the same time to be without a Pastour, desired his help till they were otherwise provided, which he accepted, and preached there two moneths. In the mean while the Church of Paris was sending him many summons, which finally he obeyed, and came to Paris the last day of February, 1599.

A few dayes before, Henry the Fourths Sister, Katharine de Bourbon, who after her Brothers revolt, presevered in the Protestant Religion until death, was married to the Duke of Bar, Son to the Duke of Lorraine. She used to be at­tended in her house by the Ministers of Paris, who served her by turns every one a quarter of a year. Being then to go into Lorraine with her Husband, the Church appointed Monsieur de Montigni, an ancient Minister, to attend her in that Journey: But Du Moulin then coming to Paris, the old Gentleman de­sired to be excused, and that the new Minister, as fitter to travel by reason of his age, might be chosen for that service. To which motion the Princess pre­sently inclined, having an especial liking to Du Moulin. He took then thar jour­ney; and because the Princess was entertained in Bishops Palaces and Abbeys, he did officiate in the Palace of the Bishop of Meaux, in that of the Bishop of Challons, and in the Abbey of Joverre.

The Harbingers of the Princess being come to Vitris le Francois, a Town of Champagne, addressed themselves to the chief Magistrate of the Town to pre­pare quarters for the Princess and her Court. A fair Cousin of the Magistrates, a young Widow, hearing of the coming of that Court, and fearing lest some disorderly person should be quarered in her house, came to desire him that she [Page] might have the Minister for her guest; for she had heard from Paris that an old Minister was chosen to attend the Princess.Her name was Marie de Colignon, one of the two coheirs of the House of Chalette. Since then she would have the Mini­ster, she had him, and was won to be his wife. She brought to him a fair Estate, and the best portion of all, a rare piety and exemplary vertue; God having appoint­ed it so by a sweet providence, that the consort that was to make him happy, should demand him.

Since his establishment at Paris, till the death of the Kings Sister, which was five years after, he made a journey into Lorraine every Spring, either with her or to her, and having served his quarter at her Court, returned to Paris. There the Princess was most part of the year, and would have Du Moulin daily with her, though out of his quarter, and sent often for his son, a little child, to play with him. Du Moulin made use of that favour to confirm her Highness in the true Religion, of which there was great need: For the Pope prest the King to make his Sister turn Catholick; and the King to please the Pope, did what he could for it, employing the most learned and subtil of his Clergy to seduce her, es­pecially Du Perron, then Bishop of Eureux, and Father Cotton. These two had several bickerings with him, but yet had soon done; for being worsted, and not used to deal with such an Adversary, they did avoid to meet with him, leaving others of the Court-Clergy to try their fortune with him. By them he was baited and provoked continually, but alwayes with such ill success for them, that he became generally feared and esteemed together, and none but bold new comers, and such as knew him not, durst grapple with him. The Author in the 7th. Book of this work, in the 3d. Controversie, 2 Ch. giveth account of an occasi­onal encounter of his with M. Du Perron. But they had another which was a pitched field. It was at the Court before a few, but grave and select Assistants. After some Dispute, when Du Perron gave back to the force of an argument; and was at a loss, some body hid behind the hanging cryed up One. And when the like happened to him the second time, the same voice cryed up two, and so till five. Upon which Du Perron complaining of interruption, broke the Con­ference. But before they parted, the company obliged the two Disputants never to publish any thing about that meeting, which Du Moulin promis'd and kept; but I never promis'd it, and am not bound to keep all my Fathers promises. Since that meeting these two Adversaries bore a mutual respect the one to the other. The Baron of Mountataire told me, that being at Cardinal Du Perrons table, and some discourse of Religion and Ministers being moved, one President Che­valier said that Du Moulin was an Ass; Upon which the Cardinal answered the President, You do him wrong Sir; He is such an Ass, that no man ever rubbed against him, but returned with a kick. And I have often heard my Father com­mending Du Perron as the nimblest adversary that ever he met with. In his Pre­face to this work, he giveth him his due commendation.

One Beaulieu Bouju, a young Clergyman, having got some Manuscripts of Du Perron about the Eucharist, made use of them to write against Du Moulin, who thereby was provoked to answer him, and confute him. There are letters extant and printed among Du Perron's works, wherein he chides that Beaulieu Bouju, both for stealing, and more for ill using his Meditations, and tells him in substance, that though he could get his weapon, yet he could not wield it. But when Du Perron would wield his own weapon, he had no better success, as it is ju­stified by this work.

King Henry the 4th. to satisfie the Court of Rome and the French Clergy of the care he took of his Sisters Conversion, would often desire her to hear the Sermons of his Chaplains, which she would not yield unto, till once being made sensible how the Kings credit was interessed that she should once at the least hear one Court Sermon, she condiscended so far to the request of a King and a Brother, as to promise to hear Father Cotton; Who therefore was appointed to preach before the King and her, immediately after Du Moulins Sermon, and in the same room: For those two contrary services were performed in that room every Lords day morning, as long as the Princess lived, and was at the Court.

The Princess, to strengthen her self against that assault, gave notire of it to Du Moulin, and after his Sermon brought him into a private room, whence he might hear the Jesuites Oratory. It will not be unpleasant to the Reader to have a taste of it. His subject was of the dwelling of the Holy Ghost in the soul, and he made his entry into that matter after this manner. I went once to visit the Hospital of fools, where a grave old man received me kindly at the door, and went about with me to shew me the distracted persons, and inform me about their several kinds of folly. Here is one (said he) that thinks himself made of snow, and will not come neer the fire for fear of melting. This thinks himself me­tamorphosed into an earthen pitcher, and will not come neer a wall, nor suffer any to come neer him, for fear of being broken with a knock. These four have a more re­fined kind of folly; for they think themselves top-full with the spirit of Prophecie. One will be Elias, another Jeremiah, another Daniel, another S. Paul. But I that am the Holy Ghost, can assure you Sir, that they are all either fools or impostors, for I never sent them. Thus the reverend Senior, after he had given me the character of other fools, gave me his own; and I could not find any grain of folly in him, so wisely and rationally he spoke, till he took upon him to be the Holy Ghost. The like folly is to be seen among those of the pretended Reformed Religion: There you shall find wise and Religious Princesses [intimating the Kings Sister] wise and faithful Treasurers [intimating the Duke of Sully] wise and valiant Generals of Ar­mies [intimating the Duke of Bovillon] wise and learned Councellours of State [intimating Mr. du Plessis Mornay] all wise in all things, but that they think they have the Holy Ghost, and have it not. The Sermon was suitable to the Pre­face, and wrought a suitable effect in the hearers, making them all merry, but no Converts.

In the end of the year 1601. time and place being appointed for a Confe­rence between Du Moulin and Cayer, sometimes a Minister, and then a Doctor of Serbon, Cayer put off the meeting several times, till the Kings Sister going to Lorrain, took Du Moulin along with her. In his absenc Cayer put forth a Book with this Inscription, A Conference by Ministers granted, and by them­selves refused. In which Book he accused Du Moulin of deserting his cause, and running away. But Du Moulin being returned in May to Paris, the challenge was renewed on both sides: So they met May 28. 1602. in a house next to the Kings Sisters house. The Conference held a fortnight. They had Scribes on both sides; a world of hearers, and good order kept. The questions agitated, propounded by Cayer himself, were, Of the Sacrifice of the Mass; Of the Ado­ration of the Pope; and of the veneration of holy Images. Cayer was assisted with two Doctors, Carmelites. Du Moulin had no Assistant. Towards the midst of the Conference the Faculty of Sorbon grievously censured Cayer for ill defend­ing the Catholick Cause, and suffering the Adversary to wade too deep into questions: And the Bishop of Paris forbad him to sign that which he had indi­cted to the Scribes. Since that time the Popish party sought occasions to break. The Carmelites feigned to be afraid, because there were so many swords in the company. Gentlemen of their own party bade them to fear nothing, represent­ing to them that Gentlemen will seldom appear abroad without their swords: That they were more in number then the Protestants, and that Paris wanted neither Lawes nor Justices. The Protestants said for their part, that they were of old in possession of suffering, and that violence was as remote from their thoughts, as it would be disadvantagious for them, considering their small num­ber, and the place and condition they lived in. So the Conference continued; but Cayer remembring that he had been chid, would make frequent protesta­tions that he was not authorized to confer, and that he did it meerly out of his own zeal. But the Doctors of Sorbon perceiving that the more the Conference continued, the more their cause was discredited, came in a body to the Kings Advocate in the Court of Parliament, to complain of that Conference, saying, that it was a pernicious thing, tending to sedition; that they had contrived how to break it, and that the effects of it would shortly appear. This hindred [Page] not Du Moulin from coming to the ordinary place where he was befor Cayer. He found the door shut and a great croud of people at the door. The Master of the house came to him, and shewed him Letters without subscription from a person of quality, who advised him to lend his house no more for that Con­ference, shewing him the inconvenience that might follow, and threatning him of imprisonment: Wherefore the Gentleman desired Du Moulin to seek ano­ther house for the Conference. Du Moulin answered, that it was a trick to break off, which he had been warned of before, and desired him not to be moved with groundless fears, and that he would but let him come into his yard. This was denied. But Cayer coming soon after, the door was opened to him, and the people pressing in after him, Du Moulin got in with the croud. There they considered how to get another place for their meeting. But the Conference being, though not forbidden, yet discountenanced by authority, no body durst offer his house for it. So the parties agreed to continue the Conference in writing, and to publish nothing but by mutual consent. But Du Moulin asked two conditions, upon which Cayer brake. The one that the Conference should be limited, and that it should not be permitted to make replies in infinitum, but Cayer would have no limitation. The other, that Cayer should sign the Acts of that Conference till that day, which Cayer utterly refused, saying, It was enough that it was subscribed by the Scribes. When Du Moulin represented to him what disgrace he put upon himself and his cause, and challenged and dared him, saying, That he durst not stand to that he had spoken, and indited himself: Cayer answered, that he cared neither for the talk of people, nor for darings and challenges. And to get out of that mire he moved a question to Du Mou­lin, Whether he could tell after what manner of Creation the Angels were Created: Du Moulin, knowing that this was their last meeting, answered, that the question in hand was only of subscribing the Acts. But Cayer refused it again, turned his back, and said, You shall hear of me: And so went away to the great scandal of the Romanists there present, who could not conceal their indignation. A Protestant made the company laugh, saying, That Cayer was not yet of age to sign.

Cayer being gone forth, and Du Moulin yet in the Hall of the house, Cayers friends flockt about him in the street, and represented to him the great wrong he did to himself, and the cause, by denying to sign; not knowing that he had done more harm to himself and the Roman Church if he had signed. They prest him then to return, and to sign. But not being able to perswade him to it, they returned to Du Moulin, and desired him not to press Cayer to sign presently, and to limit only the time of every reply, not the number of the replies. Du Moulin answered, that he persevered in that he had said pub­lickly, That it was too late to contend after that Cayer was fled. And that he had to do with Cayer, not with them.

Thus was the Conference broken to the great satisfaction of many faithfull souls, and the instruction of many ignorant Papists, who since gave glory to God by an open profession of the Truth.

This was a famous Conference, done with great order and fair dealing, in a very full audience, and in the greatest light of France. The Acts of the Con­ference are extant published by Archibald Adaire a Reverend Bishop of Scot­land, What was the end of that Doctor Cayer, I choose rather to let the Reader know it by others then by me.

The Doctors of the faculty of Sorbon, stung with the ill success of this Con­ference, provoked him to another, in which the body of the University took interest. They were to oppose three days upon what points they thought best: And Du Moulin was to oppose three days also, and choose what points he pleased. He was then Respondent for three days, and found in the Dispute that blessing of God which never was wanting to him in the defense of his Truth. After the dispute of the third day, he being returned home, and retired to his Study, a man in a Priests habit came in the dark evening up the stairs, and [Page] knockt at his study door: when Du Moulin had half opened it, the man thrust the door with all his strength to have rusht in; and Du Moulin with all his strength, in which he was inferiour to few men of his size, kept him out, and called for help. They were a while thrusting one against the other, till the man hearing some stirring below at Du Moulins call, ran down the stairs in great haste, and so into the street. We suppose, upon probable ground, that the man was come to kill him before he presented himself to be Opponent, accord­ing to the Covenants of the Conferenre; which the Adversaries would by no means suffer him to be, as it appeared the next morrow; for when he went to the appointed place, he met with a prohibition from the King to continue that Conference any longer.

These passages raised his reputation very high, whereby God was glorified, his Truth confirmed, and his Church edified, and increased with many Con­verts.

About that time a passage of another nature contributed to advance his esteem in the world. His wife being grievously sick, he desired the Kings Physiti­ons, with whom, by reason of his ordinary waiting at the Court, he was well acquainted, to visit her, and make a consultation about her. He had then at once five or six of the most renowned Physitions of the time; among others, Duretus, Quercetanus, Laurentius, Gorrhaeus, men that have left a great fame behind them. And as the manner of Physitions is in France, in their consulta­tions, they made learned and elegant Latine discourses about the business which they were called for. Du Moulin craved leave, though no Physition, yet as husband to the patient, acquainted with the disposition of her body, to speak among them. Which he did, and with his Latine elegancy and facility, made them a deep discourse of Anatomy, and of the indications and cure of the dis­ease, which brought these Physitions to a great admiration, and they both praised, and followed his advice. Doctor James Primrose, the Learned Phy­sition of Hull, hath told me divers times, that when our two Fathers had made an exchange of their eldest Sons for a year or two, my Father made him private Lectures upon the Aphorisms of Hippocrates, with geeat judgement and learn­ing. These two passages I relate together, because of the likeness of the sub­ject, though the last was twelve years posteriour.

But to return to his proper sphere. The last sickness of the Kings sister gave a great exercise to his zeal and industry, whereby he did faithfully and constant­ly assist her in that extremity. And there was need of constancy and courage in that service; for the Court-Clergy, Du Perron especially, did their utmost to pervert her, and to fright him away. When she drew neer to her end, Du Moulin standing by her Bed-side, Du Perron came and said he was sent by the King, and would remove him by plain force. But Du Moulin held fast the Bed post; and when Du Perron told him, that he was to take place uf him in all companies, Du Moulin answered that his place was before Du Perrons at the Princesses Bed-side, and in that service. The threatnings made to him in the Kings name he valued not, and said, he believed not that the King would offer violence to his Sisters conscience, appealing to her self, and beseeching her Highness to declare her pleasure. She declared that she would die in the Reformed Religion, and that she would have Du Moulin to stay by her. Where­upon Du Perron withdrew, and the good Princess persevered in Gods holy Truth to her last breath. The King wisht she had died in the Roman profession, and did all he could, without violence, to pleasure the Court of Rome in that point. And Du Moulin had an opinion ever since that the King bore him ill will for thus crossing his intentions. The Princess left to Du Moulin a great Rose of Diamonds for a Legacy; but her Executors sent him one of false stones.

Besides verbal Conferences which he had very frequently, he had many con­ferences in writing, and answered many Books written against him, whence he had occasion to treat of all the controversies between us and the Church of Rome, and to publish divers Books, which were blessed instruments in Gods [Page] hand for the conversion of many. The pureness of his French, and the ingeni­ous simplicity of his stile generally esteemed, was a great introduction for his Books into all Companies. Many of the Romanists would read his Books and hear his Sermons, only for the Language, and many times were happily decei­ved, finding in his Language that which they sought not, and were converted by the evidence of Spirit and power that was in his words.

In one of his Books dedicated to his Father, a friend of his did write, and in­geniously apply to him these verses of Virgil.

Et nos tela, Pater, ferrumque haud debile dextra
Spargimus, & nostro sequitur de vulnere sanguis.

King James of blessed and glorious memory before his coming to the Crown of England, sent expressions of Royal favour to the Consistory of Paris, who chose Du Moulin to address their humble thanks by Letters to his Majesty. And when his Majesty publisht his Confession of Faith, against which Coeffeteau (since Bishop of Marseille) writ an eloquent Book, Du Moulin undertook the Defence of the Kings Confession, and writ a French Book with that Title, which was most welcom to the King, and to the English Clergy; and his Majesty, made Royal and bountifull expressions of his acceptance. Since that time the King honoured Du Moulin with his Letters, and required many Letters from him, having an especial liking for all that came from his Pen.

And because other Adversaries besides Coeffeteau had writ against the King, Du Moulin writ another Book in his defence in Latin, intituled, De Monarchia Pontificis Romani.

Although Henry the fourth was displeased with Du Moulin for crossing his intentions about his sister, yet he esteemed him. A little before he was stabbed in the midst of his preparations for an Expedition into Flanders, he called an old Protestant, his trusty Servant, called La Chesnaye, and spoke thus to him; La Chesnaye, I am preparing for a great journey, and have used my best care that all may be quiet in my Kingdom in my absence. Two sorts of stirring wits I consider as apt to cause disturbance, Jesuits and young Ministers. For Jesuits, I have imployed fit Agents to deal with them. For Ministers, you must be one of my Agents. When I am gone, go to Du Moulin, Tell him that I remember his good services to my sister, That I desire him to pray for the prosperity of my person and journey, and to be quiet in my absence, sending no challenges and receiving none; And give him this purse from me: After the Kings death, which was very few days after, La Chesnaye delivered the message from the King to Du Moulin, and presented him with the purse. Du Moulin never inquired what was in it, but refused it. Most men would have made no scruple to take it; and it is like that the Gentleman made no scruple to keep it for himself.

Upon the murther of that great King, Du Moulin put forth that famous Book called Anticoton, in which he proved, that the Jesuits were Authors of that horrible parricide. Though he put not his name to it, the Jesuits soon knew that it was his Work, and made an answer to it directed unto him; because there was in the Anticoton an Anagram of Father Cotton, which fathered the Kings death upon him thus,

  • PIERRE COTON
  • PERCE TON ROI

They also made this Anagram upon Du Moulins name,

  • PETRƲS DƲ MOƲLIN
  • ERIT MƲNDO LƲPƲS

With these Verses:

Petri hostis Petrus Christi insidiatur ovili,
Quo deglubere, quo dilaniare queat,
More lupi: & vere lupus est cui nomen & omen
Et mores insunt ingeniumque lupi.

Which Verses Du Moulin answered thus.

Quisquis es insulso qui fundis acumine versus,
Hellespontiaco victima digna Deo;
Quam frustra vacuum scalpsisti sinciput? O quos
Rifus Hybrida vox semilatrina movet!
Dum tua mens varie turbata elementa pererrat,
Et spargis virus nomen in innocuum:
Quin & in hoc casu quaedam est industria, dum tu
In laudem imprudens nomina nostra trahis.
Namque lupo cohibemus equos; agitator eqourum
Improbioris equi comprimit ora lupo;
Qui in gyrum cogit, facilique peritus habena
Compositos gressus agglomerare docet.
Ergo lupus mundo est, qui fraenans ora lupato
Dura, per erorrum devia monstrat iter.
Nec mirum si nos, Papalis verna culinae,
Si ciniflo Satanae, dixerit esse lupos:
Cum Christum Satanam Pharisaeus dicat appella,
Nemo bonus secum mitius optet agi.
Ergo Dei servum vanis latratibus urgens,
Meque lupum appellans de sinat esse canis.

King James's love to Du Moulin increasing, he would see him, and by Sir Theodore Mayerne who took a journey to Paris in February, 1615. he invited him very earnestly to come over to him. The Consistory of Paris opposed that motion, being perswaded that if he went once over into England, he would never return. But Du Moulin removed that jealousie by his solemn promise with an oath made in publick to the Church of Paris, that he would return shortly. So he obtained his leave, and in March following went over into Eng­land with Sir Theodore Mayerne, taking along with him Captain John Du Mou­lin his half brother.

The King received him with extraordinary favour, and would have him neer his person very often. Almost every day while the King was at dinner, Du Mou­lin stood behind his Chair; and several times the King shut up himself with Sir Theodore Mayerne and Du Moulin, for no other business but to enjoy their company, which his Majesty was extraordinarily pleased with. And the truth is, that he could hardly have pickt in all the world two persons of a more ingenious and pleasant conversation.

Two moneths before Du Moulins coming into England, Du Perron had made an Oration in the States of Blois, where he had maintained that the Pope had the power to depose Kings, and had used King James very ill; and having publisht it in Print, he sent it to his Majesty: To answer that Oration his Majesty made use of Du Moulins service for the French Language, and it was Printed the first time in French while Du Moulin was in England, in that year 1615. before it was Printed in English.

The King going to Cambridge carried Du Moulin along with him, and made him take the degree of Doctor: Then was Ignoramus acted the second time be­fore the King. Doctor Du Moulin would have excused himself from seeing that Play, but the King would needs have him to see it: Yet the King could not make him conceal the offence he took, when he was told that sundry of the Actors were men in Orders; and that some that had acted it the first time, were sent for from the Churches to which they had been promoted, to act it the second time.

Of this he exprest his dislike, even in the pulpit, and before the King; for his Majesty having commanded him to preach in French before him in Greenwich Chappel, he took for his Text, Rom. 1.15. and was so ill a Courtier in his Sermon, as to say that the Ministers of the Gospel in the antient Church would [Page] not be spectators, and much less would have been Actors of Stage Plays. Yet the Sermon was so well accepted at the Court, that the most illustrious Prince of Wales (since King Charls the first) was pleased to require a copy of it, and gave a fair Diamond Ring to the Doctor.

After three moneths stay the King going to his Progress, he took his leave of his Majesty, who would have staid him in England, and highly advanced him. And when nothing would perswade him to stay, the King said to him, not with­out some anger, that he was unworthy to have the love of a King, and gave him a Prebend at Canterbury, and to his brother a chain of gold.

In that time of his stay in England he contracted friendship with many wor­thy Divines, especially with Doctor Andrews the Reverend and Learned Bishop of Ely, and since of Winchester, who was very favourable to him, and renewed many of his old acquaintances of Cambridge.

In his return he was installed in his Canons place at Canterbury: In his admis­sion the Dean and Chapter offered him the Oath of Allegiance, and the Oath of Canonical obedience which he took, but with this exception, which was al­lowed him; As far as it doth not prejudice the Allegiance due to my King.

Two or three years after, the King gave him a Rectory sine cura: These two Benefices were rented for 200. l. per annum.

The Doctor landed at Bullen where Monsieur de Campagnoles was Gover­nour for the Duke of Espernon. It was the time when the French Princes began to stir against Mary the Queen Mother of France. And because the Prince of Conde was courting the Reformed Churches to joyn with him in that design, the Doctor was suspected, as having taken that journey to procure help from Eng­land for the Princes. Wherefore Campagnoles was charged to arrest him at his landing, which he did, and committed him to the guard of two Souldiers, sei­zed upon his Trunks and Papers, and searched them. But after two days he re­leased him, and desired him to tell no body of the wrong he had done him.

How ill grounded that suspicion was, his following actions did justifie: For the Doctor finding at his return, that the Protestants began to engage with the Princes against the Queen Mother, and in effect against the King, who was then declared Major by the Parliament, he disswaded them from it as much as he could, both by Sermons and Letters. And to him the Court was obliged, that all the Protestant Towns on this side of Loire kept in the Kings obedience. He shewed, that he did it not to serve the times, but God. For the Queen having sent the same Monsieur de la Chesnaye (who had been sent to him before from Henry the fourth) to thank him for his good service to the King, and to give him a present in money, and exhort him to continue his good affection; The Doctor answered, that he needed no money to be loyal to his King, and refused to take it. When la Chesnaye urged him to it, saying, That it was a disrespect to refuse a Royal Liberality: The Doctor answered, that if he would give it him in pre­sence of the Consistory of Paris he would take it; but it was more then la Ches­naye had Commission to do. The declaring of the Politick Assembly of the Pro­testants for the Prince of Conde in the year 1616. was the greatest errour that ever they committed. And they smarted for it (as Du Moulin had foretold them) when once the young King had got more age and vigour.

Doctor Du Moulin after his return out of England was persecuted more then ever with disputes. The Jesuit Arnoux, a Court Preacher, sent a Challenge to the Ministers of Paris, to appear before the Queen Mother to give account of their Religion, preacht fire and sword against them before their Majesties, and sent them a Pamphlet full of heavy accusations. The Doctor was charged by his Colleagues to make an answer to it. Which he did, and addressed it to the King. In that answer by way of just recrimination, he affirmed, that he had seen in the Colledge of the Jesuits at la Flesche, a picture of the Martyrs of their Order, and in that rank some Traitors who had been executed for conspi­ring against the life of their Kings. That the maximes of the Jesuits were per­nicious to Kings, whereas the doctrine of the Protestants maintained their life, [Page] their authority, and their States: And the Pastours of the Reformed Churches taught their people fidelity and obedience to the King. Then he represented the many perils and combats which the Protestants had sustained for the defence of King Henry the Fourth, till they had brought him to the Crown. Of which ser­vices, they that had been the Kings Enemie received the reward. This An­swer of the Ministers was presented to the King by the Duke of Rohan.

Such a bold address to the Soveraign power, did irritate the great Officers of the Crown, of whom not a few, or their Fathers, had been of the party of the League. The Jesuites therefore letting their challenge fall, indicted the Mini­sters of Treason, although all the ground they could find for it, was, that the Ministers called the reformed Churches their people, as if they had pretended some soveraignty over them.

The Chamber of the Edict (a Court consisting half of Papists, half of Prote­stant Judges) would take knowledge of that business. But the Great Chamber would not let them, pretending that to the Great Chamber belonged the cog­nizance of crimes of Treason. Three weeks they were contending about that. At the end of whiche the Councel of State took the cognizance of it from them both, and by that time the heat of the Statesmens wrath was allayed. The Mi­nisters being summoned before the Councel, the indictment of Treason was not much urged, as being but a cavil. And it was wittily eluded; for whereas it was objected to them that they called their Churches nos peuples, it was answered, that the N was a u turned upside down, and should be read vos peuples, so that the Ministers speaking to the King, call'd their Churches your not our people. The Lords of the Councel smiled, and were contented to have one cavil wiped off with another. Only after grave admonitions and high threatnings by Chan­cellor Bruslart, they dismissed them.

That challenge of Arnoux, and a Pamphlet of his against the Confession of Faith of the Reformed Churches of France, occasioned the Doctor to write his Buckler of the Faith.

The Jesuites, who compass sea and land to make a Proselyte, had devised this feat of Legerdemain, that when they saw a person of quality (for those especi­ally they hunt after) little grounded in the Protestant Religion, ill stored with piety, and gaping after preferments (which are all confined to the Popish par­ty) they tempted him to change his profession; and after they had partly by arguments, partly by promises, won him to their side, they made him promise not to declare his resolution to change till after a Conference between two Di­vines of the two Religions, that his declaration might assign the victory of the Conference to their side. But when they would give fire to that mine, com­monly it turned upon them that had sprung it: For thereby the perverted per­sons were either reclaimed in good earnest, or by the evident ill success of the Jesuites compelled for shame to remain in their former profession. Divers times these Jesuite have tryed to serve Doctor Du Moulin with that trick, but un­fortunately. A Gentleman called Liembrune, corrupted by the Jesuite Gontier, had promis'd him to declare himself a Roman Catholck after a Conference of the said Jesuite with Doctor Du Moulin. And having taken his lodging at the same street as the Doctor, with whom he had got some familiarity, he drew him once into his chamber, where the Doctor found a great company of per­sons of quality, most of them Ladies, who, as they had been instructed by Gon­tier, began to question the Doctor about his calling. And upon that Gontier came to the door in a coach full of books, and being come up to the company, he asked what they were speaking of? A Lady said, I was desiring Monsieur Du Moulin to satisfie my curiosity about his calling. The Doctor, to put the Jesuite upon the defensive part, said, I answered the Lady, that a man of your sort, that will question another about his calling, obligeth himself to prove his own. And since the calling of Priest in the Roman Church is to be a sacrificer of the body of Christ, I desire you, Sir, to shew me the institution of that Priesthood, and in what place of Scripture God commanded that the body of his Son should be sacrified. The [Page] Jesuite answered, that it might easily be proved; called for Bibles and Concordan­ces, and was seeking and turning leaves a great while. But being unable to find a thing that is not, he retired silent, full of anguish and confusion into a corner of the room. Upon which Liembrune grew angry, and told Gontier, Father, you told me, that if I brought a Minister before you, you would confound him; Here is one, and you stand dumb before him. After that Conference Li­embrune defamed Gontier everywhere, and was confirmed in the true Reli­gion.

Another Jesuite came to the Doctors study to dispute with him. Monsieur de Monginot, a famous Physician, was present at the Conference, whereby he was converted, and set out an excellent Book of the reasons why he abjured Popery.

An Eminent Protestant Lady, widow to the Marshal of Fernaques, Gover­nour of Normandy, being sick to death, was very much sollicited by the Prince of Joinville, called since Duke of Chereuse, whom she intended to marry, to change Religion on her death-bed; and he used the interest he had in her, to make her a Roman Catholick. The Doctor going to visit her, could not be ad­mitted till Monsieur de Roissy, a person of high quality, went in with a great at­tendance, and with him the Doctor came to her bed-side. As he began to speak to the sick Lady, Monsieur de Salles, the titular Bishop of Geneva, came in, sent by the Princess of Piemont, the Kings Sister, to exhort her to die in the Roman profession. Whereupon, when some contestation arose between the Bishop and Doctor Du Moulin, Monsieur de Roissy spake thus to the sick Lady; Madam, it is no more time to dissemble, speak openly, Will you have my Lord Bishop of Ge­neva to comfort you, and pray by you, or will you have Monsieur Du Moulin to do that office? The Lady answered, I desire Monsieur Du Moulin to take that pains. Then the Bishop and many Roman Catholicks went out of the room. Some re­mained, who while the Doctor was praying, made mouths at him, to abuse and interrupt him. He did his part to dispose and strengthen her in her last combat. After he had been there half an hour or more, three Lords, one of them Monsieur d' Andelot, came up to him, and told him, Monsieur du Moulin, there is below a company of Princesses and great Ladies that desire to see you confer with my Lord Bishop. The Doctor answered, My Lords, do you not make that motion purposely to take me off from the last office which I do to this Lady, and to keep me from returning hither? All three promis'd upon their honour, that after the Conference ended, they would let him into the room co continue the Office which he was about. The Doctor followed them into a large room, where the Dutchess Dowager of Longueville was with many other great persons, and asked them upon what point they would have the Bishop and him to confer; The Ladies desired that they should speak of those words of Christ, This is my body.

The Doctor said, that the clear Exposition of those words was given by S. Paul, 1 Cor. 10.16. The bread which we break, is it not the communion of the body of Christ? The Bishop answered, that the same Apostle affirmeth that it is the very body of Christ that we eat, 1 Cor. 11.24. Christ said to his Disciples, Take, eat, this is my body. I wonder (said the Doctor to the Bishop) how you have the con­fidence to alledge that Text which your Church hath so foully falsified: For whereas St. Paul relates how Christ said, Take, eat, this is my body which is broken for you, The Roman Church hath put in her version, which shall be delivered for you, lest that it should be known that Christ speaks of a body which may be broken in the Sacra­ment, which cannot be said of the true body of Christ. The Bishop then taxed the Doctor with calumny, maintaining that in the vulgar Roman version it was set down, which is broken. Bibles were brought forth, and it was found that the Doctor said true. This silenced the Bishop, and broke the Conference. The Dutchess of Longueville took the Doctor aside, and told him that she had heard much of him; but now that she had both seen and heard him, it would be an excess of joy to her if he would turn Catholick. The Doctor answed, that he [Page] would willingly do it, and in her sense, if it might be shewed him in the word of God, that God hath commanded the Priest to sacrifice the body of Christ. Then taking leave of the company, he went up to the sick Lady, who soon after gave up the ghost.

These are few of his many encounters. If I would relate all his Conferences, they might fill a great volume. Scarce was he a week without one, while he lived in Paris, and some of them were very long. He was the object of the publick hatred of the Romanists. His name was the general Theam of libels cryed up in the street, of railing Sermons in all pulpits, and of the curses of ignorant zealots. They that durst not come near that Lion, barked at him afar off. And because the Adversaries could not overcome him in conference, they tried two other wayes.

The one was to win him by preferments from the Reformed party. I will not make this Relation so Romance-like, as to say all that he might have had from the Court of France, and that of Rome. I will relate but one passage of my particular remembrance; That one of the prime men of Paris came to him; how haughtily he lookt upon us all, I remember still. His errand to the Doctor was to this purpose. ‘Sir, my name is N. N. You cannot but know that it is the best name of the civil Corporation of Paris. I come to declare unto you the great compassion I have, that a man of such eminent parts as your self, should be imployed to defend Heresie, and engaged with the sordid Hugonot party; Among whom, after all your services, and all the hatred which you sustain for their sakes, you can leave your Family but meanly provided for: Whereas if you will embrace the Catholick Cause, I that speak to you, will pro­vide for your Family, and I undertake for my self and others of my name in Pa­ris to settle eight thousand livres per annum in good land upon your self and your heirs for ever.It was at that time full 800 l. a year. The Doctor imitating his haughty way, answered him; Sir, I perceive that you value me at a very low rate; for if I could be won to com­mit that great wickedness, I might have twenty times more. No other thanks did he give him, and no more discourse would he have with him. I remember that they parted very abruptly.

That way succeeding not, they went about to make him away. Divers At­tempts were made against his life, besides that which I related before. One evening after Sun-set, two men with long black cloaks came to his house; One of them staid at the door to keep the egress free for his fellow, who went softly into the parlour, and so to the Doctor, without speaking a word, keeping his hands under his cloak. The Doctor judging by his countenance that he came with a mischievous intent, removed further, and put a chair in the mans way. The man turned about the chair and the table, pursuing him: Then came the Doctors servant, a proper strong man, who repulsed the fellow with threatnings, and put him out of the house.

Another came to the same parlour while the Doctor was at dinner, and came near him with his hands under his cloak. The same servant took up a daggers scabbard which the man had let fall, and gave it him, saying, Get you gone, you have mist your blow for this time. The fellow, without answering one word, took his scabbard and went away.

Another came to his house with the like intent, in all likelyhood, at seven a clock at night in the short days, and asked to speak with the Doctor. But when he began to speak, he faultered in his speech, and quaked, and changed colour; which Mrs. Du Moulin perceiving, stept between her husband and the man, and told him, Friend, you are come with a wicked design. The man made no Apo­logy, and departed.

One night, about two or three a clock, when the Doctor and his Family were abed, one knockt at the door with great noise, and being told from within that the Doctor was asleep, he answered, that he must be awaked, for he must speak with him, and so continued knocking till the door was opened, and he would be brought to the Doctors bed-side; To whom he said, Sir, You will pardon me this unmannerly address to you at this undue hour, when you know that [Page] my errand is to save your life. I came this night to this City, in the Boat of Montereau, where a man acquainted me, that he had a present of Prunella's for you, which would rid the world of you. The bearer is easie to know, for he is blind of an eye, and will bring you these Prunella's from such a friend of yours; but taste them not, for they are poisoned.’ The next day a man blind of an eye did not fail to come to him with Boxes of Prunella's, but the Doctor would not speak with him, and sent him back with his Boxes.

Twice was his house besieged by a rabble of people to destroy him and his Fa­mily, but brought no greater Artillery then Muskets, wherewith they shot through the gate in several places: they assayed to break the door, but could not. These many attempts, made his Friends to desire him that he should never go abroad unattended, nor be at home without defence. He hearkened to their counsel, and got two stout servants, that had been Souldiers, that attended him with their swords: Yet that he walked so long among wilde beasts, and was not devoured, it is the Lords doing, and it is marvellous in our eyes.

While Doctor Du Moulin lived in Paris, he was invited by many Universi­ties to accept of the Chair of Divinity; but the Church of Paris would never part with him. That University which did most constantly and unwearedly wooe him, was that of Leyden, considering him still as a member of their body. They began in the year, 1611. and offered him the place of Arminius, then newly dead: And not only the Curators by frequent addresses to the Church of Paris and to him, but the States by their Embassadors, and the Prince of Orange by his Letters, did from time to time demand him.

In the year, 1617. when the States of the United Provinces had desired the Churches of England, France, Germany, &c. to send some able Divines to the Synod of Dort, the Churches of France named four, Doctor Du Moulin, Chamier, Rivet and Chaune. But when the Doctor was making readie for his journey, he was forbidden by a Messenger of the Council of State of France to go out of the Kingdom, upon pain of Life: The like prohibition was made to the three other Divines.

The Lords States accepted of his good will very thankfully, and sent him the same present which they gave to the Deputies of their Synod, A large golden Medal with a chain of Gold, and two hundred Crowns of Gold.

A year after, the Lords States and the Curators of the University of Leyden renewed their former demand of Doctor Du Moulin to be their Divinity Rea­der. The Learned Erpenius was sent twice into France on that errand: And when he could not be obtained from the Church of Paris, they demanded, by the same Erpenius, the famous Rivet, and had him.

But the Church of Paris could keep no longer their dear Pastour whom they held so fast; and the ruine then ready to fall upon the generality of the French Churches did light upon him first. In the year 1620. a National Synod being called at Alais in Languedok, Doctor Du Moulin was sent Deputy to it, and he made account in his return to go out of the way to see Rochel. A little before he took that journey, My Lord Herbert of Cherbury, then Embassador of Eng­land in the Court of France, urged him very much to write to the King his Ma­ster, to exhort him to undertake vigorously the defence of his Son in Law the King of Bohemia. The Doctor represented to his Lordship, that it was too high a business for a man of his sort. My Lord Herbert represented to him again that his Letters were always very acceptable to his Majesty, and might work very much upon him. So the Doctor writ to the King, and delivered his Letters to the Lord Embassadors Secretary. Then immediatly he went to Alais where he was chosen President of the Synod.

In the mean while his Letters to King James went the wrong way, and were delivered to the Council of State of France; how, or by whom, the Doctor could never learn, or whether his Majesty ever received them. Howsoever it was, scarce was he in Languedok, when it was concluded at Paris in the Coun­sell of State, that he should be apprehended, and committed prisoner for ex­horting [Page] a Forraign King to take Arms for the defence of the Protestant Chur­ches. And because the Council was informed that the Doctor would return by Rochel (a place which then gave great jealousies to the Court) they would not take him before he had been there, the Informers against him intending to make his going to Rochel an Article of his Indictment. Doctor Du Moulin knowing nothing of all this, was sitting in the Synod, where he heard first the ill news of the taking of Prague, the overthrow of the King of Bohemia, and the ruine of many Churches in that Country. And at the same time the waste made in the Churches of Bearn by the Armies of King Lewis, and how the Protestants would keep a Politick Assembly at Rochel against the Kings will, which proved the cause of so many ruines that followed. Wherefore the Synod being ended, the Doctor Judged that it was an ill conjuncture of time for him to go to Rochel, and took the way of Lyons. In that resolution he was guided by a good pro­vidence; for if he had gone to Rochel, he should have been apprehended not far from that town after his coming out of it. At Lyons he received a Letter from Monsieur Drelincourt Minister of Paris, which gave him notice of his danger. This warning made him baulk the high way: yet he went to Paris, and entring the City in the night went directly to my Lord Herbert, who bade him to flie in haste for his life, which was in danger by the interception of his Letters to the King his Master. That very night then without so much as going to his house, he went out of Paris with his brother Capt. John Du Moulin to Lumigni a house of the Count de la Suze ten leagues from the City: There two Elders of the Church of Paris came to him from the Consistory, to desire him to remove himself out of the reach of those that waited for his Life: Which he did, and the next night travelled towards Sedan, a place then acknowledging the old Duke of Bovillon a Protestant Prince for Soveraign, where he came safe, by Gods mercy, in the beginning of the year, 1621. and was kindly received by the Duke to his house and table.

This was his parting with the Church of Paris; for although great means were made to appease the Court, and although many years after, the Indict­ment against him was taken off, and leave was given him to live in France, yet it was with that exception, that he should not live in Paris.

Being come to that separation, I cannot but cast a parting look upon that best part of his life, the time he lived in that great light of Paris which was one and twenty years: A time truly honourable to him, since in it he did much to the honour of God, whether we consider his publick service in the Church, which he edified with his frequent preaching full of evidence of spirit and power, seconded with the prime eloquence of the time, and encouraged with the throng­est concourse, and the greatest applause; or the many combats that he sustain­ed for Gods Truth, which still ended in so many Victories; Or the godliness and charity of his conversation: Or the fervent mutual love between him and his Flock; Or the envy and invectives of the adversaries; Or the favour of great Princes abroad; Or his great esteem in the opinion of his Soveraign, who courted him, though they hated him.

Paris being the great resort, not only of all France, but of all Europe, his house also was the resort of all the eminent persons of the Protestant Religion that came to Paris: seldom was his door in the afternoon without Coaches be­fore it.

Being visited by Englishmen, Germans, Dutch, Danes, Polanders, &c. he held himself especially engaged to love and serve the English Travellers, who also bore to him a singular respect. It was from them that the learned Doctor Heylin had that saying of his about the scruple of preaching with a Surplice; which I must confirm, as having heard it from his mouth: That he wisht that the Queen Regent would give him leave to preach before her, though it were in a Fryers coat. Doctor Heylins Friend told him in a Fools Coat: But the difference is not so great, but that man may take the one for the other without misprision.

Being known abroad by those that had never seen him, he received Letters out [Page] of most parts of Europe from the greatest persons of the Protestant party: The chief of them King James of glorious and blessed memory, his great and good Patron, from whom he had many Letters, which his children keep care­fully, as precious monuments of his religious mind, and of his Royal favour. He also being thus imboldened by his Majesty writ to him many Letters, which I have seen sowed up into a Book, kept in the Kings Paper Office, where I sup­pose they are still. He received also several presents from abroad, which did ra­ther honour, then inrich him.

I remember when he received from a Merchant of Dantzick, unknown to him, a present of Sables for a furred Gown, and he put them to that use, saying pleasantly, That they would have been too dear for him to buy, but that they were not too good to keep him warm.

Being come to Sedan, he was presently desired to accept of the place of Mi­nister of that Church, and of the chair of Divinity, then lately le [...]t by Tilenus in discontent, and by Andrew Melvin by death. He accepted of these places, but conditionally, in case that he could not obtain his restitution to the Church of Paris.

He found at Sedan much respect, and love from the Prince, and the Church, and the Academy; yet his parting from Paris proved very ruinous to him, and his Family; For having sold his wives Land in the Dutchy of Bar, and laid the money upon a piece of Land neer Paris, which was extended for debts, and bought the right of the first Creditor, the other Creditours took advantage of his absence, and disgrace, and got the Land adjudged unto them; for which he never got any redress.

Of these private losses he was less sensible, because the sad condition of the Reformed Churches did totally possess his thoughts and cares. And having had time and occasion while he was President of the Synod of Alais, and in his long journey to it and from it, [...]o know the evil posture of their affairs, he found himself prest in spirit to write to the Assembly of Rochel, that which his know­ledge and his zeal prompted to him.

Because that Epistle is a piece that giveth much light to the History of that time, and a wholesom lesson to all that pretend conscience and Religion for their resistance to their Soveraign by force of Armes, I will insert it here.

Gentlemen,

I Do not write to you to pour my sorrows into your bosom, or to entertain you with my private crosses: Upon that I need no comforter, accounting it a great honour that in the publick affliction of the Church God would have me to march in the Front. And I would account it a great happiness, if all the storm should light on my head, so that I were the only sufferer, and the Church of God should enjoy peace and prosperity. A more smarting care hath mo­ved me to write to you, & forced me to go beyond my nature, which was always averss from medling with publick businesses, and from moving out of the sphere of my proper calling. For seeing the general body of the Church in eminent danger, and upon the brink of a dismal precipice, it was not possible for me to keep silence: Nay, I cannot be silent in this urgent necessity without draw­ing upon me the guilt of insensibility, and cruelty, towards the Church of God. And I am full of hope, that while I deliver my minde to you about publick businesses, my domestick affliction wil free me from jealousies in your opinion: If it be not believed, at least I shall be excused. It becomes me not indeed to take upon me to give counsel to an Assembly of persons chosen out of the whole Kingdom to bear the burden of the publick affairs in a time so full of difficul­ties. Yet I think it is usefull for you to be truly informed what the sense and [Page] what the disposition is of our Churches, by persons that have a parti­cular knowledge of it.

The question being then whether you ought to separate your Assembly, to obey his Majesty, or keep together to give order to the affairs of the Chur­ches; I am obliged to tell you, that the general desire of our Churches is, that it may please God to continue our peace, in our obedience to his Majesty. And that seeing the King resolved to make himself obeyed by the force of his arms, they trust that you will do your best to avoid that storm, and rather yield unto necessity then to engage them in a War, which most certainly will ruine great part of our Churches, and will bring us into a trouble, of which we see the beginning, but can see no end. By obeying the King you shall take away the pretence used by those that set on his Majesty to persecute us: And if we must be persecuted, all that fear God, desire that it may be for the profession of the Gospel, and that our persecution may truly be the cross of Christ. In one word, I can assure you, Gentlemen, that the greatest and best part of our Chur­ches wisheth for your separation, if it may be with the safety of your per­sons: Yea that many of the Roman Church, desiring the publick peace, are continually about us, beseeching and exhorting us, that we do not by casting our selves headlong, involve them in the same ruine.

Hereupon we need not represent unto you, how terribly and generally our poor flocks are frighted and dismayed, casting their eyes upon you, as persons that may procure their rest, and by yeilding to the present necessity, blow away the storm hanging over their heads. Many already have forsaken the Land; Many have forsaken their Religion; whence you may judge what dissipation is like to follow, if this exasperation go on further.

No more do I need to recommend unto you to have a tender care of the preservation of our poor Churches, knowing, that you would choose death rather then to draw that reproach upon you, that you have hastened the per­secution of the Church, and destroyed that which the zeal of our Fathers had planted, and put this State in confusion.

I am not ignorant, that many reasons are alledged to perswade you to con­tinue your Assembly. They tell you that the King hath granted it; But for that grant of his Majesty you can shew no warrant, nor any written Declara­tion, without which all promises are but words lost in the ayr: For Kings be­lieve they have power to forbid that which they have permitted, and to revoke that which they have granted, when they judge it expedient for the good of their affairs. Neither is there any of you, after he hath sent his servant, or given him leave to go to some place, that thinks not that he hath power to call him back: Soveraign Princes especially are very unwilling to keep their pro­mises when they have been extorted.

Also great numbers of grievances and contraventions to to the Kings Edicts are represented unto you, which complaints to our great grief are too true: But besides that, we have given occasion to many of those evils our own selves; the difficulty lyeth not in representing our griefs, but in finding the remedies. Consider then whether the subsistence of your Assembly can heal all these sores; whether your sitting can give a shelter to our Churches, provide all things ne­cessary for a War, where the parties are so unequal, raise forces, and make a stock of money to pay them; whether all the good that your sitting can pro­duce, can countervail the dissipation of so many Churches, that lye open to the wrath of their enemies? whether when they are fallen you can raise them again? Whether in the evident division that is among us you are able to rallie the scattered parts of that divided body, which if it were well united, yet would be too weak to stand upon the defensive part.

Pardon me Gentlemen, if I tell you, that you shall not find all our Prote­stants inclined alike to obey your resolutions, and that the fire being kindled all about, you shall remain helpless beholders, of the ruine you have provoked. [Page] Neither can it be unknown to you, that many of the best quality among us, and best able to defend us, openly blame your actions, holding and professing that suffering for this cause, is not suffering for the cause of God. These ma­king no resistance, and opening the gates of their places, or joyning their arms with the Kings, you may easily judge what loss, and what weakening of the party that will be: How many of our Nobility will forsake you, some out of conscience, some out of treachery, some out of weakness! Even they who in an Assembly are most vehement in their votes, and to shew themselves zea­lous are altogether for violent wayes, are very often they that first revolt and betray their brethren. They bring our distressed Churches to the hottest danger, and there leave them, going away after they have set the house on fire.

If there be once fighting, or besieging of our Towns, whatsoever may the issue be of the Combat or the Siege, all that while it will be hard to keep the people animated against us from falling upon our Churches, that have neither retreat nor defence. And what order soever the Magistrates of contrary Re­ligion take about it, they shall never be able to compass it.

I might also represent unto you many reasons out of the state of our Chur­ches, both within and without the Kingdom, to shew you that this stirring of yours is altogether unseasonable, and that you set sail against wind and tide. But you are clear-sighted enough to see it, and to consider in what posture your neighbours are, and from whence you may look for help; Whether among you the vertue, and the concord, and the qualitie of the heads is grown or diminisht. Certainly this is not the time when the troubling of this pool can heal our diseases. And certain it is, that if any thing can help so much weakness, it must be the zeal of Religion, which in the time of our Fathers hath upholden us, when we had less strength and more vertue: But in this cause you shall find that zeal languishing, because most of our people believe that this evil might have been avoided without any breach to our Conscience. Be ye sure that there will be alwaies disunion among us every time that we shall stir for civil causes, and not directly for the cause of the Gospel.

Against this it is objected that our enemies have determined our ruine; That they undermine us by little and little; That it it better to begin now then to stay longer. Truly that man should be void of common sense that should doubt of their ill will. And yet when I call to mind our several losses, as that of Lectoure, Privas, and Bearn, I find that we our selves have contributed to them; and it is no wonder that our enemies take no care to remedie our faults, and joyn with us to do us harm. But hence it follows not that we must throw the helve after the hatchet, and set our house on fire our selves, because others are resolved to burn it; or take in hand to remedy particular losses by means weak to redress them, but strong and certain to ruine the general. God who hath so many times diverted the counsels taken for our ruine, hath neither lost his power, nor altered his will. We shall find him the same still, if we have the the grace to wait for his assistance, not casting our selves headlong by our im­patience, or setting our minds obstinately upon impossibilities. Take this for certain, that although our enemies seek our ruine, they will never undertake it openly, without some pretence, other and better then that of Religion, which we must not give them: For if we keep our selves in the obedience which sub­jects owe to their Soveraign, you shall see that while our enemies hope in vain that we shall make our selves guilty by some disobedience, God will give them some other work, and afford us occasions to shew to his Majesty that we are a body useful to his State, and put him in mind of the signal services that our Churches have done to the late King of glorious memory. But if we are so unfor­tunate, that while we keep our selves to our duty, the calumnies of our enemies prevail, at least we shall get so much, that we shall keep all the right on our side, and make it appear that we love the peace of the State.

Notwithstanding all this, Gentlemen, you may and ought to take order for [Page] the safety of your persons: For whereas his Majesty and his Councel have said often, that if you separate your selves, he will let our Churches enjoy peace, and the benefit of his Edicts, it is not reasonable that your separation be done with the peril of your persons: And whensoever you petition for your safe dissolu­tion, I trust it will be easie to obtain it, if you make possible requests, and such as the misery of the time and the present necessity can bear. And in the mean while you may advise before you part what should be done, if notwithstand­ing your separation we should be opprest. That order your prudence may find, and it is not my part to suggest it unto you.

If by propounding these things unto you, I have exceeded the limits of discre­tion, you will be pleased to impute it to my zeal for the good and preservation of the Church. And if this advice of mine is rejected as unworthy of your con­sideration, this comfort I shall have, that I have discharged my conscience, and retiring my self unto some forreign Countrey, there I will end those few days I have yet to live, lamenting the loss of the Church, and the destruction of the Temple; for the building whereof, I have laboured with much more courage and fidelity then success. The Lord turn away his wrath from us, di­rect your Assembly, and preserve your persons. I rest, &c.

These Letters being read in the Assembly, raised much contestation. In the end the violent party overcoming, it was resolved that Monsieur de la Mille­tiere should write to Doctor Du Moulin in the name of the Assembly, to desire him that he would not impart the said Letters to any, amd to tell him that his ad­vice was not approved.

Yet his advice was so relished by some of the Assembly, that they arose and presently left it, and never returned to it again.

One would have thought that this advice of peace and obedience to the As­sembly of Rochel, should have made the Doctors peace with the Councel of State; but I believe that it made the Kings Councel more averse from granting his return to Paris; for the violent men in the Assembly did good service to the Court by their violence, and were fee'd by the Court to thrust their brethren into a pre­cipice, and give to the King the long desired occasion to take from the Prote­stants the places granted to them by his Fathers Edict. The forenamed Miltiere was one of those violent men, who afterwards forsook his Party and his Religi­on; and by his working and unhappy wit, he hath created many sorrows unto the French Churches.

Neither did the Jesuites work Doctor Du Moulins expulsion out of Paris for any greater reason then because by preaching obedience upon occasions, he cros­sed their long-winded design to undo the Reformed Churches of France, by suggesting violent counsels unto them by their secret instruments. Some of which having gotten places of Trust by their counterfeit zeal, betrayed them, and got money for them, doing open service to those whom they had served be­fore in secret.

At Sedan, in the year 1623. Doctor Du Moulin being a Widower, married a vertuous Gentlewoman, that had with great constancy resisted the severity of her Father Capt. de Gelhay, who having left the Protestant Religion, would force her to do the same.

About that time came forth the famous Book of Cardinal Du Perron against the most excellent King James. That Book was extolled by the Romanists with great praises and brags; and the truth is, that it is the most learned and subtil piece of work that ever appeared in French in defence of Popery. His Majesty being especially interessed and provoked by that book, was pleased to recom­mend the confutation of that to his old Champion Doctor Du Moulin, who un­dertook it upon his Majesties command.

That he might attend that work with more leisure and helps, his Majesty in­vited [Page] him to come into England. And together being moved with compassion by the adversities the Doctor had suffered for his sake, he offered him a refuge in England, promising to take care of him, and to imploy him in one of his Uni­versities.

He accepted that Royal favour. And because it was dangerous for him to travel through France, he got a pass to go from the Spanish Netherlands to Holland.

He set out of Sedan in March 1624. and went to Bruxels and Antwerp, and so to Holland. Whence after some dayes stay at the Hague with his worthy Brother-in-law Doctor Rivet, he took shipping for England.

He was graciously received by his Majesty. And about half a year after his coming, the Hospital of Savoy falling vacant, he would have bestowed it upon him, and gave him his word for it. Yet his Majesty was perswaded by the Scots that waited in his chamber, to give it to Doctor Belcanqual, and to offer to Doctor Du Moulin a Living of inconsiderable value, representing it to his Majesty as equivalent to the Savoy; but the Doctor would not accept of it.

He never was a good hunter of preferments; but then worse then ever: God having visited him with a grievous sickness, by an heavy oppression in his hypocondries, with an inflammation of black choler, which seldom let him sleep, and kept him in perpetual agony. Yet being a man of great vigour, he went about and walked much; yea in that sore affliction he spent much time in this great work against Cardinal du Perron, and preacht often in the French Church. The great Physician Sir Theodore Mayerne took him into his house to cure him; but the malignancy of that melancholy stood out against his Remedies. Sir The­odore taking a journey into France, Mr. Philip Burlamachi received him, and entertained him in his house half a year together, yea when his wife, and family, and three of his Nephews, hearing of his sickness, came over to assist him, that bountiful and magnificent Gentleman entertained them all.

My duty to such a Father having called me from Leyden to London, I had the happiness to be his daily attendant, and to sit up with him a hundred nights, which he passd almost all without sleep, in deep anguish, and holy discourses, imploying all the strength of his Faith, and of his pregnant rational brains, to fight against the pain of his body, and the temptations of the darkest melancholy with the comforts of Heaven. So that he might say after David, that in the multitude of his thoughts which he had within him, Gods comforts refresht his soul. If sometimes I had the happiness to suggest some thought to him in which he found comfort, he would bestow upon me most hearty blessings, with fervent prayers to God, of which I find the benefit to this day. Could I remember all the divine and vertuous discourses which I heard from his mouth in that time of my attendance, it would conduce very much to make me grow in grace, and in all good gifts.

In the depth of his pain and anguish, he was beyond measure afflicted with the persecutions that ruined the Churches of France, and the divisions increasing in the Church of England. He might say with St. Paul, that he was in weari­ness and painfulness, in watchings often. And that besides those things that that came upon him, the care of all the Churches opprest him. To that purpose he was once saying to me, Son, considering the face of the times, I fear very much that the deadly wound of the Beast will heal up, at least it will skin over. Yet we have given her the blow that will serve her turn. She must die of it soon or late. Hae­ret lateri lethalis arundo.

There was at London at that time the Marquess d' Effiat, extraordinary Em­bassador of France, a zealous Papist, who upon a false information of Fisher and others Jesuites that were about him, that Doctor Du Moulin, by his long watch­ings and melancholy fumes, was decayed in his intellectuals, did maliciously in­vite him to his house, to engage him in a Conference, and insult over his weak­ness. The good man perceived well enough the trap that was laid for him; yet he went in the strength of the Lord, praying after David, Let not those that seek [Page] thee be confounded for my sake, O God of Israel. I attended my Father to the Embas­sador, who received us with some face of kindness, and made us dine with him. After dinner the Embassador desired him to hear a Scottishman, who would tell him the reasons that made him leave the Protestant Religion to embrace the Ca­tholick. The Scottishman then assisted by Fisher & others of his sort, made an ela­borate discourse half an hour long of the Church, of S. Peters Primacy, of successi­on of Chairs, and the like. When he had done, the Doctor resumed all his points and allegations in the same order, and answered them with his ordinary vigour and presence of wit. And because the principal matter in question was about the marks of the true Church, he maintained that the profession of the true Doctrine was the mark of the true Church, and thence took occasion to lay open the foulness of the errours of Popery with so much pregnancie, that the Embassadour, a cholerick man, rose from his seat in great fury, and gave many soul words to the Doctor, who upon that went out and return­ed home.

The Embassadour repenting himself of his violence, sent his Coach to him the next day, and desired his company to dinner. The work and success of that day, was like that of the day before: For after dinner the Scottishman spoke again of the same points; and when the Doctor in his answer had turned his Dispute against the grossest errours of Popery incompatible with the true Church, Fisher would have taken the Scottishmans part; but the Embassadors passion gave him no time to answer, but broke out worse then the day before (yet without foul words) saying that he could hear no longer that one should revile before him the Catholick Religion, and maintain to him that he did wil­fully damn himself, his wife, and his children. We left him to his own passi­on, and went out of his house. Whatsoever the effect might be of these Confe­rences upon the hearers, they shewed the gracious and indeed miraculous assi­stance of God to his servant: For neither he, nor we that tended him in his sickness, and saw his perpetual torment, could expect of him the stength, pati­ence, and readiness requisite in such an important occurence, and before per­sons of great respect, and his Adversaries.

The Embassador was less too blame for giving him ill words, then for enter­taining him at his table. For seeing that there was a criminal process against the Doctor in the Councel of State of France, for his correspondence with Eng­land, it was a great errour in an Embassador of France to shew him any coun­tenance, especially in England. All that can be said for him, is, that his zeal and hope to get credit to his party by the Doctors discredit, made him run into that great oversight in point of State, and that greater fault in point of charity and ordinary humanity, to seek to pick advantages out of a sick mans weakness. But he came short of that end, and the Doctor might say to God after this, as after all his other Conferences; By this I know that thou favourest me, because mine enemy doth not triumph over me.

The Doctor continuing sick, the King sent twice his Chaplain Doctor Young to visit him; and to comfort him, offered him a Living, which he took not. And at the same time that great and good King fell sick of the sickness of which he died. That death of his Royal Patron, and the plague raging in London, soon perswaded the Doctor to return to Sedan, hoping that God would give him strength for that journey, and that the change of Air would mend his health. To return the way he came, through the Spanish Dominions of Flanders and Brabant, he could not for want of a Pass; and to go through France, it was dangerous for him: Yet he ventured it, and taking me along with him; and gi­ving order to the rest of his Family to come after him a week after, he went from London secretly to Dover, where he imbarqued himself in a French bottom full of Frenchmen of both Religions, who had attended the Queen when her Ma­jesty came over the first time. Though he was in a gray suit, disguised with a periwig, he was known by some Lawyers of Roven of contrary Religion, who knowing that he was gone out of France upon a criminal indictment, plotted to­gether, [Page] yet not so secretly, but that I heard it, to give notice of him to the Governour of Deep to arrest him.

The Duke of Langueville, Governour of Normandy, was then at Deep, and lay in the Castle; but because the Castle did not open but late, they that had plotted our ruine, could not give notice of us, neither to the Duke, nor to the Governour before we were gone; for being landed before Sun-rising, we hasted away to Roven.

The Duke hearing that we had taken horses for Roven, sent three Messengers to apprehend us, or if they missed us, to give order to the first President of Roven to secure the Doctor. The messengers overtook us half a mile from the City, and enquired of our Inn at Roven, and rid before us to the Town, where they might better examine whether we were the men that they lookt for. We knew them presently for such as they were. To avoid them, the Doctor left his horse, and gave money to a Peasant to bring him to the City by a by-way, and by another gate then that of the Road of Deep. Going on foot, in that by-way, he could see afar off the Sergeants looking about for him, but they perceived him not. He had left order with me to meet him at Master de l' Angle, the fa­mous Minister of Roven, who had married his Neece. His horse and mine I committed to the Post of Deep, who was driving many horses before him to Ro­ven, and I met him at the appointed place. The next morning a Gentleman of the Reformed Church of Roven came to give us warning that the Officers of the first President had been seeking for the Doctor in the Inn, where we were to deliver the Hackneys we had taken at Deep, and were examining our fellow-Travellers to know where they had left us. Whereupon we presently shifted to that Gentleman house, making no doubt but that Monsieur de l' Angel's house should be presently searched, he and his wife being the only relations that the Doctor had at Roven; yet none came thither to seek for him. In the evening a Gentlewoman came to us and carried us in her Coach to a house of hers a League from Roven. The next day our men, which by that time were come from Deep, brought us horses for our journey to Sedan, where we arrived safe by the great mercy of God, who had so the inclined the heart of the first President (who might have apprehended us) that he winked at us, and would not see where we were; for whereas he knew well enough where to finde the Doctor at Roven, he would not send to his Kinsmans house, but to an Inn, where he knew that he was not. And that his kindness might not be interpreted as an oversight, he sent for Monsieur de l' Angle four or five days after we were gone, and told him, Sir, I should have been glad to have seen Monsieur Du Moulin when he was at your house, but that it could not be with his safety. A year or two after the Duke of Longueville being come to Sedan with the Count of Sois­sons, whose party he had taken against the King, would see the Doctor, and told him. Sir, when you came out of England, I did all my endeavour to ap­prehend you, but now I am very glad that I mist you. Let all that love God and his servants help us to praise God for this miraculous deliverance.Psal. 66.8. O bless our God ye people, and make the voice of his praise to be heard, which holdeth our soul in life, and suffereth not our feet to be moved; Joh. 5.12. Who disappointeth the devices of the crafty, so that their hands cannot perform their enterprize.

The labour of the Journey, and the intolerable he [...]t of the season increa­sed his sickness. Which to heal, the Physicians of Sedan made him drink Spaw waters, which were brought to him from Spaw to Sedan. Whereby they wrought a strange kind of cure upon him; for these waters brought him to a most vio­lent Feaver, and the Feaver consumed all those humours, and winds that op­prest him, and left him in health, but it brought him so low before, that we de­spaired of his life; and the Physitians proved true, who told us, that the Fea­ver would consume either the sickness, or the sick man.

So he returned to his former Function in the Church and University, ser­ving God with cheerfulness and assiduity, and blest with great success. He li­ved at Sedan three and thirty years from his return into England unto his death, [Page] without any notable change in his condition, but one of publick concernment by the miserable change of the Duke of Bovillon.

That Duke being Prince of Sedan, the Protector of a flourishing Protestant Church, and the refuge of many oppressed Protestants in France, was perverted by falling in love with a beautifull Lady, a Subject born of the Spaniard, and a Papist of the deepest Jesuitish dye; which seduced and turned him, both to the Romish Religion, and to the Spanish party: Marrying that Lady he presently profest the first, and a few years after embraced the second.

Before he had profest himself a Papist, he and his brother, now Marshal and Prince of Turenne, being at Luyck, the said Monsieur de Turenne fell grievously sick. Whereupon his Mother, the old Dutchess of Bovillion, desired the Doctor to go to him with another Gentleman, bringing a Physitian and an Apothecary along with them. The Duke, who was already revolted in his heart, received the Doctor unkindly, and desired him to withdraw and return to Sedan, but procured him no Pass for his safe return, exposing him with great inhumanity to eminent danger in the enemies Countrey, in a time of fierce War. Whereby he afforded him new occasions of experimenting the wonders of Gods watchfull and fatherly care for his preservation.

For when he came with his company to Givay, a place under Charlemonts Castle, where there was a Spanish Garrison; The Souldiers hearing of their coming, and that they had no Pass, resolved to apprehend them: They might have taken them in the Inn, but they chose rather to take them the next morning in a Boat which they had hired to make the rest of their journey by water. But one of the Doctor's Company advised his fellow-Travellers to walk on foot to a Village a mile off, to avoid a compass of twelve miles which the River makes, and there to expect their Boat. They followed his Counsel, and thereby disap­pointed the Souldiers, who coming to the Boat and missing them, plundred their Cloak-bags, and took the Doctors man, but them they followed not, which they might have done, and overtaken them; but having their plunder; they were less eager to have their persons; And God preserved them, both then and the rest of the journey, which they performed with great danger and difficulty.

Soon after this, the Duke of Bovillon declared himself a Papist, to the incre­dible loss of the Protestant party. Sedan was grown by the persecutions in France; The greatest number, and the richest sort, consisted of the posterity of persons that had transported their Families and their estates to Sedan, during the Wars of Religion, and that place was a refuge at hand for the Protestants, when any trouble arose in France: Wherefore this change in the Prince wrought a great consternation in the people of Sedan, and a great grief in the genera­lity of all the French Protestants; which the Duke of Bovillon perceiving, and judging, that as they lived at Sedan upon the account of their Religion, they might retire from it upon the same account; He called the Church, and the U­niversity, and told them that he would lend them the same protection as before, and innovate nothing. Only whereas he gathered the Tythes of his Domini­ons, and therewith gave wages to the Ministers, Professors, and Regents, as also stipends to the Priests, now the Priests must have the tythes as their anci­ent right, and he would pay to the Ministers, Professors, and Regents their or­dinary stipends out of his own estate.

Sedan enjoyed that rest for a year or two, till the Duke won by his wife to forsake the Protection which he enjoyed under the King of France who paid his Garrison, agreed with the Spaniard to put himself under his protection, turn out the French Garison, and receive his. Which Plot being discovered by some of Sedan, was made known to the French Court, and such order was taken that the Dukes Design was prevented. Himself, his Lady, and all his retinue were turned out of Sedan, and kept out of it to this day, and the place continu­eth under the subjection of France. What recompense he had for it, is beyond my knowledge and the limits of this relation.

In this sad change of Religion at Sedan, the Doctor besides his sufferings com­mon with others had many particular trials, being especially maligned by the Capucins and the new Clergy, with whom he had many Conferences, and was persecuted by them with continual invectives. He suffered much also by the war, his house in the Country being plundered, and his cattel driven away, which in all likelyhood was done upon especial recommendation.

Of the charge laid against him about his Letters to King James of blessed and glorious memory, he heard no more when Sedan was brought under the French Scepter; for it was but a pickt quarrel to remove him from Paris.

About the year 1644. Upon a return of the sickness that had troubled him in England, he was advised to travel into Auvergne to some waters which he went to drink upon the place, and with good effect. He returned to Paris, where he was received and entertained by his ancient flock with most singular expressions of love; but he was setled in Sedan, and his restitution to Paris had been tryed many times, and found an impossible pull. At Sedan then he lived the rest of his days, serving God in the Church, and in the University, defending the truth of God by his Sermons, Conferences and Books, confirming Gods people in the faith, and powerfully convincing the Adversaries.

Thus he held out in his constant course of Sermons, and Divinity-Lectures, without abating any part of his ordinary duties, till by extremity of old age his voice being grown too low for a great Congregation, he desired to be excused of preaching upon the Lords day, but instead of it he preacht every Tuesday: And because his weakness suffered him not to go much abroad, he obtained leave of the Academical Counsel to make his Divinity Lectures in his own house in a spacious Parlour, where he had as great audience as the University could afford.

Three years and a half before his death, as he was taking the air abroad, he got a great hurt by a fall from his horse; since which time he enjoyed no health, yet he did not give over the exercise of his charge either in the Church, or in the School, and very seldom mist preaching once a week and reading two Divinity-Lectures. And having been all his life time much given to private devotion, in that last sickly time he was so extraordinarily taken up with holy private exer­cises, that he did almost nothing else but pray and meditate. He kept to the last hour that neatness of language, wherein he was so eminent, and the readi­ness of his memory, which afforded him matter of holy Discourses, upon any subject offered to him in question.

Upon Tuesday Feb. 26. 1658. [stilo novo] he awaked in the morning, so weak and opprest in his breast that he thought himself not able to preach that day; yet taking heart, he was led and helpt up to the Church; being got into the pulpit with much difficulty, he fainted: And some wine being brought to him he would not taste it, choosing rather to expect Gods help, then to do any thing which might seem to border upon indecency. And he was not disappoint­ed of his expectation; for after he had read his Text, which was, Psal. 16 9. My flesh shall rest in hope, he spake with more vigour then he had done of a long time before, and applied the doctrine to himself, giving an account of his Faith and hope to his Hearers, taking his leave of them in a manner, and preaching his own Funeral Sermon, as if he had had a Prophetical knowledge that he spake the last time to his people in the Church.

Upon Thursday the last day of February he found his oppression so much in­creased in the morning that there was no small fear of a sudden death. Being then visited by his Colleagues, who prayed by him, he desired them to remember him that day (which was a Sermon day) in the prayers of the Church. After the Sermon a great company flocked to him to bid him farewell, and to receive his blessing: He looked upon them all, and spake to them with much facility and presence of minde: To such as he knew to be of an exemplary life he gave praises and encouragements to vertue and piety. Those in whose life he knew there was matter of blame, he would not in downright terms rebuke before that [Page] great company; but going about in a discreet way he would (addressing his speech to them) commend those vertues that were opposite to their vices, and would say to them that were somewhat given to tricks, that of all crafts the master-craft was to be an honest man.

Seeing a blind woman in the company he told her; You want the eyes of the body, but you have the eye of Faith, penetrating as far as heaven: You see not the light of the Sun, but God will let you see the brightness of his face.

Then turning his eyes upon a Gentleman who was a Roman Catholick, he said, This is a worthy Gentleman: And speaking to him he said, Sir, I suffer great pains, but God will have mercy upon me: I have many wayes offended him, yet my conscience bears me witness, that I never preacht or writ any thing, but what I believed to be consonant unto the word of God.

Next he applied himself to his Colleagues, and said, Farewell, my Masters, I have that satisfaction in my mind, that I leave this Church in the hands of per­sons whom God hath endowed with great gifts, and above all with an exemplary piety: I make no doubt but that you will carefully look to the conduct of the flock committed unto you.

One of them having answered, The Lord grant Sir, that we may imitate you, for you are that good servant, who not only have not buried your talent, but have very much improved it: You have done good service in your time, and your labours will live, and do good when you are gone.

He replied, ‘Ah Sir, you little know how much you grieve me by speaking so; for I have not done all the good that I should have done; and that little be­nefit which the Church hath reaped by my labour is not from me, but from the grace of God in me, as it is usual with him to do a good effect by a weak instrument. I am conscious to my self that I have neglected my duty in many things, and that I have offended my God; but I have loved his holy truth, and I hope in his mercy. He is my Father and my God, and Jesus Christ is my Savi­our; Whosoever believeth on him shall not perish, but have everlasting life.

His Friends told him that he did himself harm by speaking so much. It is true (saith he) but I will die glorifying God.

He spent the four or five first days of his sickness in expressions of deep hu­miliation: his prayers were vehement and fervent, and full of penitent sor­row: He acknowledged himself the greatest of sinners, and the most unwor­thy of the graces which he had received of God: He abhorred his own ungrate­fulness, aggravating his faults, and despising all that others commended in him. ‘Lord (said he) I have done nothing but deserveth punishment: Thou hast heaped blessings upon me, Thou hast honoured me with a holy Calling: But I have not laboured according to the great worth of it: I have mingled mine own glory with thine; I have often neglected thy service to seek my particu­lar interest. O how much self love, how many perverse affections have op­posed the Kingdom of thy Son within me! How many times have I grieved thy good Spirit by a thousand idle thoughts, and carnal affections! But though it had been but justice in thee to have crusht me in thy wrath, yet thou hast al­ways shewed thy self a mercifull and gracious Father unto me: In very faith­fulness thou hast afflicted me: Indeed thou hast sometimes beaten me with thy most terrible rods; Thou hast hid thy face from me for a moment, but thou hast remembred me in thy great compassions.’

His devout expressions suffered but little intermission, and his holy medita­tions none at all. For, if sometimes he was kept silent by a drousie fit, one might see by the lifting up of his eyes and hands that his heart was with God: And every time that he resumed his discourse, it was evident that his speech was but the attendance of a longer meditation.

As when he began thus, Lord thou wilt do it, Thou art faithfull in thy pro­mises; I am thy creature; Thou hast led me and taught me from my youth. O forsake me not in this last period of my life: Have mercy upon me, my God, my my Father, have mercy upon me: O Lord hear, O Lord forgive, O Lord hearken [Page] and do: Defer not for thine own sake, O my God; even for thy Sons sake, who hath loved me, and given himself for me.

That meditation of Gods mercy he did much stretch himself upon, saying, ‘The mercy of God is infinite as himself; no sin so great but may be remitted. How great was Aarons sin that made the golden Calf? How grievous that of David in the business of Ʋriah? And that of Solomon whom God so highly honoured, whose heart was seduced by the love of strange women to the abo­minable worship of false gods? And yet God said of him, that if he brake Gods Statutes, and kept not his commandments, he would visit his transgres­sion with the rod, and his iniquity with stripes, but nevertheless he would not utterly take his loving kindness from him. Then making application to him­self, he cryed, Thou wilt pardon me, even me also, O my God; Thou wilt deliver me from every evil work, and save me unto thy heavenly Kingdom: Let me dye the death of the righteous: Let me see thy face in righteousness: Let me taste goods of which thou hast given me many foretasts. O how hap­py a thing it is to live in Gods fear, and to die in his peace!’

His sickness being violent, and his pains sharp, one of the Ministers seeing how he suffered, bade him to be of good chear, because the time of his delive­rance drew nigh. ‘How welcom you are to me (said the holy Patient) with that good news! Welcom kind Death! O how happy shall I be to see my God, to whom my heart hath been of a long time aspiring! He will be merci­full to me. Pray to him that he perfect his work in me. Then feeling his pulse, It is intermittent (said he) and to another, it would presage a sudden death; but my soul cleaveth so fast to this wretched body, that it shall have much ado to come out of it.’

Sometimes the violence of his pains extorted some complaints from him. 'O Lord (said he) lay not too heavy a hand upon thy poor servant. Thou hast suffi­ciently afflicted me to make me sensible of my sin. Then correcting himself he ad­ded; Nay, Lord, I am far from murmuring against thee; I have kept my self from that in my long tryals. Why? I have deserved infinitely more then I suffer. Bruise this dust and ashes, my body, and save my precious soul: As miserable as I am, I would not exchange my condition with that of a King, while I hope in the grace of my God.

He would be entertained with good discourses, and delighted much that his friends should help him with those Texts of Scripture which were the fittest to strengthen his faith, and raise his hope: And when they began a Text, he would end it, and added something to it, or did illustrate it with some interpretation. As when one told him the words of Jacob, I have waited for thy salvation, O God; he said, Many of our Doctors by that salvation understand the temporal de­liverances which God did promise his people; but I will apply it to my self in the same sense as you take it.

When the words of the hymne of Zacharias were used to him of the tender mercy of our Lord, whereby the day-spring from on high hath visited us; he added presently, Yea it is that Sun of righteousness with healing in his wings. Like­wise when he heard that Text of the 130. Psalm. I wait for the Lord, my soul doth wait, and in his word do I hope, he said, That word is the promise of the Go­spel, that whosoever believeth in Jesus Christ hath everlasting life. That is the word which my soul doth wait for.

He had very often the 51 Psalm in his mouth, and insisted especially upon this verse, The sacrifices of God are a broken spirit; a broken and a contrite heart O God, thou wilt not despise. And then he would say, That sacrifice, O my God, I offer unto thee; Thou knowest my heart, and how it is bruised and wounded with sorrow that I have offended thee. Forgive me, my God, graciously forgive me all my sins; deal with me as thoa didst with the poor Publican, as with the humble Canaanitish woman, as with the converted Thief. O let me be this day with thee in Paradise. Crucifie the old man within me; kill that man of sin which is too [Page] quick and too strong, and raise me unto newness of life, that I may behold thy face, and be with my Saviour Jesus Christ.

He had a particular love for the Holy Tongue. Seeing a Student that was learned in the same, he desired him to read before him some Psalms in Hebrew. Then he began to reckon how many names were given to God in the Old Testa­ment, making learned considerations upon each. Thus passing from one good discourse to another, he gave occasion to the Student to ask him whether he thought that Hebrew was the Language used in the Kingdome of Heaven? That is not revealed (said the Doctor) neither do I think that the language of Heaven is known here on Earth. But I think that we shall learn it in a moment when God shall be all in all. And that is that tongue of Angels which St. Paul mentions. This is as other things which God hath prepared for those that love him; things which eye hath not seen, nor ear heard, and which are not come into a mans heart.

The next Lords day-morning, being visited by the Minister that was to preach that morning, he desired him that for his sake the Congregation should sing the one and fiftieth Psalm, which he would often repeat with a profound humiliation. He had also the 130th. in his mouth very often, and the two and thirtieth. Once having said the first and second verses of verses of that Psalm, Blessed is he whose transgression is forgiven, whose sin is covered. Blessed is the man unto whom the Lord imputeth not iniquity, and in whose spirit there is no guile. He added, Thou knowest, Lord, that in sincerity, and without guile, I humble my self before thy face. I am a miserable sinner, and durst not lift up mine eyes towards thee, did I not trust in thy Commandement and Promise. Such as labour under the sense of their miseries, are those whom thou callest, saying, Come unto me all ye that la­bour, and are heavy laden, and I will ease you. O then let me come unto thee! Draw me Lord, that I may run after thee. I am tired, I am weary to be absent from my God; My soul thirsteth for God, for the living God; when shall I come and appear before God? Alas! I am unworthy of it, for I am conceived in sin. My whole life hath been a continued transgression; yet far be it from me to doubt of his power and faithfulness. Where sin aboundeth, his grace aboundeth much more. It is not for the righteous, but for repenting sinners that he hath given his Son, that whosoever believeth on him, should not perish, but have life everlasting. Lord I believe, help thou my unbelief; increase and strengthen my faith. It is now weak and small; but it is true and unfeigned, and stayeth upon Jesus Christ only. There is no salvation in any other: He is the way, the truth, and the life: None can come to the Father but by him. Away with all other intercessions. Away with all merits of works; all our righteousnesses are but pollutions. Ah my God! I have no righteousness but thine; for I am conceived in sin. I never did any work so good, but it needs pardon. Mercy Lord, Mercy! Pardon me my sins; pardon me my righteousnesses. Wash me throughly from mine iniquity, and cleanse me from my sin. Purge me with hyssop; but let it be dipt in the blood of the Lamb without ble­mish and without spot, which taketh away the sins of the world. Thou knowest Lord, that I have loved thy holy truth, and that I have believed thy promises. They are the joy of my heart: They are the comforts which have kept up my soul from being cast down with sorrow. O God, perfect thy work within me. Create in me a clean heart, O God, and renew a right spirit within me. Restore unto me the joy of thy sal­vation, and uphold me with thy free Spirit.

When by too long bending of his spirit and voice he found himself spent, and constrained to intermit these elevations, he would say, or cause to be read be­fore him some Psalms, and chose them himself, leaving out those verses which were not for his present use. As when he said the sixth Psalm, Return, O Lord, deliver my soul; O save me for thy mercies sake. Then came to the ninth verse: The Lord hath heard my supplication, the Lord will receive my prayer. And then said, All the rest of the Psalm is not for me: For death is not my fear, but my joy and deliverance from a languishing life; And I have no enemies.

He that read Psalms to him, would also skip over that which was not for the [Page] Doctors use. And if sometimes he did forget some Text fit for his turn, he would presently take notice of it; As when the 31. Psalm was read to him, he said to the Reader, You have omitted the principal and most convenient Text for me, Into thy hand I commit my spirit. Thou hast redeemed me, O Lord God of truth. And you have omitted something about the 11. verse. I left it out purpose­ly (said the Reader) because you are not a reproach among your neighbours, nor a fear to your acquaintance; neither do they that see you, flee from you. You see that all your sheep are flocking about you: They bless you, and crave your blessing. ‘I am not sorry (said the Doctor) that my Ministery leaveth a good favour after me. I beseech God with all my heart, that he send faithful Labourers into his Harvest, which may do that holy work better then I. O Lord, I have not been diligent as I should have been; but I have obtained grace to be faithful: For with all the affection of my heart I have studied to speak, and to defend the truth; and I have been grieved with the affliction of the Church. O Lord, Purifie her from all scandal. Let her be blessed, and let not the adversa­ries of thy truth triumph over her for ever.’

So humble he was, and such a contemner of himself, that he could not abide those that exprest before his face the great value which they set upon him, or said any thing to his commendation: And when they came out with some praises, he rejected them with a kind of indignation; Away (said he) with that flatttery; Pray to God that he have mercy upon me.

His sickness was an inflammation of the Lungs, with a burning Feaver, which re­doubled every day at the same hour. Once coming out of a strong fit which had handled him very sore, he said. ‘My God, how weary, how tired am I! When shall I rest in thy bosome? When shall I be filled with the true goods? When shall I drink in the River of thy pleasures? I am unworthy of it, O my God! But thou art glorified by doing good to the unworthy. It is not for them that are whole, but for them that are sick, that thy Son the great Physician was sent. Whoso believeth in him, is pass'd from death to life.’

He was compassed about with his Family and his chief friends. Every one com­forted him according to his talent. Being asked by one of them whether he did Perfectly hope in the grace of God which was presented to him? I hope (said he) but not perfectly; yet as much as I am able. I suffer now the pains of death; But God will redeem my soul from the power of the grave, for he shall re­ceive me.

When some comfortable place of Scripture was brought to him, whereby he found himself strengthened, he strived to rise to embrace him that spake it; and being too weak to do it, he would take his hand and kiss it, giving him some blessing, and saying, It was the Spirit of God that spake by your mouth. The Lord bless you, and increase his graces in you.

Another time, after an exhortation which had affected him very much, he said, These are excellent words; The Lord by his grace print them in my heart.

This Text, Eph. 1.3. was alledged unto him; Blessed be the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, who hath blessed us with all spiritual blessings in heavenly places in Christ; He added the following verse; According as he hath chosen us in him before the foundation of the World.

Sometimes he was in such a rapture, hearing them that spake to him of the ex­cellency of that glory which he was going to possess, that he opened his mouth and his eyes in an exstatical countenance, pronouncing but few words with great intervals between; as, O what is it to see Geds face in rigteousness! O when shall I be satisfied with his likeness!

Many times he would say these words of Psal. 36. How excellent is thy loving kindness, O God! Therefore the children of men put their trust under the shadow of thy wings. They shall be abunantly satisfied with the fatness of thy house, and thou shalt make them drink of the river of thy pleasures. And these again: For with thee is the fountain of life, and in thy light shall we see light. And out of the 67. Psal. Blessed is the man whom thou choosest, and causest to approach unto thee, [Page] that he may dwell in thy Courts. We shall be satisfied with the goodness of thy house even of thy holy Temple.

Very often he would repeat the 27. the 63. and the 71. Psalm. In the last staying especially upon these words, O God, thou hast taught me from my youth, and hitherto have I declared thy wondrous works: Now also when I am old and gray-headed, O God, forsake me not.

No day pass'd but he prayed for his children, both present and absent, saying, The Lord bless them, and give them his peace, his love, and his fear.

Every hour his Family lookt that he should expire; but he examining his pulse, would say, You shall see me very sick, but I shall not so soon die.

The four first dayes of his sickness he spake both day and night with little in­termission: So that it is impossible exactly to follow the fluency of his discourse, and the fervency of his expressions, especially in his prayers. So much we re­late here as his diligent hearers can remember; for all this was spoken before many and worthy witnesses that resorted to him to hear him, and to learn to die. But the six last dayes of his sickness, he was for the most part of the time in a deep slumber, against which he did earnestly strive. Prick me (said he) Now I should watch. It is no time new to sleep, but to die. Watch and and pray (said my Saviour) that you enter not into temptation. O great God, abandon me not to mine infirmities; but so preserve and keep up my spirit, that I may glorifie thee even when I am dying.

And though after such expressions he fell presently into his slumber, one might see by his gestures, and by the words which he spake now and then, that it might have been said of him, as the Spouse said of her self, He was asleep, but his heart waked. He open'd his eyes; He lift up his hands; He said often, Lord be merciful to me; Be gracious to me. Even when he seemed to be deep asleep, he would come out with five or six words, which shewed what his mind was set upon. Death (said he) is swallowed up in victory. And a good space after, It is the gift of God — It is my hope — It is my comfort. Sometime the same thing came often to his mind and mouth. For a whole day he would say every time that he awaked, The Word was made flesh.

When he was too long without speaking, his friends were careful to awake him, to know whether he had sense and knowledge still. Being awaked, he was asked whether he did lift up his soul unto God? He answered, Yes, incessantly. He was asked again whether he would be glad to go to God? O (said he) when shall I see him, that good God?

He was not much troubled with his slumber in the morning from seven to nine, because then his Feaver was less, which used to redouble about nine. In that interval he would speak with facility. That interval was husbanded to com­fort him, and to pray by him. He would then hearken to prayers with great at­tention, and to all the good things that were said to him. And it is observable, that in this last sickness he was less deaf then he had been ten years before.

Many times he would feel his pulse, and then said, O what a grief is this, I can­not die! Good God have mercy upon me. Set my soul free. I am weary of being ab­sent from my God. I desire to depart, and to be with Christ. O my God, come fetch me. Shorten the dayes of my combat. Let me die, I beseech thee. Into thy hands I commend my spirit; for thou hast redeemed me, O Lord God of truth.

His chamber was full of people day and night. Once opening his eyes after a slumber, he said, Here is a great company. One answered him, Sir, they are your sheep, that desire you to call for Gods blessing upon them; The Lord bless them (said he) and give them his fear, and the promised salvation.

The two last dayes of his sickness added to his burning Feaver, and deadly slumber, contractions of sinews and convulsions. Every hour was thought to be his last. None lookt to hear him speak any more. All his friends thought that his deep sleep would end in that of death; But about midnight he opened his eyes, and said to one of them that stood by, I shall soon be eased. I am going to my Father and my God. He hath heard me indeed. And soon after, I go to him [Page] with confidence; for he hath arrayed me with his robe. Then being raised into an unexpressible rapture, he said, I see him. And with an exclamation, O how beau­tiful he is! Being thus exalted in spirit far above the world, although he was alwayes tender-affected towards his Family, he said to them that were there pre­sent, putting them far with his hand, I renounce all earthly affections. I will no more love any thing in the world but thee, O God, who dost alone possess me. After these words he continued a good while in that holy rapture, causing more edi­fication in all the standers by with his countenance without words, then with all the words which he had spoken before. His eyes were clear and sparkling; his mouth panting after the living God. His arms stretcht up to heaven, and his bo­dy striving wonderfully to rise as it were to meet and to embrace that beautiful object of love and contemplation. All that were present wisht that God would receive him in that happy instant; But his hour was not yet come.

All the next day, which was Saturday the ninth of March, he struggled with the agony of death, being tormented with frequent convulsions, and still fight­ing the good fight by faith, and humilitie, and patience. Towards the even­ing, tokens of his approaching death made his assistants to double their endea­vours to comfort him. He understood all that was said to him, and shewed ho­ly elevations in his prayer; he gave thanks to those that prayed, saying, The Lord hear you, and the Lord bless you.

When he heard the glory at hand extolled in some emphatical terms of Scri­pture, he returned into his former raptures: And once more he pronounced these words of Psal. 17. I shall be satisfied with thy likeness when I awake. And twice or thrice, Come Lord Jesu, come; Come Lord Jesu, come. And for the last time that Text which he loved so much, He that believeth in Jesus Christ, shall not perish, but have everlasting life. Then a little after, Lord Jesu, receive my spirit.

He that comforted him said to him, Sir, you shall see your Redeemer with your eyes. To which he answered with an effort, laying his hand over his heart, I believe it.

That was the last intelligible word which he pronounced, though he made yet great efforts to make himself understood, and was a quarter of an hour speaking with a fervent affection: But the flegm that filled his throat and palat, suffered not the assistants to understand any of his words.

After this he was half an hour without speaking, yet without losing sense and knowledge. His friends made the last prayer, during which he did perpetu­ally lift up his eyes and hands to heaven.

And some moments after he quietly gave up the last breath, dying with peace and joy visible on his face. It was half an hour after midnight the tenth of March 1658. [stylo novo] in the fourscore and tenth year of his age.

Thus died the good Servant of God, the faithful Pastour of his Church, The valiant Champion of his Truth, the zealous Promoter of his glory, the great Master of clear Wit, exquisite Learning, and admired Eloquence, the Pillar of the Universitie, and the Father of the poor. Such men as he live after their death: And of him we may say, not only he was, but he is a burning and a shi­ning Lamp, for to the worlds end the Church of God shall rejoyce in his light.

We have set a Marble Stone upon his Grave, with this Inscription.

Qui sub isto Marmore quiescit,
Olim fuit
PETRƲS MOLINAEƲS.

HOC SAT VIATOR, CAETERA NOSTI, QƲISQƲIS ES
QƲI NOMEN INCLYTƲM LEGIS.
LAƲDES, BEATI GLORIA NON DESIDERAT,
AƲT SƲSTINET MODESTIA.

Obiit Sedani AD VI. NON. MART. MDCLVIII.

So much was enough for him who hath erected a lasting Monument to him­self. But I cannot take leave of my precious Father in so few words. Not then to advance his glory, but to satisfie my love, I must attend his going to Heaven with these filial breathings.

OPTIMO PARENTI sic Parentabat moerens FILIƲS.

QUalis quadrijugis raptum super aethera flammis
Heliam, famulus passis ad sydera palmis
Suspiciebat hians, & demirantia fletu
Ora rigans, divo pascebat lumina visu:
Talis te, Genitor, vastum per inane volante,
Invectum super astra triumphantemque quadriga
Prosequor aspectu sphaeras penetrante polorum,
Laetitiae & luctus medius; oculosque sub axem
Defigens, lachrymis utrinque fluentibus udos.
O Pater, O nostrae currus turmaeque Sionis,
Cujus fida comes lateri Victoria sedit;
O si parte sui quadam sacer ille tuusque
Spiritus haereseon victor certissimus, in nos
Defluat, attonitos te discedente, gementesque,
Et tibi delapsam vix dignos tollere vestem!
Tu certe hinc abiens tua nobis arma resignas
Grandia, Romuleas debellatura cohortes.
Haec haret tibi propria laus, antiqua Sionis
Supplevisse novis armamentaria telis.
Sed vires, quique incutiant haec tela lacerti
Heu desunt; moerent gladii rubigine turpes,
Lugent lenti arcus viduam duce conclamato
Militiam, magnamque manum magna arma reposcunt.
Hic meminisse juvat qualis quantusque videri
In Latii turmas coelestia strinxerit arma;
Agmina tota ruens, unus satis omnia contra
Tela Latinorum; quo turbine fulmina Verbi
Torserit, & late Monachorum armenta nefandorum
Impiger incussa Veri prostraverit hasta,
Pulveream temere pedibus spargentia nubem,
Horrida mugitu, curtoque minacia cornu.
Quid quod perpetuus ineuntem praelia terror,
Bellorumque regens sortem tuba praevia Famae,
Anteibant; ictum quae lumine nominis hostem
Ei jam seminecem ceu fulgure praestringebant!
Consimiles animos prae se toto ore ferebat
Jovae bella gerens immani robore Samson,
Mirifica instructus mala, qua solus, inermi
Proximus, armatae sternebat millia turbae,
Humana major specie, flamm [...]sque micantes
Intorquens oculos, sacrum testantibus aestum
Aetheriae mentis, & foetum numine pectus.
Absit enim, Deus alme, tuae miracula dextrae
Ut cuiquam illustri quantumlibet instrumento
Attribuam: quisquamne tuo nisi robore fortis,
Tarpeiae sacra lustra Lupae, rictusque cruentos,
Et late dominam non formidasset Erynnim,
Lethatique ferum fodisset vulnere pectus?
Illa sub ima gerens fixum praecordia telum,
Nec satis ad morsus ex labris vulneris exstans,
Dentibus incassum viro spumantibus ardens
Appetit, & morsu nitens educere, figit
Altius; exacuunt iram dolor, ira dolorem.
Mox demente fuga & terrifico ululatu
Exagitat, augetque suum lymphata furorem.
Tum repetit morsu pungentem insana sagittam,
Si queat incussum lateri depellere lethum:
Hui frustra; licet usque furat, & ovilia vastet
Vindictae indulgens, pastoris saucia dextra;
Ilicet intus habet quo post conamina mille,
Mille strophas patrio tandem reddatur Averno.
Interea puris celsum caput inserit astris
Longum expectatos carpens MOLINAEUS honores,
Luce Dei fulgens, & Christi sanguinis ostro
Purpuream indutus trabeam; laetusque corona
Justitiae, camitem sanctis Heroibus addit,
Queis datur aeternas aeternum implere curules.
Militiam antiquam nondum tamen intermittit
Magna pace fruens: dum Mundus & ista supersunt
Scripta Quirinali fatalia tela Tyra [...]no,
Militat in terris, quamvis super astra triumphet.

EPIGRAMMA Subjiciendum nostri Authoris imagini aeri incisae.

QƲi modo sydeream miranti lampada Mundo
Praebuit, incertum doctior an melior,
Occidit heu! nostri Sol aureus occidit aevi;
Jamque latens metam purpurat Occiduam.
Cernis ut illustrem texant sibi posthuma limbum
Lumina, & elapsi splendeat ignis honos?
Ceu rutilis Titan sua tecta coloribus ornat,
Hesperio faciem conditus Oceano.
Sed modo digressi vanescunt Solis honores;
Perpetuum nostri crescit in orbe decus.

To the Kings most Excellent Majesty, CHARLES By the grace of God King of Great Britain and Ireland, &c. Defender of the Faith.

SIR,

HAving undertaken this work by the com­mand of your Royal Father of glorious memory, I thought my self bound in duty to dedicate it to no other then his Son, the true heir both of his Crown and vertue. That great Monarch having honoured my pen so much in his life time, as to employ it for his de­fence, I should be unthankful to his memory if I forsook his Cause after his death; seeing especially his Cause to be that of God, and the heavenly truth assaulted in his person: Seeing also that the Cardinal against whom I write, who hath found out many new shifts, and laid fresh colours over the idol, is the great Teacher of those Seminaries whose restless labour is to subvert the consciences of your Subjects. By assisting them in that danger, I thought I should do an acceptable service to your Majesty, who be­ing filled with the true knowledge of God, burns also with the Zeal of his house. For a King whom God hath en­dowed with his knowledge and fear, must be firmly per­swaded that God hath raised him to an eminent place, that he may discover afar off the plots and workings of that grand enemy of our salvation, who hath a particular ma­lice [Page] against Kings that are no servants to his Empire. As Ravens will build their nests on the tops of high trees, Sa­tan likewise endeavours to nestle himself in the top of Em­pires, and in the houses of great Kings, and there to hatch his brood, which are errours and vices, that they may be conspicuous and borrow authority from the place they stand in. Whence if he be thrown down and defeated of his hopes, no doubt but he hates such a King more then any man on earth, and will spare no strength and no devices to disturb his rest and shake his constancy.This came forth, An. 1626. In this short time that your Majesty hath been sitting upon the throne, you have found already that the frame of great Kingdoms here­in differs from that of the great building of Nature, that in the supream part of the Universe there is a perpetual rest and tranquillity, but the lowest part is the region of trouble and confusion: whereas Kingdoms and Empires are like trees, whose top is the most shaken. And it is without question that many Kings would have quitted their place, if as there are stairs to get up to an Empire, there were some to come down from it. If this be true in all Kingdoms, much more in those where the Ruler hath subjected his Scepter to the Cross of Christ, and by an holy magnanimi­ty hath set himself to wage war with the Devil. Wherein, Sir, we acknowledge the work of God, admiring his pro­vidence and exalting his goodness, that while he called your Majesty to these tryals, he endowed you also with strength to overcome them: Having filled you with the Spirit of his fear, and set you forth in the eyes of the world as a rare example of vertue and holiness in your conversation, of prudence above your age, and of meekness below your greatness. In all which your praise is the greater, because you apply your self to do the will of God, while your dig­nity gives you more power then to the rest of men to do your own. This fills us with hope that God will make use of your Majesty to do great things, and that the ruines of the Church, happened in the time of the King your Father, will be repaired under your happy reign. We know Sir, how sensible you are of the wound of the Church. We know that your Majesty hath the lively zeal of Gods glory; [Page] As indeed of all the men of the world none hath more rea­son for it, since of all men in the world you are the most evidently favoured of God. For hath God poured his bles­sings upon any Countrey of the world so bountifully as up­on your England? A Countrey which in a profound peace of many years, in a great plenty, and in a safe posture from all fears round about, enjoyes the saving light of the Gospel, whilest a black smoak from the bottomless pit over-spreads well nigh the whole face of the earth. Certainly for one to raign where Christ raigneth, and to have the Church of God under the shadow of his Empire, it is twice raigning. A Monarch that employeth his power to establish the Kingdom of God, is a Ruler of men, not only as they are men, but as they are Gods children. One flower of such a Crown, is a thousand times better then the three Crowns of the Prelate of Rome. For which heavenly favours, it is not only convenient but necessary for your Majesty to raise your heart with a holy glory, whereby God may be glorifi­ed. He will pour down with a liberal hand his graces from above upon your Royal Head, whence they may flow about upon your whole Kingdom: He will direct your counsels: He will prosper your armes: He will make you the love of your Subjects, and the terrour of your enemies, and will prolong your dayes in his blessing; employing your au­thority, that in your Kingdoms his pure service be main­tained; and that the Pastors of the Church by their resi­dence with their flocks, their vigilance in their work, and their simplicity and modesty in their habit, may edifie Gods Church. Our part will be, after the example of Moses, to help with the lifting up of our hands the sword of Ioshua. And the Lord will take compassion of his people, hearing the prayers for your Majesties prosperity and preservation, which are poured by him who is and must be all his dayes,

Sir,
Your Majesties most humble and most obedient servant P. Du Moulin.

Errata.

IN the Translators Preface, Page 4. line 43. for lived read live; p. 5. l. 9. dele not, ib. l. 17. for Duke de la Foize, r. de la Force; ib. l. 33. for Sholars r. Scholars; p. 9. l. 30. add after Eng­land, The writings of. p. 11. l. 9. for ready r. already.

In the Authors life, Page 2. line 41. for cocnvres, read cocuvres; p. 15. l. 13. for Fernaques r. Fervaques. In the Epigram at the end of the Authors life, the last l [...]ne but one, for Sed modo digressi vanescunt Solis honores; read Sed modo digresso vanescunt Sole colores.

Errata in the Book, Pag. 5. line 23. for soile read style; p. 7. l. 20. for Hence r. Here; p. 22. l. penult. add be in the end of the line; p. 24. l. 18. for be r. is; p. 29. l. 10. r. to the Croisada; l. 43. r. every five and twen [...]ieth; p. 32. l. 5. r. In the Acts; p. 35. l. 10. r. may not perceive; p. 51. l. 16. r ignorant; p. 62. l. 30. r. hath been instructed; p. 65. l. 38. r. give to your commandl; p. 79. l. 45. r. by our adversaries; p. 86. in the margent, l. 42, & 43. for commiseratio r. contes­seratio; p. 127. l. 23. r. famous pride; p. 130. l. 37. & 38. r. Mandy Thursday; p. 161. l. 29. r. not pardonable; p. 224. l. 9. r. I will give thee; p. 246. l. 49. r. It was never; p. 251. l. 42. for Sabellius r. Dionysius; p. 254. l. 17. r. unto him; p. 311. l. 4. cap. 15. r. not with; p. 314. l. 25. r. Novarre in Lombardy; p. 329. l. 43. r. provisionally; p. 377. l. 42. & 43. put out these words, before they hold Baptism necessary to salvation; p. 464. l. 23. r. in their debt; p. 484. l. 39. r. he said, himself; p. 542. ch. 6. l. 7. r. who lent: p. 561. l. 27. r. that they have not the souls; p. 563. l. 6. r. acquiesce to their judgement: p. 595. l. 40. r because the fault.

THE PREFACE. Occasion of Cardinal du Perron's Book. Answer to the two Prefaces, which he premiseth be­fore his Book. Iudgement of the Book, Wit, and Capacity of the said Cardinal.

THE late King James of glorious memory,Occasion of Monsieur du Perron his Book. moved with the zeal of Gods house, had by an example beyond all examples, consecrated his Pen to the defence of Gods Cause. In which good warfare he was free from the niceness of Alexander the Great, who disdained to enter the Lists of the Olympick race, unless he had Kings for his Antagonists. This great King was not ashamed to descend from the height of his dignities to run this race, holding it not a lessening of his greatness, to take upon him a Labour by which God is honoured: Whereby he hath stirred against himself a multitude of Writers, like a cloud of humble Bees, that either buz without stinging, or break their sting when they make bold to use it. Cardinal du Perron would have his part in that glory of measuring his Pen with the Royal, to raise his reputation by the greatness of his adversary: But the honour of the Combate remained on his Majesties side. That Prelate in the Assembly of the States held at Paris made a long Oration to assert the Popes power over the temporal of Kings, whom he affirmed to be deposable by the Bishop of Rome; saying, that the Apostles command,Rom. 13.1. Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers, was but provisional, and for a time. And among his assertions, some were offensive to the person of His Majesty of Great Britain, and prejudi­cial to his State. Of which Oration he sent a Copy to the King, as if he had pre­sented him with a nettle to sting him.

Hereupon his Majesty undertook the refutation of that Oration, by a Book, in which the Cardinals reasons are overthrown, his allegations convinced of fal­shood, and the independency of the Crowns of Kings is maintained with great solidity.

That Royal Book being short and strong, and concerning the Cardinals credit very near, the world did look for a short answer from him. But he chose rather to swallow the affront quietly, and condemned himself to a perpetual silence; seeking other occasions to shew his sufficiency to the King, to whom he writ by the mediation of M. Casaubon, that he admired the vertues and rare conditions [Page] [...] [Page] [...] [Page] of his Majesty; and that to express the Character of a perfectly accomplished Prince, he wanted nothing but the title and name of Catholick.

This Prince not used to be rocked with offensive praises, thought himself obli­ged to shew to the Cardinal, that the title of Catholick, as well as that of King, belonged to him by right: And with his Royal Pen writ a Treatise, wherein to appropriate that title unto him, he giveth a touch to the most part of our Con­troversies, saying among other things, that he believes all the doctrines necessa­ry to salvation, which have been universally received in the Primitive Church, of the five first Ages after Christ. That this Book might have a larger course, his Majesty would have it in Latine, making use for it of the Learned pen of Mr. Casaubon.

The Cardinal having received that Book, thought it a fair occasion to publish several pieces which he had in his Study, supplying what was wanting to them to answer the Kings Book; which being Latin, and spread among Forreign Nations, reason and the nature of the Work required that Monsieur du Perron should have answered in Latin. Wherein finding himself short, not for want of learn­ing, but of exercise, he contented himself to answer in French. Many years he hath spent in licking that Bear; for the great desire he had to satisfie others, kept him from satisfying himself. I living then in Paris, was told by those that often visited the Cardinal, and by those that resorted to his Printer Antony Steven, that the Author had many times torn his own work, like another Saturnus that de­voured his own children; That Book was like Penelope's web, which she did only to undo it, so that it was always to begin anew; and so he would have continued still, entertaining the people with the expectation of that Book, if he had lived longer: For that he might not be obliged to an answer, he would not suffer the Book to see the light, till himself could see it no more. Thus that Book is a child that oweth his life to the death of his Father. In the end, being on his death bed, he delivered into the hands of his friends and heirs his whole Manuscript to make it publique after his death.

Answer to the first Preface.In the beginning of the Book he put two Prefaces, whereof the one is an E­pistle to Mr. Casaubon. The first perfection of it is, that there is almost no men­tion in it of the Word of God: It treateth altogether of the word Catholick. A word which now adays is given as the principal mark of the true Church: They will have that to be the true Church which is called Catholick, that is universal: And yet Heretical Churches have always assumed that title. And the Greek Church, an enemy to the Roman, and more ancient then it, yet at this time takes that title. It is a great abuse to make names the marks of things. The marks of a good horse, or of a vertuous man, are not words, but things; the marks also of the true Church must serve to make her goodness known: But this word Catholick, or Ʋniversal, imports no goodness, and doth not signifie any vertue or perfection of the Church, but only noteth her extent. As in matter of coyns, the broadest pieces are many times the most suspected; so for the Church the breadth and the large extent is no proof of purity. But if you take this word of Catholick Church for orthodox and pure in the Faith, as the Fathers take it very often, the Church of the Apostles reduced to one upper room, or fled into a de­sart, was nevertheless the Catholick Church.

Herein especially appears, how vain und unreasonable is the dispute about this term of Catholick, that several particular Churches are contending which of them must be called Catholick or Ʋniversal; for it is as if Asia, Europe and A­frick were contending which of them must be called the universal world. All the Texts which Monsieur du Perron alledgeth out of the Fathers to this purpose are to no purpose; for the Fathers, by the Catholick Church understood all the Churches of the East, of the West, and of the South; as those of Greece, Asia, Syria, Egypt, Africk, Italy, Gauls, &c. which at that time were orthodox, and made up one body, but now are separated, and have lost their former communion. Where­fore none of those separated parts can be now called Catholick. Neither hath the Roman Church any more right to challenge that title, then the Greek or the [Page] Syrian, from which the Roman is descended. In three of the four first Ages, if a stranger travelling through Syria or Egypt, had asked where the Catholick Church was, no body would have shewed him the Roman; for every particular Church called it self Catholick, that is, orthodox, and embracing that faith which ought to be universal.

In the second place the Cardinal speaks of those things which the Fathers hold as necessary or usefull, saying that they must be received according to the pro­portion of the belief which the Fathers have bestowed upon them. A dispute altogether useless, before he hath specified those points controverted among us which have been believed by the Fathers, as usefull or necessary.

In the third place, he enumerates several kinds of necessity. An absolute and a conditional necessity; A necessity of medium, and another of precept: A necessity of special, and another of general belief; A necessity of act, and a necessity of appro­bation. All these distinctions of necessity he heaps up without necessity, rather to set out his Learning then to instruct the Reader. For we give him free leave to specifie a hundred several sorts of necessity, since they do us no harm, and de­cide no controversie.

He adds a fourth observation, whereby he declareth who are those Antients to whose judgement we ought to subject our selves: Those are (in his opinion) the Fathers that have written in the time of the four first Councils, that is, from the year of our Lord, 325. unto the year 451. the space of 126. years. As for the three first Ages, he saith, That we have but few books of that date, and that in them the face of the ancient doctrine, and practice of the Church cannot be seen wholly represented. He holds then that the Fathers of the three first Ages are not such as can decide our controversies. Thus the Cardinal useth the Fathers of the first and purest Antiquity, undervaluing them as men unfit to judge of our dif­ferences. Yet have we these Authors of that time, Justin Martyr, Ignatius, Ire­naeus, Athenagoras, Tertullian, Clemens, Alexandrinus, Cyprian, Origen, Minuti­us Felix, Arnobius, Lactantius, and Eusebius: Out of whole writings, better then from those that came since, one may learn what was the face and the doctrine of the Christian Church near the Apostles time: Yea, I say, that those that writ since, cannot be understood but by the help of these first: for the Fathers of the following ages often alledge the ancienter Fathers, and borrow their terms.

But the Cardinal leaveth them out, because in some points they are far more express against Popety then those of the following Ages, as in the Invocation of the Saints, the veneration of Images, the Popes Primacy over the universal Church, and the celibat of Ecclesiastical persons. For we shall shew in this Book how Mon­sieur du Perron M. du Per­ron, 19. ch. of the 5. Book, p. 1009. And p. 994. he confesseth that even in Austins time the Church had not yet pronounced any decision upon this, whether the Saints enjoy the sight of God before the last judgement. acknowledgeth that the Fathers of those first ages speak only of the intercession of Saints, but of their invocation not at all, and that there is not the least trace among them of that custom of praying to the Saints. For some of them say, that the Saints pray for us, but never say that we must pray to them. Likewise he acknowledgeth,Pag. 712. that the Pastours of the Church were married un­till Constantines time, which is a space of three hundred years. We shall shew also in the right place, that even our adversaries confess, that in the first Ages the Pope was little acknowledged, and the Roman Church was not much regarded. And as for Images, not only they had no veneration,See the 7. Book, 2. Contro­versie, and 2. ch. of this work. but it was even a crime to be a Picture-drawer, or a Statuary, and those Trades were abominable among the Christians. It is not then without reason that Monsieur du Perron will not submit himself to the judgement of the Fathers of the three first Ages: Not that the following ages may be more favourable to him, but the multitude and unmea­surable length of their writings is fitter for finding of shifts, and fewer persons are skilfull in them.

Yet to make that rejection of the Fathers before the four first Councels more specious, he saith, that to his thinking, his Majesty of Great Britain had consent­ed to confine himself to the Fathers of the four first Councils. He should have produced the Kings words. For I maintain that this cannot be found. True it is (as Monsieur du Perron addeth) that the King hath extended that space to the five [Page] first Ages. But he that will have his belief examined by the Fathers of the five first ages, doth not exclude the three fitst, but includeth them within that space.

In the fifth place Monsieur du Perron declareth, how he would have the consent of the Fathers to be taken, namely, that a doctrine is held by the universal con­sent of the Fathers, when some of the most eminent affirm a thing, and the others are silent about it. But I hope to shew1 Book ch. 47, 48, & 49. in this Book that the Roman Church of this time opposeth not only every Father by himself, but also the consent of a great number of Fathers. And though they make a flourish of the names of Fa­thers to amuse the people, yet really they make little reckoning of them. Besides if one Father, yea, if two or three Fathers of the fourth or fifth age, have said something, of which no trace be found in the precedent ages, I see nothing that obliges us to believe that all the precedent ages have believed the same.

All that vexation which this Cardinal gives to himself comes hence, that he will not stand to the judgement of the Holy Scripture, but looks for other Jud­ges then the Word of God, to cast the Readers understanding into an inextricable labyrinth. For the writings of the Fathers are Greek and Latin Books, endless for length, and infinite for number, of which therefore the common people can have no knowledge. Also among the Books ascribed to the Fathers many are sup­posititious, whose falsity is hard to be known: and of the sense of the Text of the Fathers there is as much contention as of the sense of the Holy Scripture, if not more: In which contention, if the Roman Church be judge of the sense of the Fathers, she will be sure to overcome. Consider also, that the Fathers dis­sent among themselves in many things; and in their differences we are not told which of them we must adhere unto, nor how many Fathers are requisite to esta­blish an article of Faith. Moreover, succession of times altereth the doctrine, and changeth the customs: So that many words used by the ancients have lost their sig­nification. The words of Sacrifice, of Pope, of Mass, of Purgatory, of Sa­tisfaction, of prayer for the dead, of indulgence, and the like, are now turned into another sense, and signifie no more what they signified in old time. And after all, the Fathers are men subject to err, whom therefore the Roman Church doth condemn in a thousand things, and the Fathers themselves will not be belie­ved but as much as they speak according to Scripture; upon which, as the only infallible rule, they will have their writings examined.

And here admire the notorious perversness of our adversary; for we shall see how much Monsieur du Perron labours to prove, that conformity with Scripture cannot be a mark to discern the true Church: and yet the whole scope of his Book is to prove that the Roman Church is the true Church by her conformity with the Fathers. This he will have to be the mark, and the right cognizance of the true Church. So he rejects God, and his word, to put men in their place, and mis-leadeth mens minds into a way without end, and chooseth men for Judges in Gods cause. What reason can be given, why the conformity with those who are called Fathers, must rather be the mark of the true Church, then the confor­mity with the word of God?

The Cardinal not content with the advantage which he takes, to have judges of his own choosing to decide our controversies, and leaving the Prophets, the Evangelists and the Apostles, to pick among the Fathers, such as he likes best, gives himself again another advantage, which is to choose the matters about which he will dispute. These matters then he hath chosen. Of the real presence in the Sacrament, of the oblation of the Eucharist, of prayer and offering for the dead, and of invocation of Saints. Why he doth not put Transubstantion in the same rank? he gives a reason, namely, That it is not of the like necessity. He adds that the invocation of Saints, is not necessary to every particular person, that is, that every particular person may forbear praying to the Virgin Mary and to the Saints, but that it is necessary to the body of the Church. Of these four points then we treat in this Book, and make it evident, that he is cast by those very judges which he hath pickt for himself.

But his Majesty of Great Britain, judging it unreasonable that the Cardinal should deal such a fair game to himself, put forth to him other questions; as the Communion under one kind; Private Masses; The Popes power to depose Kings. To which his Majesty might have added, The veneration of the Images of Saints, The Images of the Trinity, The Purgatory, The Divine Service and Prayers in an unknown tongue, The prohibition of reading Scripture, The treasure of In­dulgences, The power of the Pope to Canonize Saints, and fetch souls out of Purgatory; and many such things, about most of which our adversaries avoid to dispute, either by the Scripture, or by the Fathers; for they are new inventi­ons, of which, those among them that have some equity, freely acknowledge, that the Fathers make no mention.

The Cardinals second Preface,Answer to the second Preface. is nothing else but his old song said a thousand times over, which is an exhortation, that we submit our selves to the judgement of the Church, and keep union with her: A good exhortation, when one hath discerned before which of many dissenting Churches is the good, where the truth and the way to salvation is taught. Also before one joyn with the true Church, he must know that the will of God is, that there be a Church in the world in which men may be saved. Which two points, none can know but after he hath been instructed in the Word of God. Whence it appeareth, that the Cardinal abuseth the Reader when he exhorts him to joyn with the union of the Church; but teacheth him not how to discern the good and orthodox Church from the false and erroneous, and giveth him no instruction by the word of God; with­out which we should not know that there must be a Church in the world, nor what that Church must be that one may be saved in it.

To strengthen that exhortation, and raise the authority of the Church, the Cardinal labours to debase the authority of holy Scripture, saying, that the most part of the propositions of Faith are not expresly set down in Scripture, but are de­duced out of it by consequence only; and that those that are found in it are su­sceptible of divers, yea, and contrary, literal expositions. He bestoweth a long discourse to shew the perplexities wherein that man intangleth himself, that will get his instruction by the Word of God, contained in the holy Scriptures. Where­fore he will have us to address our selves unto the Church, which he calls a judici­ary Court between the Princes Law, and the Subjects, to deliver assuredly the sense of Scripture wholly determined, and the decisions of Faith altogether done and formed. Now that Church he presupposeth to be the Roman only, which he holds to be infallible in the decisions of Faith, and in the interpretation of Scripture, and to give authority to Scripture; although both the Greek and the Syrian Church, from which the Roman is descended, and where Jesus Christ and the Apostles have prea­ched and planted Christian Religion, contradict that assumed power of the Ro­man Church, and condemn her pride.

Here impiety goes abroad unmasked, and makes open war against God: Yet with so ill success, that at the very first the Cardinal doth evidently enterfere, and contradict himself; for he will have the people to go to the Church for the true decision of the doubts in the faith, before they know whether the Church, to which they address themselves, be good, and whether it teach true doctrine. And how can the poor people come by that knowledge? Shall it be by the holy Scri­pture? but it is a Book which their people is not permitted to read: and Mon­sieur du Perron saith, that one cannot come out of difficulty that way, or get a cer­tain instruction. Shall it be by the Fathers? but they are far more obscure then Scripture, and of an endless length, and they dissent among themselves, and they are Greek and Latine Books which the people understands not. Shall it be by the custom and the place of their birth, and the counsell of their neighbours? But so shall every one follow the Religion of his Countrey. Shall it be by the autho­rity of the Church? But there are many dissenting Churches: And if we must absolutely, and without further inquiry believe that the Roman Church is the best, because she saith so, she shall be judge in her own cause; and the foundation of Christian faith shall be that the Pope must be believed, because the Pope will have [Page] it; and the Roman Church must be followed because the Roman Church doth com­mand it. And in the questions about the duty of the Church, the Church her self shall be Judge. In the question whether the Roman Church be an infallible Judge, the Roman Church shall be the infallible Judge; and cannot err in judg­ing the controversie whether her self can err. So Subjects shall be infallible Judges of the Law of their Prince, and Felons shall infallibly determine of the sense of that Law which condemneth their fellony.

Without question, that man that beareth himself as an infallible Judge, of the sense of Gods Word, assumes an authority above that of God. For so he will have all men obliged to follow, not the Words of Gods Law, but the authority of that new Interpreter: But then that Interpreter should be without sin, least he should sin in his Interpretation, or make it serve to spare or to disguise his sin; By which means he should become his own Judge, if his sins must be judged by the interpretation which himself will be pleased to give to the Law.

From that abuse are sprung those abominable rules maintained by M. Du Per­ron, that the Church can dispense from the Commandments of God, and alter that which is commanded in his Word. Of which hereafter.

In this especially the imposture and the spirit of errour is visible, that the Car­dinal will have the people to address themselves unto the Church to have the sense and infallible intepretation of Scripture, which is putting the people to seek for a thing which cannot be found, for hitherto the Roman Church hath made no in­terpretation of Scripture. Only you shall find great number of Comments upon Scripture, made by private Doctours that confute one another, and an extream diversity among them. The Roman Church never set out any interpretation of Scripture, approved by publick authority, of which one may say, This is the Ecclesiastical interpretation, This is the sense of Scripture which the Roman Church commands to be received. And here it would be proper to produce the ridicu­lous or impious interpretations given by the Popes in their Canons, Decrees, and Councils unto Scripture; of which the Learned of this Age among our Adversa­ries are ashamed. M. Du Perron was wiser then to make use of them in his1. Book ch. 22. Book. For these we dedicate a Chapter purposely.

To resolve Consciences we shall go another way to work, a short, a straight and a safe way. Our Adversaries and we are agreed that the holy Scripture of the Old and New Testament is the Book of Gods Word, and that there is none else. For although the Popes did endeavour to put their Decretals among the Canonical Scriptures, as we will shew; yet God did not suffer them to compass that enterprise. Since then that Book is the Word of God, in that Book only we seek the Doctrine of Salvation. And to the question of our Adversaries, Who shall be the interpriter of that Scripture? Is every one of you inspired by God to penetrate into the sense of Scripture? We answer, that it needs no interpreter for the things necessary to Salvation: For those necessary things are so clearly set down in Scripture, that there is no need of interpretation to understand them suf­ficiently to be saved. Scripture teacheth us that God hath created the World, That Jesus Christ is dead for us, and that he is risen again. Scripture commands us to love God with all our heart, and our Neighbour like our selves. Scripture forbids us to kill, to commit adultery, to steal, &c. To understand these things is there any need to find an infallible Interpreter? Now I say, that the things that are thus clear in Scripture, are sufficient to Salvation.

Since then in that question about the interpretation of Scripture M. Du Per­ron will have us to find out an Interpreter that may judge with an infallible autho­rity, and a judiciary Court able to give infallible and irrevocable decisions, I main­tain that there is no such Judge to be found among men; but the Soveraign Prince can interpret his Laws with an interpretation that hath the force of a Law. It is our part to obey God, not to be Judges of his Ordinances. When some ob­scurity occurs in Scripture, Gods faithful Ministers expound Scripture by word or writing, not by a judgment of authority, but by a judgment of discretion; as when one judgeth of the tast of meats; not to give Laws, but to declare his [Page] opinion: and alwaies their expositions must be drawn from Scripture it self, not from the unwritten word as the Roman Church doth. If God by some obscure Text is pleased to exercise or trye our humility, we ought rather to chuse to be ignorant of the sense then to make our selves infallible Judges of the Word of God, contenting our selves with those things necessary to Salvation, which are clearly set down in Scripture.

What I say here will make a stronger impression in mens minds, when those Texts shall be examined which the Roman Church alledgeth, to arrogate unto her self the authority of Judge and infallible interpreter of the sense of Scripture. For even in this that she alledgeth Scripture to ground her authority, she ac­knowledgeth that the authority of Scripture is not grounded upon the authority of the Church, since the Church seeketh to ground her authority upon Scripture. The Roman Church endeavouring to prove by Texts of Scripture, that to her be­longeth the authority of an infallible Interpreter, thereby divesteth her self from the auhority of Interpreter: For must she be Interpreter of those texts whereby she pretendeth that she is acknowledged to be Interpreter? That audaciousness trespasseth against common sense.

But what texts do they use to confer the title of an infallible Interpreter upon the Roman Church? They alledge these words, Tell it unto the Church, Matth. 18.17. and if he will not hear the Church, let him be unto thee as a Heathen man and a Publi­can. Is not that mocking God? Is it spoken there of the Roman Church any more then of the Greek, or Armenian, or Syrian, or Ethiopian? See the text, and you shall find that it is not spoken there of the Universal Church, nor of the decisions of Faith, but of quarrels and offences between two private persons, upon which, if he that hath wronged his Neighbour will not hear the admoni­tions of the Church, the Lord Jesus will have him held for a stranger, and put out of the communion of the faithful. To take up such a quarrel between two brothers, doth the Universal Church assemble her self? Is it not evident, that in that text the doubts about Faith are not meant, but Ecclesiastical censures about manners? Is there any mention in that place of the Roman Church, or of her authority to expound Scripture? Is not then this interpretation brought byCap. Novit. Extra; de Ju­diciis. In­nocent the III. and approved byBellar. lib. 2. de Concil. c. 16. Cardinal Bellarmin a gallant one. Tell it unto the Church, that is, unto the Pope; and let the Pope tell it unto the Church, that is, unto himself.

In vain Mr. Du Perron goeth about to daube so many absurdities with some texts of the Fathers, which exault the authority of the Church, and the successi­on of Pastors. In vain doth he bring forthOf Vincen­tius Lirinen­sis there is a Chapter in this Book, which is the 30. of the first Book. Vincentius Lirinensis, who will have Scripture interpreted according to the rule of the Ecclesiastical and Catho­lick sense; For none of those whom the Cardinal alledgeth, speaks of the Roman Church; None of them puts the Church above Scripture. And all things con­sidered, that which the Ancients write of the Church of their time, cannot be accommodated to the Church of our time. For they spake in a time when the Churches of Europe, Asia, and Africa were joyned in one body, the parts whereof are now separate in Communion, and in a time when the succession was short and of fresh date, and known of all. But now, that all those Churches are divided by a Schisme of many Ages, and the successions of chairs have been confounded and interrupted by a thousand alterations; and in the same chairs, not only in those of Alexandria and Antioch (which are held to have been found­ed by St. Peter) but also, in that of Rome; I say now after so many years and changes, it is offering an abuse both to God and men, to go about to apply to the Roman Church that which the Ancients say of the Church of their time. As if Apes coming into a room whence men are gone out, would attire themselves with their cloathes. There was more need to teach the Roma [...] Church to speak as the Apostles do, and to reform her by the Word of God.

The exhortation which M. Du Perron addeth, whereby he doth exhort us to charity and union, is very specious: And would to God that it were in our power to practice it. For what profit do we reap from this discord but ruine and dis­grace? [Page] And can any thing be more desirable then a peace with God, whereby we be rejoyned with men, and the Union in the true Faith be made fast by the bond of charity and concord? Oh that such a great good might be purchased with our blood! Oh that we migt be more afflicted yet then we are, so that God thereby were glorified, and our Adversaries brought to Salvation! There was no need then of the Cardinal's exhortations in the words of ourJohn 13.35. Saviour, and of St. Paul 1 Cor. 1.13. Eph. 4.4. that we love one another, that we avoid divisions, and that we be­come one body and one spirit; For to that charity we are wholly and heartily in­clined, as every godly person ought to be. But that Union ought to be in good things. And we hope that no exhortation shall ever prevail so far with us, as to make us agree with any to do evil. We owe much unto Concord, but we owe all unto Truth. As in the breasts of the wicked peace of Conscience is not a true peace but a lethargy and a profound drowsiness; likewise the agreement of ma­ny wicked men is not a peace but a conspiracie. Therefore the Apostle to the Hebrews saith, Follow peace with all men and holiness. And St. Paul will have us to speak the truth in love. Heb. 12.14. Ephes 4.15. For the Apostle would not have our charity employ­ed to foster untruth. So the Cardinals exhortations to charity will be welcome to us, when we are satisfied once of the truth of his doctrine. That being not evi­dent unto us, but rather the clean contrary, while we keep far from the do­ctrine of those that hate us, yet we will love their persons and pray for their conversion.

Towards the end he doth triumph though he hath got no victory; taking it for granted,Cant. 4.9. Eph. 5.25. Isa. 60.12. Isa. 54.17. Matth. 16. & 18. that the Roman Church is that which is meant in Solomon's Song, Thou hast ravished my heart my sister, my spouse. And that for which St. Paul saith, that Jesus Christ hath given himself. That of which Isaiah saith, The Nation and Kingdom that will not serve thee, shall perish. And every tongue that shall rise against thee in Judgement thou shalt condemn. That of which Christ saith that the gates of Hell shall not prevail against her; and that who so refuseth to hear her, must be accounted as a Heathen man and a Publican. Of which texts, some speak of the Church of the Elect; for she is that Church meant in the Canticles, that Church redeemed with Christs Blood, That Spouse and that Body of Christ, without blemish and without spot, against which the gates of Hell shall not prevail, as we shall shew in the right place. The other texts speak of the Universal and Ortho­dox Church planted by the Apostles, not of the Roman Church, of which Isaiah never spake. Or they speak of every particular Orthodx Church, of which, whosoever (that hath offended God or his Neighbour) doth not receive the ad­monitions, and opposeth the discipline, must be held as a Pagan and a Publican. For by a great abuse of Scripture the Cardinal confounds all these texts as speak­ing of the same thing, and of the same kind of Church, and supposeth without proof, that all that belongs to the Roman Church.

Finally, he concludes his Preface by some texts, which he imployeth to prove that out of the Church there is no Salvation. He brings in the first place a text of St. Paul, Eph. 1.22, & 23. that God gave him to be the head over all things unto the Church, which is his body, the fulness of him that filleth all in all. A text nothing to his purpose; for the Apostle speaks not of the Roman Church, nor of the visible Church neither, but of the Church of the Elect, which only (to speak proper­ly) is the mystical body of Christ; unless we will put dead members in the body of Christ, who is the Author of life, and affirm that many profane and hypocrites living in the visible Church, are members of the body of Christ, and that the same man is a limb of the body of Satan and of the body of Christ together. Is there any doubt that when St. Paul cauls the Church the body of Christ and the fulness of it, he means the whole body of Christ? Out of which body those Saints which are reigning in Heaven cannot be excluded, nor the Elect which are yet unborn. That being granted, it is impossible that the visible Church be meant in that text, seeing that the greatest and the best part of that Church which the Apostle speaks of is invisible unto us; and there is neither reason nor likelyhood, that the profane and false Christians that are on earth, be of the same body as the [Page] Saints which are in Heaven. Wherefore also the same Apostle in the same Epistle saith, that this Church hath neither spot nor wrinckle, which cannot be proper to any visible Church, and to the Roman Church less then to any, she being de­filed with so much uncleanness by the very confession of the most passionate of our Adversaries, as we have shewed many times. Besides, that text doth not speak of a necessity of joyning with the Church, but of the dignity and Spiritual Empire which the Father hath bestowed upon his Son our Lord.

To that text Monsieur Du Perron addeth many texts of the Fathers, which say that out of the Church there is no Salvation. I will do so much for him as to suppose that by the Church he understands not some Heretical or Idolatrous Church, but the true, the good, and the pure in doctrine. Now the question between us is, whether the Roman Church be such: And this is that which must be proved, not presupposed. And although this were proved, yet since the Ro­man Church is a particular Church, not the Universal, I might as well find Salva­tion in another particular Church equal to it in purity. After all, to what pur­pose should one alledge against us, that out of the Church there is no Salvation, since we also hold it and believe it? For if it be question of the Church of the Elect, it is out of question that out of it one cannot be saved. As a branch cannot live separated from the body of the tree, so there is no life to Salvation out of the body of Christ, who is the Spring of life. Or if one speak of the visible Church, it is certain that none can be saved who by profaneness or error in the foundation of the Faith, separates himself from the communion of the Univer­sal Church, and renounceth the communion of the Church, to live after his own fancy, or make a Sect of his own. But of that matter, as also whether this rule, that out of the Church there is no Salvaion, be lyable to some exceptions, we shall speak further hereafter. The main matter is to shew, that in the Roman Church Jesus Christ is preached according to the Gospel, and his Word purely taught; for without that there can be no Salvation in it. Take that away, all the titles of Catholick Church, chairs, keyes, succession, multitude, miracles, in vain will be bragged of; All that will serve only to lead Souls into Hell more speciously, and to give authority to untruth. As unchast women are the most curious to trick them­selves up, the worst Churches will put on the most eminent titles. But as the Devil appearing in the shape of a mans body, will counterfeit all the parts and like­ness of the body, but only the life and the brightness of the eye: Likwise false Churches will put on the shew of the Church of Jesus Christ, all but the light of his truth.

It remains now,Judgment of the Work & wit of M. Du Perron. that we give some general taste to the Reader of this Book of the Lord Cardinal Du Perron, that by a pattern he may judge of the whole piece.

In the first place, if doing evil can deserve any praise, and if defending Heresie with dexterity can be worthy of any commendation, that praise I cannot denie to the memory of this Cardinal; that this Book of his is built with a singular Art, to which he hath bent all his faculties, and to make it compleat he hath with a long labour employd all the dexterity of his wit, of which he had to spare. Among all our Adversaries I find not such another elaborate piece of Work. And whereas all his other Books are but small things in comparison, we may say that in this he went beyond himself. How great is his diligence in the search of An­tiquity! How admirable his nimbleness in giving a fair colour to the weakness of his matter, in declining those questions which he judgeth insufficient to bear the trial of a combat; and to set forth all that is most specious for Popery! He finds out many new shifts which none had thought on before him. And where the other Champions of Popery do not satisfie him, he devises some new expe­dient, and taketh another way. He gently declines the dint of our Objections, and coloureth his want of strength with a shew of contempt. All this he cloath­eth over with a civil language, and with a sweet and pleasant style; but only in those places where he finds himself gravelled and prest by the evidence of truth. For then he doth purposely involve his sense with dark words, and heaps up a pile [Page] of distinctions in philosophical terms, raising a cloud of dust about him, with a capricious and tedious style. By his great reading in the Fathers he gathers up (more out of ostentation then necessity) a multitude of allegations about light or uncontroverted things. But his little skill in the Greek tongue and other humane letters, makes him trip often. His whole book is swarming with falsified citations, which I undertake not in this book to examine one by one, contenting my self to produce a few of many; for I know that such an exami­nation is wearisom to the Reader, and of no great instruction. But in gene­ral, it is certain that none of those that have blurred paper in France in the Popes behalf, can be compared unto him. I should do him wrong, I say not to equal to him, but even to name after him some petty clamorous wranglers, of the highest boldness, and the lowest ignorance, as Father Gontier, Father Veron, Father Regourd, men whose impudence and venemous choler hath distempered their brains; who in other times should not be suffered, but are fit for this time, in which audaciousness goes for learning, pride for zeal, and a scolding injurious style for true eloquence. I could almost be perswaded to place John Jaubert Bishop of Bazas in the same form; but I spare his Miter, and receive his alehouse Rhetorick of foul words as so many praises. All these start up after M. du Per­ron, as Wasps out of the body of a dead Horse.

Nevertheless the more I esteem the wit and learning of Monsieur du Perron, the more I deplore his condition for selling his pen unto the Pope, and bending his wit to war with God. For whoso shall seriously consider this book which I am to examine, shall find in it a great contempt, yea, a secret hatred of the Holy Scripture; of which he endeavoureth to breed a disgust into mens minds, to find in it insoluble absurdities, and to undermine its authority. For besides that in so great a book as his, Scripture is very seldom alledged, insomuch that some­times in fifty leaves there is no mention of God or his word; he makes bold to maintain that the Church can change the things which God hath commanded in his word,In the se­cond book of M. du Perron, in the third observation, ch. 3. p. 674. Pag. 1110. & 1115. in the Treatise of the Com­munion under both kinds. and hath authority to dispense from the commandments of Jesus Christ. Of that subject he hath written an express chapter, whose argument is, Of the authority of the Church to alter things contained in the Scripture. There he affirms that there are things in Scripture, which the Church can alter, and hath in effect altered. And speaking of the form after which Jesus Christ hath instituted his Sacraments, he saith that when great inconveniences occur in it, the Church can bring to them, both dispensation and alteration. Especially concerning that command of the Lord Drink ye all of it, he maintains that this precept is not indispensable and unalterable; A blasphemous proposition arriving to the last period of impiety! for none of the antient Hereticks ever went so far.

Innoc. III. Decret. de Concess. Praebendae Tit. 8. Cap. Proposuit. Secundum plenitudinem potestatis de jure possumus supra jus dispensare. Et ibi Glossa. Nam contra Apostolum dispensat. Item contra Vetus Testa­mentum. Item in Voto. Item in sa­cramento.They took pretences indeed to dispense themselves from the commandments of God, and contradict his word, making use of glosses and exceptions. But never any heretical Church presumed to use this language, We acknowledge indeed that God hath given this commandment; but we have the power to alter it; and it belongs to the Church to judge what commandments of God are dispensable. By that means the Church shall not be subject to Gods commands, but as far as she thinks good; and shall blot out of the Law of God whatsoever she disliketh; saying, This commandment I judge to be dispensable. Thus shall man be above God, being once judge of the Law of God. Such is the rude and hard dealing offered to God by the Gloss of the Canon Lector [...]n the thirty fourth Distinction of the Decree, where it is said, that Papa dispensat contra Apostolum, the Pope dispenseth against the Apostle. Pope Innocent the third saith the same. These are his words, We can according to the fulness of our power dispense from the right, and above the right. And upon that, the Gloss of the Doctors addeth, For the Pope dispenseth against the Apostle, and against the Old Testament, and in vows and oathes. Conformably to the gloss of the Canon Sunt quidam, in the first Question of the twenty fifth Cause, Papa dispensat in Evangelio interpretando ipsum, The Pope dispenseth in the Gospel by giving interpretation to it.

Thomas Aquinas goeth so far as to say thatThomas 2a. 2ae. qu. 2. Art. 10. Ad solam authoritatem summi Ponti­ficis pertinet nova editio symboli. Vasquez. Tomo III. Disp. 216. Num. 60. Licet conce­deremus hoc fuisse Aposto­lorum prae­ceptum, nihil­ominus Ec­clesia & summus Pon­tifex potue­runt illud justis de cau­sis abrogare. the Pope can make a new Edition of the Symbole, which is making a new Christian Religion. And so the Jesuite (c) Vasquez, Though we should grant that it was a commandment of the Apostles, nevertheless the Church and the Soveraign Pontifex could abolish it upon good causes. AndAndra­dius lib. 2. Defens. fidei Tridentinae: Minime vero majores nostri religione & pietate excel­lentes Apo­stolorum haec & quamplu­rima alia decreta refi­gere in ani­mum indu­xissent nisi intellexissent, &c. Andradius, Our ancestors men excellent in religion and piety, have disannulled these and many other decrees of the Apostles. Whence he doth infer,Idem ibidem. Liquet mine­me eos errasse qui dicunt Romanos Pontifices posse nonnun­quam in legi­bus dispensa­re à Paulo & primis quatuor Con­ciliis. that those have not erred, that say that the Roman Popes can sometimes dispense from obeying the Laws of the Apostle St. Paul, and the four first Councils. For so much the Gloss of the chapter Quando personam, saith in the first book of the Decretals,Decre­talium Gre­gorii IX. lib. 1. titulo 7. cap. 3. The Pope can change the nature of things, and dispense above the right, and the wrong he can turn into right. Which is the same as Bellarmin saithBellar. in Barklayum cap. 31. In hono sensu dedit Christus Petro potestatem faciendi de peccato non peccatum, & de non peccato peccatum. That Christ hath given to Peter (that is, unto the Pope) the power of making that which is sin to be no sin; and that Idem. lib. 4. de Summo Pontifice cap. 5. Si Papa erraret in praecipiendo vitia vel prohibendo virtutes, teneretur Ecclesia credere vitia esse bona, & virtutes malas, nisi vellet contra conscientiam peccare. which is no sin to be sin. And that if the Pope erred in commanding vices, and prohibiting vertues, the Church should be obliged to believe that vices are good, and vertues evil, unless she would sin against her conscience. We tremble out of horror at these blasphemies and shake out the dust of our feet. Must the Pope be above God? Can a mortal and sinful man dispense us from the commandment of God? Or shall he be wiser then Jesus Christ and his Apostles? But of that impious propo­sition of the Cardinal more shall be said in its proper place.

Of the like nature are these assertions of the Cardinal, when finding himself prest by the express word of God, he saith that such a commandment was given only for a time, and by provision, not for perpetuity; As in the question of the Celibat of the Clergy he makes Chrysostom to say, that this commandment of the Apostle [Pag. 172. Let the Bishop be the husband of one wife] was free in St. Pauls time, by reason (saith the Cardinal) of the rarity of unmarried persons in the time of the birth of the Church. And a little after, They were constrained to ac­cept of married persons for the Priesthood, so that they had been but once married; and acknowledgeth that custom to have lasted as far as Constantines reign, that is, in the three first ages. By his reason we must say that when St. Paul made this order [1 Tim. 3.2. The Bishop must be blameless, the husband of one wife, vigilant, sober, &c.] he charged Bishops to be sober and blameless only for a time, not alwayes: For since these commandments are joyned together by the Apostle, why shall the Church have the power to dispense with the one, not with the other? And who is he that first made that distinction? It is pitty then that the Apostle forgot to specifie, till when, and for how long that commandment was to be kept, and how long that permission for Bishops to have wives, was to take place. It was ill providing for the good of the Church to command absolutely without exception of persons and restriction of time,Rom. 13.1. Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers, if that precept was given but for a time, and provisionally, as M. du Perron will have it.

The same spirit of impiety is manifest in that other proposition in the se­venth chapter of the fourth observation of the second book; the argument of the chapter in this; One must not go back to the time of the Apostles to cleanse the Church from her pretended corruptions. By which principle the Apostles and their writings, are divested of the quality of judges: Neither must we have re­course any more unto their writings to end our differences. And no more is wanting but to say that their books ought to be burnt: for what are they good for if they must judge of nothing, and are unfit to resolve us? Indeed M. du Perron denyes that there is any corruption in the Roman Church, but those pretended corruptions of which we accuse her he will have tried, not by the writings of the Apostles, but by those of the Fathers that lived in the time of the first four Councils; which is an open confession that the Apostles are con­trary to him, since he refuseth them for Judges. Now this reason he giveth [Page] why he will be judged by the Fathers of the age of the four first Councils, that is, from the year 325. of our Lord, unto the year 451. The reason (saith he) why we must rather have recourse to those ages, then to that of the Apostles, is evident by the discourse of our observation, which is, that of the first and second Age after the Apostles, far fewer monuments are extant to see the entire face of the Church re­presented, then of those of the four first Councils. I cannot comprehend with what reason he can say that of the Age of the Apostles and of the Ages next un­to them we have less clear Monuments to represent the doctrine of the Church, then of the following Ages, since we have the writings of the Apostles, who are better alone then all the writings of the Fathers that came since; for the writings of the Apostles are of an infallible certainty, and in them no discord is found; but the Fathers have been subject to failings, and agree not among themselves. Where­fore also the Roman Church condemneth them very often.

This Authors impiety is no less manifest in the 12. chap. of his first book, pag. 52. where he denieth that the Faithfull have a Theological Faith, and he will have their faith to be only a Moral Faith: Which moral faith will be found also in the Pagans, yea in the Devils. A vertue is called Theological, when it is planted in mans heart by the documents which God gives us in his word: Now faith comes by hearing of the word of God, saith the Apostle, Rom. 10.17. If then the faith of the Christian is not a Theological vertue, it is humane or devilish. Faith being the mother of all the Theological vertues, how can it be other but Theo­logical?

As for the Fathers of the three first ages, whom M. du Perron will not receive for Judges, I maintain that from them, more then from the Authors of a latter time, we learn the state and the doctrine of the Primitive Church. Yea, I say, that to those Fathers of the three first Ages, we owe the intelligence of the Fathers that are come since, which follow the steps of the former, and borrow their terms. But how should the Fathers of the time of the first four Councils be rather our Judges then the Apostles, since those very Fathers will be judged by the Apostles, and acknowledge themselves obliged not to speak but after them? Now the reason why M. du Perron stands rather upon the posteriour Fathers, and inferiour in An­tiquity, is not that which he brings: The true cause is, that the ancienter the Fa­thers are, the more contrary they are to Popery. Also because those later Fathers are of an infinite length; and that of twenty thousand persons in the Roman Church, scarce one hath any considerable knowledge of them. How is it possible then to end our differences by that means? To fight a Duel, is there need of a Cart-load of swords? What other sword do we need but that of the word of God, which God puts in our hand? A sword before which the Devil trembleth; a sword that gives sure blows, so that one needs not after look for another wea­pon. To that sword indeed belongs that which David said of Goliaths sword, There is none like it. 1 Sam. 11.9.

If a Reader, that hath yet some liberty of judgement left, will here open his eyes, it will be easie for him to discern what opinion the Cardinal had of Chri­stian Religion, and whether he spake of it in earnest, or only to serve the time, and follow the stream.Pag. 523. In the fifty sixth chapter of the first Book he compares these two Propositions; the one, that the Church is founded upon the person of St. Peter; the other, that it is founded upon the faith or confession which St. Peter made; Matth. 16. which confession is, that Jesus is the Christ, the Son of the living God. And see how he compares them: he saith, that the first is original and perpetual, but the other is accessory and temporal: The one consigned from the beginning, the other brought in upon occasion. With him this maxime [that the person of St. Peter, and by consequence that of the Pope is the foundation of the Church] is such a maxime and ground as is perpetual, original, and from the beginning. But this other maxime, or this saith, that Jesus is the Christ, the son of the living God, with him, is not the foundation of the faith, but accessorily, and for a time, and is brought in but occasionally. After that, can we believe that this Prelate did believe the Gospel? And what remaineth more for his followers to do, but to [Page] put on a Turban, if it be once lawfull in the Christian Church to maintain that St. Peter and the Pope are the original and perpetual foundation of the Church, but that this faith [that Jesus Christ is the Son of the living God] is the founda­tion of the Church, only ad tempus, and upon occasion, and not for per­petuity?

That this is no wrongfull imputation, it is easie to shew; for this is the sum­mary of his Discourse, That the Church is grounded causally, not formally upon that confession of St. Peter, Thou art the Christ, the son of the living God, that is, (as himself expounds it) that St. Peters confession was the cause why Jesus Christ chose him for the foundation, which is clearly saying that this confession is not at all the foundation of the Church. As when the vertue of a Gentleman is the cause why the King giveth him an Office of Admiral or Governour, that vertue is not the Admiralty, or the Government: Likewise if the confession of St. Peter is the cause for which Christ made him the foundation of his Church, it follows that this confession is not the foundation. The same he sheweth, by saying that this confession is not the foundation of the Church formally, that is, really. Also by making in the same place that proposition [The confession of Peter is the foun­dation of the Church] like unto this:Pag. 522. The faith of Peter hath walked upon the waters, which is an improper and figurate proposition, and a false one too, if it be taken literally. In this especially the impiety is manifest, that this confession, Jesus is the Christ, the son of the living God, is true properly at all times, and before that Peter believed in Jesus Christ, the foundation of the Church. But the Cardinals sense is, that it began to be the foundation of the Church when Peter pronounced it; and will not admit it to be the foundation of the Church for any other cause, but that Peter pronouncing that sentence, thereby incited Jesus Christ to make him the foundation of the Church.

That which follows is no better, in the beginning of the ninth chapter, where he disputeth about the elect and predestinate unto salvation, he makes St. Paul to say, that God hath marked his elect with his seal. St. Paul saith indeed,1 Tim. 2. 2 Cor. 1.22. Eph. 1.13. Eph. 4 30. Gal. 4.6. Rom. 8.1. that God hath sealed us, and hath given us the earnest of the Spirit in our hearts; And that having believed we were sealed with the holy Spirit of promise: And he for­bids us to grieve the holy Spirit, whereby we are sealed unto the day of redemption. So the Apostle calls the inward testimony which the Holy Ghost secretly bears in our hearts that we are Gods children. But the Cardinal abolisheth (as far as in him lyeth) that Seal and inward testimony of the Spirit of God in the hearts of the faithfull, saying, that God hath marked his elect, not in them, but in him­self: As if one said that a shepherd hath marked his sheep not in them, but in himself, so that the sheep are not marked, but the shepherd. By so doing he maketh the whole comfort of the Faithfull to fade away, opposing the Apostle who puts that seal in our hearts,Rom. 8.16. and saith that the Spirit beareth witness unto our spirit, and that it is we that are sealed, not God. But Monsieur du Perron mea­suring other mens consciences by his own, and not feeling in himself that inward testimony, striveth to blot it out in others; he denieth it to be in the faithfull, and will have it to be in God only.

Thus when the Lord Cardinal declares his opinionDu Per­ron in the se­cond obser­vation, c 7. & 7. p. 553, & 554. that one should rather suffer a King, yea and Jesus himself to be killed, then to reveal a confession. And when he maintaineth, that2 Book, 2. ch. p 774. by the Books of Moses one cannot prove the im­mortality of the soul, which yet is so clearly, and so often proved there. When he4. Book in the an­swer to the second in­stance, c. 6. makes two kinds of redemption of our souls, the one original, the other applicative. When he saith thatIn his Book against M. du Plessis, p. 60. the Sacraments of the Old Testament were vain Monuments and Cenotaphes, as if God had given vain things unto his Church, like unto empty and imaginary graves, whose inscription is false. When to make Holy Scripture ridiculous, he makes a collection of those things which seem to him absurd, and to make it more absurd, imputes to it those things which are not found in it, as that Gen. 2, it is said, that within the Garden of Eden were both Nilus and Euphrates, which are above two thousand Leagues asunder; but there is no such thing there; for the second chapter of Genesis speaks indeed of [Page] Euphrates, Pag. 1100. In that text, Eccl. 9.5. there is only, neither have they any more reward. In his se­cond obser­vation of the second book, ch. 8. p. 658. but of Nilus not at all. Also when he saith that in the ninth of Ec­clesiastes Solomon affirmeth, that the dead have no reward [par de la] yonder, mean­ing, it seems, beyond this life, as if the souls were mortal. In all these (I say) he layeth open the secrets of his thoughts, even that he made very little account of the holy Scripture, and of the mysteries of Christian Religion; and that he was not well perswaded of the immortality of the soul.

This appears also in that when he alledgeth Scripture, among many passages that have some colour, he brings other texts which seem to be alledged meerly to make sport. To prove Lent, which is a fast of fourty six days, he employeth Scripture, saying, that God made the waters of the flood to rain forty dayes, and fourty nights: That the people of Israel were forty years in exile in the wilderness: That in the ancient Law the chastening of these that were beaten with rods, did not exceed fourty blows: Which are goodly and convincing proofs. So he defends the authority of the Church by these words of the Canticles88. ch. of the 1. book. We have a little sister that hath no breasts. With the like subtilty he proveth the primacy of St. Peter, Matth. 17. where Jesus ChristP. 539. biddeth Peter to pay the tribute for himself and for him. Of the like ingenious vein was his proofIn his book of the Eucharist against M. du Plessis. by the Quatrains of Pibrac, which say, Adore sitting after the Grecians rule; that the Apostles, though they were sitting at the table, yet did adore the Host.

I doubt also, whether the Sorbon and other Doctors of the Roman Church will approve of several things in this last book of his, and in that of the Eucharist. As when he saith,In the book of the Eucharist a­gainst Mr. du Plessis, pag. 287. that after the consecration God preserveth the bread in the u­niversal latitude of its being. And his confession, whereby he acknowledgeth,In his book against the King in the Treatise of the com­munion un­der two kinds, pag. 1108. that the denying of the cup to the people diminisheth the signification of the Sacrament. And this new doctrine, whereby he makes two redemptions of our souls, the one original, the other applicative; making two payments of the same debt, the one original, the other applicative. Likewise I make a great question whether the other Romish Doctors will like of his doubtingIn his Treatise of the prayer for the dead, ch. 11. p. 950. whether Purga­tory be a real or a Metaphorical fire, which is only the horror of conscience. Or of his saying in his Letter to M. Casaubon that the invocation of Saints is not ne­cessary to every particular man; that is, that every particular person may very well be without praying to the Saints, and to the Virgin Mary, and can be saved with­out that. Of the same sort is his solution of the words of the Canon of the Mass, where the Priest prays for the dead, Qui dormiunt in somno pacis, that sleep in a peaceable sleep, and by consequence prayeth not for the souls tormented in a fire. Thepag. 950. The Cardi­nals book was printed without ap­probation of the Doctors. Cardinals answer is, that the souls which are burning in Purgatory are sleeping, not in respect of themselves, but in respect of the Church, as if a man could wake in respect of himself, but sleep in respect of others.

For these and the like causes, I suppose that the Faculty, and the Doctors ap­pointed to examine Books that are put to the press, would not grant any appro­bation to this Book of the Cardinal. For what may the reason be, that a thou­sand frivolous books come out every day with the approbation of the Faculty on the Front, and this only Book so important, and so long expected, hath got none?

The allegation of Fathers is that main work of the Cardinal, for which he hath bent all his sinews, and searcht all sorts of Books with extream diligence. If ever any man was nimble in giving the slip, and turning passages from their true sense, Monsieur Du Perron gets the prize in that craft. By an ingenious dexterity he takes the words of respect and honour given to the Bishop of Rome for words of subjection. The counsels which Popes have given unto their friends, he alledgeth as Laws and Ordinances; and the several recourses of oppressed persons to the Popes, he brings as so many appeals. And the brotherly help which some Bi­shop of Rome hath given to the afflicted, as the act of a Judge and a Soveraign. The ordinances made within the Roman Patriarchate he takes as Laws given to the whole Roman Empire; and the orders made for the Bishops of the Roman Em­pire as Laws given to the Churches of the whole world. He takes precedence or primacy, and the succession to St. Peter in the Bishoprick of the City of Rome [Page] for the succession in the Apostleship, and in the Government of the Universal Church. The Intercession of Saints he takes for the Invocation; the body Sa­cramental for the Natural: The Sacrifice of thanksgiving for the sacrifice of Re­demption: The free and voluntary observations for necessary rules; and the ex­traordinary examples for ordinary Laws. Where he cannot encounter our proofs, he gives a turn about, and altereth the State of the question; and after he hath misrepresented our belief, he comes in great state to thunder upon it with a multitude of authorities of Fathers.

But yet sometimes he will fall out with those Fathers which he hath called to help, doing like the Chinesi, who after they have called upon their Demons, if the success doth not answer their requests, they beat and dash to the ground their Images.1 Book, ch. 56. p. 523, & 524. He saith that the Fathers, translating these words, Thou art Peter, and upon that stone I will build my Church, and applying them to the faith or confession of St. Peter, turn them from their true sense, to employ them against the Arians, and thereupon accusethIn the same ch. p. 526. Austin of inadvertence. He disputes against the six hundred and thirty Bishops that defined in the Council of Chalce­done, that the Bishop of Constantinople must be equal to that of Rome in all things. He blameth two hundred Bishops of Africa, among whom were those two great men,Austin Bishop of Rome, and Aurelius Bishop of Carthage, for wri­ting Letters to Celestin Bishop of Rome, to forbid him to send Legats into Africa, or take cognizance of the causes already judged by them, and desire him that he bring not the pride of the world into the Church. Many times, under pretence of excusing the Fathers, he accuseth them; saying, that they have not spoken ac­cording to their sense, and that they have dissembled for fear of being under­stood by the Catechumeni, and that the mysteries should not lie open unto the In­fidels. He saith, that to learn the belief of the Fathers, we must not seek it in their Books, where they dispute against the Hereticks or Infidels. He speaks of Austins treatises upon John with contempt, saying,Pag. 877, & 878, 879. & in many o­ther places. that they are but popular Sermons, and that in them he doth not declare his sense. But the true reason of his exception against those Treatises is, that they are clear against the eating of the Lords body, with the mouth of the body. For the same reason he speaks of the Dialogues of Theodoret, as of books where he hid his sense for fear of being understood by the Catechumeni. If we produce some very express Texts of the Fathers, M. du Perron declineth them, saying,Pag. 879,Pag. 879, that the Fathers wrest and turn aside the Scripture, and play with it. And that they have mediate, collateral, and accessory meditations, which are the eccho and the resounding of the literal sense to recreate the spirits of the Readers, with the sacred mirth and ingenious invention of allusions and Allegorical applications.

All this will be justified by the reading of this book: I could have wisht to have had to do with a living adversary, and would have been like Bees that never sting dead bodies. But the writings, and the reputation of this famous Prelate live after him, and give to the ignorant or malicious matter of triumph, and to the infirm occasion of stumbling. Wherefore I thought that I owed this labour unto the Church of God. In which labour to follow the steps of the Cardinal, I was put to search the writings of the Fathers of the first five Ages: Not to derogate in any wise to the perfection of the Holy Scripture, which alone can, and ought to decide the questions about faith, and in things necessary to salvation is so clear, that it needs no interpretation; but to pluck off from our Adversaries that vi­zard of Antiquity, and to shew that our Religion is the prime and perpetual, and hath the Antients on her side; Also to defend the honour of the Fathers, which are put to the rack to make them depose against the truth, and speak contrary to their intention; Then to find out the spring of errours, and the occasions of Popery, how Satan from small occasions, by the lapse of time, hath made great evils to arise, and from the abuse of words hath brought forth errours in the faith, and changed the voluntary observations of some men into necessary and general Laws.

In this book, I have followed not the order of the Chapters of M. du Perron, but the nature of things, and the order of times, both to give more perspicuity and proportion to my work, and to exempt my self from repeating the same things fifty times over as M. du Perron does. I have sometimes exceeded the limits of my present subject, which is to answer the Cardinals book against his Majesty of Great Britain, especially in the question of the Sacrament of Penitence, and in that of the real presence, wherein I examine many passages of the Cardinals book of the Eucharist against Monsieur du Plessis.

To be a Suitor for the equity of the Readers, I could alledge my sickness of two and twenty moneths, which hath brought me to the brink of the grave, in which nevertheless I have followed this work: also the interruption of several journeys, many afflictions wherewith God hath visited me, the business of my calling, which requires a whole man, and my want of those helps and convenien­cies, which this Lord Cardinal had in great plenty. But truth affords a great advantage, and God makes hard things easie, when in our labour for his cause we have no other end but his glory. By the mouth of children he establisheth his praise, and makes his strength perfect in our weakness. He will make the labour of his servants fruitfull, and will dissipate the clouds of errour by the brightness of his Gospel. Or if the hardness of this Age hinders the fruit of our labour, though we have here sowed upon stones, yet we shall reap in heaven. And God will bring a time in which the edge of his word, which seems now to grow blunt by the hardness of hearts, will recover its strength and vertue. To him be glory for ever, Amen.

A Pattern of Falsifications and depravations of passages alledged by the L. Cardinal Du Per­ron, in his Book against the King of Great Britain.
The Reader shall find more of these observed in the Table in the end of this Book.

THE L. Cardinal Du Perron in the sixth Chap. of his fifth Book, where he is gathering the absurdities which he finds in the holy Scripture, in the 1099. Page of the first Edition, saith that in the second ch. of Genesis it is affirmed, that within the Garden of Eden there was among other Rivers that of Ni­lus, and that of Euphrates, which are above a thousand leagues asunder. But there is no mention of Nilus in all that Chap­ter. It is easie for one to make Scripture to say absurd things, when he falsifieth it.

In the same Chapter, pag, 1101. he imposeth on St. John that he saith in the fifteenth ch. he that cometh after me, was made before me; of which there is not one word in the whole Chapter. There is indeed in the first chapter [...], he was before me, or he was preferred before me, not he was made before me.

St. Paul, Gal. 2.6. saith, comparing himself with the most eminent among the Apostles, They that are eminent have brought nothing to me, otherwise, [...]. Those that seemed to be somewhat added nothing unto me. The Cardinal in his 56. ch. p. 526. to perswad that St. Paul compareth himself with the most excellent Apo­stles, not in authority, but only in learning, translateth, They that seemed to be something have taught me nothing. The vulgar version hath contulerunt, not do­cuerunt.

Deut. 18. v. 18. God saith, I will raise them up a Prophet from among their brethren like unto thee; which words are expounded by St. Steven, Acts 7.37. as said of Jesus Christ. But the Cardinal in the second chap. of his third book, to authorize by that text the Pastors of the Church, that the people may have re­course unto them rather then to the Law of God, hath translated, the Lord will raise you Prophets, you shall hear them; putting the plural, Prophets, instead of the singular, a Prophet, that he may transport to the Pastors of the Roman Church that which is said of Jesus Christ alone.

M. Du Perron in his fifth book, chap. 18. of the fourth Instance pag. 990. to prove that the Saints departed know our hearts, alledgeth, 1 Cor. 14.25. where he makes St. Paul to say, that by the gift of prophesie the secrets of the hearts are manifested. Which is a text falsified both in the words and the sense; for these words, by the gift of prophecy, are of the Cardinals addition. And as for the sense, St. Paul speaks not of knowing the hearts by prophecy, but he speaks of the manifestation of the heart made by a confession, which giveth glory to God [Page] before the Congregation, as it appeareth by the following words, Thus are the secrets of his heart made manifest, and so falling down on his face he will worship God, and report that God is in you of a truth.

And that which is more intolerable, is that a little after, pag. 992. he alledgeth the same text quite otherwise, and falsifies it another way, in these words, When a man prophecieth, they that come in are confounded, because the secrets of their hearts are manifested. There is no such thing in the text of St. Paul. And observe that he sets down the text in a different letter, as an allegation of the very words of the Apostle.

In the Page before, which is 991. to prove that the Saints departed hear our Prayers, he brings in a text of 1 Cor. 13. in these words, Now I know in part, but when that which is perfect is come, I shall know as I am known. Where St. Paul speaks not of the knowledg which he should have of our Prayers after this life, or of things that are done here in Earth, as M. Du Perron understands it, but of the full knowledge which he should have of God in the life to come. Now least that the Reader should perceive that this is the sense of St. Paul's words, he hath beheaded the text, having supprest the precedent words, then we shall see face to face; now I know in part, &c. Where it is clear that he speaks of the sight of the face of God, not of the knowledg which the Saints have of them that are in the World, as M. Du Perron will have it.

In the same place to prove that the Angels offer our Prayers unto God, and by consequence know them, he alledgeth, Rev. 8.3. as if it were said there, that the Angels offer the prayers of the faithful unto God: But there it is spoken of one Angel only, offering incense with the prayers of the Saints. The Cardinal hath put Angels instead of an Angel, lest we should come to think that this Angel is our Lord Jesus Christ.

Page 992. to prove that after this life the thoughts of the heart shall be mani­fested of the one to the other, that is, that the thoughts of the living shall be manifested to the Saints departed, he alledgeth, 1 Cor. 4.5. in these words, Judge of nothing before the time, until that the Lord hath inlightned the hiding pla­ces of darkness, and manifested the thoughts of the hearts; That text is falsified; for this is the right one, Judge nothing before the time, until the Lord come, who both will bring to light the hidden things of darkness, and will make manifest the coun­sels of the hearts, and then shall every man have praise of God. M. Du Perron hath cut off these words, untill the Lord come; and these also, and then shall every man have praise of God, because these words shew, that there St. Paul speaks of the day of Judgement, in which the Lord Jesus Christ shall come, and things hidden shall be brought to light, and praise shall be given to every one according to his works. And by consequent it is not spoken there of the knowledge which the Saints of Paradise have of the thoughts of men living upon Earth.

In his fifth book chap. 2. of the fourth instance pag. 964. to prove that we must adress our Prayers to the Saints departed he alledgeth, Gen. 20.7. in these words, Address thy self unto Abraham and he shall pray for thee. These words Address thy self unto Abraham are of the Cardinals addition. Note also that Abraham was then living,See in the last chapter of the sixth book of this Work four Texts of Scripture falsely al­ledged by M. Du Per­ron, in his Oration pro­nounced be­fore the States at Paris. wherefore though this text were not falsified, it were of no force for the invocation of the Saints departed.

It is written, Joshuah 7.6. that Joshuah rent his clothes and fell to the earth up­on his face before the Ark of the Lord. M. Du Perron in the third book of the Eu­charist against Mr. Du Plessis in the eleventh chapter, to prove the adoration of the Sacrament, alledgeth that text, but corrupts it, saying, that Joshuah and all the people worshipped the Ark.

In the 56. chap. of the third book, pag. 526. to prove the primacy of Peter he alledgeth a passage of St. Ambrose, of the fourth ch. of the book of the Incarna­tion, in these words, This (meaning Peter) when he had heard, But you, who do you say that I am? presently not forgetting his place, he made the Primacy. It is an excellent passage of St. Ambrose, which M. Du Perron hath clipt to turn it to a contrary sense. These are the true words of Ambrose, Petrus non immemor sui, [Page] primatum egit. Primatum utique confessionis non honoris, primatum fidei non ordi­nis; that is, Peter not forgetting his place made the primacy; the primacy indeed in the confession, not in honour; the primacy in the faith, not in order. Ambrose ac­knowledgeth in St. Peter a prioity or primacy in making his confession of Faith, not in honour or order. Wherefore M Du Perron cuts these words away, Pri­matum confessionis non honoris, primatum fidei non ordinis.

In the same chapter, page 527. to prove that Peter answered Jesus Christ, Thou art the Christ the son of the living God, because that past the capacicy of the other Apostles, he alledged Cyrillus of Jerusalem in the eleventh Catechesis, in these words, All the other Apostles being silent (for that doctrine was above their strength) Peter, &c. But there is in the Greek, [...], for that doctrine was above humane reach, not that doctrine was above their strength.

In the same 56. chapter in the last line of the 531. page he saith, that Chryso­stome in his Comment upon the Epistle to the Galatians, reads, Cephas, James and John. Let the Reader see the place, he shall find that Chrysostome reads James, Cephas and John, putting James before Peter.

In the same chapter, page 533. he alledgeth for St. Peters Primacy a passage of St. Austin, in the second book of Baptism against the Donatists, where Austin alledgeth Cyprian in these words, as M. Du Perron relates them. You see what St. Cyprian saith, that the holy Apostle Peter, in whom so great a grace of the pri­macie did shine, being rebuked by St. Paul, answered not that he had the primacy, and would not be corrected by new men and posteriour unto himself. So does this Cardinal alledge that passage. But the Latin of Cyprian is much different from it. These be the words, Cyprian in his Epistle to Quintus, speaks thus of Peter,Nam nec Petrus (in­quit) quem primum Do­minus elegit, super quem aedificavit Ecclesiam suam, cum secum Pau­lus de cir­cumcisione disceptaret, postmodum vindicavit si­bi aliquid insolenter, aut arrogan­ter assump­sit, ut diceret se primatum tenere & ob­temperari à novellis & posteris sibi potius debe­re. for saith he, neither Peter whom the Lord chose first, and upon whom he founded his Church, when Paul disputed with him about the Circumcision, assumed any thing to himself insolently after that, or did appropriate any thing to himself arrogantly, to say, that he had the primacy, and that new men come after him were to obey him. In that passage St. Cyprian clearly saith, tha if St. Peter had assumed unto himself the primacy, or pretended that St. Paul ought to obey him, he should have spoken arrogantly and insolently. But M. Du Perron hath pared away these words that displease him, Peter assumed nothing insolently, neither did he appropriate any thing to himself to say that he had the primacy. We will shew hereafter that St. Cy­prian makes St. Peters primacy to last but two years, that is, until our Saviours Resurrection, and saith, that after the Lords Resurrection all the Apostles were equal in honour and power. Neither is this all the falsification of this passage; for M. du Perron interprets the word posteris posteriours, instead of, come since, as Cyprian meaneth, as it appeareth by the word novellis, which goeth before posteris. But the Cardinal would give it such an exposition as would bear an in­ference, that St. Paul was posteriour both in order and power unto St. Peter.

In the last line of the 54. chapter, page 520. he alledgeth Pope Leo the I. in the 62. Epistle to the Emperour Martianus, and makes that Pope speak thus, None of the Patriarchal Sees, but that of Rome, shall remain stable and unmoved. That passage is altogether falsified. There is in the Latin, Nec praeter illam petram quam Dominus in fundamento posuit, stabilis erit ulla constructio, that is, Besides that stone which the Lord hath laid for a foundation, no other structure shall be stable.

Irenaeus in the third book chap. 3. speaking of the Church of the City of Rome, saith, Ad hanc Ecclesiam propter potentiorem principalitatem necesse est omnem con­venire Ecclesiam; This the Cardinal translateth (44. ch. of the first book, page 354. and in many other places) To the Roman Church by reason of a more powerful principality, it is necessary that every Church Du Perron's French word is convienne. consent, interpreting convenire ad Ecclesiam, consent to the Church, instead of flocking to the Church, and resorting to it from several places. The sense of that passage is, that all the Churches of the Roman Empire resorted to the Church of the City of Rome, because the Sove­raign power of the Emperour and of the Senate resided there. As it is said in the ninth Canon of the Council of Antioch, [...], because that those that had business resorted to the Metropolitan [Page] Church. Ireneus speaks not of the primacy of the Church, but of the Soveraign power of the Empire. And whosoever understands Latin, knoweth that convenire ad Ecclesiam signifieth not to concur or consent with the Church in doctrine, but to resort to the Church, and come to it from several places.

In the 30. chap. of the first book, towards the end of the 175. page, and in the begininng of the 176. M. Du Perron saith, that when Augustus and the following Emperours established or restored the Office of Praefectus Urbicus of Rome, they gave him power to judge of the appeals from all the Provinces of the Roman World, as the Interpreter of Notitia Imperii Romani doth acknowledge it: And in the margin he cites the fourth chapter of the Comment of Pancirolus upon Notitia Imperii. The passage of Pancirolus which the Cardinal citeth is in these words, Cui [paerfecto Ʋrbico] omnem imperii potestatem Augustus concesserat, non tantum in urbe, sed et extra. That is, To whom the Emperour Augustus had granted the whole power of the Empire, not only in the Town but also without. I cannot wonder enough at the ill Faith of this Prelat, in corrupting the passages of Authors; how he hath supprest the following words, which limit the power of that Praefectus to a hun­dred miles about the City of Rome. This is the whole passage. Augustus had given to the Prefect of the City the whole power of the Empire, not only within the City, but also without, Intra cen­t [...]simum ab urbe lapidem. a hundreth miles about the City of Rome. This Cardinal being overprest with a multitude of authorities of the Ancients, which limit the power of the Bishop of Rome within the same limits as those of the Praefectura, or civil Jurisdiction of the Prefect of the City of Rome, will have that prefect of the City to have been the Judge of all the causes of the Empire. As if one would have the Lieutenant Civil of Paris to receive the Appeals of all the causes of France.

Thus in the same chapter, page 177. Gregory Nazianzen calls Rome, [...], that which presideth over all, that is, over all the Empire; but the Car­dinal translateth that which presideth over all the Word.

In the 32. chap. pag. 199. he alledgeth the sixth Canon of the Council of Nice, which gives order that the customs observed of old in Egypt, Lybia and Pentapolis, be maintained; namely that the Church of Alexandria have the power of all things, be­cause this also is ordinary to the Bishop of Rome. To the end of that Canon the Cardinal soweth a taile of his own, and will have the Reader to supply these words, over all the Church; as if that Canon said, that the custom of the Bishop of Rome was to have power over all the World, which is an intolerable licence. That was a fit place to bring some example of the power of the Bishop of Rome out of the Roman Empire; But it is more then he could do, either there, or any where else.

In the same chap. pag. 198. he alledgeth the second book of Evagrius, ch. 4. making him say, that the Pope was the head of all the Churches: Of which not one word is found in the whole chapter. As for the Greek Acts of the Councils which he alledgeth there in the margin, we will shew in the right place that all these are full of falsifications.

In the same page he alledgeth the first Action of the Council of Chalcedon in these words, Hereby it appeareth that all primacy and principal honour was alwaies defer­red unto the Bishop of Rome. That version of the Cardinal is false. It is thus ac­cording to the Greek [...]. By the things done, and by the disposition of every one, we perceive that before all things the preheminences and excellency of honour is kept ac­cording to the Canons, to the Archbishop most beloved of God of the antient Rome. The Cardinal hath omitted these words, according to the Canons, which shew that the honour then deferred unto the Bishop of Rome, was founded upon the Canons and Ecclesiastical constitutions, not upon the Word of God; and hath turned the word preheminences or prerogatives into all primacy. The falsification is ve­ry bold in adding the word all; for every Patriarch had his preheminence and primacy, but not, all primacy.

In the 25. ch. of the first book, page 109. the Cardinal imployes the testimo­ny of St. Basil to defend the Popes authority. Basil in the tenth Epistle com­plains [Page] of the pride of the Western men, of whom Damasus Bishop of Rome and Ambrose Bishop of Milan were the chief. If the wrath of God (saith he) conti­nueth upon us, what help can we receive from the pride of the Western men, who knew not the truth, and have not the patience to learn it? [...], &c. and being forestalled with false opinions, do now the things which they have done in the business of Marcellus, con­tending against those that announce the truth, and strengthning heresie by them­selves? The Cardinal in the 109. page alledgeth that text, and to darken the perspicuity of it, he translateth the brow of the Western men, instead of the pride and arrogancy of the Western men. And to sweeten the hardness of that passage, he alledgeth the 77. Epistle of the same Basil, which he affirmeth to be written to the Western men, that is, to Damasus Bishop of Rome and to his fellow Bishops, to whom Basil speaketh thus, We are ready to stand to your judgment, if those that falsly accuse us can abide to stand face to face with us in the presence of your venera­tion. If M. Du Perron must be credited, these are words of submission, where­by Basil subjecteth himself to the judgment of the Western men, that is, of Da­masus Bishop of Rome and his colleagues. This is a notorious imposture; for that Epistle is not written to Damasus, nor to his colleagues, but to the Bishops of the Isles of the Mediterranean Sea, whom he calls [...] and [...], mari­time men and Islanders, and saith that they are severed from the Continent, which cannot be applied to Italy, which is a Continent. And the more submission Basil useth speaking with those Islanders, the more is that passage against M. Du Per­ron, since that honour is deferred to others then the Bishop of Rome.

Hence another falsification is discovered, ch. 33. pag. 233. where he alledgeth these words out of the same Epistle, as spoken to the Western men, that is, to the Bishop of Rome; Whether you hold your selves heads of the Ʋniversal Church, the head cannot say to the feet. You are not necessary to me. For these words are spo­ken to the Maritime Bishops or Islanders. But Monsieur Du Perron hath writ in his margin Basil. ad transmarinos Epist. 77. thinking that [...] signifieth transmarinos, whereas it signifieth maritimos, as also in the same Epistle they are called [...], Islanders, and severed from the Continent. The words of the same Epistle are express to this purpose, [...]. The Lord hath separated the Islands from the continent with the Sea, but hath tyed the Islanders with those of the Continent by charity. This passage then is so far from helping towards the primacy of the Pre­late of Rome, that it rather destroys it, since that title of Head is deferred to others then the Roman Bishop, according to the custom of the Antients to be liberal in titles of deference even to those to whom they did not owe any subjection.

In the 42. ch. of the 3. book he corrupts a Text of Theodoret two ways, ta­king the Council of Constantinople for that of Rome, and the Emperour Theodo­sius for the Emperor Gratian, as I shew in my fifth book in the tenth chapter.

In the 25. chapter of the first book, pag. 119. & 120. he saith against truth that Prosper Aquitanicus, and Marcellinus Comes put the death of the Empe­ress Eudoxia many years after the death of Chrysostom.

In the 52. ch. towards the end of the page 458. he saith, that the Fathers of the Milevitan Council referred the final judgment of Celestius unto the Pope. Which I prove to be false in my sixth book, in the third chapter.

In the same chapter, pag. 461. to prove that the Pope had power to summon to appear before him all that are accused, he alledgeth the words of Innocent the I. Bishop of Rome, in his Epistle, which is the 96. among the Epistles of St. Austin, where Innocent speaking of Pelagius (as M. Du Perron relates it) speaks thus, He must not expect to be summoned by us, but he must come to us that he may be ab­solved. These words But he must come to us, are of the Cardinals addition. There is in the Latin, Non à nobis accersi sed ipse potius debet festinare ut possit absolvi.

In the same chapter, page 478. to prove that in Austins time the Bishop of Rome had the power to send Bands of Souldiers into Africk to get his command­ments [Page] executed,In the sixth Book, cap. 6. he alledgeth an Epistle of Austin which is newly coined, as I will shew in the right place.

The Bishops assembled in the sixth Council of Carthage, writ long Letters to Celestin Bishop of Rome, warning him that he should send no more Legats into Africa, nor receive Appeals from Africa, nor judge causes already judged in A­frica, nor bring the fumous pride of this world into the Church of Christ, which makes profession of humility. There is in the Latin, Executores Clericos vestros quibusque petentibus nolite mittere, nolite concedere, ne fumosum typhum saeculi in Ecclesiam Christi quae lucem simplicitatis, & humilitatis diem, Deum videre cu­pientibus praefert, videamur inducere. That is, Send not your Clerks to be your A­gents at the request of any that will desire you: Do not grant it to them, that it may not seem that we will introduce the fumous pride of this world into the Church of Christ, which bears the light of simplicity, and the Sunshine of humility, before those that desire to see God. But the Cardinal to elude that illustrious Text, translateth fumosum typhum saeculi, the fumous whirlwind of this world, taking [...] for [...]; for [...] signifieth pride and tumour; but [...] is a whirlewind; herein shewing himself little skilled in the Greek tongue: That typhus in that place sig­nifieth pride, not a whirlwind, it appeareth hence, that in the same line it is op­posed unto humility.

Liberatus, Deacon, in the fifth chapter of his Breviary, saith, that the Empe­rour Theodosius by his Letters Patent written to the Bishops, called the Council of Ephesus. And he relates after, how the Council assembled. Which being met, the same Liberatus a little after, relates how Cyrillus and his friends called the Bishops of the Council. His words were, Cyrillus cum suishabens vices sedis Apostolicae, Concilio evocato ducentorum Episcoporum, Nestorium vocaverunt. That is, Cyrillus with his [friends or Clergy] holding the place of the Apostolical See, having cal­led (or caused to come to him) a Council of two hundred Bishops, called Nestorius. But Cardinal du Perron to make the world believe that this Council had been cal­led by the Pope, hath translated Concilio evocato having convocated a Council in­stead of having called to him the Council. That it should be so understood, Libe­ratus shews it, saying, that he called the Bishops of the Council, the Council being already assembled by the convocation made by the Emperors com­mand.

In the ninth chapter of the fourth observation, pag. 741. he alledgeth for St. Peters primacy these words of Cyprian in the 71. Epistle, Peter answered not Paul that rebuked him that he had the primacy. This passage is falsified; these be the true words, Nec Petrus vindicavit sibi aliquid insolenter, aut arroganter as­sumpsit, ut diceret se primatum tenere: that is, Peter attributed nothing to him­self insolently, nor assumed any thing arrogantly, to say that he had the primacy. That passage saith, that if Peter had attributed unto himself the primacy, he should have spoken arrogantly and insolently: Wherefore the Cardinal hath erlipsed these words, arrogantly and insolently.

In the second Observation, 2. chap. pag. 640. he falsifieth Socrates, making him say, that the Council of Nice denounced excommunication unto the Quarta decimani of Asia. But Socrates saith, that it was Victor Bishop of Rome, that denounced that excommunication, not the Council of Nice. See Socrates in the fifth book, chap. 21.

In the 35. chap. of the first book, pag. 283. to prove that Hosius Bishop of Cordova did preside in the Council of Nice in quality of Legat of Pope Syl­vester, Monsieur du Perron alledgeth Photius in the Book of the Councils addrest unto Michael King of the Bulgars, and brings these words; With Vito and Vin­centius was joyned Osius Bishop of Cordova. An horrible Licence of falsifying; for in that book of Photius the clean contrary is found: Of which book we have an extract, treating of the seven Oecumenical Councils from the beginning of the first Tome of the Councils. These are the very words of Photius; The first Oecumenical and holy Council hath been celebrated at Nice in Bithynia, where three [Page] hundred and eighteen holy Bishops undertook the judgement of the truth. Tomus 1. Concil. Edit. Colon. An. 1567. apud Ge [...]vi­num Cale­ [...]ium. Prae erat & Alexander qui sedem Constantino­politanam ob­tinebat, vir cum senectu­te, tum pru­dentia gravis, &c. & Syl­vester & Ju­lius illustres, ac celebres Ecclesiae Romanae Pontifices, quorum tamen neuter interfuit, sed Bitonem & Vincentium nomine s [...]o adesse voluerunt. Phocius Epistola ad Michaelem Bulgariae Principem de septem Conciliis Oecumenicis. Alex­ander did preside in it, who held the See of Constantinople, and Sylvester and Ju­lius illustrious and famous Bishops of the Roman Church. Nevertheless neither of these were there in person, but they would that Bito and Vincentius should be there in their names. Of Hosius he speaks not at all, and puts Alexander Bishop of Con­stantinople before that of Rome.

In the fifth book, in the Treatise of the Invocation of Saints, 20. ch. page 1057. the Cardinal alledgeth a text of Theodoret against himself, thus, That vice [of serving Angels] hath continued long in Phrygia and Pisidia, [...]. and therefore the Synod assembled at Laodicea, the Metropolitan City of Phrygia, prohibited by a Canon praying to Angels: and to this day Oratories to St. Michael are seen among them. But the Cardinal hath taken away that word of St. Michael, for fear of wrapping the Roman Church in that condemnation; for that Church hath Ora­tories of St. Michael as well as those Hereticks. He hath then put Oratories only, without speaking of St. Michael.

In the 19. chap. of the same Treatise, pag. 1009. he makes Eusebius to say in the 13. book of the Evangelical preparation, that Plato hath said, that vertuous dead men must be honoured, and their Monuments venerated and adored. That is false, and Eusebius in the alledged place doth not speak of it at all.

In the Controversie of the Prayer for the dead, ch. 10. pag. 948. he alledgeth Josephus in the third Book of the war of the Jews, ch. 25. in these words, Jo­sephus describing the extremity of the siege of Jotapata, and the resolution which they would take, rather to cause themselves to be killed then to fall into the hand of the Romans, testifyeth that he disswaded them from it by this re­monstrance, that the Law of their Nation did not permit that the souls of those that had killed themselvs should be prayed for.’ No such thing shal be found in Jo­sephus, but only [...], that is, there is an order among us, that they that have killed themselves be hid without burial until sun-set.

One of the boldest falsifications in Cardinal du Perrons book, is in the third chap. of the same Treatise, pag. 984. in a passage of the 8. Book of Origens against Celsus. To defend the invocation of Saints and Angels, he goeth about to prove, by Origen, that the Angels and blessed Spirits pray for us: A thing which we deny not. In vain doth he labour to prove that which is not controverted. But the question is, whether Angels and Saints must be invocated, and whether they must be prayed to that they would pray for us. Origen then speaking of persons that fear God and pray to him, [...]. saith that an infinity of sacred powers (so he calls Angels) joyn themselves to their prayers, not being called upon or invocated. Which is an excellent passage; but M. du Perron corrupts it, and translates [...] voluntarily, whereas it signifieth, not being called upon by Prayer or Invo­cation.

The Author of the Comment upon the Epistle to the Romans, attributed to Ambrose, upon the first ch. saith. ‘For this cause we go to the King by Colonels and Governours, because the King is a man, and knows not to whom he should commit the administration of the Common-wealth. But to get Gods favour (for he knows what all men deserve) suffragatore non opus est, sed mente devota, there is no need of any that help us with his suffrage, but of a devout soul.’ Monsieur du Perron translates this word Suffragator, a giver of advice or attesta­tion against the nature of the word, and the authors intention. For they that em­ploy Colonels or Governours to speak to the King, do it that they may inter­cede for them, not that they may give advice or attestation to the King. And Am­brose speaks of intercessors to God, not of persons that give advice or attestation to God; for God to know us needs not the attestation of any.

In the 73. chap. of the first book, page 588. M. du Perron alledgeth a pas­sage of Chrysostom, out of the third Homily upon the Epistle to the Philippians, where he makes Chrysostom to say, It is not in vain that the Apostles have left a tradition, that sacrifice should be offered for the dead. That passage is false; for Chrysostom saith thus, [...], It is not in vain that the Apostles have made that Law that in the formidable mysteries a commemoration be made of them that are departed. This word Sacrifice, and the word Tradition are added by M. du Perron.

In the third Observation, chapter 20. page 703. & 704. he falsifieth the tenth Canon of the Council of Ancyra, translating [...] have been received, whereas it signifieth having undertaken, or having obliged themselves. The Latins would say, qui in se receperunt.

Page 1084. Where he speaketh of unknown Language, he alledgeth a pas­sage of Hierome in the preface of the second book upon the Epistle to the Galatians, whereby he would prove that the Divine Service was celebrated among the Galatians in a Language not understood, because their Service was in Greek, and their vulgar tongue was like unto that of the Gaules of Triers. The Cardinal makes Hierome speak thus, The tongue of the Galati­ans was like that of the Gaules of Triers. But he fraudulently clips the words of Hierome, which say that the Galatians had also the use of the Greek tongue, vulgar in all the East. This is the true passage, Galatas excepto Ser­mone Graeco quo omnis Oriens loquitur, propriam eandem habere linguam quam Tre­viros. That the Galatians, besides the Greek tongue which all the East speaks, have a proper tongue, the same as that of the Gauls of Triers.

In the second Observation, chapter 5. pag. 651. he proveth secret confession by Saint Cyprian, whose words he thus alledgeth, They that do pennance, can­not come to the Communion, unless the hand be laid upon them by the Priest or by the Clergy. There is in the Latine, ab Episcopo & Clero, by the Bishop and the Clergy. But M. du Perron hath put the Priest for the Bishop, and or for and, be­cause the laying on of hands by the Priest and by the Clergy cannot be applied to the secret Confession, but to the publique pennance.

[...].In the same page he falsifyeth two passages of Basil, who in the short Rules, in the 229. Rule saith, Confession of sins must be made before them that can heal it. But Monsieur du Perron, to exclude all other confession, but that which is made unto the Priest, addeth this word, only, and thus sets down that passage, Confession of sins can be made only before them that can heal it.

To the same purpose in the same place is alledged another place of S. Basil out of the 288. question in these words, Sins must be revealed only to those to whom the dispensation of mysteries is committed. But the word only, is of the Cardinals addition.

To the same purpose again he corrupts a passage of Leo in the Epistle to the Bishops of Campania, [...]. which is the 80. He makes Leo to say, It is enough that the sins of Consciences be shewed unto the Priest by a secret confession. He hath put Priest for Priests; sacerdoti pro sacerdotibus: because the confession made to many Priests availeth nothing to prove Auricular Confession.

In the third ch. of the second Observation in the end of the 648. page where he disputes of Auricular Confession, he alledgeth a place of Chrysostome, in the 30. Homily to the people of Antioch, in these words, It is enough for thee to confess thy sin to God alone, not to thy servant that upbraideth thee with it. Item, Do not constrain thy self to come to a Stage before a great multitude of witnesses. [...]. But he suppresseth the following words, Against me the sin is committed, To me alone tell it in private, which are express words against the confession made unto the Priest.

In the fifth chapter of the same Observation, page 650. he alledgeth these words of Ambrose, for the secret confession, out of the sixteenth chap­ter of the first Book of penitence; If any having secret crimes, makes ne­vertheless a serious penance, how shall he receive there [a hundreth fold] if the communion be not restored to him again? Here Monsieur du Perron stay­eth [Page] and suppresseth the following words which shew that Ambrose is speak­ing of a publike confession.Volo veniam reus speret. Petat eam lachrymis. Petat gemi­tibus. Petat populi fletibus. I will (saith Ambrose) that the guilty hope for pardon; Let him ask for it with weeping. Let him ask it with groaning. Let him ask it with the tears of the people, &c. Such dealing indeed is abusing the Reader, and unworthily clipping the sense of the Fathers.

Ambrose in the nineth chapter concerning those that are initiated in the mysteries, saith, The Lord Jesus himself crieth, This is my body. Be­fore the heavenly blessing, another kind is named; After the consecration, the body of Christ is signified or represented. There is in the Latin, Ante bene­dictionem verborum coelestium alia species nominatur, post consecrationem corpus Christi significatur. Monsiur du Perron in the eight hundred seventy ninth page corrupts this place, translating it thus, Before the blessing of the hea­venly words it is named another kind; After the consecration it is called the body of Christ. See the third chapter of the eleventh Controversie of the seventh book of this present Work, where I speak of this more at large.

In the fifth chapter of the Treatise of the Sacrifice, page 925. the Cardi­nal alledgeth the twenty ninth Canon of the Council of Carthage in these words, If in the afternoon some recommendations must be made of the dead, whether they be Bishops or Clarks or others, Let them be made by prayers only, if it be found that those that make it be no more fasting, reserving to the mor­ning only the recommendations made by oblation. These last words, reserving to the morning only the recommendations made by oblation, are added by M. du Perron, and are not found in that twenty ninth Canon.

See in this work, chap. 4. of the eleventh Controversie of the seventh book, a notorious corruption of an excellent place of Theodoret.

And in the seventh chapter the corruption of the Canon Hoc est, by omissi­on of the word as.

St. Austin chap. 12. of the book against Adimantus hath these words, Non enim dubitavit Dominus dicere, Hoc est corpus meum, cum signum daret corporis sui. The Lord made no difficulty to say, This is my body, when he was giving the sign of his body. Cardinal du Perron in the fourth book, and the fourth chapter pag. 871. will have these words supplied, according to you, as though Austin had said, The Lord made no difficulty to say, This is my body, when (according to you (O Manicheans) he gave the sign of his body. Of which enormous license in corrupting passages of the true sense of this place, see the eleventh Contro­versie of the seventh book, chap. 8. of this work.

In the sixteenth chapter of the same book, page 907. he alledgeth a place of Cyrillus of Alexandria, but with three corruptions of his own. That place of Cyrillus is found in the defence of the eleventh Anathematismus, inserted in the first Tome of the Councils, and is set down in these words;Num homi­nis come­stionem no­strum hoc Sacramentum pronuncias? & irreligiose ad crassas cogitationes urges eorum qui credid [...] ­runt mentem, & attentas humanis cogi­tationibus tractare ea quae sola pura & irre­quisita fide accipiuntur? And in the Greek, [...], &, [...]. Dost thou pronounce that in our Sacrament we eat a man? And dost thou in an un­godly manner urge the understanding of those that have believed into gross thoughts? Dost thou attempt to handle with humane thoughts, those things which are not re­ceived but only with a pure and not far-fetcht faith? The Lord Cardinal al­together corrupteth this text, translating it thus; Do not pronounce that our mystery is an anthropophagy, or eating of mans flesh, irreligiously engaging the spirits of the believers into fallacious reasonings, and submitting to humane argumentations those things which are admitted by the only and not inquisitive faith. He translateth [...] fallacious reasonings: But [...] is not a reason­ing, but a thought. And [...] signifieth not fallacious, but vain and easily wearing away. He had heard of [...] and he hath mistaken the one one for the other. And he translates [...] a faith not inquisitive, whereas it signifieth a faith not far-fetcht. And he omitteth the word of only faith, in which lyeth all the strength of that place.

In the precedent page he translateth [...] are presupposed, whereas [Page] it signifieth are taken or received, as the Latin copies translate. As also Acts 27.23. [...] having taken, that is, eaten nothing, and in v. 36. [...] they took meat.

The number of the places which the Cardinal depraveth, for want of sufficient skill in the Greek tongue, is numberless. Some of many we shall bring here.

Pag 279. going about to correct Sozomenus, he translateth [...] venerable, which signifieth hoary or gray-haired.

Pag. 126. he translateth [...] reverencing, whereas it signifies cogitan­tem, thinking and imagining.

In the same page he translates [...] discretion, whereas it signifieth trial or examination.

Pag. 961. In the second instance he interprets [...] a bathing tub, or a cistern, taking [...] for [...], whereof the first signifieth the washing liquor, the second a cistern or bathing tub.

Pag. 137. he translates [...] representing, whereas it signifies troubling or importuning.

[...]. Pag. 317. [...] he expounds convocating, whereas it signifies summoning, or desiring to come. And [...] he takes for [...] which he doth frau­dulently to perswade that Damasus did convocate the Council; whereas Theo­doret, whom he alledgeth, saith only that Damasus invited and desired the Eastern Bishops to come to Rome to the Council; but that the said Bishops would not come. It was an invitation without convocation.

In the first chapter of the Treatise of the Sacrifice, pag. 910 [...], which signifies non amplius polluent, they shall defile no more, he translates, they shall smoak no more, which is a great ignorance in the Greek tongue.

In chap. 49. of the first book p. 428. [...] he translates studious, taking [...] for [...], for [...] signifies expetitus, & quod studiose expetitur, that which is desired or sought for with care. Whence is derived [...] desired by every one, and [...] worthy to be desired and sought for.

In chap. 34. book 1. pag. 247. [...] he translates should decree; whereas [...] signifies to suggest, counsel, or represent. Besides, the place which he alledged is clipt, to perswade that Anthimus Patriarch of Constantinople was sub­ject to the Bishop of Rome. It is taken out of the fifth Council of Constantinople, held under Menas, in the fourth Action; The words are, that [...]. Anthimus using fraudulent words, promised to do whatsoever the High Priest of the great Apostolical See would suggest unto him. M. du Perron hath cut off the head of that place sup­pressing these words, using fraudulent words, least it should be seen that Anthi­mus did not hold himself subject to the Bishop of Rome. And instead of sug­gesting, he hath put decreeing, to make the world believe that Anthimus was sub­ject to the Decrees and Ordinances of the Roman Bishop.

The third Canon of the Council of Nice is this, [...]. The great Synod hath altogether forbidden [or declared] that it be not permitted, neither to a Bishop, nor to a Priest, nor to a Deacon, nor to any other of the Clergy to have an associated woman, but only his Mother, or his Sister, or his Aunt, or only the persons that are past suspicion. That Council by associate women understands certain women which Priests kept at their home, under colour, of friendship, or service: Which was subject to sinister interpretation. As now to be a Priests maid, is an ill name. The Gre­cians called those she associates, [...]; And the women so associated were al­so called Agapets and strange women. This we shew in this book by several te­stimonies in the seventh chapter of the Controversie of the Celibat. Cardinal du Perron in the twentieth chapter of the third observation, pag. 706. under­standing not the meaning of that word [...], or feigning that he under­stands it not, will have that word to signifie a married woman, saying that the Council of Nice reckoning the women which are allowed to lodge in Bishops houses, as the Mother, the Sister, and the Aunt, excludes the Wife out of that [Page] number, pretending that the Council forbids Bishops and Priests to marry. I prove in the seventh chapter forealledged, that M. du Perron did not understand the significaiion of the word [...], and that he corrupts the Canon of the Council of Nice, putting a doctrine upon the Council contrary to their sense.

In the same chapter page 708. of the Cardinals book, a Canon of the Coun­cil of Gangra is falsified. The Canon is such, [...]. If any make a difference about a married Priest, as if one ought not to be partaker of the oblation when he doth the service, let him be anathema or accursed. There is in the Greek [...] of a married Priest, not of a Priest that hath been married, as M. du Perron will have it translated. I shew in the seventh chapter of the Treatise of the Celibat, that [...] signifieth one that is married, not one that hath been.

The like ignorance of his in the word [...], I shew in XI. Controversie of the VII. Book, chap. 4. And another ignorance of the word [...] in his nineteenth chapter; M. du Perron makes [...] to signifie then, whereas it signifies altogether. Many the like falsifications and depravations we represent in this Work. They shall be found marked in the Table at the end, in the word falsi­cation, and in the word Ignorance.

I desire also the Reader to take notice that I abstained from examining the places alledged to no purpose, and nothing to our Controversies, which make two parts of three at the least of those places which M. du Perron alledgeth in his Book.

The Confession of three POPES.

ONuphrius Panuinius an Augustinian Monk in the life of Marcellus the II. hath these words, Post lon­gum in prandio silentium re­cordatus aliquando est Hadriani Quarti ver­ba, Romano Pontifice nemo est miserabilior, conditione ejus nulla miserior. Et paulo post, Non video quomodo qui locum hunc altissi­mum tenent salvari possint. Marcellus after a long silence in dinner time, remembred the words which Pope Adrian the fourth had sometimes spoken, There is no man more to be pittied then the Bishop of Rome, and no condition more unfortunate then his. And a little after, the same Marcel continuing his discourse, struck the Table with his hand, saying, I see not how they that hold this most high place, can be saved.

Aeneas Sylvius, otherwise called Pope Pius the second, in his sixty sixth Epistle to John Peregral, saith Nihil est quod absque argento Romana Curia dedat; ipsa manuum im­positio & Spiritus S. dona venduntur, nec peccatorum venia nisi nummatis impenditur. The Roman Court gives nothing without mo­ney, yea the imposition of hands, and the gifts of the Holy Ghost are sold, and the remission of sins is bestowed upon none but such as have money. The same in his Epi­stle to Martin Mayer which is the one hundred eighty eighth, speaking of the state of the Christian Church of the first ages, saith, Sibi quisque vivebat, & ad Ecclesiam Romanam parvus habebatur respectus. Every one at that time lived for himself, and little respect was given to the Roman Church.

THE CONTENTS.

BOOK I. Treating of the Church and of her Marks, and of the authority of holy Scripture, and of Traditions.
  • Chap. 1. OF the nature of the question of the Church. Page 1
  • Chap. 2. Of the word Church, and the diverse significations of the same. Page 3
  • Chap. 3. That there is a Church of elect or predestinate. Page 6
  • Chap. 4. Reasons of the Adversaries against the Church of the Elect. Page 7
  • Chap. 5. Reasons of Cardinal Du Perron against the Church of the Elect, in the ninth ch. of his book. Page 8
  • Chap. 6. Whether the societies of Hereticks and Scismaticks or Idolatrous Christians, ought to be called Churches. Answer to Cardinal Du Perron. Page 12
  • Chap. 7. How that Proposition must be understood, that out of the Church there is no Salvation. Page 13
  • Chap. 8. Whether the true Church be alwaies in sight. State of the question. Page 15
  • Chap. 9. That the Church to which we must joyn that we may be saved, is not alwaies eminent and exposed to every ones sight. Answer to the Cardinal. Page 16
  • Chap. 10. Places of Fathers upon that Subject. Page 18
  • Chap. 11. Passages and reasons of the Adversaries for the perpetual visibility of the Church. ib.
  • Chap. 12. Answer to that question made to us, Shew us where your Church was before Luther, remounting from Luther to the Apostles. Page 20
  • Chap. 13. Whether the Church can err. Page 22
  • Chap. 14. That the Roman Church hath erred, and erreth. Page 26
  • Chap. 15. Of the Antiquities of the Roman Church. A Treatise wherein it is shewed that the ceremonies of the Roman Church are descended from the ancient Hereticks, and that the Pagans and Jews have contributed towards them. Page 38
  • Chap. 16. Reasons why Cardinal Du Perron, making little account of the three first ages, confines himsel to the time of the three first Councils. And that he sets down unjust rules and such as himself observeth not. Page 54
  • Chap. 17. Of the authority of the Church. And whether she must have more authori­ty with us then the holy Scripture. Opinions of the Parties. Page 55
  • Chap. 18. Proofs that the Word of God contained in the Holy Scriptures is above the Church, and ought to be of greater authority with us then the Church. Page 58
  • Chap. 19. Reasons of our Adversaries to the contrary. Page 60
  • [Page]Chap. 20. Examination of the places of the Ancients which M. Du Perron objecteth to this purpose. Page 63
  • Chap. 21. Of the Authority of the Church to interpret Scripture infallibly. Page 64
  • Chap. 22. Seven differences between our interpretations of Scripture and those of the Roman Church. Page 67
  • Chap. 23. Examination of the reasons which Cardinal Du Perron brings in the fifth chapter for the authority of the Church to interpret Scripture infallibly. Page 69
  • Chap. 24. Of the authority of the Church to alter that which God hath commanded in Scripture. Confutation of the Cardinal. Page 70
  • Chap. 25. Which and of what nature must the marks of the Church be. Page 72
  • Chap. 26. Of the true mark to discern the true Church. Page 73
  • Chap. 27. Testimonies of the Fathers. Confutation of the Cardinals answer. Page 75
  • Chap. 28. Reasons of the Cardinal and others, to prove that the true doctrine and con­formity to the Word of God is no mark of the true Church. Page 76
  • Chap. 29. That the word Catholick cannot be a mark of the true Church. Page 79
  • Chap. 30. Of the word Catholick, and in what sense the Church is called Catholick by the Ancients. That Cardinal Du Perron hath not at all understood what Ca­tholick signifies, nor the sense of Vincentius Lirinensis. Page 80
  • Chap. 31. Of holiness in doctrine. Page 84
  • Chap. 32. Of the succession of Chairs. Whether it be a mark of the true Church. And what that succession is of which the Fathers speak. Page 85
  • Chap. 33. What the succession was, and what the calling of those who in our Fathers time took in hand the reformation of Popery. Page 89
  • Chap. 34. That in the time of Jesus Christ and his Apostles, and in the ages next to the Apostles, many have preacht the Word of God in the Church without suc­cession and without ordinary calling. Page 90
  • Chap. 35. A difference to be observed between the Office of Pastour of the Church, and the means to enter into it. Page 92
  • Chap. 36. That the Popes have a false title, and without any Word of God to the succession of St. Peter in the charge of Head of the Universal Church, and that such a charge is not grounded in Gods Ordinance. Page 95
  • Chap. 37. Of the succession of Popes and Cardinals. By what wayes the Popedom useth to be obtained. Of Schisms. And that the Popes have no lawful succes­sion. Page 97
  • Chap. 38. Of the wayes whereby Cardinals and other Prelates come to their char­ges. Page 109
  • Chap. 39. Of the perpetual duration which M. Du Perron calls indefectibility. Page 110
  • Chap. 40. Of the multitude and great number. And that the multitude is not a mark of the true Church. Page 111
  • Chap. 41. Examination of the proofs which M. Du Perron brings to prove that the true Church had alwaies the greatest number. Page 113
  • Chap. 42. Of Miracles. Page 114
  • Chap. 43. Of Union in the visible Church. Page 116
  • Chap. 44. Whether the Universal Church must be called Roman. Page 117
  • Chap. 45. Of Antiquity, whether it be a mark of the true Church. Page 118
  • Chap. 46. Of the Fathers and antient Doctors, and of their authority. Page 120
  • Chap. 47. That our Adversaries condemn the Fathers, and by consequent cannot have them for Judges. Page 122
  • Chap. 48. That the Roman Church opposeth her self to the consent of ancient Do­ctors. Page 126
  • Chap. 49. Doctrines in which the Roman Church rejecteth every Father in particular. Page 133
  • Chap. 50. How far the ancient Church was from the belief which is now received in the Roman Church. Observations upon the 18. ch. of the first book of Card. Du Perron. Page 143
  • Chap. 51. Of the pretended power and authority of the Church to add unto Scripture. And of the unwritten Traditions. And why the Pope not only equalleth [Page] them unto, but preferreth them before the holy Scripture. Page 148
  • Chap. 52. That the holy Scripture containeth the whole doctrine necessary to Salvati­on. Examination of the Cardinals answers. Page 152
  • Chap. 53. Testimonies of Fathers of the sufficiency of Scripture against unwritten Tra­ditions. Page 153
  • Chap. 54. The Cardinals reasons for Traditions against the perfection of Scripture. And first of the Traditions which he calls Mosaical and Patriarchal. Page 159
  • Chap. 55. Texts of the New Testament which Cardinal Du Perron brings for the Tradi­tions not contained in the Scripture. Page 161
  • Chap. 56. Doctrines held in the Christian Church, which the Cardinal saith not to be contained in Scripture. Page 163
  • Chap. 57. Of the Traditions which the Fathers allow. Page 164
  • Chap. 58. Of the prohibition of reading holy Scripture. Shifts of Cardinal Du Per­ron. Page 167
  • Chap. 59. Defense of the purity and truth of Scripture against the Cardinals accusati­ons and falsifications. Page 174
  • Chap. 60. Of Canonical and Apocryphal books. Proofs by Gods Word that Tobit, Ju­dith, Maccabees, &c. are not Canonical. Page 177
  • Chap. 61. Untruth and errours in the Apocryphal books. Page 178
  • Chap. 62. That the Cardinal attributes weak objections to us and defends that which we do not impugne. Page 191
  • Chap. 63. That we reject not the Apocrypha because they are contrary to us. And that they are rather favourable to us. ibid.
  • Chap. 64. Belief of the ancient Greek Church about the Canonical books. Page 193
  • Chap. 65. Belief of the Fathers of the Latin or Western Church about the Canonical books; and that the Cardinal doth not truly represent it. Page 196
  • Chap. 66. Confutation of the Cardinals shifts. Page 199
  • Chap. 67. Of Austin's opinion concerning the canonical books, and of the canon of the III. Council of Carthage, upon which the Cardinal grounds himself. Page 204
  • Chap. 68. Of the canon of the holy Scriptures defined by Pope Innocent the I. And of the Decretal Epistle of that Innocent to Exuperius. Page 207
  • Chap. 69. That the Popes have put their Canons and Decrees not only in the same rank as Canoincal Scriptures, but above. Page 208
BOOK. II. Wherein is treated of St. Peters Primacy, and of his abode at Rome.
  • Chap. 1. THat the Government of the Universal Church, cannot and must not be Monarchical. State of the question. page 211
  • Chap. 2. That St. Peter had no jurisdiction over the other Apostles, and was not Mo­narch of the Universal Church. Answer to the Cardinal. page 214
  • Chap. 3. Testimonies of Fathers upon this Subject. An excellent place of St. Ambrose falsified by the Cardinal. And a text of the Apostle falsified likewise. page 216
  • Chap. 4. Examination of the text of Mat. 16.18. Thou art Peter, &c. Shifts of the Cardinal. page 218
  • Chap. 5. Six reasons of the Cardinal to prove, that by this stone the Person of Peter is understood. page 222
  • Chap. 6. Other proofs brought by the Cardinal out of Scripture. page 223
  • Chap. 7. Of Cyprians opinion about Peters Primacy. That the Cardinal hath not un­derstood it, and how all the Apostles have been Heads of the Universal Churc [...]. page 225
  • Chap. 8. Of St. Peters being at Rome. Examinations of the Cardinals reasons. page 226
  • Chap. 9. The Cardinals falsifications about this matter. page 234
  • Advertisement to the Reader. page 237
BOOK III. Which is the first part of the History of Papacy. Wherein so much of the History of the Antient Christian Church is deduced from the beginning unto the year 300. of Christ, as will prove that then the Bishop of Rome was not acknowledged Head of the Ʋniversal Church.
  • Chap. 1. THat in the first age the Bishop of Rome was not acknowledged the Head of the Universal Church. page 239
  • Chap. 2. That the Bishop of Rome in the second age was not acknowledged Head of the Universal Church. Vindication of Eusebius Bishop of Cesarea against the Cardinals false accusations page 241
  • Chap. 3. That in the third age the Bishops of Rome were not acknowledged Heads of the Universal Church. page 246
  • Chap. 4. That the Cardinal would not make use of the authority of the Decretals to prove the Popes Primacy in the three first ages. And of the authority of the said Decretals. page 252
  • Chap. 5. The first cause why M. Du Perron would not make use of the Decretal Epi­stles of the Bishops of Rome of the three first ages; even because in many places they are contrary to the Roman Church of this time. page 253
  • Chap. 6. Other causes why the Cardinal would make no use of the Decretals of the three first ages. Of the barbarousness of those Decretals, and how Scrip­ture is profaned in them. page 255
  • Chap. 7. Evident untruths in the Decretals of the three first ages. The gross ignorance in History, of him that coined them. page 257
  • Chap. 8. That many of our Adversaries have acknowledged the untruth of those De­cretals. page 260
  • Chap. 9. Of the Popes motives for causing these false Decretals to be forged; and when and by whom they were forged. page 261
BOOK IV. Proving by the History of the Bishops of Rome from the year 300. of the Lord till two years after the death of Constantine the Emperour, which is the year of our Lord 340. That in all that age the Bishop of Rome was not acknowledged Head of the Ʋniversal Church.
  • Chap. 1. OF the idolatry of Marcellinus Bishop of Rome, and of the Coun­cil of Sinuessa. page 265
  • Chap. 2 Of the Judges given by Constantin to Cecilianus and to the Donatists. And of the Council of Arles. page 266
  • Chap. 3. Of the deliverance and establishment of the Church under Constantin. page 267
  • Chap. 4. Of the diversity of the Churches in observing the day of Easter. page 268
  • Chap. 5. Of the convocation of the Council of Nice; Answer to the Cardinal. page 269
  • Chap. 6. That the Bishop of Rome did not preside in the Council of Nice. Confuta­tion of the Cardinals assertion that Hosius was Legat of the Roman Church in that Council. page 270
  • Chap. 7. Of the Canon of Nice which sets limits to the Roman Bishoprick. And of the suburbicary Churches. Absurdity of the Cardinals interpretation. page 272
  • Chap. 8. Of the convocation of the Council of Tyr. page 275
  • Chap. 9. Death of Sylvester Bishop of Rome. How little his authority was. ibid.
  • Chap. 10. Baptism and death of Constantin. ibid.
  • Chap. 11. How poor and weak and few are the proofs which Cardinal Du Perron brings out of the three first ages, till the year of Christ 340. to defend the Popes Primacy. page 276
  • [Page]Chap. 12. How our Adversaries being destitute of true proofs of the Popes primacy in the time that followed next to the three first ages, have forged false Epi­stles and supposititious Decrees. page 280
  • Chap. 13. Of Constantin's donation and the untruth of if. page 282
  • Chap. 14. Of the Baptism of Constantin mentioned in the same Donation. page 286
BOOK V. Proving by the Ecclesiastical History from the year of our Lord 340. unto the year 400. that then the Bishop of Rome would begin to exalt himself, but missed of his attempt. And what hindrances he met with.
  • Chap. 1. OF the persecutions happened to Athanasius. And how Julius Bishop of Rome would make himself Judge of his cause. Of the convo­cating, sitting, and success of the Council of Sardica. page 289
  • Chap. 2. Three points which the Cardinal finds in this History to establish the Popes primacy. And the falsifications which he accumulateth in this matter. page 292
  • Chap. 3. Of the Council of Sardica. page 297
  • Chap. 4. Of the convocating of the Council of Sardica. How much the Cardinal is mistaken in it. page 300
  • Chap. 5. Of the Presidency in the Council of Sardica. page 301
  • Chap. 6. Of Liberius Bishop of Rome, and of the Schism after his death. ibid.
  • Chap. 7. Of the Fathers famous in that time, Hosius, Athanasius, Meletius, Gregory, Nazianzen. page 302
  • Chap. 8. Of Damasus Bishop of Rome, and of Basil Archbishop of Cesarea. Igno­rance of the Cardinal in the Greek tongue. page 303
  • Chap. 9. Of Peter Bishop of Alexandria, and of his retreat to Rome, and of Gre­gory Nazianzen Patriarch of Constantinople. page 305
  • Chap. 10. Of the convocating of the first Council of Constantinople, which is the se­cond Universal Council. How the Cardinal hath falsified the Epistle of the Oriental Bishops to Damasus Bishop of Rome. page 306
  • Chap. 11. Of the invitation and request of Damasus Bishop of Rome, whereby he de­sired the Bishops assembled in Council at Constantinople to transport them­selves to Rome, and come to the Council which Damasus held there; and of the small authority which the Council of Rome had in comparison of that of Constantinople. The Cardinals Faults. page 307
  • Chap. 12. Remarkable passages in the Council of Constantinople. page 308
  • Chap. 13. Of Hierome, and of the title of Pontifex left by the Emperour Gratian. page 309
  • Chap. 14. Of the abolition of the Penitentiary Priest by Nectarius. page 311
  • Chap. 15. Of Epiphanius Bishop of Cyprus, and of John Chrysostom. ibid.
  • Chap. 16. Of Ambrose Bishop of Milan, and that in his time the Church of Milan was not subject unto the Bishop of Rome. page 312
  • Chap. 17. Contention of Paulinus and Flavianus competitours of the Patriarchat of Antioch. page 316
  • Chap. 18. Observations upon the History of the four first ages. And how the Cardinal hath found nothing in it for his purpose. ibid.
BOOK VI. Proving by the Papal History from the year of the Lord 400. unto the Council of Chalcedon, which is the IV. Ʋniversal Council, held in the year 451. That in all that time the Bishop of Rome was not acknowledged the Head of the Ʋni­versal Church.
  • Chap. 1. NArration of that which happened to John Chrysostom Patriarch of Constantinople. Page 319
  • [Page]Chap. 2. Of the power of the Patriarchs of the fifth age. Page 323
  • Chap. 3. Of the Milevitan Council, and of the prohibition there made to appeal un­to Rome. The Cardinals answers are examined. Page 324
  • Chap. 4. Of the Schism hapned at Rome between Bonifacius and Eulatius. Page 327
  • Chap. 5. Of the Council of Carthage called the sixth. Of the appeals from Africa to Rome. The remonstrances of the Bishops of Africa to the Bishop of Rome upon that subject. Confutation of the 40. chapter of the Cardinals first book. Page 328
  • Chap. 6. Examination of the LII. chap. of the Cardinals first book about the above-mentioned Epistle of the 6. Council of Africa, written by the Fathers of the Council to Celestinus Bishop of Rome, concerning the appeals from Africa to Rome. Page 331
  • Chap. 7. Notes upon the XLVIII. and XLIX. Chapters of the first book of Cardinal du Perron. His ignorance in Greek. Page 337
  • Chap. 8. Of St. Austin Bishop of Bona in Africa. Whether he did acknowledge the Bishop of Rome head of the Universal Church. And what was in his time the order and dignity of Patriarchs and Apostolick Sees. Page 338
  • Chap. 9. Of the Epistles of the Bishops of Africa (of whom Austin was one) to Inno­cent the first Bishop of Rome. And that our Cardinal labours without ground to turn them to his advantage. Page 341
  • Chap. 10. A place of Austins 162. Epistle examined. Page 344
  • Chap. 11. Of Nestorius Patriarch of Constantinople. Of the convocating of the first Council of Ephesus, which was the third Universal. And that the Empe­rours by their own single Authority convocated the Councils. Page 346
  • Chap. 12. Of the assembling of the first Council of Ephesus. The Cardinals falsifica­tions. ibid.
  • Chap. 13. That none but the Emperour could or ought to convocate an Universal Council: And that the Bishop of Rome did not meddle with that. Page 348
  • Chap. 14. Of the Patriarchs that were present in the first Council of Ephesus. And of the strife between Cyrillus Patriarch of Alexandria, and John Patriarch of Antioch. Page 349
  • Chap. 15. Of the order of sitting in the first Council of Ephesus. And in what quality Cyrillus did preside in it. How Monsieur du Perron corrupteth that Hi­story. Page 350
  • Chap. 16. Some incidencies happened in the first Council of Ephesus, or by occasion of the same, conducing to this question. Page 352
  • Chap. 17. Occasion of the second Council of Ephesus, and by whom it was convo­cated. Page 353
  • Chap. 18. Of the things happened in the 2. Council of Ephesus, and who presided in it. Page 354
  • Chap. 19. Of the appeal of Flavianus and of Theodoret Bishop of Cyr to Leo Bishop of Rome; And of the appeals in general. That the Cardinal did not un­derstand the nature of those appeals. Page 355
  • Chap. 20. Of the excommunication that Dioscorus Patriarch of Alexandria fulminated against Leo Bishop of Rome; and of other censures pronounced against the Bishop of Rome. Page 360
  • Chap. 21. Of the Letters, and of the Law of Valentinian the 3. And of the Law of the Emperour Leo, contrary to that of Valentinian. Page 361
  • Chap. 22. Of the ordination of the Patriarch of Antioch by that of Constantinople. Page 364
  • Chap. 23. Of the assembling of the Council of Chalcedon, which is the 4. universal Council. ibid
  • Chap. 24. Who presided in the Council of Chalcedon. Page 365
  • Chap. 25. Of that which past in the Council of Chalcedon, and of the Canons made in the same about the order of the Patriarchs, and the Ecclesiastial Po­licy. Page 366
  • Chap. 26. Of the 28th. Canon of the Council of Chalcedon, and of the protestation which the Legats of Leo Bishop of Rome made against it, and how they [Page] offered to falsifie a Canon of the Councel of Nice. Page 368
  • Chap. 27. Answer to the nullities which M. Du Perron brings against this canon of Chalcedon. Page 370
  • Chap. 28. Confutation of the exposition which M. du Perron giveth to the canon of the Council of Chalcedon. Page 372
  • Chap. 29. Of the Acts of the council of Chalcedon, and of the little credit which ought to be given to the Tomes of the Councils, both Greek and Latin. Page 373
  • Chap. 30. Answer to the examples which Cardinal du Perron brings in the 34. ch. to prove that notwithstanding this Canon of Chalcedon, the Bishops of Con­stantinople have been subject to the Bishop of Rome. Page 374
  • Chap. 31. A Summary Answer to the examples, posteriour to the 4. Universal Council brought by the Cardinal in his 34. Chapter. Page 376
  • Chap. 32. A multitude of falsifications of Cardinal du Perron. Page 382
BOOK. VII. Wherein divers Controversies are examined, handled by Cardinal du Perron in his second, third, fourth, and fifth Book.
  • First Controversie. Of the Invocation of Saints.
    • Chap. 1. STate and distribution of the question. Page 387
    • Chap. 2. That the glorified Saints know not all that is done in earth, and know not the hearts and thoughts of men. Confutation of the Cardinal. Page 388
    • Chap. 3. The opinion of the Fathers about this point. Page 391
    • Chap. 4. Examination of the Texts and Reasons which the Cardinal brings to prove that the Saints know all things, see our thoughts, and hear our prayers: His foul dealing is laid open. Page 396
    • Chap. 5. What assurance the Roman Church hath, that the Saints whom they call up­on, are true Saints. Page 399
    • Chap. 6. Whether Saints and Angels ought to be worshipped. Page 402
    • Chap. 7. What was the opinion of the three first Ages, and till the midst of the fourth, about the invocation of Saints and Angels. Page 406
    • Chap. 8. Vindication of Origen upon the point of Invocation of one only God, against the accusations of Cardinal du Perron. Page 410
    • Chap. 9. A place of Origens 8. book against Celsus falsified by Cardinal du Perron. Page 414
    • Chap. 10. Reasons why Hierome said, that the Fathers writing against the Pagans, often write against their own sense. Page 415
    • Chap. 11. Of the opinion of those that condemn not Invocation of Saints, but think it unnecessary. Page 418
    • Chap. 12. Opinion of the Fathers about invocation of Saints, from the year of the Lord 365. unto the fourth Council. Page 419
    • Chap. 13. What honour is due to Angels and deceased Saints, and of the worship of Dulia and Latria. Page 429
    • Chap. 14. Of the Legends of Saints. Page 433
    • Chap. 15. Of the Psalter attributed to St. Bonaventure. Page 434
  • Second Controversie. Of Images.
    • 1. Chap. OF Gods Images. Page 436
    • 2. Chap. Of the Images of Saints. Page 438
    • 3. Chap. Reasons of the Adversaries for the adoration of Images. Page 448
    • [Page]4. Chap. That the excuses and reasons which our adversaries bring for the defence of their Images, are the same which the Pagans alledged against the ancient Christians. Page 449
    • 5. Chap. When the Images of Saints were first brought into the Latine or Occidental Church, and of the progress of that abuse. Page 451
    • 6. Chap. Of the origine and progress of Images in the Greek & Oriental Churches. Page 452
  • Third Controversie. In answer to the third instance of the 4. Book of Cardinal du Perron. Of Prayer for the Dead.
    • 1. Chap. OF prayer for the dead, and of Purgatory. What Scripture saith of it. And of the Purgatory of the Primitive Church. Page 455
    • 2. Chap. Of Indulgences given unto the dead, and generally of Indulgences. 46 [...]
  • Fourth Controversie. Of the Celibat of Clerks and Monks.
    • 1. Chap. A Comparison of continent Virginity with Matrimony. That many Prophets and Apostles were married. Examination of the Cardinals shifts. Page 469
    • 2. Chap. That the Apostle Paul, 1 Cor. 7. obligeth incontinent Clerks to marry: Con­futation of the Cardinals reasons. Page 472
    • 3. Chap. Another Text of the Apostle Paul, 1 Tim. 4. against the prohibition of mar­rying; examination of the Cardinals answers. Page 475
    • 4. Chap. Another Text of the same Epistle, 3. chap. Page 477
    • 5. Chap. Vindication of the assertion of his Majesty of Great Britain, that Canonists teach that Fornication is more tolerable in the Ministers of the Church then lawfull Matrimony. Page 479
    • 6. Chap. Answer to the reasons and testimonies which the Cardinal brings against the marriage of Clerks. Page 480
    • 7. Chap. What was the belief of the ancient Church about the marriage of the Mini­sters of the Church. The reasons and allegations of Cardinal du Perron are examined, and some of his falsifications observed. Page 483
    • 8. Chap. Examples of Clerks married, both Ancient and Modern. Page 492
    • 9. Chap. Confession of the Adversaries. Page 494
    • 10. Chap. Of the disorders happened by the Celibat. Also of the Carthusians, and of St. Francis, and his rule. Page 496
    • 11. Chap. Of affected austerity. Reasons whereby the Cardinal maintaineth professed slovenliness. The origine of Monks. Page 499
  • Fifth Controversie. Of Fasting.
    • Chap. 1. THat in the question of Fasting, and of Lent, M. du Perron doth not touch the state of the question, but discourseth about things not controverted. Page 505.
    • Chap. 2. That as sobriety and fasting are recommended in the word of God, so distin­ction of meats is condemned by the same. Page 507
    • Chap. 3. Of the custom of the ancient Church about distinction of meats. Page 508
    • Chap. 4. Of ordinary Fasts upon week days, practised in the ancient Church, and of Saturday Fast. Page 513
    • Chap. 5. Of the Fasts of Saturday, and the Lords day. Page 514
    • Chap. 6. Examination of the Proofs, whereby Cardinal du Perron goeth about to prove [Page] that Lent is of Divine institution. Page 515
    • Chap. 7. That Cardinal du Perron was ignorant of the origine of Lent, and in what sense that word was taken in the Antient Church. Diversity of ancient cu­stoms in this matter. Page 516
    • Chap. 8. How the discipline of fasting in the Roman Church is full of absurdity and abuse. Page 521
  • Sixth Controversie. Auricular Confession.
    • 1. Chap. FOur sorts of Confession in our Churches. Answer to the Cardi­dinal. Page 523
    • 2. Chap. That the testimonies of the Fathers which Cardinal du Perron objecteth to us to establish the auricular Confession are to no purpose. Some falsifications observed. Page 526.
    • 3. Chap. Of the Penitentiary Priest abolisht by Nectarius. How Cardinal du Perron al­tereth, and corrupteth that History. How he disguiseth and concealeth the doctrine of Chrysostom about confession. Page 528
    • 4. Chap. Why Cardinal du Perron contradicteth the Councils of Trent and Florence, making confession not to be part of the Sacrament of Penitence. That Pe­nitence cannot be called a Sacrament. Page 533
    • 5. Chap. What we find amiss in the auricular confession of the Roman Church. Page 537
    • 6. Chap. Examination of the 6. and 7. Chapters of the second observation, wherein Cardinal du Perron treats of the secret of confession, and of the danger thereby created unto the life of Kings. Page 542
  • Seventh Controversie. Of the Authority and power of the Pastors of the Church to pardon sins. And of Sacramental absolution.
    • 1. Chap. HOw negligently M. du Perron treats of Sacramental absolution. A summary answer to that he saith of that subject. Many Falsify­cations are observed. Page 550
    • 2. Chap. What is that pardon of sins which the Pastors of the Church grant, and how far their power to forgive sins extends. And of the power of the keys. Page 556
    • 3. Chap. That the Pastors of the Church cannot blot out sins before God. And cannot by pardoning sins exempt sinners from Gods judgement. That unto God alone, as the only judge of souls and consciences, it belongeth to forgive sins. And that the absolution of the Priests of the Roman Church is void and of no vertue. Page 559
    • 4. Chap. Proof of our doctrine by the antient Fathers; and even by the Roman Church. Page 566
    • 5. Chap. Of the abuse of the Keys, and of Absolution, both that which is called Sa­cramental, and that which is given without the Sacrament. Page 573
  • Eighth Controversie. Of Penitential satisfaction, where also is spoken of satisfaction in general.
    • 1. Chap. DOctrine of the Roman Church about penitential satisfaction. Page 585
    • 2. Chap. Of the word of satisfaction, State of the Question. Page 590
    • 3. Chap. That the holy Scripture makes Christ, and the merit of his death to be the ground of the remission of sins, as his death being the only ransom and propitiation for our sins. And that the Roman Church feigning to acknow­ledge [Page] the sufficiency and perfection of that satisfaction, debaseth and weakens it with all her power. Page 593
    • 4. Chap. This Maxime of the Roman Church is examined, that God having forgiven the whole fault, doth not always forgive the whole pain. Page 595
    • 5. Chap. Proofs of our adversaries, whereby they pretend to prove that God after all the fault is forgiven, inflicteth the satisfactory pain. Page 598
    • 6. Chap. That the satisfactions of the Roman Church derogate from Christs satisfacti­on, and are injurious against Gods Justce. 602. Page 602
    • 7. Chap. Causes why we especially reject the satisfactions of the pretended Sacrament of Penitence. Page 610
    • 8. Chap. Reasons of the Adversaries for humane satisfactions. Of the application of the merit of Christ. And of humane merits. Page 612
    • 9. Chap. That none can satisfie Gods Justice for another. Page 621
    • 10. Chap. Answer to the Invectives of our adversaries upon this matter. And of their reproach to this Author, that he is a Fryars Son. Page 625
    • 11. Chap. What tyrannie the Popes have exercised over England for some Ages under colour of absolution ann satisfaction. And from what horrible bondage England was delivered by the light of the Gospel. Page 629
    • 12. Chap. In what sense the word of Penitence is taken in Scripture, and in the Fa­thers. Page 658
    • 13. Chap. In what sense the words of Penitence and Satisfaction are taken in the wri­tings of the Fathers, and that the Penitence of the Ancient Church is much different from the Penitencies of the Rhman Church. Page 660
  • Ninth Controversie. Of the Necessity of Baptism.
    • 1. Chap. CArdinal du Perron's Reasons for the absolute necessity of Baptism. Examination of the doctrine of the Church of Rome upon that point. How they abuse this Text, Joh. 3.5. Except a man be born of water and of the Spirit, he cannot enter into the Kingdom of God. Page 664
    • 2. Chap. Sense of the forealledged Text, Joh. 3.5. How unworthily and unjustly the Cardinal dealeth with Calvin. A notable ignorance of the Cardinal. Page 671
    • 3. Chap. How contemptible Baptism is in the Roman Church, and miserably dis­graced. Page 673
    • 4. Chap. The doctrine of our Churches, about the vertue and efficacy of Baptism. Page 674
    • 5. Chap. How the Romanists after they have disgraced Baptism, exalt it with improper praises. Page 675
  • Tenth Controversie. Of the Sacrifice of the Eucharist.
    • 1. Chap. STate of the Question, how M. du Perron doth not touch it, but wan­ders about useless discourse. Page 680
    • 2. Chap. That the Sacrifice of the Mass was not instituted by Christ. And of the fruit and efficacy of the Sacrifice of the Mass. Page 681
    • 3. Chap. Examination of the Cardinals reasons, to prove that the Fathers call the Eu­charist a Sacrifice in a proper, not in a Metaphorical sense. Page 684
    • 4. Chap. That the Fathers call the Lords Supper a Sacrifice, because it is the commemo­ration of the Sacrifice of Christs death. Page 686
    • 5. Chap. Examination of the Cardinals shifts. Page 690
    • 6. Chap. Other reasons for which the Fathers called the Lords Supper a Sacrifice. Page 692
  • Eleventh Controversie. Of the real presence of Christs body in the Sacrament: And of Transubstan­tiation.
    • 1. Chap. OF the first Institution of the holy Sacrament of the Lords Sup­per. Page 694
    • 2. Chap. That the doctrine of the real presence, and of transubstantiation, is repug­nant [Page] to Christs institution. The Cardinals reasons are examined. Page 696
    • 3. Chap. Of the sense of the 6. chap. of Iohn, and of the spiritual manducation of the body of Christ, and how many absurdities and inconveniencies follow the oral manducation of Christs flesh taught in the Roman Church. Page 705
    • 4. Chap. How and in what sense the Fathers alledged by the Cardinal call the Sacra­ment the body of Christ, and say that Christs body is made in the Eucha­rist, and that we eat his flesh in it. Answer to the Cardinals deprava­tions. Page 710
    • 5. Chap. That the Fathers did not believe transubstantiation, but believed that the sub­stance of bread and wine remaineth after the consecration. Page 723
    • 6. Chap. What is the signification of the word Sacrament. And in what sense the Fa­thers call the Eucharist the body of Christ. Page 731
    • 7. Chap. That the Fathers not only call that which we receive in the Eucharist, sign, figure, symbol, type, and antitype; but also teach that the words of the Lord are Sacramental, that is, in these words the name of the thing signi­fied is given to the sign. Page 732
    • 8. Chap. Some passages of Austin, wherein he teacheth that Christs words. This is my body, and except you eat my flesh, &c. are figurative. The Cardinals an­swers are examined. Page 737
    • 9. Chap. Examination of Cardinal du Perron's answer, whereby he endeavours to give reasons why the Fathers call the bread and wine of the Lords Supper, signs, figures, types, and symbols of the body and blood of Christ, even after the consecration. Page 743
    • 10. Chap. Some passages of the Councils upon this subject. Page 745
    • 11. Chap. That the Fathers did not believe accidents without subject in the Eu­charist. Page 748
    • 12. Chap. That the Fathers not only speak of a Spiritual manducation, which is not done with the mouth, but also understand Christs words, Ioh. 6. of a Spi­ritual manducation. Page 751
    • 13. Chap. That the Fathers believed not that the wicked and unbelievers, or hypocrites could eat the Lords body. Page 754
    • 14. Chap. Confutation of two shifts, which the Cardinal useth upon all occa­sions. Page 755
    • 15. Chap. Shewing how the Fathers say, that the Fathers of the Old Testament ate the same meat which we eat in the Eucharist. Page 760
    • 16. Chap. That the Fathers believed not that the body of Christ is really present under the element of bread, but that he is in heaven only, not in earth. Page 764
    • 17. Chap. That the Fathers acknowledge the same participation of the body and blood of the Lord in Baptism, and in the preaching of the word as in the Lords Supper. Page 767
    • 18. Chap. After what manner the Christian Church of the first Ages celebrated the Lords Supper. How the ancient Customes shew evidently that they be­lieved not the real presence. Page 768
    • 19. Chap. Proofs of the customs represented in the chapter before. Page 771
    • 20. Chap. Of the adoration of the Sacrament. Weakness of the Cardinals proofs. How he falsifieth Scripture. Examination of his allegations. Page 776
    • 21. Chap. That in the first ages of the Christian Church the Sacrament was not wor­shipped. The Cardinals allegations and proofs are examined. Page 778
    • 22. Chap. The Cardinals allegations out of the Fathers are examined, beginning at his allegations out of the Catecheses of Gregory of Nyssa. Page 783
    • 23. Chap. Answer to the other allegations of the same chapter. Page 786
    • 24. Chap. Answer to the authorities and reasons brought by Cardinal du Perron in the 14, 15. and 16. chapters. Page 788
    • 25. Chap. How the Cardinal sends the Reader to a larger Book of his of the Eu­charist. That the beginning of that Book sheweth what one should think of the rest. Page 792
  • [Page]Twelfth Controversie.
    • Of the Communion in one kind. And of the power which Cardinal du Perron ascribeth unto the Church, that is, to the Pope, to dispense from the command­ment of Christ. Page 793
  • Thirteenth Controversie. Of private Masses.
    • Chap. 1. OF Private Masses. And the shameful traffick of the same. page 801
    • Chap. 2. That Masses without communicants and assistants, said to the intention of a private man that prayeth for them, are repugnant unto the Word of God. page 803
    • Chap. 3. That the antient Church did not know private or particular Masses, and did not celebrate the holy Sacrament without communicants and assistants, to the intention of a particular person. page 805
  • Fourteenth Controversie. The Antibarbarous. OR, Of unknown Language: Both in the prayers of private persons, and in the publick Service. Where also the principal clauses of the Mass are represented, which might offend the people if they understood them.
    • Chap. 1. THat false Religions love obscurity, but true Religion brings her do­ctrine to light, and keeps nothing hidden. page 810
    • Chap. 2. Two differences between us and the Roman Church about unknown Lan­guage. page 813
    • Chap. 3. Of Prayers of particular persons in a tongue unknown to the very persons that pray. page 814
    • Chap. 4. That in the Ancient Church every man prayed in his own Tongue. page 816
    • Chap. 5. That the publick Service in a Languge not understood, is contrary to the Word of God and to reason. page 817
    • Chap. 6. The same is proved by the example of the Church of the Old Testament. page 822
    • Chap. 7. That the ancient Christian Church over all the World used an intelligible tongue in the publick Service. page 823
    • Chap. 8. Two causes that move the Pope and his Clergy to maintain the celebration of Mass and of the ordinary Service in the Latin tongue. page 828
    • Chap. 9. A third cause why they will not have the Mass to be understood by the peo­ple. Some clauses of the Mass which would offend the people if they were understood. ibid.
    • Chap. 10. Examination of the reasons of our Adversaries; Of Card. Du Perron espe­cially. page 836
    • Chap. 11. Examination of the proofs which the Cardinal brings out of Antiquity for the Service in a strange tongue. page 841
    • Chap. 12. How Latine was brought into the Divine Service in France and Spain. page 843
    • Chap. 13. Of England and Germany, and how the Roman Service and the Latin tongue were received in those Countries. page 846
    • Chap. 14. Of Africa, and how the Service in the Latine Tongue came to it. page 849
    • The Authors Thanksgiving to GOD for the finishing of this Work. page 851.

BOOK I. OF THE ANSWER TO Cardinal du Perron, TREATING Of the Church, and of her Marks, of the Authority of the Holy Scripture, and of Traditions.

CHAP. 1. Of the Nature of the Question of the Church.

SUch is the ignorance and perversness of man, that he gets harm by the most salutary things, turning his helps into hin­drances, and directions to salvation into stumbling blocks. A truth justified by this Controversie of the Church: For this word Ecclesia (which with us is the Church) is a word importing Union, and calling together the wills, as well as the bodies: Yet it is that which now adays causeth the greatest division of minds; A Bond of Con­cord, is become an apple of discord.

This is the work of Pride and Ambition. For under the title of Church, a Temporal Monarchy is built in this world; whence it is come to pass, that the word hath lost its signification. For by the Church, which is said to be the So­veraign Judge of doubts concerning the Faith, from whose Authority the Au­thority of Scripture is made to depend, the Assembly of the Faithful is not un­derstood, but some few Prelates that do and undo, and rule according to their pleasure.

The worst is, that the word Church is used as a Scare-crow to fright simple souls, and to enslave their consciences, pinning them altogether upon the Au­thority of certain persons, to disswade them from enquiring of the Holy Scriptures, which alone can make us wise unto salvation. And whereas there be many contra­ry Churches, there is one among the rest whose Leaders boast that they cannot err, that the world may wholly relie upon them about the doctrine and way of salvation.

The ill order that is used in treating that point, contributes very much towards that evil. For that question is set in the van, which ought to be in the rear; this being laid for the Foundation and first Principle. That a man must believe the Church, before he be taught what the Church must believe. They will have the people to follow their Leaders, not enquiring whether they keep the right way, and teach the true Doctrine. But how shall a man joyn with the Assembly of the Faithful, before he know what it is to be faithful? And how shall one know what it is to be faithful, unless he know first what the Doctrine of Faith is? Among many contending Churches, how shall I know the true, and the pure Church, if the rules of Truth and Purity are hid from me, by a Prohibition of reading the holy Scripture, in which only those rules are to be found? Prudent men will know before they chuse. Only in the most important point of all, which is Salvation, the world will chuse the Church, before they know the things that make it to be the true Church.

For which this reason is given, that the work would be too long to examine all the questions by Scripture. Wherefore the Divines of the time will reduce all Controversies to the question of the Church; for (say they) he that is sure that he is in the true Church, is sure also that he hath the true Faith and Doctrine. But they fancy that to be a long work, which in effect is short: For the Faith of the Faithful is content with a few Articles, wherein the substance of Piety consisteth, which are set down in the Scripture in such clear terms, that they need no interpre­tation. And though the labour were long, yet in a thing so important, the diffi­culty must not breed neglect; much less, to avoid a long way, must we take an impassable and endless way. For since one cannot know which is the Assembly of the truly Faithful, but by the knowledge of the true Faith, whoso without know­ing which is the true faith, chuseth the Church which he will joyn to, throweth, as it were, at dice for his Salvation. And though he should light of the true Church, he should be never the better Christian for that; for he should owe his Religion to custom, or to his birth, or to some accident, without having any true piety or knowledge of God: He would have been of another Religion, if he had been born in another Country, or if he had met with other Leaders of his blindness.

In vain also the Controversies of Religion are begun by that of the Church, to make short work; for it is a thousand times the longer way. For the only questi­on of the Church, as it is handled in our time, is a sea without either bottom or shore, and the whole body of Divinity is short in comparison of that. For among the marks of the true Church, they put the succession of Chairs in the same Do­ctrine from Christ until now: Whereby one is obliged to know all the Histories of the Church over all the world, for sixteen hundred years, and to search what every Bishop, who hath been sitting in that Chair in sixteen hundred years hath believed, upon every point of Divinity. There contrary Chairs are found, and ve­ry often Histories are wanting: For the Exposition of a passage of a Father, there is many times as much (if not more) contention, as for the sense of a Text of Scripture. And after all, that Father is no God, and is fallible, and our adversa­ries condemn every Father in many things. Neither can the people get any skill in the Fathers, the Books being Greek and Latine, of infinite length.

Indeed he that is sure that he is in the true Church, is sure that he hath the true Faith and Doctrine, at least, as for the foundation, and the essential points of Religi­on. But I deny, that therefore he knows the true Doctrine, because he knows that he is in the true Church; yea, therefore he knows that he is in the true Church, because he knows that the Church in which he is hath the true Doctrine, and is in the com­munion of those that believe and observe it.

How much that method hath spoiled Divinity, it is evident and lamentable: For instead of treating by Gods Word, of the nature of God, of the corrupti­on of man, of the relation of the Law with the Gospel, of Redemption by Jesus Christ, of Justification by Faith, of the exercise of good Works, of the adora­tion of one God only, and of the saving calling of the Faithful, in which points true Divinity consisteth; we are drawn by our adversaries to dispute of the suc­cession of Chairs, and of the prerogatives of the Roman See; Whether the Church be above Scripture? that is, Whether men be above God? Whether the Pope can err? Of the contestations of other Patriarchs with the Bishop of Rome. Of the appeals of the Church of Africa. Of the Suburbicary Towns. Whether the Council of Sardica was universal? and a thousand things of that kinde, of no use for salvation. We need not then wonder that Atheism multiplieth, since in our days Christian Religion consisteth in disputes, from which the people get no instruction, and the consciences reap no comfort; and in an infinite heap of alle­gations of humane passages, God hardly finds any place, and his Word is very seldom made use of. Yea, the use that is made of it, is to subject the authority of it unto that of the Church: For (say they) it is the Church that makes the Scripture to have the force of a Law, and that which giveth authority to Scripture, the Roman Church being the infallible Judge of the sense of Scripture, even of the sense of those very Texts which speak of the duty of the Church, and are employed to establish the authority of the Roman Church. By this means the Roman Church is become judge in her own cause, and is an infallible Judge of the sense of the Laws to which she is subject.

So did not the Apostles; for (as you may see in the Book of the Acts) they in­structed the people in the Doctrine of the Gospel, and alledged the Writings of the Prophets; but sent not the people to the Church, or to the authority of any soveraign and infallible Chair.

We will then enter (with the favour and assistance of our God) into this mat­ter, which the malice of men hath so intangled and beset with thorns; and as oc­casion will require, we will examine the Reasons and Objections of Monsieur du Perron: Not always following the order of his Chapters, but of the matter, to avoid confusion; and that we may not be constrained to say (after him) fifty times over the same thing. For to make his Book swell, he beats over and incul­cates many times the same things, which are never the more true for being often repeated.

CHAP. 2. Of the word Church, and of the several significations thereof.

BEfore we speak of the nature of the Church, it will be necessary to remove the ambiguity of the word, and to shew how many ways that word is taken in Scripture: For our adversaries hide themselves within these thorns, and play with the ambiguity of that word as they list, intangling and confounding that which Scripture distinguisheth.

I leave the more remote significations; as when in Scripture a knot of wicked men is called Ecclesia, a Church, that is, an Assembly: As Acts 19.32. where a crowd of Pagans crying, Great is Diana of the Ephesians, is called Ecclesia, a Church: And Psal. 26.5. where there is according to the vulgar version, I hate the Church of the wicked: Also that improper ordinary term, whereby Temples are called Churches: Likewise that custom of calling the Church the Clergy onely, as if the people were no part of the Church. In that sense they speak of the liberties of the Church, that is, of the priviledges of the Clergy; and in that sense they say, the Church goes before the Nobility and the Commons. Also that extrava­gant manner of speaking, when by the Church the Pope alone is understood; as [Page 4] doth Pope Innocent the III.Cap. Novit. Extra. de Ju­diciis. who attributes to himself the determining of a difference between Philip August King of France, and King John of England; because it is written, Tell the Church. And Cardinal Bellarmine in his second Book of the Councils,Salmeron. Tom. 13. tertia parte in Epi. Pauli disp 2. p. 172. Congregatio canum vel avium Eccle­sia aliquo mo­do dici potest. chap. 19. The Pope must tell it unto the Church, that is, unto himself. Al­so that prophane saying of the Jesuit Salmeron, that a kennel of Dogs may be called a Church.

I will then confine my self to those significations of the word Church, which serve to our Controversies.

1. In the holy Scripture the word Church is taken sometimes for the Universal visible Assembly of all that profess to be Christians, and to believe in Jesus Christ. It is that Church which S. Paul calleth The pillar and ground (or rather stay) of truth, 1 Tim. 3.15, because her duty is to defend and stay the truth against errour, as being made and appointed for that. Of that same Church the same Apostle speaks, 2 Tim. 2.20. saying, that in a great house there are not only vessels of gold, and of silver, but also of wood, and of earth. It is that floor in which the good grain is mingled with straw, Matth. 3.12. for that Church is made up of good and bad, and the pieces and particular societies of which that Universal Church is composed, are not equal in purity.

2. Sometimes also that word Church is attributed to particular Assemblies, which are parts of the Universal visible Church, and of which the Universal Church is composed. Such were in the Apostles time the Churches of Corinth, of Rome, of Philippi, and the seven Churches to whom the Spirit of God speaks in the se­cond and third Chapters of the Revelation. Each of these particular Churches is also for her part, a pillar and stay of truth; for every particular Church is bound to defend the truth.

3. Sometimes also by the word Church, the Pastors only and Leaders of the Church are understood; as when the Lord Jesus biddeth, that in a quarrel be­tween two brothers, the offended party tell it unto the Church; for Jesus Christ in the following verse gives unto that Church the power of binding and loosing,Matth. 18. which cannot be proper to any but the Pastors of the Church.

4. Sometimes also by the Church, the people only is understood; as when the Apostle commands the Pastors to feed the Church, Acts 20.8. and the same Apo­stle, 1 Tim. 3.4, 5. commands the Bishop to be one that ruleth well his own house, having his children in subjection with all gravity: For (saith he) if a man know not how to rule his own house, how shall he take care of the Church of God?

5. But besides these four significations of the word Church, the holy Scripture takes that word in a higher and holier signification, meaning by the Church very often, the whole Assembly of the true Faithful and Elect whom God hath pre­destinated unto salvation: This is that Church which S. Paul, Ephes. 1.23. calleth the body of Jesus Christ; it is that which is called the Spouse of Christ, and, the Jerusalem of God; it is that which the Apostle Peter, 1 Pet. 2.9. calleth the chosen Generation; and because Scripture saith, that the Elect are written in the Book of Life, and that their names are written in heaven,Luke 10. the Apostle to the Hebrews, chap. 12. ver. 23. calls it the Assembly, and the Church of the first-born which are written in heaven.

Of these Elect some are already glorified, some are in this world mingled among the wicked, some are not yet called and converted unto the faith: Many of them also are not born yet, and are only inrolled in Gods counsel to fight when their time comes, and to get the victory. So there is a difference between the Church of the Elect, and the Church Triumphant; for the Triumphant Church is but part of the Church of the Elect.

Out of that Church there is no salvation: It is that Church which we say to be invisible; not only because the glorified Saints are out of our sight, and be­cause those that belong to Gods Election, and are not yet born, cannot be seen; but also, because those Elect that live on earth, though they be visible men, yet are not visible in their quality of Elect; for Election is not discerned with the eye, only it is charitably presumed by the profession of faith, and by good works; ne­vertheless, the Church of the Elect shall be visible in the day of Judgement.

Of that Church principally the Symbole speaks in this Article, I believe the ho­ly Catholick Church; for those things are believed which are not seen, as the Apostle saith, Heb. 11. Faith is the evidence of things not seen; and, 2 Cor. 5.7. We walk by faith, not by sight: Wherefore immediately after these words, I believe the holy Catholick Church, in that Church the communion of Saints is placed, to exclude the prophane and hypocrites: And again, to that same Church the Re­mission of sins is attributed, and life everlasting, which are graces belonging on­ly to the Elect and truly faithful.

Besides these four significations of the word Church, the ancient Doctors use to understand by the Church (which very often they call Catholick) the whole So­ciety of the Christian Churches which are Orthodox, sound in the faith, and united together in Communion, opposing that Church to the Heretical and Schis­matical Societies. In that sense our adversaries take the word Church, and call it the true Church, and the Catholick Roman Church. Cardinal du Perron defines it thus in Chap. 8. pag. 30. That it is the Society of those whom God hath called to salva­tion by the profession of the true faith, sincere administration of the Sacraments, and adherence unto the lawful Pastors. The Jesuit Salmeron in Tom. 13. page 172. giveth this definition of the Church, The Church is the Assembly of those that are called by faith, and by the participation of the Sacraments, and thereby unto grace and felicity: Which acception of the Church we will not reject, but use it often in this Book, to accommodate our selves unto the language of our adversaries, for we delight not to dispute about words: Yet it hath that incommodity, that it re­cedeth from the soil of the holy Scripture, and takes the word Church otherwise then it is taken in the word of God.

From all that was said it is evident, that there being many sorts of Churches differing in nature, it is impossible to define them all with the same definition, and that Cardinal du Perron doth unjustly charge us in Chap. 8. and 69. page 34, 35. of his first Book, that sometimes we restrain the Church to the predestinate on­ly, sometimes we extend it to the whole multitude of those that profess Christi­anity, making it sometimes visible, sometimes invisible, like the ring of Gyges: Indeed that man should shew himself short of wit and learning, that would give to the same Church divers and disagreeing definitions; but since there are divers sorts of Churches, and of different nature, it is impossible to define them with one definition. We do not say, that the same Church is sometimes visible, and sometimes invisible; only we say, that the Church of the Elect is not discerned with the eye, neither is, or ever shall be visible before the day of Judgement, but that the true and orthodox Church is always visible to them that belong to it: To them that are without, as Turks, Jews and Pagans, we grant that it is invisible, as we shall see hereafter: For although they see a Society of men, they do not see that such a Society of men is the true Church.

So much of the word Church, and the divers significations of the same. Of which word Monsieur du Perron saith in his first Chapter, page 2. that Jesus Christ is the first that hath effected and consecrated the word Church to signifie a Society of Religion; affirming, that before Jesus Christ the word Church signified onely a civil Assembly, that is, a Parliament, or the meeting of the States of a Nation; but that Jesus Christ hath first taken it in a Religious sense: A great oversight to begin his Book withal, to think that Jesus Christ ever made use of the word Ecclesia, [which the English call Church,] for Ecclesia is a Greek word: Now Jesus Christ spake among the Jews in the Jewish Tongue only. The Hebrew word [...] Kahal, which signifies Assembly, is often taken in a Religious sense, as 2 Chron. 1.3. Levit. 8.3, 4, 5. 1 Kings 8.14. and in many other places.

CHAP. 3. That there is a Church of Elect or Predestinate persons.

THe word of God is so express upon this, that one can hardly doubt of it, at­tributing such things unto the Church as are unsuitable to the Reprobate and Hypocrites that are in the visible Church: As when it is called the body of Christ; for in the body of Christ, who is the life, there is no dead members, and none can belong to the body of Christ, if he be a limb of the Devil. And if sometimes the visible Church be called the body of Christ, it is in consideration of the Elect and truly faithful which make part of that Church, whom only the Spirit of God regardeth, when he calls the Church the body of Christ.

1 Pet. 2.9. S. Peter calls the faithful, a chosen generation: And the Apostle to the Hebrews chap. 12. v. 23. calls them the general assembly and Church of the first-born which are written in heaven, which cannot be applied to the Reprobate. And whereas that Church is called in the Scripture the Spouse of Christ, the pro­phane and wicked Christians are not the Spouse of Christ, nor part of it: For if by reason of the soundest part, the Church of Christ is called a chaste immacu­late Spouse; by the same reason, in respect of the infected and disloyal part, which commonly is the greatest, she might he called an Adulteress, and an Harlot.

Luke 12.32. the Lord Jesus calls his Church the small flock to which the Father is pleased to give the Kingdom, which can be attributed to none but the Elect and truly faithful.

Heb. 3.6. The Apostle calls the Church the house of God; but he saith together, that we are his house, if we hold fast the confidence and the rejoycing of the hope firm unto the end, declaring, that they alone are the house of God, that persevere un­to the end.

John 10. The Church of Christ is compared unto a sheepfold, and the faith­ful are called sheep. If in that Church a multitude of Wolves and Goats is put, exceeding the sheep in number, it is no more a sheepfold.

1 John 2.19. S. John speaking of Hypocrites revolting from the Church, saith, They went out from us, but they were not of us; as if he said, They went out from the visible Church, by forsaking the outward profession, but they were not of the Church of the Elect. And he saith in the same place, if they had been of us, they would no doubt have continued with us.

The same was acknowledged by the Ancients. Origen on Matth. 16. saith, that all souls that are not holy are not the Church, nor part of the Church which Christ buildeth upon the rock.

Basil in the Chapter of the judgement of God, which is among his Ascetica, speaks thus, [...]. To call them members of Christ, among whom dissentions, and quarrels, and envy is found, it were a very rash part. Jerome saith the same upon Ephes. 5.

Austin in the third Book of the Christian Doctrine, chap. 32.Non enim revera Domi­ni corpus est quod cum il­lo non erit in aeternum. That is not truly the body of Christ, which shall not be with him for ever. And in the Book of the Unity of the Church, chap. 4.Quicun­que de ipso capite à Scri­pturis sanctis dissentium, etiamsi in om­nibus locis in­veniantur in quibus Eccle­sia designata est, non sunt in Ecclesia. All those that dissent from the Church about the head, though they be found in all places wheresoever the Church is shewed, are not in the Church. And in the twentieth Book of the City of God,Nunquam à Diabolo Ecclesia seducitur praedestinata & electa ante mundi constitutionem. The Church predestinated and elected before the creation of the world, shall never be seduced by the Devil: nothing can be more express. And in the ninth Chapter of the Unity of the Church, he maintains, that those persons are not of the Church that shall not pos­sess the Kingdom of Heaven. And in the second Book against Cresconius, in Chap. 21.Malos non pertinere ad Ecclesiam Dei quamvis intus videantur, ex hoc manifestissimè apparet [...]am in corpore Christi non sunt quod est Ecclesia, quoniam non potest Christus habere mem­bra damnata. They are not of the body of Christ, which is the Church, because Christ cannot [Page 7] have damned members. Wherefore in Chap. 9. of his Manuale ad Laurentium, Ecclesia tota hic acci­pienda est non solum ex parte qua per­egrinatur in terris, verum etiam ex illa quae in coelis. he composeth the Church mentioned in the Symbole, of two parts, the one a Pilgrim on earth, the other being in heaven.

It cannot be said, that Austin retracted himself in the second Book of his Re­tractations. chap. 18. as Cardinal du Perron saith in chap. 9. For there he doth but expound his meaning, saying, That when in his Books of Baptism, he spake of a Church without either spot or wrinckle, that must not be so taken, as if the Church at this present were such a one, but as being prepared to be such when she shall appear once glorious: Which is most true, and hinders not that Church without spot or wrinckle to be the Church of the Elect; but Austin referreth that per­fection to the time of her glorification. But in how many places doth he compose the Church with the faithful that are on earth, and those that are already received in Heaven? About that is the whole work of the City of God imployed; for within that City of God, which is the Church, he comprehends also the Saints in Paradise. And upon Psalm 59.De toto mundo electa est Ecclesia, & mortifica­ta à terrena vita. The Church is elected from all the world, and mortified from the earthly life: He maketh then a Church of the Elect.

Ecclesiam dupliciter posse dici, & eam quae non habet macu­lam & ru­gam, & eam quae in Christi nomine absque plenis per­fectisque vir­tutibus con­gregatur. Jerome upon Gal. 1. saith, that the Church is of two sorts; the one without spot and wrinckle, which is the Church of the glorified Saints; the other, which hath not yet attained the perfection.

Hence our Adversaries are plunged, and know not how to come out: For when the Apostle Ephes. 5. speaks of the Church without either spot or wrinckle, which is the Spouse of Christ, they will have that Church to be the Roman Church. But the Jesuit Salmeron makes no difficulty to contradict it; for by that Church without either spot or wrinckle, he understands the Church of the glori­fied SaintsSalmeron. Tom. 13. Disp. 1. ex Epist. Pauli, p. 173.; thereby acknowledging another Spouse of Christ then the Ro­man Church, and a Church more pure, and more perfect.

The Catechism of the Council of Trent, in the Exposition of the Article of the Symbole, I believe the Church, &c. saith, thatEcclesiae duae potissimum sunt partes, quarum altera triumphans, altera militans vocatur, &c. Jam in Ec­clesia militante duo sunt hominum genera, bonorum & improborum. the Church hath principally two parts, the one Triumphant, the other Militant, composed of good and bad: Making the wicked to be the same Church with the Saints of Paradise, and ra­ther chusing to joyn such contrary things in a body, then to make them two se­veral Churches, lest it should be acknowledged that Scripture speaks of another Church then the Roman.

CHAP. 4. Reasons of the Adversaries against the Church of the Elect.

AGainst this Doctrine our adversaries bestir themselves: For to exalt the dig­nity of the Roman Church, they adorn her with those titles which Scripture gives to the Church of the Elect, calling her the Spouse, and the Body of Christ, that out of which there is no salvation, and the Virgin without either spot or wrinckle. But as for the Church of the Elect, they disgrace her as an invisible Chimera of our making, and acknowledge no other Church but that Hierarchi­cal body of the Roman Church; despising S. Bernards authority in his 78. Sermon upon the Canticles, where he saith many times that the Elect are the Church, and the Spouse mentioned in the Canticles. The title of the Sermon is this,Quod sponsa, id est Ecclesia ele­ctorum, prae­destinata est à Deo ante sa­cula. That the Spouse, that is, the Church of the Elect, is predestinated by God before the ages: And which is more, they oppose Gregory the first, whom they sirname the Great, where he speaks often of the Church of the Elect, especially upon the seventh penitential Psalm, where he saith,Electo­rum Ecclesia de gentibus congregata. That the Church of the Elect is gathered from the Nations. And so upon the fifth penitential Psalm, chap. 6. he saith, [Page 8] Sanctam Ecclesiam de sanctis in aeternum per­mansuris con­structam, nul­lis hujus vitae persecutioni­bus superan­dam, ipse su­per quem aedi­ficata est evi­denter osten­dit, cum ait, Portae infero­rum non prae­valebunt ad­versus eam. that the Church composed of the Saints, which remain for ever, shall never be overcome by persecutions; which he proveth by the words of the Lord, that the gates of Hell shall not prevail against her. That Pope so famous did not believe, that in that text Christ spake of the Roman Church; for it is not composed with Saints that remain for ever, since our very adversaries confess that some Popes are damned. Bernard in his sixth Sermon upon the Psalm, Qui habitat, after he hath complained of the corruptions of the Church of Rome, so far as to say, that it remains no more but that the Son of perditton should be revealed, addeth,Hic plane gravissimus erit incursus; sed ab hoc quoque Ecclesiam electorum veritas liberabit. This will be a very grievous assault, but he that is the Truth, shall also deliver the Church of the Elect from it. Hincmarus in his Book of fifty five Chapters, chap. 35. speaks ofSan­ctam omnium electorum Ecclesiam conscriptam in coelis. the Church of all the Elect which is written in Heaven.

What more? the last Council of Lateran, in the tenth Session, by the mouth of the Archbishop of Patras, acknowledgeth a Church of the Elect:Ʋt in illo constitueret unam sanctam Ecclesiam electorum omnium matrem. That he might (saith he) establish in him one holy Church, Mother of all the Elect.

But our adversaries being of late grown more crafty, reject all that, and re­jecting the Church of the Elect, acknowledge no other Church but the Roman; perceiving well enough, that if there be a Church of the Elect, the Pope cannot be the head thereof, since themselves say, that many Popes were damned. Nei­ther could they promise so much to themselves, as to be able to perswade the world that the Pope is the head of the glorified Saints, and that Noah, Moses, and Abraham, were members of the Roman Church, although the last Council of Lateran, in the ninth and tenth Session say, that the Pope hath all power in heaven and earth.

To prove then that there is no Church of the Elect, they bring many texts of Scripture, which shew, that in the Church there are some good, and some bad, comparing the Church unto a floor where the good grain is mingled with the straw; and to a great house, where there be some vessels to honour, and some to dishonour; and to a net gathering good and bad fish. They bring also texts that speak of a visible Church, intending thereby to prove that there is no invisible Church; with as much reason, as if I would prove that there is no reasonable creature, because there are some unreasonable. To the same end they bring many passages of the Fathers: It is the subject of the ninth Chapter of Cardinal du Perrons Book.

But in vain doth he labour to prove that which we grant: For we acknow­ledge a visible Church, where the good are mingled among the bad. And it is of that Church that the Scripture speaks in the texts which they alledge; which hinders not, but that God hath a multitude of Elect, and that the name Church is given them in Scripture.

CHAP. 5. Reasons of Cardinal du Perron against the Church of the Elect in the ninth Chapter of his Book.

THe ninth Chapter of the Cardinal is employed to fight against the Church of the Elect, and to shew that there is no such thing: Upon that he bends all his sinews, and his great wit makes an extraordinary effort: wherefore we also must seriously examine it. His first Reason is this:

I. The word Ecclesia is derived from a Verb which signifieth a calling, and not predestining. So he will prove that there is no Church of the Elect, because the Etymologie of that word Church doth not signifie predestining.

A Reason founded upon a false maxime; viz. that whatsoever is proper to any thing, must be exprest by the Etymologie of the word: As if I said, That the Pope can err in the faith, because the Etymologie of the word Pope signifies not certainty or infallibility in the Doctrine; there is none but would charge my rea­soning with inconsequence.

II. His second Reason is so confused, that we cannot answer it before we set it in order. The Argumentation is such:

Every Society must have a communion of parts among themselves.

The Church is a Society: Ergo,

The Church must have a communion of parts among themselves.

The Argument is true: But upon that Conclusion he builds another Argument, which hath not the like truth:

The Church must have communion among her parts.

Now the predestinate have no communion among them: Ergo,

The predestinate are not the Church.

Of that Argument the minor Proposition is manifestly false: The Elect, or pre­destinate have many things common among them; they have all one Father, who hath adopted them; one elder Brother, the Lord Jesus Christ; one Spirit, that conducts and sanctifies them; one and the same right in the Kingdom of Heaven.August. En­chirid. c. 11. Haec ergo quae in sanctis Angelis & virtutibus Dei est Ec­clesia. S. Austin is far from that opinion; for he saith, that even the Angels are part of the Church.

Against that the Cardinal saith, that Predestination, quatenus Predestination, puts nothing in the persons of the predestinate.

Indeed that word Predestining doth not clearly import that communion; but hence it follows not, that there is no such communion, although the word does not express so much: So I might say, That the faithful are not happy, because the word Faithful expresseth no happiness. And yet when that word Predesti­nate is once well understood, it will be found that it imports that communion, and puts many common things in the predestinate: For when we say, that there are Elect or predestinated men, we understand that they are predestinated unto salvation, and to the means to attain it. These means are the Spirit of Rege­neration, Faith and Adoption in Jesus Christ: Since then they are all predesti­nated to that, all have that common among them by Predestination.

To defend that Proposition so notoriously false, he brings another worse, which depriveth the faithful of their chief comfort. He affirmeth, that when Paul, 2 Tim. 2. saith, That God knows them that are his, and hath marked them with his seal; it must be understood, that God hath marked the predestinate in himself, not in them; as if I said, that a shepherd hath marked his sheep, not in them, but in himself; so that it is the shepherd that is marked, not the sheep. That Divi­nity is somewhat extravagant.

And it is contrary to Scripture, which teacheth us, that God marketh those that belong to him, in themselves: For S. Paul tells us, Ephes. 1.13. that this mark or seal is the Spirit of promise, which in many other places he calls the Spirit of Adoption: Having believed, you have been sealed with the Spirit of pro­mise: and Ephes. 4.30. Grieve not the holy Spirit of God, See 2 Cor. 1.22. & Rom. 8.15. whereby you are sealed unto the day of Redemption. The Holy Ghost then being the seal, and the mark wherewith God sealeth his children, can we say that God marketh himself by his Spirit? Nay, he puts that Spirit in the hearts of his children; as the same Apostle saith, Gal. 4.6. Because you are sons, he hath sent the Spirit of his Son into your hearts: Thus Ezek. 9.4. and Rev. 7. God sealeth his Elect in the fore­head: Is not that marking them in themselves? The same Apostle speaking of that Spirit of Adoption wherewith God sealeth his children, Rom. 8.15. saith that this Spirit cryeth in their hearts, and beareth witness unto their spirits, that they are Gods children: That witness then is in themselves, and is not a mental designa­tion in God, as the Cardinal speaketh. Yet herein his ingenuity is commendable, [Page 10] for this is a confession that he feeleth not that mark within himself, and hath not that inward seal of his Election. But he should not have judged of others by himself; he ought not to have measured by the ill state of his conscience, the conscience of the Apostle, who speaketh by experience.

III. The third Reason of the Cardinal, is much intangled and darkned with perplexed words. It comes to this:

The Church is the body of Christ, by analogy to an organical body.

Now it is the essence of an organical body to have divers organs and offices:

Those offices and organs are in the Church, not by Predestination, but by the outward and visible calling.

Out of these three Propositions he draws no Conclusion, as it is impossible to draw any; for they have neither order nor dependance. I suppose that he in­tended to frame such an Argumentation:

All bodies have organs, and several offices.

Now among the Elect there is no such organs and offices: Ergo,

The Elect do not make a body in the Church.

The first Proposition is not universally true; for there are many bodies with­out organs, as the Heavens, the Moon, the Earth, and the Sea. That maxime may be good for a natural animated body, or for a civil body, as a Commonwealth; but when it is in question of a Spiritual Society, that Maxime is not neces­sary.

The second Proposition is also false, by the judgement of the Roman Church, which puts different offices among the Saints, bestowing upon the Virgin Mary the Office of Queen of Heaven, setting one Saint over a Countrey, another over the Cattel, another over women in childbed, and calling them Advocates and Mediators of Intercession.

And as for the Elect that are on earth, the Apostles were elected when they were in the world, and yet were organs to bring men to salvation, to which themselves were predestinated. True it is, that the charge of Apostle or Pastor comes not from their Predestination unto salvation, but from the outward cal­ling. But is it any whit unreasonable, that God should use the outward calling, for the execution of his counsel concerning the Eternal Election? It matters not whence it comes that the Apostles are organs serving for the spiritual body of the Elect, so that it be certain that they are so.

IV. He addeth a fourth Reason:

S. Paul saith, that God hath tempered the honour of the members, that there be no schism in the body.

Now the predestinate are not susceptible of schism, as predestinate, but as called: Ergo,

It is not Predestination, but Vocation, that constitutes the body of the Church.

A monster of Syllogism, which hath neither head nor tail, and hath no cohe­rence, and where one may number as many terms as words.

Here is the like again, built upon the model of the other:

S. Paul saith, that every man is a lyar.

Now the predestinate are not susceptible of a lye, as predestinate, but as men: Ergo,

It is not Predestination, but Humanity, that Constitutes the Body of Man.

In that there is not one crum of reason, nor the shadow of any, neither doth the Conclusion do any thing against us, so it be understood of the visible Church, which also is alone capable of schism.

[Page 11]V. The fifth Reason is no better:

The Church is our Mother, Gal. 4.26.

Now the Church doth not beget us by Predestination, but by Vocation. Ergo,

It is Vocation, not Predestination, which constitutes the Church, in the state of a Church, and Mother of the faithful.

These are indeed woful Syllogisms, where there is neither form nor common sense. Though the last of them were in good form, the Conclusion makes no­thing against us; for we know, it is necessary that a visible Orthodox Church, in which the Gospel is purely announced, beget us unto God, and be our Mother. And we grant, that the Apostle in that text of Gal. 4. speaks not of the Elect, but of a Church visibly erected by the preaching of the Gospel, and freed from the Ceremonies of the Law.

VI. He addes another Reason of the like weight:

One knows his Mother, before he knows his Father.

Now our certainty of being children of the Church, cannot be a means to make us know that we are Gods children: Ergo,

The definition of the Church must consist in the Vocation, not in the Predestina­tion.

Never any man did Syllogize in such an extravagant way. By such Arguments one might as well prove, that twice two make seven: And with all that arguing, he fights against his own shadow, making us say, that in the Predestination, the definition of the Church consisteth, which we do not. For as for the visible Church, we know that Predestination enters not into her definition; and as for the invisible Church, which is composed only of the true, faithful, and children of God, this is her definition, It is the Assembly of the faithful, whom God hath adopted in Jesus Christ, to save them. Of that Church, Predestination is neither the matter nor the form, but the efficient cause, why these, rather then those, belong unto this Church.

VII. His seventh Reason is, that neither Christ, who hath been the Godfather of that Society, nor his Apostles, have ever imployed that name of Church, but to design a visible Society.

That we deny, and have proved the contrary in Chap. 3. when our adversaries by the Church, understand the Pope alone (as we have shewed) they do not take the word Church for a visible Society.

The first text that the Cardinal alledgeth, is against himself: For when Christ saith, Ʋpon this stone I will build my Church, it is certain, that he speaks of the Church of the Elect, as Pope Gregory the I. told us before: The following words shew it evidently, And the gates of Hell shall not prevail against it; which should be false, if he spake of a Church, a great part of which goeth into Hell. And truly, from the Apostles times unto this, the gates of Hell, that is, the power of the Devil, hath often prevailed, and still prevaileth over the visible Church; having often abolisht many Churches, by the violence of persecutions, and cor­rupted many parts of the Church by Heresies, Idolatry, and Vices. For although Satan never utterly abolisht the visible Church, yet it is prevailing against a State, when one robs it of great part of its Countrey; it is prevailing against a man to put him out of his house, to maim part of his body, and infect many of his members with the plague: It was given unto the Beast to make war with the Saints, and to overcome them, Rev. 13.7. To overcome one, is prevailing against him: But as for the Church of the Elect, not one of that Church can perish; none shall pluck them out of the hands of the Son of God.

In vain the Cardinal makes a flourish with the word Building. I will build (saith he) shews that he speaks of a constituted Church, not by Predestination, which is establisht of all Eternity, but by outward, earthly, and temporal calling.

I answer, that although the Predestination of the Elect be Eternal, yet God calls them in time, and successively one after another; yea, some predestinate [Page 12] persons are not yet born. So that it is with good reason, that Christ useth the future, I will build. Predestination is establisht of all Eternity, but not the pedestinate.

He addeth, that this word Keys, signifieth the Authority of the Ministry, which is true; but God useth that Ministry, to assemble his Elect: That Reason then is to no purpose.

Next, he alledgeth many texts that speak of the visible Church, which no body denies: If I say, that Scripture speaks of beasts, doth it follow that there is no men? If Scripture speak of a visible Church, doth it follow that there is no invisible Church? In vain then doth he fill well nigh two pages with such texts.

The last of them is Heb. 12.23. where the Apostle speaks thus, You are come to the General Assembly, and Church of the first-born, which are written in Heaven. What can that Church be, but that of the Elect and predestinate, of whom Scri­pture saith so often, that their names are written in Heaven, and that they are written in the Book of Life? as, Luke 10.20. Rejoyce, because your names are writ­ten in Heaven; and, Rev. 20.15. Whosoever was not found written in the Book of Life, was cast into the Lake of fire.

The Cardinal answers, that the Apostle speaks of the Triumphant Church: Of which I desire the Reader to take notice; for he hath told us before, that the word Church signifieth a visible body, called by an outward calling; and now he acknowledgeth, that the Apostle is speaking of a Triumphant Church, which is in­visible. Also he hath told us, that the Church is an organical body: But now forgetting what he said, he acknowledgeth a glorious Church, where those organs are not. So he undoeth all that he hath done.

Nevertheless, let us see whether the Apostle speaks here of the Triumphant Church. That I affirm to be impossible: For the Apostle saith to the Hebrews, that they were come to the Church of the first-born, which are written in Heaven: Now they were not yet come to the Triumphant Church, since they were yet up­on earth.

And if by those that are written in Heaven, we must only understand the glorified Saints, it will follow, that Christ spake against the truth, when he said to his Apostles, Luke 10. That their names were written in Heaven; for they were not yet glorified.

This is not contradicted by the Apostle, when he saith in the same place, You are come to the Heavenly Jerusalem: For the Heavenly Jerusalem comprehends the whole Society of the Elect, to which whosoever is joyned, is no less joyned to those that are in Heaven, then to those that are on Earth.

CHAP. 6. Whether the Societies of Hereticks, and Schismaticks, or Idolatrous Chri­stians, must be called Churches. Answer to the Cardinal.

THe Question is, Whether the Societies of Idolatrous, or Heretick, or Schis­matical Christians, ought to be called Churches? and, Whether when by He­resies or Schisms the Church is torn in pieces, every piece can, or ought to keep the name of Church? About that, the 57. Chapter of the Cardinals first Book is spent. For my part, I hold that Question to be useless, because it is but a dispute abou [...] a word: We have true Controversies enough, without forging imaginary Con­troversies. To take the word in the sense that our adversaries take it, for the whole Society of the truly faithful, it is certain, that the Societies of Hereticks, separated from that body, are not the Church. But if by the Church, we under­stand [Page 13] the whole body of those that profess Christianity, there is no doubt but that the Societies of Hereticks are Churches, and parts of that Universal Church. It appeareth to me, that our adversaries admitting the Baptism of those whom they call Hereticks, acknowledge them to be Christian Churches; for the Sa­craments of the Christian Church, are not to be found out of the Christian Church. So the ten Tribes of Israel are often called by the Prophets,Hos. 4.6. the people of God, because they kept the Circumcision, and were of Jacobs posterity. M. du Perron, chap. 61. speaks of Christian Hereticks: Now there are no Christians out of the Christian Church. The Apostle writing to the Galatians, calls them the Church, in the beginning of his Epistle, although they erred in an important point of the faith, retaining the Circumcision, and putting a necessity upon the observation of the Ceremonies of the Law: For that it was a vice of the body of the Church, not of some particular persons, it appears, in that the Apostle speaks to the body of the Church without distinction, chap. 1. 6. & 3. 1. & 5. 7. & 9. Cardinal du Perron, although he denies that it was the opinion of the whole Church, yet acknowledgeth that S. Paul confuteth that doctrine, as if all the Galatians had embraced it. Thus the Spirit of God writes to the Church of Laodicea, Rev. 3. which nevertheless he cals poor, blind and naked. A man sick of the plague, is nevertheless a true man: As health is not the form or the essence of a man, so purity in the faith is not the essence of the universal visible Church. Her essence or essential form consisteth in the collection in one body under the profession of Christianity.

CHAP. 7. How this Proposition must be understood: That out of the Church there is no Salvation.

THe Cardinal is continually urging this Proposition, that there is no salvation out of the Church; And that he hath not God for his Father, that hath not the Church for his Mother. It imports then to know in what sense, and how far that Proposition is true.

I say then, that if by the word Church, you understand the Church or As­sembly of the elect, or predestinated unto salvation, it is clear and questionless that out of the Church so understood there is no salvation: For whosoever is none of the elect, is of necessity a reprobate.

If by the Church, you understand some particular Church, as the Greek, the Roman, the English, it is certain that out of such a Church a man may be saved. For example, if the Roman Church were as pure in the faith as it is corrupt, yet a faithful man could be saved in any other particular Church of the like purity.

But if by the Church, one understands the whole body of those that profess themselves to be Christians, or the whole body of the Orthodox Churches uni­ted in communion; it is certain that out of the Communion of the Church taken in that sense a man may be saved. For if one were unjustly excommunica­ted from that Church, and should die during that excommunication, he should not be therefore excluded from salvation. For God is not subject to mens vices, nor obliged to comply with the unjust passions of Pastors handling the keyes un­righteously, or abusing them ignorantly. Such a man having the Church for his Stepmother, shall nevertheless have God for his Father.

It may also happen that a Pagan or a Jew being prisoner, or living in a coun­trey where there is no Christians, will come by reading, or conference, or inspi­ration from God, to acknowledge the truth of Christian Religion, and make a resolution to profess it at the next opportunity, and as soon as he shall have his freedom: if Death prevent such a man before he can openly joyn with the Com­munion of the Church, I make no doubt but that he may be saved, believing in [Page 14] Jesus Christ, though he never did aggregate himself to the Communion of the Church. For our Saviours words can never be false, Whosoever believeth in Jesus Christ, hath eternal life, Joh. 6. The thief crucified with Jesus, and converted when he was neer death, was a Pagan before, or of no religion; we cannot tell that ever he was a Member of the visible Church, yet he was saved.

In this sense then that Proposition may be true, That out of the visible Church there is no Salvation. Who so by profaness or error in the foundation of the faith doth separate himself from the Communion of the universal visible Church, and renounceth the Communion of the faithful, to live according to his fancy, and to be no more a Member of the Church, that man cannot be saved. Of such men the Apostle Jude speaketh ver. 18, 19. where he cals those mockers and sensu­al men that separate themselves; And the Apostle to the Hebrews, chap. 10. v. 25. forbids us to forsake the assembling of our selves together. In this sense Cyprian in his book of the Unity of the Church, saith, He hath not God for his Father, that hath not the Church for his Mother. For he speaks of Schismaticks, who out of pride despise the Communion of the Orthodox Church, and are authors of dis­sention and division in the Church.

But in our dayes, this Proposition, That out of the Church there is no salvation, is taken otherwise. For thereby they mean that out of the Roman Church, and out of the Popes subjection none can be saved. One particular Church the fur­thest gone in the way of perdition, condemneth all other Churches to eternal perdition.

Of that question this is an appurtenance: Whether Hereticks and Schismaticks can be saved? Those are called Hereticks, who by some error in the faith have se­parated themselves from the Orthodox Church. Those are called Schismaticks, not Hereticks, that separate themselves from the Orthodox Church for some causes that concern not the faith. As the Donatists made a schism from the Or­thodox Church of Africa for the ordination of Cecilianus Bishop of Carthage, pretending that he had been created Bishop by Bishops that had delivered the ho­ly Scriptures unto the persecutors. But Satan for fear that the Schism should heal up, added to it presently some difference in the doctrine, moving a quarrel about rebaptizing of Hereticks.

In this question it is better to say too little then too much: For a godly, wise man will abstain from making a rash judgement of the salvation of others, re­membring the sentence of Jesus Christ,Mat. 7.1. Judge not that you be not judged. He will ponder the causes of the separation, and distinguish the persons. For there be some errours in light things, not fundamental in Religion, upon which a separation may happen, by the pride and pertinacy of some Pastors, even of them that are Orthodox: As the error of the Quartadecimani, who celebrated the feast of Easter precisely upon the fourteenth day of the Moon of March; for which cause Victor Bishop of Rome separated himself from their Communion; Wherein although the error was on their side, yet the schism was on Victors side, and he was more guilty then they. To pronounce that the people which is no cause of the schism, is damned eternally for such an error, is a rash part, and a bold judge­ment of the salvation of others. For no doubt but that such separations com­monly happen by the ambition of the Pastors that lead the people, who groan un­der that yoke, and desire concord, grieving for the separation. Yea it may hap­pen that both the Churches that forsake their mutual communion are both in the wrong. It may happen also, that the party that hath the truth on his side, is cause of the schism, by the harshness, or ambition, or want of charity of them that govern. As when two Brothers are quarrelling, they are Brothers nevertheless: So it is possible that two dissenting Churches will be nevertheless Members of the same body, in Gods account, whose wisdom is not obnoxious to our violence. But men prone to think well of their own righteousness, and having little charity for their Brethren, will pronounce all that keep not communion with them, ex­communicate Hereticks and Schismaticks, and assign their quarter in hell; where­as they should have a tender care to take heed to make up the least breach, by [Page 15] bearing with the weak. I would then put a great difference between the Au­thors of Schism, who are Satans Incendiaries, and the makers of the breach; and the simple people that cannot resist the authority of the Pastors of that Church in which they are born and bred, and have a real inclination to concord.

I could wish also that a man should not be pronounced an Heretick, that is igno­rant of some Article of Faith by a simple and negative Ignorance, such as is that of Infants; not by an obstinate ignorance, which armeth it self with reasons against the Truth. Thus the Apostles were at first ignorant of the Resurrection, and were not Hereticks for that.

I wish also that an Errour be not presently called an Heresie, when it is about a light thing, not about the Fundamentals of Faith. It was with some severity that the Luciferians were listed among the Hereticks, because they would not receive to Episcopacy those that had held the same degree among the Hereticks; also for the traduction of the soul.

But above all, M. du Perrons judgement seems to me rash and bold,Pag. 669. in the fourth Chapter of the third Observation; where he saith, that there are some points, of which if the Church should bate one syllable, she should cease to be the true Church of Christ, and would remain the Synagogue of Satan. Among which points he ranketh the doctrine of the Baptism of Hereticks. Whereby he con­demneth the whole African Church in Agrippines and Cyprians Age, and calls it the Synagogue of Satan, and inwraps good Cyprian in the same condemnation. For they did not receive the Baptism of Hereticks, no more then the Dona­tists that came since, and have followed them in that point: For which cause Steven Bishop of Rome called Cyprian (who was far better then he)Psuedo Christum & Pseudo Apo­stolum & do­losum operari­um. Epistola Fir­miliani quae est 75. inter Epistolas Cy­priani, §. 21. & 22. a false Christ, a false Prophet, and a deceitful workman. As on the other side, Cy­prian Epist. 74. calls Steven proud, ignorant, lover of Hereticks, Enemy to Christians.

M. du Perron beats incessantly upon the necessity of Communion with the Ro­man Catholick Church, maintaining that out of that Communion, there is no Salvation. But he forgets to resolve a difficulty, Whether an Orthodox Church living in another Hemisphere then ours, and for want of Navigation, not so much as knowing that there is a Roman Church, must be deprived of Salvation; the defect not coming from her, but from the nature of the place, and the remote­ness of the situation?

CHAP. 8. Whether the True Church be alwayes in Sight? State of the Question.

IT is not a point disputed, Whether the Church of the Elect be Visible; for it is a thing confest of all, that the Elect are not discernable with the eye. The question is, Whether the Church to which we must joyn, that we may be saved, be alwayes exposed to our eye?

We are also agreed upon this, That they that belong to that true Church, see and know that it is the true Church. Also that such as are not of that Church, as Pagans, Jews, and Hereticks; see indeed that Society of men which is called the Church, but see not that it is the true Church. These are the words of Bellar­mine, chap. 15. of the third Book of the Church, One may see a Society which is the Church, but one seeth not that it is the true Church. Cardinal du Perron saith the same, Chap. 19. To Hereticks and Schismaticks, the Church, Pag. 63. though [Page 16] never so eminent, hath alwayes been obscure and hidden; not for want of light and eminency of her own, but by reason of their darkness and blindness.

So there is two wayes of seeing the Church, The one to see her only as she is a Society of men; the other to see that she is the true Church. Thus the Jews saw Jesus Christ, but did not see that he was the Christ, the Redeemer. In the first way many Pagans, Jews and Hereticks see the Church; but none but those that are of the Church, or have knowledge enough to joyn with it, see that it is the true Church. So far we are agreed.

The question between us is, Whether the true, pure, and Orthodox Church be alwayes exposed to those mens sight that are without the verge of the Church, and whether they can see her at least as a Society of men, for without that they could not aggregate themselves to her?

Our Adversaries maintain, That the true Church is alwayes in sight, and visible to them that are without. We on the contrary hold that the true Orthodox Church never was exposed to the sight of all the men of the world, there be­ing alwayes many Nations that never heard of Christ, nor of Christian Church; And such hard and contrary times coming sometimes upon the Church, that the Church seemeth to vanish and be dissipated, or extinct by persecutions; of which I will bring some examples in the following Chapter.

CHAP. 9. That the Church to which we must join, that we may be saved, is not al­wayes eminent and exposed to every ones sight. Answer to the Cardinal.

THe Word of God affords us many examples of this. Was the Church of God exposed to the sight of Infidels, when the people of Israel was in Egypt, serving the Idols of the Egyptians? For God by his Prophet Ezekiel, Chap. 20. upbraids them, that when by his Prophets he exhorted them to for­sake the Idols of Egypt, where they lived, none of them would obey or leave her abominations.

Was the Church Visible to the Infidels in the time of the Kings, Ahas and Manasseh, when those Idolatrous Kings shut up the Temple of God, and Idols were set up in all the Towns of Juda? and when the High Priest Ʋriah set up an Altar after the Pagan manner within the Temple, which was the only Temple in the world consecrated unto the true God?

M. du Perron. Chap. 88. saith for answer, that Manasseh came to repentance: But what is that to our purpose? That King indeed repented towards the end of his dayes; but the fifty two years of his raign are a sufficient time to make a long interruption in the visibility of the Church. He saith also, that although there had not been any assembling in the Synagogues at that time, and although all publick exercise of Gods service had been suspended, yet the Massacres of the faithful did not suffer the true Religion to be unknown and invisible.

This answer is a plain shift: For here the question is not of the Visibility of Religion, which may remain in some particulars, but of the Visibility of the Church; which Visibility ceaseth when there is no more Assemblies.

Was the Church exposed to the sight of them that are without, in the time marked, 2 Chron. 15.3. For a long season Israel hath been without the true God, and without a teaching Priest, and without Law. Where it cannot be said, that by Israel the ten Tribes are understood: For it follows in the Text, But when they in their trouble did turn unto the Lord God of Israel, and sought him, he was found of them. This conversion never was in the ten Tribes since their revolt.

Was the Church Visible in the time of Daniel, when the only Temple dedicated to the ordinary service of God was destroyed, and the Jews captive in Baby­lon, bowed the knee before the Idol set up by Nebuchadnezzar, all but Daniel and his three friends! Dan. 3.6, 7.

And although in all those times the Church had been visible to the neigh­bouring Nations, yet she was not visible to the Chinesi, Americans, Sar­mates, &c. And here our Adversaries ought to determine how far, and to how many Nations the Church was visible.

A very express example to this purpose is the time that the Lord Jesus lived on earth. There was then no other Visible Church in the world but the Jewish Church, nor any succession of Chairs, but that of the Priests and Scribes; yet they conspire against Jesus Christ, and make a Council, in which they decree, that whosoever should confess Jesus to be the Christ, should be cast out of the Sy­nagogue; That is, excommunicated, Joh. 9.22. which sentence is the worst of all doctrines. Where was at that time that true Church alwayes visible and eminent in purity? For our Adversaries hold, that then the Jewish Church had yet her full authority and purity, alleadging for that Mat. 23.2, 3. The Scribes and Pharisees sit in Moses Chair. All therefore that they bid you observe, that observe and do. To say with M. du Perron, that the Jewish Church was then near her period, and that her Lease was well-nigh expired, is confessing that at least some years had past without a visible Church.

Wherefore the Cardinal seeing that he could not deny, that the state of the visible Church under the Old Testament was often interrupted, saith, It fol­lows not, if that hapned to the Jewish Church, that the same can happen to the Christian Church, which hath great priviledges above the Jewish. In the same manner (saith he) as there is three periods of mans generation; The first, in which man liveth only with the life of Plants; the second, in which he liveth with an Animal life; and the third in which he liveth with a Reasonable life. And that it doth not follow, if under the two first states the soul is corrup­tible, that under the third it must be so too. But he is mistaken in his Philo­sophy: For it is most false, that there is a time or period in which a man liveth only with a plants life; for in that time he is not yet a man. That is said of the embryo, not of man, who never is a man till he have a reasonable soul. But the Church is alwayes a Church, and is one and the same body from Adam unto the last day. If the Roman Church had promises of visibility and perpe­tuity as express as the Church of Israel, she would brag of them with great ostentation. God speaks thus, 2 Chron. 33.4. In Jerusalem shall my Name be for ever. And 1 King. 9.3. I have hallowed this house to put my Name there for ever. And Psal. 132.14. Zion is my rest for ever, here will I dwell, for I have desired it. And yet God hath put away that people from his Covenant, because these promises were to be understood conditionally, if that people would adhere unto God, and to his service. But the Roman Church hath no promise in the Word of God to ground her perpetuity upon it: Nor hath the very Christian Church in general any promise to be alwayes eminent and visible to them that are without; but Scripture teacheth us the contrary.

In the beginning of the preaching of the Apostles, when she was inclosed in Jerusalem, she was not visible to the Sarmates, Spaniards and Moors.

Shall the Christian Church be visible in the time mentioned, Revel. 13.3. where it is said, That all the world shall wonder after the Beast? Or in the time marked by the Lord Jesus Christ, Luk. 18. Do you think that when the Son of man com­eth he shall find faith in the Earth? The Roman Church that investeth her­self with the Title of Universal; was she visible to the Americans before the Navigations of the Spaniards and Portughese? And when it is said, Revel. 12. that wings were given to the woman (which is the Church) that she might flie into the Wilderness, where she might be hid for a time; was that Church then emi­nent and visible unto the Infidels? Do not our Adversaries say, that the Antichrist shall abolish the continual Sacrifice, that is, (as they understand it) the Mass? [Page 18] At that time then the Roman Church shall be no more: For they hold that a Church cannot be without a Sacrifice; at least at that time she shall have no visi­ble and no eminent state.

And since God commandeth his Church, Revel. 18. to come out of Ba­bylon, may we not thence gather that the Church shall be for a time hid in Babylon?

And who doubts, but that the Church may come to be so dispersed for a season by persecutions, that she may even be unseen to some of the faithful, until God gather them again?

CHAP. 10. Places of the Fathers upon that Subject.

THe Antients are full of passages to that purpose. Austin, who sometimes to fa­vour his cause against the Donatists, will have the true Church alwayes emi­nent in multitude and splendor, in some other places is speaking otherwise. In the 80. Epistle to Hosychius speaking of the last times,Ecclesia non apparebit, impiis perse­cutoribus ul­tra modum. saevientibus. The Church (saith he) shall not then appear, the impious persecutors exercising their violence beyond measure. And in the 45. Epistle to Vincentius, Ipsa est quae aliquan­do obscuratur & tanquam obnubilatur multitudine scandalorum. The Church sometimes is obscured, and is as it were covered with clouds by the multitude of scandals. He adds indeed, That at that time Ecclesia in firmissimis suis eminet; the Church is eminent in those that are most firm in the faith. But the faith of particular persons sheweth in­deed the Religion, but shews not the Church, when no Congregations are seen. In the same place speaking of the time of Constantius, he saith, that at that time the Catholicks were of small number, compared to the Hereticks. And in the 119. Epistle, Chap. 6.Ecclesia adhuc in illa mortalitate carnis consti­tuta, propter ipsam muta­bi [...]itatem, Lu­nae nomine in Scripturis significatur. The Church being yet in that mortal condition of the flesh, is by reason of that mutability signified by the Moon in the Scriptures. And soon after,Obscura videtur Ecclesia in tempo [...] peregrinationis suae. The Church looks obscure in the time of her Peregri­nation.

Ambrose in the 4. of the Hexameron, Chap. 2.Videtur sicut Luna deficere, sed non defici [...]; Obumbrari po­test, deficere non potest. The Church seemeth to fail like the Moon, but she faileth not; She can be obscured, but she cannot fail.

Tertullian in his Exhortation to Chastity, Chap. 7.Sed & ubi tres, Ecclesia est, licet Laici; unusquisque enim de sua fide vivit. Where three are, though they be Laymen, there the Church is; for every one liveth by his faith.

Hilary in his Book against Auxentius, Vos pa­rietum amor cepit; malè Ecclesiam Dei in tectis aedi­ficiisque ve­neramini. Male sub hoc nomen pacis ingeritis. Montes mihi & lacus & & carceres & voragines sunt tutiores. You are taken with the love of walls; You reverence the Church of God amiss, in the roofs and buildings: you propound the name of peace amiss under that colour; Mountains, and Lakes, and Prisons, and Boggs are unto me more safe. And that none say, that he speaks there of the only Church of Milan, he saith in the same place, that in the East it is a rare thing to find a Catholick Bishop or people.

CHAP. 11. Testimonies and Reasons of the Adversaries for the perpetual Visibility of the Church.

AGainst this our Adversaries bestir all their strength. M. du Perron in Chap. 2. opposeth it with many texts, Isai. 2.2. And it shall come to pass in the last dayes, that the Mountain of the Lords house shall be established in the [Page 19] top of the mountains; And all the hils shall flow unto her. [For so he alledgeth that Text.] But that Text promiseth not a visibility, and perpetual eminency to the Church, and at all times. It is a prediction of a time, when at the preaching of the Gospel, many Nations shall be converted: which happened in the time of the Apostles and their Disciples. This is made plain by the following words; For out of Zion shall go forth the Law, and the Word of the Lord from Jerusalem. He speaks of a time, when the Word of God must be carried from Judea and Jeru­salem to the Gentiles, which came not to pass but in the Apostles time.

The same answer will serve for two other Texts which he brings; The one out of Isa. 60.3. The Gentiles shall come to thy light, and Kings to the brightness of thy rising. The other is out of chap. 61.9. Their seed shall be known among the Gentiles, and their off-spring among the people. These Texts promise a time when the Church shall be much exalted in the sight of the Nations, but speak not of visibility and perpetual splendor.

To these Texts he adds two of the New Testament. The first of Mat. 5.14. You are the light of the world. A City that is set on a hill cannot be hid. By the CityLib. de unitate Ecclesiae. Austin understands the Church. Basil in his abridged definitions in the 277. Interrogation holds that thereby good works must be understood, be­cause it is added, that men may see your good works. But the true exposition is that of Hierom in the second Dialogue against the Pelagians, and of Chrysostom in the Homily upon this place; Who say, that by the City set on a hill the Apostles are understood, whom Jesus Christ cals also the light of the world, and because both their persons and preaching were to be set forth in the sight of all Narions. Thus God said to the Prophet, Jer. 1.18. Behold I have made thee this day a defenced City. Yet suppose that this City set upon a mountain be the Church; What can be gathered from it, but that the Church shall be eminent and visible as long as it is set upon a hill? But this Text doth not say that it must always stand there. The Church of God is in a moving and wayfaring condition. God hath often re­moved her from one place to another.

The second Text which he alledgeth out of the New Testament, is, Mat. 18.17. Tell it unto the Church; But if he neglect to hear the Church, let him be un­to thee as an Heathen man and a Publican. This we may call playing with the word of God. The question is, whether the Church, which is called Catholick or Uni­versal, be visible? Is it any thing to this purpose to bring a Text where, by the word Church the Pastors of a particular congregation are understood? For that Text speaks of differences and offences between two Brothers, which to ap­pease the universal Church is not convocated. Besides, they that are command­ed by the Text to make their address unto the Church when they have received some wrong from their neighbours, belong unto the Church: But here the que­stion is, whether the Church be always visible to them that are without?

M. du Perron was not ashamed to alledge Psalm 19.4. He hath put her taber­nacle in the Sun, to prove that God hath made his Church visible and eminent. But that Text is falsified, which is thus, according to the Hebrew truth.See Sixtus Senensis editi­onis Venetae, pag. 220. where he speaks thus. Genuinus ac proprius hu­jus literae sensus & ex­positio sit De­um posuisse Soli taberna­culum in coe­lo. In them (that is in the heavens) he hath set a tabernacle for the Sun. A man that hath re­course to such proofs, shews himself conscious of a great weakness of his cause.

Having so ill alledged Scripture, he brings in the Fathers to no better purpose. Cyprian in his book of the Unity of the Church, saith, That the Church clad with the Suns light, spreads her beams over all the world. He speaks of the Orthodox Church of his time, which was of a large extent: But he saith not that it should be so for ever. Also he alledgeth Chrysostom in the fourth Homily upon Isaiah, and makes him say that it is more easie to put out the Suns light, then to obscure the Church. But that Text is falsly interpreted: For the word [...] of Chry­sostom signifieth to be, put out and utterly abolisht, not to be obscured. This falsificati­on is notorious.

Out of the same Chrysostom, in the same place he alledgeth this, The Sun is not so manifest, nor his light, as the actions of the Church. Yea to them that are of the Church, and have eyes to see. But as for them that are out of the Church, and [Page 20] are blind in their understanding, M. du Perron hath confest before, that the Church is to them invisible.

Of Saint Austin, whom M. du Perron makes his main ground, as one that giveth often multitude for a mark of the true Church, we will speak hereafter, and shew that it is a deceitful mark.

Here one may ask, How then shall it be possible for the ignorant to be saved, if the Church sometimes be out of sight? For how shall they joyn with a Church which doth not appear? That Objection hath the like force against our Adversa­ries: For they acknowledge that there is, and ever was in the world a multitude of Nations that know neither Christ nor Christian Church, which therefore can­not aggregate themselves unto the Church, since they do not see her. That Ob­jection then doth not strike at us, but at God, who knoweth the wayes to bring to salvation those that belong to his election.

CHAP. 12. Answer to that Question made to us; Shew us where your Church was be­fore Luther, remounting from Luther to the Apostles?

OUr ears are even tired with that stale Objection: Shew us where your Reli­gion was, and your Church before Luther and Calvin?

This is not a question of Divinity, but of History: A question not to be resolved but by the search of all the Books of Ecclesiastical History for they space of fifteen hundred years: which Books being Greek and Latin, and of an endless prolixity; if by that search we must attain to salvation, I know not who can be saved; seeing that even among the Doctors, scarce one of an hundred hath a mediocrity in that knowledge, and such as think themselves learned in it, do not agree among them­selves.

In that Objection, mockery and fraudulent injustice are evident. Mockery, in that they will have us to answer presently, and in few words, a question that needs above twenty years to frame an answer to it. And truly our Adversaries might with good reason laugh at us, if we would have them to prove to us in few words, that their Religion was believed in several countries, and in all ages from the Apostles till now.

Fraud also and injustice is evident in this, that to take us off from examining their doctrine by Scripture, they will cast us upon endless histories, where they know that the people can see nothing, and into a dark labyrinth that hath no way to come out.

And how unjust are they to exact that of our people, which God doth not re­quire of us? and to which themselves do not oblige the people of the Roman Church? For God doth not oblige us to be learned in histories, that we may be saved; but he obligeth us to know, and to follow the rules of faith and manners contained in his Word. He will not ask us in the day of Judgement, whether we have believed as the Roman Church, or the French, or the German believed be­fore Luther? But we shall be judged according to the Gospel; as Saint Paul saith, Rom. 2.16.

Neither do they oblige their people to know the whole succession of chairs, and the whole thred of Histories of several countries since the Apostles. And there is none, I say not only of the people of the Roman Church, but even of the Doctors, that can affirm without rashness and untruth, that in the list of the Bi­shops of Rome, or of Milan, or of Lyons, &c. none of them hath changed any thing in the doctrine of his predecessor. All that is meer darkness unto the people, and the Doctors of the Roman Church never examine their people upon that.

In our respect especially that question is both absurd and unjust; for it presup­poseth that the Orthodox Church must be visible to us in all ages. Now we have [Page 21] proved that the Church sometimes seems to be extinct, and hath not alwayes a vi­sible eminency.

And to make the injustice of their dealing superlative, they present that que­stion to us by the wrong end: For common sense teacheth us, that in the search of Histories one must begin with the most antient, but they would have us to begin by Luther, and so remount to the Apostles, as if one began the History of the Jews at Herod, and from thence should come to the Maccabees, from thence to David, and from David to Abraham: For they avoid speaking of the time of the Apostles, because they know that their ReligiOn was not then in being. Also because they know that the example of the Apostles is a rule and a law for the fol­lowing ages. And seeing that our Religion is conformable unto that of the Apostles, the perceive that if one began that way, the search of the Hi­story of the following ages would be superfluous, since all the following ages ought to be ruled by that first age.

There then we must stop them, and since they will handle Controversies in the Historical way, let us begin by the first and the most antient, and let us see which of the two Churches is most conformable to that of the Apostles; Whe­ther it be that Church which calls upon the Saints; that worshippeth Images and Relicks; that pretends really to Sacrifice the Body of Jesus Christ in the Mass; that calls the Virgin Mary the Queen of Heaven; that celebrates the Service in a tongue unknown to the people; that believeth a fire of Purgatory; that depriveth the people from the Cup in the Communion; that saith the Bishop of Rome is Successor to St. Peter, not only in the Bishoprick of the City of Rome, but also in the Apostleship, and in the Primacy over the Universal Church, having the power of Canonizing Saints; releasing of Vows and Oaths; dispen­sing against the Apostle; giving Indulgences to the dead, and drawing souls out of Purgatory; gathering the over-plus of the Satisfactions of Saints into the treasure of the Church, and converting it into a payment for others; and having the power to dispose of the Life and Crown of Kings, &c.

Or whether that Church which believeth none of these things, and reject­ing those Traditions, keeps her self to Scripture only, be the Church conform­able unto that of the Apostles? The Sun is not more clear then it is evident, that not only no trace of those things is found in the writings of the Apostles, but that even many ages after the Apostles, one man shall not be found that had a Religion any whit like the Religion of the Roman Church of our dayes. Which our Adversaries do sufficiently acknowledge, when they say, That the Pope and the Roman Church can change that which the Apostles have constitu­ted, as Cardinal du Perron maintaineth, and with him all the Romish Doctors of our age, as we have proved, and will hereafter prove more accurately.

The Reader may observe in that question another evident mockery, full of insultation: For a thief that hath robbed a man of his cloak, should add mockery to his theft, if he asked him, Where is your cloak now? So the Pope who hath for many ages used his utmost endeavour to abolish the Church in the West by bloody persecutions, is now asking, where that Church was, which he thought he had extinguished?

It were easie for us to shew, that before Luther, there was in France, in Ger­many, and in other places, divers Churches of our belief, which our Adversaries charged with odious names, calling them Waldenses, Albigenses, Picards, and the like; (in the same manner as they call us now Hugonots,) and calumniously ascribing impious doctrines unto them. The sudden change hapned in Luthers time, shewed that Europe was full of people that knew the Truth, and sighed for Reformation, groaning under their captivity.

At this time also the Church of Ethiopia, containing seventeen great Pro­vinces, agreeth with us in the Fundamental points of the Faith, although she ob­serve many small superstitions: For she is not subject unto the Pope, knoweth neither his Indulgences, for his Laws; believeth neither Purgatory nor Tran­substantiation, maketh no Adoration of the Host in the Holy Communion, nor [Page 22] any elevation for worship: Celebrates the divine Service in the native language; Communicates under both kinds; worshippeth no Images: Hath no private Communion; hath but one Table or Altar in every Church; hath married Priests; Baptizeth men-children forty dayes after they are born, and women-children threescore dayes after, thereby shewing, that they believe not Baptism to be absolutely necessary unto salvation: as may be seen in the History of Francis Alvarez a Portughese Monk, who hath lived there six years. For M. du Per­rons imputation to those Churches, that they are Eutychian, is a calumny. It is true, that they are subject unto the Patriarch of Alexandria who is an Euty­chian, but that subjection is not in the Doctrine, but only in that the said Patriarch hath the right of the nomination of the Abuna, or first Prelate of the Ethiopians, when the See is vacant.

It is certain, that the Greek Church, more antient then the Roman, and from whom the Roman Church hath received Christianity, draws much neerer to our Religion then the Roman; seeing that she doth not acknowledge the Bishop of Rome; despiseth both his Laws and indulgences; believeth no Purgatory, and no Transubstantion; giveth the cup to the people; hath the Divine Service in the antient Greek tongue; and hath married Priests.

But the search of Histories decideth no Controversies. We are ruled by no History but by that of the Apostles time; for they have given Laws for the fol­lowing ages. Wherefore whensoever our Adversaries ask us where our Religion was before Luther? Note. we must ask them, where their Religion was in the time of the Apostles? for there both they and we ought to begin.

CHAP. 13. Whether the Church can Err?

THe Roman Church boasteth that she cannot err. And in the question, whether the Church can err, she bears her self as an infallible Judge. So that she is Judge in her own cause, and an infallible Judge of her infallibility.

By the Roman Church, which they will have to be an infallible judge, the people is not understood, but the Prelates that govern the people. This is arrogant language: For so the will of man, which ought to be ruled by the Word of God, is become the Rule it self; and Scripture is become of little necessity, if it be so, that the Pastors our leaders cannot swerve out of the way; and no other duty will lie upon us but to follow them, and stand to their verdict.

The Apostles had the gift of not erring; yet none of them durst ever say, I cannot err: That was the language of the Jews, when they conspired against the Prophets sent by God: And under that false confidence, hardening themselves in evil, they would say, The Law shall not perish from the Priest, nor the Word from the Prophet: Jer. 18.18. But God giveth them the lie upon that, and telleth them, Ezek. 7.26. The Law shall perish from the Priest, and the counsel from the Pro­phet, or the Antient.

Against that Doctrine of pride, Scripture doth furnish us with many exam­ples. The Church of the Old Testament was idolatrous in Egypt, as may be seen, Ezek. 20.7, 8. Aaron the High Priest set up an Altar to the Golden Calf, and dedicated an holy day to it, Exod. 32. Whereupon Moses chides him, and saith, What did this people unto thee, that thou hast brought so great a sin upon them? Augustin. lib. questio­num in Exo­dum quaes. 46. Notan­dum est quemad­modum illud totum malum quod populus fecit ipsi Aaroni tribuatur. Austin saith that Aaron was the cause of all the evil. Ʋriah another High Priest set up a Pagan Altar within the Temple of God, 2 Kings 16.10, 11. Under King Ahaz the Temple of God was shut up, and the sacred service ceased for a time, 2 Chron. 29.7. King Manasseh built Altars to Baalim in the House of God, the only Temple in the world dedicated to Gods service, and made Sa­crifices unto false Gods in the two Courts of the Temple, 2 Chron. 33.4, 5. In which Temple how many abominations and idolatries were committed, is to seen, Ezek. 8.

2 Chron. 15.3. It is said, Now for a long season Israel hath been without the true God, and without a teaching Priest, and without law. Which cannot be un­derstood of the ten Tribes, as we have proved; for those ten Tribes never had a lawful Priest.

Did not the Church err in the time of Isaiah, who upbraideth the people of the Jews, that his watchmen were blind, and were all ignorant? Isai. 50.10. Or in the time of Jeremiah, who thus rebuketh the Church of his time, The Prophets prophesie falsly, and the Priests bear rule by their means, Jer. 5.31. And Ch. 2. vers. 8. The Priests said not, Where is the Lord? And they that handle the Law knew me not. And v. 26. Their Priests and their Prophets say to a stock, Thou art my Father, which is the language of Idolaters. The same Prophet upbraideth Judah, then the only people of God, that they had as many Gods as Towns, Jer. 11.13.

Did not the Church err in Malachi's time, who speaks thus to the Priests that taught the people, Ye are departed out of the way, you have cause many to stumble at the Law, and have corrupted the Covenant of Levi? Mal. 2.8.

The Priests and Scribes that held the ordinary Chairs in the Church,Chap. 9. were ene­mies of Jesus Christ, and decreed that whosoever should confess him to be the Christ, should be excommunicated, Joh. 9.12. And Caiaphas the High Priest pro­nounced that Jesus Christ was a blasphemer, Mat. 26.

If then that Church, which was the only Church in the world where God was served, is fallen into error; is it credible, that when there are many con­trary Churches, any of those Churches ought to presume that she can ne­ver err?

Yet our Adversaries defend that arrogant Doctrine with some Texts of Scri­pture, which they oppose unto experience, and to the examples attested by Scri­pture, to make the Word of God to fight against it self.

They alledge in the first place the Prophet, Mal. 2.7. The Priests lips The Eng­lish version saith not shall, but should, to shew that it is a Com­mandment, not a Pro­mise. shall keep knowledge, and they shall keep the Law at his mouth, for he is the messenger of the Lord of Hosts. They should have added the followings words, where God accuseth the Priests to have erred and seduced the people; But you are de­parted out of the way, and you have caused many to stumble at the Law: The abuse lyeth in this, that of a Commandment they have made a Promise. As if I took the words of the Law, Thou shalt not kill, for a Prophesie that there shall be no murther in the world. God saith, The Priests lips shall keep knowledge, to command them to keep knowledge; not to promise them that they shall al­wayes keep it.

They fence themselves with Christs words, Matth. 23.2. The Scribes and Pharisees sit in Moses seat; All therefore whatsoever they bid you observe, that observe and do, &c. To which they add, that Caiaphas the High Priest for that year prophesied, that Jesus Christ should die for the Nation, Joh. 11. as if Prophesie had been inseparably annexed unto the Priesthood; or as if Caiaphas could not teach false Doctrine.

All that is studying to deceive ones self: For Jesus Christ Matth. 15. ac­cuseth the Scribes and Pharisees of transgressing the Commandment of God by their Traditions. And Matth. 16. he warneth his Disciples to beware of the leaven of the Pharisees, that is, (as himself expounds it) of their Doctrine. And Matth. 5. he repurgeth the Law of the false constructions and rules which the Doctors of that time had pinned upon it. And Caiaphas is he that pronounced in judgement, bearing the authority of High Priest assisted by the Priests and Scribes, that Jesus Christ was a blasphemer.

Wherefore when Jesus Christ commanded that all should be done that the Scribes and Pharisees should teach, he meant all that they should teach conform­ably to the Law and the Word of God, as it is specified, Deut. 17.11. where the version of the Roman Church is express to this purpose; thus rendering that Text, Thou shalt do all they shall teach thee according to the Law. Chrysostom Hom. 72. upon Matthew understands it so. And Hilary 24. Canon of the Comment upon Matthew.

As for Caiaphas, he prophesied by the will of God; not because he could not err, but that the quality of the person might give more weight to that Pro­phesie whereby Jesus Christ is justified by his enemies, and the fruit of his death is expounded.

It is to no purpose, to say, that God promiseth his Apostles, Joh. 14.26. to send them the Comforter that would teach them The Eng­lish version hath all things. all truth. For all that is promised to the Apostles, doth not belong to the Roman Church: Yet it may be said, that God teacheth still the Roman Church, and all the Heretical Churches in all truth: For God speaks to them in his Word, but they resist his teaching, and choose rather to adhere unto falshood.

It is no more to the purpose to alleadge these words, Tell the Church, Matth. 18.17. For there it is not spoken of the Universal Church, but of the Pastors of a particular Church; nor of the judgement of the Doctrine, but of the re­paration of wrongs done to a particular person. Note also that St. Peter is one of those to whom Jesus Christ said, Tell it unto the Church. By these words then St. Peter is subjected unto the judgement of the Church. Above all, the presup­position of our Adversaries in this place is intolerable, pronouncing that by the Church, the Roman only be understood. Why the Roman rather then the Greek or the African?

M. du Perron heaps up many texts of Scripture, to prove that the Church is exempted from a possibility of erring; but they are of no use to this purpose: For some of them speak of the Church of the Elect, as that Text, Cant. 4.7. Thou art all fair my Love, there is no spot in thee. Did that Prelate believe that the Roman Church hath no spot in her manners? Such is also the text of Isaiah 52.1. Henceforth there shall no more come into thee the uncircumcised and the unclean. And this Matth. 16.18. The gates of Hell shall not prevail against the Church.

Pope Gregory the 1. expounding the 7. Penitential Psalm, expounds this text of the Church of the Elect, not of the Church of Rome. These are his words,Sanctam Ecclesiam de sanctis in aeternum per­mansuris con­structam, nul­lis hujus vitae persecutioni­bus superan­dam, ipse su­per quem aedi­ficata est, evi­denter osten­dit, cum ait, Portae infero­rum non prae­valebunt ad­versus eam. He upon whom the Church is built, evidently shewed, that the holy Church which is composed of Saints that shall abide for ever, shall never be overcome by any persecutions, when he said that the gates Hell of shall not prevail against her.

Some other texts which the Cardinal brings, speak of the duty of the Church, not of her infallible purity; as when she is called the Pillar and stay of Truth, 1 Tim. 3. because she is appointed for the defence of the Truth. In the same sense heretical Churches are pillars and stayes of untruth; but thence it fol­lows not, that they can never be converted unto the true Faith.

Or they are texts that speak of every faithful man, not of the Universall Church, as this, 2 Cor. 6.14, 15. What communion hath light with darkness? and what concord hath Christ with Belial? Hereby the Apostle exhorteth every faithful man to separate himself from the world, and from the uncleanness and allurements of Satan. Or if this belongs also to the Universal Church, it is an Exhortation, not a Declaration, or a Promise of an infallible purity. Of the like nature is the text of 2 Joh. 10. If any bring not this Doctrine,—do not bid him God speed.

Or they are texts that speak especially of the Town of Jerusalem, not of the Christian Church; as that which is said, Isai. 1.26. Thou shalt be called the City of Righteousness, the faithful City.

Or they are texts alleadged without any colour of reason, as this, Hos. 2.20. I will betroth thee unto me in faithfulness. Ergo, the Church cannot err: And that Church is the Roman. Such proofs have neither strength, nor the shew of it.

The texts of the Fathers, which the Cardinal brings to the same end, serve only to raise the bulk of his Book. They say only that the Catholick Church, by which they mean the Orthodox, is separate from that of the Hereticks: a thing that no man denyeth. But the question is, Whether to the Church, [Page 25] which at this present is pure, it may not happen hereafter to fall into some er­rour?

The fore-warnings which the Word of God gives us of the corruptions that will creep into the Christian Church, are stronger then any reason for the infal­libility of the same; and experience hath confirmed them. Our Saviour Jesus, Luke 18.8. saith to us, When the Son of man cometh, shall he find faith on the earth? The Apostle Paul, 2 Tim. 4.3, 4. foretels that a time shall come, when men will not endure sound doctrine; — And shall turn away their ears from the truth, and shall be turned unto fables. And 1 Tim. 4.1. That in the latter times some shall de­part from the faith, giving heed to seducing spirits, and to doctrines of Devils. Of which doctrines he doth specifie two; the prohibition of marriage, and the ab­stinence of meats, which God hath made for mans use. The same Apostle 2 Thes. 2. foretels that the Son of perdition, who is the Antichrist, and cals him­self God, and boasteth of miracles, shall place his seat and his domination in the Temple of God. We read Rev. 13.3. that all the world wondered after the beast: & v. 7. that the Beast makes war with the Saints, and overcometh them. And power was given her over all people, and tongue, and Nation: So that all that dwell on the earth shall worship her. Where shall at that time be that visible Church which cannot err? Do not our Adversaries say, that the Antichrist shall abolish all outward service, and all publike exercise of Christianity? And that one may not think that this so horrible corruption shall not come to pass but towards the end of the world; The Apostle in the fore-alledged place, 2 Thes. 2. declareth, that even in his time the mysterie of iniquity did already work, and that Satan was laying the plot of that work; for already they began to speak of prehemi­nences, and the Church had many Diotrephes. Already they said, I am of Ce­phas, and I am of Paul: Already they were disputing of the service of Angels and abstinence of meats, out of humility, and for exercise, Col. 2. And the Apostles were put to fight against Justification by Works. Hierom upon Ha­bak. 1. speaks thus of the Antichrist; He shall gather all Nations, and draw all peoples to his error; yet the same, when afterwards they shall see him killed by the Spirit of the mouth of Christ, shall comprehend that all that was foretold of him was true. After the Council of Rimini under the Empire of Constantius, Arianism was preached over all the Churches: Insomuch that Hierom in his Dialogue against the Luciferians, saith, that the whole world did groan, and wondered to see it self turned Arian. Liberius Bishop of Rome, with three or four more with him, held for the true faith; but soon after he was overcome, and subscribed to Arianism.

It is most considerable, that the Jesuits Ribera and Viegas, who have written upon the Revelation, and Bellarmin himself in the third Book de Pontifice, and many others, by the great harlot called Babylon, clad with scarlet, sitting upon seven hils, that ruleth over the Nations, that shall seduce Kings and people, which is mentioned in the 13, 17, & 18. chapters of the Revelation, understand the City of Rome. It is also to be noted, how in chap. 17. it is said, that the same great harlot shall seduce Kings, and make Nations drunk: And that in chap. 18. the last ruin of that Babylon is described, after which ruin, she shall be built no more again: Things which cannot be attributed to the Pagan Rome, which se­duced not Kings but extermined them. Neither was Rome ever razed under the Paganism, nor ruined with a final ruin.

What? may one say, Dare you affirm, that the universal Councils represent­ing the Church of the whole world, can err in the faith?

I answer, that there hath been no universal Council since the Apostles time, in the sense that the word universal is taken, namely, for a Council convocated out of the Church of all the world. The Councils which are called Ʋniversal, are so called, because they were convocated out of the universal Roman Empire by the authority of the Emperors: Out of which Empire there hath been always a a great number of Christian Churches. Not that I would say that the Councils of Nicea, of Constantinople, the first of Ephesus, and that of Chalcedon have [Page 26] errred: But it is one thing to say that they have not erred, and another thing to say that they could not err. The universal Councils which the Pope assembleth in these last ages, are Councils of the universal Papal Monarchy. The other Churches have no part in it, but to be condemned, unheard.

The Doctors of the Roman Church believe not that the universal Councils can­not err, since they oppose with so much violence the first Council of Constanti­nople, and that of Chalcedon, for rising (as they speak) against the Bishop of Rome, and despising his authority. We shall see hereafter the invectives of Car­dinal du Perron against that so famous and authentical Council of Chalcedon, where there were six hundred and thirty Bishops. Bellarmin in his Preface upon his Books de Pontifice, saith thatPrimi qui seriò pri­matum Ro­mani Pontifi­cis oppugna­runt, videntur fuisse Graeci, anno, 39. &c. those two Councils have earnestly assaulted the Primacy of the Pope of Rome. The Jesuite Cotton makes the same complaint against these two Councils in the Preface of his Institution.

The Pope Paschal in the Decretal Significasti de Electione, Tit. 6.Quasi Romanae Ec­clesiae Conci­lia ulla Le­gem praefixe­rint, &c. de­clares that the Roman Church is not subject to the Councils, and maintains that Councils depend upon the authority of the Roman Church. And Pope Gelasius in the Tome of the bond of Anathema, quarreling with the Council of Car­thage, saith,Sedes Apostolica so­la rescindit quod praeter ordinem congregatio Synodica putaverit usurpandum. The Apostolical See alone makes void that which a Synodal As­sembly would usurp against the order. Finally, Doctor Andradius, who was pre­sent at the Council of Trent, declareth thatAndrad. lib. 2. Defens. fidei Tri­dentinae. Liquet minimè eos errasse, qui dicunt Romanos Pontifices posse nonnúnquam in Legibus dispensare à Paulo & primis quatuor Conciliis. Those err not, that say that the Popes can sometimes dispence frem the Laws of Saint Paul, and from the four first Councils, which are the Councils of greatest authority.

CHAP. 14. That the Roman Church hath erred, and erreth.

BUt because all that our Adversaries preach of the infallible purity of the Church tends to no other end but to invest the Popes and the Roman Church with an infallible perfection, it will be expedient to shew by invincible proofs that the Roman Church erreth, and hath erred. We shall not produce the errors or impieties of particular Doctors, although their Writings be publisht with appro­bation; nor the errors and heresies of Popes, wherewith we might fill a great Volume. I will content my self to produce the errors approved not only by the Popes, but also by their Councils: For there principally our Adversaries place in­fallibility, when the Pope speaks in a Council, and that Council is approved by the Pope. Also the publick Laws unanimously received over the whole Roman Church.

1. In the year of our Lord, 787. a Council was assembled at Nicea, which the Roman Church approveth, and reckoneth among the Universal Councils; And it is called by our Adversaries the seventh universal Council: there sat the Legates of Pope Adrian, who not only approved that Council, but writ aThat Book is found in the third Tome of the Coun­cils after the Council of Nicea. book pur­posely for the defence thereof.

If then that Council hath erred, it cannot be denied that the Church of Rome hath erred. Let us see then what was done in that Council. 1. In the seventh Action, that Council commands the adoration of Images upon pain of anathema, in these words: We hold that the Images of the glorious Angels, and of all Saints must be adored and saluted: But as for him that hath not the will so to do, but stag­gereth, and is doubtful about the adoration of the venerable images, this holy and ve­nerable Synod doth anathematize him.

2. In the fourth Action of the same Synod these words are found: Images are [Page 27] of equal worth with the Gospels and the venerable Cross. And in the same place, Major est imago quam oratio, The image is greater then the word, or the prayer.

3. In the fifth Action there is a manifest error, whereby (that there may be a ground for making images of Angels) the Council declareth that Angels are cor­poral. The Church (say these Fathers) holds that the Angels are not at all without bodies, but that they have a delicate body made of air or fire.

4. That same Council to prove the adoration of Images, corrupts the Scripture with an horrible licence. These Fathers alledge that it is said in the second chap­ter of the Canticles, Shew me thy face, and let me hear thy voice. Also that God created man after his image and likeness, Gen. 2. Also that Abraham adored the Hit­tites, Gen. 24. That Moses adored Jethro his Father-in-law, Exod. 18. And that none having lighted the candle sets it under a bushel, Luke 18.16. Whence they in­fer that we must worship images. And these goodly allegations are approved by Pope Adrian in the fore-mentioned Book.

And that the world might know what adoration was commanded in that Coun­cil; In the fourth Action those are condemned, which said that images must on­ly be venerated without adoration. All they that confess that they venerate images, and yet deny them adoration, are reproved as hypocrites.

5. In the year 869. a Council was held at Constantinople, which our Adversa­ries call the eight Universal Council: Baronius in the year 869. of his Annals, §. 19. saith, that the Popes were wont in their reception to swear the approbation of that Council. The third Canon of that Council is in these word:Sacram imaginem Domini nostri Jesu Christi aequo honore cum libro sanctorum Evangeliorum adorari de­cernimus. We decree, that the sacred image of Jesus Christ, be adored with the same honour as the Book of the holy Gospels. And a little after: It is In Latin dignum est. convenient by reason of the honour which is referred unto principal things, that derivative images be ho­noured and adored as the Book of the holy Gospels, and the figure of the precious Cross.

6. In the year of our Lord, 891.See Sigonius de regno Ita­liae, Platina, Anastasius, Luitprand. Stella, &c. Formosus obtained the Roman Pontificat against the oath which he had taken in the hands of Pope John the ninth, that he would never receive the Papal degree though he were elected to it. From which oath Marinus that succeeded John, dispensed with the said Formosus, giving him leave to be perjured.

To that Formosus, who was five years Pope, Stephen the seventh succeeded, who called a Council, wherein it was judged, that a man that hath received the Papacy contrary to his oath, is no lawful Pope, and that he could not be dispen­sed from his oath: Whereupon the said Stephen caused the body of Formosus to be digged out, cut off his fingers, those wherewith Bishops used to consecrate, and caused him to be sordidly interred as an unlawful Pope.

But as soon as that Stephen was dead, his Successor Romanus, made void all that his Predecessor Stephen had done. And soon after, John the X. held a Council at Ravenna, which reversed the judgement of the precedent Council against For­mosus, and restored his memory to his former honour.

That John being dead, his Successor Sergius the III. condemned Formosus again, declared him an unlawful Pope, thrust his body out of the grave, caused him to be executed ignominiously, as if he had been alive, and then cast him into the river.

The question was of the necessity of keeping an oath, and whether the Pope can dispence with an oath made to God? Upon that question, you have divers and contrary Councils, where the Pope did preside, which conclude contrary things, and condemn and reverse the decisions one of another. Sure then there was error in one of the parties; for two contradicting opinions cannot be true to­gether. And note that the worst opinion prevailed in the end. For yet at this day the Pope dispenseth from oaths, that is, he takes on him the power of decla­ring that a man is not bound to be faithful unto God.

7. In the year of our Lord, 1059. Pope Nicolas the II.Dist. 2. de Consec. Can. Ego Berenga­rius. assembled a Council against Berengarius, where it was declared and pronounced, that the bread and wine which is put upon the altar after the consecration, is not only the Sacrament, but [Page 28] also the true body of our Lord Jesus Christ. And that not only the Sacrament, but the body of the Lord is It seems they meant sensibly. sensually and in truth, handled by the hands of the Priests; broken and bruised by the teeth of the faithful.

The Roman Church of this time believeth that no more: She saith indeed, that the species under which the body of the Lord is, are sensibly and truly broken and bruised; But she believeth not that the body of the Lord, be sensibly and truly broken and bruised by the teeth of the faithful: For note that the Council makes two things, sensibly, and truly broken; the Sacrament, and the Lords body. Neither doth the Roman Church believe that the bread after the conse­cration, be the body of Christ.

Baron. Ann. 1076.8. In the year of our Lord, 1076. Pope Gregory the VII. called a Council to Rome, where among many articles, these three points have been resolved and determined.

That there is no other name under heaven, but that of the Pope.

That no Book is canonical without the Popes authority.

And that all Kings must kiss the Popes feet.

The first Point attributes unto the Pope, that which is attributed unto Jesus Christ alone, exclusively to all others, Acts 4.12.

The second declareth, that the Gospels and the Books of the Prophets and Apostles, are not to be received, unless the Pope approve them by his authority: And yet these sacred Books had already their full authority before there was any Pope or Bishop of Rome. The Books of Moses and of the Prophets were au­thentical long before the Apostles.

Of the third, the pride is detestable; for it attributes unto the Pope an ho­nour which Jesus Christ and his Apostles never asked or lookt for: But they have been subject unto Emperors, and have paid them tribute, and have appeared be­fore their judicial Seat: Neither did they ever give their feet to any man to kiss.

9. In the year 1215. Pope Innocent the III. assembled a Council at Rome in the Lateran Church, and made it as great and solemn as he could, because at that time those whom the Roman Church nicknamed Waldenses and Albigenses, did multiply; Also because they were to consult how to recover the holy Land taken by the Saracens. In that Council the third speaks thus; If the Temporal Lord care not to satisfie within the year, let it be made known to the soveraign Pre­late, that from that time he declare his subjects absolved from his subjection, and ex­pose his country to be seized upon by Catholicks, that they may extermine here­ticks.

In that decision of the Council, there are four most pernicious errors.

The first is an usurpation of the Pope, approved by the Council, whereby he disposeth of the temporals of Princes, as if the disposition of them belonged un­to him; and divests them of their Lands and dominions, without the authority of Gods word, and without any example of the Ancient Church.

The second error is, that it makes Ecclesiastical censures, which are spiritual corrections, to become temporal punishments: as if a Priest to lay a penance upon a sinner, would cut his purse, or rob him of his cloak, or put him out of his house.

The third error is, that this Canon absolveth Subjects from the oath of allegi­ance, which they have sworn to their natural Prince, and teacheth them to be perfidious and dis-loyal with a good conscience, though against the Word of God, which saith, Thou shalt perform unto the Lord thine oaths, Mat. 5.33. though it were to thine own hurt, Psal. 15.4. And against the rules and examples of the Apostles, who have commanded Christians to pay tribute, and to be subject to Princes and higher powers, although Princes were Pagans and persecutors in those dayes, Rom. 13.1, 2. 1 Pet. 2.13, 14.

The fourth error is, that in the same chapter, the Pope and the Council preach murther and massacre, and set on the people to extermine those whom they call hereticks: which not only is against the Law of God, but against that of Nati­ons: [Page 29] For even Pagan Princes never permitted their subjects to fall upon their Fellow-Citizens, and massacre them. These are not the wayes to plant the Go­spel; which prepareth us to sufferings, and to be persecuted, not to persecute. If that exhortation to slaughter is ill beseeming any man, much more a Pastour of the Church, who ought to teach to render good for evil, and to love them that hate us.

10. As for recovering the Holy Land, at the end of that Council there is a Papal Bull; but with approbation of the Council, the language whereof makes ones hair stand up, so horrible is the impiety of it. There a Commandment is made to all that belonged to Croisada, to meet in Sicily, or the neighbouring places, in July to begin that journey; To perswade the people to undertake that voyage, the Pope by the Councils authority speaks thus; To all that will bear that labour in their own persons, and at their charges, We grant full Remission of those sins, of which they shall have Contrition and Repentance; and in the Retribution of the Righteous, we promise them in Paradise an augmentation of Eternal Salvation. What was that Pope, and what that Council, that could promise to Souldiers a degree of glory in Paradise, above the common sort? especially seeing that the Pope and the Prelates were not themselves sure that they should never go into Hell? But let us hear the rest: But to them that will not go in that voyage in their own persons, but only shall send fit men according to their means, we give full Remission of their sins. To those poor souls an equal degree is not promised: They were to content themselves with the remission of all their sins; and for all reward, they had no more but eternal life.

11. But here is the extremity of impiety. The same Bull with approbation of the Council denounceth to all that will refuse, and not care for this Command­ment, that they shall answer him in the last day of judgement before the terrible Judge: As if the Pope must then be an Assessor of the Judge; or as if he must condemn sinners in the day of Judgement. Thou Earth-worm, who turnest up against Heaven, Is that the style of the Apostles? Is that the Apostolical hu­mility?

12. In the year of our Lord 1300. Boniface the VIII. instituted the Jubilee every hundreth year, in which they that come to Rome for the great Pardons, should get full, more full, and most full remission of sins. That liberality is fetcht from the treasure of the Church, wherein the Pope layeth up the over-plus of the Satisfactions of Jesus Christ and the Saints, of which treasure the Pope is the keeper and the steward; converting them into a payment for those that visit the Roman stations. Wherefore the Citizens of Rome and Inhabitants of the neigh­bouring places have a great advantage above others; for they have the full remis­sion of their sins at their door, and get it without pain and cost. But they that live three or four hundred leagues from Rome, and have neither Horse nor money, are deprived of those spiritual graces.

The following Popes moved with a fatherly compassion to the people, have shortned that term, and brought the Jubilee first to every fiftieth year, then to every twentieth year; and there is hope that shortly they will bring it to every thirteenth year: For it cannot be said, what a mass of wealth that Jubilee brings to the Pope, and to the Inhabitants of Rome, by the offerings and the sojourning of strangers that flock to Rome from all parts. It is the most famous and the most lucrative fair of Babylon.

The invention of the Jubilee is spick and span new, there being no trace of it in all Antiquity; whereby the Popes of this time accuse the High Priests of the Old Testament, and the Apostles and their Successors for many ages, to have neglected the over-plus of the Satisfactions of Noah, Abraham, Jacob, Moses, Job, and the Apostles themselves, and not to have gathered it into the Churches Treasury, but suffered it to be lost by their ill husbandry.

The Satisfaction of Jesus Christ being sufficient for the sins of the whole world, it is an outrage offered to him, when to his sufferings other satisfactions are ad­ded; as those of Saints and Monks, to satisfie the justice of God for the pain due [Page 30] to our sins. By this means they will have God to take two payments for one debt. What need of a second payment when the first is sufficient? But their second pay­ment is unsufficient, seeing that no man can satisfie for the sins of another; and we learn of the Apostle, Gal. 6.5. that every man shall bear his own burthen. Be­sides, those Saints and Monks whose satisfactions the Pope will apply unto others, were sinners, and had need that Christ should satisfie for them, so far they were from satisfying for others, and for those for whom Jesus Christ hath fully sa­tisfied. Then those Saints were above measure rewarded for their labours, when God raised them up unto his Eternal Glory, yea though it were granted that their works were meritorious: For if God hath rewarded them above their me­rits, can one and the same work be meritorious for him that hath done it, and satisfactory for another? As if one and the same sum of money served to buy a house, which is a thousand times better then the money, and together to pay the ransom of another.

Certainly the Pope who layeth up in his treasure the super-abounding sa­tisfactions of the Saints, and hath constituted himself the keeper and dispenser of them, ought to make his power to appear, and produce his Commission. He ought to shew when, and where God hath entrusted him with that distribution, and tell us what assurance we may have, that God accepteth as a payment for us the fastings and whippings of St. Dominick, This is seen in their life, written by St. Antonin Archbishop of Florence. and of Katherine of Siena, whom the Pope hath made Saints; who whip themselves with an Iron chain for the ease of the souls in Purgatory, One hath need to be of very easie belief, to believe that God will be paid with such light coin: For those be the things which the Pope joyns to the sufferings of the Son of God, to make the total of the satisfaction for the pains due to the sins of those that get these pardons.

I pass by the palpable Error, whereby it is pretended that the Saints have suf­fered more pains then their sins deserved, since there is no man, be he never so holy, but stands in need that God forgive him his sins; No man but de­serveth eternal death, if God would deal with him according to the rigour of his justice.

13. Other actions and laws of the same Pope Boniface the VIII. shew by what spirit he was led: Especially the Extravagant Ʋnam Sanctam, De Majo­ritate & Obedientia, wherein the Pope attributes to himself the power over the spiritual and the temporal of all the world. Which he proveth by texts of Scripture rarely applyed. We are taught (saith he) by the words of the Gospel, that unto the power of the Church two Swords are belonging, the Spiritual and the Temporal: For the Apostles having said, Here be two Swords, that is, here in the Church; the Lord did not answer the Apostles, It is too much; but, It is enough. Certainly he that denyeth the Temporal Sword to be in St. Peters power, doth not regard well the Word of the Lord, who said, Put up thy sword into the scabbard. And a little after, to prove that the temporal of Princes is subject un­to the Pope. He alleadgeth Gods Word unto Jer. 1.10. See I have this day set thee over the Nations, and over the Kingdoms. And he will have that Prophesie to be fulfilled in the Ecclesiastical, that is, in the Papal power, which he saith can­not be judged by any, because St. Paul said, 1 Cor. 2. The spiritual man judgeth of all things, yet he himself is judged of no man. Finally he concludes thus; Whosoever then resisteth that power ordained by God, resisteth the Ordinance of God, unless he will make two principles with the Manicheans; which we judge to be false and heretical, seeing that Moses testifies that in the beginning God created Heaven and Earth. Wherefore we declare, say, define, and pronounce, that it is of neces­sity of Salvation to be subject to the Roman Prelate. That venerable Pope hath found a proof of his primacy in the first words of the Bible, God in the begin­ing made Heaven and Earth. These are Laws and Papal Ordinances, pro­nounced with all the forms, and inserted into the body of the Pontificial decrees; Which to excuse from Error, one must want both conscience and com­mon sense.

14. In the year of Lord 1414. a Council was held at Constance to reform [Page 31] the Church in capite & membris, as it was agreed in the precedent Council of Pisa. In that Council, convocated by the authority of Pope John XXIII. three contending Popes were deposed, this John XXIII. for one,Concil. Con­stant. Sess. XI. for threescore and eleven crimes; among others for publickly and notoriously denying the immortality of the soul, and maintaining that there was neither Paradise nor Hell.

15. To that Council John Hus and Hierom of Prague were invited to defend their cause: and because they made difficulty to come, a safe conduct of the Em­perour Sigismond was given them, and faith was sworn unto them that no harm should be done unto them. But after some form of Disputation, they were seized on and burnt alive: And because the Emperour made a scruple to break his faith, the Council declared unto him, that he was not bound to keep faith unto Hereticks: For which purpose a Canon was made in this form; This holy Council declareth that the safe conduct given to Hereticks, or defamed for heresie, by the Emperour, Kings, and other secular Princes, thinking thereby to turn them from their Er­rors, with what bond soever they be bound, brings no prejudice to the Catholick Faith, or to the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction. Neither can put any hinderance, but that it may be lawful for a competent and Ecclesiastical Judge, notwithstanding the foresaid safe conduct, to make inquisition of the Errors of such persons, and duly to proceed against them as much as justice shall require, if they obstinately re­fuse to renounce their Errors; although they be come to the place of judgement, trusting to that safe conduct. Declaring that he that made that promise, remains not obliged by it, after he hath done that which lyeth in him. Note that the safe con­duct was granted to these two men by the advice of the Council.

Here is perjury and disloyalty authorized by an Article of a Council; con­formably to the Decretal of Pope Innocent the III. in the second Book of the De­cretals, Titulo chap. 24. Sicut nostris, the Inscription whereof is,Juramen­tum contra Eccclesiae uti­litatem prae­stitum non tenet. An Oath taken against the profit of the Church bindeth not. Where by the profit of the Church, he meaneth the rights and temporal profits of a Bishop.

16. The same Council in the XV. Session makes an enumeration of the Er­rors of John Hus: The 19. Error for which he is condemned, is for saying, that the Popes and the Bishops pardons avail nothing, unless God pardon. Dixerunt se audivisse quod Joan­nes Hus dix­isset quod in­dulgentiae Pa­pae & Epis­copi non va­lent nisi Deus indulgeat. That Council declareth that the Popes pardons serve a sinner, although God hath not pardoned him, which is putting the Pope above God, since he pardoneth those that have offended God, without Gods pardon, and since the Popes pardons are in force, though God approve them not.

17. The same Council in the XX. Session depriveth Frederick Duke of Au­stria of all his goods, and devesteth him of all his Dominions, because he had usurped or wasted some part of the Patrimony of the Church about Trent. So the Prelates of that Council declare themselves Temporal Lords of all the estates of the earth, and that they may dispose of them at their pleasure: which is a pernici­ous Error, authorized by many new Councils; for the antient Councils speak quite otherwise.

18. The same Council takes away from the people the Communion of the cup. That order is found in the XIII. Session, where these Fathers confess that Jesus Christ hath instituted the Eucharist under two kinds, and that the antient Church did so administer it unto the people. Yet hear how these Fathers speak of those that would have the people to enjoy the Communion of the Cup; Some presume rashly to affirm that the Christian people ought to receive the Sacrament under the two kinds of Bread and Wine. What? Is it a rash presumption to obey Jesus Christ? to follow, his example? and to desire to enjoy that which the Son of God hath given us? They add that although Jesus Christ did after Supper in­stitute the Sacrament under the two kinds, yet the custom of giving to the peo­ple one kind only, which is the bread, must be held for a law, and those that say the contrary, must be driven away as Hereticks, and grievously punisht by the Inquisitors of heretical perversity. Can one more directly condemn Jesus Christ, and contradict his Word?

19. In the year 1423. Martin the V. held a Council at Siena, where the same [Page 32] Indulgence was granted to them that would fall upon the Hereticks, as to them that go to defend the Holy Land. Thus remission of sins and salvation, is pro­posed as a reward of cruelty and popular fury. As if the Pope said, Because thou art a murtherer, and a wicked man, thou shalt have eternal life.

20. To the Acts of that Council are inserted the instructions which the same Martin V. gives to his Embassadours sent to the Emperour of Constantinople, Sanctissimus & Beatissi­mus, qui ha­bet coeleste ar­bitrium, qui est Dominus in terris, Suc­cessor Petri, Christus Do­mini, Domi­nus Univer­si, Regum Pa­ter, Orbis lu­men, Summus Pontifex. wherein he gives these titles to himself, The most holy and the most heare [or happy,] who hath the heavenly government, who is Lord in Earth, Successour of Peter, the Christ of the Lord, the Master of the Ʋniverse, the Father of Kings, the Light of the World, the Soveraign Pontife Martin, commands his Embassadour, &c. It wanted no more, but to call himself Creatour of Heaven and Earth. Soon after he commends the fidelity of that Embassadour, the Cardinal of St. Angelo, Veniret non ut faceret voluntatem suam sed voluntatem Domini Papae qui misit eum. who (saith he) is come not to do his own will, but the will of the Lord Pope that sent him. Which are the words of the Son of God speaking of the obedience which he yielded unto his Father, Joh. 6.38.

These impieties might be ascribed to Martins arrogancy, and not reckoned among the Errors of the Church of Rome, but that these things are inserted in a Council where the Pope presided, and that they were done in the Council.

21. That which follows is no better. In the year 1440. the Council of Flo­rence assembled by the authority of Pope Eugenius the IV. defineth and de­clareth in the last Session, that the Roman Church can add to the Symbole, and that the Pope hath the primacy over all the world.

22. And now we are upon Primacy, the last Lateran Council, which begun under Julius the II. in the year 1511. and lasted 8. years, in my opinion carry­eth the primacy for impiety, above all other Councils of the Roman Church, yea above all Assemblies that ever were.

Officiales ad pedes San­ctissimi Domi­ni nostri, ta­ctis sacrosan­ctis Scriptu­ris, praestite­runt corpora­le juramen­tum.In the first Session, the Popes Officers take the Oath of allegiance and fide­lity to him, having toucht the holy Scriptures, which were laid at his feet, as it were to signifie that the holy Scripture is subject unto him. In the same Ses­sion the Pope is called Prince of all the world, not inferiour in authority to Saint Peter. In the same place Boniface the VIII. is commended, and set forth as an ex­ample, for depriving Philip le Bel of the Kingdom of France.

In the second Session the Pope is called a High Priest, and a King, that must be adored by all people, and most like unto God.

In the V. Session the Council speaks thus of Pope Leo the X. before his face; Weep not thou Daughter of Sion; for behold the Lyon of the Tribe of Judah, the root of David, behold God hath raised thee a Saviour, &c. O thou Beatissime [or most blessed] Leo, we wait on thee for our Saviour: We have hoped that thou shouldst come to be our Deliverer.

In the IX. Session, the Council by the mouth of Puccius, Clark of the Cham­ber, speaks thus unto the Pope, The aspect of thy divine Majesty, the bright splendour whereof dazzleth our infirm eyes. And a little after, The Royal race of the Roman Pontife. And in the same place, In thee alone, the true and lawful Vi­car of Christ, and of God, this sentence of the Prophet ought to be fulfilled again: All the Kings of the Earth shall worship him, Psal. 72. and all Nations shall serve him. Which is a prophesie that concerns Jesus Christ, which that Council applyeth unto the Pope. Here is more of the same vein. We are not ignorant, that to thee alone the Lord hath given all power in Heaven and Earth. Then the Uni­versal Church is personated, thus speaking unto the Pope; Am I not, O my sweetest Bridegroom, thine only and well-beloved, which now may exclaim, Look not upon me, because I am black! Cant. 1.6.

If these impieties were in some Decrees or Epistles of the Popes, one might bring the ordinary excuse, that Popes may err as men, but not as Popes: But [Page 33] being pronounced in a Council, which our Adversaries call Universal, the Acts whereof have been carefully reveiwed by persons appointed thereunto, and ap­proved by the Pope himself, as it appeareth in the very beginning of the Council; they may serve as an evident proof that the Roman Church can err, since it is the voice of an Assembly representing the whole Roman Church.

23. In the same Council, in the III. Session held in the year 1512.Of the In­terdict, See Cardinal To­let of the In­stitution of Priests, Book 1. chap. 15. And Ema­nuel Sa in A­phorismis in Verbo Inter­dictum. Westmonast. & Matth. Paris in vita Johannis. the King­dom of France is put under interdict: which is a custom received in the Roman Church for many ages, and often put in practice by the Popes; where the impie­ty is horrible, and tyranny is raised to the highest degree. For when the Pope puts a Countrey under interdict, he makes divine service to cease in it, but only in some priviledged places, in favour of those that adhere not to the Soveraign Prince, for whose sake the interdict is put upon the Land; He silenceth all the bels of the Kingdom: He shuts up the burying places, and hinders burials in holy ground: He exposeth the Country to the invasion of the first Conquerour; whence wars and desolations arise, and great blood-shed. All that die under the interdict, die out of the Communion of the Church of Rome, and by conse­quent are deemed to be eternally damned. England under King John, hath been six years and a half in that case, in which time, above six hundred thousand per­sons died. Of late date, Paul the V. having put the Commonwealth of Venice under interdict, was advised to put up his sword into its scabbard.

Those interdicts were alwayes thundred out for some disagreement between Kings and Popes, by reason of investitures and collations of benefices, and other temporal rights which the Popes pretend over Kingdoms: Or becuse of some in­vasion of the Popes upon the territories of Kings and Princes. Against which, if a King defends himself, the Pope puts his Kingdom in interdict; and the Kings Subjects that had no hand in the quarrel suffer for it.

I ask then whether the Roman Church did not err, when in full Council, the Pope put the Kingdom of France in interdict? Is it not a great error to believe that the Pope can send all the French into perdition, make divine service to cease in such a great countrey, and prohibit burials? All that for civil causes. Where­fore the Clergy of France opposed the judgement of the Pope and the Universal Council. And the good King, Lewis the XII.See Nicole Gyles in the life of Lewis the XII. fol. 134. & 135. assembled a Council at Pisa against the Pope, and beat him in a battle neer Ravenna; which beating wrought this effect, that the King was sued to and received with as many spiritual graces as he was pleased to have, and that the Kingdom of France was reconciled unto his Holiness.

24. Here is more work of that Council: In the end of it you have a thundering Bull against Luther, who then began to preach: There thirty nine heresies are reckoned; the seventh whereof is, That the best penitence of all is a new life: Optima poeni­tentia nova vita. Which yet is an excellent sentence of the Spirit of God, Rev. 2.4.

25. The six and twentieth heresie of Luther, mentioned in that Bull,Certum est in in manu Ec­clesiae aut Papae prorsus non esse statu­ere Articulos fidei. is this assertion, It is certain, that it is not at all in the power of the Church and the Pope, to make Articles of faith. If this be an heresie, we may expect other Articles of faith from the Pope; and Christian Religion is not yet perfected, since other Ar­ticles of the Christian faith may be added, such as we know not, and such as the Apostles have never taught either by Word or Writing.

Finally, the Council of Trent came, which having begun in the year of our Lord, 1545. lasted eighteen years. Of which, if one would examine the doctrine, and shew that it is contrary unto the word of God, he must go through all our controversies; I will produce but some passages of it.

26. In the fourth Session, it is decreed and declared, that unwritten Traditi­ons must be received pari pietatis affectu & reverentiâ, with the same affection of piety and reverence, as the holy Scripture: That is, That the invocation of Saints, the distinction of meats, the adoration of relicks, the Popes power to give, and to take away Kingdoms, to fetch souls out of Purgatory, and to canonize Saints, the honour yielded unto images, the divine service in an unknown tongue, the consecration of Agnus Dei's, and of blessed beads, and such unwritten traditions, [Page 34] must be received with the like piety, faith, and reverence, as the Law of God, and the doctrine of our redemption in Jesus Christ, contained in the holy Scri­ptures.

Rom. 7.7. I had not known sin, but by the Law: for I had not known lust, except the Law had said, Thou shalt not covet.27. The same Council cannot be excused of error, for declaring and pronoun­cing in the fifth Session, that the concupiscence forbidden in the Law is no sin, al­though the Apostle Rom. 7.7. call it so: So that with those Fathers it is no sin to transgress the Law of God; And by their Doctrine the Apostle spake amiss, when he said, that coveting forbidden in the Law is sin. These be the words of the Council; This holy Synod declares, that the Catholick Church never meant that this coveting, which sometimes the Apostle cals sin, is truly and properly sin in the regenerate. Upon this account, if a regenerate man covets his neighbours wife, he sinneth not, and so one may transgress the Law of God without sin. And the Apostle (if we believe them) spake neither truly nor properly, when he called concupiscence a sin: Note that the Apostle speaks of the concupiscence which he felt in himself, which he cals sin, and which he saith to be forbidden by the Law.

28. The same Council cannot be excused of error, when it decreed, that the Latin vulgar version of the Bible should be the only authentical, thereby autho­rizing a thousand depravations of the true original Text, which are Hebrew and Greeek. This is freely confest by the most learned of our adversaries: as Sixtus Senensis, Bibliothecae lib. 7. who speaks thus; Our vulgar Edition, which is said to be of Saint Hi­erom, is in many things remote from the truth of the Greek Text. And truly two the most learned Hebricians that the Roman Church ever had, Santes Pagninus a Monk of Luca, and Arias Montanus a Spaniard of Sevil, have translated the Bible, and made excellent versions, conformable to the French [and English] versions of our Churches, and have altogether forsaken the Vulgar version of the Church of Rome. Yea, since the time of the Council of Trent, several Popes have caused that Vulgar version to be revised, and have altered many things in it. Whence comes the diversity which is seen in the Bibles of our Adversa­ries.

Verum etsi ea quam dixi­mus modera­tione usi fu­erimus, loca tamen ad octo millia annota­ta atque emendata à nobis sunt. Isidorus Clarius, a Monk of Montcassin hath revised that Vulgar version ap­proved by the Council of Trent: To which he hath prefixed a Preface, where he saith, that although he hath winkt at many faults of that version for fear of­fending the Church, yet he hath corrected about eight thousand places.

Andradius in the fourth book of the defence of the Tridentine saith, I will shew (saith he) that some very inconsiderately have thought that more faith must be given to the Latin edition then to the Hebrew Books. He addethDeus voluit nonnulla in ejus lucubra­tionibus hu­manae imbecil­litatis extare vestigia. Voluit sancta Synodus ad hanc Latinam editionem amplectendam nos arctare, non quidem simpliciter, sed dummodo esset à vitils quae in eam ir­repserunt, & ab omnibus mendis & erroribus emaculata atque repurgata. that in the watchings [that is, in the labours] of the Latin Interpreter some traces of humane infirmity are found.

The Jesuite Salmeron in the third Prolegomen, endeavours to excuse that Decree of the Council of Trent, speaking thus; The holy Synod would oblige us to em­brace that Latin Edition, and follow it in all things, yet not absolutely, but upon condition that it be cleansed and repurged from the vices and errors which are crept in­to it. And he wisheth that a sedulous care may be taken about it; Which neverthe­less was not done.

29. Who can excuse that version which to establish the adoration of the crea­tures, saith, Heb. 11.21. that Jacob adored the top of his staff? And Psal. 98.5. Adore his footstool: whereas for the first, there is in the Original, that Jacob worshipped on the top of his Staff; And for the second, Worship towards his footstool.

Thus in the sixteenth verse of the fifteenth chapter of Ecclesiasticus, which our Adversaries put among the Canonical Books, whereas the Greek Original saith, Every one shall find according to his works, the Latin Vulgar version of the Roman Church, to defend merits, saith, every one shall find according to the merit of his works.

To prove the perpetual visibility of the Church, they commonly alledge the nineteen Psalm, v. 5. where there is according to the Vulgar version, he hath [Page 35] put his tabernacle in the Sun; But there is in the Hebrew, He hath set in them (that is, in the heavens) a tabernacle for the Sun, which true allegation,Editionis Ve­netae, p. 240. Sixtus Senensis sincerely acknowledgeth.

Genes. 3.15. God saith, that the seed of the woman (which is Jesus Christ) shall bruise the Serpents head: Instead of that, the vulgar version approved by the Coun­cil of Trent, saith, The woman shall bruise the Serpents head: to attribute unto the Virgin Mary, that which belongs unto Jesus Christ.

We read, 1 Cor. 11.24. that our Saviour said, This is my body which is broken for you. The vulgar version translateth, This is my body which shall be delivered for you. That one may perceive that the Lord spake of his Sacramental body, which was broken, when he spake the word, not of his natural body which is not broken in the Eucharist.

The remnants of Esther are held for Canonical by our Adversaries. Towards the end of the fourth chapter, there is a prayer of Mordecai, in which he gives a reason, why he would not kiss Hamans feet; viz. for fear of putting a man above God, and adoring another besides God. Those words have been taken out of the vulgar version, because they are contrary to the custom of kissing the Popes feet.

Saint Peter saith, Acts 2.24. That God hath raised up Jesus from the dead, having loosed the pains of death. The vulgar version saith, the pains of Hell. A corruption employed to prove the local descent of the Lord into hell.

Eccles. 49.17. There is according to the vulgar version, The bones of Joseph have been visited, and they have prophecied after death. A place used for the adora­tion of relicks. But that Text is not found in the Greek, which is the original.

The Apostle, Heb. 13.16. saith, To do good and to communicate, forget not; for with such sacrifices God is well-pleased. The vulgar version to defend merits, saith, for one merits with God by such sacrifices.

One might bring a thousand such faults, which the Council of Trent hath autho­rized, by establishing the only vulgar version, and rejecting all other translations.

30. The same Council approveth excommunications to find goods lost, but will have none to use that way but the Bishop. A great abuse of the keys;Session XXV. for they are given to the Church to censure or reconcile sinners, not to find an horse or an ass strayed.

31. The same Council of Trent hath devised a crafty by way to prohibit the reading of Scripture unto the people:Index libro­rum prohibito­rum. That Index hath been often print­ed; Once at Collen, by Goswin Co­lin, an. 1618. For of that prohibition there is no menti­on in the Council: But in that Council, some Prelates and Doctors in good num­ber were named and appointed to make an Index or list of books, the reading whereof must be prohibited. Now the very first of those prohibited Books, is the holy Scripture; of which they say, in the fourth of those rules they have set before that Index; That the reading of the Bible in the language of the Countrey, being indifferently permitted, brings more harm then benefit.

32. The traffick of holy things so expresly forbidden in the word of God, might be taken for a corruption in manners, not for an error, but that it is established by Laws and publick order.Printed at Paris, by Toussain De­nis, in Saint James-street neer Saint Yues Chap­pel, an. 1521. There is a Book made purposely for that by the Popes authority, with this title, The tax of the Apostolical Chancery, and Roman Penitentiary; Where the absolutions of all sorts of crimes, and the dispensa­tions are taxed at a certain rate. In the thirty sixt leaf this is found; The absolution for him that hath carnally known his Mother, or his Sister, or his Gossip, costs five groats. And in the thirty eight leaf, The absolution for him that hath killed his Father or his Mother, costs five groats or seven: But if he that was killed was a Cler­gy-man, the murtherer is obliged to visit in person the Apostolick See. But the absolutions of offences committed against the Pope, cost three times more. For in the thirty seventh leaf, The absolution for him that hath falsified the Aposto­lical letters, costs seventeen or eighteen groats. And these absolutions extend even to the dead. In the thirty seventh leaf, For a dead man excommunicated, for whom his kindred supplicate, the letter of absolution is sold for one ducat nine pence: These are the ancient taxes, but now they are grown a hundred times dearer.

In the twenty third leaf these words are found, The dispensation of contracting [Page 36] [marriage] in the spiritual kindred, costs 60. Groats. Nevertheless (saith the Datary) I have expedited one for 30 Groats, but by favour. The same judgement is in the second Degree, for which one must compound with the Datary for a very great sum, sometimes of three hundred, and sometimes of six hundred groats, ac­cording to the quality of the persons. Et nota di­ligenter quod ejusmodi gra­tiae & dis­pensationes non conce­duntur pau­peribus quia non sunt, ideo non possunt consolari. And note diligently that such graces are not given to the poor; because they have not wherewith to pay, therefore they cannot be comforted.

And that none may be ignorant of this abuse, hear the verdict of Pope Pius II. otherwise Aeneas Sylvius, Epist. 66. to John Peregal. Curia Romana sine pecunia nihil dat; ipsae ma [...]uium impositiones & Spiritus S. dona venduntur, nec remis­sio peccatorum nisi nummatis impenditur. The Roman Court gives nothing without money; yea the imposition of hands, and the gifts of the Holy Ghost, and the Remission of sins, are bestowed upon none but such as have money.

To shew that the Doctrine of the Roman Church is directly contrary to the Word of God, and to follow all the particulars, would be a long work. Some of them I will set down here.

33. God saith in his Law, Deut. 4.15, 16. Take good heed unto your selves — lest you corrupt your selves, and make you a graven Image, the similitude of any fi­gure, the likeness of male or female. In which Text it is spoken of the Images whereby God is represented. The Roman Church doth the clean contrary to that command, making Images of the Trinity, and representing God in stone and picture.

34. God saith in his Law, Thou shalt not commit adultery; but the Pope permit­eth whoredom at Rome, and sets up brothel-houses.

35. The Apostle saith, 1 Tim. 3.2. A Bishop must be blameless, the husband of one wife,— having his children in subjection with all gravity. And 1 Cor. 7.2. Let every man have his own wife. And v. 9. If they cannot contain, let them marry, for it is better to marry then to burn. But the Roman Church suffers not a Bishop to have a wife: and if a Monk burn with incontinence, he is not suffered to marry.

36. God saith, 2 Chron. 6.30. That God only knoweth the hearts of the children of men. But the Roman Church holds that the Saints know our hearts.

37. Jesus Christ, Matth. 18.18. saith to his Disciples, Whatsoever you shall loose on earth shall be loosed in Heaven. But the Pope looseth under the earth, and fetch­eth souls out of Purgatory.

38. God in his Law commands us to love and serve him with all our heart, and with all our strength. But the Roman Church teacheth, that a man can do more then the Law of God commandeth, even works of Supererogation; and by con­sequent that he can serve God above all his strength; which is both absurd and impossible.

39. God saith in his Law, Six dayes shalt thou labour. But the Pope prohibits to labour six dayes, prescribing many holy dayes upon the week days, in which one must not work.

40. Numb. 30.4. A daughters vow without her fathers consent is declared void. But in the Roman Church, children enter into Monasteries against their fathers will.

41. The Apostle, 1 Cor. 10.27. saith, If any of them that believe not, bid you to a feast, — whatsoever is set before you, eat, asking no question for conscience sake. Where St. Paul forbiddeth distinction of meats: and in the same Epistle, Chap. 14. v. 19. he forbids speaking and praying in the Church in an unknown language, saying, In the Church I had rather speak five words with my under­standing, — then ten thousand words in an unknown tongue. All that against the ordinary practice of the Roman Church.

42.Cardinal Tolet. lib. 2. Institut. Sa­cerdotal. re­lates that Bull. The Bull de Coena Domini, which is an Excommunication which the Pope thunders out every year upon Thursday before Easter in the place of St. Peter, is one of the most palpable abuses of the Roman Church. By that Bull the Pope Ex­communicates [Page 37] all those that have committed any of the cases reserved to the Pope, of which the Pope only can give the absolution, excepting only upon the point of death. Of which cases an enumeration is made in that Bull. These crimes are not sodomy, nor incest, nor perjury, nor blasphemy against God, nor parri­cide. But to appeal from the Pope to the future Council: To plunder the lands of the Church; to raise tenths or taxes upon the Clergy; to carry arms to He­reticks; to molest those that go to Rome to get pardons, to stop the victuallers that carry provision to the Papal Court: Of these so enormous crimes, none but the Pope can give absolution; except only in the point of death: But as for the crimes committed directly against the Law of God, Bishops and Priests will commonly give the absolution: For to violate the Law of God is not held such an enormous crime, as to imbezel the profits of his Holiness.

43. The Oath which Bishops take in their Consecration, is one of the most express marks of the Mysterie of Iniquity: For although the charge of a Bishop be to feed his flock with heavenly food, which is the pure Doctrine of the Go­spel; yet in that Oath there is not one word concerning God, or his Word, or the true Doctrine; only the Bishop swears allegiance and fealty to the Pope; pro­miseth to defend the life, honour, and rights of the Pope; to receive his Legats honourably, and to persecute the Hereticks: To visit once in three years the threshold of the Apostles at Rome, that he may give an account of his actions: Not to sell or alienate any part of the Patrimony belonging to his Bishoprick without the Popes advice. In effect it is an Oath, not of a Pastor of the Church, but of a Vassal to his Leige Lord, and of a Prince subject to the temporal Monarchy of the Pope.

44. The Mass only will afford multitude of examples of contradiction to the Word of God. 1. Jesus Christ instituting his Holy Supper, spake in a language understood of them before whom he spake. But the Priest in the Mass speaks in an unknown tongue. 2. Jesus Christ giveth the Communion to all the assi­stants; but the Priest often drinks and eats alone. 3. Christ saith, Drink ye all of this; but in the Roman Church the Priest drinks alone. 4. Christ offereth no­thing to God; but the Priest in the Mass pretends to make an offering unto God of his Son. 5. Jesus Christ made no elevation of the Host; as also the Apostles deferred no adoration to it: but in the Roman Church the Priest lifts up the Host, and causeth it to be adored. 6. Christ sacrificed not, and made no mention of sacrifice; but in the Mass they pretend to sacrifice the Body of Jesus Christ. 7. Christ had no bones of the Saints under the Table, and did not pray by their merits, as it is done in the Mass. 8. The Gospel tells us that Jesus Christ took bread, and brake it, and gave it; but the Priest in the Mass, saith that he breaketh no bread, and that he giveth no bread. 9. Christ giving the bread, said that it was his body. But the Roman Church teacheth, that the bread is not the body of Christ, but that it is transubstantiated into the body of Christ. 10. Christ saith that it was the fruit of the Vine which he drunk; but the Priest denies it to be the fruit of the Vine.

45. One might observe a thousand of the like oppositions, which are all com­prehended and inwrapt in one; namely in that impiety whereby our Adversa­ries maintain that the Pope can dispense against the Apostle, and alter the Com­mandments of God contained in the Scriptures: Of which we have already pro­duced many examples, and will hereafter produce more.

I might here lay up a great heap of Romes immundicities, able to make the Readers heart to ake; but these few proofs drawn out of the most authentical rules of the Roman Church, will be a pattern more then sufficient, to shew to any man that is not resolved to lose himself, and that seeks instruction, that the Roman Church can err.

CHAP. 15. OF THE ANTIQUITY OF THE ROMAN CHURCH. A Treatise wherein it is shewed that the Ceremonies of the Roman Church are descended from the antient Hereticks, and that the Pagans and the Jews have contributed towards them.

IT is certain, that truth is more antient then falshood, since falshood is a corruption of truth. Nevertheless every antient Doctrine is not therefore true: For Untruth is almost from the beginning of the world, and is but few hours or dayes later then Truth. Wherefore in matter of Salvation every Do­ctrine must be accounted new which is not from the beginning, and hath not God for Author, although it boast of Antiquity, and make a shew of many Ages; Yea, I say, that the more an untruth is antient, the more pernicious it is, because it is more deeply rooted.

The Roman Church boasteth of antiquity, which we do not gainsay; but freely acknowledge that a good part of her Errors hath been of a very long continuance: For the Roman Religion is patcht up with several raggs of antient Heresies. It is a Pandora of Errors, and a coat to which every old Error hath sowed up its piece. If each of them would take again what they have brought, she would stand more naked then Horace his Crow. Of that the proofs are numberless: Some of many I have here gathered.

I. Of Traditions and the unwritten Word.

IOsephus in the 13. Book of Antiquities, Chap. 18. speaks thus of the Pharisees: [...]. They have given many rules and observations by the succession of Fa­thers, which are not written in the Laws of Moses. Wherefore also Jesus Christ, Matth. 15.3, 9. taxeth them to have transgressed the Commandment of God by their Traditions. Which Traditions for the most part, were not Doctrines di­rectly contrary to the Law, but additions and superstitious observations, and Doctrines not commanded; as to make long their Phylacteries, to fast twice a week, to use many washings, &c.

The old Hereticks have followed them: for where Scripture failed them, they had recourse unto Tradition. Iraeneus chap. 2. of the third Book against Here­sies, shews it:Dicunt quod ex Scri­pturis non potest inveni­ri veritas. Non enim per literas tradi­tam illam sed per vivam vocem. Hereticks say, That the truth cannot be found out of the Scri­ptures, by them that are ignorant of the Tradition, because it was not delivered by letters, but viva voce. There you have the unwritten word. And Eusebius in the last chapter of the third Book of his History, saith, that Papias Bishop of Hie­rapolis, Disciple of St. John, gave himself to unwritten Doctrines, and so brought in strange and fabulous things.

That which is most to be noted, is, that they defended their Traditions and the unwritten Word by the same reasons as the Roman Church in our dayes de­fends unwritten Traditions: For Irenaeus saith in the fore-alleadged place, that those Hereticks fenced themselves with St. Pauls words, 1 Cor. 2.6. We speak wisdom among them that are perfect; Which TextLib. de verbo Dei non scripto. c. 8. §. Acce­dat. Bellarmin likewise useth for the defence of the unwritten Word.

Tertullian in his Book of Prescriptions against Hereticks, written before he turned Montanist, Chap. 25. saithNon om­nia volunt il­los revelasse; quaedam enim palam & universis, quaedam secreto & paucis demandasse. the Hereticks of his time would affirm, that the Apostles had not revealed all things unto all, but that they had com­manded [Page 39] some things publikely, some privately unto a few persons. But himself being turned Heretick, defends his heresie by the unwritten Tradition in the book of Monogamie, Chap. 2. affirming that Christ sent us back to Tradition, when he saith, I have many things to say unto you, but you cannot bear them yet, And Austin in the 97. Treatise upon St. John. Omnes insipientissi­mi haeretici qui se Christi­anos vocant, audacias fig­mentorum su­orum quas maxime ex­horret sensus humanus, hac occasione Evangelicae sententiae co­lorare solent, Adhuc habeo multa vobis dicere. All the unwise Hereticks that bear themselves for Christians, will colour the boldness of their inventions, which humane sense abhorreth, with the pretence of this sentence of the Gospel, I have many things to say unto you: Which are the same reasons and Texts which Bellar­mine useth to under prop Traditions and the unwritten Word. SeeBellarm lib. de verbo Dei non scri­pto. c. 5. §. Ad primum; & cap. 11. §. hora. Bellarmine in his Book of the unwritten word, Chap. 5. & 11.

Ireneus saith in the 3. Book, chap. 2. ThatCum ex Scripturis arguuntur, in accusationem vertuntur ipsa­rum Scripturarum, quasi non posset inveniri veritas ab his qui nesciunt traditionem. the Valentinians and other He­reticks when they are confuted by the Scriptures, will accuse the very Scriptures. And they say that the Truth cannot be found out by such as are ignorant of the Tradition. This is the language of our Adversaries, who being prest by the Scri­ptures, will say, that Scripture is obscure and ambiguous, and contains not all that is necessary to salvation, and so send us to the unwritten word.

II. Of the Images of God.

THe Hereticks called Vadiani or Audiani, would represent God in an humane shape, as Austin Vadiani cogitatio te carnali finge­bant Deum ad similitudinem corruptibilis hominis. attesteth, chap. 50. ad quod vult Deum. Nicephorus speaking of the Armenians and Jacobites in chap. 53. of the 18. Book, saith, They represented the Images of the Father, and of the Holy Ghost, which is a most absurd thing. An Error condemned by Pope Gregory the II. in an Epistle in­serted in Baronius, an. 726. But Baronius notes in the margent, that the Church observeth that rule no more: For the Roman Church chose rather to follow the antient Hereticks, then to obeyDeut. 4.15. & 16. Gods command, who forbids to represent God in the likeness of male or female.

III. Of the Images of Jesus Christ and the Saints.

IReneus, Book 1. chap. 24. speaks thus of the Gnosticks,Habent imagines quasdam de­pictas, quas­dam de reli­qua materia fabricatas, di­centes esse formam fa­ctam à Pila­to. They have some painted Images, and some other formed with other matter, saying that they are the figure of Christ, made by Pilate. The like is in the Roman Church where they have Images of Jesus Christ, which they say to have been made by St. Luke. Au­stin in the first book of Heresies, Ad quod vult Deum, saith that Simon Magus Imagi­nesque & su­am & ejus­dem meretri­cis Discipu­lis suis praebebat adorandam. made his Disciples to worship Images, his own and his Harlot's. And in the Chap. 7.Sectae Carpocratis traditur fuisse socia quaedam Marcellina quae colebat imagines Jesu, & Pauli, & Pythagorae, eas adorando incensumque ponendo. Marcellina of the Sect of Carpocrates, served the Images of Jesus, and Paul, and Pythagoras, worshipping them, and giving them Incense. Epiphanius saith the same in the 27. Heresie. And in the first Book of the manners of the Ca­tholick Church, Chap. 34.Novi multos esse Sepulchrorum & Picturarum adoratores. I know many worshippers of Sepulchers and Pictures: I know many that will drink with excess over the dead. And in the first Book of the consent of the Evangelists in the 10. chapter.Sic omnino errare meruerunt qui Christum & Apostolos, non in Sanctis Codicibus, sed in pictis parietibus quaesierunt; nec mirum fi à pingentibus fingentes decepti sunt. So they deserve [Page 39] to fall into errour, that have sought Jesus Christ and the Apostles, not in the holy Scriptures, but in painted wals. Eusebius in the seventh Book of his History, chap. 17. speaking of the Statue of Jesus Christ at Paneas, which is Cesarea Phi­lippi, and of the images of the Apostles, saith, that it was done by some [...], by an heathenish custom, thus to honour those whom they think to be their Saviours. Wherefore the Eliberin Synod, Canon thirty six,Placuit in Ecclesiis picturas esse non debere, ne quod coli­tur aut ado­ratur, in pari­etibus pinga­tur. forbids to to put any image in the Churches, for fear that the thing that is adored be painted on the wals. Saint Epiphanius in great anger tore a vail in the Church of Ana­blata, wherein the Image of Jesus Christ, or some Saint was painted, as himself saith in his Epistle to John of Jerusalem, whichApud Hieron. Tom. 2. Saint Hierom hath trans­lated.

But that which is most to be noted, is, that the Pagans and the makers of ima­ges defended the images of their Gods with the same reasons, as the Roman Church useth for the images of the Saints. Tertullian of the Book of idolatry, chap. 5. saith, that theCur er­go Moses in cremo simula­chrum ex aere fecit? Image-makers alledged the example of Moses, who made the brazen Serpent. Arnobius in the sixt Book against the Gentiles, saith, that the Pagans called images the Books of ideots.

Eusebius in the third Book of Evangelical Preparation, chap. 7. alledgeth Porphyrius the sworn enemy of Jesus Christ, saying, that men have represented divine vertues to the sense by familiar images, [...]. having figured things not ap­pearing by visible works, to them that by statues as by books have learned to know divine doctrine. So spake the mortal enemies of Christ.

Athanasius in his oration against the Gentiles, saith, that they excused them­selves, saying, [...]. the images were unto men like the Scriptures, upon which fixing their sight, they may comprehend something of Gods knowledge. And a little after, [...]. If those images be unto you as Scriptures to contemplate God, as you falsly say, All that is the language of the Roman Church.

Also the excuse of Image-worshippers is borrowed from the Pagans; for Austin makes one of them speaks thus,August. in Psalm. 113. Nec simulacrum, nec daemonium co­lo, sed per effigiem corporalem ejus rei signum intueor quam colere debeo. I serve not the image nor the devil; but in this bodily representation, I see the sign of the thing which I must worship.

IV. Of the Service of Angels, and of their mediation with God.

THe Roman Church serveth Angels contrary to the Apostles prohibition, Col. 2.18. Let no man beguile you of your reward in a voluntary humility and ser­vice of Angels, &c.

Tertullian in the Book of Prescriptions, chap. 33.Simoni­anae discipli­nae Magia Angelis servi­ens. The Magick of the Si­monian discipline which serveth Angels. Austin ad Quod vult Deum, puts the An­gelicks among the Hereticks, who in Angelorum cultu fuerunt inclinati, bowed themselves in the service of Angels. They have been condemned by the Council of Laodicea, Can. 35. [...], &c. Christians must not leave the Church of God, go away, call upon Angels, and make Assemblies: and if any be found serving to that secret ido­latry, let him be accursed; because he hath left our Lord Jesus Christ.

Of which order and the cause thereof, Theodoret speaks thus in his Comment upon Col. 2. That vice of serving Angels, hath long been used in Phrygia and Pisi­dia: Wherefore the Synod of Laodicea, which is the Mother-City of Phrygia, ex­presly forbids praying to Angels: and yet to this day they have among them Oratories of Saint Michael: which last words are remarkable; for in the Roman Church, there are many Oratories of Saint Michael: Note that he saith expresly, that the [Page 41] Council forbids praying to Angels: And that one may not say, that those ancient Hereticks adored Angels as Gods, and bestowed Divine worship upon them, which the Church of Rome doth not; Theodoret addeth, that they served Angels out of humility, pretending to go to God by the intercession of Angels. They said, that the God of the Ʋniverse is invisible, but that he is accessible by his Angels: And this is the same thing that Saint Paul saith, by humility and service of Angels: Wherefore Cardinal Baronius an. 60. §. 20. is displeased with Theodoret, and taunts him.Ex his videas The­odoretum haud feliciter (ejus pace dictum sit) assecutum esse Pauli verbo­rum sensum. Theodoret (saith he) by his leave, hath not well understood the sense of Saint Pauls words.

The Pagans would alledge the same reason, saying, that they addrest themselves unto Demons and inferior Spirits, that they might present their prayers to the Gods, and help them with their intercession. Austin in the eighth Book of the City of God,Frilstra eis [daemoni­bus] hunc de­tulit hono­rem, ut quo­niam nullus Deus miscetur homini (quod Platonem dixisse perhi­bent) isti ad Deos perse­rant pre­ces nostras. In vain (saith he) Apulenis hath deferred that honour to the Demons, that they should make a report unto the Gods of our prayers, because no God is mingled with man. And in the twenty second chapter, he saith, that they ac­counted them inter Deos & homines internuncios, & beneficiorum impetratores, to be mediators between God and men, and obtainers of benefits. In the twenty sixt chapter, he alledgeth Hermes saying to Aesculapius, thatAvus tuus O Asclepi, medicinae primus inventor, omnia nunc hominibus adjumenta praestans nu­mine suo quae antea solebat medicinae arte praebere. his Grandfather having invented medicine on earth, was esteemed to heal the sick even after his death. In that manner the Roman Church speaks unto the Saints, employing Angels for intercessors, and addressing her self unto certain Saints in certain sicknesses.

And Epiphanius in the heresie of the Simonians, which is the twenty one, re­lates, that Simonians would say, that [...]. by the [Angelical] principalities and powers, sacrifices must be offered to the Father of the Ʋniverse.

V. Of the adoration of the blessed Virgin Mary, and of the title of Queen of Heaven attributed to her in the Roman Church.

IN the forty fourth chapter of Jeremy, v. 17. the Idolaters make profession of wor­shipping the Queen of heaven, saying, We will burn incense to the Queen of heaven. And Apuleius in his eleventh Book cals the MoonApud Miles. 11. Regina coeli, sive tu Ceres. the Queen of hea­ven. That profane name hath been transported to the holy and blessed Virgin Mary, by some old Hereticks named Collyridians, against whom Epiphanius writes in the seventy nine heresie, where after a long discourse, he condemneth the women that worshipped the Virgin Mary, saying, that such an honour be­longs not to a woman, no not to the Angels. He addeth, [...]. Let such women be represt by Jeremiah, and let them trouble the earth no more, and say no more, We honour the Queen of Heaven. He had said a little before, If God will not have the Angels to be adored, much less her that was born of Anna.

[...]
[...]

VI. Of the Adoration of Inanimate things.

THe Pagans worshipped some inanimate, some irrational things; the Sun, the Moon, the Ox, &c. The Roman Church worshippeth the ashes, the bones, and the rags of the dead. The second Council of Nice, which is reckoned as the seventh Universal, in the IV. Action, saith, We worship the ashes, the rags, the blood, and the Sepulchers of Martyrs. Bellarmine by an express Book maintains the adoration of relicks. All the Romanists speak the same language, and it is a common practice. The Jesuite Vasquez in his 2. Book of the Adoration, in the 4. Disputation, and the 4. Chapter, saith thatRes ina­nimata jure naturae ado­rari potest. by right of nature a thing in­animate may be worshipped: Yea he comes so far as to say, thatVasquez lib. 3. de Ado­ratione, Disp. 1. cap. 2. It is lawful to worship the earth, yea to adore a straw.

VII. That the Papists imitate the Pharisees and Jews in many things.

1. THe Pharisees did study to make works of supererogation, and works not commanded, as to fast twice a week, and to give the tithes of all their goods, Luke 18.12.

2. They had Traditions, and an unwritten word, as we shewed before.

3. They boasted of Moses Chair, as the Roman Church of that of St. Peter, and of an imaginary succession.

4. They taught that concupiscence was no sin, as one may see in [...]. Josephus 13. chapter of the 12. Book of Antiquities. And Jesus Christ, Matth. 5.28. re­buketh the Scribes and Pharisees for misinterpreting the Law; holding that he that had lookt upon his neighbours wife with a lustful eye, was not guilty of adul­tery. The Council of Trent in the 5. Session, declareth that the coveting prohi­bited in the Law, which St. Paul speaks of, Rom. 7.7. is no sin, although the Law of God forbid it, and St. Paul call it sin.

5. The Pharisees used vain repetitions in their prayers, and for that were condemned by Jesus Christ, Matth. 6.7. The Roman Church doth the same, repeating the same prayers while they turn their beads, and binding themselves to a certain number of reiterated words.

6. The Priests and Pharisees had brought the traffick and the market into the Temple. Wherefore Jesus Christ, Joh. 2. accuseth them to have turned the House of God, which is a house of prayer, into an house of merchandize. Likewise the Pope and the Clergy of Rome have brought into the Church the traffick of absolutions, dispensations, annates, benefices, &c. Of which the Popes themselves and the Doctors of the Roman Church complain.

7. The Pharisees and Scribes to exempt themselves from giving account of the corruption of the doctrine which they had brought into the Church of the Jews, stopt Christ and his Apostles with questions about their Mission or Voca­tion, saying to the Lord Jesus, With what authority dost thou these things? and who hath given thee this authority? Matth. 21.23. And Act. 4.7. By what power, or by what name have ye done this? The Roman Church followeth that example; and that she may not be obliged to defend her Doctrine against our Objections, stops us about our mission, and asks us reason of our calling.

8. The Pharisees demanded miracles of Jesus Christ, and that he would shew them some sign: The same demand our Adversaries press upon us.

9. The Pharisees were nice in small Observations and Ceremonies, but left the principal, and the Essence of Piety. They washed pots, they tithed mint, annise, and cummin, but left the principal, even judgement and mercy, Mat. 23.23. [Page 43] The Roman Church doth the like, exactly observing distinction of meats, and Rogation weeks, and amusing the people about a thousand petty Ceremonies of Candles, Pilgrimages, Holy dayes, &c. but instructing not the people in the Redemption by Jesus Christ, and justification by Faith, and hiding holy Scripture from them.

10. The Pharisees preacht justification by the works of the Law, and the Jews were forestalled with that Doctrine; which made the Apostle St. Paul so carefully and throughly to confute that Error in the Epistles to the Romans and to the Ga­latians, establishing justification by faith without the works of the Law. This is also one of our principal quarrels against the Roman Church, which takes part with the Pharisees, by teaching justification by works.

11. The Scribes and Pharisees were taxed by Jesus Christ for adorning and beautifying the Sepulchers of the Prophets, while they persecuted those that fol­lowed the Doctrine of the Prophets, Matth. 23.29. The like they do in the Ro­man Church: they reverence the relicks of the Apostles, but persecute them that follow the Doctrine of the Apostles.

12. The Jews did boast of the Temple of God, crying up, The Temple of the Lord, The Temple of the Lord, Jer. 7. and in the mean while profaned that Temple by their life. So doth the Roman Church, making a great noise with the title of the Church; a name used for a shelter of Errors, and to set up ty­rannie: For the Pope hath changed the Church, which is a spiritual Kingdom, into a temporal Monarchy.

13. The Jews being enemies of the Prophets, yet boasted that their Pro­phets and Priests could not err, saying, Jer. 18.18. The Law shall not perish from the Priest, nor the counsel from the wise, nor the Word from the Prophet. But God contradicteth that presumption, saying, Ezek. 7.26. The Law shall perish from the Priest, and the counsel from the antient. This is also the boasting of the Roman Church, that the Pope, as Pope, cannot fall into Error, and that the Church of Rome cannot err.

VIII. Of the Fulfilling of the Law, and of the Perfection of Justice.

THe Pelagian Hereticks taught that man can fulfill the Law of God, saying that God should be unjust, if he enjoyned us to do things which we cannot do, and gave us a Law which is above our strength to obey. Austin is diligent in confuting that doctrine, in the Book of Perfection of Righteousness. In the sixth Reason, Celestius a Pelagian argueth thus;Iterum quaerendum est utrum praeceptum homini sit si­ne peccato esse. Aut enim non potest & praeceptum non est; aut quia praecep­tum est potest. Nam cur prae­ciperetur quod fieri om­nino non po­test? It must be asked again, whe­ther it be commanded to man to be without sin: For either man cannot be without sin, and by consequent, that is not commanded; or he can, because it is commanded: For why should an impossible thing be commanded? And in the eleventh reason, In vain should that be forbidden, or commanded, which cannot be avoided, or which cannot be fulfilled. This is directly the Doctrine of the Roman Church, and the objections of our Adversaries, whereby they go about to make our Doctrine odious; saying, that as much as in us lyeth we make God unrighteous, when we say, that he hath given us Commandments which we cannot fulfil. To which we answer with Austin, August. lib. de cor­ruptione & gratia, cap. 3. O homo in praeceptione cognosce quid debeas agere, in corruptione cognosce tuo te nitio non habere, in oratione cognosce unde accipias quod vis habere. in the same place, That it is no injustice to ask of a man what he oweth, although he be unable to pay, especially when his unableness comes by his fault: And that God requiring of us more then we can do, teacheth us what we must ask of him, and what he will do in us by his grace.

IX. Of Semipelagianism.

IN this the Semipelagians differed from the Pelagians, that they acknowledged Original sin, and distinguished between Nature and Grace. Yet they had a secret Intelligence with the Pelagians, in that they made Grace to be alwayes joyned with Nature, saying that to the end that men may be saved, God giveth to all men an universal and sufficient grace; the use whereof depends from mans free will. This their Doctrine is set down in the Epistle of Prosper to Austin, and in the Epistle of Hilary to the same, inserted in the VII. Tome of St. Austin. It is the Doctrine of the Roman Church of this time. A doctrine confuted by Austin in his Answer to these Epistles, with the same reasons as we use this day.

X. Of the Limbus of little Children.

THe Pelagians put the little children dead without Baptism, in a middle condi­tion between Hell and the Kingdom of Heaven, in which they were ex­empt from pain, as it is attested by Austin in the Book of Heresies, ad quod vult Deum, Chap. 88. An opinion which that holy Doctor opposeth with all his strength in many places, especially in the first Book of the origine of the soul; and in the 107. Epistle, and in the 14. Sermon De verbis Apostoli: Also in the Book of the good of Perseverance, Chap. 10.12. and in many other places, where he stifly maintaineth that between Paradise and Hell there is no third place. Upon that opinion of the Pelagians the Limbus was built, wherein the Ro­man Church shuts up little children dead without Baptism, where they feel no pain, but are excluded from the sight of God, and the Heavenly glory. Only that our Adversaries may seem in something to disagree from the Pelagians, they will not give to the condition of those children the title of beatitude or blessedness.

XI. Of Swearing by the Creatures.

THe Hereticks whom Epiphanius calls Ossenians, did teach to swear by the creatures, as the same Epiphanius witnesseth. They swore by the salt, by the water, by the bread, by the heaven, and by the wind. Austin in the 19. Book against Faustus the Manichean, in the 22. chap. upbraideth the Manicheans, that they swore by the light, and by the flies, and by Manicheus; contrary to the rule of Gods Law, which saith Deut. 10.20. Thou shalt fear the Lord thy God, and shalt swear by his Name. The Catechism of the Council of Trent, expounding the Commandment of the Law, which forbiddeth to take the Name of God in vain, teacheth to swear by the cross, by the reliques, and by the Name of God. The Jesuite Vasquez in the third Book of the Adoration, Disp. 1. cap. 2. saith, The unreasonable and the inanimate creature may be the matter of an Oath, which is an Act of Religion. Which none needs to wonder at, since he maintains that one can adore things inanimatte, even a straw, with the cult of Latria. The excuse of those Hereticks was, that by swearing by those creatures, they swore by him that made them, which is the excuse that the same Council of Trent brings: For our Adversaries bind themselves Prentices to the antient Hereticks. Whereas [Page 45] Jesus Christ, Matth. 5.34. forbids us to swear by Heaven, because Heaven is the Throne of God. The Jews swearing by Heaven, could bring the same ex­cuse, and say they intended to swear by him that made Heaven, and hath placed his Throne in it.

XII. Of Perjury.

THe Hereticks calledThey used to say Jura, perjura; secretum pro­dere noli. Priscillianists taught perjury, as Austin saith in the 70. Chap. ad quod vult Deum. The Roman Church also is a School of per­jury; for the Pope dispenseth from the Oaths made unto God, and dispenseth the Subjects from the Oath of Allegiance to a Soveraign PrinceLicet ju­dici compe­tenti de hu­jusmodi per­sonarum erro­ribus inqui­rere, & alias contra eos de­bitè proce­dere, eos­demque puni­re, quantum justitia sua­debit, si suos errores revo­care pertina­citer recusa­verint, etiamsi de salvo conductu consisi ad locum venerint judicii, alias non venturi.. The Council of Constance hath made an express Canon about it, in the XIX. Session, whereby it is declared, that a Prince who hath given a safe conduct to Hereticks, without which they would not have come, may proceed against them, and put them to death, contrary to the Faith given them. The inscription of the ch. Sicut nostris, in the 2. of the Decretals, in the IV. Title, is such, Juramen­tum contra Ecclesiasticam utilitatem praestitum non tenet. The Oath made against the profit of the Church bindeth not. Where by the profit of the Church, they understand the temporal profit and commodity: That Decretal is of Pope In­nocent the III. See the Canon Alius, in the 15. Cause, Quest. 6. and the Gloss upon that Canon, where it is disputed, whether a debtor be obliged to pay a sum due to an Excommunicate person. Hence come the equivocations in justice taught by the Jesuites, whereby a man may with a good conscience deny Christian Religion before an unrighteous Judge, saying, I am no Christian, with this mental reservation, to tell it you, or since three dayes.

XIII. Of Believing without Knowing.

THe Valentinian Hereticks would have their people to believe them without enquiring. Tertullian in the first Book against the Valentinians, chap. 1. saith,Ne discipu­lis quidem propriis ante committunt quam suos fecerint. Ha­bent artifici­um quo prius persuadent quam edo­ceant. Veritas autem docen­do persua­det & sua­dendo docet. They discover not [their doctrine] to their own Disciples, before they have made them their own. That Art they have, to perswade before they teach. Now the Truth perswadeth by teaching, and teacheth by counselling. That is the very impli­cite faith of the People of the Roman Church, which believeth without knowing what the Church must believe; and believeth what the Roman Church be­lieveth, not knowing whether that Church teach conformably to the Word of God.

XIV. Of forbidding the people to read Scripture.

HOly Athanasius in his 2. Tome disputeth against some Hereticks that dis­swaded the people from reading the Holy Scripture, pretending that it is too high & difficult for the people; but the real cause why they did so, was, because Scripture was contrary to them.Pag. 241. [...]. They turn the people away (saith he) from the Scriptures, pretending that they dare not undertake [to come neer them] as unacces­sible; but the truth is, that they flie the Scriptures for fear of being convinced by them.

XV. Of Purgatory and Satisfaction after this life.

EPiphanius in the 21. Heresie, relateth that the Simonians taught [...]. the purgation of souls. Austin in his Book of Heresies, ad quod vult Deum, chap. 43. ascribeth the same Error to the Originists, saying, There are also other opinions of the same Origines, which the Catholick Church doth not re­ceive at all; Those especially that concern purgation and deliverance. Such was the opinion of Plato in the Phedon or Dialogue of the Soul, as Eusebius hath observed in the last chapter of the 11. Book of the Evangelical Preparation. [...]. Those (saith he) that have lived indifferently well, come to that lake, and there dwell, and being purged, and having born the pain of their iniquities, they are released. Virgil hath followed him, speaking thus of the souls of Purgatory, Aeneid. 6.

— Aliae panduntur inanes
Suspensae ad ventos, aliis sub gurgite vasto
Infectum eluitur scelus, aut exuritur igni.

Out of that source Purgatory is sprung. As for the purgation of souls at the wind or in the water, Pope Gregory the I. teacheth it, in the 4. Book of his Dia­logues; where there are many apparitions of souls, saying that they are in Pur­gatory, in the wind, or in the water, or in hot Bathes: For the Purgatory in a sub­terranean fire was not yet invented.

XVI. Of Prayer and Service in an Ʋnknown Tongue.

THe Ossenians (as Epiphanius relates in the 19. Heresie) made prayers in an unknown tongue, being unwilling to be understood by the people. Austin chap. 16. ad quod vult Deum, saith the same of the Heracleonites; And Hierome in the Epitaph of Lucinius Andalusian, saith that they amazed the people with a barbarous tone, so that they admired that most which they un­derstood least. Of that the reason is given by Clemens Alexandrinus in the first Book of the Stromates, namely thatPag. 146. [...]. men hold prayers pronounced in an un­known tongue to be most effectual.

That abuse is past into the Roman Church which blindfoldeth the people, and keepeth them in a stupid awe by a service in a barbarous tongue; using Laymen to pray to God, not understanding what they say to him. We shall hear in the progress of this work the Cardinal saying to us,Du Per­ron Book 6. chap. 1. p. 1080. that the me­rit of Faith is there greater, where there is less intelligence. Conformably toBellar­min. lib. 1. de justificatione c. 7. §. judicium. Fides distinguitur contra scientiam, & melius per ignorantiam quam per notiti­am definitur. Bellarmines saying, that Faith is opposite to science, and is better defined by ignorance then by knowledge,

XVII. Of distinction of Meats.

IT cannot be denied but that many antient Christians have abstained from cer­tain meats upon fasting dayes. Yet if the matter be searcht at the spring, it will be found that Hereticks were the first authors of distinction of meats. Ter­tullian who writ two hundred years after the nativity of Christ, was a sectator of the heretick Montanus, of whom Eusebius after Apollinaris speaks thus, in the 17. Chapter of the first Book of his History; [...]. Montanus hath set Laws about fasting. The same Tertullian hath written a Book Contra Psychicos, that is, against the natural men, [to expound the word [...], as our English versi­on translates it, 1 Cor. 2.15.] So he calls the Orthodox in contempt, as men given to please their nature, and serve their belly; because they did not fast enough to his mind. In the 1. chapter, he saith of the Orthodox, thatArguunt nos quod sta­tiones ple­rumque in vesperam producamus, quod etiam xerophagias observemus si [...]cantes ci­bum ab omni carne & om­ni jurulentia. they found fault with the Montanists, because they extended their fast till the Even­ing, ate nothing but dry meats, abstaining from flesh, and all things that had juyce and moisture. Whereupon it will be expedient to see in the following Chapter, how the true Christians of that time disputed against those Hereticks.Lex & Prophetae us­que ad Jo­hannem; Itaque de cae­tero jejunan­dum ex arbitrio, non ex imperio novae disciplinae pro temporibus & edusis uniuscujusque. Sic & Apostolos observass nullum aliud imponentes jugum certorum & in commune omnibus obeundorum jejuniorum. The Law and the Prophets (say they) have lasted until John; since that time fast is to be observed indifferently, and according to the will of every one, accord­ing to the time and the causes that every one hath, not according to the Ordinance of this new Discipline. So the Apostles have observed it, having not imposed any yoke of certain fastings, which must be observed by all in common. They add, that Jesus Christ said, that which enters into a man defileth not a man; and that St. Paul hath foretold, that there should come Doctors teaching to abstain from meats, &c.

As that language of the antient Christians is the same, and those very reasons which we use against the Church of Rome: So the answer of Tertullian, in the defence of the Montanists, is the very same which the Roman Church useth in our dayes. The Apostle (saith that Heretick)Praedam­nans jam hae­reti os perpe­tuam absti­nentiam prae­cepturos ad destruenda & despicien­da opera cre­atoris. condemneth before-hand the Hereticks that should impose a perpetual abstinence, to destroy and despise the works of the Creator. And a little after; We abstain from the meats, which [non re­jicimus, sed differimus] we do not reject, but only put off the use of them. And a little after again; The Apostle accuseth certain chastisers, and forbidders of meats, who abstained from them [ex fastidio, non ex officio] out of disdain, not out of office. It was also the excuse of Eustathius Bishop of Sebastia in Armenia, who having established many such observations, was condemned in the Council of Gangra. His excuse was, that he had not brought in those abstinences out of pride, but by a pious exercise, and according to God, as Sozomenus saith in the 13. Chapter of the 3. Book.

The Manicheans also were very scrupulous in their Fasts; of them Austin saith in the 13. chap. of the 2. Book of the manners of the Manicheans, that they ate no flesh-meat. To which rules the Monks of St. Benedict bind themselves; as the Carthusians, Celestins, &c. He saith also that among the Manicheans a man was not thought to have violated the rule of Holiness, that should burst his belly with Mushromes, Ryce, and Cakes; but he that should have to his supper a few herbs with a bit of rusty Bacon. The Roman Church following those Hereticks in that distinction of meats, is gone far beyond them; taking it for a violation of fast to eat a bit of flesh, but to stretch ones stomack upon Wine, Fish, and Sweet-meats, breaks no fast with them.

XVIII. Of overthrowing the humane nature of Christ.

THe Valentinians and Marcionites forged an imaginary body unto Jesus Christ, and the Eutychians would clothe the humane nature of Christ with the per­fections of the divine.

The Roman Church doth the same, attributing a body unto Christ, which is in an hundred thousand several places, and upon an hundred thousand several Altars at the same time; A body which is really present both in heaven and in earth, but is not in the space between both, and is by consequent remote from it self; A body which in the Mass hath no distinction of parts, and no diverse situation of Limbs, since all the parts of his body are in the host under one and the same point; A body without place, and taking no room, and therefore more spiritual then the spirits; For a Spirit cannot be in many separated places, nor be far from it self; And that not only since the glorification of Christs body, but also when he was yet mortal and infirm, celebrating the Sacrament with his Disciples. Each of which assertions overthroweth and abolisheth the humane nature of Jesus Christ, and none of them is compatible with an humane body.

XIX. Of Baptism conferred by women.

IN the Roman Church, not only a man of the people, but also a woman may confer Baptism. The Marcionites did the same, as Epiphanius witnesseth in the forty second Heresie: [...]. Marcion indifferently permits, even to women to give Baptism. The same he saith in the seventy ninth Heresie: Where also he main­tains, that it would not have been lawful for the Virgin Mary. Tertullian in the book Of the Virgins that must be vailed, chap. 9. saith,Non permittitur mulieri in Ec­clesia loqui; sed nec tinge­re, nec offerre. It is not permitted to a woman to speak in the Church, nor to baptize, nor to offer. And in the fourty first chapter of the book of the Prescriptions, he saith, thatIpsae mulieres hae­reticae quàm procaces, quae audeant doce­re, forsitan & tingere! heretical women are so impudent, as to offer to teach and to baptize. See Clements constitutions in the third book, chap. 9. whereof the Title is, Quod non oportet mulieres baptizare, impium est enim & a Christi doctrina alienum: That women must not baptize; for it is an impious thing, and remote from the doctrine of Christ. Basil in the Epistle to Amphilochius, rejecteth the Baptism conferred by Laymen.

XX. Of the Baptism of inanimate things.

Pag. 90.THe second Book of Sacred Ceremonies, in the seventh Section relateth, how the Pope baptizeth Agnus Dei's: It is ordinary to baptize bels in the name of the Father, of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost: And they have a Godfather and a Godmother that give them their name. All which is an imitation of the error of the Armenians and Jacobites, of whom Nicephorus writes thus, in the eighteenth book, chap. 53. They will not yield the due honour unto the cross, before they have baptized it, as if it were a man. The Pagans did much the like to that; for before bels were invented, they used trumpets, which they consecrated by washings and purifications; and the day of that Ceremony was called Tubilustri­um, as it may be seen in the fifth book of the Fasti of Ovid, and in Festus.

XXI. Of Transubstantiation.

THe Capernaits Joh. 6.52. did imagine a real manducation of the body of Jesus Christ with the mouth, saying, How can this man give us his flesh to eat? The Eurychians taught the transubstantiation of the bread into the bo­dy of Christ in the Eucharist; using that example to perswade that in the same manner the flesh of Christ by vertue of the union with the Verb [or the essential Word] was become spiritual and divine. In the second Dialogue of Theodoret, entituled, the Inconfuse, the Eutychian Heretick speaks thus: [...]. The signs of the body and blood of Jesus Christ are others before the invocation of the Priest, but after the said invocation they are changed and become others. To that Heretick teaching transubstantiation, the Orthodox answereth in these words; [...]. Thou art taken in the net which thou hast woven; for the mystical signs after the consecra­tion, do not change nature; for they remain in their first substance, figure, and form, &c. For which cause, the Jesuite Gregorius de Valentia, in the book of the Transubstantiation, chap. 7. §. Quod si, blameth Theodoret, saying, that Theodo­ret hath been taxed of other errors in the Council of Ephesus. The Roman Edi­tion of the Greek Dialogues of Theodoret hath pre-fixed this warning in the be­ginning of the book; That Theodoret being carried too far by the desire of de­fending the truth, sometimes hangs too much on the other side. Vigilius in the fourth book against Eutyches, disputes against the Eutychians, in the same man­ner as we do against the Roman Church, in the second book against Eutyches, who said, that the Word and the Flesh of Christ were but one nature.Si verbi & carnis una natura est, quomodo cum ver­bum ubique sit, non ubique invenitur & caro? Nam quando in terra fuit, non erat utique in coelo, & nunc quia in coelo est, non est utique in terra. If (saith Vigilius) the Word and the flesh of Christ have but one nature, how comes it to pass that the Verb being everywhere, the Flesh is not found also everywhere? For when it was in earth, it was not in heaven; and now because it is in heaven, it is not in earth. Which are very remarkable words.

The Marcosian Hereticks (as Epiphanius witnesseth, in the thirty fourth here­sie) would make the world believe, that in the cup the wine was turned into blood. Cardinal du Perron in his book of the Eucharist against M. du Plessis, pag. 191. saith, that the Valentinians beleived that in the Eucharist, the bread and the wine became truly the body and blood of Christ.

XXII. Of Communion under one kind.

THe Synod of Constance, in the thirteenth Session, establisheth the Commu­nion under one kind, and takes the cup from the people: Yet in the same Canon, these Venerable Fathers confess, that Jesus Christ instituted this Sacra­ment under the two kinds, and that the ancient Church did so celebrate it.

The same did the Manicheans, and thereby a Manichean was discovered, when he made difficulty to receive the Cup in the Sacrament; as PopeOre in­digno Christi corpus accipi­unt, sangui­nem autem nostrae re­dempti­onis, &c. Leo the I. said in the first Sermon of Lent. Of them, Pope Gelasius speaks in the Canon Comperimus, in the second distinction of the Consecration, We have learned (saith he) that some having taken one portion only of the sacred body, abstain from the cup of the sacred blood. And a little after, The division of the same Sacra­ment cannot be done without a great Sacriledge. The ordinary answer is, that Ge­lasius speaks of Priests that abstained from the cup, not of the people. [Page 50] ButNulla ibi de Sacer­dote sacrifi­cante mentio habetur, ut planè quod generalitèr dictum esse apparet, ad Sacerdotes restringi mini­mè debere sa­tis intelligi possit. Cardinal Baronius an. 496. §. 20. confuteth that shift, and with good reason maintaineth (as also the whole Text of the Canon shews it) that he con­demneth those of the people that abstained from the cup, calling that a sacriledge. As indeed in the same Canon, Gelasius decreeth, that such as make difficulty to receive the cup, be no more admitted to the communion of the bread, and be cut off from the whole Sacrament, which cannot be said but of the people pre­senting themselves to the Communion.

XXIII. Of the Titles and Honours which the Pope usurpeth.

THe Pagan Emperors caused themselves to be called Gods. Caligula gave his feet to Pompeius Pennus to kiss, as Seneca testifieth in the twelfth chapter of the book of benefits. Julius Capitolinus saith the same of the yong Maximinus Emperor. Pomponius Laetus saith the same of Dioclesian. The same Emperors made themselves adored, and the Roman Senate had the right of Apotheoses or Canonizations. The Pope having usurped the place of the ancient Emperors of Rome, hath also usurped these honours, and is called by his flatterers,Glossa Extravagan­tes Cum in­ter. Papa vo­catur Domi­nus Deus noster & sae­pe alibi: Concil. La­ter. ult. Sess. 9. Ma­jestatis tuae divine con­spectus. God in earth, and the divine Majesty, giveth his feet to kiss, and causeth himself to be adored: Which is done with an especial solemnity upon theThis ceremony is described in the book of sacred Ceremonies, Sect. 1. chap. 6. The practice of it is to be seen in an Epistle of Cardinal de Joyeuse inserted among those of Cardinal du Perron, where it is related, how after the election they came to the adoration. day of his electi­on: Then is he set upon the Altar by the Cardinals who all one after another come to the adoration. The Senate of Cardinals hath the right of Apotheoses or Ca­nonizations, and to admit whom they please into the list of the Saints of Paradise. The Preface of the second book of the sacred Ceremonies, calleth the Canoniza­tion of Saints of the Papacy, Divorum nostrorum Apotheosis, The Deification, or Apotheose of our Saints: This is foretold by the Spirit of God, Rev. 13. that the second Beast should erect the image of the first Beast: for the Papal Hierachy hath set up an empire after the likeness and imitation of the Roman Empire.

XXIV. Of the dissolution of Marriages.

THe Pope separateth and dissolveth marriages lawfully contracted, upon pre­tence of a greater perfection, and to enter into the Monastical life, against the express prohibition of Jesus Christ, Mat. 19.6. What God hath joyned toge­ther, let no man put asunder; and 1 Cor. 7.5. Defraud you not one the other; and in the verse before, The Husband hath no power of his own body, but the wife. The Priscillianists Hereticks did the same; of whom, Austin to Quod vult Deus, Ch. 70. Disjungunt viros à no­l [...]ntibus faemi­nis. saith, that they separated marriages, and dis-joyned Husbands from their Wives, against their will. If marriage be made a Sacrament by the faith mutually given, or by the blessing in the Church, as they hold in the Roman Church, how dares the Pope dissolve a Sacrament? Or if the Sacrament be not entire nor ful­filled without the consummation of matrimony, doth it not follow that the Priests conferring the Sacrament of matrimony, confer but half a Sacrament?

XXV. Of the Titles and Offices given to the Saints.

THe Pagans or Heathens did give particular Offices to each of their Gods: One governed the Sea, another bore sway in Hell; one had care of the wheat, another over women in child bed, &c. And every Land or Countrey had his Tutelary God. Juno was the Patroness of Carthage, Venus of Paphos, and Pallas of Athens, &c.

The Roman Chuch hath transported these titles to the deceased Saints, and hath given to every one of them their office. Saint Margaret Patroness of child-bed women, did succeed the Goddess Lucina. Saint Nicolas which is called upon by Navigators, did succeed Castor and Pollux. Saint Eustache hath taken the place or room of the hunting Diana; Saint Christopher that of Hercules; and Saint Eloy of Vulcan; and every Town, City, or Kingdom hath its Tutelary Saint. Saint Mark is the Patron and Pro­tector of Venice; Saint James of Spain; and Saint Denis of France, &c. And those offices have been given to those Saints which are in Heaven, by men which are on earth, without knowing whether the Saints did accept of them, or whether God doth approve or allow of such boldness, that Men, Ignorants and sinners, dare distribute or bestow offices to the Saints which are in Heaven.

XXVI. Of the Equipage or setting forth of Saints Images and Adornments.

THe Roman Church hath borrowed from the Pagans, the equipage and or­nament of her images. They gave a key to Janus, as the Church of Rome gives one to Saint Peter. They represented Jupiter Ammon with horns, as Mo­ses is now figured.Ovid. Fastor. The Genii or Houshold Gods had a dog with them, as now Saint Hubert, and Saint Eloy: who also hath an hammer, as Vulcan in old time. Hercules had a Club; and so hath Saint Christopher: Apollo had an harp in his hand, and Saint Genest the Patron of the Fidlers hath a Violon.

Before the Pagans images,Ovid. Epist. Med. Ardet ut ad magnos pinea taeda Deos. Cicero Of­fic. 3. Omni­bus vicis sta­tuae & ad eas thus & cerci. Tertul. Apol. c. 42. Thura non emimus; Si Arabiae quaerantur, sciant Sabaei, &c. wax-lights were lighted, and incense was burnt, which is done still to the images of Saints in the Roman Church; A custom much derided by Tertullian, Arnobius, and Lactantius. Tertullian in his book of Idolatry, chap. 15. Let those (saith he) light Lamps that have no light: And Arnobius asketh, whether the Gods have the sense of smelling: And Lactantius in the sixth book, chap. 2.Num mentis suae compos putandus est qui authori & datori luminis candelarum ac cercorum munus offert pro-munere? Is that man in his right sense, that offereth candles to him that is the author and giver of light?

XXVII. Of Relicts applyed to women with child.

TErtullian in a Book of the soul, chap. 39. saith, that the Pagan women used to gird their belly about with rollers, made before the idols: Much like the custom of women in the Abby of Saint German, in the suburb of Saint German of Paris, girding themselves with the girdle of Saint Margaret. See in the first chapter of Fenestella, [otherwise Andr. Dominicus Floceus] how women would come to the Luperci, who smote the palm of their hands with Goats-skins to make them conceive.

XXVIII. Of Ʋnshod Monks.

PHilastrius Bishop of Bress, who writ about the year of our Lord, 38 [...]. hath made a Catalogue of ancient heresies, among the which he puts the Heresie ofExcalcea­torum est hae­resis quae ex­calceatos am­bulare debere hominos asse­rit, &c. the Ʋnshod, who went barefoot, because God said to Moses, Put off thy shoes from off thy feet; which he cals a vain superstition. Yet many of our Monks have followed it, placing merit in going barefoot. The superstitious Jews had a holy day in which they went barefoot, which Hierom in his first book against Jo­vinian, cals nudipedalia, of which, Juvenal speaks.

Observant ubi festa mero pede sabbata reges.

XXIX. Of Mendicant Fryers.

MEndicity, which before was an affliction, now is a profession, yea a work of supererogation. All is full of begging Fryars, whose idle mendicity is fatter then the plenty of many of the people. The same was among the Pagans, among whom, the Priests of the Syrian Goddess, and those of Cybele, went about begging from Town to Town, bearing sacks, where they put the provision that was given them. This is very exactly described in the eighth book of the Milesia of Apuleius, and in the fourth book of Fasti of Ovid. Tertullian Circuit cauponas re­ligio mendi­cans. in the thirteenth chapter of his Apologeticus, saith of it, The mendicant Religion goeth about the Taverns. The Hereticks Massalians [...]. did forsake the world, clad with sacks, begging about, as Epiphanius describes it in the eightieth heresie.

XXX. Divers customs of Paganism borrowed by the Papism.

HE that would specifie all the ceremonies and customs of the Pagans, which the Roman Church hath borrowed, should undertake an endless task.

The Lacedemonians would whip themselves, as the Penitents at Rome do now. See Tertullian in the end of the Apolegetick, and in the fourth chapter of his book to Martyrs:Apud Lacedaemo­nas solemni­tas maxima est [...]. Upon which, Rhenanus makes this annotation; Istius ve­teris [...] vestigium videas apud Italos in Litaniis: Of that old fashion of whipping ones self, a trace may be seen among the Italians in the Letanies. Thus the Priests of Baal did cut themselves, 1 Kings 18.28. And the Priests of Cy­bele calledSee Ovid. Fast. 4. Curetes.

The PagansOvid. Fast. 5. Mense malum Maio nubere vulgus ait. made difficulty of marrying in March and May, as now our Adversaries in Lent. Ovid. Fast. 2. Festus & Varro de lin­gua Latina. Ashwednesday fals much upon the same time, as the day of Purifications and Propitiations for the dead in the Pagan Rome, which was upon the eighteenth of February.

Rhenanus upon the fifth book of Tertullian against Marcion, acknowledgeth, that Candlemas is an imitation of the Februal ceremonies of the Romans.

The Pagans had sacrifices for the rain, which were called Aquilicia: For the same use as the shrine of Saint Genovefa, is taken down at Paris.

Pliny in the sixteenth book, chap. 44. saith, that the Vestal Virgins hanged their hair at a Tree; for they shaved themselves, as our Nuns do.

The Pagans had their Convents of sacred Virgins, as the Vestals and the Fau­stinian Virgins instituted by Marcus Antoninus Pius, as Julius Capitolinus saith in his life.

They used holy water, wax-lights, and incense.

They clothed their images. The history is known of Dionysius the Tyrant, who eased the images of the gods of their golden heavy cloaks, and gave them other cloaks of cloth, saying, th [...]se of doth were both warmer and lighter.

TheFenestella. c. 2. V [...]ber. Max. lib. 1. Pagans had the great Altar consecrated to Hercules.

Twelftide,The French call it the day of Kings. The Lord of misrule in Christmass is also a trace of the Sa­turnals at that time of the year. Horat. Sat 7. lib. 2. Age li­bertate De­cembri. in which the meanest of the house (if it happen so) is King, is an imitation of the Saturnales, in which the servants were Masters.

The Rogations and Processions about the fields of corn, have succeeded to the Processions called Ambarvalia.

As the Pagans suffered not any male to enter into the Temple of Bona Dea, so there are Chappels in the Roman Church where women enter not, as the Chappel of St. Laurence at Rome out of the wals, as the book of the Roman Indulgences shews it; And the quire of the Lateran Church at Rome.

Pope Boniface the VIII. hath instituted the Jubile every hundreth year, after the imitation of the Roman secular games, As Onuphrius acknowledgeth it, lib. de ludis secularibus.

The spittle used in Baptism by the Roman Church, is derived from the Pagans, who made use of spittle for preservative and expiation. Persius Sat. 2.

Infami digito & lustralibus ante salivis Expiat.

XXXI. Confession of our Adversaries.

OUr Adversaries themselves do not dissemble it, and are not ashamed to boast that they have borrowed many things from Paganism.

Cardinal Baronius upon the year of our Lord 200. §. 5.Consulto introductum videtur ut quae erant Gentilitiae superstitionis officia, eadem veri Dei cul­tui sanctifi­cata in verae Religionis cultum im­penderentur. After that (saith he) it was purposely introduced that the offices of Pagan superstition, being conse­crated to the service of the true God, should be employed to the service of true Religion.

The same Baronius upon the year 58. §. 76. saith that the Agnus Dei's hanged about the neck, have been instituted after the imitation of those brooches called bullae, which the Pagan boyes wore about their necks to avert charms.

On the year 183. §. 11. he saith that the insolencies of Shrove-tyde, come from the Bacchanales. Which is more, on the year 324. he makes no difficulty to say, that the Popes have succeeded in the habits, the apparel, and the priviledges of the Pagan Pontifes.

The Jesuit Cotton, in the second book of his Institution, chap. 57. saith, that as the Temples dedicated unto Idols, were turned into Churches dedicated unto God; So the ceremonies which of themselves are indifferent, have been with good reason trans­ported to Gods service.

The Gloss of the Canon Consecrationem. Dist. 1. de consecratione, speaking of the Pagan customs and ceremonies, saith,Si Genti­les faciebant, multo magis facere debe­mus, &c. If the Pagans did that, we much more ought to do it. And so it is an argument whereby we draw inferences out of the examples of Infidels.

CHAP. 16. Reasons why Cardinal du Perron, making little account of the three first ages, confines himself to the time of the four first Councils. And that he sets down unjust rules, and such as himself observeth not.

OVer all the book of Cardinal du Perron, against his Majesty of great Bri­taine, he makes very little use of Gods Word, as of a tool which doth not fit his hand. But heIn the 4. chap. of the 4. obser­vation of the 2. book, p. 726 and in many other places. takes the Fathers of the time of the four first Councils for his Judges; The first whereof, which is the Council of Nice, was held in the year of our Lord, 325. and the last, which is that of Chalcedon, was held 126. after. Within these limits he confines himself, making little account of the time before. He brings for his reasons, the rarity of the writers of that time, and that they had no occasion to write of such matters, or that the books were lost. Yet have we many Authors more antient then the Council of Nice; Justin Martyr, Ignatius, Irenaeus, Tertullian, Clemens Alexandrinus, Origen, Cyprian, Ar­nobius, Lactantius; To which I adde Eusebius and Athanasius, who were pre­sent at the first Council. From whose writings we may learn, what was the be­lief of the Church of their time, as much as from any else that lived since. But the true cause is, that in the antienter Authors no mention is found of those chief points, about which we dispute against the Roman Church, as the Primacy of the Pope over all the world, the invocation of Saints, the service of images, and many the like things, the seeds whereof were sown, and the occasions did rise ma­ny years after.

The Cardinal alledgeth another reason why he restrains himself to the time of the four first Councils; That his Majesty of Great Britaine, hath taken the Fa­thers of that age for his Judges: Which is an untruth, for the King never chose other Judges then the Word of God; And in his search of Antiquity, he never meant to exclude or undervalue the Fathers, that writ before the sitting of these four Councils.So the Kings words are re­lated by the Cardinal, in the 4. ob­servation of the second book. For these are his words, The King with the Anglican Church ad­mitting the first four Oecumenical Councils, sheweth enough that he includes not the State of the true and lawful Church within one age or two, but goes much beyond that. By these words, his Majesty shews evidently, that he confines not himself within the space of 126. years, which is the time of the four first Councils, reckon­ing from the first to the last.

For example, we find that the first Father that called upon the Saints departed, was Gregory Nazianzen, about the year of our Lord 370. Before him, no men­tion is found of the invocation of Saints; But all the Fathers antienter then he, say unanimously, that none but God alone must be invocated. Shall we think that the Cardinal hath sufficiently proved, that the ancient Church hath prayed to the Saints, because in the fourth age (in which those four Councils began) some ex­amples are found of that invocation? Yet to that the Cardinal, in the fore-alledg­ed place, declareth himself not to be obliged; And saith, that to offer to bind him to search the ages before, is harsh and unjust dealing; For he holds, that if something be found to have been universally observed by the Church, in one of the four first ages, it must be presupposed, that the same thing was observend in all the other ages, so that there be no proof to the contrary.

The Reader may here observe, that M. du Perron not only acknowledgeth that some doctrines are held by the Roman Church, which have no precedent in the three first ages; but also that he sets Laws which he breaks all over his book, fixing bounds to himself, within which he doth not keep. For he maintains many do­ctrines, of which not only no mention is made in the Doctors of the first ages, but which also are condemned by those Doctors; Such is the exclusion of the peo­ple from the cup, the service of images, the invocation of Saints, the fire of Pur­gatory immediately after death, the Popes power over the temporal of Kings, and [Page 55] over their crowns, praying to God when one understands not himself, and many other things.

Besides, to shew that a doctrine hath been received in the ancient Church, The Cardinal will have no more required, but to shew that it was universally received in one of the four first ages. Now this he doth not shew; for all the proofs which he brings about the principal controversies, and chiefly about the dignity of the Ro­man Church, and the power of the Pope, are inclosed within the compass of the Ro­man Empire; and serve only to shew that the Roman Church and her Bishop, had some preheminence above the Churches & Bishops of the Roman Empire, but not over those Churches that were without the Roman Empire; for with them the Bi­shop of Rome had no communication, neither did he for many ages pretend any pre­heminence over them. And truly the Cardinal, as nimble as he is to invent things that are not, and magnifie small things, could never in all his book produce any one appeal from the Church of Persia, or Ethiopia, or Assyria to Rome, nor any law given in that time by the Church of Rome to the Churches of all the world.

CHAP. 17. Of the authority of the Church, And whether she must have more authority with us then the holy Scripture. Opinion of the parties.

THis dispute is an especial spot of these last times, in which the spirit of blas­phemy, which before did but whisper in corners, hath made bold to get in­to the pulpit, and set forth his impiety in publick. For who so shall look neer­hand into the nature of that question, whether the Church must have more au­thority with us then Scripture, shall acknowledge, that the plain issue of the question is, Whether of the two is the greatest and most to be beleeved, God or men?

Indeed the Roman Church acknowledgeth that the writings of the Prophets and Apostles are divine, and that they are the Word of God. But in that she saith thatBellar. lib. 5. de verbo Dei, c. 9. initio capitis. Judex difficultatum non potest esse Scriptura. Scripture cannot be Judge of the doubts about faith, that the Church giveth authority to Scripture, and that Scripture hath neither strength nor au­thority, but so far as the Church declareth it: In that (I say) she overthrows the authority of Scripture, whilst she feigneth to establish it. For the way to shake a certain truth, is to ground it upon uncertain proofs. The way to bring in Atheism without noise, is to ground the divine Oracles upon humane testimo­nies, and to command that credit be given to the Word of God; because the Pope and the Roman Church have commanded it. He that proveth clear things by obscure proofs, doth like him that sheweth the full Moon with his finger, or that believeth that the Sun is bright, because his neighbour told him so. By this means men are esteemed more credible then God, and if God will have servants and some persons that believe his Word, he must be obliged for it to the Pope.

To bring down the Authority of Scripture and raise that of the Church (that is their own) they charge Scripture with imperfection, saying, that all that is ne­cessary to salvation is not contained therein; and thereupon setting up another [but unwritten] Word of God, which is found in the mouth of the Church, that is, in their own mouth.

They call the Church a speaking Judge, but the Scripture aThe Je­suit Arnova, that writ against this Author about the French Con­fession of Faith, saith §. 19. That the Prote­stants will abuse a dumb rule, shak­ing off the yoak of In­terpreters. dumb rule; and yet not a whole rule, but a piece and a part of one. They accuse Scripture of ob­scurity, and wish that it were more obscure yet, that it might have less strength to condemn them. Whereupon they bear themselves as infallible Interpre­ters of Scripture, thereby making themselves Law-givers under the title of Interpreters.

The Cardinal in the seventh Chapter of the second observation of the second Book, maintains, that one must not have recourse to the age of the Apostles, [Page 56] that is, to the example and doctrine of the Apostles to repurge the Church. Bellar­min Bellar. lib. 4. de Ver­bo Dei Scripto. c. 12. §. Dico secundo, Scripturam etsi non est facta praeci­pue ut sit re­gula fidei, esse tamen re­gulam non totalem, sed partialem. saith that Scripture is a piece of a rule, and that it was not written to rule our faith, but only for a wholesome counsel, equalizing the authority of Scri­pture, bearing witness to her self, to the authority of the Alcoran of Mahomet.

The Jesuite Bayle in the first Treatise of the Catechism, saith, that without the authority of the Church he would believe the Gospel of St. Matthew no more then Titus Livius. Charron in his third Verity, saith, that he that is instructed by Scripture is no Christian; and many times over-pronounceth this maxime, that the Church and the Scripture are Judges, but the Church principally, and with great preheminence. The Jesuit Salmeron, in the 13. Tome, 8. Disput. upon St. Pauls Epistles, giveth to the Scripture a nose of wax. Gregorius de Valentia in the 4. Book of the Analysis, 3. Chap. calls the Scripture a rock of offence. And al­wayes these Doctors by the Church understand the Roman, not the Greek, more antient then the Roman, nor the Syrian, more antient then the Greek; And by the Roman Church they understand the Pope, in whom alone all that authority re­sideth. For (if we stand to their judgement) that man should be very wide of the truth, that would take the word Church in this question, in the same sence as in the Symbole. They have given to that word a new signification.

After they have so vilified Scripture, it was easie for them to forbid the reading of it. Yet because it would be a thing of ill savour, if in the publick service the Scripture should have no place, they read a few texts of it, but in a tongue which the people understand not. By these means they shelter themselves against Scripture, and take an order that their doctrine may not be Judged by the Word of God, for they have made themselves Judges of the Word of God.

For our part, we reverence the authority of the Church which teacheth us ac­cording to the Word of God, and receive with respect those that speak in Gods name; Of whom the Lord Jesus saith,Matth. 10.40. He that receiveth you, receiveth me; and he that receiveth me, receiveth him that sent me. We know also that though they have no power to add or change any thing in the doctrine, yet the Pastors of the Church being assembled, can make Laws concerning Ecclesiastical policy, use reprehensions, censures, and excommunications against vices, and declare the do­ctrines, which Scripture hath condemned, erroneous.

But five things ought to be observed, about the limitation of that authority.

I. That this authority belongs to none but the Orthodox Church, which re­tains the true ground of the faith, and by consequent that one hath need to know well which is the Orthodox Church, that teacheth the true doctrine, before he at­tributes any authority to her.

II. That this authority is subject unto the Word of God, and that no man ought to presume beyond that which is written, 1 Cor. 4.

III. That the authority of the Church in the Apostles time, is far greater then that of other ages. For these holy lights had the continual assistance of Gods Spirit, and are still sitting upon twelve thrones, judging the twelve Tribes of Israel.

IV. That we have no law, and no order established by the Universal Church, but the laws and rules that were established by the Apostles, who governed the Universal Church, and did represent it. But all the Ecclesiastical laws made since [that are worth keeping] were made by Councils assembled, not out of the Universal Church, but out of the universal Roman Empire.

V. That although the Church of the whole world were met together, yet it can never have so much authority as the holy Scripture, since it is subject unto Scri­pture, that is, unto God, speaking by his Prophets and Apostles, as St. Paul saith, Rom. 3. that the oracles of God were committed unto the Jews. The Orthodox Church is a witness unto Scripture; and subjecting her self to the authority of Scripture, doth not presume to give her authority; For by Scripture we under­stand not the paper and the characters, but the divine doctrine contained in it.

That none may think that we impose upon our Adversaries that which they be­lieve not, or that others among them speake with more respect of Scripture then [Page 57] Cardinal du Perron doth, it is expedient to hear what their other Doctors say of it.

Bellarmin in the 3. Book of the unwritten word, Chap. 9.§. Pro­batur. Debuit D [...]us judicem ali­quem Eccle­siae providere, at iste judex non potest esse Scriptura. saith, God ought to have provided a Judge for the Church; Now that Judge cannot be Scripture. And soon after, It appeareth that Scripture is not a Judge.

Lindanus in his Panoplia, In the Index of the Chapters of the 5. Book.Ecclesiam non esse ex Christi volun­tate Scriptu­ris alligatam, sed vivo ac perpetuo Spi­ritus Sancti testimonio. The Church hath not been limited to the Scriptures by the will of God, but to the living and perpetual testimony of the Holy Ghost.

The Jesuit Costerus, in the first Chapter of his ManualChristus Ecclesiam su­am à charta­ceis scriptis pendere no­luit. Christ would not have his Church to depend upon writings in paper.

In the same place speaking of the Traditions of the Roman Church, and calling them a more excellent kind of Scripture, he saith, The excellency of that Scri­pture exceeds much the holy Scriptures which the Apostles have left us in parchment.

Salmeron in the first Prolegomen,§. Nunc de Etsi Ecclesiae ac Scripturae authoritas à Deo sit, illa tamen Ecclesiae antiquior est atque adeo dignior, siquidem Scriptura propter Ecclesiam contexta est. Although the authority of the Church and of Scripture be from God, yet the authority of the Church is more antient and of more worth, seeing that Scripture was made for the Church. If that reason hold, the au­thority of the people shall be above the laws and edicts of Kings, for those laws were made for the people.

And in the second Prolegomen,§. Septimo. Non mirum si Scriptura Ecclesiae Dei quae Spiritum habet subjiciatur. It is no wonder if Scripture be subject to the Church of God, which hath the Spirit. By that means the Law of God is sub­ject unto men.

The Jesuit Serarius in the tenth Prolegomen. qu. 2.Huius Scripturae praestantia, multis parti­bus superat scripturas quas nobis in membranis Apostoli reli­querunt. Scriptura ad causarum auditionem surda, ad examen stupida, ad proprie dictae sententiae dictionem vicaria Dei judicis perinepta est. Scripture is deaf to hear causes, and stupid to examine them, and is a most unfit Vicar of God (the Judge) to pronounce a sentence properly so called.

Gregorius de Valentia Jesuit, in the 4. Book of the Analysis, Chap. 4. Scripture by a secret judgement of God is as a rock of offence and a temptation to the feet of the unwise, that those that will ground themselves upon it alone, may most easily stumble at it, & go out of the way.

Stapleton in the 2. book of the authority of Scripture, Chap. 11.Dixi & dico, non tam ipsius fidei re­gulam in se esse Scripturam, quam ipsarum Scripturarum regulam esse fidem Ecclesiae. I have said and say, that Scripture in it self is not so much the rule of faith, as the faith of the Church is the rule of Scripture. Scripturam arcano Dei judicio esse velut lapidem offensionis & in tentationem pedibus insi­pientium; ut qui velint ea solae niti, facillime impingant & errent.

So a course is taken that Gods subjects shall rule his Law, and that God shall become subject unto men. It is Charron's doctrine in his 3. Verity, 2. chap. We acknowledge the Church to have, in our regard, more authority then Scripture. Yea Scripture cannot be the last rule and the soveraign Judge of doctrine.

Truly the Roman Church must needs be acknowledged to have more authority then Scripture, that is, then God speaking by his Prophets and Apostles, if it be so that she have power to change that which God hath commanded in the Scri­pture, as M. du Perron will tell us hereafter.

By the way observe how little these men understand what they say. For Bel­larmin in the fore-alledged place, saith that God ought to have provided a Judge for his Church; And yet our Adversaries will have the Church to be Judge. And the same men that ground the authotity of Scripture upon that of the Church, will alledge Scripture, when they are asked upon what ground the authority of the Church is founded.

CHAP. 18. Proofs that the Word of God contained in the holy Scriptures, is above the Church, and ought to be of greater authority with us then the Church.

I. THat unto which the Church is subject, is of greater authority then the Church: and the Laws of a Soveraign Prince, are above the men subject unto hi Laws. Now the Church is subject unto the Word of God, contained in the holy Scriptures, for they contain the laws of the Soveraign God. Then they have more authority then the Church which is subject to these Laws. Should that man have been suffered in Moses his time, that would have said that the people of Israel was above the Law of God given by Moses? or that the Priests and Levites gave authority to that Law, whereas that Law did establish the Priests and gave them authority?

II. The authority of God commanding, is alwaies greater then the authority of men to whom God gives commandments in his Word. If God in Scripture gave authority to the Church above Scripture, he would give her also authority above her self. For it is God that speaks in the holy Scriptures.

III. If we do not believe God speaking in the Scriptures, but because the Church commands it, men should be more credible then God.

IV. That which is subject to errour, and is guided by Pastours subject to be led away by evil affections of pride, covetousness and hatred, must needs have less authority then that which is exempt from those vices. Now we have proved be­fore, that the Church is subject to these inconveniences, and that she can err. And the Pastors may be led away by perverse affections. She must then have less authority then Scripture which is exempt from all that.

V. If the authority of the Church be grounded upon Scripture, it is certain, that the authority of Scripture is greater then that of the Church; For it is Scri­pture that saith, Tell it unto the Church. If he hear not the Church, let him be unto thee as a Pagan and a Publican: And without the authority of Scripture we should not so much as know that there must be a Church in the world. Our ad­versaries go about to prove the authority of the Roman Church by texts of Scri­pture; They do then acknowledge that Scripture hath more authority then their Church.

VI. The same is evident, in that the holy Scripture commands the Church and giveth her Laws. But the Church doth not command Scripture; only she declareth that such a book is Scripture, and is a witness and keeper of his truth. And by making that declaration, she doth nothing but what she is bound to do. Thereby she makes profession of the obedience which she oweth unto Scripture. Now to command, is a thing of far greater worth and authority then to be a witness only.

VII. The Apostle St. Paul, Eph. 2.20. foundeth the Church upon the Pro­phets and Apostles. You are built (saith he) upon the foundation of the Apostles and Prophets. He means not that the Church is built upon the persons of the Apo­stles and Prophets, who were dead, or mortal, but upon their doctrine contained in the holy Scriptures.

VIII. If this proposition be well examined, that the authority of the Church over Ʋs, is greater then that of Sccipture, it will be found void of common sense; For this word Ʋs signifieth no other thing but the Church: So the sense of that proposition will be, That the authority of the Church over the Church, is of greater authority then that of Scripture. And if by that word Ʋs the people only be under­stood, then that proposition is false in respect of the Pastors.

IX. Every Judge between two parties, must be acknowledged by both the par­ties. Now Scripture is acknowledged both by us and by our Adversaries to be the true word of God; But we acknowledge not the Roman Church to be the true Church. Wherefore the Roman Church cannot be Judge of our controversies: [Page 59] Otherwise she should be both Judge and Party, and should be Judge in her own cause.

X. There is but one holy Scripture, but there be many dissenting Churches, which should be made friends before we can know which must judge us, if so be that the Church must be our Judge: For the Greek and the Syrian will pretend to be Judges as well as the Roman, as being more antient.

XI. If the Roman Church be not grounded upon the Word of God contained in the Scriptures, our Adversaries must produce some other ground, and divine proof upon which it is grounded; which they can never do.

XII. We desire also to know whether in the Controversie concerning the au­thority of the Church, or in the question, whether the Church be Judge, the Church must be Judge; and whether she be Judge of her own duty, and of the Laws to which God hath subjected her. Shall the Church judge without erring, whether the Church can err? Also we should be told before, whether the Pope be subject unto Scripture? for if he be subject to Scripture, he is not a Soveraign Judge in the points of Faith; and the power of altering that which God commandeth in Scri­pture is falsly attributed unto him; if he be not subject to Scripture, he is then above God, and exempted from his obedience.

XIII. But what Decrees of the Church can be brought which give authority to Scripture? Shall they bring the Canons of the Councils? But Scripture had her full authority before these Councils. And if these Canons give authority to the holy Scripture, then these Canons are the holy Scripture with more reason then that which we call so: For that which makes a thing to be holy and authen­tical, hath need to be more holy and authentical. Why then are they not inserted in the holy Scripture? But that is altogether impossible, seeing that the Canons of the Councils which define what Books of Scripture must be Canonical, are con­trary to one another: For the Canons of the Councils of Laodicea, and Carthage, and Trent, dissent about the Catalogue of the Canonical Books.

XIV. Should that man have been suffered in the Church of Israel, who had said that the High Priest had more authority then the Law of God? and that the authority of the Law was grounded upon that of the High Priest? whereas the authority of the High Priest was grounded upon the Law of God, whereby he had been establisht in his charge. Without question such a man should have been stoned, unless he had been held for a mad man. If then the au­thority of the Law did not depend from the lawful High Priests, is it like that in our dayes it depends from the Roman Popes, whose Office is but imaginary, and invented by men?

XV. Now if the authority of the Church be brought in question, must the Church her self be Judge in that cause? Or if that cause be judged by Scripture, shall then Scripture be Judge of the Church?

XVI. And though it were granted that the authority of the Church is greater over us then that of Scripture, yet it must be presupposed that such an authority is not proper, but to a Church which is not heretical, and retains the true do­ctrine. Now one cannot know whether a Church have the true doctrine conform­able unto Gods Word, but by examining her Doctrine by the Word of God contained in the holy Scripture. And so we must still return to Scripture, and acknowledge it for the Judge of the Church, before we can ascribe any authori­ty to the Church.

St. Austin is very express upon that question. In the XI. Book against Faustus the Manichean, chap. 5.Tanquam in sublimi se­de constituta est, cui servi­at omnis in­tellectus. The Holy Scripture is set up in a certain high seat, to which every faithful and pious understanding must serve. And in the Book of the Unity of the Church, chap. 2.Puto quod in Chri­sti verbis po­tius Ecclesi­am quaerere debemus qui veritas est & optimè no­vit corpus suum. We must seek the Church in the words of Christ, who is the Truth, who knows very well his own body: And a little after, I will have the Church shewed to me, not by humane Precepts, but by divine Ora­cles. And chap. 3. Ergo in Scripturis Canonicis quaeramus Ecclesiam, Let us then seek the Church in the Canonical Scriptures. Let M. du Perron expound Austin as he will, saying, that Austin will have us to learn of Scripture, that the Church [Page 60] must be alwayes eminent and in greater number; For alwayes this remains, that St. Austin will have those marks of eminency and multitude to be learned out of Scripture, and by consequent that we must address our selves to Scripture before we know the Church, and that Scripture in that point is Judge of the Church. And if in one point, why not also in other points. Basil in the 80. Epistle to Eustathius, [...]. Let the divinely inspired Scripture judge us. Clemens Alexan­drinus in the third of the Stromates, [...]. In the search of things we make use of Scripture to judge. And Austin 18. chapter of Grace and Free-will, Sedeat inter nos judex Apostolus Johannes, Let the Apostle John sit Judge between us.

CHAP. 19. Reasons of our Adversaries to the contrary.

NOw let us see what reasons our Adversaries can have to set man above God, and make the authority of the Word of God to depend from the authority of men.

1. They say that without the authority of the Church, one should not know that this is the Scripture, and that such and such Books are Cano­nical; Whence they conclude that the Church hath more authority then Scripture.

I could make an argument like that, and with better reason, saying, that without the authority of holy Scripture, one should not know that there is a Church in the world, and that by the Scripture one discerneth which Church is the best, and therefore that Scripture hath more authority. But to answer di­rectly, I maintain that it is not by the authority of the Church, that one knows that this is Scripture, but by the testimony of the Church. The Church neither ordaineth nor commandeth, nor maketh that these Books be the holy Scripture, but only testifieth and declareth that these Books are the holy Scripture. The Churches authority doth not make us become bound to receive Scripture, since her self is bound to receive it. It doth not belong to subjects to ordain what Laws they must obey. And all that the Councils declare upon that, is but a profession, and a declaration of their obedience, and an acknowledgement of the perfection of the Word of God contained in the holy Scriptures.

That by this declaration the Church cannot pretend any authority above Scri­pture, it appeareth, because heretical Churches make the same Declaration, and bear the like testimony unto Scripture: Yea it may happen that he who hath re­ceived the holy Scripture from the Church, will by that Scripture justly reprove the Errors of that very Church. As if one hath shewed me the Kings Edicts, it doth not follow that he is above those Edicts. Likewise if the Church testifie unto me that this is Scripture, it doth not follow that the Church is above the Scripture; else the Stationers should be above all the Laws of the Kingdom.

Besides, the testimony of the Church is not to be received, unless she be pure in the faith. Now whether she be pure in the Faith, one cannot know but by the holy Scripture, which in that question is not only a Witness, but a Judge and speaks with authority.

I say more, That the testimony which a Church pure in the faith delivereth to an ignorant person, that such Books are Divine and Canonical, is in regard of that ignorant person a doubtful and weak testimony, because he knows not whether that Church be Orthodox and worthy to be credited. He shall never have a certain belief that these Books are Divine, until by the hearing or read­ing of the Doctrine contained in them, God illuminate his understanding, and touch his heart. For the trust which we ought to have in the Word of God contained in the holy Scriptures, is an effect of Gods Spirit, and cannot be [Page 61] grounded upon the only testimony of men. It is by Faith that we believe Scri­pture: Now the Church doth not give that Faith, but it is an effect of God Spirit.

As the Samaritans, Joh. 4. having beleived with a light belief to a womans testimony, who had told them that Jesus was the Christ, having since heard Jesus Christ himself, said to the woman, It is no more for thy word that we believe, but our selves have heard and known that this is truly the Christ the Saviour of the world; So it happens that an ignorant man who hath received Scripture by the probable testimony of the Church where he liveth, when afterwards he hath got instruction by Scripture, doth not ground himself upon the testimony of men, but is himself toucht with the effectual power of that Word, and is in­structed by experience.

It is an Error to say, that one cannot prove by Scripture, that Scripture is holy and divine: For as the Sun is seen by his own light, and needs no other witness; Likewise the Word of God, more piercing then any two-edged sword, makes the faithful that have received it, sufficiently to feel that it is a divine Word; neither is there any need of any other proof, or to have it authorized by men. Besides, one part of Scripture is confirmed by the other. The New Testa­ment alleadgeth the Old, and the Old foretels the New. Moses and Elias ap­pear to Jesus Christ in the Mountain. Peter bears testimony to the Epistles of Paul.

Then the same reason may be retorted against our Adversaries; and we may say that the Church cannot bear testimony to her self that she is the true Church; and that another witness, and that infallible, must be had, and some other then her self must give her authority. Now that other, without doubt, is God speaking in his Word.

Our Adversaries insist, and say, that such and such Books are not Canonical, but by the authority of the Church. But we have said already, that the Churches de­claration that such and such Books must be held for the Rule and Canon of the Faith, doth not make those Books to be sacred and divine, and to be the Rule of Faith. And that by such a Declaration the Church giveth no authority to Scri­pture, but professeth her subjection to Scripture.

By the way, we must know that the knowledge that such and such Books are Canonical, is not a Proposition of Divinity, but of History: For to be Cano­nical, signifies not to be holy or divine, but to have been received in the Church as Divine, and as a Canon or rule of Faith. Wherefore some Books have been Canonical at one time, and not at another; some are received as Canonical in some Churches, not in another. But before any Council had made a Canon or Catalogue of the holy Scriptures, these Books were divine, and of Soveraign au­thority.

But let us hear their further Objections. That which is more antient (say they) hath more authority. Now the Church is more antient then Scripture; Ergo, It hath more authority then Scripture. Of this argument both the Pro­positions are false: It is false, that whatsoever is more antient, hath more autho­rity: The people is more antient then either the Laws, or the Kings that govern the People; and yet the People is subject to the Law and the King. Now Scripture is the Law of the Church. Likewise that the Church is more antient then Scri­pture, is a Proposition lyable to exceptions: For that which Scripture saith of the Nature of God, of his Counsels, of the works of Creation, and of the Ele­ction of the faithful, is more antient then the Church.

This Objection they press very much. That which speaks not, cannot be a Judge: Now Scripture speaks not; It is a dumb Rule saith the JesuiteIn his Book against the Confes­sion of Faith of the French Churches upon the 5. Article. Ar­noux. Then there is need of a speaking Judge, and that Judge is the Church, that is, the Pope and his Prelates. The JesuiteSalme­ron 2. Prole­gom. §. Alte­ra. Adde my­sticorum & spiritualium sensuum va­rietates quod est nutibus & signis obscu­rius loqui, pe­rinde atque muti faciunt & histrio­nes. Salmeron goes so far, as to say that Scripture is like dumb men, or like Jack-Puddings and Players who make themselves to be understood with signs; so horrible a hatred have these men con­ceived against the holy Scripture.

Indeed Paper and Ink speak not; but it is enough that God hath spoken, and pronounced the things contained in that Book, and inspired those that have writ­ten it. It is enough, that it is a rule according to which they that are called Judges must speak: Thus Isai. 8.20. sends the Church to the Law, and to the Testi­mony, and if they speak not according to this Word, it is because there is no light in them. It would be a Capital crime, if the authority of the Kings Edicts should be despised, because the Paper upon which the Edicts are written doth not speak. By speaking thus, they perceive not that by the same reason they reject the Councils, the Fathers, and the Decrees of the Popes, who are dead long since, and declare that they will not have them for Judges: For the Tomes of the Councils, and the Fathers, and the Roman Decree speak no more then the Paper and Ink of Scripture. And if the Word Judge displeaseth our Adversaries, at least they should not take from Scripture the title of a perfect Rule to rule our Faith, which is the title that Chrysostom giveth to Scripture in the 13. Homily upon the 2. Epistle to the Corinthians, where he calls it, [...]. an exact ballance, a square and a rule of all things. But that doth not suit with our Adversaries humor; forBellar. lib. 4. de Verbo Dei. cap. 12. Scri­pturae finem proprium & praecipuum non fuisse ut esset regula fidei. Bellarmine saith, that the proper and principal end of Scripture was not to be the Rule of Faith. And Stapleton; Stapl. lib. 2. de Authoritate Scripturae Dixi & dico non tam ipsi­us sidei regu­lam in se esse Scripturam quàm ipsa­rum Scriptu­rarum regu­lam esse fi­dem Ecclesiae. Scripture is not so much the Rule of Faith, as the Faith of the Church is the rule of Scripture. And Charron in the 3. verity, The Scripture is not, and cannot be the last Rule and the Soveraign Judge of the Doctrine.

They add, that the Church is sooner known then Scripture; and that which is more known, must have more authority. By that reason we should honour men more then God, because we know them sooner, and more clearly then God. Besides, it is false, that the Church is sooner known with a distinct knowledge then Scripture, with such a knowledge as makes one truly know which is the true Church. Without knowing the doctrine contained in the holy Scriptures, one may see the Church as a society of men. But thereby one cannot know whe­ther it be the true and Orthodox Church: For so much cannot be known, but after one hath been instituted in the Doctrine contained in the holy Scriptures.

But, say they, the Church hath changed some Laws contained in the Scripture, as the prohibition of eating blood and strangled things, Act. 15. I answer, that this Law ought to be kept, but that Scripture teacheth us that it was altered. That alteration is found 1 Cor. 10.27. which was written since that order made Act. 15. for the Apostle Paul speaks thus, If any of them that believe not, bid you to a feast, and ye be disposed to go, whatsoever is set before you, eat, asking no question for conscience sake. Now it might easily happen that on the tables of the Infidels some blood was served, or some strangled thing. Should the Church which is subject unto God, and to his Laws, have authority to abolish Gods Laws? Must the Laws depend from the authority of Subjects? By this means the Church shall have no other laws but such as she will like and au­thorize.

One of the ordinariest reasons which our Adversaries use, to depress the dig­nity of holy Scripture, and bring it under unwritten Tradition, is to say, that God hath commanded the Prophets and Apostles to speak and preach, not to write. If the Priests had as carefully perused Scripture as they do their Missal, they would not speak so; for they should have found Exod. 17.14. that God said to Moses, Write this for a memorial in a Book. And Deut. 17.18. God will have the King of Israel to keep a copy of the Book of the Law. God himself writ his ten Commandments with his finger in the stone. And Isai. 30.8. God saith to his Prophet, Now go, write it before them in a Table, and note it in a Book, that it may be for the time to come for ever and ever. And Jer. 36.2. Take thee a Roll of a Book, and write therein all the words that I have spoken unto thee. The same Commandment is given to Hab. 2.2. Write the Vision. And to St. John, Rev. 1.11. What thou seest write in a Book. The Apostle 2 Tim. 3.16. saith, that All Scri­pture is given by inspiration of God. Now the Inspiration of God is stronger then a [Page 63] Commandment; for Commandments strike the cars, but Inspiration changeth the heart: Many disobey the Commandment of God; but one cannot have a will to resist his Inspiration when it is once come. When God inspires one to speak and to write, not only he commands him to speak or to write, but also he speaks and writes by him: His Inspirations are not only imperative, but ope­rative. Wherefore Austin in the first Book of the consent of Evangelists in the 7. chap. saith, thatQuic­quid ille de suis sactis & dictis nos legere voluit, hoc scriben­dum illis tan­quam suis manibus im­peravit. Whatsoever God would have us to read of his deeds and sayings, he commanded them to write it, as if they had been his own hands.

Finally, they go about to prove the authority of the Church above Scripture, because the Church can add to Scripture, and give Laws not contained in Scri­pture. This they call Traditions, and the unwritten word. Of which Traditions (with Gods help) we will treate hereafter.

CHAP. 20. Examination of the places of the Ancients which M. du Perron objecteth to this purpose.

BEing beaten out of all their reasons, they have recourse (as it is their man­ner) to the Fathers. For it can hardly be but that in such an infinite number of Books of the Antients something may be found, which they may draw to their advantage.

They say that the Fathers confute by the authority of the Church those Here­ticks that rejected some part of Scripture, and that Tertullian in the Book of Prescriptions would convince them by the authority of the Apostolical Churches; That St. Austin against the Epistle of the Foundation, disputeth thus against the Manicheans; It is necessary for me to believe that Book if I believe the Gospel, since the authority of the Catholick Church commendeth both the one and the other Scripture.

We answer, that against those that reject Scripture or part of it, we must in­deed, out of necessity make use of some other proof or authority then that of Scripture, which they reject. So when we dispute against Pagans that reject all the holy Scripture, we employ humane reason to endeavour to make them receive the Scripture. But hence it follows not, that we give authority to humane reason over the Scripture.

Secondly, we must consider that Tertullian lived about an hundred and twenty years after the Apostles, when it was easie enough to prove, that all the Churches founded by the Apostles, had alwayes kept the same Doctrine; but now after so many ages and revolutions, that argument hath no more place. Already in Austins time the Orthodox Churches dissented about the number of the Canonical Books, as he testifieth in the 8. chapter of the 2. Book of the Christian Doctrine, where he adviseth the faithful ReaderIn Cano­nicis Scriptu­ris Ecclesi­arum Catho­licarum quam plurium au­thoritatem se­quatur. In eis quae non reci­piuntur ab omn [...]bus prae­ponat eas quas plures gravioresque accipiunt. to receive those Books for Canonical, which most Churches receive; and where the Churches do not agree, to follow those which have the greater authority.

They object also this place of Austin against Cresconius in the 1. Book, ch. 33. The truth of Scripture is kept by us when we do that which the Ʋniversal Church liketh; which the very authority of Scripture doth recommend. But it is clear, that this text sets Scripture above the Church, since it groundeth the authority of the Church upon Scripture. Besides, in that place Austin doth not speak of matters necessary to salvation, but of some customs of an indifferent nature, wherein we willingly yield to the authority of a Church which is Orthodox and sound in the Faith. But that soundness in the faith is not known but by Scripture. And it is very considerable, that by the Universal Church Austin meant the Churches of Asia, Africa, and Europe, which at that time agreed, but now they are di­vided, [Page 64] and excommunicate one another. So that if Austin lived now, he could speak so no more.

But the place which they most brag of, is, that of the same Austin in the 5. chapter of the Book against the Epistle of the Foundation, where speaking of himself before he was a Christian, he saith, As for me, I had not believed the Gospel, had not the authority of the Church moved me. But I see not how they can thence infer that the Church hath more authority over us then the Gospel. A son may say, I should not fear God, nor believe his Gospel, had not my Fathers au­thority brought me to it. Doth it follow therefore that such a son acknowledgeth his Fathers authority greater then that of God, or his Word? Only he saith, that God made use of that means to draw him to his fear. In the beginnings God many times makes use of weak means, and probable reasons to draw us to him­self: But after, he gives us stronger reasons, and by his Spirit giveth us a Faith which is not grounded upon the testimony of men, but upon his Word.

Observe by the way St. Austins style, crederem for credidissem, and commoveret for commovisset. It is the custom of this Author, and of the Africans: as in the 2. Book of the City of God, chap. 22. Collis Capitolinus ipse caperetur, nisi saltem anseres Diis dormientibus vigilarent. And in the 2. Book of Perseverance, ch. 9. Tyr & Sydon crederent si viderent haec signa: And in a thousand other places he saith, crederent for credidissent, as among others in this place, which is thus alledged byGerson Tom. 1. pag. 523. Gerson, Evangelio non crederem nisi me authoritas Ecclesiae com­movisset. And which is more, Pope Leo the X. in the Bull Exurge, which is in the end of the last Council of Lateran, alledgeth the same place in this manner, Ʋt dixerit Augustinus se Evangelio non fuisse crediturum nisi Ecclesiae Catholicae intervenisset authoritas. Andradius in the 2. book of the defence of the Tridentine Faith, picks a quarrel with Durandus, because in that text of St. Austin, by the Church, he understands only the Church of the time of the Apostles. Wherein Durandus speaks not without reason.

CHAP. 21. Of the Authority of the Church to interpret Scripture infallibly.

THis question is one of those where impiety and tyrannie are most open. The Roman Church boasteth that she cannot err, and that she is the infallible Judge of all doubts and Controversies in Religion. Now the most part of the que­stions of Religion is about the duty which the Church oweth unto God. Must then the Church be Judge of that duty which she oweth unto God? And when the dispute is about the authority of the Church, must the Church be Judge of her own authority? The assuming of that power giveth fair play to the Prelates to be their own carvers, and to deal unto themselves such a game as they like best, yea so far as to subject the Word of God unto their authority.

And indeed the Roman Church with the same pride attributes unto her self the right and authority of judging of the sense of Scripture, and giving an infal­lible interpretation of the same, of the like force and authority as the writings of the Prophets and Apostles: For (say their Doctors) the Spouse only knows the intention of her Bridegroom. And St. Peter saith in his second Epistle, that the There is in the Text no prophesie, &c. 2. Pet. 1.20. Prophets are not of private interpretation.

And here they bestow calumnies upon us with a liberal hand, saying, that every private man among us expounds Scripture after his own fancy, as being inspired of God. But we take no such thing upon us: Rather we maintain that in things necessary to salvation, Scripture is so clear, that it needs no Interpreter; and the Interpretations that we use in our Sermons, and Books, are not ours, but are drawn from Scripture, which expoundeth her self. And what interpretation [Page 65] soever we bring, the sense of private men is never given among us as a law.

For as there are two wayes of judging, the one which is no more but discern­ing, as when one judgeth of meats by the taste; the other which is pronouncing Decrees and Judgements with authority: so there are two sorts of interpretation of Gods Word; the one whereby each one saith his opinion about the sense of a Text of Scripture, as our Preachers and Commentators do; who give not their interpretations for laws; neither doth any hold himself of necessity obliged to follow their opinion, but so far as it is grounded upon Scripture. But there is an Interpretation which hath the force of a law, as when the King himself interprets his own Proclamation, or when a man cleareth his Will by a Codicil: For that kind of intepretation, we use none but such as God himself useth, when one text of Scripture doth expound another. It is proper to the Roman Church to ascribe to her self to be an infallible Interpreter of Scripture, and to bring interpreta­tions of equal authority with the Word of God; and those interpretations taken for the most part, not from the Word of God, but from the unwrit­ten word.

The worst is, that such Interpretations are of greater authority with the ignorant people then the Holy Scripture, since the people is not obliged to fol­low the words of Scripture, but is subjected unto the interpretation of the Ro­man Church.

I have much to do to perswade my self, that our Adversaries speak in good earnest when they speak thus; For they plead for an Interpretation which is not to be found, since there is no such thing in being, as an Interpretation or Exposition of Scripture approved by the Universal Church. There is no Book of which one may say, Behold the Ecclesiastical Exposition of Scripture allowed by the Uni­versal Church: Only divers Comments and Sermons are found of Authors, some old, some late, that dissent in their Interpretations; upon none of which the Ro­man Church doth pin her Faith.

How unjust is that claim of the Roman Church! to be an infallible Interpreter, and Judge of those Texts which concern the authority of the Roman Church: for so she will be Judge in her own cause, and in the question, Whether the Church must be Judge, the Church her self shall be Judge.

Nothing is further from reason, then to require that men sinful and guilty be­fore God, such as we are all, be infallible Judges of the sense of that Law by which their sin must be judged: As if Fellons in the Jayl would be Judges of the sense of that Law which concerns their crime.

That Master to whom his servants take the liberty to say, You have commanded us such a thing, but we give you to your command such an interpretation, must not expect much obedience from such servants. By such interpretations servants might turn their Master out of doors. The Glossaries of the Decretals, Caus. 25. qu. 1. Canon. Sunt quidam, are so bold as to say, ThatPapa dis­pensat in Evangelio in­terpretando ipsum. the Pope dispen­seth in matter of the Gospel, by giving interpretation to it. And we shall see hereafter that the Church of Rome contradicteth Scripture under that colour of Interpretation.

Pride and Ambition have hatcht that Monster, and intangled the spirits of men with violent interpretations, fitted to the profit of those jolly men, who triumph over the ignorance of the people. But things necessary to salvation are so clearly set down in Scripture, that they need no Interpreter: as St. Austin saith in his fiftieth Treatise upon St. John, Quaedam in Scripturis tam manifesta sunt, ut potius auditorem quam exposi­torem deside­rent. There are things so clear in Scri­pture, that they require rather a Hearer then an Interpreter. And in the Book of the Unity of the Church, chap. 16. These words, In thy seed shall all Na­tions be blessed, need no Interpreter. And a little after, These words, Christ must have suffered and risen the third day, need no Interpreter, &c. As these words, This Gospel of the Kindom shall be preacht over all the world, &c. need no In­terpreter, &c.Sicut non eget interprete Sinite utra­que crescere usque ad messem, quia cum egeret interprete, ip­se Dominus interpretatus est. As these words, Let both grow until the harvest, need no Inter­preter, because when they needed interpretation, Christ himself did interpret them. And if some hard Text be found in Scripture, it is better to be ignorant of the [Page 66] sense of it, then to presume to be infallible Judge of the Word of God. Take me that Text, the sense whereof is most controverted, even these words, This is my Body. The way is easie to end the difference, by keeping close to the form of the Institution, that is, by speaking and doing as Jesus Christ spake and did with his Disciples, without any more dispute; believing that Jesus Christ brake and gave bread to his Disciples, and that the bread which he gave is his body, and that it is the remembrance of him; that he drunk the fruit of the Vine, and that we eat bread: For all these are words of Scripture, in which no command is found to worship that which we eat, or to sacrifice the body of Jesus Christ.

Here any man that hath not put his own reason under interdict, will easily judge what clearing of Scripture can be expected from the Pope, and the Prelates, and Doctors of his Church: For is it credible that those that hide the Scripture from the people, would seriously go about to clear it? or that they would have Scripture to be understood, when they will not have it seen?

Let any man of sound judgement, consider whether the High Priests which in the time of King Manasseh had suffered the Book of the Law to be lost, or those Priests to whom the Prophet Malachy makes that reproach, that they had corrupted the Law, should have been good Intepreters of the Law, which they had lost or corrupted?

Should the Scribes and Pharisees sitting in Moses chair have been chosen to be Interpreters of the Law, seeing that the Lord Jesus, Matth. 5. repurged the Law from their false interpretations? and Matth. 15. reproacheth them, that they had transgressed the Law of God by their Tradition?

Had Pope John XXIII. who denyed the immortality of the soul, been a good Interpreter of the Texts that speak of eternal life? Should the Popes, who set up Brothel-houses at Rome, and make a sale of Dispensations and Absolutions, be good Interpreters of those Texts that prohibit Fornication, and the traffique of spiritual things? Should the Pope, who forbids the marriage of Bishops, and Priests, be a good Interpreter of the Text of the Apostle? Let the Bishop be blame­less, the husband of one wife, — having his children in subjection with all gra­vity? 1 Tim. 2. Should the Roman Church (which hath cut off from the Offices and Breviaries the second Commandment, Thou shalt not make to thy self any graven Image, or any likeness, &c.) be a faithful Interpreter of that Command­ment which she hath supprest?

In a word, it is certain, that if Felons be Judges of the sense and interpretation of Laws, they will be sure alwayes to bring favourable Interpretations to their crimes. Neither is there any thing so unjust as this Doctrine, that makes sinners infallible Interpreters of the sense of Gods Laws, whereby their sin is condemned. But they much deceive themselves, if they believe that God in the last day will judge them, not according to the words of his Law, but according to their in­terpretation.

And whosoever will sift narrowly that Proposition, That the Pope with his Ro­man Church is a Soveraign and infallible Interpreter of Gods Law, and of the holy Scriptures, shall find that the Pope under the name of an Interpreter makes him­self a Law-giver, yea that he lifts up himself above God; since by that rule the people is no more subject and bound to the words of the Law which God hath pronounced, but to the Interpretations of that Soveraign and infallible In­terpreter; who will not fail to give such Interpretations as will be lucrative to himself, and will exalt his Empire. It is certain, that if there were in France such a Soveraign and infallible Interpreter of the Kings Edicts, he could give Interpre­tations which would strip the King of all authority. It is by those Interpretations that the Pope was raised to such a high Throne.

CHAP. XXII. Seven differences between our Interpretations of Scripture, and those of the Roman Church.

COmparing our way of interpreting the Scripture with that of the Roman Church, I find seven differences between them.

I. The first is, that our interpretations are taken from Scripture it self; but the interpretations of the Roman Church, are not fetcht from Scripture, but from the unwritten word. The Council of Trent interprets these words of the Lord, Do this in remembrance of me; as if thereby he instituted an unbloody sa­crifice of his body in the Eucharist: But of that unbloody sacrifice of the Lords body, Scripture makes no mention.

Scripture saith, Thou shalt worship the Lord thy God, Mark 4.10. and him only shalt thou serve. The interpretation of our Adversaries, is, that the Lord will have the cult of latria deferred unto God alone; for (say they) the cult of dulia is for the Saints: But that distinction is not found in Scripture, which will have the cult of dulia deferred unto God; as Rom. 12.11. [...], yielding dulia un­to God: And Mat. 6.24. You cannot [...], yield dulia unto God and to Mammon.

Jesus Christ said to Peter, I have prayed for thee that thy faith fail not. Luke 22.31. They interpret it as a promise made to Peter and to the Popes his successors, that they cannot err in the faith: But of Popes and of a succession in the Apostleship of Saint Peter, there is not one single word in the whole Scripture.

Austin in his book of the unity of the Church, chap. 5. acknowledgeth no other way to interpret Scripture but by Scripture it self.Quae si in Scripturis non inveni­rentur, nullo modo esset un­de aperiren­tur clausa, & illustra­rentur obscu­ra. If (saith he) those things were not found in the Scriptures, there would be no way to lay open those things that are hid, and to clear those that are dark. And in the second book of Christian Doctrine, chap. 6. None almost of those obscurities are brought forth, but are found very clearly delivered in other places. And in the ninth chapter,Ad ob­scuriores lo­cutiones il­lustrandas de manifestiori­bus sumantur exempla. To clear the darker expressions, let examples be taken from the clearer places. And Basil in his Asceticks, in the Answer to the two hundred sixty seventh interrogati­on: The things which seem obscurely said in some places of Scripture, are expound­ed in other places, and clearly set down.

II. The second difference is, that when we have expounded Scripture out of Scri­pture, we exhort the people to read and consult the places; But the Roman Church removes Scripture from the eyes of the people: Their Preachers alledge Scripture in Sermons; but they will not suffer the people to go and see whether they have faithfully alledged it. The interpreters of the Imperial Laws,Note. put the Text of the Laws before their interpretation; But the Pope and the Roman Church give an interpretation without a Text; and while they interpret the Text of Scripture unto the people, they forbid the people to see the Text of Scripture, thereby giving to themselves licence of deceiving, and insinuating their contradictions un­to Scripture under colour of interpretation.

III. We say that Scripture needs no interpreter in things necessary to salvation, and that it is clear enough of it self: But our Adversaries find it obscure; And they have some reason for it: Fot one with Argus eyes cannot find in Scripture the invocation of Saints, nor the sacrifice of the Mass, nor the succession of the Pope in the place of Saint Peter. We say then with Saint Austin in the second book of the Christian Doctrine, in the ninth chapter, ThatIn his quae apertè posita sunt in Scripturis, in­veniuntur il­la omnia quae continent fi­dem moresque vivendi. in the things that are clearly set down in Scripture, all things are found which concern faith and manners to live well: And that so much as is clear in Scripture, is sufficient unto salvation.

IV. We give not our interpretations for Laws; but the Roman Church attri­butes that perfection to her self, to judge infallibly of the sense of Scripture.

V. We do not wrest Scripture by violent interpretations, and put it not upon [Page 68] the wrack to make it serve ambition or covetousness. Pope Nicolas the I. in the Epistle to the Greek Emperor Michael, proveth the Papal power,Porro specialiter ost [...]nsum est ut ea macta­ret & man­ducaret. Illi soli jussum est ut rete plenum piscibus-ad littus trahe­ret. 1 Cor. 2. because it was said to Saint Peter, Kill and eat; and because that priviledge was granted to Peter alone to draw a net full of fishes to Land. And Pope Boniface the VIII. Extravagante Ʋnam sanctam, proveth his soveraignty and primacy, because it is written, In principio creavit Deus coelum & terram. In the beginning God created heaven and earth. And because Saint Paul saith, Spiritualis homo judicat omnia; The Spiritual man discerneth all things: Whence he inferreth in the same place, that the Pope must judge of all things. And because Saint Peter having said, Here is two Swords, Jesus Christ answered, It is enough, he gathereth that the two swords, the spiritual and the temporal, belong unto the Pope: With such interpre­tations brought by the Popes and their Councils, one might fill many pages. The last Council of Lateran, in the IX Session, alledgeth these words of Psalm 72. All the Kings of the earth shall worship him; and will have that understood of the Pope. Bellarmin in the fifth book de Pontifice, chap. 8. and in his book against Barchlay, chap. 25. proveth, that the Pope may dispose of the life and crown of Kings;§. Prae­tere [...] & §. Item. because the Lord said unto Peter, Feed my Lambs: And in the first book de Clericis, chap. 19. he proveth that Priests must abstain from women, be­cause the Priests were commanded to have their loins girt about, and to wear drawers. The same thing is proved by Pope Innocent the I.Dist. 82. Can. Propo­suisti. because it is writ­ten, They that are in the flesh, cannot please God.

VI. Also that reproach cannot be objected unto us, that we bring interpreta­tions which are rather evident contradictions and corruptions of Scripture, as the Roman Church doth. As when Jesus Christ said to the thief, This day thou shalt be with me in Paradise; the interpretation of the Roman Church, by Para­dise, understands Hell: And when the Law saith, Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy strength; they understand that God contents himself with part of our strength; for if he would have all our strength, it should be impossible to make works of overplus. And when Christ saith, Drink ye all of this; they expound it, that this Commandment obligeth none but Clergy-men; so that the word all must signifie not all. And when Saint Paul saith, Let the Bishop be the Husband of one Wife; by the word be, they understand have been, but be no more. And when Saint Paul 1 Cor. 10.16. saith, The bread which we break, is it not the com­munion of the body of Christ? by the bread, they understand not bread but flesh; and by breaking, they understand not breaking; for the body of the Lord can no more be broken; and by the communion of the body of Christ, they under­stand not the communion with that body, but the very body of Christ.

VII. Finally, our interpretations of Scripture are not ridiculous, and done pur­posely to bring the word of God into contempt, such as many interpretations used by the Roman Church; those especially which the second Council of Nice brings for the adoration of images. There these Texts are alledged, Shew me thy face, and make me hear thy voice, Cant. 2. God created man after his image and likeness. And None having lighted the candle, layeth it under a bushel. Whence the Council inferreth that images must be worshipped. And these goodly proofs are praised and defended by Pope Adrian, That book of Adrian is found in the third Tome of the Coun­cils. who hath written a book purposely for the de­fence of that Council.

I will add one Text more, which alone for all, may shew the horrible profana­tion, and intolerable licence of the Adversaries, to corrupt Scripture under colour of interpretation. Christ, Mat. 16. said to Peter, Whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth, shall be bound in heaven; and whatsoever thou shalt loose on earth, shall be loosed in heaven. 1. First, our Adversaries will have these words to be spoken not only to Saint Peter, but also to the Popes which bear themselves as Successors of the Primacy and Apostleship of Saint Peter; although Scripture give no suc­cessor to Saint Peter in his Apostleship, nor in the conduct of the Universal Church, no more then to the other Apostles. 2. Secondly, by vertue of these words, Whatsoever thou shalt loose on earth, the Pope looseth also under the earth, and draws souls out of Purgatory. 3. Thirdly, The power of loosing the pains [Page 69] of sins, being given to the Apostles, the Pope extends that power so far as to dis­solve contracts, and separate lawful marriages, contracted and blessed in the Church: Also by vertue of these words, Whatsoever thou shalt loose, &c. the Pope looseth oaths and vows, and looseth Subjects from the bonds of subjection and fealty to their soveraign Prince, and gives licence to Christians to break their faith; and violate their Oath. 4. Fourthly, the Pope hath reserved some cases unto himself, and certain sins in great number, which are called reserved cases, of whom, none but he can give the absolution but at the point of death: And yet Christ, Mat. 18. said to all the Apostles, and by consequence to all their successors, Whatsoever you shall bind on earth, shall be bound in heaven, and what­soever you shall loose, &c. And Joh. 20.23. Whosesoever sins ye remit, they shall be remitted; without reserving any case to Saint Peter. 5. Fifthly, by that Text, the power of binding, and that of loosing, are equally given to Peter; and one of those two powers reacheth no further then the other: Yet by vertue of that Text, the Pope pretends to loose in Purgatory; but there he never binds, and never made use of that power towards the souls in Purgatory. 6. Finally, the judicial power of binding and loosing, given unto Peter and the Apostles, reaching but to Eccle­siastical pains, the Pope extends that power even to the judicial seat of God, as if those that are absolved by men, were no more accountable before God. Thus upon one only Text, they commit six notable depravations mingled with impiety, under colour of interpretation.

CHAP. XXIII. Examination of the Reasons which Cardinal du Perron brings in the fifth chapter, for the authority of the Church, to interpret Scripture in­fallibly.

THe Cardinal in the fifth chapter of his first book against his Majesty of Great Britain, alledgeth Hierom, saying, thatHier. contra Luci­fer. the Scriptures consist not in the reading, but in the intelligence. That is true; but is it of any force to attribute that perfection to the Church to interpret Scripture infallibly? Especially, of what force is that to authorize the interpretations of the Roman Church, rather then those of the Greek or the Ethiopian Church? And after all, where shall we find the interpretations of the Roman Church? For they are nowhere ex­tant; for none of the interpretations that go about, are generally approved by publike authority.

He adds that it is necessary to be first certain of the interpretation of Scripture,Pag. 21. and that by an infallible way: But it is an error to think, that in matters necessary to salvation, Scripture stands in need of interpretation. Chrysostom upon 2 Thes. 2. speaks thus, [...]. All things that are in the divine Scriptures, are clear and right; All that is necessary, is clear in them. Austin in the second book of Christian Doctrine, chap. 9.In his quae apertè in Scriptura posi­ta sunt, inve­niuntur illa omnia quae continent fi­dem moresque vivendi. In the things that are openly set down in the Scripture, all things are found that concern faith and manners to live well: And in the sixteenth chapter of the book of the unity of the Church, he brings many Texts of Scri­pture which he saith have need of no interpretation.

Another reason of M. du Perron, is, that all the conclusions of Faith, which are not found in express terms, and incapable of ambiguity in Scripture, that they may be conclusions of faith; and infallible decisions must be inferred one of these three wayes; by humane reasoning, or by private inspiration, or by the authority of an outward mean interposed by God, between the Scripture and us, &c. Now that mean he saith to be the Church, to which he giveth infallible autho­rity to interpret Scripture. But still he stumbleth at that stone, presupposing against truth, that in points necessary to salvation, Scripture hath need of an interprter.

It will not be found in express terms in Scripture, that God governeth the [Page 70] world by his providence: Yet that we believe, not by humane reasoning, nor by revelation, nor by the authority of any Interpreters, but by Scripture, which saith the same thing in equivalent terms,Eph. 1. Matth. 10. when it teacheth us, that God doth all things according to the pleasure of his will: That a Sparrow falls not without his will, and that the hairs of our head are numbred. Then the Cardinals argument halteth, because his enumeration is imperfect; For besides these three means there is a fourth, sufficient to establish a doctrine, when a proposition which is not foud in expresse terms, and in so many syllables in Scripture, is found there in equivalent terms, which comes all to one.

CHAP. 24. Of the authority of the Church, to alter that which God commandeth in Scri­pture. Confutation of the Cardinal.

AMong the impious doctrines, whereby the enemies of the heavenly truth spit against Heaven, this is one of the prime and boldest, to say, that it is in the power of the Church, to alter that which God commandeth in Scripture, that is, to make commandments contrary to Gods Commandments. This M. du Per­ron teacheth,Pag. 674. in the 3. observation of the second book, in the 3. chap. the title whereof is, Of the authority of the Church, in the alteration as well of the things contained in Scripture, as of those that are delivered to the Church by Apostolical tradition. This is exalting men above God, and subjecting the Word of God unto the will of man. And in the 675. page he saith, There are some things written which the Church hath altered and changed in the practice, as the ordinance of abstain­ing from blood and things strangled, which is set down in express terms in Scripture, Acts 15.

I answer, that the Church should be obliged to keep that Commandment to this day, and could by no means be dispensed from it, but that the alteration of that Commandment is found in Scripture it self. For the Apostle St. Paul hath writ the first Epistle to the Corinthians many years after the prohibition of eating blood and strangled things. Now in that Epistle the Apostle teacheth, that all such Commandments, and all distinctions of meats are abolished, when he saith in the 10. chap. v. 27. If any of them that believe not, bid you to a feast, and you are disposed to go, whatsoever is set before you eat, asking no question for conscience sake. Observe also, that the Church in the Apostles time, had an authority which the Churches of the following ages had not; For the Apostles which governed the Universal Church, had the Spirit of God in greater measure. If they then mo­ved by Gods Spirit, have altered something in their own constitutions about the discipline of the Church, it followeth not that the Churches of posterior ages have authority to alter the constitutions of the Apostles.

The Cardinal brings another example of altering by the authority of the Church, that which is contained in Scripture; namely, the changing of the im­mersion, or dipping which was usual in Baptism, into aspersion. But it is false that there is any command in Scripture of baptizing with immersion: And therefore it cannot be truly said, that herein the Church hath made any alteration in Gods Ordinance. Neither is it found, that the Roman Church hath constituted any thing about that, or made any law to alter the institution of Jesus Christ in that point.

The Cardinal makes bold to add to these, the removing of the cup from the Eu­charist; for he confesseth thatLast ch. of the Com­munion un­der the two kinds. p. 1109, & 1115. it is Christs institution that we should take the Sacrament under the two kinds, but he saith, that the Church hath dispensed from that Commandment. For (saith he) to the Church it belongs to judge what my­steries of Christ are dispensable, and acknowledgeth that the Church had the power to use both dispensation and alteration in this: Words able to make any mans hair to [Page 71] stand, if he loveth God; For thereby the Cardinal declareth that the Roman Church is not subject to Gods Commandment, since she can dispence from it; yea that the Roman Church is above God, since she can change his laws and cor­rect his command.

Now that none think that herein M. du Perron is singular, and hath followed his own ordinary inclination to despise the holy Scripture, it will be to good pur­pose, to shew that it is the ordinary language of the most famous Doctors of the Roman Church.

Vasquez Tom. 3. Disput. 260. num. 60. Licet conce­deremus hoc suisse Apo­stolicum prae­ceptum, ni­bilominus Ecclesia & summus Pontifex po­tuerunt illud justis de cau­sis abrogare. Neque enim major fuit potestas Apo­stolorum quam Eccle­siae & Pon­tificis in fe­rendis prae­ceptis.The Jesuit Vasquez, speaking of the Lords Commandment, Drink ye all of this, saith, Though we should grant that it was a Commandment of the Apostles, yet the Church and the soveraign Prelate had the power to abolish it for just causes; For the power of the Apostles in making ordinances, was no greater then that of the Church and the Pope.

Andradius in the 2. Book of the Tridentine faith,Minime vero majores nostri religione, & pietate praestantes haec Apostolorum; & quam plurima alia decreta refigere in animum induxissent, nisi intellexissent, &c. Our ancestors, men ex­cellent in religion and piety, would never have disanulled those decrees of the Apo­stles and many more, but that, &c. Whence he inferreth, thatLiquet minime illos errasse qui dixerunt Romanos Pontifices posse nonnunquam in legibus dispensare à Paulo, & quatuor Conciliis. those have not er­red, who said that the Popes of Rome may sometimes dispence from obeying the Apostle Paul, and the four first Councils.

The Council of Trent in the V. Session, was so bold, as to pronounce that the concupiscence forbidden by the law is no sin; And that although the Apostle Paul calls it sin, yet to speak truly and properly, it is no sin. The words of the Coun­cil are,Hanc concupiscentiam quam aliquando Aposto­lus peccatum appellat, sancta Synodus declarat Ecclesiam Catholicam nunquam intellexisse peccatum appellari, quod ve­rè & propriè in renatis peccatum sit. The holy Council declareth, that the Catholick Church never understood that concupiscence, which in some places the Apostle calls sin, be truly & properly sin in the regenerate, that is, in the baptized. That venerable Council declareth, that if a baptized man covet his neighbours wife, he sinneth not, although God forbid it in his Law, and St. Paul call that concupiscence sin: And that the Apo­stle hath neither truly nor properly spoken.

The Council of Constance in the XIII. Session, acknowledgeth that Jesus Christ hath instituted, that the people in the Eucharist should receive the two kinds, and that the antient Church hath so practised it, and yet decreeth, that the custom of giving the bread only to the people, be held for a law, which it is not lawfull to reject or to change, declaring them hereticks which hold the contrary; and command­ing them to be punisht by the Inquisition, that is, to be burnt.

James Almain, a Sorbonist, in the book of the Ecclesiastical power, chap. 12. seems to incline to that opinion, that the Pope cannot dispense from the divine right: Nevertheless he alledgeth Panormitanus and Angelus, which say the con­trary; In the end, after some examples of permissions given by Popes, to marry two sisters against the Word of God, he pronounceth (as overcome by experience) this goodly sentence; Ergo Papa potest dispensare in illis quae sunt lege divina pro­hibita: Then the Pope can give dispensation in those things that are forbidden by Gods Law.

Thomas Aquinas goeth so far, as to say, thatThomas 2a 2 [...] qu. 1. Art. 13. Ad solam au­thoritatem summi Ponti­ficis pertinet nova edito Symboli. the Pope can make a new edition of the Symbole, that is, to make a new Christian Religion. Wherefore in the last Session of the Council of Florence, the power is attributed unto the Pope, to add to the Symbole.

Cardinal Tolet, in the 1. book of the Sacerdotal institution, chap. 68. excuseth the Pope for not receiving the bigames [that is, those that have been twice maried] unto the Priesthood, against the commandment of the Apostle: His reason is, thatCum cer­tum sit non omniae: quae Apostoli in­stituerunt, jure divino esse instituta. all that the Apostles have instituted, is not of divine right. It belongs then to the Pope to judge and discern what is of divine right among the writings of the Apostles, from that which is not. By which means, all that displeaseth him, will be of humane right.

Bellarmin in the 2. chap. of the book against Barcklay, Pontifex potest dispen­sare in vocis & juramen­tis quae Deus ipse jussit reddi, & quorum so­lutio est de jure divino. The Pope can give dispensations from vows and oaths which God hath commanded to be fulfilled, and the keeping whereof is of divine right. And in the 4. book de Pontifice, chap. 5.Si Papa erraret in praecipiendo vitia, & pro­hibendo vir­tutes, tene­retur Eccle­sia credere vi­tia esse bona, & virtutes malas, nisi vellet contra conscientiam peccare. If the Pope did erre, commanding vices and prohibiting vertues, the Church should be obliged to believe, that vices are good, and vertues evil, unless she would sin against conscience.

A thousand such passages of our Adversaries might be produced. The Canons and Decrees of the Popes are full of those goodly sentences, That the Pope can dispense against the Apostle and against the old Testament; Yea that he dispenseth against the Gospel by giving an interpretation to it. Also that the Pope can of wrong make right, and of evil good; Of which I have given several exam­ples in the Preface of this Book.

To which I will adde this corollary out of the Roman Decree, in the first que­stion of the 31. Cause. It is a Canon ascribed to Chrysostom, against second mar­riages. It speaks thusCan. Hac ratione. Secundam quidem accipere secundum praeceptum Apostli licitum est; secundum autem veritatis rationem vera fornicatio est; sed cum permittente Deo publicè & licenter committitur, fit honesta fornicatio. To marry a second wife according to the Apostles com­mand, is a lawful thing; but according to the reason of truth, it is true fornication; Which being done publickly and with licence, God permitting it, an honest fornication is committed. In the Roman Decree that Canon is suffered, in which the Apostle St. Paul is accused to have commanded fornication, and authorized it by his per­mission, and God himself is accused to have permitted it.

CHAP. 25. Which and of what nature must the marks of the Church be.

WE look not for the marks of the Church of the elect; She hath no marks. God alone knows them that are his, and marks them with the Spirit of ado­ption:2 Tim. 2.19. Nor for the marks of the Universal Church, which comprehendeth all them that make profession to be Christians; That profession is her mark, about which there is no dispute. The question is, touching the whole body of the Or­thodox Church joyned in communion. It is demanded, by what external marks she may be discerned from idolatrous, heretical, and schismatical Churches.

Those marks must be proper to that true Church, and perpetual. Also they must be sensible, and more known then the Church, since by them the Church is discerned. Wherefore if any marks of the Church be set forth, which be as much or more proper to Pagans or Jews, or societies of impure Christians, as to the true Church, or which be not alwaies proper to the Church, or that be less known then the Church, it is not a good mark; and we must look for other marks. So much the Jesuit Salmeron teacheth, in the XIII. Tome, in the 2. dispute upon St. Pauls Epistles, saying, thatPag. 191. Ad idoneum signum tria necessaria esse viden­tur. Ʋt sit verum, ut sit manifestum, ut alteri non quadret. to be a mark three things are requisite. 1. That it be true. 2. That it be evident. 3. That it be proper to none else. In 2am 2a Disp. 1. Quaest. 5. Punct. 7. Gregorius de Valentia saith the same.

CHAP. 26. Of the true Mark to discern the true Church.

THe Word of God, without which we should not know that it is Gods will that there be a Church in the world, teacheth us also to know her, and to difference her from other societies which err from the right way. That same word which giveth Laws to the Church, giveth also the evidence to know her.

Our Lord Jesus, John 8. hereby knoweth them that are his, if they keep his word. If you abide in my word, you shall be my Disciples indeed: And John 10.4, & 7. The sheep hear the voice of the Shepherd, for they know his voice, but a stranger they will not follow. Hereby then the true Church is known, which is the flock of Jesus Christ, and the assembly of his Disciples, if she conform herself unto the word of Jesus Christ, and follows the voice of the Son of God. Thus the true mark of the true Church shall be conformity unto the Word of God, and purity in the faith and true doctrine: Under which we comprehend also the good and lawfull administration of the Sacraments, and the legitimate order of the Ministry; for these things are prescribed in the Word of God. That purity in doctrine, and conformity to the Word of God is requisite, at the least in the foundation, and in things necessary to salvation. Upon which foundation, if any builds hay and stubble, that is, light and superfluous doctrines, yet not impious, nor subverting the fundamental truth, the Apostle excludeth not such a one from the hope of sal­vation, 1 Cor. 3.15.

To this purpose serve the words of Moses, Deut. 4.6. You shall keep these Com­mandments and do them, for this is your wisdom and your understanding in the sight of the nations which shall hear all these statutes, and say, This great nation is a wise and understanding People. There God declares that the wisdom of the Church is known by her doctrine.

The word Symbole is a proof in this question, for it signifieth a mark and livery. Then the Articles of our Creed are called the Symbole of the Christian Church, because it is the mark of the true Church; and because by the profession of that doctrine, and those doctrines that depend upon it, the Church is known.

Wherein reason is evident. For to discern a pure Church from an impure, there is no other way but to look whether it agreeth with the rule of purity: It being impossible to discern that Church which is pure in the faith, but by the rule of the faith, which is the Word of God. The right rule is the only mark to discern whe­ther a thing be right; and the true Church is not discerned but by the knowledge of the truth.

And since the true Church is opposed to hereticks and schismaticks, it is cer­tain, that as heretical Churches have no other marks to be known by, but the false doctrine, likewise the true Church is known only by the true doctrine.

That is the true Church, which is joyned together by the profession of the true faith and Communion of the Sacraments. This definition of the Church is re­ceived by the Adversaries. Whence it followeth, that the true Church is discern­ed by that profession of the true faith; For the definitions of things are purposely made to know and discern them, and must be more easie to know then the thing defined.

Now because the marks to know a thing, must be more known then that thing; upon that a dispute is moved between us and our Adversaries, which of the two is the easier to discern, the true Church, or the true doctrine. They affirm that the Church is more known, and more easie to know then the true faith and do­ctrine. We on the contrary maintain, that the true faith and doctrine is more easie to be known then the true Church, yea that it is impossible to have any cer­tain knowledge of the true Church, but by the true faith and doctrine.

One only demonstrative reason decides that difference. It is a rule without ex­ception, that definitions must be more known then the thing defined. As if I said, [Page 72] [...] [Page 73] [...] [Page 74] that expositions must be clearer then the things expounded, and that the candle must be lighter then the book that is read by it. If then true faith and doctrine enters into the definition of the Church, and makes part of the definition, it fol­lows of necessity, that true doctrine ought to be more known then the Church. Now this is the definition of the Church, according to Cardinal Bellarmine. Lib. 3. de Ecclesia mi­litante. c. 2. §. Nostra. The true Church is a society of men joyned together by the profession of the same Christian faith, &c. We must then know that Christian faith, before we know the true Church, since that faith is part of the definition of the Church. Mr. du Perron defineth the true Church in this manner, Book 1. chap. 8. The Church is the society of those whom God hath called to salvation by the profession of the true faith, &c. And Salmeron, XIII. Tome, in the first dispute upon St. Pauls Epistles, defines the Church coetum vocatorum à Deo per fidem, the assembly of those whom God hath called by faith, pag. 172. Since then the Church is defined by the profession of the true faith, the true faith must be known before we can know the true Church.

If the people ought to know the true Church before they know the true do­ctrine, it would follow, that they know the Christian Church before they know Jesus Christ; which is a proposition that contradicts it self; for one cannot know the Church of Christ, unless he know Christ, nor joyn with the Church of Christ, but after he hath known Christ; Now knowing Christ is knowing his nature and office, in which things the whole doctrine of the Gospel consisteth.

And whereas God draweth men to the Church by the preaching of the Gospel, as may be seen, Acts 2.47. where by Peters preaching many persons are added unto the Church, that they may be saved, it is clear that those persons had heard and comprehended the Word of God, before they would joyn with the Church, and that the Word of God was known to them before the Church was, since the knowledge of the Word is the means that God had used to bring them to the Church; for the means alwaies go before the end.

Our Adversaries themselves presuppose, that the Word of God ought to be more known then the Church, every time that they alledge any text of Scripture to defend the authority of their Church; For the proofs must be more known and more clear then the thing proved;Salmer. in Epist. Paul. Disput. 4. §. Inter. Hoc signum verbo Dei ac ratio­ne fulcien­dum. else one should prove a clear thing by a dark. Thus we see, that our Adversaries handling this question of the marks of the Church, labour to prove her marks by Scripture, presupposing that Scripture is more known then those marks.

Wherefore the Apostle Paul, Ephes. 2.10. groundeth the Church upon the Prophets and Apostles, that is, upon their doctrine. Now in matter of knowledge the grounds go before and are better known then the consequences that are built upon them.

For these causes the Apostles never exhorted any persons to aggregate them­selves with the Church, before they had instructed them in the faith in Jesus Christ. They preacht the doctrine of salvation, which whosoever believed, thereby made himself one of the Church, without any other search of the Church and her marks.

If any meeting with the true Church, joyned himself with her without know­ledge of the true faith and doctrine, that is, not knowing Jesus Christ and his grace, such a man should be a Christian in name only and by chance, owing his religion to his birth, or to custom and the course of civil affairs, and would be of another religion, if publick business, or his private interest steered his course another way.

And whereas there are many dissenting Churches, and in all those Churches one holy Scripture received; it must be Scripture that makes us know the true Church, and be the Judge to decide that difference. But the Church is not the Judge of holy Scripture, but only the witness and the keeper of the same, as we proved before.

CHAP. 27. Testimonies of the Fathers. Confutation of the Cardinals answer.

AƲstin in the book of the Unity of the Church, chap. 16. speaks thus,Ecclesiam suam demon­strent, si pos­sunt, non in sermonibus & rumoribus Afrorum, &c. sed in prae­scripto Legis, in Propheta­rum paerdictis, in Psalmorum cantibus, &c. in ipsius Pa­storis voci­bus, &c. hoc est, in omni­bus canonicis sanctorum li­brorum au­thoritatibus. Let them shew us their Church if they can, not by the words and rumors of the Africans, nor by the Councils of their Bishops, nor by the writings of disputers whosoever they be, nor by false signs and miracles, for the Word of the Lord hath warned us, and made us circumspect against that: But by the Law, by the predictions of the Prophets, by the songs of the Psalms, by the sermons of the Gospels, that is, by the Canonical books. And in his Epistle to Bonifacius, In the holy books wherein the Lord is mani­fested, there also the Church is manifested. And a little after, The Church is not counterfeited by contentious opinions, but is proved by divine testimonies. And in the 166. Epistle, We have learned Christ in the Scriptures, there we have learned the Church. And chap. 2. of the Unity of the Church, Between us and the Do­natists, the question is, Where the Church is? What shall we do then? Shall we seek her in our words, or in the words of our head the Lord Jesus Christ? I think that we ought rather to seek her in his words. And a little after, I will not have any to shew me the Church by humane documents, but by divine oracles. And chap. 3. Let us then seek the Church in Canonical books. Again, There are books of the Lord, about whose authority we both consent; we believe them, we serve them. There let us seek the Church, there let us decide our cause. But above all, these words of the 16. chap. are express:Ʋtrum ipsi Ecclesiam teneant non­nisi divina­rum Scriptu­rarum ca­nonicis libris ostendant. Let them shew us whether they have the Church, Only by the Ca­nonical books of the divine Scriptures. He receiveth no other proof of the Church but by the Scriptures. Hierom upon the 133. Psalm saith all in two words, Ecclesia ibi est, ubi sides vera est. The Church is there where true faith is.

To these M. du Perron, in the 71. chap. of his first book against his Ma­jesty, answereth, that Austin means not that we must judge of the doctrine of the Church by the Scriptures, but only that we must seek the marks of the Church in the Scriptures. This is already a great point granted; for thereby he confess­eth, that in the question concerning the marks of the Church, Scripture must be Judge. If then Scripture be Judge in that question, why not in other questions? But whosoever shall converse a little with Austin's writings, shall find, that in all points of Religion he taketh Scripture for his Judge, and that there is hardly one leaf in all his works, where he doth not alledge some text of Scripture for that end. For indeed that means of judging of the Doctrine of the Church being re­moved, what doth remain, but that the Church be judge in her own cause, and that about the doctrine of the Church the only verdict of the Church be credited. Whereupon the Cardinals words are very notable; That in the question about the body of the Church, Austin will have the matter decided by Scripture, because that in the controversie where the debate was, which of the two societies was the Church, the voice of the true Church could not be discerned. The like, or rather stronger reason will be found in all the points of controversie, where is question of the duty of the Church, or of her authority; For there the Church cannot be Judge; else she should be Judge in her own cause. If in the contention between two contrary Churches, to know which of them is the true Church, Scripture must be Judge, as the Cardinal doth acknowledge; In the dispute between us and the Church of Rome upon that point, why shall not Scripture be Judge of our difference? And what will become of that fine maxime of the Cardinal in the 7. chap. of the 4 part of his first book, where he affirmeth, that to cleanse the Church from her pretended corruptions, one must not have recourse to the time of the Apostles; that is, Scripture must not be received for Judge, neither must we in our controversies look upon the primitive pure time, or that doctrine of the Apo­stles, which themselves have set down in writing.

The same words of the Cardinal, overthrow that thredbare objection of our [Page 76] Adversaries, that one cannot know that such a book is Scripture but by the Church. For behold one of the most eminent Cardinals of the Roman Church, who confesseth with Austin, that one cannot know the Church but by the Scripture.

Now that not only in the question of the marks of the Church, but in other questions Austin will have the Scripture to be judge, it is easie to prove it. In the book of grace and free-will, chap. 18. he chooseth the Apostle Saint John for Judge in that matter, Sedeat internos judex Apostolus Johannes, &c. Let the Apostle John sit Judge betwixt us. Upon which he alledgeth a Text of that Apostle. And in the second book of marriage and concupiscence, before he alledges the words of the Apostle, he useth this preface,Judicet cum Christo Apostolus, quia & in A­postolo ipse loquitur Christus. Let the Apostle judge with Christ, for Christ himself also speaks by the Apostle. And in the second book against Faustus the Manichean, chap. 5. he saith, thatExcel­lentiae Cano­nicae authori­tas tanquam in sede qua­dam sublimi­tèr constituta, cui serviat omnis fidelis & quivis in­tellectus. the authority of the Canonical excellency, is set on high, as on a certain throne, to which every faithful person, and every understanding must subject himself. Chrysostom in the thirty third Homily upon the Acts, asketh, how a Pagan that seeth Christians quar­relling among themselves about Religion, may know to what Church he must ag­gregate himself? Then he answereth, If we say that we believe the Scriptures, they are both simple and true: If any conform himself to these, he is a Christian.

The same Fathers words are most express in his forty ninth Homily of the im­perfect work upon Saint Matthew, Antea multis modis ostendebant quae esset Ec­clesia Christi, & quae Gen­tilitas; nunc autem nullo modo cog­n [...]scitur nisi tantummodo per Scriptu­ram. Heretofore they shewed many ways what the Church of Christ was, and what the society of Pagans: But now this is known no other way, but by the Scriptures only. And soon after, He then that will know which is the true Church of Christ, how shall he know it but by the Scriptures?

CHAP. 28. Reasons of the Cardinal and others, to prove that the true Doctrine and conformity to the word of God, is no mark of the true Church.

AMong the marks of the true Church, our Adversaries use to put the confor­mity with the ancient Church, that is, with the doctrine of the Fathers: Whereupon one may with great reason wonder, why they will not do unto holy Scripture the like honour, as to the writings of the Fathers; and why they will not have the conformity with the word of God, to be also a mark whereby the true Church must be known? Who seeth not, that they put conformity with the Fathers for a mark of the Church, because they know that the people cannot perceive that mark, and seeth nothing in the writings of the Fathers, which are Greek and Latin, and of an endless length? And that they will not have con­formity with the holy Scripture to be a mark to know the Church by, because that mark is easie to be known, and for fear that the people should be obliged to read Scripture, which they fear as much as Felons do Laws?

Yet let us see what reason they can give for their avoiding of that touch-stone, and denying, that their Church should be known by the Word of God, to be the true Church.

They say (and M. Du Perron with the rest) that this mark is both obscure and controverted, because all Churches, how corrupt soever they be, say that they have the true doctrine, and conformity with the Word of God.

By speaking thus, they overthrow all the marks which themselves attribute un­to the true Church, as antiquity, holiness of doctrine, multitude, the name of Catholick, &c. for there is none of those marks but is controverted and challen­ged by other Churches besides the Roman. Besides we maintain, that those marks for the most part are not proper to the Roman Church. If we give to the Church no other marks but such as are not controverted, she shall have none at all. Thus giving Laws, sending Embassadors, judging ultimately of all causes, coyning [Page 77] money, &c. are marks of Soveraignty, although an usurper assume them un­justly.

This may serve to answer the Cardinal, who argueth thus; If the Doctrine be the mark of the Church, it must be either a controverted or an uncontroverted Doctrine: Not the controverted, for it is the thing in dispute: Not the uncontro­verted, for it is a Doctrine common to the two contending parties. I answer, that the whole and entire Doctrine of salvation, is a mark of the true Church: Of which Doctrine, if some part be controverted, yee the truth is on the one side, and may be discerned by those that will subject themselves unto the Word of God.

M. du Perron saith in the fourth chapter; that the examination of the Church is easie and certain, but the examination of the saith is perilous and hard, and that the most learned are often deceived in it: For which he giveth this reason; that he that hath the Church, is sure to have the true faith, although he knows not distinct­ly all the Articles thereof, and to be in the way of salvation; whereas he that hath faith, and is not in the Church cannot hope for any salvation. The Reader may observe an affected ambiguity in these words, He that hath the Church: For one knows not whether he understands thereby he that is in the true Church, or he that hath a true knowledge that such a Church is the true and the good. For in the first sense it is false, that every man that is in the true Church hath the true faith. There are many hypocrites in the Church, that believe not what they profess: There are many profane persons in the true Church, which know nor what be­longs to true Doctrine, and in their heart laugh at Christian Religion. Many are in the true Church by their birth, and by custom, or by the publick stream, not caring for Religion: But if by him that hath the Church, he understands him that hath a true knowledge of the true Church, then it is certain, that such an one hath also the knowledge of the true faith, because it is the knowledge of the true faith that makes him to know the true Church. And thus he must know the true faith, before he can know the true Church: The Church is the Assembly of the faithful: Those are faithful that have the true faith: It is then impossible to know that one belongs to the Assembly of the faithful, not knowing what is the true faith.

The same ambiguity he useth in the fifth chapter, saying, that to know the whole Doctrine in all the points or instances thereof, is a thing harder to know then the socie­ty of the Church. The ambiguity is in these words, to know the society of the Church: For either he speaks of that superficial knowledge whereby Pagans and Infidels see the Christian Church, as one seeth a society of men that call them­selves Christians, who yet care not for Christian Religion: In that sense I grant, that it is easier to know the Church, then to be instructed in the Christian Doctrine; But that Doctrine is useless; and is not that which is in question in this place: Or else he speaks of a certain knowledge, that such a Church is the true Church, to which they must joyn that will be saved. Of that knowledge, I say that it cannot be acquired but by the knowledge of the true faith and doctrine, which therefore is more known then the true Church.

He goeth on, and to prove how difficult it is, to know the true Church by the true Doctrine, he saith, that to know the true Church by the Doctrine, it is not enough to know the right of the Church in some particular difference with one Sect or another; but that it is necessary to know the truth of the Doctrine of the Church in all the particulars controverted by heresies both past and present, before one can judge (by vertue of that examination of the Doctrine) where the true Church is. For (saith he) if that Church be in the wrong but in one contro­versie, it is enough for her to forfeit the title of true Church.

Upon the whole matter, to fright men away from examining the Doctrine of the Roman Church, the Cardinal makes the way so long, that a thousand years of study would not be enough: For he will have one to know all the Objections and Answers that ever were made upon every point of Divinity; And yet in the end, if one be deficient in one point, he holds that all is lost, All that, to the end [Page 78] that no body may busie his mind about Scripture, and that all be afraid of the Doctrine of Salvation, as of a laborious and perilous study, and so take the shorter way, which is to believe the Church; never enquiring what the Church ought to believe; and to be perswaded that the Roman Church is the true Church, without troubling themselves to get instruction in the Faith.

But it is easie to shew that the way which our Adversaries trace to the world by sending men to the Church, without examining the doctrine, is much the way about; yea that it is infinite, and hath no end. For they will have us to know the true Church by the antiquity and the succession of Chairs. A knowledge not to be attained but by getting information upon every point of controversie of that which was believed in every age, and in every Countrey. There, besides the infi­nite length, many dark intervals will be found, and a labyrinth of inextricable perplexities.

Whereas he that ruleth his faith by the holy Scripture, takes a short and certain way, avoiding curiosities and useless questions, and contenting himself with that which is clear in Scripture, for there he shall find all that is necessary to salvation.

If by Scripture he believeth that God hath created the world, he needs not know all the Objections of Philosophers against Creation. If by Scripture he be­lieveth that Jesus Christ is a true man, the simplicity of that belief will be sufficient for him, although he never heard of the Objections of the Eutychians or Marci­onites. What needs a Husbandman or a Tradesman to know how Austin confuted the Donatists? seeing that it is not necessary for him to know so much as that Austin or Donatus ever were in the world. Neither doth a necessity lye up­on him to undertake the examination of the whole doctrine either of the Ro­man Church or ours. Let him but stand firm in that resolution, not to receive any Doctrine as necessary to Salvation, unless he that teacheth it, shew it in the Word of God. By this means the most heavy and slow understand­ings come out of all difficulty. If any tell him, that to have Gods favour he must call upon Saints, and venerate Images or Relicks, or that Jesus Christ is sacrificed in the Mass, he will go to the Doctors of the Roman Church, and tell them; My Masters, you will have me to believe these things, I beseech you to let me see them in Scripture; If these things be shewed him in express or equivalent terms, he will acquiesce: If they be not shewed him in Scripture, he will not believe them, and he needs no other examination of the doctrine.

In one point appeareth the great advantage of our cause over that of our Ad­versaries; That whereas they object unto us, that by seeking to make the true Church known by the true Doctrine, we take a long and difficult way; We ob­ject unto them, that by enjoyning the people to know the true Church, without knowing and examining the Scripture, they take an impossible way: For how can one know which is the true Christian Church, without knowing Jesus Christ be­fore, and the Redemption by Jesus Christ? How can one know whether a Church be pure, and no Heretick, but by the rule of purity? And since the true Church is a Society united together by the profession of the true Faith, (for so our Adver­saries define it) how can one know whether such a Society be the true Church, without knowing the true Faith?

The Cardinal adds, that the marks of the Church must be outward and sen­sible, and therefore other then the Doctrine. Note, that when we say, that the true Doctrine is the mark of the true Church, we understand, that to know whether a Church be true, pure, and Orthodox, we must know whether she holds a doctrine conformable with the Word of God. Now that conformity as well as the difformity is a thing sensible and discerned by the eye and ear. Do we not see with our eyes, that in the Roman Church the people is denyed the Communion of the cup? Do we not see pictures of the Trinity, and the people bowing the knee be­fore Images? Do we not hear publick Service and Prayers in an unknown tongue? And if these things be formally prohibited in the holy Scripture, are they not unto us sensible marks of a false and erroneous Church?

Some will use this argument, That Society that teacheth the true Doctrine, is more known then the true Doctrine.

I answer, that by that reason all those marks fall to the ground, which our Adversaries give unto true Doctrine; For doth the people of the Roman Church learn these marks from the Roman Church? It follows then, that the Roman Church which teacheth these marks, is more known then these marks; and by con­sequent, that they are no marks, since they are less known. In effect, although the Church be easier to be known then the Doctrine by a superficial, and many times unprofitable knowledge, whereby Pagans know the Church without knowing whether it be good and sound in the Faith; yet to know that such a Church is the true, and not an heretical Church, we must first know the true Doctrine: So is a Mathematician known as he is [...] man, before he that knoweth him in that notion know what belongs to the Mathematicks. But one cannot know whether he be a good Mathematician without some previous knowledge of the Mathematicks. Thus the Keeper of a treasure is known before the treasure; but none can know whether he be keeper of a good treasure, but he that knoweth that it is a good treasure, and wherein the goodness of it consisteth. By that superficial knowledge the Church may be known before the Scripture, when the Church te­stifieth to a Pagan that such a Book is the holy Scripture: But that Pagan shall never certainly know that such a Church is the true Church, before he hath com­prehended and believed the Doctrine contained in the Scripture.

But (say some of them) if true Doctrine were the mark of the true Church, every Church that hath the true Doctrine, should be a true Church, which never­theless is not; for the Churches that are meerly Schismatical have the true Doctrine, and yet are not the true Church. This Objection is frequent with the Cardinal.

I answer, That never any Church was Schismatical that maintained the true Doctrine: For under the true Doctrine, I comprehend that of Manners and Cha­rity, which is violated by the Schismatical Churches: Neither do I find any Schis­matical Church, but hath presently added unto the Schism some Error in the Faith, as when the inflammation comes presently after the wound given.

But (say they) if the Church shew which is the Scripture, the Scripture cannot shew which is the Church; for two things cannot shew one another.

I answer, that this is a false assertion: Many times two several things evidence one another mutually. The causes are demonstrated by the effects, and the same effects by the causes. The Church may testifie that these Books are Divine and Sacred, and the same Books shew which is the true Church. But Scripture sheweth the Church in a far more excellent manner then the Church sheweth Scripture: For the Church is a witness unto Scripture; but Scripture is a rule unto the Church. The Church makes not these Books to be divine; but the rules of Scripture being practised formally, make a Society of Christians to be the true Church; Herein this difference is evident, that a false Church can yield that true testimony to Scri­pture, and yet makes it not to be Scripture.

CHAP. 29. That the word Catholick cannot be a mark of the true Church.

AMong the marks of the Church, the word Catholick, that is, Ʋniversal, is set in the first rank of our Adversaries. In that title the Roman Church doth especially triumph: Being a particular Church, and a corrupt one, she as­sumes the name of Universal Church; as if a rotten finger were called a man.

That the word Catholick cannot be the mark of the true Church, it is evi­dent: For the natural and infallible marks of a thing are not words, but things. The marks of a good Horse are not words, but natural things: For men will of­ten give false titles, and contrary names, and the same title may be usurped by [Page 80] dissenting Churches. The names proper to a thing arise from the essential form thereof, but words and titles are given by the will of men.

Also it is necessary that the names and titles attributed unto the Church be given to her, either by her self, or by her enemies. If by her self, that hath no force; for she is not a competent Judge in her own cause, and every one will take titles to his own advantage. But if those titles be given her by her enemies, there is yet less reason to stand upon them, whether the enemies dishonour the Church with odious titles, or extol her in derision. It is not just that the marks of the true Church be left to the discretion of her Adversaries.

Besides, the marks of the right and good Church must shew her goodness; but that word Catholick or Ʋniversal imports no goodness, and designs no vertue, but only signifies her extent.

The same appears, in that the most false and corrupt Churches will put on also the title of Catholick, and will be called so. Lactantius in the last chapter of the 4. Book, speaks thus;Singuli quique coe­tus haeretico­rum se potis­simum Chri­stianos & suam esse Ca­tholicam Ec­clesiam putat. Each Congregation of Hereticks holds her self above all to be Christian, and her Church Catholick. Salvianus in the 5. Book of Pro­vidence;In tan­tum se Ca­tholicos esse judicant ut nos ipsos titu­lo haereticae appellationis infament. So much they hold themselves Catholicks, that they defame us with the title of Hereticks. Cyprian to Jubaian; Cypr. Ep. 37. Nova­tianus sibi vult Ecclesiae Catholicae au­thoritatem & veritatem vindicare. Novatianus will attribute unto himself the authority and the truth of the Catholick Church. Austin in the Book of the utility of believing, chap. 7. saith, thatChristia­norum cum sint haereses plures atque omnes se Ca­tholicos vide­ri velint. all the Hereticks affect the name of Catholicks. Even the Donatists against whom the name of Catholicks hath been especially used, and the Rogatists which were but a branch of the Donatists, would be so called, as Austin saith in the 48. Epistle to Vincentius. And the Greek Church, which is an enemy to the Roman, retains that name still, and her Patriarch is still called Oecumenical Bishop, as if he governed the whole habitable earth. In one point chiefly it is evident how that mark of Ʋniversal or Catholick is wide of all likelyhood of reason; that the dispute between divers particular Churches is, which of them must be called Ʋniversal, as if Africk and Europe were contend­ing which of them two must be called the whole earth.

Here truth is so evident, that a distinction between the Catholick Church, and the Roman will slip sometimes from our Adversaries, as acknowledging that they are different things. Bellarmine in the 2. Book of the Sacraments in general, chap. 27. goeth about to perswade that Baptism doth not leave to be a true Bap­tism, although he that baptizeth have no intention to do that which the Roman Church doth. It is enough (saith he) to have intention to do that which the Ʋni­versal or Catholick Church doth. It is ordinary with our Adversaries to call the Roman Church the Mother of all the Churches; speaking so, is, saying, that the Roman Church is not the Universal or Catholick Church: For the Mother and the Daughters are not the same thing. Themselves would not say, that the Roman Church is universally everywhere, seeing that there are so many great Churches more antient then the Roman, which are separate in Communion from the Ro­man. Could the Universal Christian Church be called Roman, when Christianity had not yet reacht to Rome?

CHAP. 30. Of the word Catholick, and in what sense the Church is called Catholick by the Ancients. That Cardinal du Perron hath not at all understood what Catholick signifieth, nor the sense of Vincentius Lirinensis.

THe Church of the Elect is called Catholick or Universal in the Symbole, be­cause she comprehends all the Elect; both them that triumph in Heaven, and them that are or shall be militant here on earth. And if that Church mentioned in the Symbole, comprehends also the visible Church upon earth (which we would not [Page 81] deny) then that visible Church is called Catholick or Universal, to distinguish it from the Jewish Church, which was affected and restrained to one particular Nation, as his Majesty of Great Britain saith, and Bellarmine acknowledgeth it in his Book of the marks of the Church, chap. 7.§. Sunt omnes. Ut Ecclesia sit Catholica, in­primis requi­ritur ut non excludat ulla tempora, loca, vel hominum genera, in quo distingui­tur à Syna­goga. That the Church (saith he) may be Catholick, it is requisite in the first place, that she exclude no time, no place, and no sort of men, whereby she is distinguished from the Synagogue, which was a particular, not a Catholick Church. The Jesuite Salmeron saith the same.Salmer. Tom. XIII. Disp. 1. in Epist. Pauli. §. Tertio. Dicitur Ca­tholica, [...]oc est universalis, in quo primum differt à Sy­nagoga. The Church (saith he) is called Catholick, that is, Ʋniversal; wherein she is different from the Synagogue, in that she is not circumscribed with certain limits of people or place. But Cardinal du Perron being wiser then they all, in his first chapter against the King, is of another opinion; for he saith, that the word Ca­tholick is rather added in the Symbole to discern the true Church, which is pure, and neither heretical nor schismatical, from the heretical and schismatical Chur­ches. But the evident reason is on the Kings side; for since the word Catholick signifies Ʋniversal, it is fitter to distinguish the Universal Church from the parti­cular, then to distinguish the Orthodox Church from the Heretical; between Church Ʋniversal, and Church Heretical, there is no opposition.

The Fathers take that word Catholick two wayes: Sometimes by the Catho­lick Church they understand meerly the Universal, distinguishing her by that word from the particular Churches. Optatus Milevitanus in the 2. Book; The Church is called Catholick, because she is spread everywhere. Austin in the 152. Epistle, The Catholick Church is spread over all the Earth. And in the 170. Epistle,Ipsa est Ecclesia Ca­tholica, unde [...] Graece appel­latur, quod per totum ter­rarum orbem diffunditur. The Church is called Catholick, because she is spred over all the world. He saith the same in the 2. Book against Petilianus, chap. 38.

But sometimes the Fathers abusing the word, by the Catholick Church, under­stand the Orthodox Church, that is, the Church pure and sound in the Faith, joyned in her parts by Communion: Quod totum veraciter teneat, saith Austin; Because she holds the whole truth, of which Heresies hold but part. Sozomenus in his 7. Book, chap. 4. saith, it was constituted, That [...]. that only Church should be called Catholick which serveth the Trinity with equal honour. In which sense there might be many Catholick Churches. Every particular Orthodox Church is Ca­tholick in that sense. Austin in the 152. Epistle,Non so­lum Catholicae transmarinae, verum etiam Catholicae Africanae. Not only (saith he) the Ca­tholick Churches beyond the Sea, but also the African Catholick Churches; Where the word Catholick cannot signifie Universal. See the Subscriptions of the Bishops set to the will of Gregory Nazianzen. There every Bishop calls himself Catholick Bishop of such or such a Town. Austin in the 166. Epistle calls the Emperours Catholicks, that is, Orthodox and sound in the Faith. The Roman Synod under Hilary Bishop of Rome, begins thus, Hilary Bishop of the Catholick Church of the City of Rome. There it is clear, that Hilary calls not himself Bishop of the Universal Church, since he restrains his Episcopacy over the Catholick Church unto the City of Rome.

The reason why true Faith is called Catholick, or Universal, is not because it is received everywhere; for that never was, and never shall be; but because all without exception must receive it; as Pope Pius II. saith in the Acts of the Council of Basil; Lib. 1. fol. 9. Catho­lica fides, id est, universa­lis fides, non universalis dicitur quod universi eam teneant, sed quod universi eam habere teneantur. Faith is not called Catholick, that is, Ʋniversal, because all receive it, but because all ought to receive it.

That in these two significations the Church is called Catholick, Austin ex­presly saith it in the Book De Genesi ad literam, chap. 1.Ecclesia Catholica di­citur ex eo quia univer­saliter perfe­cta est, & in nullo claudicat. The Church our Mother is called Catholick, both because she is universally perfect, and halteth not in any thing, and because she is spread over all the world.

The like Cyrillus of Jerusalem saith in the 18. Catechesis; [...]. The Church is called Catholick, because she is spread over all the habitable Earth from one end to the other, and because she teacheth universally, and without deficiency all the Doctrines that must come to the knowledge of men.

And Optatus Milevitanus in the 2. book aginst Parmenianus, Ecclesia inde Ca­tholica, quod sit rationalis & ubique diffusa, The Church is called Catholick, because she is conformable to reason, and because she is spread everywhere.

Which if M. du Perron had observed, he would not have spent his labour to de­vise absurd and unreasonable reasons, why he will have the true Church to be cal­led Catholick. The first, because it is larger and in greater number. The second, because heretical Churches have been pluckt off from her like branches from the stock, which stock in respect of the branches, is an habitual whole, and that the Catholick Church towards heretical Churches, is not an actual but an habitual whole. His first reason shall be hereafter confuted, and we hope to shew that mul­titude is not alwaies on the side of the true Church.

TheChap. 19. & 61. of M. du Per­rons book. second reason is but and extravagant conceit, of which he is the first inventor. For there is no such thing as an habitual whole, which words are but a Chimera. The branches are no part of the stock in any respect, whether they be joyned to it, or cut from; especially when they are cut off. The stock is not a whole that contains, or can contain the branches, or that can be called an habitu­al or an actual whole. So then a Church from which other Churches were separa­ted, is not a whole, containing in any respect the said separated Churches, especi­ally since she did not contain them before the separation, but only they were joyn­ed with her: much less then doth she contain them, since they were separated from her. How can she have any habit or aptness to contain them again, ha­ving never contained them before?

There is more; For thereby the Cardinal devesteth the Roman Church before he be aware of the title of Catholick or Universal Church. For the Greek Church is the root and the stock from which the Roman is sprung. Christian Religion is past from the Grecians to the Latins. Thus Austin Epist. 170. saithNon con­siderat ab illa radice Orientalium Ecclesiarum se esse prae­cisam, unde Evangelium in Africam venit. that the Eastern Churches are the root of the Church, and that from them the Gospel past into Africa. And in the 178. Epist. which is a Dialogue of Austin with Pascen­tius, he saith, thatGraecia ubi fides orta est. faith was born among the Grecians. For as these words Jesus, Messias, Amen, Allelujah, which the Greek Churches use, testifie that the Gospel past from the Jews to the Grecians; Likewise the words of Christ, Bible, Evangelium, Ecclesia, Baptism, Bishop, Priest, Deacon, Letany, Chris­ma, Antiphone, &c. which are Greek words, yea all the most ordinary terms used in the Roman Church, shew that the Romans have received the Religion from the Grecians, and that they have been their Disciples: And therefore, by the Cardi­nals reason, the Greek Church shall be the Catholick Church, as the stock and the origine. And (to speak with him) she shall be the whole, though not actual, yet habitual, containing the Roman Church.

Note by the way, that the Fathers called the Orthodox Church Catholick or Universal, because it spred far and wide, over Europ, Asia, and Africa. But now that these Churches are dissenting and separate in communion, that reason ceaseth: neither is there any pretence of reason, why any of these parts can alone retain the title of Universal Church.

To the same purpose the Cardinal, after others of his party, objecteth to us incessantly, the counsel of Vincentius Lirinensis, who writ about the year 450. That Author in his book against profane novelties, to free a mans spirit from all errours, giveth him two directions. The one is, to stick to the holy Scripture, of which he saith, that thePerfe­ctus Scri­pturarum Canon, sibi­què ad om­nia satis superque suf­ficiens. Canon is most perfect, and more then sufficient for all things. The other is, thanDupli­ci modo fidem suam mu­nire debet; Primo scilicet divina legis authoritate, tum deinde Catholicae Ecclesiae traditione. since there is a dissention about the in­terpretation of Scripture, we must hold the tradition of the Catholick Church, and take the Scripture for our Interpreter, Secundum Ecclesiastici & Catholici sen­sus normam, according to the rule of the Ecclesiastical and Catholick sense. Then he declareth what he understands by that Catholick sense, namely, quod ubique, quod semper, quod ab omnibus creditur: est hoc enim verè proprieque Catholicum. That which hath been believed everywhere, always, and by all; for that is truly and properly Catholick.

Sed ne­que semper neque omnes haereses hoc modo impug­nandae sunt, sed novitiae recentesque tantummodo, cum primum scilicet exoriuntur. Caeterum dilatae & inveteratae haereses nequaquam hac viâ aggrediendae sunt, &c. Illas anti­quiores nisi aut sola si opus est scripturarum authoritate convincere, aut certe jam antiquitus universalibus sacerdotum Ca­tholicorum Conciliis convictas damnatasque vitare.Nevertheless he adds an exception, that he would not advise one to take that course, or to make use of that Catholick tradition, against heresies deep rooted by a long continuance, and such as are spred and received of old among many, but only against new and springing heresies, which he would stifle in their birth, by opposing that tradition unto them. But as for antient and far spred he­resies, he would make use of the holy Scripture only, and of the authority of Universal Councils.

That Counsel of Vincentius being well considered, not only doth not at all an­noy us, but even cuts the throat of Popery. For since our Adversaries say, that we are infected with antient heresies, and complain, that our heresie is diffused in many countries, and very deep rooted, they cannot practice against us the coun­sel of Vincentius Lirinensis, who will have such heresies convinced with the only Scripture, and by the antient Universal Councils. For indeed restraining our Ad­versaries to Scripture, and to the antient Councils, is compelling them to impos­sibilities: since they maintain, that all the doubts about the faith, cannot be de­cided by Scripture, and send us to an unwritten word; herein opposing Vincen­tius Lirinensis, who saith, that Scripture is more then sufficient to teach us all things; and averting the people from reading the holy Scripture, for fear (say they) that they should fall into heresies. And as for the antient universal Coun­cils, they find nothing in them contray to us, but many Canons contrary to them. They find in the Council of Chalcedone aConcil. Chalced. Can. 28. Canon equalling the Bishop of Con­stantinople, with that of Rome in all things. They find in the Council ofSynod. Laod Can. 58. Lao­dicea, approved by many universal Councils, that the books of Judith, Toby, and Maccabees are not Canonical. They find in the Council of Gangra, approved likewise and inserted in the Codex of the Universal Church,Concil. Gangr. Can. 4. a condemnation of those that despise married Priests. They find in the Canons of the VI. Universal Council, a Canon which expounds these words, This is my body, and This is my blood, with these words,Concil. Trull. Can. 23. [...]. that is, bread and wine mingled with water. They find in the same Council two CanonsConcil. Trull. Can. 13. & Can. 55. which expresly and by name condemn the Roman Church for pohibiting Priests and Deacons to dwell with their wives, and for fasting upon Saturdayes. They find that the Pope did not preside in the Councils of Nice, nor in the first Council of Constantinople, nor in the first Council of Sardica, which M. du Perron puts among the Universals, nor in the Council of Chalcedon. And that he called none of the antient Universal Councils. But that the first Council of Constantinople and that of Chalcedon, did sit against his will, and against his Counsels and humble petitions to the Emperours.

And if our Adversaries finding no help in the antient Universal Councils, are reduced (according to the advice of Vincentius Lirinensis) to the holy Scripture only, what text can they find there, to prove that the Pope is St. Peters successor in the quality of head of the Universal Church, or to prove that he can put down Kings and dispose of their crowns? Or to prove that we must yield a religious ser­vice unto images, and call upon the Saints departed, and worship their relicks? or that God prohibiteth the mariage of Priests? and many the like things, which have no ground but in the unwritten word?

Or if the Counsel of Vincentius Lirinensis take place, so that nothing be recei­ved for a Catholick tradition, but that which was alwayes believed, and by all, and at all times; what will become of Monks and Monastaries, of whom no men­tion is found in the first ages, before Paul and Antony the Hermites, who lived in Constantines time? What will become of the images of the Trinity, and the adoration of images, and the Popes power to depose Kings? And how shall the Maccabees subsist among the Canonical books, which5. Book. chap 18. & 1. Book. chap. 50. M. du Perron confess­eth to have been rejected by the Greek Fathers, and by Hierom and Ruffinus, and others that have followed their opinion? Yea I maintain, that of all the Articles of [Page 84] Christian doctrine, scarce two or three shall be found, but were opposed by some hereticks, and of whom one may truly say, that they were believed everywhere, and at all times. But how can women and tradesmen know what articles have been believed alwayes and by all, since so much cannot be known but by the read­ing of Fathers, and Greek and Latine histories, where the people understands no­thing, and the learned themselves have litte knowledge?

Truly, I dare say, that if Vincentius Lirinensis were believed and followed, there should be no more Popery upon earth. Especially in that he will not have the Church to seek to Catholick tradition for adding of doctrines not received in Scripture, but only for the interpretation of Scripture. Also in thal the admit­teth of no traditions as Catholick, but such as were believed by all and at all times; for the Roman Church teacheth a thousand things, which the Greek and Syrian and Ethiopian Churches believe not, and which have been unknown in the first ages of the Christian Church. As for us, I make bold to affirm, that we believe and receive all the doctrines necessary to salvation, which have been be­lieved by all and everywhere. And none can justly reproach us, that ever we de­parted from the universal consent of all ages.

CHAP. 31. Of holiness in doctrine.

THe whole Word of God is true and holy. But between the truth and the holiness of a doctrine, there is that difference, that the same doctrine is true as it declineth errors, and holy as it declineth vices. Truth inlighteneth the un­derstanding, but holiness purifieth the will and affections. Whence it appeareth, that truth goeth before holiness, because the instruction of the understanding goes before the motions of the will: because also the holiness of a doctrine doth presuppose it to be true.

A doctrine then is called true, which turns men away from vices, and formeth them to good works and vertue.

Our Adversaries put that holiness of doctrine among the marks of the true Church, wherein I would not contradict them; for thereby they would have good doctrine to be a mark of the true Church. Now the doctrine can neither be good nor holy, unless it be conformable with the Word of God; we must then be in­structed in the Word of God before we can know the true Church.

Two things only, I cannot sufficiently wonder at; The one, that they put the holiness of the doctrine among the marks of the true Church, and will not put the truth of the doctrine among these marks, and yet holiness presupposeth truth. It is impossible to know that a doctrine is holy, while one doubteth whether it be true. The other, that they choose that for a mark of the Church, which less fitteth the Roman Church then any Church in the world. I speak not of the vi­ces which reign in the Roman Church, but of the rules and doctrines that teach vices and corrupt manners. In other Churches vices are sicknesses, but in the Ro­man Church they are set forth as vertues, and have the force of Law.

No Church but the Roman teacheth perjury, and by the order of a Council declareth, that one is not bound to keep faith unto Hereticks. This is found in the XIX. Session of the Council of Constance, where the Fathers of the Council de­clare to the Emperor Sigismund, that he may proceed to the execution of Hierom of Prague and John Hus, notwithstanding the safe conduct and the oath given them to send them home safe.The Council of Lions hath practised it against Fri­derick the II. and the Council of Constance against Fri­derick of Austria. Sess. XX. The Pope dispenseth the Kings Subjects and Officers from the obedience and oath of allegiance given to the King, of which the histories are full, since Gregory the VII. and it was seen in France of late.

Is it a holy doctrine to set up brothel-houses by publick order, andEmanuel Sa Aphoris­mis, verbo Episcopus. Toletus. lib. 5. Instr. Sacer­dotum. c. 37. Bellar. l. 2. de amiss. gra­tiae. c. 18. § dicet. Tit. 8. de Concess. Praebendarum Can. propu­suit In Glos­sa & dist. 34. Can. Lectur. in Gloss. & Can. Sunt quid. Caus. 25. qu. 1. In Glossa. permit whoredom? Or to set on the people to rebel against their soveraign Prince, pro­mising [Page 85] them the remission of sins for their reward? In the time of the French League, in the year 1588, 1589, and 1590. one might see in the market places, and other places of publike resort, Papal indulgences set forth, granting nine years of pardon to all that would joyn with the League against the King. Re­mission of sins and salvation was propounded to the people as a recompence of rebellion against their King and murther of their fellow-Citizens.

Is it an holy Doctrine that the Pope can dispense against the Apostle, and against the Old Testament? and that he dispenseth in the Gospel by an interpre­tation? For with such sentences the Glosses of the Roman Decree are stuffed.

Is it a holy Doctrine, that God after he hath pardoned the fault, exacteth satis­factory pains? Doth not that teach men to make fraudulent reconciliations, and to take revenge after they have pardoned? For why should men be more true or more merciful then God?

Are these holy Doctrines, to dissolve marriages under pretence of a Monasti­cal life? and to free children from the fatherly power, when for anger, or other causes, they have taken Sanctuary in a Monastery, as an Azyle of disobedience? and to tread the Laws of God and nature under foot, which oblige children to obey their Parents?

Is it an holy Doctrine, to prohibit the people to read Scripture, which is the treasure of all the Doctrines of holiness? and putting prayers and alms among penances or satisfactory pains? Is not that turning vertues into pains, to make them odious?

Of these accusations and many of the like nature they strive to avenge them­selves by recriminating, that we teach that good works are not necessary to sal­vation, and that God is the Author of sin; and that we are enemies of the Saints and of the Virgin Mary: Abominable Doctrines, falsely attributed to us: The Confession of our Churches doth protest against them.

To shut up this question; I acknowledge the holiness of Doctrine to be a mark to know the true Church, so that under holiness truth be comprehended, and con­formity with the word of God. But if holiness be taken as a thing distinct from the truth, then we must know the truth of a Doctrine before we be able to know the holiness of the same: And so we shall need another mark to know that mark.

CHAP. 32. Of the succession of chairs. Whether it be a mark of the true Church? And what that succession is, of which the Fathers speak.

AMong the marks of the true Church, they put the succession of Pastors in the same chair, ever since the Apostles: Certainly that succession is a goodly ornament, if with the succession of persons, there may be a succession of Doctrine and conformity of vertue: But there are many chairs in which they that sit, hold a contrary Doctrine to their Predecessors. Thus the Scribes and Pharises were sitting in the chair of Moses, and had the personal succession; ne­vertheless Jesus Christ commandeth his Disciples to beware of the leaven of their Doctrine, and reproacheth them that they had transgressed the Law of God by their tradition, Mat. 15. Thus the Bishops of the Churches of Antioch, and Rome, and Alexandria, boast themselves to be Successors of Saint Peter, and yet are dissenting and separate in Communion. The Bishops of Constantinople, fetch their succession from the Apostle Saint Andrew, as Nicephorus goeth about to prove in the eighth book of his Chronology, chap. 6. Yet these Bishops by the judgement of the Roman Church, are Schismaticks and Hereticks. Whence it appears, that the succession of chairs cannot be a fit mark for the true Church, since it is found in heretical Churches, as Tertullian saith in the thirty second [Page 86] chapter of the book of prescriptions.Ipsa eo­rum Doctri­nacum Apo­stolica com­parata, ex di­versitate & contrarietate sua pronunci­abit neque Apostoli ali­cujus esse ne­que Apostolici. Their Doctrine compared with the Apostolical Doctrine, will make it manifest by its diversity and contrariety, that the Author thereof is neither an Apostle nor an Apostolical man; because as the Apostles have not taught different things among themselves, so they that followed the Apostles, would not have set forth things contrary to the Apostles, excepting only those that have withdrawn themselves from the Apostles, and have taught otherwise. And a little after: Therefore they shall be summoned to answer that form of examination by the Churches; which though they cannot produce any of the Apostles, or any Successor of the Apostles for their Author, as being much later in time, and some of them every day erected; yet agreeing in the same faith, they are not held less Apostolical by rea­son of the consanguinity of their Doctrine [with the Apostles. Ad hanc itaque for­mam provoca­buntur ab illis Ecclesiis quae licet nullum ex Apostolis vel Apostolicis authorem su­um proserant, ut multo poste­riores, quae de­nique quoti­die instituun­tur, tamen in eadem fide conspirantes, non minus A­postolicae re­putantur pro consanguini­tate doctrinae.] And soon after, he saith, that the Heretick Churches are not received to the Communion by the Apostolick Churches, because Hereticks cannot be Apostolick, ob diversitatem Sacramenti, by reason of the diversity of the sacred Doctrine; for so the Fathers take the word Sacrament. And in the twentieth chapter, after he hath said that the Apostles have spread the Doctrine of faith, and that from thence all the Churches have their origine, he addeth, So all the Churches are first Churches, and all are Apostolick, as long as the communication of peace, and the name of brethren, and the mutual mark of hospitality, prove that there is one unity among them all; which rights are ruled by no other reason then the tradition of the same Doctrine. Thus if Tertullian be believed, true succession consisteth in conformity with the Doctrine of the Apostles: which being found in a Church, whether great or small, of old or fresh date, such a Church is truly Apostolical, although for lack of Histories, she cannot shew the line of her succession.

Then to know whether that succession of chairs be good, we must of necessity know before whether the Doctrine agree with that of the Apostles; and to know that, we must be instructed in the true Apostolical Doctrine. Whence it follows, that this succession of chairs cannot be a mark of the Church, since to know her, we have need of another mark which is the truth of the Doctrine,Sic omnes primae & om­nes Apostoli­cae, dum unam omnium pro­bant unitatem communicatio pacis & com­miseratio hospitalitatis, quae jura non alia ratio re­git quam ejusdem Sa­cramenti una traditio. and confor­mity with the Doctrine of the Apostles; and that the succession of persons in the same chair, is no perpetual mark of a true Church, since there are true Churches which cannot prove that continual succession. Where conformity with the Doctrine of the Apostles is evident, to what end should a Church be required to shew by histories the thred of a continual succession, unless it be to tire mens spirits by an infinite length, and keep them from seeking for the conformity in Doctrine, which is easie to be found? What doth it import from how far the water of a brook comes to us, so that the water be quick and good? And if the brook be spoiled, because it past through unwholesom fens, what have I to do to follow the whole course of the stream, when I may drink at the spring?

Where the way is short and easie, why do they labour to make it long and in­tricate? Such as love error, purposely loose themselves in an endless length and an in extricable maze. How much labour and time must one lose? How many Greek and Latin Books must one read, to know upon every point of Doctrine the belief of all the Bishops of one Church from the Apostles time unto ours? and to shew upon every point the succession of Doctrine from Bishop to Bishop? Certainly we are not saved by chairs, but by rules; nor by titles or succession of persons, but by the precepts of faith and godliness. The Apostle Rom. 10.15. saying af­ter Isaiah, How beautifull are the feet (that is, how is the coming pleasant) of them that bring peace, that bring gl d tidings of good things! sheweth, that in vain one boasteth that he is sent, if he bring tidings of evil things.

Truly if chairs did teach, or if truth was sticking to those chairs, we ought to beleive it without any more ado. But in those chairs men are speaking, who many times abuse them to give authority to untruth, as the Scribes and Pharises made use of the specious title of the chair of Moses to resist Jesus Christ.

Besides, that cannot be a mark of the true Church, which is unknown to the people. For how small is the number of those that have read all the Greek and Latin Histories, where that succession is set down? They give to the people a list [Page 87] of successive Bishops in a picture, but the people know not whether nothing be false and forged in that picture: They know not whether the last entred into the chair by usurpation, or violence, or gifts. They know not whether the last Bishops teach the same as the first, or whether of those that came between, none erred in the faith. Certain it is, that many Popes have been notorious hereticks, as Liberius and Felix who were Arians, Honorius a Monothetite, and John the XXIII. that denied the immortality of the soul. In the Papal See, several Schisms have been, and divers times many Popes together, excommunicating one another, and reciprocally calling one another Antichrist; and of those Anti­christs, the worst commonly overcame. So according to the very Canons of the Roman Church, factions and corruptions in the creation of the Popes, have se­veral times made their election void, and therefore have broken the thred of that succession

Some places indeed are found in the Fathers, especially in Tertullian and Irenae­us, where disputing against Hereticks, they oppose unto them the authority of those Churches that were able to shew their succession of persons and Doctrine since the Apostles, and question those Hereticks about their succession. But they speak of succession of chairs in the same Doctrine. Besides, those allegations have not the same force in these last ages, as they had then, when the line of their succession from the Apostles being short, was also easie to shew. It was easie to shew at Ephesus since Saint John, and at Jerusalem since Saint James, that seven or eight successive Bishops had still taught the same Doctrine. But now after an interval of above fifteen hundred years, and so many changes and revo­lutions, the Churches which then agreed, being now at odds, it is impossible to make such a deduction. And our Adversaries would find themselves shrewdly plunged, if they were put to shew of every Bishop of Rome, or Alexandria, or Antioch, that all successively have believed the Purgatory, or the invocation of Saints, or Transubstantiation, or the Popes power over the temporal of Kings, or the Communion under one kind.

Consider also that these Fathers alledging unto Hereticks the succession of Bishops, spake unto Hereticks that rejected the Scriptures, either whole or in part; against which they had nec [...] to use probable reasons without the Scripture. But we have to do with men that make a shew of the succession of persons, with­out speaking of conformity and succession in the Doctrine. Upon that the words of Irenaeus are pregnant,Ire­naeus, lib. 4. chap. 43. Eis qui in Ecclesia sunt Presbyteris obedire opor­tet; his qui successionem habent ab Apostolis, qui cum Episco­patus succes­sione charissi­mae veritatis certum donum secundum placitum Pa­tris accepe­runt. We must obey those that are Priests in the Church, that have succession from the Apostles, and with the most dear succession of Episcopacy, have received the certain gift of the truth, according to the Fathers will. And Tertullian in the thirty seventh chapter of Prescriptions, summoning the Hereticks to produce the succession of their chairs, sheweth, that in the Church where he was, they had a true succession, because since the Apostles time they had always retained the same Doctrine.Ego sum haeres Aposto­lorum; si­cut caverunt testamento, sicut fidei commiserunt, sicut adjuraverunt, ita teneo. Vos certe exhaeredaverunt semper & abdicaverunt, ut extra­neos & inimicos. Ʋnde autem extranei & inimici Apostolis haeretici nisi ex diversitate Doctrinae? I am (saith he) an heir of the Apostles: That which they have ordained by their Testament, that which they have comitted to our faith, that which they have sworn us unto, that I hold: But certainly they have al­ways dis-inherited you, and disallowed you as strangers and enemies. Now how come Hereticks to be strangers and enemies to the Apostles, but by the diversity of Doctrine, which every one of them hath set forth, or received according to their own fancy against the Apostles? For a succession of chairs without truth, is either a continuation of error, or a corruption of the truth: which succession, the longer it is, the more pernicious, because it hath deeper roots; as Gregory Nazianzen saith, in his orati­on concerning Athanasius, [...]. Where there is the same Doctrine, there is the same See; but where there is contrariety of opinions, there is also contrariety of Sees, [or chairs] The one hath the name, the other hath the truth of succession. He addeth, that he that corrupts the Doctrine is no successor, unless it be as sickness succeedeth health, and darkness light. Athanasius speaks the same lan­guage; [Page 88] Athanas. in Decret. Synodi Ni­ceae contra Arianos. [...]. Behold (saith he) we shew the succession of our Doctrine from Fa­thers to Fathers. And Ambrose Ambr. lib. 1. de poenitentia, cap. 6. Non habet Petri haereditatem, qui fidem Petri non habet., That man hath not the succession of Peter, that hath not the faith of Peter. And Irenaeus, in the 4. Book. 43, & 44. chap. calls succession in the true Doctrine, theAb omnibus absistendum qui absistunt à principali suc­cessione. principal succession; for having said that those must be held for suspect that depart from the principal succession, he addeth, that such are fallen from the Truth.

Wherefore we detest the beastial impiety of the Canon Non nos, which in the 40. Distinction of the Roman Decree, pins the holiness of the Popes to their Chairs, saying,Quis sanctum du­bitet esse quem apex tantae digni­tatis extol­lit? In quo si desint bona acquisita per meritum, sufficiunt quae à loci praedecessore praestantur. Who makes a doubt of that mans holiness who is raised to such a high dignity, who if he have no good acquired by his merit, he hath good enough afforded to him by his predecessor in that place? It is not the Chair that sanctifi­eth the Pastor, but it is the holiness of the Pastor and his preaching that sancti­fieth the Chair; which the older it is, one may think that there is the more to mend in it; and the higher it is, and exalted to honour, the more pernicious, when the authority thereof is imployed to authorize Error and oppose the Truth. It is the complaint that Bernard made of the Church of his time;Bernard. de conversi­sione Paul, Serm. 1. Domine, Je­su! quia sunt in perse­cutione tua primi, qui vi­dentur in Ec­clesia prima­tum diligere, gerere princi­patum. Alas, alas, Lord Jesus, Those are the first in persecuting thee, that love pri­macy in thy Church, and hold the principality of the same. Then he addeth, Multi sunt nostris temporibus Antichristi; There are many Antichrists in our dayes. And soon after;Dissi­mulemus nos quoque neces­se est & sile­amus inte­rim, maxime (que) de Praelatis nostris, Magi­stris Ecclesia­rum. This we must dissemble, and hold our peace, especially about our Prelates and Masters of Churches. And in the same place,Iniqui­tas progressa est a seniori­bus judicibus, Vicariis tuis. Iniquity pro­ceeded from the old Judges, thy Vicars, which seemed to govern thy people. And in the 33. Sermon, speaking of the Papal Court;Ministri Christi sunt & serviunt Antichristo; Honorati in­cedunt de bo­nis Domini qui Domino honorem non deferunt. They are Ministers of Christ, and serve the Antichrist. They that honour not the Lord, march honoured with the Lords goods. Whereupon after he hath bewailed the corruption of the Church, proceeding from them that govern her, he saith, that it remains no more, but that the Antichrist should be revealed, even that Antichrist, saith he, who shall lift up himself above all that is called God. And in the 77. Sermon, speaking of that succession of Chairs, he saith,Successores omnes cupiunt esse, imitatores pauci. They will all be Successors, but few will be imitators, &c.Parum est nostris vigilibus quod non servant nos, nisi & perdant. Superest ut reveletur homo peccati, Filius perditionis. It is a small thing to say that our watches do not keep us, but they even destroy us. And in the fourth Book De Conside­ratione, speaking of the Roman Court;De consider. ad Eugen. l. 4. Si auderem dicere, daemonum magis quam ovium pascua haec, &c. Petrus hic est qui nescitur processisse aliquando vel gemmis ornatus vel serico, &c. In his successisti non Petro, sed Constantino. If I durst speak it, These are ra­ther pastures of Devils then of Sheep. And speaking directly to Pope Eugenius, who boasted of the succession of Peter; We find not that ever St. Peter marched adorned with Jewels, or clad in Silk, or covered with Gold, or riding on a white Horse, or attended with guards, or with a multitude of servants making a noise about him. He beleived that without these things one might fulfil that salutary command, Feed my sheep. In these things thou hast succeeded not Peter, but the Emperour Constantine. That good man, who felt the Truth in a dark age, would have spoken far more plainly, if he had lived in an age enlightned with the Sun-shine of the Gospel: For in the fervency of his zeal seeing two Popes excommunicating one another, and mutually calling one another Antichrist, he goeth so far as to say,Epist. 125. Bestia illa de Apocalypsi cui da­tum est os loquens blasphemiam, & bellum gerere cum sanctis, Petri Cathedram occupat tanquam leo paratus ad praedam. That Beast of the Revelation to whom a mouth was given, speaking blasphemies, and [power] to make war against the Saints, holds St. Peters Chair like a Lion prepared for the prey. And the other Beast is hissing neer you, like a wild beasts cub lurking in a close place. He useth the two Anti-Popes alike, leaving to us to judge on which side the right of the suc­cession was.

Above 500 years before him, Pope Gregory the I. seemeth to have prophecied after the example of Caiaphas: For so he speaks in the 38. Epistle of the 4. Book;Omnia quae praedicta sunt fiunt. Rex superbiae prope est, & (quod dici nefas est) sa­cerdotum est praeparatus exercitus. All that is foretold is now a doing. The King of pride is at hand; and (that which is shameful to say) an Army of Priests is prepared for him: foretelling that the Antichrist will be upheld by a multitude of Priests, and therefore by them that shall hold the chairs, and boast themselves of the ordinary suc­cession.

We will shut up this discourse with a sentence of Austin in his 46. Treatise upon John. Sedendo super Cathe­dram Moysis legem Dei docent, ergo per illos Deus docet. Sua vero si velint docere, nolite audire, nolite facere. If sitting in Moses chair, they teach the Law of God, God teach­eth by them; But if they will teach that which is of their own, (that is, their own inventions) hearken not unto them, and do not what they say.

CHAP. 33. What the Succession was, and what the calling of those who in our Fathers time took in hand the Reformation of Popery.

OF this matter we have treated more at large inIn this Authors Book of the Vocation of Pastors. another place: Where we have shewed that the charge of Pope, who calls himself the Head of the Universal Church, and the Cardinals dignity, are not discended from the Apostles by succession, but that they are humane inventions, and that the charges of Bishop and Priest, which of their nature are lawful, and descended by succes­sion from the Apostles, have yet so much good left in the Roman Church, that they that enter into them are obliged by Oath in their Ordination to teach the truth of Gods Word. Also that these charges are corrupted and perverted in the Roman Church, in that Bishops are become Princes of the Papal Hierarchy, and in their reception take an Oath of allegiance and obedience to the Pope: Which form of Oath herein is notable, that there is never a word in it of any duty to­wards God, or of his Word, or of the obedience due to him. That form of OathThat Oath is set down in the end of the foresaid Book of the Vocation of Pastors. is found in the Roman Pontifical, and is most worthy to be read, as one of the most express marks of the son of perdition: For it is the Oath of a vassal to his Prince or Liege-Lord, not the Oath of a Pastor of Gods Church. Likewise the charge of Priest is corrupted, in that Priests in their ordination are established Sa­crificers of the body of Christ, for the living and the dead, of which office the in­stitution is not found in the Word of God.

Now it happened in our Fathers time, that some Priests, Doctors, and Bishops of the Roman Church, having acknowledged by the Word of God the abuses of Popery, would fulfil their Oath, and in the same Chair began to change language, and teach the Truth, to bring their Office to the right use again, and to the first institution; for an Idolatrous and heretical Church can confer a good calling, and admit a Pastor to his charge by such express forms and promises, that there­by he shall be obliged to discharge the office of a Pastor aright: For although a Church be heretical, yet the Office of Pastor in the same is (of its nature and first institution, and by the expectation of the people) destined to preach the true Doctrine of Salvation: and every Oath about a thing good and just, into which a man hath not intruded himself, must be inviolably kept. If in an Arian, or Ne­storian Church, a Pastor came to be converted to the true Doctrine, the nature of his charge and his promise in his reception authorize him sufficiently, yea and oblige him to change language in the same Chair, and to teach the Truth. Where­fore also theCodex Canonum Ec­clesiae Afri­canae, Can. 69. Hieron. Dialogo ad­versus Luci­feranos. Syn. Nicena, Can. 8. de Catha­ris & Cleri­cis conversis ad fidem. [...]. antient Church allowed the Office of heretical Bishops, when they converted themselves to the true Faith; neither did they confer a new Ordi­nation [Page 90] upon them. The Imposition of hands which they bestowed upon them, was not a new ordination, but only a blessing, asBalsa­mon ad mar­ginem Cano­nis Niceni 8. ex Tharasio qui Nicenae secundae Sy­nodo praese­dit. Balsamon teacheth. I say then, that the first Reformers of Popery had the ordinary calling and succession re­ceived in their Countrey, and had besides that an extraordinary Commission to preach against the intention of their Ordinator, for the due accomplishing of their charge, and to keep the Oath taken in their reception.

We must not believe that they held from the Prelates of the Roman Church that good which remained unto them in their ill ordinary calling; for they held it from Jesus Christ and his Apostles, from whom those charges first proceeded, which from them are come to us by succession, although for some ages the Pastors of the Roman Church have abused those charges, and turned them to another use. So we have the water of a Brook from the Spring, not from the infected channel that it hath run through. It is one thing to have our calling by the in­tervention of the Roman Church, and another thing to have it from the Roman Church, and from her authority.

It came to pass then, that those faithful servants of God beginning to preach, the Truth in the very Chairs of the Roman Church, were believed by part of the people, who long before had some sight of the Errors, and were sighing under the yoak. But the other part which would not receive their Doctrine, thrust them out, and excommunicated them, forbidding them the exercise of their charge. But they stood out, and for their Inhibition would not forsake their flocks, hold­ing that they ought not to be deprived of their charge, because they used it well. In vain should they have hoped to be confirmed in their places by the Pope, since they preached against Popery. Besides, the opinion of the Roman Church favours us in this point: For they hold that a Priests Office cannot be taken away, and that it prints an indelible character in a man, although the use thereof be interdicted by those that cannot suffer that their Errors should be brought to light. Thus they remained in their charges, and their Successors remain in them still: God making use of them to gather a people unto himself in the midst of the darkness of this world, and to bring many souls to salvation.

CHAP. 34. That in the time of Jesus Christ and his Apostles, and in the ages next to the Apostles, many have preached the Word of God in the Church, without succession and without ordinary Calling.

ALthough in the age that we live in, it is expedient that none be admitted to the holy Ministery, but such as are duly called, and (as much as it is possi­ble) establisht by the ordinary forms and wayes; yet the Christian Church in her beginnings did not tye her self to that rule. The Christians of that time embraced with so much fervour the truth of the Doctrine, that they enquired not with what forms those that taught them the truth had been received into that Office. Doing the clean contrary to that which is done in the Roman Church, where the people is kept from the examination of the Doctrine by hiding from them the holy Scripture, and celebrating Divine Service in a languge which they understand not. They are instructed only to look to Chairs and Succession, and to pick a quarrel with our Vocation; following the example of the Pharisees, who eluded Christs reprehensions of their false Doctrine,Mat. 21.23. asking him, By what authority dost thou these things, and who gave thee this authority? and asking the Apostles when they preacht Christ,Act. 4.7. By what power, and by what Name have ye done this?

That in old time many preacht the Gospel without charge or ordinary calling, it is evident by many examples. Our Lord Jesus, Luke 4. teacheth in the Syna­gogue of Nazareth, and expoundeth the Prophet Isaiah, although he was nei­ther [Page 91] Scribe nor Doctor, nor Levite, but of the Tribe of Judah; brought up, not un­der the Discipline of the Pharisees, but in a Carpenters shop.

Act. 13. Paul who was neither Levite nor Scribe, is desired by the chief of the Synagogue of Antioch, of Pisidia, if he had some word of exhortation to speak it. He had been indeed a Pharisee before his conversion; but the Pharisaism was not a charge, but a profession of austerity, and works of overplus.

Act. 8.4. The faithful of the Church of Jerusalem, scattered by persecution, went everywhere preaching the Word. The same is done by some Cypriots and Cy­renians that were fled to Antioch, Act. 11.

Act. 18.25. Apollos teacheth in the Synagogue, and speaks freely, although he was yet but meanly instructed in the way of the Lord, knowing only the Baptism of John. A certain proof that he had no ordinary charge; for with so little instruction he should never have been admitted to the charge of Pastor or Evangelist.

It is manifest by the 14. chapter of the first Epistle to the Corinthians, that all such as had some gift of God to prophesie and expound Scripture, or to speak strange tongues, were allowed to speak in the Church. If (saith the Apostle, v. 24.) all prophesie, and there come in one that believeth not, or one unlearned, he is con­vinced of all. And a little after, When ye come together, every one of you hath a Psalm, hath a Revelation, hath an Interpretation, Let all things be done to edifying.

Origen Hom. 11. upon the 18. chapter of Numbers. Sicut in aliqua (verbi gratia) civi­tate ubi non­dum Christi­ani nati sunt, si accedat ali­quis & doce­re in ipiat, laboret, in­struat, addu­cat ad fidem, & ipse postmodum iis quos docuit Princeps & Episcopus fiat, &c. If (saith he) in any City where no Christian is yet born, some one come and begin to teach, and labour, and instruct, and bring to the Faith; and after that become Prince and Bishop of those whom he hath instructed, &c.

Ambrose upon Ephes. 4.ut ergo cresceret plebs & multiplicaretur, omnibus inter initia concessum est & Evangelizare & baptizare, & Scripturas in Ecclesia. explanare. That then the people might increase and multiply, it was permitted to all in the beginning, to preach the Gospel and baptize, and ex­pound the Scriptures in the Church: But he addeth that this was setled by an order since.

Theodoret, Ruffinus, and Sozomenus, relate that two young men, Aedesius & Frumentius, being come to the Indies for another end, planted there the Chri­stian Religion. It is true, that Frumentius returning into Egypt, was perswa­ded by Athanasius to return into the Indies, and by him created Bishop of the Indies. But it must, be remembred, that he had already begun that work before he received the ordinary calling; and that if he could not have return­ed into Egypt, being kept in the Indies, either by the difficulties of the wayes, or by sickness, or if the Indians would not have let him go; no doubt but that he would not have forsaken the work of God for want of a formality, and would not have left teaching, though he had no succession, and no ordinary calling. But I think that the Indians by him converted to Christianity would have met, and calling upon Gods name, would have created him their Pastor.

The same must be said of Maturianus and Saturnianus slaves, which were the first that brought the Gospel among the Moors, where they were cap­tive; who after they had sown the seeds of Christianity about the Countrey, sent for Priests out of the Roman Territories, as Victor Ʋticensis recites in the first Book of the History of the Vandals.

Yea out of the case of necessity the Antient Christians permitted Lay-men to expound the holy Scriptures, although there were ordinary Pastors in the same place. Of which we have a very express testimony in the 20. chapter of the 6. Book of the History of Eusebius, who relates that at the request of the Bishop of Cesarea, Origen being not a Priest, yet began to expound the holy Scriptures in the Church. At which one Demetrius complaining, as of a [Page 92] thing being contrary to custom, and unheard of before, Alexander Bishop of Jerusalem, and Theoctistus Bishop of Cesarea, taxe him of ignorance, and tell him, [...]. Thou saiest openly an untruth; for where persons fit and capable are found, which may edifie their brethren, the holy Bishops desire them to instruct the people in the Word; as at Laranda Euelpis was desired by Neon, and at Iconium Paulinus was desired by Celsus, &c.

If any Christian cast by shipwrack, or by other accidents into a Pagan Island, fifteen hundred leagues from Christian Churches, and having no use of Navigati­on, should learn the language of the country, and then instruct the Barbarians with good success in the Christian Religion, there being no possibility to get Pa­stors from other places; who doubts, but that the converted people, might with the invocation of Gods Name, chuse among themselves the fittest man for the Mi­nistry of the Gospel? Should that man suffer Christian Religion to perish in the Country for want of succession and ordinary calling? For in extraordinary dif­ficulties it is often impossible to use ordinary remedies. Besides, in a Country where there is an ordinary calling, it happens many times, that they that hold the chairs and have the succession, either are silent like dumb dogs, or preach un­truth. In which case can one find it strange, that God raise some of the lay peo­ple to convince their false doctrine, or rowse their dastardness; as when the guards of the Capitol were asleep, the geese cried out and gave the alarum? Is it not a hardned stupidity, when an ignorant man will not come out of the gulf of error, before that he that would instruct him, hath shewed him his succession? Such a man chuseth rather to be led into hell by a successive order, and by persons loaden with titles and filling the chairs, then into Paradise by men that produce not their Commission.

CHAP. 35. A difference to be observed, between the office of Pastor of the Church, and the means to enter into it.

THere is a wide distance between the charge of Pastor and the means whereby a man gets into that charge; For one can enter by ill means into a good charge, instituted by God: As when one enters into the Ministry of the Gospel by favor of factions, by corruption, by gifts, or by usurpation. But if the charge be of its nature evil, it cannot be made good and lawfull by any formality, nor by any length of succession. Formalities do not change the nature of things; and there is no prescription against divine institution. It matters not with how many formalities one undertakes to make war against God.

Of these two questions, the one, Whether the charge be good of its nature? the other, Whether one be entred by good means? the first is much more impor­tant then the second; for it is necessary for salvation unto every Christian, but the other is not. It is necessary for the people, to know whether the offices of the Pope and of Sacrificer of the body of Christ, be good and lawfull, and instituted by Christ, lest they be subjected to an unjust domination, and thinking to serve Christ, they serve Antichrist: Lest also that being partakers of a Sacrifice in­vented by men, they be guilty of vacating or wronging the only Sacrifice of the death of Christ, and of defiling themselves with idolatry. But as for the suc­cession of persons, and the forms of entering into the Office of Pastor, it is in­deed necessary to a Pastor of the Church, not to usurp the holy Ministry; and he must be very certain in his conscience, that he hath followed the lawfull wayes, and hath not intruded himself; For of that he is to answer in Gods Judgement, who will not leave an usurper unpunisht, but will call him to account, for making the holy Ministry a prey, and constraining God (as far as in him lyeth) to make use of his service, by doing him that service to which God called him not; and [Page 93] for bringing the traffick into the Temple, and purchasing by faction and bribery that holy charge, which teacheth humility and innocence.

But it is not necessary for the people to know the vocation of their Pastors, and to have an exact knowledge by what wayes every one of them is come to the holy Ministry; For I find not any text in the Word of God, that obliges the peo­ple to that examination, or saith that the people must give account unto God of the calling of their Pastors. If a man crept into the Ministry by fraud and un­lawful wayes, yet preach the Gospel purely, and administer the Sacraments as Jesus Christ did institute them, the people believing his preaching, shall be saved nothing the less; for the sentence of Jesus Christ is without exception, that who so believeth on him shall have everlasting life: The Word of God loseth not its vertue in the mouth of a Pastor admitted against the forms, as good seed doth not change nature, and bears not the less fruit for being sown by a thief. As one may wear a suit of clothes, without knowing whether the workman be admitted of Taylors Hall; So one may profit at a mans preaching, without knowing whe­ther the man got into the Office of Pastor by good forms and lawfull wayes. The people is not accountable unto God for the calling of his Pastors, but for adher­ing unto false doctrines, and partaking with a Sacrifice which God hath not com­manded. Truly if the people that they may be saved, must exactly know, what and how long the succession of their Pastors is, and whether it be desended from the Apostles by a successive line of persons in the same chair, they are excluded from all hope of salvation; since that cannot be known but by the reading of Fa­thers, and Greek and Latin histories, where the people understand nothing; And if they understood them, yet should they find a discord between historians, and inter­vals, and interruptions, where the readers are at a loss. ThereforeActs 16.14. Lydia the Purple-seller, and the people ofActs 17.11. Berea, and theActs 2.41. three thousand Jews con­verted at Peters preaching, enquired not about Peters or Pauls calling; Nor the Eunuch of Queen Candace, of the vocation and succession of Philip: But be­lieved their preaching, because they proved what they said by Scripture, al­though they had neither succession nor ordinary calling. So much was enough for them to be saved.

Out of that which was said, we gather two things. The one, that in the Ro­man Church the people are preposterously instructed; for their Pastors hide from them the holy Scripture, by which only they might learn, whether the charge of Pope or Priests be instituted by God; but they are taught to insist upon the suc­cession of chairs, and to question us about our calling. That which is necessary to salvation, is hidden from them, and they are taught to enquire of that which is not necessary for them to know, and about which they shall not be called to ac­count before God. While they amuse men about formalities, they hide the do­ctrine of salvation from their eyes. These poor people fed with empty husks, content themselves to believe that their leaders have the chairs and the ordinary succession; but the means are removed from them, to know whether the truth be taught in those chairs: For so much cannot be known, but by comparing the do­ctrine preacht to them with the Scriptures, after the example of the people of Berea, whom St. Luke praiseth for examining the preaching of St. Paul by Scri­pture, although the miracles and the holy eloquence of the Apostle seemed to give him authority enough.

Our second inference is, that our complaints and accusations against the Ro­man Church, are far stronger, and of higher nature, and better grounded, then those of the Roman Church against us; For the Roman Church doth not re­proach us that the charge of our Pastors is of its nature evill; acknowledging that Jesus Christ hath instituted Pastors in his Church, to preach the Gospel and ad­minister the Sacraments. He that limits his Office within these functions, cannot be accused to have an Office invented by men. Only the Roman Church quarrels with us about formalities, and about the means of entering into that Office, ac­cusing us of intruding without ordinary calling and without any succession.

But we disputing against the Roman Church, bring heavier accusations against [Page 94] them, and stand upon far higher terms; For not only we accuse Popes, Cardi­nals, Bishops, Priests, and Abbots, of usurpation, and of getting their Office by sinister wayes, and of want of lawfull succession; but we question them about the prime and principal point, necessary to salvation, which is the validity of their charges; For we find not in the Word of God, that ever he instituted Popes, or any successors of St. Peter in the Office of Head of the Universal Church: And we say, that every living head must have a body: Whence it follows, that if the Pope be head of the Church, we must say, that the church is the body of the Pope.Eph. 1. Now Scripture calls the Church the body of Christ, not the body of the Pope. But that question shall be agitated hereafter.

Neither do we find in Scripture any mention of Cardinals. The first Author that speaks of them, is Pope Gregory the I. who writ in the year 596. For the Ro­man Council where that word is found, is false and supposititious, as we shall shew in the proper place. But in the time of that Gregory, to be Cardinal Priest, was nothing else but to be Parson or Rector of a principal Parish.See Conci­lium Melden­se. cap. 54. Other Archiepis­copal towns as Ravenna and Millan, had their Cardinals as well as Rome. And Popes were elected, not by a Colledge of Cardinals, but by the suffrages of the people and Clergy. At this time they are Princes of the Universal Papal Church, and have the right of making Apotheoses or Canonizations, and to elect a Pope, which a few ages since is taken only out of their body. In a word, there is no­thing in that Court but of humane invention.

As for Bishops, their Office indeed is good and holy as for the origene, but it hath degenerated. Bishops being grown Princes of the Papal Empire, to which they swear fealty and allegiance in their reception, without any mention of their duty to God, or of his Word, or of the vertues and functions which the Apo­stle requireth in a Bishop; they get into their places by the favor of Kings, and get letters of investiture from the Pope; A thing unknown to all Antiquity.

Likewise the Office of Priests, being good of its nature, is fallen from its puri­ty. For whereas the charge of a faithful Priest, is to preach the Gospel, and to administer the Sacraments; now a man may be a Priest and never preach. The charge committed to him by the Bishop, while he anoints him, and puts the pix and the chalice in his hands, is to sacrifice the body of Jesus Christ for the living and the dead: Of which Priesthood the Institution is not found in the Word of God, and never a word of it in the holy Scripture.

Here then we have a great advantage over our Adversaries; for we accuse them to have overthrown the Christian Religion by forging other charges in the Church, then those which Christ hath instituted, and changing the nature of those which he instituted. But they acknowledging the Office of our Pastors to be good of its nature, accuse us only of violating the forms, and of want of succession. We set their crimes before their eyes; And they upon that, question our Com­mission. Our accusation is of the ground and essence of faith, and is a point ne­cessary to salvation. Their accusation is a point of history, and of Church Di­scipline, which is of no necessity to salvation. Such then is the quarrel between us, as if a woman should tax another woman of adultery, and that other woman in revenge should reproach her that she hath a high nose.

Yet let us see with what forms the Church of Rome admitteth her Pastors, and especially what is the Popes succession; For Bishops and Priests are not held such, but in as much as the Pope approves of them: And upon that chair an infinite multitude of miters and hats are hanging.

CHAP. 36. That the Popes have a false title, and without any Word of God, to the suc­cession of St. Peter, in the charge of head of the Universal Church, and that such a charge is not grounded in Gods ordinance.

TO begin at the spring, If St. Peter had no successor in his Apostleship or in the charge of Head of the Universal Church, then Popes falsely boast of that succession. Upon that we insist often, but can get no answer. Let our Adversaries say if they can, where, and when God hath appointed successors to St. Peter in his Apostleship, or in his Headship over the Universal Church. For such a succession can have no place, if God hath not instituted it. But about that, there is not one word in Gods Word. Thus Aaron had successors in his charge of High Priest, because God had instituted it in his Law. But Moses be­ing Prince, Lawgiver, and Priest, had no successor in those joynt qualities, because God had instituted none. John the Baptist had no successor. None succeeded in the Apostleship of St. John, St. Paul and the other Apostles, because Christ did not com­mand it, and spake never a word about that. That succession then in Peters pri­macy is imaginary and an humane invention. We find indeed in Scripture, that the Apostles going from place to place, preaching the Gospel, would create Pa­stors and Presbyters in every town where they past, and those Pasto [...]s were succes­sors of the Apostles, in the government of those particular Churches. Neither must we doubt, but that if Peter ever was at Rome, he setled Pastors there, to succeed him in the conduct of the Church of Rome. But of providing a succession for him in the Apostleship, or in the Primacy over the Universal Church, there is a deep silence in Scripture; For since the other Apostles left no successors in their Apostleship, there is no reason why St. Peter should have left any in his. And whereas St. Peter writing his second Epistle to the Universal Church, was neer his death, as himself saith, in the 1. chap. and the 14. vers. one might wonder, if any successor should have been expected in his Office of Apostle, why he did not give notice unto the Church, what successor he was to leave in his room, that he might be acknowledged and obeyed after him without contradiction.

And if there had been need of a successor to St. Peter in that primacy, which they say, he had over the Universal Church, no doubt but that dignity did belong to some of the Apostles that outlived him; to St. John especially, that excellent Apostle, the disciple whom Jesus loved, who remained in the world thirty years after Peter? Is it credible, that Linus or Clement were preferred before him? the first a man, whose name hardly remains, And of the other we have but some sup­positious Constitutions, and some Epistles ascribed to him, where there are orders about mice dung, and where he commendeth Plato for banishing the words meum & tuum out of his Commonwealth, andCausa 12. qu. 1. Can. Dile­ctissimis. Communis usus omnium quae sunt in hoc mundo esse debuit; sed per ini­quitatem ali­us hoc dixit esse suum & alius istud, & sic inter mortales facta est divi­sio. Denique quidam Gra [...] corum sapien­tissimus haec ita sciens esse communia debere, ait amicorum communia esse omnia. In omnibus autem sine dubio sunt conjuges. for instituting community of goods and of women.

Or if Linus or Clemens were to be preferred before the Apostles, at least, as Matthias was chosen by the common suffrage of the Apostles, they ought to have been called, and so much respect should have been deferred unto them, as to have had their advice for that election.

And whereas in the first age after the Apostles, the Bishop of Rome was elected by the common suffrage of the people of the Church of Rome: is it credible that the people of one City, had the power to give a head to the Church of all the world, without calling the other Provinces, that had the like interest in it, and never yielded their right to the people of the Church of Rome?

Yet suppose that Christ had instituted a successor to St. Peter in that imaginary primacy; doth it follow therefore that this successor must be the Bishop of Rome? and why rather he then James Bishop of Jerusalem, who by Clement himself Bi­shop of Rome is called Episcopus Episcoporum, the Bishop of Bishops, ruling the [Page 96] Churches of all the world? For this is the inscription of the first Epistle, which he writes unto James, Clemens Jacobo fratri Domini, Epis­copo Episco­porum, re­genti Hebrae­orum sanctam Ecclesiam quae est Ierosoly­mis, sed & omnes Ecclesi­as quae ubique Dei provi­dentiā funda­tae sunt. Clement to James Brother of the Lord, Bishop of Bishops, governing the holy Church of the Hebrews, which is in Jerusalem, yea and all the Churches which are founded anywhere by the providence of God.

If one saith, that Peter hath been at Rome, I will say also, that Christ who is greater then Peter, hath been at Jerusalem, and that all the Apostles have lived there many years. If one alledgeth that Peter is dead at Rome, I will say that Christ is dead at Jerusalem, and James the Apostle, and after him, the other James Brother of the Lord: And that there is no reason, why that which ought rather to be a reproach unto Rome, to have put to death such an excellent Apostle, should turn to that Cities honour, and to an occasion of so great a priviledge. Had Peter suffered martyrdom in a Village, must that Village therefore be the Seat of the Monarch of the Universal Church?

And since it is believed, that Peter resided seven years in Antioch, Can any shew by good proofs, that Peter removing from thence, and going to Rome, re­moved the Primacy from Antioch, seeing that the person of Peter could not be in one place, and the Seat of his primacy in another? When Peter was in some Town of Pontus or Galatia, was the Seat of the Universal Church in that Town? Chrysostom was not of that opinion; For he speaks of the Church of Antioch in this manner, in the third Homily to the people of Antioch, according to the ver­sion of Bernard of Bress, revised and corrected by the Jesuite Fronto Ducaeus, a learned man in the Greek tongue; [...]. Consider, (saith he) the greatness of the Town, and that our care at this present, is not of one soul, or two, or three, or ten, but de millibus infinitis, de totius orbis capite, of infinite thousands, of the capi­tal of all the world: It is the City, in which Christians were first so called. And in the seventh Homily upon Matthew, he speaks thus to the people of Antioch; [...]. When it is question of disputing of precedency, you raise your ambition so high, as to presume to have the presidency over all the earth, because this Town hath the first given name to Christians. Whence it appears, that the Church of Antioch would at that time prefer her self before the Church of Rome. The same Father in his Sermon upon Ignatius, having said that Peter, to whom the Lord Jesus gave the keys, and to whom he permitted the government of the Church, hath long sojourned in Antioch, he inferreth thence [...]. that our City (meaning Antioch) may be set in the ballance against all the world; Which expression in Greek, is as much as if he said, Our City is equal in dignity to any City in the world, and not inferior to any, and by consequent, yields not to the City of Rome. Which he would not have said, had he believed that Peter had taken the Seat of Primacy from Antioch, to transport it to Rome. Basil in the fiftieth Epistle, goes further, saying, that Meletius Patriarch of An­tioch, [...]. did preside over the whole body of the Church. For Basil Bishop of Cesarea, was under the Patriarch of Antioch, whom he esteeemed not to be in­ferior to the Romane Bishop, as we shall see hereafter.

So we come to this issue, and here hold fast, that since the Word of God saith not that the Bishop of Rome must be successor of Saint Peter, in the Office of Head of the Universal Church, yea and gives no successor to him in his Apostleship, nor in his primacy over the Universal Church, the Pope hath but a false title to that succession which he brags of, and that it is a meer humane invention without the Word of God.

Here I call upon the consciences of all lovers of truth (for here the spring of the error is laid open) to see with what spirit of stumbling God hath smitten the Adversaries. Cardinal Bellarmin in his preface to the Books de Pontifice Romano, speaks thus; What thing is in question when we treat of the Primacy of the Pope?Etenim de qua re agitur cum de primatu Pontificis agitur? Brevissimè dicam, de summa rei Christianae. Id enim quaeritur, Debeatne Ecclesia di­utius consistere, an vero dissolvi & concidere? Quid enim aliud est quaerere an oporteat ab aedificio fundamentum removere? &c. To speak in few words, it is then the question of the summ [or the main substance] of Christianity. For the question is, whether the Church must subsist any [Page 97] longer, or be dissolved and perish? For what is it else but to ask Whether the foun­dation must be taken away from the building? It is no wonder that he speaks so, since the Roman Church holds the Pope to be the foundation of the Church, and the soveraign and infallible judge of matters of faith, whose authority is above the Scriptures, which receive from him (belike) all the authority they have. So that by this account, the Popes authority being overthrown, down fals the Church, and the authority of Scripture, and the whole Doctrine of salvation va­nisheth away.

Since then from the Popes succession in the primacy of Saint Peter, the whole Christian Religion doth depend, reason did require, that this succession should be instituted by God and grounded on his Word. But that Cardinal himself ac­knowledgeth, that God hath taken no order about it in his word, and that this point is not a matter of divine right, as in effect our Adversaries alledge no di­vine testimony, nor one single word of Scripture to prove that succession. These be the very words of that same Cardinal Jesuite, in his second book de Pontifice, in the twelfth chapter,Obser­vandum est, licet sorte non sit de jure di­vino Roma­num Pontifi­cem, ut Ro­manum. Pon­tificem, Petro succedere; ta­men id ad fi­dem Catholi­cam pertinere. Non enim est idem aliquid esse de fide & de juredivino. Nec enim de jure divino fuit ut Paulus habe­ret penulam; est tamen hoc ipsum de fide Paulum ha­buisse penu­lam. Et si au­tem Roma­num Pontifi­cum succedere Petio non ha­beatur expres­sè in Scriptu­ris, &c. We must observe (saith he) that although perhaps it is not a point of divine right, that the Roman Pope, as Roman Pope, be a successor of Peter; yet that belongs to the Catholick faith: For to be of the faith, and to be of divine right, are not all one. It is not a thing of divine right, that Paul had a cloak; yet it is a point of faith, that Paul had a cloak. Then he doth ingenuously confess, That it is not found in Scripture, that the Roman Pope is successor of Peter; tacitly acknowledging, that Saint Pauls cloak is far more certain then the Popes succes­sion, since Scripture speaks of that cloak, but of that succession not one word.

Every one that hath some liberty of Judgement, will easily acknowledge, that by this Doctrine, all Christian Religion is blown up, and that the enemy of our salvation brings us this way strait to Atheism, since they will have the authority of Scripture, and by consequent that of Gods Law, and of the Doctrine of salvati­on contained in the Scripture, to be grounded upon the authority of the Church, and the authority of the Church upon the Popes authority, and the Popes autho­rity upon his succession to Saint Peters primacy; And that this succession is not of divine right, as our Adversaries confess, and is destitute of all testimonies of Gods Word. So that to come to the basis of their building, it is found that they ground the certitude of the divine oracles upon an humane tradition, and such a tradition as we have shewed to be false, and will further shew it hereafter.

CHAP. 37. Of the succession of Popes and Cardinals. By what ways the Popedom useth to be obtained. Of Schisms: And that the Popes have no lawful succession.

WHo so shall truly know the succession of the Pope and the Cardinals, and by what means both they and other Prelates enter into their charges, will wonder how persons destitute of all lawful succession, who have corrupted the charge of Pastor of the Church, and have turned it to other uses, having intru­ded themselves by violence and fraud, and made of their charge a merchandize, can be so urgent to ask us a reason of our calling. It seems that they look for companions of their usurpation, and think themselves less guilty if they can in­volve us in the same guilt.

Since the Pope claims the succession of Saint Peter, it will be to good purpose to compare them together. Peter going to preach from Town to Town, on foot, without money or provision for his journey, paying tribute unto Cesar, teaching chastity, fidelity and innocence, dispencing not unto the other Apostles the free and entire use of the keys; The Pope not preaching the Gospel, riding upon [Page 98] mens shoulders, wearing a triple Crown sparkling with Diamonds, giving his pantable unto Kings to kiss,The Emperour the day that he receiveth the Crown from the Popes hand, layeth a mass of gold at the Popes feet. That ceremony is described in the first Book of the Sacred Ce­remonies in the 5. Secti­on, ch. 3. Caesar Ponti­ficis pedes in reverentiam Salvatoris devotè oscu­latur. And a little after, Caesar iterum genu fleetens auri massam ad Pedes Pontificis of­fert, habetque vèrba ad Pontificem, gratias agens pro honorè suscepto. making Caesar to pay tribute to him; suffering himself to be called God, and the Divine Majesty, causing himself to be adored; Ca­nonizing Saints; fetching souls out of Purgatory; deposing Kings; giving and taking away Crowns; bestowing pardons of an hundred thousand years; putting Kingdoms and States in Interdict, and exposing them as a prey to the first Con­querour; dispensing men from keeping their vows, and the Oath made unto God, and the obedience sworn to their Soveraign Prince; dissolving marri­ages; exempting children from the subjection due to their Parents; setting up Brothel-houses, permitting whoredom, and forbidding marriage; robbing other Bishops of part of the use of the Keyes, reserving certain cases to himself, from which none but he can absolve; prohibiting the reading of the holy Scripture, and giving in stead of the Scripture Images, and a service in an unknown lan­guage. Whosoever will make this comparison, will easily acknowledge that the Pope cannot be a successor of St. Peter; but as night suceeeds the day, and sick­ness health; and that the name and succession of St. Peter is set forth by the Popes slaves, rather to mock the world, then out of any opinion that the Pope is a successor of that Apostle. For is it possible that it should be the same charge, when the Functions are so contrary, seeing that St. Peter hath done nothing at all of all that the Pope doth, and the Pope doth nothing at all of all that St. Peter hath done? It is not then without cause, (and there is some mysterie in it) that the Popes renouncing the name of their Baptism when they become Popes, and taking another name, never take the name of Peter, as not convenient for them. Yea if any before he was Pope was named Peter, he leaveth that name assoon as he is Pope to take another. So did Peter de Luna, who having ob­tained the Popedom of Avignon, took the name of Benedict the XIII. but Gregory the XIII. his Anti-Pope called him Peter, to reproach him, and anger him. Before him Peter Bishop of Pavia, being created Pope in the year 984. would be called John the XIV.

The like comparison can be made between the antient Bishops of Rome, and the new. For in the first ages of the Christian Church, the Bishops of Rome quali­fied themselves Bishops of the City of Rome only, and took no notice of the businesses of any Church never so little remote from Rome. They preached the Gospel, and were eminent only in Martyrdom in the eyes of the world, men full of zeal, and in deep poverty, as we will shew hereafter.

The Roman Bishops of the latter ages who have led Armies, given battels, fulminated Emperours, filled Christendom with blood, set up a worldly Monar­chy, and heaped up wealth beyond the greatest Kings; can they be successors of those good Bishops? Certainly where the nature of the Office is altogether changed, there may be a succession in in the place, but not in the Office of the an­tient Bishops of Rome.

In that succession of place, the lower we go, the worser things do we find.Bellar. de noris Ec­clesiae, c. 8. §. Addo ulti­mo, quod Ecclesiae illae Patriarchales per longa tempora ha­buerint Epi­scopos mani­festos baereti­cos, unde interrupta est successio ve­terum Pasto­rum. Our Adversaries hold that Heresie breaketh the succession in Episcopacy: Now the Chair of the Bishop of Rome was stained with many Heresies, which the very Roman Church doth condemn. Athanasius in his Epistle to the Soli­taries, saith, that [...]. Liberius Bishop of Rome subscribed to Arianism; and Hilary in his Fragments, very often doth anathematize him, because he had sub­scribed the Confession of the Arians formed at Syrmium. Hieron. in Fortunatiano. Hierome saith the same in his Catalogue of Ecclesiastical Writers.

Viglius Bishop of Rome, hath approved by Letters the Eutychian Heresie. His whole Letters are set down by Liberat Deacon of Carthage, in the 22. chap. of his Breviary, where he openly declareth that he doth not acknowledge two Natures in Christ; for whichBaron, an. 537. §. 14. Leo 2. Epist. ad Constantin. Imp. Baronius taunts him.Oper. 55. capi­tum, c. 48. pag. 308. Hinckmarus saith that Vi­gilius, [Page 99] from an Apostolical Pope is become an Heretick, and that after many horrible Oaths, when he was detained at Constantinople. Cardinal du Perron calls that Vigilius Simoniacal, Heretick, false Pope, and a favourer of Hereticks, whilst his Anti-Pope Sylverius lived; but that he became a true Pope after the death of Sylverius, whom he cruelly put to death in Prison. Thus that Vigilius from a false and heretical Pope, and an Usurper, is become a holy and a lawful one by the murther of the lawful Pope. Being propped with the power of Beli­sarius who had sold him the Popedom for ready money, he could do what he would with the Roman Clergy. But though the Clergy approved him, yet was he a Symoniacal man, and a murtherer of his Predecessor, and he never re­voked his Heretical Epistles. Neither did his instalment hinder Reparatus Bi­shop of Carthage, from gathering a Council of African Bishops in the year 549. where Anathema was pronounced against that Vigilius, as Victor Tunensis relates in his Chronicle.

Honorius the I. Bishop of Rome, is condemned as an Heretick Monothelite by three Universal Councils, the sixth, the seventh, and the eight. And Leo II. Bi­shop of Rome, successor to that Honorius, doth detest him as one that had defiled the Roman See by his heresie.Ep. 93. inter Episto­las Augusti­ni, & Au­gust. lib. 1. in Julianum. Innocent the I. hath taught that the parti­cipation of the Eucharist was necessary to little children to be saved. This Do­ctrine is condemned with Anathema by the Council of Trent, Sess. XXI.

John XXIII. was condemned and deposed by the Council of Constance, Session XI. for divers crimes, one of the least being that he publikely and notoriously taught and maintained that the soul is mortal, and that there is neither Paradise nor Hell. There was at that time three Popes Excommunicating one another, and a Schism which lasted well nigh 50. years. And by consequent, the Popes that now reign, are Successors to Heretical and Schismatical Popes.

The Antient Canons declare him that hath bought the Episcopacy with money, to be no lawful Bishop. The 29. Canon of the Apostles is such. [...]. If any Bishop or Priest, or Deacon is entred into possession of that dignity with money, let him be deposed, both himself, and he that ordained him. And that Canon is repeat­ed in the second Council of Nice in the 5. Canon. The second Canon of the Council of Chalcedon saith, If any Bishop giveth ordination for money, and puts to sale such a grace wich is not saleable, let him be endangered to lose his own degree; and let not him that is so ordained receive any benefit by his ordina­tion or promotion, but let him be expelled from that dignity and charge which he hath obtained with money. SeeLiberati Breviarium, c. 22. in the Roman Decree in the first question of the first cause many the like Canons, and many places of the Fathers. Against that rule Vigilius obtained the Popedom, having bought it of Belisarius Leiute­nant to the Emperour Justinian in Italy, for two hundred marks of Gold, the which nevertheless he refused since to pay, and cosened Belisarius. The time in which the Harlots Marozia and Theodora reigned at Rome, is full of such ex­amples. And yet at this time Kings and Princes give Pensions to Cardinals re­siding at Rome, and buy their suffrages very dear to have a Pope of their party. The factions made for that are shameful. This reproach Bernard makes to Pope Eugenius in the 4. Book De Consideratione; Quem dabis mihi de tota maxima urbe qui te in Papam recepe­rit, pretio seu spepretii non intervenien­te? Canst thou give me any in this great City that hath received thee Pope without reward, and without some hope of gain intervening? See then what their succession is; It is a meer traffick: So that a Simoniacal Pope succeeds another bought Pope. But yet they will have us to presume that such a Pope who sets up the bank in Gods Temple, is presently fil­led with the Holy Ghost, and cannot err in the Faith.

In the year 882. Marin, or Martin, attained to the Papal dignity, of whom Platina saith, that heMalis artibus Pon­tificatum a­deptus est. came to the Popedom by ill wayes. There was then one Formosus Bishop of Porto, who by the will of Pope John the IX. had been ob­liged by Oath never to receive Episcopacy, though it were presented unto him. But that Marin delivered him from that Oath by a dispensation, giving him leave to be forsworn with a good conscience. At that time the Counts of Tusculum had such a power at Rome, that they made Popes such as they listed. Marin being [Page 100] dead, they promoted Adrian the III. to the Popedom, and after him Stephen the VII.Plati­na, Stella, Si­gonius de regno Italiae, lib. 6. Baron. An. 897. §. 2. to whom Formosus succeeded, who made no difficulty to receive the Popedom against his Oath. This Formosus had but a short reign; he had Bonifacius the VII. for his successor, whom Steven the VIII. succeeded, who un­buryed the body of Formosus, and having arrayed him with his Priestly Robes, put him in full Synod upon the Popes Seat; then having cut his fingers where­with he gave the blessing, caused him to be dragged and cast into the Tiber, declaring him a perjured man, and an unlawful Pope. That Steven for his tyran­nies was taken by the Roman people, and strangled in prison.

To that Steven Romanus succeeded, and to him John the X. both which restored Formosus again to his good name: For this John assembled a Council at Ravenna, where all the Acts of Formosus, were made valid, and his perjury approved. But Sergius that came after, abrogated all that, and again unburyed the body of For­mosus with a thousand reproaches. From this Formosus Usurper of the Popedom against his Oath, the following Popes are descended.

It is a particular stain to that age, that in it the Pope began to authorize perjury, and to dispense from Oaths. A power which the Popes have often used since: See the 6. question of the 15. Cause of the Decree, which is full of such examples. Now the Word of God forbids nothing more expresly then perjury;Levit. 19.22. Psal. 15. and calls it a profanation of Gods Name, praising the man that sweareth to his own hurt, and disappointeth not. Joshua deceived by the Gibeonites, yet preserved their lives rather then violate his faith.1 Sam. 14.44. King Saul resolveth rather to kill his son, then to go against his Oath; ForHeb. 6.10. an oath is that which decideth all differences among men: And whosoever brings in the licence of for swearing, breaks all bonds of Society among men. Wherefore the Mahumetans, who are very religious in keeping their Oath, fear to contract with a Christian, because they know that the Pope dispenseth from oaths. This truly is exalting ones self above God: for who so dispenseth a servant from obeying his Master, is greater then that Master. Bellarmine daubeth this with a slie, yet a slight excuse, in the 21. chapter of his Book against Barklay; saying, that the Pope by that dispen­sation hinders not a man to be faithful to God, but only declareth that God will not have him in this or that matter to keep his Oath: For he will have us to believe, that the Pope knoweth Gods intent about it, and that God hath revealed it unto him. A thing which none will believe but such as will be deceived.

But to return to Pope Formosus, Baronius is angry with Pope Steven for condemning the memory of Formosus, and for determining by a Council ruled by his authority, that a Pope come to the Popedom against his Oath, was an unlawful Pope, not regarding that Pope Marinus had dispensed him from his Oath. Baronius then holding that a Pope can dispense from Oaths, and dis­charge a man from the promise made unto God, holds also that this Steven was in an error, and that he was no lawful Pope. If we granted (saith he) that Steven the VII. hath erred in the Faith, the authority of the holy See should not be hurt by it, because he attained to the Papal dignity by tyrannie, not by lawful Election. And yet from that Pope, and from others of that age, who had likewise got up by intrusion, the following Popes are descended; and upon that depends the succession of the Popes of this age.

The same Baronius on the year 897. saith,Hos Roma­na Eccle­sia passa est Tyrannos Thusciae Principes, Dominantes sive pecuniis sive armis po­pulo cleroque Romano; per quos intrusi in Cathedram Petri solium Christi sunt homines monstruousi, vitae turpissimae. that the Princes of Tuscany domineering over the people and Clergy of Rome, have intruded by arms and money into St. Peters Chair, which is the Throne of Christ, monstrous men of a most impure life, whom he acknowledgeth not for lawful Popes. Which dis­order having continued at Rome above one hundred and fifty years; I do not see where that succession from St. Peter can be found; or how the thread of that succession so many times broken could ever be knit again: For in that ninth and tenth age, well nigh fifty Popes will be found who came to the See either [Page 101] by the power of the Counts of Tuscany, or by the faction and credit of Theodora an infamous harlot, and of her two daughters Marosta and Theodora, who reign­ed at Rome many years, and made and unmade Popes. Of which disorder Cardi­nal Bellarmin speaks thusQuae tunc facies Ecclesiae Romanae? quam foedis­sima, cum Ro­mae domina­rentur poten­tissimae aeque ac sordidissimae meretrices, quarum ar­bitrio muta­rentur sedes, darentur Episcopi, & quod auditu horrendum & infandum est, intrude­rentur in se­dem Petri ea­rum amasii pseudoponti­fices qui non sunt nisi ad confignanda tanta tempo­ra in Cata­logo Roma­norum Ponti­ficum scripti! What was then the face of the Roman Church and how ugly, when most powerfull and most filthy whores bore the rule at Rome? at whose pleasure Popes were changed, and Bishopricks were given: and that which is the most horrible to hear, and not fit to speak, their ruffians false Popes were thrust into Peters See. Wherefore the same Cardinal acknowledging such Popes to have been unlawfull, saith that the history mentioneth those Popes only to mark the years of so long a time: Thereby acknowledging, that for a long time the Roman Church hath been without Popes. And that one may know how great that interval is, and how long that disorder continued in the Church of Rome, hear Genebrard speaking, who was a flatterer of the Popes in the highest degree. So he speaks in the year 901. of his Chronicle.Hoc uno hoc saeculum infelix, quod per annos fere 150. Pontifices circiter 50. à virtute ma­jorum pror­sus defece­runt; Apo­tactici Apo­stacique po­tius quàm Apostolici. In this thing only this age was unfortunate, that for the space of well nigh a hundred and fifty years, above fifty Popes did altoge­ther degenerate from the vertue of their ancestors, being rather Apotactick or Apo­statick then Apostolick. Sigonius makes that space of two hundred years.

In the year 912. John the X. before Archbishop of Ravenna, was chosen Pope. He bestowed the Archbishopick of Rhemes upon a Child of five years old, as Frodoard relates in the 19. chap. of the 4. Book of his history. Whereby it is evident, that it is not of late years that the calling is corrupted in the Roman Church, and the Office shamefully prostituted. Of this Baronius himself is asham­ed, andAn. 925. §. 9, 10, & 11. Vidisti Lector, cujus autho­ritate Ponti­ficis (si tamen ille Pontifex dicendus) id primum fuerat intro­ductum in Ecclesiam Dei. Johann. X. quo tur­pior nullus, cujus sicut ingressus in cathedram Petri infamissimus, itá & exitus nesandissimus. saith, that is a prodigious thing, unheard of before in the Christian world, and never entered into mans mind, that a child who scarce was learning his letters under the rod, should be elected Archbishop of Rhemes. Of this Pope John the X. Baronius saith, that his entry into the Popedom was most infamous, and his end most wicked. And on the year 908. §. 7. he saith, that then God had for­gotten his Church.

In the year of the Lord 931. John the XI. came to the Popedom. He was a bastard, son to Pope Sergius, by the whore Morozia. Upon which Baronius Baron. an. 931. §. 1. saith, The holy Church of God, that is the Roman, suffered her self to be shame­fully trodden under by such a monster.

After him came many Popes creatures of the forenamed harlots, until John the XII. son to a Roman Consul, who was created Pope by his fathers faction, being but eighteen years old, as Baronius relateth,Baro­nius. an. 935. §. 4. who detesteth that John as an execrable monster. The Emperor Otho called a Council where he was de­posed, and Leo the VIII. set in his room An. 963. That Pope renewed the con­stitution of Adrian I. whereby it is ordained, that the Pope be thenceforth elected by the Emperor. But as soon as the Emperor was gone out of Italy, Pope John returned to Rome, expelled Leo and degraded him, having called a Council against him. Soon after being taken in adultery, he was so beaten that he dyed of it. Luitprandus in the 6. Book, chap. 11. and Fasciculus temporum, say, that thisFasciculus, Temp. Tandem cum uxore cujusdam se oblectans à Diabolo in tempore percuti­tur & sine poenitentia moritur. Eadem habet Luitprandus. John lying with some bodies wife, was so beaten by the Devil in the temples of his head, that he died of it a sevennight after. This Pope for money created children Bishops, drunk the Devils health, playing at dice he called upon Jupiter and Venus, and conferred holy Orders in a stable.

At that time there was two Popes, for the Romans would have none of those which the Emperor had elected, and created others; and those Popes killed one another. One of which called Bonifacius, put two Antipopes to death, keeping the Popedom by violence; for then the strongest and the craftiest carried it, and there was no other succession. And one Crescentius usurping a tyranny within Rome, would make and unmake Popes, in spite of the Emperor, who in the end took him and put him to death.

At the same time, a Council was held at Rhemes, Hugh Capet then reigning; In which Council Arnulphus Bishop of Orleans bewaileth thus the state of the Roman Church.O lu­genda Roma quae nostris majoribus clara patrum lumina pro­tulisti, nostris temporibus monstrosas tenebras futu­ris seculis famosas effu­disti! O deplorable Rome, which in our ancestors time hast produced Fathers that were bright lights, now thou hast spread monstrous darkness, which shall be infamous in future ages! And after he had represented the enormity of the Popes of his time, he addeth,Num ta­libus homi­num monstris ignominia plenis, scientia divinarum rerum vacuis, innumeros sacerdotes Dei per or­bem terrarum scientia & vitae merito conspicuos subjici decretum est? Doleo Ecclesiam tam foede deturpatam esse ab iis qui eam regunt. Is it a thing decreed, that so many of Gods Priests over all the world, men eminent in learning and in holy life, must be subject to such monsters of men, full of infamy, and empty of knowledge of divine things? And a little after,Quid hunc Reverendi Patres, in sublimi solio residentem veste purpurea & aurea radiantem, quid hunc esse censetis? Nimirum si charitate destituitur, solaque scientia inflatur, Antichristus est in solio Dei residens. What think ye then Reverend Fathers, this Pope to be, who sits in a high throne, glittering with scarlet and gold? If he have no charity, and is puft up with learning only, He is the Antichrist, sitting in the throne of God. Again, in the same vein; But for the animosity of Kings dissenting, it seems that we ought rather to be judged by them then by that city [of Rome] which being herself venal, weighs judgements by the weight of money. He saith more, that Antichrist is neer, and that the mysterie of iniquity advanceth it self. To which purpose he alledg­eth the Epistle of the VI. Council of Carthage to Celestinus, where the Bishops of Africa warn him not to medle any more with their businesses, to receive no appeals from Africa, not to send his Legates thither, and not to bring the pride of the world into the Church. Of which Epistle we shall speak afterwards in the right place. It is very observable, that this Arnulphus, for thus dealing with the Pope, fared never the worse, neither did any censure pass upon him, but he kept in his place and in the Kings favour; For at that time France was but half subject unto the Papal See, and the French Kings feared not to be deposed by the Pope.

In the year 984. according to Sigonius, in the beginning of the 7. Book of the Kingdom of Italy, or according to Baronius, in the year 985. Bonifacius, who would be called John the XV. having killed two Popes, invaded the Popedom by violence and bribery. Baronius calleth him a robber and a thief, who had not so much as a hair of a true Pope.

In the year 998. John the XVIII. (as Platina relates it) having won Cre­scentius a Roman Consul with money, possest himself of the Popedom which he had bought.

In the year 999. Gerbert Archbishop of Rhemes, and since Archbishop of Ra­venna, was promoted to the Popedom by the Emperor Otho the III. who had been his scholar, and was sirnamed Sylvester the II.Marti­nus in Chro­nico. Galfridus in Supplemento. Sigertus, Platina, Stella, Onuphrius, Fasciculus temporum & alii plures. Historians with a great consent say, that to obtain the Popedom, he made a paction with the Devil, and made him an absolute gift of his soul, to be carried away by him after his death. Baronius in the year 999. saith this to be a fable, but brings no proof to confute it. Genebrard in his Chronicle in the year 1007. speaks thus of the Popes of that time, The Popes of that time being intruded by the Emperors rather then elected, were monsters: Whereby the lawfull succession was interrupted, as sometimes under the Synagogue in the time of the Antiochi.

In the year of our Lord 1033. Benedictus the IX. son to Albertus Count of Tusculum, being but ten years old, was created Pope by the authority and faction of his father, as it is acknowledged by Coeffeteau p. 625. of his Book against the Mystery of iniquity. Bishop of Dardanie. Cardinal Benno saith, that he was addicted to Magical arts. Such was the succession of St. Peter: Children and Magicians were admitted to it. Cardinal Peter Damia­nus saith,Damian. Epist. ad Ni­col. 2. Ponti­ficem. that after his death he appeared to a man in the shape of an asse, and said, that he was so transformed because he had lived like a beast. Platina saith the same, & Fasciculus temporum. And Coeffeteau in the fore-alledged place saith, that Benedictus the IX. was infamous for all sorts of crimes, which give probability to that vision that Damianus and others relate of him.

That Benedictus being expelled by the RomansGlaber saith, that Sylvester was 12. years old when he was elected; but Baronius saith that he was but ten. Sylvester the III. was put in his place, being but ten or twelve years old, and that by faction and bribery, [Page 103] as Platina saith. Such was the succession in those dayes; but after nine and forty dayes Benedictus was restored by his faction. Whereupon Platina addeth,Eo tunc Pontificatus devenerat, ut qui plus largitione & ambitione, non dico sanctita­te vitae & doctrina va­leret, is tan­tum dignita­tis gradum, bonis oppres­sis & rejectis, obtineret, &c. § 3. & 4. Pope­dom was then come to this, that he that prevailed, not in holiness of life and learning, but in gifts and ambition, attained to that great dignity, good men being opprest and rejected; and would to God that our time had not retained that custom. LikewiseJohannes Romanam occupat se­dem, qui non legitimè vocatus à Deo sedet, sed ma­lis artibus ascendit ad ipsam. Baron. An. 1027. § 13. & §. 7. Baronius, An. 1024. of his Annals, speaking of John the XX. brother to Benedictus the IX. saith, that he invaded the See unworthily and tyrannically, and climbed to it by wicked wayes. And yet this is the same Pope who put Romu­aldus in the list of the Saints, and St. Martial in the number of the Apostles, as if a devil should carry a soul into Paradise. Where the great absurdity is, that this St. Martial is an imaginary Saint, who was put in heaven, and never was in earth; For he of whom Gregorius Turonensis speaks in his first Book, chap. 30. is above an hundred years posterior to that false Martial, whom they say to have been cosen to St. Peter, and to have been sent by him to preach in Gaules. Of such Popes then the Popes of our time are successors.

Never was the like confusion. ThatBaronius, Platina, Fasciculus, Coesseteau, p. 625. Benedictus the IX. being made Pope, not long after sold the See to John Arch-priest of Rome; And after he had re­ceived the money, expelled the same John: So there were three Popes together, the one of which put the two others out by devilish wayes. And all three in the end yielded the See to Gregory the VI. for a great sum of money. But the Em­peror Henry the II. turned them all out in the year 1044. and made Syndeger Bishop of Bamberg Pope, who called himself Clement the II. Of those PopesPlatina in Gregor. VI. Henricus II. in Italiam cum magno exercitu veniens, habita Synodo, cum Benedictum nonum, Sylvestrum tertium, Gregorium sextum tanquam tria teterrima monstra abdicare se magistratur coegisset. Platina speaks thus: Henry the II. coming into Italy with a great army, called a Synod, and constrained Benedict the IX. Sylvester the III. and Gregory the VI. three horrible monsters, to leave the Magistracy. In that time it was hard to find any in the Monasteries that could read. AndPag 628. of his Book against the Mysterie of Ini­quity, of M. du Plessis. Coeffetenu upon this place saith, that in that time the chair of St. Peter was a shop of Simon Magus. From those merchants the Popes of these times are descended. At the same time in the year 1045. the Kingdom of Poland was made subject to the Roman See, and obliged to pay to the Pope an obol by the pole. England also about that time, was brought under the same yoke, and that tribute by the pole was called Peter's peny.

Sigonius in the 8. Book of the Kingdom of Italy saith, that Henry the II. created a German Pope, to heal the Church of Rome, that had been sick 200. years. And the sickness which he means, is that which we have represented before, that the Papal See was exposed as a prey, and a price for violence, covetousness and am­bition. That the Popedom was for a long time conferred by harlots that reigned at Rome, or by secular men, whose faction was prevalent at Rome, who made their children Popes by strong hand at nine or ten years of age. That the Popedom was put to sale and possest by Necromancers, adulterers, and murderers. That ordinarily there was many Popes together that expelled one another. And that the most wicked and strongest in faction, or he that gave most would carry it. So that among all those wild doings a lawfull succession is no more to be found then fire in ice.

The Emperor thinking to have mended all disorders, came short of his hope; for Clement the II. whom he had made Pope, was persently after poisoned. Platina saith, the Historians affirm that he was poysoned by his successor Damasus the II.Flatina in Damaso II. Damasus II. Pontificatum per vim obti­net nullo cleri populi­que consensu. Adeo enim inolevenat hic mos ut jam cuique ambitioso li­ceret Petri se­dem invadere. For (saith the same Platina) that custom had got strength, that to every am­bitious man it was permitted to invade St. Peters See. But that Damasus was used as he had used his predecessor, and he died three and twenty dayes after his creation.

Leo the IX. succeeded him, who playing the Captain, led an army against the Normans, who routed him in battel, and took him prisoner.

In the year 1057. Victor the II. successor to Leo, died with poyson, which was [Page 104] given him in the chalice of the Mass. His Subdeacon did him that good Office, who thereby gave work to the Doctors that maintaine transubstantiation. For they ask whether the blood of Christ can be poysoned?Vide Dist. 82. Can. Pres­byter, & ibid. Glos­sam. Whether accidents, that is, lines, shape, whitness, redness, can be poisoned? For if that be, acci­dents must become the subject of a substance. In that Victor's time began the cu­stom of changing bodily penances, as fasting and pilgrimage, into pecuniary pains. Peter Damianus Bishop of Ostia and Cardinal, speaks thus of it,Non ignoras quin cum à poeni­tentibus terras, pos­sessiones agro­rum videlicet accipimus, juxta men­suram mune­ris eis de quantitate poenitentiae relaxamus. Baron. an. 1055. §. 9. & seq. Thou know­est, that when we receive from the penitent grounds and fields, we bate of the pennance according to the proportion of that they give. And Baronius freely acknowledgeth with Damianus, that thereby the stock of the Church was raised.

In the year 1061. two Popes were elected, the one by the Romans, who was called Alexander the II. the other by the Emperor Henry the IV. who called himself Honorius the II. Between whom there was hard scuffing and much blood­shed; Honorius had the worst of it, and was in the end constrained to quit the place.

Otho Frisingensis Chron. lib. 6. cap. 34. Leo Ostien­sis lib. 3. Chron. Cassin. c. 20.In the year 1084. the Emperor Henry the IV. having caused Gregory the VII. to be deposed by a Synod, made Clement the III. Pope. Gregory expelled from Rome, dyed soon after out of grief at Salernum. But after his death, the Countess Mathild or Maud, who called herself St. Peters daughter, helped by the Normans, set on Desiderius Abbot of Mount Cassin to take the Popedom; And he born up by the Normans, set upon Clement, and after great slaughter drove him out of Rome, and making himself Pope, called himself Victor the III. Pla­tina following Martinus Polonus, saith, that he was poisoned in the chalice of the Mass. Ʋrban the II. succeeded; who presently fulminated Clement the Anti­Pope with excommunications; but he was maintained by the Emperors power, and kept his See at Placentia, thundering likewise against Ʋrban, who for his safety left Rome, and retiring into France, assembled a Councill at Clermont in Au­vergne against Clement, and Clement another at Rome against Ʋrban. This is that Ʋrban Causa 15. q. 6. Canone Ju­ratos. Juratos milites Hugoni Comiti ne ipsi quandiu excommunicatus est serviant prohibeto. Coeffeteau p. 716. & 732. & 3. & 6. Vide Helmondi Historiam Sclavonicam, & Albertum Krantzium & Sigisbertum. who by an express Decree for bad keeping faith to an excommunicate person.

Ʋrban being dead, Paschal the II. succeeded, Clement the III. the Antipope still living, and the Roman Church having two heads. This Paschal put Clement out of Rome by force of arms, and caused the Emperors son to rebel against his father. That great Emperor loaden with so many victories, was in his old age put down from the Empire by his son Henry, at the Popes instigation, who would not so much as give the son leave to bury his father. This was the ruine of Cle­ment the III. so that Paschal remained victorious. But by the just Judgemennt of God it came to pass, that this same Henry whom Paschal had set on against his fa­ther, was angry with Paschal, and took him prisoner.

Paschal being dead, the Romans created a Pope who called himself Gelasius the II. But the Emperor caused another to be chosen, who was called Gregory the VIII. Gelasius beind dead shortly after, at Vienna in Daulphine, Calixtus the II. succeeded, who having found the way to lay hold on Gregory the VIII. clad him with raw and bloody goat-skins with the flesh-side outwards, made him ride about upon a Camel with his face towards the tayl, and giving him the titleAbbas, Fuggerus, Platina, Ʋ [...]pergensis. of Antichrist, condemned him to perpetual prison. Thus strength prevailed; for one must alwayes presume (if we believe our Adversaries) that the strongest Pope was the lawfull. This is that Calixtus that sentMatth. Paris in Hen­rico I. Ra­nulph. in Polych on l. 7. c. 7. Westmonaster. John de Crema Legat into England, to take the Priests wives from them. But that Legat was found in a baudy-house at London, lying with a harlot, whereby his legation was made odious.

In the year 1130. which was the time of Bernard, part of the Cardinals elect­ed Innocent II. But a contrary faction elected Anacletus the II. These two Popes were excommunicating one another, and continually calling one another Antichrists, and assembling contrary Councils. Of these two Popes Bernard gives [Page 105] this verdict in the hundred twenty fifth Epistle. This Apocalyptical Beast to whom a mouth was given speaking blasphemy, and that makes war with the Saints, holds St. Peters chair like a Lion prepared for the prey; and the other Beast silently bloweth neer you, like the cub of a wild beast lurking in a close place, These Popes were ful­minating one against the other and fighting cruelly.

Anaclet having held the See eight years, and put Innocent out of Rome, died: His death put life into the courage of Innocent, who soon after installed himself at Rome. That Innocent was the true Pope, there is no proof, but that he over­came, and had the better success.

The like happened in the year 1160. For Pope Adrian the fourth being dead, the Cardinals were divided into two factions: The one chose Octavian, who would be called Victor the IV. The other chose Rolland; who took the name of Alexan­der the III. Victor having made himself Master of Rome, put Alexander out: Whence followed many reciprocal excommunications, whereby they sent one another, and all their adherents into hell; so that there was not one in the whole Roman Church, but was excommunicated. Victor was confirmed by a Council held at Pavia: But Alexander fled into France, where he assembled a Council against Victor, and against the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa Shortly after Victor died, whom Paschal the III. succeeded, and Calixtus succeeded Paschal: But Alexander held out, and by his practices got himself, called by the people of Rome: Being in Italy, he created many enemies unto Frederick, and made the Towns of Lombardy to revolt from him: Whereby the Emperor was constrained to be a Sutor to Alexander for peace, whom he came to meet at Venicei.

This Pope received the Emperor upon the stairs of the Church of Saint Mark at Venice. Whereas the Emperor was stooping to kiss the pantable of Alexander, the Pope trod upon his neck with his foot, saying, Thou shalt tread upon the asp [...] and ad­der, the Lion and the Dragon shalt thou trample under feet: Naucle­rus 2 vol. Gen. 40. Bergomensis in Supplem. Chron ad ann. 1160. Petrus Justi­ni [...]nus l. 2. rerum Vene­tarum. Sa­bellicus, l. 7. Decad. 5. Azor. insti­tut. moral. part. 2. l. 5. c. 43. Bard in victoria na­vali, p. 140. & 141. That History is related by Nauclerus, Sabellicus, Papirius, Masso, Petrus Justinianus, and many more. And the Jesuite Azorius puts this heroical act among the triumphs of the Church. The ill success of the businesses of Frederick, made this Alexander to be held a successor of Saint Peter. If the Emperor had prospered, Calixtus would have been the lawful Pope, and Alexander an usurper. For our Adversaries to main­tain the succession of the Popes, presuppose always that the stronger of the An­tipopes was the lawful Pope, although he was the most vicious, and although he had crept into the Popedom by fraud and corruption, and kept it by violence.

Observe that the Antipopes had created many Bishops, and those Bishops ma­ny Priests, and that he that remained victorious would degrade all those Bishops and Priests, as unlawfully created by an usurper. Whence it hapned, that the Sacraments and absolutions conferred by those Bishops and Priests were void, by which means many died without Baptism, and without Sacraments, and without Remission of sins.

Ranul­phus Poly chronico Ro­ger. Annal. Baron. an. 1191.In the year 1191. Celestin the III. came to the Popedom, being four­score years old. The Emperor Henry the VI. came to him to receive the Impe­rial crown from his hands. And as he bowed to kiss the Popes feet, Celestin with his foot smote Henries crown, and made it fall, to shew that he had the power to take it from him, when he listed: Baronius approveth that action.

In the year 1269. died Pope Clement the IV. after whom, the Roman Church was two years and nine moneths without a Pope. So that the [...]thred of that imaginary succession was long interrupted. The like vacancy of the Papal See, was after the Death of Nicolas the IV. which lasted two years and three moneths, because the Cardinals could not agree about the election of any. In the end, as by contempt they elected a poor silly Hermite, who would be called Celestin the V. that Pope would ride upon an Ass, after the example of Jesus Christ, and would bring all the Cardinals to do the like. OnePlatina in Bonifacio VIII Paul. Emilius, Krantzius, Du Tillet, Nicol. Gil. in the life of Philip. Fasciculus Temp. Ra­nulphus Po­lychronico, l. 7. c. 39. Cardinal Benedict plaid upon his simplicity to make himself Pope; for he would make admonitions to him, saying, that he must leave the Popedom, if he would be saved; and that it was too great a burden for him, to have so many souls to answer for unto God. Then he sub­orned [Page 106] a groom of Celestins chamber, who In the night spake in his ear out of an hole, Celestine, Leave the Popedom, if thou wilt be saved; saying, that he was an Angel of God sent to him: The good man frighted with this, resigned the Papal Dignity, which was transferred to that Cardinal Benedict, in the year 1294. This was that fa­mous Bonifacius the VIII. Wherefore when some years after this Boniface was apprehended by Sarra Colona and Nogaret, sent by Philip the Fair King of France, and carried prisoner to Rome, for excommunicating the said King, and bestowing France upon the Emperor Albert, if he would get it, upon which dis­grace Boniface dyed with anger and grief, the world said of him, that he entred into the Papal dignity like a Fox, reigned like a Lion, and died like a Dog. I leave it to the Readers Judgement, whether the succession of this Boniface into Celestins place, was lawful and valid.

The succession of John XXII. was not lawfuller: For Clement the V. who had transported the Papal See to Avignon, being dead, the Cardinals were two years, three moneths and an half about the election of a Pope; and found no other way to end their difference, then to defer unto James d' Ossa Bishop of Porto, the power of naming a Pope:Anno 1315. But he deceived them all, and named himself. This is that Pope that taught, that the souls shall not enjoy the vision of God before the resurrection, as Ockam witnesseth in his work of ninety three days, Gerson in his Sermon of the Passover, Erasmus in his Preface upon the fifth book of Irenaeus, Genebrardus in his Chronicle upon the year of the world. 5422. Wherefore also that Pope was censured by the Sorbon. Thus the following Popes are successors of an heretical Pope: Now our Adversaries hold, that heresie breaks the thred of succession, as we have shewed in this chapter.

The most horrible Schism that ever was in the Papacy, was that which begun in the year 1377. between Clement the VI. a French man, and Urban the V. an Italian. For that Schism continued almost fifty years with unheard of cruelties and violences, which tore Italy, France, and Germany in a strange manner. Ʋr­ban was residing at Rome, after whom came successively Boniface the IX. Inno­cent VII. Gregory XII. But to Clement residing at Avignon, succeeded Peter de la Luna, called Benedict the XIII.

Gregory was elected Pope at Rome upon the oath which he took, that he would resign the Popedom whensoever he should be required, for the peace of the Church. The same his Antipope, Benedict the XIII. did promise: But both broke their oath; for whereas they dispensed others from keeping their oaths and vows, they could easily give dispensation to themselves. Who so will know the confusions, rapines, perjuries, treacheries, and devilish tricks of these two Antipopes, let him read Theodoricus a Niem, Secretary to the four Italian Popes abovenamed; who hath writ a book purposely of that matter.

To make up that rent, the Cardinals being assembled, held a Council at Pisa, in the year 1411. in which, Benedict XIII. and Gregory XII. were declared Here­ticks, Schismaticks, and false Popes; Whence it follows, that the Popes come since, are successors of hereticks. And since these Antipopes, as well the one, as the other, were false and unlawful Popes; it follows, that the Roman Church hath been many years without a Pope, like a body without a head; and that the Popes come since, are successors of false and imaginary Popes.

Here is worse: For the same Council elected a Pope named Alexander the V. But Gregory the XII. and Benedict XIII. kept themselves in the Popedom by force and arms, so that instead of two Popes, there was three, each of which called himself successor of Saint Peter. France, and Spain, and Scotland acknow­ledged Benedict, and obeyed him. But now, even in France, the Doctors hold that both he and his Predecessor Clement the VI. were usurpers and unlawful, and the same they say of Gregory the XII. sitting at Rome.

That Alexander the V. created by the Council, lasted but little. Balthasar Cos­sa who is John XXIII. succeeded him,Platina in Joh. XXIII. Largitione usus Pontifex creatur. having bought with money the suf­frages of the Cardinals. Three Popes then were reigning together, John XXIII. Gregory XII. and Benedict XIII. who were exchanging excommunications [Page 107] among themselves, breaking and disanulling all sentences, buls, judgements and ordinations, each of the two others; So that over all the Roman Church, there was neither Priest, nor Bishop unquestionably such, and of whom it was not doubted, whether they had a lawful power to make the consecration in the Mass; Which being not made, they hold that the people worship bread, and fall into idolatry.

That John, the most abominable of all, as teaching openly that there was nei­ther Paradise nor Hell, assembled a Council. Nicolas de Clemangis, Archdeacon of Bayeux, who lived among all that confusion, saith, that over that Pope in the midst of the Council, a great Owl sate shreeking hideously, and that for many Sessions. The common saying was, that the Holy Ghost descended upon his Ho­liness in the shape of that Dove.

In the end, the Emperor Sigismond with much ado prevailed so far, that a Council was called at Constance in the year 1416. where Pope Gregory the XII. being fourscore years old, resigned the Popedom, sending to that purpose his Pa­pal Cloak or Pall to the Council, to shew that he devested himself. Benedict would not appear, nor resign, but fled into the Ile of Paniscola, near the coasts of Spain, where he kept many years the title of Pope until death. John the XXIII. came to the Council: But seeing that they went about to proceed against him, he ran away: But he was overtaken, and brought back, and com­mitted prisoner. Against him fifty four accusations were brought; Of which this was one notoriously known, That he had publikely taught, and maintained, that the souls of men died like those of beasts, and that there was neither Para­dise nor Hell. For which crimes, and for getting the Popedom by bribery, he was deposed; As also Gregory the XII. and Benedict the XIII.

The Popes which came since, are not well resolved from which of these Popes they must fetch their succession; For they were all declared Hereticks and false Popes by the Councils of Pisa and Constance; And it is not yet known in our dayes, which of them was Pope in the Roman Church. Yet the succession of the following Popes sheweth, that John XXIII. that honest man, successor to Alexander the V. was held to be the lawful Pope in after ages, since the next that took the name of Alexander since Alexander the V. called himself Alexander the VI. Behold then the line of the chair. Behold that continued thred of Apostoli­cal succession, which is so much boasted of. Here is that chair in which Devils are playing at in and out. With what face now can these Gentlemen question us about our succession?

In that Council of Constance, the three abovenamed Popes being deposed, Martin the V. was elected; whom the Emperor Sigismond worshipped, and kissed his feet in full Council. That Martin sent Embassadors to Constantinople, to whom he gave instructions, which begin thus;These instructions were prepa­red at the Council of Senes, print­ed at Paris, an. 1612. Sanctissimus & beatissi­mus, qui ha­bet coelester ar­bitrium, qui est Dominus in terris, Suc­cessor Petri, Christus Do­mini, Domi­nus Ʋniversi, Regum Pater, orbis lumen, &c. The most holy and most beate, who hath the heavenly Empire, who is Lord on earth, the successor of Peter, the Christ of the Lord, the Master of the Ʋniverse, the Father of Kings, the light of the world, the Soveraign Pope Martin by the divine providence, commandeth Mr. An­tony Mason, &c. Such doubtless were the titles which Saint Peter assumed in his instructions to his Embassadors whom he sent to the King of the Parthians, or to the Emperor Nero!

The example that followeth, is no better proof of a goodly succession. This Martin died in the year 1431. whom Eugenius the IV. succeeded, who was de­posed by the Council of Basil, assembled by himself to reform the Church. In the place of Eugenius, the Council chose Amadeus Duke of Savoy, who called himself Felix. But Eugenius brought against Basil the Daulphn of France, who was since Lewis the eleventh, who in all things opposed his Father Charls the VII. and his confederates. He brought four thousand horse against Basil, to break the Council; which yet he could not have effected, had not the pestilence within Basil, forced the Fathers of the Council to separate themselves after they had condemned Eugenius as an Heretick, and unworthy to govern the Church.

But Eugenius took arms, and being held up by Princes, maintained [Page 108] himself against the Antipope Felix, who after he had been five years Pope, re­tired to Ripaille, a pleasant house in Savoy, there to lead a private life. So the Popedom remained in the hands of a man deposed by a Council, assembled by the Pope himself, where Bishops met out of all parts of the Roman Church. Note that after his deposition, he created many Cardinals and Bishops, whose office was null and illegitimate, since they were created by an usurper, who had by force maintained himself in the office of Pope after his deposition. And yet those very Cardinals created by Eugenius an usurper of the Popedom, are those very men that elected the successors of Eugenius, Nicolas, and Pius the second, from whom is descended the succession of the Popes of our time.

Peruse all histories ever since there was any Empire in the world, and see if ever there was any Monarchy that bore more marks of the wrath of God on the fore­head, or any throne stained with more vices, or troubled with more confusions. It is not then without reason, that two of the less evil Popes, Adrian the IV. and Marcel the II. would say with grief, that they thought that a Pope could not be saved, asOnuphri­us, Panuinus, Supplemento Platinae in Marcello. II. Onuphrius an Augustinian Monk relateth. Which is a notable confession, and extorted by the sense of the truth.

See the first book of the Sacred Ceremonies, Sect. 1.I pass by the busie mysteries of the Conclave, when they are about the election of a Pope; How the windows of the Conclave are walled up, and all doors but one, so that no day-light gets in. How meat is thrust in for the Cardi­nals by an hole, their bread cut into small bits, for fear of some letter hidden; their drink in clear glass bottles: How they eat every one by himself, and are for­bidden to present any thing of their meat to one another. How there are com­monly three factions, the one of France, another of Spain, and the third of the Princes of Italy. There is no Cardinal but sels his suffrage very dear, and gets pensions out of France or Spain, whose factions are always contrary: That of Italy joyning with this or that, carrieth it by the plurality. There are im­ployed all the arts possible to cross and traverse the suffrages one of another. In a word, all things there are done, as the question being not to choose a Pastor for the Church, but a Prince whose inclinations further or hinder the affairs of other Princes, and are a casting weight in the balance. He that hath the two thirds of the suffrages, is chosen Pope, who is presently devested of his clothes, and in­vested with Pontifical robes, and crowned with the tripple crown; he is carried up, and laid upon the Altar, which is Gods place, and then every one of the Cardinals doth him the homage of adoration. In that election none enquires, whether he that is in election, be fit to teach, nor whether his Doctrine be pure, or his life holy? So much is presupposed without difficulty.

To all these, add the eleventh Canon of the VII. Session of the Council of Trent. If any say, that in the Ministers, when they do, and confer the Sacraments, the intention is not requisite to do at least that which the Church doth, Let him be A­nathema. By that rule, if a Bishop who is come to confer the sacred Orders, hath no intention to confer them, or to confer any true Priesthood, or to consecrate a true Bishop (for it is that which the Church that the Council speaks of, pretends to do) the order conferred is null, and the Sacrament of the Orders is null. The like of the Sacrament of Baptism, which is null, if he that baptizeth, hath no in­tention to confer a true Baptism. That intention is presumed by conjecture; for none can have a certain knowledge of the thought and intention of a man but God alone. Now who knows not that there are many Atheists, and many pro­fane persons that laugh in their heart at that they do? It may then happen, that a Pope was baptized by one that had no intention to baptize him really; and it is impossible for a Pope to be certain of the intention of him that baptized him. And if for want of intention, the Baptism which he received, is null, it follow­eth, that he is incapable to receive the sacred Orders, through which he must of necessity pass, before he can exercise the Office of Pope.

No more can the Pope be assured of the intention of him that conferred Or­ders upon him. Whence it follows, that the Pope knows not whether the Or­ders which he hath received, be valid or invalid: He is a conjectural Pope, who [Page 109] knows not whether he be Pope, or whether he be so much as baptized.

Yea it is possible, that he that conferred orders unto the Pope, received them from another that had no intention to confer them. And that other from ano­ther again that had not that intention, or was baptized by another, that had no intention to baptize him. So that by remounting upwards, the uncertainty is still doubled; and multiplyed, even to infinity.

CHAP. 38. Of the wayes whereby Cardinals and other Prelates come to their Charges.

AS defluxions will flow from the head upon the body, so the corruption and Simony which hath infected the Papal See is fallen from the Popes to the whole body of the Clergy. Every one knoweth what traffick is made of Benefices; how Bishopricks and Abbeys are swapt, giving money to boot, to make even bargains; and what solicitations are made in the Courts of Kings, and in that of Rome, to come by them. We have seen already in the precedent chapter, how John the X. gave the Archbishoprick of Rhemes to a child of five years of age, which Baronius condemneth, although he knew that it is an ordinary thing in these days. Younger Brothers of great houses have Benefices and Bishopricks be­stowed upon them in their Cradle. Hardly are they come out of the womb when they enter into the Episcopal Dignity.

I have known Bishops that could not read their Mass. An unlettered Prince is possest of an Archbishoprick, in which he placeth a Coadjutor, who contents himself with the third or fourth part of the revenue; the rest is for the Prince that hath obtained the gift of the same.

The famous Thuanus, in the sixth Book of his history, in the year 1550. relates an action of Jules the III. when he was newly made Pope, which is worthy of memory.Cum an­tiquae consue­tudinis sit ut novus Ponti­fex galerum cui velit su­um largiatur, eum juveni cuidam cui Innocentio nomen, do­navit, quique quod in familia simiae curam gereret, Simiae etiam post adeptam dignitatem nomen retinuit, &c. The custom (saith he) being that the new Pope giveth his Cardi­nals Hat to whom he pleaseth, he bestowed his upon a youth called Innocent; who because his Office in the house was to keep an Ape, retained the name of Ape after he had attained his Cardinals dignity; and to him the Pope gave also his on sir­name and coat of arms. Whereupon when the Cardinals expostulated with him for raising an unworthy person to such a high Dignity, he answered them pleasantly enough, And you, what perfection did ye find in me to make me Head of the Chri­stian Common-wealth? With that answer he stopt their mouth.

Every one knoweth that the Embassie of M. du Perron to Clement the VIII. to desire him to receive King Henry the IV. into the bosom of the Church, served in part to promote him to the Cardinalship. That recompense he had for prostituting the dignity of the King his Master, having cast himself at the Popes feet, and received by the Penitencer, blows with a wand both upon the back and the belly; as representing the Kings person, upon whom the Pope in­flicted penance, admitting his Majesty to receive it by proxie. But the chief, yea the only cause that moved the Pope to receive the King, was that the party of the League was going to wrack in France, and that the Towns returned to the Kings obedience. Nevertheless all past as if Clement had been moved by divine Inspi­ration to receive the King. But unto M. du Perron to recompense him for blemish­ing the dignity of the King his Master with such a base submission, the Pope gave some bags full of Medals, little Crosses, and blessed Beads, to scatter them among the people, to which Beads and Crosses he gave that vertue, that who­soever should kiss them, and say certain Prayers, should get an hundred years of pardon. Which liberality brought to the King and to the Kingdom of France a great measure of Consolation. I remember that my self at Fontainbleaú [Page 110] did upbraid M. du Perron with this, in the presence of the late KingsThat Lady was Catherine de Bourbon, Dutchess of Bar, sister to Henry the IV. of France. Of that Prin­cess this Author was Chaplain, and God made use of him to keep her to the last breath in the Protestant profession, opposing continually this du Perron, who in her life, and in her death, was her perpetual tempter to make her turn Papist. sister, he being then Bishop of Eureux. His answer was, that the Pope did like Jesus Christ, who sent those he healed to the Pool of Siloam, although he could have healed them without that.

If I would stir this sink further, I could bring forth persons who have got the Cardinals Hat for a recompenseHere the Author doth tax du Perron, who was known to be pandar to Henry the IV. Whereupon a Pasquil went about when du Perron was made Cardinal, that if du Perron was made Cardinal for his good services, there was hope that La Varenne (the Kings chief Pandar) should once be made Pope. of unchast and dishonest services done to great men. The very form used to get that dignity, which is to imploy the favour of Kings to obtain it for persons incapable, is an accusation. That Hat the Pope sends packt up. Such Hats doubtless were sent by Saint Peter to those that he would advance to honor!

Liber. 1. Sacr. Cere­mon. sect. 10. cap. 8.At Rome in the Church of Saint Agnes, some white Lambs are kept, with whose wooll white cloth is made, and with that cloth little white cloaks, which are laid over St. Peters Tomb. None can exercise an Archbishops fun­ction, but he must first buy one of these cloaks, and there is such a cloak for which forty or fifty thousand Ducats must be payed. By that gate they enter into the Archiespiscopal Dignity: Behold the Vocation, behold the Succession that is so much cryed up. Note, that if an Archbishop die one day after he hath paid for that Cloak, his Successor must buy another; so that mortality among Prelates is exceedingly lucrative to his Holiness.

See the first Book of Sa­cred Cere­monies, Sect. 8.This also is to be observed of the charge of Cardinals, that assoon as a Bishop is made Cardinal, he is presently discharged of the care of that Church which was committed to him: For he ceaseth to be Pastor of a flock, and becomes a Prince of the Papal Hierarchy, and capable to receive Benefices of all sorts. After that, with what conscience can these Gentlemen open their mouthes to speak of their Vocation?

What shall I say of the titular and imaginary Bishops? to whom a Church is assigned, which is not in being, and a Flock forged in the air. The Pope will cre­ate a Bishop of Dardania, or Damascus, or Alepo, where there are no Christi­ans. As if the Ministers of Amsterdam, or Sedan, would create a Minister of Fez, or Cairo, or Maroco. But these Bishops take a long term, to think whether they ought to visit their Churches; and they have need of time to learn to speak Ara­bick or Turk; then it is not good to venture overmuch. Wherefore they make no haste to go. In the interim that title gets them a place, and the priviledge to enjoy some Benifices, while they look for a better Bishoprick. Thus a Cardinal living in France, is Priest of a Parish in Rome, which Parish he hath never seen, and makes no account ever to see it.

CHAP. 39. Of the perpetual Duration, which M. du Perron calleth Indefectibility.

PErpetual duration is also put among the marks of the true Church. Which mark being admitted, serveth for a proof that the Roman Church is not the true Church, since her Doctrine is new, and was not in the Apostles time.

Between Duration and Antiquity there is this difference, that antiquity re­gards only the time past, but duration regards also the time to come. Which is enough to prove, that although the true Church must alwayes endure, yet that duration is not a mark to know her by: For the marks of a thing are things actual [Page 111] and present. But perpetual duration is not yet, but is expected and hoped for: For that which is not yet, cannot be an evidence of a thing that is. Our hopes and desires cannot be marks of the true Church: For to that hope one may oppose a contrary hope, and say that the Roman Church is not the true Church, because we hope that she shall not last alwayes, but shall be cut off, of which she is threatned by St. Paul, Rom. 11.22.

Since then one cannot certainly pronounce of any particular Church, and by consequent not of the Roman, that she shall endure unto the end, because no particular Church hath any promise of God of a perpetual duration, and that one shall never be able to affirm with certainty, that the Roman or the Greek Church are of perpetual duration, but when the world is at an end; therefore that dispute about the perpetual duration must be put off till the day of judgement.

As for that duration which is already past, it cannot be a proper mark of the true Church, since it is common also unto Paganism and Judaism; which have been in the world before Christianity. The Greek and Syrian Churches continue still, and have begun before the Roman. And the Roman Church which is now questioning the Churches which she hath endeavoured to extermine about their duration, could not yet give an account of hers, nor shew that she hath been in the Apostles time, nor in five hundred years after Christ produce one man that profest a Religion in any wise neer that which she now professeth.

That I may not stand long upon an unnecessary thing, we are agreed that the Church must last alwayes, and that there will be alwayes some faithful Chri­stians in the world. But that which is properly attributed to the Church, is not alwayes a mark to know the Church by. And it followeth not that a thing, which lasteth alwayes, must alwayes be visible to every one. But the marks of the Church must be sensible and perceived by every one.

CHAP. 40. Of the multitude and great number; and that the multitude is not a mark of the true Church.

AMong the marks of the true Church, our Adversaries, who boast of their number, put multitude. As good as saying, that to find the Church where we may be saved, we must get a Cord to measure the Countrey, or have Counters to number the persons. This is very strange, that the true Church should be discerned by that mark wherein Pagans go beyond Christians; and that this should be given for a mark of the true Church, which by the judge­ment of Scripture is rather a mark of Error. Before the flood, the family of Noah was very small in comparison of all mankind. What was the family of Abraham compared to the rest of the world? or the people of Israel in com­parison of the Empires of Babylon and Persia? And of that very people of Is­rael ten Tribes revolted. And in the two that remained, many times the Ido­laters and profane were the greatest number. Against one Prophet of God, Micaiah, four hundred false Prophets rise, 1 King. 22.6. And after the death of the Lord, the Church consisted in very few Disciples. Thou shalt not fol­low a multitude to do evil, saith our God, Exod. 23.2. In the 10. of Luke, the Lord Jesus calls his Church a little flock. And Matth. 7, he commands us to take the narrow way which leadeth unto life, and saith, that few there be that find it; and that the broad way leads unto perdition. And Rev. 13. the Spirit of God foretells a time, when all the earth shall run after the Beast. Likewise Luk. 18.8. the Son of God speaking of the time next before his coming, saith, When the Son of man cometh, shall he find faith on the Earth? Where shall at that [Page 112] time that visible multitude be, and that Church eminent in number and splendor? And when wings are given to the Church to flye and hide her self in the desart for a time, Rev. 12. it is not like that then she was or shall be great in number; for a great multitude cannot be hid.

There was alwayes more Pagans then Christians, and many times hereticks have past the Orthodox in number. A time when Arians were the greater number, as Vincentius Lirinensis saith,Ariano­rum venenum non jam por­tiunculam quandam sed pene orbem totum conta­minaverat, adeo ut pro­pè cunctis Latini sermo­nis Episcopis partim vi partim fraude deceptis, &c. The venom of the Arians had defiled not a small portion, but well nigh all the world; so that almost all the Latine Bishops were deceived, partly by force, partly by fraud; a deep darkness had overspred the spirits. Among those Latin Bishops were the Bishops of Rome, Liberius and Felix; the one of which by fear, the other in earnest, had embraced Arianism. And Hierom in his Dialogue against the Luciferians saith, All the world groaned and wondred to see it self turned Arian. And upon the 133. Psal. Ecclesia non parieti­bus consistit, sed dogma­tum veritate. Ecclesia ibi est ubi vera fides est. Caeterum ante annos quindecim aut viginti, parietes om­nes Ecclesia­rum hîc haere­tici posside­bant. Ante viginti an­nos, omnes Ecclesias ha [...] haeretici pos­sidebant; Ec­clesia autem illic vera erat, ubi vera fides erat. The Church consisteth not in the walls, but in the truth of the doctrine. There the Church is where the true faith is; for it is but fifteen or twenty years since hereticks possest all the wals of these Churches; but there the true Church was where the true faith was. The Author of the life of Gregory Nazianzen speaks thus, The heresie of Arius did hold well nigh the whole bredth of the world, being backt with the help of an ungodly Emperor.

Gregory Nazianzen in his Oration against the Arians, and concerning himself, Where are they that upbraid us with our poverty? [...]? That define the Church by her multitude, and despise the little flock? As they have the people, so we have the faith. They have the gold and the silver, we the faith and the doctrine. Himself in the ver­ses of his life, [...]. It is a small people, but of great price before God, who numbereth not the multitude, but the hearts. And in the 32. Oration pronounced before a hundred and fifty Bishops, he speaks thus to the Adversaries who boasted of their great number; [...]. God delighted not in the greatest number. Thou countest the thousands, but God those that are saved. Thou countest the infinite dust, but I the vessels of election.

The second Tome of Athanasius, hath an express treatise against those who judge of the truth by the multitude,Tom. 2. pag. 246. [...]. How miserable (saith he) are those that attribute the strength of reason unto the only multitude! He that finding himself un­able to resolve a question propounded, and wanting proofs, hath recourse unto the mul­titude, confesseth himself overcome, as having no provision to maintain the truth. Why dost thou boast of multitude, as if thou didst threaten God to build another tower of Babel, &c. That text is very long and very express. In the end he concludes, [...], &c. Dost thou strengthen untruth with the multitude? Thou shewest thereby that the evil is so much the greater. In the 16. chap. of the 2. Book of the history of The­odoret, the Emperor Constantine who was an Arian, upbraideth Liberius, that he was alone of the party of Athanasius: to which Liberius answereth, [...]. Al­though I be alone, the word of faith is not thereby weakened. In old time three persons only were found that resisted the ordinance; he durst not add, of Nebucadnetsar, for fear of offending the Emperor. Pope Nicolas the I. in his Epistle to the Em­peror Michael, The smal number doth no harm where piety aboundeth. The great number availeth nothing where impiety reigneth; yea the more the congregation of the wicked is numerous, the more is she powerfull to compass her evil designs, &c.Nolite gloriari in multitudine, quia non multi­tudo sed causa damnationem vel justificationem adducit. Glo­ry not in the multitude; for it is not the multitude, but the cause that makes one con­demned or justified.

Austin is the only Father, to whom it happened to go about sometimes to di­scern the true Church by the multitude; for disputing with the Donatists, whose Church was small, compared to the Orthodox Church, he maintains in several places, that the true Church is alwayes eminent and in greater number then the society of Hereticks. Which text M. du Perron sets forth with a great shew, and [Page 113] alledgeth them upon all occasions. But Austin must not be believed against him­self, and against the other Fathers, much less against the Word of God, and against experience. Himself, chap. 19. of his Book de catechizandis rudibus, speaks thus,Neque hoc nos move­re debet quia multi diabolo consentiunt, & pauci Do­minum se­quuntur, quia & fru­mentum in comparati­one palcarum valde pauci­orem habet numerum. We ought not to be moved that many consent with the devil, and few follow the Lord; for wheat also is very smal in comparison of the straw. And in the 6. Sermon upon the words of the Lord in St. Matthew, Quod tunc corpus ejus in turba patiebatur, hoc patitur Ecclesia ejus; à turbis premitur, à paucis tangitur. The Church of Jesus Christ suffereth that which himself suffered in the crowd of the people; She is opprest by the crowd, but few persons touch her. Where by those that touch the Church, he understands the faithfull. See Austin upon the 128. Psal. where he saith, that the Church in old time was in Abel only, another time in Enoch only, and after Enoch in the only family of Noah; for in all these texts he disputeth not against the Donatists Note also that those Churches, the multitude whereof Austin opposeth unto the Donatists, are at this time contrary to the Roman Church.

CHAP. 41. Examination of the proofs which M. du Perron brings to prove that the true Church had alwayes the greatest number.

THe Cardinal in the 88. chap. of his first Book against the King, brings many texts of Scripture which promise unto the Church a great confluence of na­tions. As that which is said to Abraham; Gen. 22. In thy seed shall all nations be blessed; and thy seed shall be like the stars of Heaven, and like the sand of the sea. And in the 2. chap. of Haggai, v. 9. The glory of this latter house shall be greater then of the former. And Cant. 8.8. We have a little sister and she hath no brests, And Isa. 54.1. Sing O barren, for more are the children of the desolate then the children of the marryed wife.

These texts are Prophesies of the vocation of the Gentiles, by the preaching of the Gospel, and were fulfilled in the time of the Apostles and of their Disci­ples, and in the ages in which the Gospel was much propagated, and the Church much increased; whose multitude hath much exceeded that of the Church of Is­rael, which was inclosed in one only nation; but the Christian Church receiveth all nations; and must, not all at one time, but successively, be carried over all the world. So is understood the text of Psal. 2. I shall give thee the nations for thine inheritance, and for thy possession the uttermost parts of the earth. And this of Psal. 72. He shall have Dominion from Sea to Sea. And that of Acts 1. And you shall be witnesses unto me unto the utmost parts of the earth. Which texts are abused, if one will prove by them that the Church must alwayes extend over all the world, or fill the whole earth all at one time. That never was and never shall be, but she must go successively over all the world, and pass from one people to another. Which succession may as well be done, the Church being small as great; as one may carry through the house as well a little candle as a great one. St. Paul doth plainly intimate this, Rom. 10.18. where he applieth to the preaching of the Apostels, that which is said of the Sun and Stars, Psal. 19. Their line is gone out through all the earth, and their words to the end of the world; for the Sun and Stars give not their light to the earth all at once, but successively, to one part after the other.

With the like abuse these texts are imployed to prove that at all times the true Church must be the most populous; for there is not one of all these texts that speak of a perpetual multitude and eminence. They are Prophecies that peculi­arly regard the calling of the Gentiles in the time of the Apostles and their Di­sciples, in which there was a very great confluence of people converted to the [Page 114] faith. This clearly appeareth in the text of Isa. 2. where God promiseth, that many people shall go and say, Come ye and let us go to the mountain of the Lord; for presently after that promise Isaiah addeth, For out of Zion shall go forth the Law, and the Word of the Lord from Jerusalem; where it is evident, that he speaks of a time when the Word of God was to be carried among the nations from Jerusalem and Judea; which hapned not but in the Apostles time.

CHAP. 42. Of Miracles.

MIracles are no fitter marks for the true Church, and that for four rea­sons. 1. Because false Churches make miracles also, and miracles are found among Pagans and Infidels. 2. Because miracles are neither necessary nor perpetual in the Church. 3. Because they may be false, and give fair play for Satans impostures. 4. And lastly, because miracles are often hurtful, and it is sometimes expedient that there be none.

I. That miracles are not proper to the true Church, and that false Doctors will make some, Jesus Christ teacheth it, Matth. 24. False Christs and false Pro­phets shall rise, making signs and miracles. And chap. 7. v. 22. In that day many shall say unto me Lord, Lord, have we not prophecyed in thy name? have we not cast out Devils in thy name? And the Apostle, 2 Thess. 2. foretels that the son of perdition will come, with all power and signs, and lying wonders, and with all de­ceivableness of unrighteousness, and that God will give them [...], the power of delusion. The Jews exorcists did miracles, and expelled the unclean spirits; of which we have an example in a Jew named Eleazar, that healed a man possest of a Devil in the presence of Vespatian, as Josephus relates it in the 8. Book of the Antiquities, chap. 2. Philostratus relates the miracles of Apollonius Thyanaeus; and at this time yet miracles are done at Mahomets sepulchre. See Suetonius in the life of Vespatian, chap. 7. Porphyrius a sworn enemy of Jesus Christ, opposed to the Christians the miracles which the Pagans did, as may be seen in Eusebius, in the fourth Book of Evangelical preparation: [...]. They make a great noise of ther predictions, and oracles, and cures and healing of all kinds of diseases. Florus. Cicero de Divinatione. The example of Actius Navius Augur is famous, who in the presence of King Tar­quinius Priscus, cut a whet-stone in two with a razor.

After the Ascention of Jesus Christ, Hereticks began to do many miracles.Adjici­ent praeterea multa de au­thoritate cu­jusque do­ctoris haereti­ci, illos maxi­mè doctrinae suae fidem confirmasse, mortuos sus­citasse, debi­les refirmas­se, &c. Tertullian, chap. 44. of Prescriptions, saith, that Hereticks boasted, that they had exceeded all others in the confirmation of their doctrine by miracles; that they had raised the dead and healed the sick: And that Jesus Christ had foretold so much, saying, that many would come that should do very great mi­racles to authorize their false doctrine. And in the 3. Book against Marcion, chap. 3. he saith,Christus temerariam signorum & virtutum fidem ostendit ut etiam inter pseudo [...]-Christos facillimam. that to do miracles was a thing very easie among the false Christs, and that it was a rash part to hang our belief upon them. Theodoret up­on Deut. 13. We are taught not to believe [miracles] when he that doth them teacheth things contrary to piety. Hierom upon Gal. 3.Ob­servandum est quod virtutes dicuntur operantes hi qui non habent Evangelii veritatem. We must observe, that those are said to do miracles that hold not the truth of the Gospel. Then he addeth, This I say against hereticks that hold it an approbation of their faith when they do some sign.

The imperfect work upon St. Matthew, attributed unto Chrysostom in the 49. Homily,Nunc autem signorum operatio omnino levata est, magis autem apúd eos invenitur qui falsi sunt Christiani, sieri. The operation of miracles is now quite taken away, and it is found that many more fained miracles are done among those that are false Christians. Au­stin in the Book of the 83. questions, in the 79. saith,Quaedam miracula etiam scoleratos homines facere, qualia sancti facere non possunt, nec tamen potiore loco apud Deum esse arbitrandi sunt. that perverse and [Page 115] wicked men do miracles, which the Saints cannot do. Himself against the letters of Petilianus, lib. 2. cap. 55.Nam de exclusione daemonum & de potentia miraculorum, quoniam ple­rique talia non faciunt, & tamen ad regnum Dei pertinent, plerique au­tem faciunt & non perti­nent, nec nostri nec vestri de­bem gloriari. For as for expelling Devils, and the power of mi­racles, because many do not these things, and yet belong to the kingdom of God, and that many do them which belong not unto that kingdom, neither your side, nor ours ought to boast of them. That especially is remarkable, which we learn of the nine and thirty four Canons of the Council of Laodicea, and of Balsamon upon the thirty fourth Canon of that Council, that the Orthodox would come to the Se­pulchres of the Hereticks, and there be healed. Whence it appeareth, that He­reticks did true miracles, since healing followed. And Scripture witnesseth that the Magicians by their inchantments, did the same miracles as Moses.

II. Secondly, I say that miracles are neither necessary nor perpetual in the Church. We find not that before God appeared to Moses, any miracle was done in the Church of Israel, during their abode in Egypt. And the Church of the Jews hath been many years without miracles, since their return from their capti­vity of Babylon. And when in the time of King Josiah, the Book of the Law was found and publisht, God made no miracle to authorize that Law, because the miracles done in the first publication of the Law in the wilderness, were sufficient to give it authority with posterity. Likewise the miracles of Jesus Christ and his Apostles done in the beginning of the publishing of the Gospel, serve yet this day to confirm the same Doctrine, and no need of new miracles to confirm it. Ma­ny Prophets extraordinarily sent; as Hosea, Amos, Zechariah, did no miracles. It cannot be said, that their very prophecying was a miracle; for here by mi­racles, we understand sensible events, contrary to nature, which serve to autho­rize a Doctrine. Besides, Prophecies are not acknowledged to be divine and mi­raculous, but after the fulfilling, either wholy or in part; and by consequent, the inspiration of Prophecy cannot, before the fulfilling, be taken for a miracle. To this purpose, Gregory the I. in the twenty ninth Homily upon the Gospel saith very well, My brethren, do you forbear believing, because you do no miracles? But these things were necessary in the beginnings of the Church, that the multitude might grow in faith. If then any bring in a new Doctrine, it behoveth him to do miracles. But we of whom miracles are demanded, bring no new Doctrine.

III. Thirdly, miracles are dubious things, and imposture about them is fre­quent. Especially about the miracles of the Roman Church, which in our time are reduced to ejecting of Devils, where Satan hath fair play to deceive. But to raise a man from the dead, or to give sight to a man born blind, they are things which are not done in the Roman Church. The Legends of Saints are stuffed with miraculous tales, grosly coined: The Courts of Parliament have given many sentences against false miracles, and have often punisht such impostures. Let these Gentlemen that cry up their miracles, send some miraculous punishment upon those that laugh at their miracles. But of that no example was yet seen; So gently they are pleased to deal with us. But indeed the Devil hath no power over Gods children.

IV. Lastly, miracles are many times hurtful: For he that believeth not unless he see miracles, doth thereby, though against his mind, invite Satan to play some juggling trick, and exposeth himself to the wiles and craft of the Devil.

For these causes, Deut. 13. God commandeth his people to judge, not of the doctrine by the miracles, but of the miracles by the Doctrine. And that if one bring forth a dream or a miracle, and say together, Let us go and serve strange Gods; let such a Prophet be stoned to death notwithstanding his miracles.

As for the miracles which in the first ages were done in the Christian Church, God made use of them to make Pagans turn Christians. But we read not that ever any miracle was done to confirm the adoration of images, or Purgatory, or Transubstantiation; for the miracles which are alledged to that purpose, are later then the invention of these Doctrines, or are related by Authors manifestly fa­bulous, and so prone to be false and forged. I will shut up this discourse with a [Page 116] sentence of Prosper, Prosper li­bro Senten­tiarum ex Augusti­no, Sent. XII. Imitatores Magistri debent esse Discipuli, non in faciendis miraculis quae nemo exigit, sed in custodi­enda humilitate & patientia ad quae Dominus nos suo invitat exemplo. drawn from Saint Austin. The Disciples ought to be imi­tators of Christ, not by doing miracles, which no body requires of them; but by keeping humility and patience, to which the Lord hath invited us by his example.

CHAP. 43. Of Union in the visible Church.

UNion and concord are desirable things, so it be an union in things good and holy; for otherwise union is but a conspiracy. Thus the Apostle Eph. 4.15. commands us to follow truth with charity, rejecting that charity which main­taineth untruth. The Devils themselves have an union among them. And with­out a strict union, a company of thieves cannot subsist. When then our Adver­saries give us union for a mark of the true Church, we ask Whether they under­stand union in the true Doctrine, or in the false? If they mean (as it is to be sup­posed) union in the true Faith and Doctrine, it follows, that before we can know whether union in a Church be good and holy, that Church must be instructed be­fore in the true Faith and Religion. It appears then, that union cannot be a mark of the true Church, since to judge of that union, there is need of another mark.

Neither can that be an infallible mark of the true Church, which is not per­petual with the true Church, and may not less or more consist with the societies of Hereticks and Infidels. For the ancient Christian Church hath been often troubled with dissentions; and before the Schism and separation between the Greek and the Roman Church, there was always something to mend, and some quarrel to appease: And the Roman Church which bears her self for the only true Church, hath many times been troubled with Schisms: And at this day, yet they are not agreed in the Roman Church, whether the Pope be above the Coun­cil, or the Council above the Pope. Now there can hardly be a greater and more important quarrel in a State, then to dispute to whom the Soveraignty doth belong.

Besides, union in the same religion is found also among Hereticks, and there­fore cannot be an infallible mark of the true Church. In the whole Empire of the Turk, which is the greatest of the world, there is a very great agreement about Religion. The Jews also keep among them an admirable union. Neither is there any, though never so small heretical Church, but is united in her error. For it is not the great number that makes the union to be good or evil, but the agreement to do well or ill, or to believe well or ill.

That union is inculcated by our Adversaries to upbraid us, that we agree not with the Lutherans and Anabaptists. But herein the Roman Church upbraids us with nothing, but what she may be upbraided with: For she also disagreeth with the Lutherans and Anabaptists. The reproaches of the Roman Church to us upon that Subject, are of no force, since the Pagans and Jews make the same reproach to the Roman Church with the like force, and to all Christians in general. For thence they gather, that Christian Religion is false, since Christians are at odds about their Religion, and the Greek Church hath a Religion, the Roman Church another, the Ethiopian Church another, &c.

Let our union then be with our Lord Jesus Christ, and through Jesus Christ with God, and with them that serve him, according to his Word. For in vain do we seek union with men, while we are in discord with God. Now the way to be united with God, is to follow his Word, and to conform our selves unto his Will; By consequent that we may enter into that union, we must be instructed in his Word: For it is an open contradiction to reason, and a wilful blindness, to [Page 117] think to agree upon an union, and not know about what we must be united; and to press concord upon the people, and at the same time to hide the truth from them, without which, all agreement is a conspiracy against God.

CHAP. 44. Whether the Universal Church must be called Roman.

ALthough the Roman Church be a particular Church, yet she will be called Universal. Nowadayes to be a true Christian, and to be Roman, are taken for one and the same thing; and the same man is called a Catholick Roman, that is, an Univesal Particular. But the Word of God doth not oblige us to be Romans, or to be of the Roman Church or Religion to be saved: Nay the Apostle Rom. 11.22. threatens the Romans, that they shall be cut off, that is, that they shall fall off from Gods Covenant. For although that threat­ning be spoken generally to the Gentiles, grafted in the place of the Jews, yet it is not without cause, that it is particularly addrest by the Spirit of God to the Roman Church. Saint Paul indeed commendeth the faith of the Romans, that is, of the Christians of the City of Rome; but he giveth the like praise to the faith of the Thessalonians, saying, that from them sounded out the Word of the Lord, 1 Thes. 1.8. and that in every place, their faith to Godward was spred abroad. And yet he ob­ligeth not thereby all Christians to call themselves Thessalonians, or belonging to the Church of Thessalonica. It is very considerable, that Saint Paul having writ­ten such a long Letter to the Roman Church, did not think of exhorting them to their duty, by the consideration of the dignity of their Church, and of the superiority of the Church of Rome. It is certain, that Christian Religion was planted and spread over Judea, Syria, Egypt, Natolia, Grecia, &c. many years before there were Christians at Rome. It would be a great error to think, that at that time the Universal Church ought to have been called Roman. Neither do we find, that in the first ages, the Christians of Syria, or Persia, or Armenia, or Egypt, did stile themselves Romans, or of the Roman Religion. That Title is grown with the Papal domination, and is now one of the marks of his Empire. It is very probable, that this word Roman, is that mark of which it is spoken, Rev. 13.16, 17.

Cardinal Baronius in his Annals, on the year 45. §. 10. brings some Texts of the Antients, to prove that in old time to be a Roman, and to be a Catholick, was all one. He alledgeth Theodosius the II. speaking thus in an Epistle to Acacius, Actis Concilii Ephesini. Vos probatos Ro­manae religio­nis Sacerdotes manifesto ar­gumento de­clarate. Shew us by an evident proof, that you are approved Priests of the Roman Religion. That passage is mistaken by that Cardinal; for Theodosius by the Roman Religion, un­derstands not that of the Church or the Pope of Rome, but the Religion kept in the Roman Empire; as if one now called the Turkish Religion that which is establisht in the Turkish Empire.

Baronius brings another authority of Victor Ʋticensis, in the first book of the persecution of the Vandals, where an Arian disswadeth King Theodoricus from putting an Orthodox man to death. For (saith he) if thou killest him with the sword, the Romans will begin to make a Martyr of him. But whosoever hath read Victor, knoweth that under the raign of the Vandals in Africa, there was three sorts of persons; The Vandals which were Arians; The Moors which were Pagans; And the Romans which were Orthodox, who having been subject to the Roman Em­pire, were opprest by the victorious Vandals, and were called Romans, because they had been conquered by the Vandals from the Roman Empire. The like to this may be seen inGregor. Hist. l. 2. §. 27. Syagrius Romanorum Rex Aegidii filius, ad civi­tatem Sues­sionis sedem habuit, & l. 2. c. 33. Gundobal­dus Burgun­dionibus leges mitiores in­stituit ne Ro­manos oppri­merent. Et appendice c. 78. Har­cardus ex ge­nere Franco­rum, Rauli­nus ex genere Romano, Tril­libaldus Pa­tricius ex ge­nere Burgun­dionum. Gregorius Turonensis, that the Gauls subdued by the Franks and Burgundians, and conquered from the Roman Empire, were called Ro­mans not with any regard to the Roman Religion, but in relation to the Roman Empire.

CHAP. 45. Of Antiquity, whether it be a mark of the true Church.

VVHen we speak of the Antiquity of the Church, we mean not the anti­quity of the Temples; for in an old building one may teach a new Do­ctrine. Nor the antiquity of the Chairs; for they that sit in them may change the Doctrine of their Predecessors; but the antiquity of the Doctrine. Which antiquity is good, and of great authority if it be the first, before which nothing is more antient: For all that which is instituted since Christ and his Apostles, is new; and the multitude of years cannot authorize a false Doctrine. We judge not of the true Church by the years, but by the rules. Jesus Christ is not the Custom, but the Truth. Yea, as unchast women grow worse by age; the more an Error is old, the more it is pernicious, because it is deeper rooted. If time and multitude of years could make an evil Doctrine to become good, we would have the abettors of that opinion to set us down precisely, how many years are requisite to make that alteration, and to give authority to a false Doctrine. As then in the question of divorce, without cause of adultery, granted by Moses to the Israelites because of the hardness of their heart, Jesus Christ brings them back to the source, and to the first antiquity, saying, In the beginning it was not so, Matth. 19. We also, in all Controversies about the Faith, let us endeavour to bring mens minds back to the first institution, and to the doctrine of the antient of days, and of our Lord Jesus, who correcteth the Errors of the Antient by his authority, saying, Matth. 5. It hath been said by them of old time, &c. But I say unto you, &c. For the Truth of God is Eternal, and there is no prescription against his authority. If in things civil and mutable one cannot prescribe against the right of Kings, much less against the Law of the King of Kings; and in things spiritual and eternal. A time was when these Doctors which are called antient were new. And before that those that are called Fathers did write, Scripture had already a full authority.

The Roman Church in this point is intolerable: For she boasteth of Anti­quity, but will not suffer the truth of her Doctrine to be examined, though it be the only way to discern true Antiquity. She will have us to judge of the Truth by antiquity, whereas we ought to judge of antiquity by the Truth, and by the conformity to the Word of God, which is the first antiquity. She boasteth to be antient, and yet every age brings additions or alterations to her Doctrine; so that the form of the old building is no more seen, and yet that building keeps the same Name. She boasteth of antiquity, and yet brings new things every day. She makes a shew of some old patched clothes, to make the world believe that she comes from far, as the Gibeonites did: But when one comes to examine her Do­ctrine by pieces, one finds that she comes not from very far, and that almost all is new. And indeed there was need of great alteration to make a Bishop of the City of Rome to become the Monarch of the Universal Church, and to make the Doctrine of the Gospel to serve for building an earthly Kingdom. We are ready to undergo any punishment, if it be found that the antient Church many ages after the Apostles excluded the people from the Cup, or kept them from reading the holy Scripture; or made pictures of the Trinity; or yeilded Veneration to the Images of the Saints; or called the Virgin Mary the Queen of Heaven; [...]or made mention of the Roman Indulgences; or of the power of the Pope to de­pose Kings, and fetch souls out of Purgatory, &c. In a word, as it is now ano­ther Doctrine, so it is another Church, because it is another Religion. And we have proved before by a multitude of very express passages, that the Roman Church boasteth that she hath power to add to the Symbole, and dispense against the Apostle, and to alter that which God hath commanded in his Word. M. du Perron hath bestowed a Chapter purposely upon that subject in the 674. page. [Page 119] Yet after that, these men speak of nothing but Antiquity and Fathers, hoping thereby to confound mens understandings, and avoid the Exami­nation of their Doctrine by the Word of God. But of that we shall speak hereafter.

Now if it be demanded, whether Antiquity must be placed among the marks of the true Church; I answer, that although the first and true antiquity be­long to the true Church, yet antiquity cannot be a mark of the true Church.

For to know that mark, there is need of another mark, even of the truth of the Doctrine, it being impossible to judge, whether the Church that professeth that Doctrine be antient, but by examining it upon the Rule of Truth, which is the Word of God.

Besides, the marks of the Church must be proper to her at all times: Now a time hath been when the Christian Church was new. The Church of Israel had her beginning, and the Church could not be antient when the world was new.

Also the essential marks of a thing must proceed from the form and essence of that thing: But time and years are not of the essence, and proceed not from the form of things that are measured by the time. Old age is not the mark of a true man, or of a good Common-wealth.

If Antiquity were the mark of a good Church, the Church should alwayes grow better with the time; and with the antiquity the goodness and the truth of a Church should also grow: And the Church should be better in our dayes then in the dayes of the Apostles, because it is more antient.

By that means also the Roman Church should lose her cause, for the Greek Church is her Mother; and Christian Religion hath past from the East to Rome, and to the West, as the History of the Acts of the Apostles shews it evidently, and there is no Church so corrupt but boasteth of Antiquity: The Jews boasted themselves to be children of Abraham, even when they reviled Christ,Joh. 8. and said that he had a Devil. And the Samaritans called Jacob their Father, and by the authority of their Fathers who had worshipped God in their Mountain,Joh. 4. they de­fended their Religion.

As the antiquity of a building is the cause that there is alwayes to mend in it; so it is so far from truth, that the antiquity of a particular Church should be a mark of her purity, that on the contrary it gives just reason to presume that the multitude of ages had made it worse.

Wherefore St. Austin made no difficulty from to depart from his predecessors in the points of Nature and Grace, and Predestination; the Pelagians having sharpned his wit upon those points, which were not debated before, and obliged him to search the Scriptures with more diligence; whereby he hath got much praise, and was followed by them that came after, as Fulgentius, Prosper, Hilarius Are­l [...]tensis, &c.

Upon that it is good to see Symmachus, a Pagan, Epist. 54. of the 10. Book, where writing to the Christian Emperors, Valens, Theodosius, and Arcadius, he desireth them to have a reverence for the Pagan Religion, by reason of her anti­quity,Jam si longa aetas authoritatem religionis fa­ciat, servan­da est tot se­culis fides, & sequendi nobis paren­tes qui felici­ter secuti sunt suos, &c. Optimis Principes, Pa­tres patriae, reveremini annos meos in quos me pius ritus adduxit ut utar Ceremonijs avitis, &c. Hic cultus in leges meas orbem redegit, haec sacra Annibalem à moenibus, à Capitolio Senones repulerunt. Ad hoc ergo servata sum ut longaeva reprehendar? sera & contume­liosa est emendatio senectutis. If (saith he) the length of time gives authority to Religion, we must keep faith to so many ages, and follow our Fathers who have so happily followed theirs. Then he personates the old Pagan Rome, thus speaking to the Emperors; Good Princes, Fathers of your Countrey, respect my years, unto which the pious Ceremonies have brought me; permit me to use the Ceremonies of my Ancestors. This Religion hath subjected the world unto my laws: These holy services have beaten back Hannibal from the walls, and the Senones from the Capitol. Have I been preserved till this time that I should be rebuked in my old age? The correction of old age comes too late and is injurious. What could Ambrose and Prudentius [Page 120] answer, who confuted that Epistle, but that the Law of God is more antient then Numa Pompilius, the Author of these Ceremonies? And that all is new which is not from the beginning? and that Error cannot be authorized by the number of years?

See Lactantius in the 5. Book of Justice, c. 10. where he saith, that the Pagans disputing against the Christians,A quibus si persuasionis ejus rationem requiras, nul­lum possunt reddere; sed ad majorum judicia con­fugiunt, quod illi sapientes fuerint. when one asketh them a reason of their be­lief, they cannot give any, but have a recourse to the judgement of their ancestors who were wise.

CHAP. 46. Of the Fathers and Antient Doctors, and of their Authority.

THe writings of the Antient Doctors neer unto the Apostles times cannot be despised, but by persons wedded to their opinion, that blame all that they understand not: For although every one of them be subject to err, yet when they agree all in that they say, their consent is of great authority. But we must take good heed, how, and for what end it is used. For our Adversaries make a great noise about that, and make a flourish of Fathers, not out of any belief that these Fathers are favourable to them, nor out of hope to gain their cause before these Judges; but to make the people look off from Scripture, whose tryal they labour by all means to avoid.

When the question is to resolve a conscience by testimonies of Fathers, we meet with many hinderances; For their writings are Greek and Latin, of an in­finite length and multitude. They are Books which the people never see, and where they understand nothing. If to attain to Salvation it is necessary to be versed in the Doctrine of Fathers, hardly of a thousand Christians can one be saved. And among the Fathers writings many suppositiuous Books are mingled, and new corruptions are every day discovered: Then there is as much or more dispute about the sense of the Text of the Fathers, as about that of Scripture: So that if the Fathers be taken for Judges, there will be need of other Judges that judge infallibly of the sense of the Fathers. It were worth knowing whether the Roman Church, which boasteth to be an infallible Interpreter of the sense of Scri­pture, hath the same perfection in the interpretation of Fathers.

Again, when the Fathers dissent among themselves about the Exposition of Scripture, who shall be Judge of their differences? or who will undertake, to de­fine which Fathers have most authority? Or how many Fathers are requisite to make an Article of Faith? For it is not reasonable, since our Adversaries take the Fathers for their Judges, that themselves be Judges of the Fathers.

Besides, when a passage of a Father is alledged, who knows whether other Fa­thers agree with him? Who knows whether the same Father speak otherwise in other places, as it is usual with the Antient?

Another hinderance troubleth mens minds very much, That the words which the Antient used have lost their signification, and are now taken in a quite diffe­rent sense; as the words of Mass, Sacrifice, Indulgence, Oblation, Pope. Purga­tory, Satisfaction, Prayer for the dead, &c. have lost their antient signification, and are taken in our time in another sense then in old time. Whereby the igno­rant are deceived, not knowing that such words in those dayes signified quite another thing then in ours, and that the Roman Church puts old words upon new inventions. He that will lead the spirits of a people that way, in stead of bringing them to the Word of God, doth involve them in a dark labyrinth, puts them in a way that hath no end, and makes men Judges in Gods cause.

As then on the one side, we reverence Fathers as lights that have been shining in their time, and recommend the reading of them to such as have leisure and capacity; so on the other side, when it is question of giving laws to the Church, [Page 121] we acknowledge no other Lawgiver but God, and no other rule of faith but his Word; which, in matters necessary to salvation, is so clear, that it needs no in­terpreter; which also is as strong alone as attended, and suffers wrong in its au­thority, when it is defended with the testimony of men.

The Fathers themselves acknowledging their infirmity, and their subjection to Scripture, will not be believed but so far as they speak conformably to Scripture; and acknowledging themselves subject to err, return alwayes to that rule.

Cyrillus of Jerusalem, in his fourth Catechesis, speaks thus, [...]. One must not teach the least thing concerning the divine and sacred mysteries of faith without the holy Scriptures. And a little after, [...]. Believe me not simply when I say these things unto thee, unless thou hast proofs of what I say by the holy Scriptures.

Hierom upon the 86. Psal.Quam­vis ergo san­ctus sit ali­quis post Apostolos, quamvis di­sertus sit, non habet autho­ritatem. Although some man since the Apostles be holy, although he be well spoken, yet he hath no authority.

And Austin against Faustus the Manichean, Book, 11. chap. 3. speaking of his own writings and of other Fathers,Non prae­cipiendi au­thoritate, sed proficiendi exercitatione scribuntur à nobis. Libe­rum ibi habet Lector auditoris judicium quo vel approbet quod placuerit, vel improbet quod offenderit. Non me movet authoritas Cy­priani. The authority of Cyprian moves me not. And he gives for reason, that he is not greater then the Apo­stle Peter. See the 9. Dist. Can. Ego solus Alphons. de Castro Franciscan. cap. 7. lib. 1. de haeresib. hath ga­thered many the like passages. These Books (saith he) are written by us, not by authority of commanding, but to profit by exercise. And soon after, having establisht the holy Scripture for Judge, he saith, that in other works of them that have written since, the Reader hath his judgement free, either to receive that which he approveth, or to reject that which displeaseth him. The same in the 1. chap. of the second Book of Baptism, (e) rejecteth the authority of Cyprian which was ob­jected to him.

That by alledging the Fathers, our Adversaries intend only to avoid Scripture, and puzzle the spirits of the simple, it appeareth in that they assign for a mark of the true Church, conformity with the Antient Fathers, but will not assign for a mark of the same Church, conformity with the Word of God contained in the holy Scriptures. Also in that there be many questions upon which they alledge not the Fathers, silently confessing, that there the help of antiquity fails them, as is the point of denying the communion of the cup to the people. Such are also the images of the Trinity, and forbidding the people to read the Scripture, and the title of Queen of heaven given to the Virgin Mary, and the Roman Indul­gences, and the Popes power to depose Kings, and fetch souls out of Purgatory, and private Masses, and the custom of praying in a language not understood by him that prayes; and many other points. In this especially it appears, how little in effect they trust the Fathers, although they take them for Judges, that when these Fa­thers speak against the Roman Church, they make no difficulty to rebuke and taunt them, making themselves Judges and censors of the Fathers, yea and opposing them when they consent together: As we shall see in the following Chapter.

CHAP. 47. That our Adversaries condemn the Fathers, and by consequent cannot have them for Judges.

THe Glossary of the Decree upon the 9. distinction, endeavouring to elude some testimonies of St Austin, who saith, that the holy Scriptures have alone the perfection of infallibility, but that all other writings of persons never so ho­ly are subject to err, and ought to be read with circumspection, hath put this Gloss in the margent,Hodie jubentur te­neri usque ad ultimum iota, ut infra. dist. 15. cap. ult. These words must be understood according to that time when the writings of Austin and other holy Fathers were not authentical, but now it is commanded to keep them to the last tittle. Against that Glossarie Alphonsus de Castro takes a quarrel in the 1. Book of heresies, chap. 7. and calls him a fool and lyar, seeing that the writings of the Fathers are often dissenting among them­selves: And Melchior Canus in the 7. Book of the Theological places, in the 3. chap. to the same purpose alledgeth many errors of the Fathers; of Cyprian among others, who believed that those that were baptized by hereticks must be rebaptized; and of Hilary, who denieth that the body of Jesus Christ hath felt any pain, ascribing to him an impassible body; of Irenaeus, who was a Chiliast; and he goes so far as to say, that the Fathers sometimes bring forth monsters against the order of nature. Cardinal Baronius, whose writings are so highly esteemed by our Adversaries, censureth the Fathers with great liberty. On the year 34. §. 113. he acknowledgeth freely, thatSanctis­simos Patres in interpreta­tione Scr­ptura non semp [...]r in omnibus Ca­tholica sequi­tur Ecclesia. the Catholick Church doth not alwayes follow the most holy Fathers in the interpretation of Scripture. Himself on the year 31. §. 24. rebuketh St. Austin, because he did not well understand these words of our Lord, Thou art Peter, &c. for want of understanding the Syrian tongue. And on the year 34. §. 185. Hierom hath erred for want of memory. And on the year 60. §. 20. he quarrelleth with Theodoret for rejecting the invocation of Angels. grounded upon a text of St. Paul; Ex his videas Theo­doretum hand felicite [...] (eius pace dictum sit) affecutum esse Pauli verborum sensum. Hereby (saith he) one may see that Theodoret, by his have, hath not well comprehended the sense of the words of Paul. And on the year 369. §. 24. Hilary had also his errors.

Bellarmine every where beareth himself as judge and censor of the Fathers. In the first Book of the felicity of the Saints;§. Sunt tamen; & §. S. Anto­nius. Justini, Ire­naei, Epipha­nii, Oecume­nii sententi­am non video quo pacto ab errore possi­mus defende­re. I see not how we may defend from error the opinion of Justinus, Irenaeus, Epiphanius and Oecumenius. In the same place he heaps up the errors of many Fathers. Of whom also he saith in the second book of the Councils, chap. 13.Lib. 6. de Conciliis c. 13. Scri­pta Patrum non sunt re­gula, nec ha­bent au­thoritatem obligandi. The writings of Fathers are not the rule, and have no authority to oblige us.

Himself in the 1. Book de Pontifice Romano, chap. 8. speaking of the opinion of Hierom, that Priests are inferior to Bishops by Ecclesiastical right only, not of divine right: That opinion (saith he) is false, and must be confuted in the proper place. And chap. 10. §. Addo. Austin (saith he) hath been deceived by the only ig­norance of the Hebrew tongue. And in the Book de monachis, chap. 13. he goeth about to prove, that the opinion of Austin, of Thomas, and of Bernard, seems not to be conformable unto the holy Scripture.

Sixtus Senensis, in his Preface upon the 5. Book of his Bibliotheca, saith, thatIn libris sanctorum Doctorum quos authenticè legit Ecclesia, nonnunquam inveniun­tur quaedam prava vel haeretica. in the holy Doctors which are read in the Church with authority, sometimes things evil and heretical are found.

Andradius in the 2. Book of the defence of the Tridentine faith,Ʋt Augustinum, Basilium, &c. taceam, quorum non sumus semper opinionibus addicti. I will say nothing (saith he) of Austin, Basil, Athanasius, and the other Cyrillus, Chryso­stomus, and Epiphanius, to whose opinions we are not alwayes tyed. And in the same place he saith, that the Fathers are contradicting one another, and then addeth, So many things there be wherein it is lawful for us to depart from the opinion of the Fathers.

Cardinal Cajetan in the beginning of his Comments on Genesis, Nullus detestetur novum Scri­pturae sensum ex hoc quod dissonat à priscis docto­ribus, &c. Non enim alligavit Deus exposi­tionem Scri­pturarum priscorum Doctorum sensibus, &c. If (saith he) sometimes a new interpretation occurs agreeing with the text, and not contrary to Scripture or to the doctrine of the Church, let the Reader shew himself an equitable censor, although that interpretation be divers from the stream of the holy Doctors. And in the same place, Let none detest a new sense of Scripture, because it is dis­sonant from the antient Doctors, &c. For God hath not tyed the exposition of Scri­pture to the sense of the antient Doctors, but to the whole Scripture it self, under the censure of the Catholick Church; subjecting Scripture unto the censures of the Roman Church.

The Jesuit Pererius in the 8. Book upon Genesis, in the first disputation,Pudet dicere quae de optimis scriptoribus hoc loco di­cturus sum, adeo sunt non modo falsa sed pudenda & absurda — Me ta­men cogit di­cere veritas. I am ashamed (saith he) to say the things which I must say against very good writers, which say things not only false, but also shamefull and absurd. Now the Fathers which he hath a quarrel with, are Justin Martyr, Irenaeus, Clemens Alexandri­nus, Cyprian, Ambrose, Tertullian, Lactantius, Eusebius, Sulpitius Severus.

Salmeron in the second prolegomen acknowledgeth that the Fathers have often dissented among themselves,Multa disputavit Cyprianus cum Cornelio Papa, Origi­nes cum Afri­cano, &c. Cyprian (saith he) had many disputes with Pope Cornelius (he would say Steven) Origen with African, Chrysostom with Theo­philus Alexandrinus, Epiphanius with John of Jerusalem, Ruffinus with Hierom, Hierom with Austin, Austin with Simplicician, Prosper with Hilary, Gregory with He would say John. Eutyches of Constantinople, and each of them made good his party.

And not only he saith, that the Fathers dissent among themselves about the ex­position of Scripture, but also every one with himself.Salme­ron Prolig. 2. §. Quin­ta. Nam dum quisque eo­rum diversi ab alio unum locum ex­ponit imo etiam unus & idem va­rio modo. Every one of them (saith he) expounds a text otherwise then another doth, yea the same Doctor expound­eth a text diversly.

In the 51. dispute upon the Epistle to the Romams, treating of the conception of the Virgin without sin, he alledgeth against himself a multitude of Fathers, that hold that she was conceived in sin. To which he answereth, thatRespon­demus locum ab authorita­te esse infir­mum, &c. Ibid. Deni (que) contra hanc quam objici­unt multitu­dinem re­spondemus in verbo Dei, Exod. 23. In judicio plu­rimorum non acquiesces sententiae ut à vero declines. Missam facio Augustini & Innocentii I. sententiam quae sexcentos circiter annos viguit in Ecclesia, Eucharistiam etiam infantibus necessariam. the proof by authority is weak, and that reason must go before authority. And in the same place, Against that multitude [of Fathers] which is objected to us, we answer by the Word of God, Exod. 23. Thou shalt not speak in a cause to decline after many to wrest Judgement.

The Jesuit Maldonat in his Comment upon the Gospel, disputeth everywhere against the exposition of Fathers. As upon Matth. 6. treating of the supersub­stantiall bread, he confutes the opinion of Tertullian, Cyprian, Ambrose, Victo­rinus, Athanasius, Juvencus, Hierom. And upon the 6. of John. Respon­demus locum ab authorita­te esse infir­mum, &c. Ibid. Deni (que) contra hanc quam objici­unt multitu­dinem re­spondemus in verbo Dei, Exod. 23. In judicio plu­rimorum non acquiesces sententiae ut à vero declines. Missam facio Augustini & Innocentii I. sententiam quae sexcentos circiter annos viguit in Ecclesia, Eucharistiam etiam infantibus necessariam. I leave the opinion of Austin and Innocent the I. which reigned for 600. years, that the Lords Supper is necessary to children.

The famous Bishop of Bitonto speaks very ingenuously to that purpose, upon Rom. 14. p. 606. where setting the Pope in the place of God, and comparing his authority with that of the Fathers, he speaks thus, Whatsoever is spoken by him whom we account for God in the things of God, we must hearken to it as to God himself. As for me (that I may confess it ingenuously in the things that concern the mysteries of God) Cornelius Mus. Episc. Bitontinus in Epist. ad Rom. c. 14. Quem pro Deo habemus in his quae Dei sunt quicquid ipse dixerit tanquam Deum audire debe­mus: Ego ut ingenuè fatear) plus uni summo Pontifici crederem in his quae mysteria fidei tangunt quam mille Augustinis, Hieronimis, Gregoriis, ne dicam Ricardis, Scotis, Gulielmis. Credo enim & scio quod summus Pontifex in his quae fi­dei sunt errare non potest quoniam authoritas determinandi quae ad fidem spectam in Pontifice residet. I would give more faith to the only soveraign Bishop, then to a thousand Austins, Hieroms, Gregories, that I speak not of the Richards, Scotuses, and Gulielmuses; for I believe and know that the Soveraign Bishop only cannot err in the things that are of the faith, because the authority of determining matters of faith resides in the Pope.

Petavius in his Notes upon Epiphanius, freely acknowledgeth the errors of the Fathers, saying, pag. 205, & 244. We do not so much seek the errors of these di­vine men, as set them forth when they present themselves. Yea he saith, that if one would examine many things in the Homilies of Chrysostom upon the rule of truth, he should find neither sense nor reason in it.

The JesuiteDe prae­sentia Christi in Euchari­stia, Disp. 6. q. 3. Puncto 11. §. quod si. Gregorius de Valentia, in the Book of Transubstantiation, ch. 8. to rid himself of Theodoret, who in his Dialogues confutes Transubstantiation, Theodoret (saith he) hath been noted of other Errors in the Council of Ephesus. The like will be found in the Preface upon the Dialogues of Theodoret printed in Greek at Rome. And the same Gregorius de Valentia, saith in the same place, thatMinime mirum est si unus aut al­ter aut etiam aliqui ex vt­teribus minus considerate & rectè hac de re sense­rint & scrip­serint. We must not wonder, if some of the Antients have believed and written in­considerately of this matter.

Wherefore our Adversaries in their Comments, and in their Books of Contro­versies use to alledge divers opinions of the Fathers, and to chose that which pleaseth them best, and sometimes they reject them all. Bellarmine in the Book De Monachis, chap. 9.§. Prae­terea & seq. Five Expositions present themselves, which we must confute. The first is of Hierome and Beda, &c. and soon after, Hieroms memory failed him.

The Jesuite Maldonat upon Matth. 20. after a long enumeration of the opi­nions of Fathers, freely declareth that he doth not acquiesce to any of them. And upon Joh. 6. rebuking Austin, as one that had not apprehended in what sense Je­sus Christ saith himself to be the Bread, saith, I am perswaded that if Austin had lived in our time, he would have been of another of opinion. And upon the same chap­ter upon these words, They shall be all taught of God; Chryso­stomi inter­pretationem multo magis probo quam illum Au­gustini. I do approve (saith he) the interpretation of Chrysostom much more then that of Austin. And upon Matth. 11. after he hath alledged divers opinions of the Fathers, he addeth, To speak freely, none of these contents me.

Pope Gelasius by Papal authority in the Canon, Sancta Romana, Dist. 15. beareth himself as Judge of the writings of the Fathers, and makes an enume­ration of those that must be suspected, and names them Apocryphal. Among others he rejecteth Cassianus, the History of Eusebius, Clemens Alexandrinus, and Cyprians Opuscules, who are nevertheless authors of good note, and have their ranck among the Fathers.

Alphonsus de Castro, c. 9. of the 1. Book against Heresies, shews that the Fa­thers will often contradict one another. That Hierom saith, that Paul rebuked Peter fainedly only, not in truth: Austin on the contrary maintains, that he was truly and justly reproved. — That Hierom holds, that he that had two wives before Baptism, may be promoted to the Priesthood after he is baptized; which affir­mation Ambrose, and Austin, and all the other Fathers do resist. That Austin holds that the whole world was built in a moment of time, and interprets that circuit of days to be alternations of Angelical knowledge, but that all the others contradict that interpretation.

But Salmeron alone may serve for all. That Jesuitie in his thirteenth Tome in the sixth Dispute about St. Pauls Epistles, makes himself Judge of the Fathers with great authority, and makes a Collection of the Errors of the Fathers in these words. Such is that which Irenaeus saith concerning the age of Christ, that he at­tained unto forty years; and that the Name of Jesus is compounded of two letters and a half. And the Monogamy of Tertullian; and what he saith, that the death of Christ hapned about the thirtieth year of his age. The opinion of Papias, of the Resurrection at the end of a thousand years, which Nepos, Cantor, and Lactantius have followed. Austin and Origene, and the Platonicians have said, that the Angels are made of airy and subtil bodies. And our Gregory in the Homily of the Epiphany of the Lord, calls an Angel a reasonable animal. The Doctrine of Cyprian, of the rebap­tization of those that have been baptized by Hereticks, which hath been determined by three Councils of Carthage, and confuted by the Church. The opinion of Euse­bius Cesariensis, that the Son of God, who is the Word of the Father, is inferiour to the Father, hath been rejected as most false. The opinion of Basil, that the roof of the Firmament is flat, that it may hold water, as he saith upon Genesis. Himself upon the 14. Psalm, maintains that under the New Testament, it is not at all per­mitted to swear, no more then it is permitted to circumcise. Which nevertheless Euthymius and Theophylactus upon Matth. 5. have followed. Yet this hath not been followed by them that are come since. Also it is a hard opinion of Nazianzenus, [Page 125] that he holds second marriages to be unlawful, and the third to be a prevarication, us he testifieth in the thirtieth Oration. This also is hard in Gregorius Nyssenus, to hold that in the state of Innocency, there should have been no generation by copu­lation of sexes, no more then in the Resurrection, as he testifieth upon Gen. 17. Eu­thymius teacheth the same upon Psal. 50. And Damascenus in the Book of Ortho­dox Faith, although the command of increasing and multiplying, and filling the earth had preceded. And so this in the same Book of Nyssenus, c. 30. that the reasonable soul is made by traduction, is absurdly said; although he contradicts him­self in the second Book of the soul, c. 4. This also is hard in Athanasius, that our soul is drawn from the power of the matter; and that the souls of the Saints do not see God till the day of Judgement, in the 16. and 20. questions to Antiochus, if yet those questions be not falsely ascribed to him. It is a hard and unworthy saying of Chrysostomus upon these words of Joh. 2. They have no Wine, and upon these words of Matth. 12. Behold thy Mother and thy Brothers are without: and upon this sen­tence of the Psalm, There is none that doth good, no not one: That he saith, that the Blessed Virgin was ambitious and desirous of vain-glory. Which Theophylactus hath followed, and Euthymius upon Matth. 12. & Mark. 3. & Luk. 2. Tertullian saith worse things yet of the Virgin Mary, in the Book of the flesh of Christ, which have not been believed by posterity, but have been reproved. It is likewise a hard saying of Arnobius, that the souls are descended into the bodies by necessity of na­ture, and that pains come not by the Providence of God, but by the necessity of the matter, as he teacheth in the 2. Book against the Gentiles; and that the souls differ not in reason: and that the souls of the damned are reduced to nothing by their suf­fering. Lactantius teacheth, that the sin of the Devil is the envy of the first Angel that was made, or rather of the Holy Ghost, whom he seems to make a Crea­ture, Book 1. chap. 9. It is a hard opinion in Hilary, that Christ did not fear death, and felt no pain in his passion, as he teacheth in the 10. Book of the Trinity. The opinion of Ambrose is singular, whereby he prayeth that the Emperours, Gratian, and Valentinian, may rise from the dead more early. And in another place he saith, that whensoever we celebrate the Feast of the Resurrection of the Lord, alwayes some rise again, &c. Hierom in a certain Epistle, saith, That Christ is come out bloudy out of the Virgins womb. Austin did retract himself in many things. And in the Book of the City of God he denyeth Antipodes. In Bernard we could desire more perspicuity in that Doctrine, That the souls do not receive the glory of blessed­ness until the day of Judgement. In Damascenus we observe a Doctrine, which the Church admitteth not, That the Holy Ghost proceeds not alike from the Son, and from the Father; wherein he is followed by Theophylactus upon Joh. 3. and by Michal Syngelus in the Book of the praises of Denis. It would be indeed a very long thing, if I would run over all the Doctors, and all the particular opinions of every one, whose belief the Church hath not approved. So speaks that Jesuite.

Villavincentius an Augustinian Monk, in the fourth Book of of the manner of well ordering the study of Divinity, cap. 5. makes the like enumeration of the Errors of the Fathers, and adds to those that Salmeron hath observed, that Epi­phanius in Anchoratis hath interpreted these words, My Father is greater then I, as true even of the Divine Nature. That Jesus Christ praying that this Cup should pass from him, spake not in good earnest, but to abuse the Devil. That Ambrose is excessive in Allegories, going far from the sense of Scripture. That he excuseth Peters denyal of his Master, saying, that he denyed only Jesus Christ Man, not Jesus Christ God. That Hierome contending for Virginity, useth Mariage unworthily, and puts the second and third marriages almost in the same rank as fornication. That the Learned agree not with this Doctrine of Austin, that children dying without Baptism are eternally damned. And that the Church hath abolisht the custom approved by St. Austin, to give the Lords Supper to little children. Above all he is angry with Hilary, for at­tributing and impassible body unto Christ, which hath suffered not pain in his Death.

Thus our Adversaries are become Judges of the Fathers, and confute them [Page 126] with much liberty: and by consequent receive not the Fathers for Judges, since they make themselves Judges of the Fathers, and hold them to be erroneous and impure in the Faith.

CHAP. 48. That the Roman Church opposeth her self to the consent of antient Doctors.

VVHen we put our Adversaries in mind of the liberty which they give to themselves to reprove the Fathers, they will answer, that indeed every Father hath his Errors, but that their consent is an infallible rule; and that the Roman Church followeth the Fathers when they agree among themselves. This deserveth to be examined.

First, If to come out of a difficulty in Religion, and to attain to Salvation, we must have the consent of all the Fathers, I know not who can be saved, since of twenty thousand Christians, hardly shall one be found that hath read one half of the Fathers; and of those that read them, few understand them. Besides, Many Fathers of exquisite learning and goodness have written no Books, whose opi­nion therefore is not known unto us upon every point of Religion. And of those that have written, not one shall be found that saith his opinion upon the fourth part of the points which are now adaies controverted: For they are que­stions which for the most part are sprung since their death. Yet let us see whe­ther the Roman Church keep to that rule, and whether they contradict not many times a multitude of Fathers consenting in one point?

I. Is there any thing in all Antiquity upon which the Ancients consent more then upon the Communion of the People to the Sacrament under the two kinds? Can one example be found in all Antiquity of the Sacrament ad­ministred in the Church to a multitude of people, without administring the cup to any one of them? Shall it be found that ever they refused the Cup to any of the people that required it? Of that it were superfluous to bring proofs, since the Council of Constance, which made that abominable Law, acknowledgeth in the XIII. Session, that in the antient Church that Sacrament was received by the people under the two kinds, and that Jesus Christ hath institu­ted it so.

II. How great is the consent of the Fathers to put the Book of Maccabees among the Apocrypha, and to deny them a place among the Canonical Books? So did the Council of Laodicea determine it, and Amphilochius Bishop of Ico­nium, and Melito Bishop of Sardis, and Ruffinus in the Exposition of the Sym­bole, and Athanasius in his Synopsis, and Eusebius in his Chronicle upon the 117. Olympiad, and in the 3. Book of his History, chap. 10. And Hierom in his Preface upon the Books of Solomon, and in his Prologus Galeatus, and Hilary in his Preface upon the Psalter; and Gregory Nazianzen in his Verses; and Epiphanius in the Book of measures, and Pope Gregory the I. in the 19. of the Morals upon Job; and many more, as we shall shew itInfra c. 55. hereaf­ter more exactly.

That consent so general hath not hindred the Roman Church of our dayes to receive the Maccabees among the Canonical Scriptures.

III. The words of the Jesuite Maldonat upon Joh. 6.53. are notable.Missam facio Augu­stini & In­nocentii I. sententiam quae sexcen­tos circiter annos viguit in Ecclesia Eucharistiam etiam infan­tibus necessa­riam. I leave (saith he) the opinion of Austin and Innocent the III. an opinion which had reigned in the Church for 600. years, or thereabouts, that the Eucharist is neccessary to Infants. Then an opinion received in the Church of Rome for the space of six hun­dred years, is now rejected by the same Church.

To the works of Hinckmarus, an Epistle of Jesse Bishop of Amiens is added,Novissi­mè corpore & sanguine Christi confir­matur infans ut ejus possit esse membrum qui pro eo passus est. whereby it appears that at that time, that is, in the ninth age, that custom was yet practised in Gaules, to give the Lords Supper to little children, pre­sently [Page 127] after Baptism. In the same place there is a Constitution of Riculfus Bishop of Soissons of the same time, that such as are baptized, should receive the Lords Supper presently after Baptism, because the Lord saith, unless you eat the flesh of the Son of man, &c. The Council of Trent, in the XX. Session, made no diffi­culty to pronounce anathema to them that hold that opinion, without respecting Pope Innocent the I. and Saint Austin, who have been of that opinion. Cassan­der in his consultation to Ferdinand and Maximilian, p. 936. saith, that he hath often observed that practise in Antiquity; and M. du Perron acknowledgeth, that this practice continued yet in the time of Charlemagne and Lewis the Meek.Nicol. de Lyra in Joh 6. &c. Jeremias Pa­triarch. Const. lib. ad Ger­manos. The Greek Churches to this day observe that custom; andFrancis. Alvarez. hist. Aethiop. c 20. so do the Abyssine Churches.

IV. Six hundred and thirty Bishops assembled in the Council of Chalcedon, who have judged by an expressCan. 22. Concil. Chal­cedon. Canon; that the Bishop of Constantinople must be equal in all things to the Bishop of Rome, are I hope a sufficient number to authorize such an order; yet that order was opposed by the ambition of the Popes.

V. How famous and received by the common consent of ages, were the Let­tersThose Letters are inserted in the Codex of the Canons of the Afri­can Church, and in the first To [...]e of the Coun­cils, in the end of the sixth Coun­cil of Car­thage, and in Balsamon, and Zonaras. of the sixth Council of Carthage? wherein the Bishops assembled out of all Africa, write to Celestin Bishop of Rome, that from thenceforth he would abstain from sending Legats into Africa, and meddle no more to judge the causes already judged in Africa, or to receive appeals coming from Africa, because causes ought to be judged in the places where they begun; warning him not to bring the famous pride of the world into the Church; and telling him that the pretended Canons of the Council of Nice, upon which he grounded his autho­rity, are supposititious, and are not found in the Original. Nevertheless the Roman Church did oppose that. Baronius in the year 419. §. 78. saith, that the things contained in that Epistle,Sunt subduriuscu­la, praecupuè vero quae di­cunt Patres de non mit­tendis Lega­tis in Afri­cam. are somewhat hard, especially that which the Bishops say of sending no more Legats into Africa. Bellarmine in the twenty fifth chapter of the second book de Pontifice, speaking of those African Bishops, saith, thatRespon­demus Afri­canos Patres ex ignorantia deceptos, p. 476. those African Fathers were deceived through ignorance. And Cardinal du Perron chap. 57. of the first book against his Majesty of Great Britain, saith, that the wrath of contention hath fetcht so much out of their mouth.

VI. All the Fathers with common consent exhort the people to read the holy Scripture carefully. Hierom in his Epistle to Lea, will have her Daughter Paula to read diligently the Old and the New Testament. Chrysostom in the third Ho­mily concerning Lazarus, exhorteth to that Lecture the Tradesmen, the Women, and the least of the people. Athanasius is very express for that in the second Tome, p. 248. and Austin Epist. 146. to the Virgin Demetrius, and in the sixt book of his Confessions, chap. 5. The Roman Church by an example without example opposing that consent hath forbidden the people to read the holy Scri­pture. We will hereafter set down the very terms of the prohibition.

VII. Generally the Fathers before Austin, and Austin himself in the begin­ning, believed, that God had predestined men to salvation according to his foreknowledge, that such and such should do good works, and have saith. To that consent, the Jesuite Pererius upon Rom. 8. opposeth himself boldly, speaking thus in his twenty second Dispute; The Greek Fathers and many Latin Doctors have believed and written, that the cause of the predestination of men to eter­nal life, is Gods fore-knowledge from eternity of the good works which they should do, cooperating with his grace, and of the faith whereby they should believe, &c. Ne­vertheless it is easie to shew by many and evident Texts of Scripture, that Gods fore-knowledge of faith is not the cause of the predestination of men. Bellarmine and the Je­suites are of the same opinion.

VIII. It was a common opinion among the Ancients, that the Angels are fal­len from their purity, by cohabiting with Women. It was the opinion ofJustin. Apol. 1. [...]. Justin Martyr in his second Apology, and of Clemens Alexandrinus, Clem. Alex. Strom. 3. [...]. 3.5 & [Page 128] sexto Stromaton, and ofAngeli qui ad filios hominum de coelo ruerunt; item l. 5. Am­bros. de bono mortis. Tertullian in the book of the behaviour of women, chap. 2. And of Austin, in the third book of the City of God, chap. 3. And of Cyprian, in the book of the behaviour of Virgins, chap. 11. and ofAmbros. l. 1. de Virgi­nibus; Castitas Angelū facit; qui eam ser­vavit, sanctus Angelus est; qui perdidit, Diabolus. Am­brose, in the first book of Noah and the Ark; And of Irenaeus in the first book, chap. 70. and of Lactantius, chap. 15. of the second book.

IX. Sixtus Senensis in the sixth book, in the annotation, 345. saith, that Justin Martyr, Lactantius, Victorinus, Prudentius, Aretas, the Pope John XXII. have held, that the souls of the righteous shall not before the day of Judgement enjoy the sight of God. He might have added Irenaeus, Tertullian, Prudentius, Ambrose, Austin, Chrysostom, and almost all the Grecians. He addeth, that it is the error of the Armenians, condemned by the Decretals of Innocent the II. and Benedictus the XI. and by the Council of Florence. See the Questi­ons to the Orthodox, ascribed to Justin Martyr in the answer to the sixty and se­venty fourth Questions.

X. In nothing the Fathers agree better, then in the opinion that allTertul. lib. de Idolo­lat. c. 11. Taceo de per­jurio, quando ne jurare qui­dem licet. Euseb. Hist. l. 6. c. 4. Hieron in Mat 5. Chry­sostom. Hom. 8. & 9. in Acta Victor. [...]ticensis, l. 3. Nazianz. [...] sub finem Athan. lib. [...]. Justin. Dial. cum Try­phone, p 239. & 307. Vide Sixtum Se­nens lib. 6. Annot. 26. oaths are unlawful, and that no Christian ought to swear for any cause whatsoever. The Roman Church swears not only by the name of God, but by the Saints and their relicks.

XI. Almost all the Fathers of the first ages, were Chiliasts, that is, defining the duration of the reign of Christ to the space of a thousand years, with feast­ing and earthly dainties; Pamelius in his notes upon the book of Cyprian, of the exhortation to Martyrdom, saith, that Tertullian, Lactantius, Victorinus, Severus, Papias, Justin, Irenaeus, Apollinaris, were of that opinion. Justin Martyr goes so far, as to say, that they that are truly Christians, were of that belief. See Hierom in the book of Ecclesiastical Writers, where he speaks of Papias. Sixtus Senensis saith of Hierom, in the fifth book in the annotation 133. that he hath been doubtful about that point, and that Austin hath some­times inclined to that opinion, as it appears by the twentieth book of the City of God, chap. 7. The Church of Rome hath departed from that consent.

XII. The Ancients believed, that the souls while they are separate from the bodies, cannot be tormented. A certain proof that they believed not Purgato­ry, which the Roman Church now believeth. Tertullian, in the 48. chapter of the Apologetick,Ne (que) pati quicquam po­test anima so­la sine stabili materia. The soul alone cannot suffer any thing without solid matter, that is, without flesh. He saith the same, in the book of the testimony of the soul, chap. 4. Gregory Nyssen in the third Oration of the Resurrection of Jesus Christ,Animam per se separatam ignis nunquam attigerit, nec tenebrae quidem ei molestae fuerint, utpote quae oculis caret. The fire can never touch the soul separate, and darkness cannot be troublesom to it, seeing it hath no eyes. By these convenient reasons, we are induced to believe the resurrection of the dead. Ambrose in the book of Penance, c. 17.Ne (que) animam sine carne, ne (que) carnem sine anima, cum sint sibi gestorum operum consortio copulatae, sine consortio vel poena esse vel praemii. The soul without the body, and the body without the soul, cannot be partakers of punishment and reward, seeing they are fellows in their actions.

Chrysostom saith the same, hom. 39. upon the first Epistle to the Corinthians, [...]. The soul (saith he) shall not be punisht without the body. Against that con­sent, the Roman Church hath forged her Purgatory.

XIII. It was a generally received belief in the ancient Church, that the con­secration is done in the Eucharist by Prayer, not by speaking to the bread, but by speaking to God. Justin Martyr in his second Apology, cals that which is re­ceived in the holy Communion, a food consecrated by prayer. Origen in the eighth Book against Celsus, We eat bread which by prayer is made a body, which is some holy thing. Basil in the book of the holy Ghost, chap. 17. The words of invoca­cation, when one sheweth the bread. Theodoret in the second Dialogue, introduceth the Heretick speaking thus; The signs of the body and the blood, are others before the invocation of the Priest, but after the invocation they are changed. The Roman Church in our days, makes consecration by speaking unto the bread, not unto [Page 129] God; contradicting her own Canons; Especially the CanonCorpus & sanguinem Christs dici­mus illud quod de fructibusterrae acceptum, & prece mystica consecratum. Corpus Dist. 2. of the Consecration. We call the body and blood of Christ, that which being taken from the fruits of the earth, and consecrated by mystical prayer, is duly taken by us for the spiritual salvation in memory of the passion of the Lord.

XIV. It is the general opinion of the Ancients, that as soon as the dead are raised, they shall pass through the flame, and shall be purged by the fire of the last Judgement, which they call a Baptism of fire, and the flaming sword set at the gate of Paradise. Hilary upon Psalm 118. upon the Letter Gimel, makes the Virgin Mary to pass through that fire. And Ambrose in the twentieth Sermon upon the same Psalm, and in the third Sermon upon the thirty sixth Psalm, makes the Prophets and Apostles to go through it. Origen, Lactantius, Basil, Gregory Na­zianzen, Austin, Cyril of Jerusalem, say the same: Of whom, we haveIn the Buckler of the Faith, Sect. 86. in another place set forth the words; and we shall speak of this matter againIn the third contro­versie of the seventh book. in the last book of this work. But the Roman Church hath put out that fire, and kindled another more lucrative to the Pope and his Clergy.

XV. It was a received opinion by most of the Ancients, that children dead without Baptism, are eternally tormented in hell. Austin in the first book, de bono perse­verantiae, cap. 13. saith, thatParvulos non regenera­tos, ad aeter­nam mortem; alios autem regeneratos ad aeternam vitam duci de hac vita. little children unbaptized, are led unto eternal dead. And in the first book of the merits of sins and of remission, chap. 28. dispusing against the Pelagians, who put the unbaptized children in a middle condition be­tween hell and heavenly glory, he saith,Nec est ullus ulli me­dius locus ut possit esse nisi cum Dia­bolo qui non est cum Christo. Hinc & ipse Do­minus volens auferre de cordibus malè credentium istam nescio quam medie­tatem quam conantur qui­dam parvulis non baptizatis tribuere, &c. ait, Qui me­cum non est, adversum me est. There is no place between both, where he that is not with Christ, may be in another place from the Devil. Wherefore also the Lord willing to take off from the hearts of the half believers, I know not what middle most condition, which some endeavour to attribute to unbaptized children, said, He that is not with me, is against me. For at that time they did not believe the Limbus of children dead without Baptism. His Disciple Fulgentius speaks the same language, in his book of faith to Peter the Deacon, c. 27.Firmis­simè tene, & nullatenus dubites, non solum homines ratione uten­tes, verum etiam parvu­los qui sive in uteris matrum vivere incipiunt & ibi moriuntur, sive cum de matribus nati sine Sacramento sancti Baptismatis de hoc saeculo transeunt, ignis aeterni sempiterno supplicio puniendos. Believe stedfastly (saith he) and doubt not at all, that not only men that have not the use of reason, but also the little children, which either have some beginning of life in their Mothers womb, and there die, or being born from their Mothers, go out of this world without the holy Sacrament of Baptism, shall be punisht with the pain of everlasting fire. That opinion hath long prevailed, and was also followed by Pope Gregory the I. who (if our Adversaries may be believed) could not err in the faith. In the ninth book of his Morals upon Joh, chap. 16. he speaks thus of little children dead without Baptism,Nonnulli prius praesenti vitae subtrabuntur, quam ad profe [...]enda bona malave merita activae vitae perveniant. Quos quia à culpa originis, Sacramenta salutis non liberant, & hîc ex proprio nihil egerant, & illuc ad tormenta perveniunt. Some are gone out of this present life, before they can attain to the time of doing the good or evil merits of an active life, who because they are not delivered from the original offence by the salutary Sacrament, and have not done here any good of their own, go yonder to be tormented. And a little after, By an occult and just judgement of God their plagues are multiplied without cause. That opinion is displeasing to the Roman Church of this time, which makes these chil­dren to suffer an eternal punishment which they feel not, and in the day of Judge­ment puts them neither among the goats, nor among the Lambs. These Doctors have not considered, that since Jesus Christ hath satisfied for original sin by suffer­ing torments, it followeth, that original sin deserveth to be punisht with pains which be really felt.

XVI. It is the general belief of the Fathers, yea of most part of the Doctors of the Roman Church which are not of this last age, that Jesus Christ was the only man that ever was free of original sin, and that even the Virgin Mary was not free of it. Austin in the second book of the merits of sins, chap. 24.Solus Christus homo factus, manens Deus, peccatum nullum habuit unquam, ne (que) sumpsit carnem peccati, quamvis de natura carnis peccati. Jesus Christ alone being made man, remaining God, never had any sin, neither did take the flesh of sin, although he had taken [his flesh] from the nature of the flesh of sin, [Page 130] speaking of the flesh of his mother. And upon the 34. Psal. Sermon, 2.Maria ex Adam mortua prop­ter peccatum; Adam mor­tuus propter peccatum. Mary come from Adam, is dead by reason of sin. Adam is dead by reason of sin, and the flesh of the Lord come from Mary is dead to take away sins. Leo the I. in the first Sermon of the Nativity of Christ;Christus sicut nullum à reatu libe­rum reperit, ita pro libe­randis omni­bus venit. Solus per omnia ex natis de foemina D. Je­sus terrenae contagia cor­ruptela, im­maculati partus novi­tate, non sen­serit. As Christ found no man free from guilt, so he is come to deliver them all. Ambrose upon Luke 2. Jesus Christ is every way the only among them that are born of women, that hath not felt the contagion of earthly corruption, by the newness of an immaculate birth. We shall see hereafter how Chry­sostom accuseth the Virgin Mary of rashness and ambition. And Eusebius Emis­senus in the 2. Sermon of the Lords Nativity, chap. 4. as Cajetan alledgeth him, saith,Ab ori­ginali nemo nexu liber extitit, ne­que ipsa ge­netrix Re­demptoris. None hath been free from the original bond, no not the mother of the Re­deemer. Bernard bestoweth a whole Epistle upon that, which is the 174. to the Canons of Lyons, where he proveth that the Virgin Mary was conceived in sin, and that the Feast of the Conception of the Virgin was ill-instituted. And which is more, Hilary upon Psal. 118. on the Letter Gimel, saith, she must pass through the fire of the day of Judgement, by which sins shall be purged. Anselmus in the 2. Book, that sheweth why God is man, chap. 16.Virgo tamen ipsa unde assumptus est Christus, in iniquitatibus concepta est, & in peccatis concepit eam mater ejus, & cum originali peccato nata est, quia & ipsa in Adam peccavit. The Virgin herself from which Christ is sprung, was conceived in iniquity, and her mother conceived her in sin, because she also hath sinned in Adam. Their reason is, because Scripture hath concluded all under sin, saying, that there is no man that sinneth not. And be­cause Christ is dead for her, and she had need of the remission of sins, and that she is dead; now she is not dead for the sins of others; then for her own. Wherefore Austin in the Book of the perfection of righteousness giveth this rule;Quisquis esse vel fuisse in hac vita aliquem hominem vel ali­quos putat, excepto uno Mediatore Dei & hominum, quibus necessaria non fuerit romissio peccatorum, contrarius est di­vinae Scripturae. Whosoever thinks that there is or ever was in this life any man or men, excepting the only Mediator between God and men, to whom the remission of sins was not neces­sary, contradicteth the holy Scripture. And Fulgentius in the Book of the Faith to Peter the Deacon, Believe firmly and doubt not at all, that every man conceived by the copulation of man and woman, is born in original sin.

That consent of Antient Doctors hath not hindred the Roman Church of our time to hold the contrary, and to celeberate the Feast of the immaculate concep­tion of the Virgin Mary, though Bernard condemned that celebration. The Council of Basil in the year 1439. in the 36. Session, determineth and declareth, that the Virgin Mary was conceived without sin, forbidding expresly the holding of the contrary, and reneweth the Order for celebrating the feast of her Concep­tion. Since in the year 1483.Sixtus IV. in Bulla cum Praecu­celsa. Pope Sixtus the IV. granteth to them that have heard Mass or caused Masses to be sung on the day of the Feast of the Con­ception of the Blessed Virgin, instituted by Mr. Leonard de Nogarolles Clark of Verona, the like indulgences as to those that celebrate or say Mass on Munday, Thursday, or Gods Feast. In which Bull the Virgin is called the Queen of hea­ven and the Mother of grace. By another Bull the same Pope declareth those He­reticks, that say that the Virgin Mary was conceived in sin, and excommunicates them, thereby excommunicating all the Antients that have spoken so. Where­fore the Jesuits, although they say sometimes that the Roman Church hath deci­ded nothing as yet upon that point, yet maintaine stifly that the Virgin was con­ceived without sin.Salmeron in c. 5. Ep. ad Rom. Disp. 51. Vasques in 3am Thomae, Tom. 2. Disp. 117. c. 1. Bellarm. De amiss. gratiae, & statu pecca­ti. lib 4. c. 15. Salmeron, Vasques, and Bellarmin, insist much upon that, not fearing to oppose antiquity. Bellarmin saying that the Church of Rome hath defined nothing about that (although the Council of Basil hath decided it, and the Feast is celebrated) yet giveth one Chapter to that opinion. The title of the Chapter is, That the Blessed Virgin Mary was conceived without original sin.

XVII. Hardly in any thing do the Fathers consent more then in the enumera­tion of the Commandments of the first table of the Law; for (excepting Austin) no antient Author of any authority shall be found, that puts not four Command­ments in the first Table, making of the Commandment about the images a Com­mandment [Page 131] by it self, distinct from the first, Thou shalt have none other Gods be­fore me.

The Jews writers that lived in the time of the Apostles, Philo and Josephus, are in this point idoneous witnesses; for they relate the Belief of the Church of the old Testament. Philo in the book of the Decalogue, [...], &c. [...], &c. [...]. The first five are the more worthy; The other five less. Those first five more worthy, speak of the Empire of one God over the world. 2. Of images and statues, &c. 3. Of not taking the name of God in vain, &c. [...], &c. [...]. Josephus in the 3. book of Antiquities, chap. 4. The first Commandment teacheth us, that there is but one God, and that we must serve him alone. The second forbids to make any image of any animal, and to wor­ship it.

Clement in the 2. Book of the Apostolical Constitutions, chap. 36. according to the Greek, and chap. 40. in Latin, Have alwayes the fear of God before thine eyes, remembering his Commandments at all times. Love one only God with all thy strength. 2. Apply not thy self unto idols.

Origen in the 8. Homily upon Exodus, The first Commandment is, Thou shalt have none other Gods then me. And after that follows, Thou shalt not make unto thee any image or likeness: Then he reproveth those that of these two make but one precept, saying, that by making these two precepts into one the number of ten Commandments should not be compleat.

[...]. Athanasius in his Synopsis, saith, that the book of Exodus contains these ten Commandments written in Tables. The first, I am the Lord thy God; The se­cond, Thou shalt not make any idol or resemblance.

Gregory Nazianzen [...]. in his verses, hath summed up the ten Commandments in verses, which begin thus; God hath graven his ten Commandments in tables of stone, but write them in thy heart. Thou shalt acknowledge no other God; for the ser­vice belongs to one only.

Thou shalt not set up vain resemblance nor inanimate image.

Thou shalt never make mention of the great God in vain.

Cum constet primum mandatum ita con­tineri, Non sint tibi Dii alieni praeter me. Deinde Non facies tibi similitudinem ullam, &c. Tertium, Non sumes nomen Domini tui in vanum. Ambrose upon Eph. 6. It is a received truth that the Commandment is thus set down, Thou shalt have none other Gods but me. And next, Thou shalt not make any likness of the things that are above in heaven, nor in the earth below. The third, Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God in vain.

Hierom upon the same Chapter saith, that in the second Commandment, which saith, Thou shalt make no idol, there is a promise added.

The same is found in the imperfect work upon St. Matthew, attributed unto Chrysostom, in the 33. and 49. Homilies, and in the book of Questions of the Old and New Testament, attributed to Austin, in the 7. chap. and in Severus Sul­pitius, in the first Book of the Ecclesiastical History. Clemens Alexandrinus 7. Stromaton seems to confound the second Commandment with the first; but he expounds himself afterwards, saying, that the fifth Commandment injoynes to honour father and mother, and that the tenth is of all sorts of coveting.

From that consent of the Antients the Roman Church of this time is departed; for her Doctors not contenting themselves to mingle the first and the second Com­mandement, endeavour to abolish the second, having utterlyUnum cole Deum, ne jures vana per ipsum. Un seul Dieu tu adoreras & aimeras parfaitement. Dieu en vain ne jureras ni de pensee seulement. See the Hours of our Lady, & the Catechism of the Je­suits. razed it out of the Houres, Offices, Brevaries and Catechisms, which are given to the people for their exercise and instruction. In the Council of Auspurg held in the year 1548. the Commandments of God are put in German, where the second Commandment is supprest, in which God forbids to make and worship images. These men that make images of the Trinity, and bow down before the images of creatures, think to cover their crimes by suppressing Gods Law. But the original of the Law is in the Counsel of God, and cannot be blotted out by men. By that shall they be judged in the last day.

[Page 132]XVIII. This proposition that man is justified before God by faith only, is odious unto the Roman Church, as a doctrine that slackens the zeal, and averts men from good works as useless. Yet it is the ordinary language of the Fathers. Origen upon Rom. 3. saith, thatAposto­lis dicit suf­ficere solius fidei justifi­cationem. the justification by faith only is sufficient. Basil in the Sermon of humility, [...]. Paul did acknowledge himself poor in true righthteous­ness, and that he was justified by the only faith in Jesus Christ. Hilary 8. Canon up­on St. Matthew, Fides sola justificat, Faith only justifieth. Hierom upon Gal. 3.Quia nemo legem servat, ideo dictum est quod solâ fide justificandi essent creden­tes. Because no body keeps the Law, therefore it is sayd that the believers must be ju­stified. And in the same place, Vobis ad justitiam sola fides sufficit, To be righteous, faith only is sufficient to you. And a little after,Ut sola fide benedice­rentur gentes in Christo. That the nations might be blessed in Christ by faith only. Ambrose upon Rom. 4.Quomodo ergo Judaei per opera Legis justificari sese putant justificatione Abrabae, cum videant Abraham non ex operibus legis sed sola fide justificatum? How do the Jews think to be justified by the works of the Law with the Justification of Abraham, since they see that Abraham was justified, not by the works of the Law, but by faith only? and a little after, Impius sola fide justificatur apud Deum, The wicked is justified before God by faith only. Chrysostom upon Gal. 3. [...]. They said, that he that stands upon faith only is execrable. But St. Paul sheweth, that he that stands upon faith only is blessed. Austin 68. Serm. de Tempore, Ecce sine operibus justificatur ex fide, & quicquid illi legali posset observatione conferri totum credulitas sola donavit. Abraham hath been justified by saith without works, and that only belief hath given him that which might be conferred up­on him by the observation of the Law. Theodoret, We have not obtained the my­stical goods by works, but by faith only. Bernard 21. Serm. upon the Canticles. Being justified by faith only he shall have peace with God.

These Fathers teaching that man is justified before God by faith only, did ne­vertheless exhort unto good works; for they spake of another faith then that of the Church of Rome, which our Adversaries say to be a belief that whatsoever God hath said is true; a faith which the Devils also have. But they spake of a lively faith working by charity, fruitfull in good works; whereby a man resting upon the promise of God in Jesus Christ our Lord, is thereby induced to love and serve God.

XIX. We will shew hereafter, that in the thee first ages of the Christian Church, and more then the half of the fourth, there was not any mention of cal­ling upon the Saints; and that Transubstantiation is contrary to the doctrine of the Antients, and that in the Temples of the first ages there was no picture, or statue, or image of God, and that they worshipped not images.

XX. None that hath some measure of knowledge in antiquity, but knows, that the form and the degrees of Penance observed in the Antient Church, are no more observed in the Roman, and that all the antient penitential Canons are abolisht. Read the Epistle of Basil to Amphilochius, and the Decree of Buchard, and all the penitential Canons that are found in the Councils, you shall find nothing in them, of that the Roman Church observeth in our dayes.

XXI We hope to shew towards the end of this Book, that private Masses (that is, without Communicants and assistants, and sayd to the intention of him that payeth for them) are not only without precedent in the antient Church, but also are generally condemned by the antients, and by the very Orders of the old Ro­man Church. Bellarmin in his second Book of the Mass, chap. 9. doth freely con­fess it, saying, That no express passage is found in all the Antients, which shew that ever they offered sacrifice without the communion of some one or more with the Priest.

XXII. Who knows not, that in the antient Church the publick service was ce­lebrated in Italy in Latin, in Greece in Greek, in Armenia in Armenian; and that every one prayed in a language which he understood? That they made no ele­vation of the host over the head, turning their back unto the people? and that the people adored not the host; which was not a waser, but some quantity of bread which was distributed unto the people? That in those dayes the Bishop of [Page 133] Rome had no Court, and was subject to the Emperors and Kings? That the Bi­shops in their reception took no oath of allegiance and obedience unto the Pope? and that the Pope did not exercise a temporal domination over them by Annats, and the like oppressions? That they did not know what the treasure of the Church was, which now is made up with the overplus of the satisfactions of Christ and of the Saints? That then the nations did not run from all parts to Rome to gain par­dons? That the prayers of the Antients for the dead, were not to draw souls out of Purgatory? That then the images of Saints were not worshipped, and they re­presented not the Trinity in stone or colours? That the Virgin Mary was not cal­led Queen of heaven? In a word, that the face of the antient Church is altoge­ther changed as well as the doctrine? How can now the Popes adherents be so de­stitute of conscience, as to boast of the consent of the Fathers after they have despised them and forsaken their doctrine?

The sight and consciousness of this, makes them hold forth this doctrine; That the Roman Church can without the authority of the Fathers, and without the example of the antient Church, make new Laws about faith and manners; the Church of this time having no less authority then the Old. This Bellarmin teacheth in his Book against Barcklay, chap. 3. He judgeth not aright of the Church, that receiveth nothing but what he reads expresly to have been written or done in the ancient Church: As though the Church of the last time had ceased to be a Church, or had not the faculty of expounding or declaring, yea also of ordaining and commanding the things that belong unto faith and manners. And the Bull Exurge, which is in the end of the last Council of Lateran, puts this among the errors of Luther, that he had said, That it was not in the power of the Pope and the Roman Church to establish Articles of Faith. See Alphonsus de Castro, a Franciscan, in the first book against heresies; where he maintains that the Roman Church of this time is far more in­structed and better then the ancient Church. Should the Church (saith he) be always in the same case, so that she can never grow better? God forbid, for she is pro­ficient as in vertue and goodness, so in science and Doctrine. He addeth, That now many things are known of which the Fathers were altogether ignorant; and that be­cause of the Decrees which vary and alter, that which was in old time lawfull, is not so now. This is the esteem that this Doctor hath of Antiquity.

CHAP. 49. Doctrines in which the Roman Church rejecteth every Father in par­ticular.

BEsides these Doctrines about which a great number of Fathers is consenting, which nevertheless the Roman Church rejecteth and condemneth: there are but few Fathers but have some particular opinion, which the Roman Church disalloweth as well as we, or which is displeasing to our Adversaries for speaking the truth too plainly.

Justin and Clement.

Justin Martyr Dia­logo de Try­phone. [...]. Vide eundem Dialogum, p. 213. Justin Martyr andClemens Stro­maton, lib. 6. [...]. Clement Alexandrin did believe, that God had given to the Gentiles the Sun, and the Moon, and the Stars to worship, least they should be altogether destitute of religion; and that by the adoration of the Stars they might go to God. The Roman Church approveth not that Doctrine.

Justin Martyr believedJustin Dialogo in Tryph. p. 260. & 33. [...]. that the souls of the Fathers under the Old Testa­ment [Page 134] were in the Devils power: And thatIdem ibid. p. 279. [...]. the glory of the Father is greater then that of the Son; And that it was the Son, who in old time came down and ap­peared to Abraham and to Moses, because the Father doth not come down, and is invisible, as though the Son as God, was not of the same nature, and in­visible alike. Himself in the Dialogue against Tryphon, p. 307. saith, that the Christians shall live a thousand years at Jerusalem before the resurrection. He believed also that the Angels fell by the love of women. And in the second Apo­logy, p. 83 he thinks that Socrates and Heraclitus were Christians. That Divini­ty is rejected by the Roman Church.

Clement Alexandrin

Clement Alexandrin repeateth often, thatClem. l. 2. Stroma­ton. [...]. before the Lords coming the Grecians were justified by Philosophy.Pag. 171. [...]. The same puts four hypostases in God.Strom. l. 4. p. 217. [...]. He saith that the afflictions of the faithful happen, and that the death of Christ hapned, not but by the will of God, but by his permission. And thatStrom. l. 5. p. 252. [...]. God hath a body, and that Jesus Christ descended into hell to preach to the Jews, and that theStrom. l. 6. Apostles descended to the same place to preach to the Gentiles, and bring them to salvation, even those who among them have lived righteously ac­cording to the rules of Philosophy. The same holds, thatLib. 5. p. 227. [...]. the Angels are fallen from their purity, by falling in love with women, to whom they did un­discreetly discover many secrets which were not to be divulged. All these Do­ctrines are rejected by the Roman Church, and this Father is condemned for them.

Clemens I. Romanus.

Our Adversaries have published some Epistles of Clement the I. Bishop of Rome, in one of which he teacheth that those words of mine and thine ought to be banisht, and that goods ought to be common. Then he addeth, Therefore a certain man who was the wisest among the Grecians, knowing these things to be thus common, saith, that All things are to be common among friends: In omni­bus autē sunt sine dubio & conjuges. Now under these terms, all things, no doubt but Wives also are comprehended. That is found in the first Tome of the Councils, and in the Canon Dilectissimis, in the first question of the twelfth Cause: The Roman Church hath rejected that Doctrine. For although the Popes establish Brothelhouses, yet they would not have all Women to be common.

Ignatius.

Ignatius in the Epistle to the Philippians, saith, [...]. that to fast upon Satur­day or the Lords day, is to be a murtherer of Christ. Wherefore also the Church of Milan in Ambrose's time, did not fast upon Saturday, but only upon Satur­day before Easter, and upon Saturday before Pentecost or Whitsunday. The Churches of the East, and that of Egypt, kept the same custom. And Cassian book 3. chap. 10. reproveth the Roman Church for fasting upon Saturdays. And the VI. Universal Council assembled in the Palace of Trulla, Can. 55. condem­neth the Church of Rome by name for that same reason: Yet the Roman Church for all their order, hath continued the observation of Saturday to fast.

Tertullian.

Tertullian had many errors: He was a Montanist: In his Writings he calleth Montanus the Paracletus or the Comforter: He adhered to the Prophecies of Priscilla and Maximilla: In the book of the soul, he maintains that the soul is corporal, and groweth with the body, and hath a bodily figure; Yea thatLib. 2. contra Mar­cionem, c. 16. Quis negabit Deum corpus esse, etsi Deus Spiritus est? God himself is a body: Many others errours he hath, too long to be related. He believed also the Fall of Angels by the love of Women: Wherefore in his book, where he teacheth, that the faces of Virgins ought to be vailed, chap. 7. he saith, that such dangerous faces ought to be covered, which have darted up scandals even to heaven. Himself as well as Irenaeus shutsLib. de anima, c. 55, 56, 57, 58. up the Souls of the Saints in an underground dungeon until the day of Judgement: He was also a Chiliast,Lib. 3. in Mark c. 24. giving to the Church a flourishing reign in Jerusalem for the space of a thou­sand years: And he believed, that some would rise sooner then others: modicum quodque delictum mora resurrectionis luendo; that is, that those that have sinned more, shall pay even for the least sin, by the retarding of their resurrection; as he saith in chap. 58. of the book of the soul. Cyprian who called him his Master, hath followed himLib. de Baptismo, c. 15. & 18. in the rebaptizing of Hereticks; Austin in the book of heresies, ad Quod vult Deum, puts him among the Hereticks. For the same causes the Ro­man Church condemneth him: But I find not, that ever any of the Ancients con­demned Tertullian for expounding these words,Accep­tum panem & distribu­tum discipulis corpus suum fecit, dicendo Hoc est corpus meum, hoc est figura corpo­ris mei. This is my body, by This is the figure of my body; speaking thus in his fourth book against Marcion, chap. 40. Christ having taken bread, and distributed it to his Disciples, made it to be his body, saying, This is my body, that is, the figure of my body; And in the third book, chap. 19.Panem corpus suum appellans, ut & hinc jam eum intelligas corporis sui figuram pani dedisse. God hath called bread his body, that thereby thou mayst un­derstand that he hath given to bread to be the figure of his body: of which passages we shall speak more fully hereafter.

Origen.

Origen is accused by Cardinal du Perron In the book with­out either head or tail, entituled, Examination of the book of M. du Plessis, fol. 951. and in the book of the Eucharist, against the same, book 2. chap. 7. to have denied the Almighty power of God, and the Godhead of the Son, and of the holy Ghost, the resur­rection of the flesh, and the eternity of Paradise and Hell. Also to have forged many successive wordls, and affirmed, that the Devils shall become Angels, &c. For these errors and many more he is placed among the Hereticks by Epiphanius and by Austin. But M. du Perron is not content to blame him for the same causes that he was blamed for by Ancients; for he blames him also and multiplyeth ill words against him, because he did not believe the Transubstantiation of the bread into the body of Christ in the Eucharist, as the words of Origen testifie it upon Mat. 15. This food which is sanctified by the Word of God, and by prayer, as for the matter thereof goes down into the belly, and is sent down into the draught, and sanctifieth not of its nature. In the same place, he cals that which is received in the Eucharist, a Symbolical and significative body. Upon these words of Origen, The whole pas­sage is al­ledged by Sixtus Senen­sis, book 6. annotation, 66. that this food sanctified, is sent down into the draught, and sanctifieth not of its nature, M. du Perron crieth out,Fol. 959. Shut up your ears, Christians; and saith, thatFol. 956. Origen doth purposely dispute against the Catholick Church, and that it is a particular whimsie of the heretical Spirit of Origen. It is true, thatPerron against King James, fol. 961. Theo­philus of Alexandria blames Origen, for saying that the Spirit of God doth not work upon inanimate things: Which he confuteth by the example of Baptism, whose water is consecrated by the coming of the holy Ghost; and of the bread, whereby the body of the Saviour is shewed or represented: Which things (saith he) are inanimate, and yet are sanctified by the invocation and coming of the holy Ghost. But in that Text, Theophilus condemneth not Origen for denying the turning of the bread into the body of Christ; since he puts the water of Baptism in the same rank as the bread of the Eucharist. He saith, that both the water of Baptism and the bread of the Lords Supper are inanimate things, and are [Page 136] sanctified by prayer and by the Holy Ghost. According to the Cardinals inter­pretation we should say, that Theophilus condemneth Origen for not believing the transubstantiation of the water of Baptism into the blood of Christ.

Irenaeus.

Upon that Irenaeus saith, Book 2. chap. 39. that Jesus Christ hath taught till the age of 40. or 50. years, Doctor Fevardent, who hath commented upon the Book, hath written in the margent Naevus de aetate Christi, It is a fault of Irenaeus about the age of Christ. The same Father teachethLib. 2. c. 62. Cha­racterem corporis in quo etiam adaptantur custodire eundem; & c. 65. Per hoc manifestis­simè declara­tum est & perseverare animas, & non de corpo­re in corpus transire, & habere homi­nis figuram. that the souls separated from the bodies have a bodily shape, and keep the character or form of the body to which they were joyned. Such was the opinion of many Antients, as of Theo­dotus, who is added to Clement Alexandrin, and of Austin in the 4. book of the soul and her origine, ch. 19.Ergone non dicam vera constan­tius? & habet anima oculum, & habet lin­guam, & ha­bet digitum, & habet caetera similia corporis membra, & haec tota est corporis similitudo & non corpus. The soul (saith he) hath an eye, and a tongue, and a fing­er, and such other members of the body, and all that is a likness of a body, and not a body. Like things to this he saith in the 12. Book de Genesi ad litteram, chap. 32. & 33. The same Irenaeus in the 30. chap. of the 4. Book saith, that the Law was not gi­ven to the Fathers that lived before the Law, because they were righteous, and there was no need that they should be warned by reprehensions; But that this righteousness being worn out in Egypt, God then had given his Law. The same Father in the 5. Book, chap. 33. and the following, brings after resurrection bo­dily feasts, because Christ said, that he should drink of the new fruit of the Vine in the Kingdom of his Father. And he esteems that it is the promised retribution to them that shall invite the blind and the lame to their table. That Fathers ho­liness did not make the Roman Church to follow his opinion. See Hierom upon Matth. 19. where he confuteth the doctrine of Irenaeus, not naming the Author. M. du Perron makes bold to say, that Irenaeus hath said such things as would make one go for an Arian in these dayes. The same Father opposeth them as Hereticks, that hold that the souls of the faithful departed enjoy the heavenly glory. His opinion is,Manifestum est quia & Discipulorum Christi propter quos & operatus est Dominus, animae abibunt in invisibilem locum definitum eis à Deo, & ibi usque ad resurrectionem commorabuntur. that at their coming out of the body they go down into an invisible place where they expect the resurrection.

Cyprian.

Cyprian believed and maintained against the Bishops of Rome, that those that were converted from Heresies to the true Faith, were to be rebaptized. Austin in the 1. Book of Baptism against the Donatists, chap. 8. andSi plena­rio Concilio aut alia rati­one fuisset edoctus, mu­tasset senten­tiam; & for­tasse factum est, sed nesci­mus. Et Epist. 48. Correxisse cum istam sententiam non inveni­tur, &c. Book 2. chap. 4. saith, that it is not known, that ever Cyprian went from his opinion. Agrippin Bishop of Carthage, predecessor of Cyprian, and the Council which he assembled, had already establisht that doctrine in Africa. AndDionysius in Cypriani & Africanae Sy­nodi dogma consentiens de haereticis re­baptizandis, ad diversos plurimas misit Epistolas. Hierom in his Catalogue saith, that Dionysius Alexandrinus was of the same opinion as Cyprian, as also Fir­milianus Bishop of Cappadocia, and many with him. And the first Council of Nice, decreed that the Paulianists or Samosatenians be rebaptized. And Basil in the Epistle to Amphilochius would have the Saccofori, Encratites and Apotack­ticks to be rebaptized. And Athanasius in the 3. Oration against the Arians, holds the Baptism of the Arians to be void and unlawful, and saith, that one is ra­ther defiled then washt in it. The Roman Church hath alwayes resisted that do­ctrine; so far that Steven Bishop of Rome hath for that cause called Cyprian false Christ, false Prophet, and deceitful workman, as Firmilian witnesseth in his Epistle inserted among the Epistles of Cyprian. And Eusebius in the 4. chap. of the 7. Book of his History saith, that Steven for that reason separated himself from the Communion of the Churches of Cilicia, Cappadocia and Galatia, and other Churches neer them. This Cyprian in a Council assembled by him against the Church of Rome, and in the Epistle to Pompius, calling Steven Bishop of Rome [Page 137] a defender of Hereticks, did not believe that the Roman Church could not err. Also one may see in that Father, that in his time the Lords Supper was given to new-born infants. In the 59. and 63. Epistles.

Athanasius.

Athanasius in the Book of the passion of our Lord, saith, that Jesus Christ ha­ving overcome the Devil on earth, would also overcome him in the air, and for that cause would be crucified, that he might have a combat in the air with the De­vil. And that these words, My God My God, why hast thou forsaken me? were fained words, whereby Jesus Christ made a shew that he was afrayd, that he might draw the Devil to the combat. In that no more then in his affirming (in the first Apoloy of his flight) that St. Peter Athan. p. 178. [...]. had his thoat cut, he is not approved by the Roman Church. Nor in that he exhorteth the people to read Scripture. Nor in that he puts the Maccabees, Tobit, Judith, &c. out of the number of the Ca­nonical Books.

Gregorius Nazianzenus.

The Roman Church approveth not this FatherGreg. Naz. Homi­lia. [...]. in that he condemneth se­cond mariages. Nor in that (in the 40. Oration, which is about Baptism) he would have infants baptized when they are in danger of death. But if there be no apparent danger, he would have the Baptism put off till they come to age to an­swer for their own faith. Nor in thatGreg. Naz. Ep. ad Procupium. quae in Pa­ris. codice est §. in Basi­liensi. 42. [...]. he rejecteth all Councils without ex­ception, saying, that he never saw any good end of them, and that the evils and discords of the Church are alwayes rather increased then diminished by their means. Nor in that he saith in the Oration upon his return from the Country, that he wisheth that there were [...]. no difference of degrees among the Pastors of the Church, nor any precedence, but that they should be distinguisht only by their vertue.

Basilius.

Neither doth the Roman Church approve Basil in many things, whom yet Gre­gory Nazianzen holds to be inferiour in doctrine toGreg. Epitaphio Basilii. [...]. none but Jesus Christ on­ly, and compares him with the antient Prophets and Patriarcks. That Father in his Asceticks in the second interrogation of the rules expounded at large, teach­eth, that the love of God is not got by teaching, but that we have it by nature, as to love light. Himself in the Treatise of the Judgement of God,Vide & regularum breviorum interrogat. 233. c. 302. makes the punishment of all sins equal; Wherein the Roman Church approveth not of him. No more then in that he would not haveRegularum breviorum interrog. 302. alms given to the poor that are without [the Church] because it is written, Give not the bread of the Chil­dren unto dogs, And I am not sent but to the lost sheep of the house of Israel. Nor in his opinion that those that have been baptized by Hereticks, should be re-bapti­zed. Nor in his exacting a twelve months pennance of them that marry the second time, in the same Epistle, Canon 4. Nor in permitting to them that commit Fornication, to continue in the same for fear of worse, in the same Epistle, Canon 26.

Hilarius.

The Roman Church approveth no bettet of Hilary; who in the 10. Book of the Trinity, and upon the 138. Psal, and upon the 53. maintains thatHilar. de Trinit. lib. 10. Opi­nionem nobis naturalis sibi in passione doloris inve­nit. Ibid In quem quamvis aut ictus incide­ret, aut vul­nus discende­ret, aut nodi concurrerent, aut suspensio elevaret, afferrent quidem haec impetum pas­sionis, non ta­men dolorem passionis inferrent; Ʋt telum ali­quod aut aquam per­forans, aut ign [...]m com­pungens, aut aera vulne­rans. Jesus Christ in his death suffered no pain, but that only he would make us believe that he suffe­red, and that the blows did not give him any pain, no more then if an arrow pierced the water, or prickt the fire, or hurt the air; and thatIbid. Virtus corpo­ris sine sensu poenae vim poenae in so desaevientis excepit. the vertue of the body of Christ received the violence of pains without feelingsIbid. Christus cum cibum & potum accepit, non necessitati sed consuetudini tribuit. Vide Sixtum Senensem lib. 5. Annot. 186. & ipsum Hilarium in Ps. 68. The same Fa­ther saith, that Christ ate and drunk, not out of any necessity, but to complie with custom; for which doctrine he is reproved by Claudius Bishop of Vienna, in the Book of the state of the soul. That error so gross and ruining the whole work of our Redemption, hath brought him to another, that in these words of the Lord,Hilar. in Matth. Can. 3. Transeat calix à me, id est quo modo à me bibitur, ita ab iis bibatur sine spei diffidentia, sine sensu doloris, sine metu mortis. Father, let this cup pass from me, Jesus Christ desired his Father that his Disciples also might suffer in the like manner. So that by his account St. Peter felt no pain in suffering martyrdom. The same Hilary is not approved by the Roman Church, in that he saith, upon the Psalm 119. in the Letter Gimel, that the Vir­gin Mary Si in judicii severitatem capaxilla Dei Virgo ventura est, desiderare quis audebit à Deo judicari? must undergo the judgement of the fire of the last day, by which sins shall be purged.Hillar. in Matth. Can. 5. Animarum species sive obtinentium corpora, sive exulantium, corpoream tamen naturae substantiam sor­tiuntur. It is also one of his opinions that souls are corporal.

Eusebius.

This Father is not approved by the Roman Church, because speaking of an image erected unto Christ, he saith, thatEuseb. lib. 7. Historiae cap. 7. it was done by a Pagan custome. Nor in that having made the universal Ecclesiastical history until the death of Constan­tine hapned in the year of Christ 337. in all that time he speaks never a word of the Popes primacy, and no trace of that in all his works. And yet he is the only historian we have of the 3. first ages; wherefore our Cardinal is angry with him, and accuseth him to have been an Arian, although his writings and actions wit­ness the contrary, as we shall shew in the proper place. Neither is he approved for sayingLib. 7. praepat. Evang. c. 6. that the Fathers before the Law had [...], as though they were not subject to any evil affection. Nor in that he adviseth to use some­times lying, in the 12. Book, chap. 29.

Ambrosius.

The Roman Church approveth not that Ambrose with most part of the Antients believethAm­bros. in Ps. 118. Serm. 3. & 20. Omnes opor­tet per ignem probari qui­cunque ad Paradisum redire deside­rant, &c. Omnes opor­tet transire per flammas, sive Johannes Evangelista sit, sive ille sit Petrus. that all, yea and the Prophets and Apostles must pass through the fire of the last Judgement to be purged from their sins. This the Fathers call the se­cond Baptism, and the flaming sword placed at the gate of Paradise. That was the Purgatory of the antient Church, where Indulgences have no place; for the Fathers put off that purgation to the day of Judgement. This Father hath fol­lowed the errors of Tertullian, Ambros. in Ps. 8. Qui non veniunt ad primam resurrectionem, sed ad secundam reservantur, isti urentur donec impleant tempus inter primam & secundam resurrectionem. that all shall not rise at the same time, and that they that have sinned most shall rise later, carrying into a fire the slowness of their resurrection; for which error he is blamed by the Jesuit Salmeron, in the 13. Tome. 6. Disput. upon St. Pauls Epistles. Also for saying that at Easter al­wayes some rise again.

In one thing especially this Father dipleaseth the Roman Church, that he did excommunicate the Emperor Theodosius without the advice of the Bishop of Rome his neighbour; for it is now a maxime in the Roman Church, that none but the [Page 139] Pope can excomunicate the Emperor. That rule is found in the Aphorisms of Emanuel Sa in the wordReges à solo Papa ex­communican­tur & censu­ris ligantur. Excommunicatus.

Also he is not approved for sayingAmbros. lib. 2. de Pa­triarcha A­braham, c 4. Consideremus primum, quia Abraham ante Legem Moisi & an­te Evangeliū suit; nondum interdictum adulterium videbatur. Poena crimi­nis ex tempore Legis est, quae crimen inhibuit, nec ante Legem ullius rei damnatio est, sed ex Lege. Non ergo in Legem commisit Abraham, sed Legem praevenit. Deus in Paradiso licet conjugium laudaverit, non adulterium damnaverat. that Abraham lying with Agar sinned not, because the Law was not yet, and adultery was not yet forbidden.

Augustinus.

Austin is not approved by the Roman Church,August. Ep. 107. & lib 28. de civitate Dei, & saepe alibi. for condemning Infants dead without Baptism to the torment of eternal fire. Which was also the opinion of Fulgentius his Disciple. For Austin did not believe the Limbus of Infants. He is no more approved for holding the participation of the Lords Supper necessary for Infants to be saved. Nor for making the souls in some manner corporal, as we have shewed. Nor for holdingIdem. lib. 4. de Ge­nesi ad literam. that the world was created not in six days, as Moses relateth, but in a moment: Nor for being one of the Bishops, who in the Milevitan Council prohibited the appeals from Africa to Rome, upon pain of ex­communication.Idem lib. 1. de moribus Ecclesiae orthodoxae, c. 34. Novi multos esse sepulchrorum & pictu­rarum adoratores. Nor for condemning the worshippers of images and re­licks. Sixtus Senensis in his Preface upon the fifth book of his Library, saith, Austin seemeth sometimes to attribute too little to the free Will of man. Baronius and Bellarmine Bellar. de Pontifice, lib. 1. cap. 10. reprove him for understanding these words, Super hanc pe­tram, &c. not of the person of Peter, but of his faith and confession. It was his opinion, thatEnchirid. ad Laurent. c. 109. the souls are shut up in hidden places until the day of re­surrection. How contrary he was to the Transubstantiation, we shall examine hereafter.

Johannes Chrysostomus.

Sixtus Senensis in the 107. annotat. of the fifth book, observeth, that Chrysostom towards the end of his book of Priesthood approveth frauds, lyes, & impostures, and holds them sometimes necessary, when they are done without an intention to do harm to any. Our Adversaries hold, that to do works of piety acceptable un­to God, we have need of the preventing Grace of God to move our Wils; Chrysostom holds the contrary. Hom. 42. upon Genesis. That very thing (saith he) that this Patriarch Abraham, who lived before the time of grace, and before the Law, hath by himself, and by the knowledge that comes by nature, attained to such a measure of vertue, will be sufficient to take away all excuse. But perhaps some will say, that God took great care of that man, and that the Soveraign God shewed a great providence towards him. [...]. Indeed I confess it; but if he alone had not done that which was in him, he should not have received the Graces of the Lord. And Hom. 16. upon S. John, according to the Greek Text, [...]. Hence we learn, that God preventeth not our Wils by his gifts; but when we have begun, and we have brought our Wils, then he doth furnish us with many means of salvation. Like things he saith, Hom. 12. upon the Epistle to the Hebrews, and in many other places.

The same Father in his Homily ad Neophytos; [...]. We baptize children (saith he) though they be without sins: Then he addeth to which end children are bapti­zed; Not for the remission of original sins; But (saith he) to add unto them ho­liness, righteousness, adoption, and inheritance.

Himself in the tenth Homily upon the Epistle to the Romans, expounding these words of the fifth chapter, that by the disobedience of one man, many were made sinners: By this word sinners, he understands not that by the sin of Adam we are stained with original sin, and made prone to sin, but only that we are subject to [Page 140] punishment. These are his words: What means this word sinners? [...]. I think it signifieth as much as subject unto punishment, and adjudged unto death: For he hath shewed prolixly, that Adam dying, we were all made mortal. With these Texts the Pelagians armed themselves against the Orthodox, to deny original sin. I believe not that any of the Roman Church will approve of him for often blaming the Virgin Mary, accusing her of importunity, vain ostentation, presumption and unbelief. Thus Hom. 45. upon Matthew, [...]. That which she undertook was out of an excessive ambition: for she would shew that she had authority and power over her Son, imagining yet no great thing concerning him. Wherefore she came unseasonably: See then her rashness, &c. Hom. 21. upon John, according to the Greek, he gives a reason why Jesus Christ answered his Mother thus: What is there between me and thee, Woman? saying, [...]. that when our Parents come to make unseasonable que­stions, and to hinder some spiritual action, there is danger in obeying them: Where­fore Jesus Christ in this place did so answer her: And thereupon he saith, that Ma­ry thought she could command Jesus Christ in all things, as other Mothers, whereas she ought to have served and reverenced him as her Lord. And reproveth her for coming in the presence of the people to hinder the utility of the Assistants. In the 28. Homily, upon the Epistle to the Hebrews, [...]. and in the 39. [...]. upon the first Epistle to the Corinthians, he teacheth, that the souls of the Saints have not yet received the reward, and shall not enjoy Glory till after the resurrection.

Theodoretus.

The Roman Church approveth not of Theodoret, for teaching (in the book of divina dogmata, in the chap. of the Antichrist) that the [...]. Antichrist, shall be a Devil clad with humane flesh: Nor for saying (in the same book, in the chapter that proveth that he that is good is righteous also) that the Law forbids not evil thoughts, nor evil desires: Nor for denying, that [...]. Woman was created after the image of God in the twentieth question upon Genesis: Nor for affirming, (in the book of Heresies, in the chapter of Nestorius) that to Nestorius Patriarch of Constantinople, [...]. the government of the Universal Church was committed; for the Bishop of Rome will not allow that. Nor for say­ing, (in the second and third Dialogue) that God hath honoured the bread with the name of his body, without altering the nature of bread, and that the bread af­ter the consecration, remains in its first substance, which is overthrowing tran­substantiation.

Gregorius Nyssenus.

The Roman Church likes not the opinion of Gregorius Nyssenus, Oratio­ne 3. de re­surrectione Christi. that the souls cannot be tormented without the bodies, and feel no pain before the re­surrection: For that opinion is repugnant to Purgatory; Nor his Doctrine, thatLib. 2. Philosophiae seu de ani­ma, c. 6. God creates no more souls, for he holds them to have been created all at once in the beginning of the world. It is he (that to find the three days in which Scripture saith, that Christ was in the womb of the earth) begins the three days at the hour of the institution of the Lords Supper, as ifOrat. 1. de resur­rectione Do­mini. the body of the Lord had been from that time without a soul.

Epiphanius.

Nicephorus lib. 13. chap. 12. observeth that he was an Anthropomorphite: Sozo­menus saith the same in the fourteenth chapter of the eighth book, saying, that Theophilus had reproved Epiphanius, that he believed that God had a humane shape. That which confirmeth that opinion, is, that Epiphanius having made an [Page 141] enumeration very exact of all the heresies, hath not put that of the Anthropomor­phites among them. He is not approved by the Roman Church, because in the he­refie of the Collyridians, he condemns certain superstitious women that worshipped the Virgin Mary, and called her the Queen of Heaven. And whereas the Roman Church deferreth the cult of dulia to Angels, and to the Virgin Mary the cult of hyperdulia, which is an higher kind of adoration; Epiphanius makes her inferior to Angels, saying, If the Apostle prohibits to worship Angels, how much more the woman born of Anna? so he cals the Mother of the Virgin Mary. Neither is he approved by the Roman Church, for tearing a vail or peice of hanging in a Church in the borough of Anablata, because there was an image of Christ in it, or of some Saint; saying, that such images ought not to be suffered in the Church of Christ; As himself saith in an Epistle translated by Saint Hierom. Lib. 4. de studio. Theologiae, c. 5. Villavin­centius an Augustinian Monk reproveth him for many things, especially because in the Ancorat he was so bold as to expound these words, My Father is greater then I, as true even of the divine nature of Christ; And for saying that Jesus Christ praying, Let this cup pass from me, did not speak in earnest, but fainedly, to mock the Devil. The same Father puts off the day of Christs NativityEpiph. haeresi Alo­gorum, quae est 51. p [...]g. 446 Tom. 1. to the sixth of January: which was the observation of the Churches of Egypt; as one may see in Cassian in the tenth Collation, chap. 2.

Cassianus.

He is not approved by the Roman Church, forCassian. lib. 10. c. 3. blaming the Roman Church about fasting upon Saturday: Nor for relating a discourse of the Abbot Joseph, Idem Collatione 17. cap. 19. whereby lying and hypocrisie are commended, when they are beneficial to our neighbours, and not condemning that Doctrine: Nor for teaching after Ab­bot John, Idem Collat. 21. c 5. that the Law of God promiseth only temporal goods to the ob­servers thereof.

Hieronymus.

In many things the Roman Church disliketh Hierom; As for saying,Hieron. Praefat. in Danielem. that the Histories of Susanna, and of Bel and the Dragon are fables. For saying,Praefa. in Proverb. Salom. & prologo Ga­leato. that the books of Tobit, Judith, Maccabees, &c. are not Canonical, and that the Church acknowledgeth them not for true: for maintaining stifly,In c. 1. Habak. Ab­surdum est ad hoc Dei deducere Ma­jestatem, ut sciat per mo­menta singula quot nascan­tur culices quotve mori­antur. that God knoweth not how many Gnats and Flies are upon the earth, or how many Fishes in the Sea; and he denieth that Gods ptovidence extends as much upon un­reasonable as reasonable things, and cals fatuos adulatores, foolish flatterers, those that hold the contrary. For calling marriage an ignominy, in his books againstApolo­gia pro libris in Jovinia­num. Jovinian, and married persons vasa in contumeliam, vessels to dishonour; saying, that the end of marriage is death; and placing the Virgins with Abra­ham, and the married persons with the rich Glutton: Alledging to that purpose these Texts, They that are in the flesh cannot please God; and that flesh and blood can­not inherit the kingdom of God; as if married persons could not be saved. In the Epistle to Salvina, he cals Widows that marry again, dogs that return to their vomit. Going so far as to say, that Saint Paul permitting wanton Widows to marry again, had given them praecepta non bona & justificationes pessimas; precepts that are not good, and rules of justice most evil. Wherefore also in his Epistle to Gerontia, he excludeth such women from the alms of the Church. And in the Epitaph of Fabiola, he praiseth her, because she did penance in publick in the Church for marrying the second time. Wherefore Bovius in his Notes upon the fifth book of Clements Constitutions, speaks thus;Tom 1. Concil. Hi­eronymus durior fuit bigamis, ita ut nisi lenius cum co aga­tur, vix possi­mus illu à re­prehensorum criminationi­bus liberare. Hierom was too hard against those that marry twice: So that unless he be gently dealt with, hardly can we exempt him from the accusations of those that blame him.

The same Hierom is reproved by Cardinal Bellarmine, Bellar. l. 2. de Pon­tifice, c. 8. for maintaining, that Priests are inferior to Bishops, not by divine right, or by Gods Ordinance, but by an Ecclesiastical order.

The same Cardinal reprovethIdem l. 1. de Cleri­cis, c. 4. §. Contra. Hierom, because he believed that a man who hath married a Wife before Baptism, and another after, ought not to be held a by-game, that is, twice married.

In the first book against Jovinian, Hierom condemneth the use of flesh as pol­luted, saying, that the use of flesh was for wrestlers, and for Plow-men, not for Christians.

Himself holds that all oaths are forbidden to Christians, saying upon Mat. 5. Evangelica veritas non recipit juramentum, Gospel truth receiveth no oath.

He hath written against Austin Letters full of Invectives. The subject of their quarrel was, that Hierom maintains, that in Scripture there are sometimes offici­ous lyes; that is, that the Holy Ghost lieth sometimes for the good of those whom he speaks to; and that Saint Paul rehearsing how he had reproved Saint Peter, used lying and dissembling.

Epist. ad Evagrium.But that wherein he is most displeasing to our Adversaries, is his making all Bishops equal, and equalling the Bishops of Tanis and Rhegium, which are small Towns, unto the Bishop of Rome; adding that pride came from the Church of the City of Rome. And in his Preface upon the book of Didymus, he cals Rome Babylon and the whore clad in purple, and the Clergy of Rome, the Senate of the Pharisees. The like things he saith in the Epistle to Marcella, under the name of Paula and Eustochius.

Gelasius.

Pope Gelasius in the book against Nestorius and Eutyches, speaks things dis­pleasing to the Roman Church of this time, affirming, that in the Eucharist the substance of bread and wine remains, and the image and likeness of the body and blood of Christ is celebrated in the action of mysteries. It is he who in the Canon Com­perimus, in the second Distinction of the consecration, condemneth those that take the bread in the Eucharist, and abstain from the cup; and saith, thatAut in­tegra Sacra­menta perci­piant, aut ab integris arce­antur: quia divisio unius ejusdem (que) mysterii sine grandi sacri­legio non po­test provenire. the di­vision of this Sacrament cannot be done without a great sacriledge. Wherefore he commandeth that one kind be not given without the other. The same Pope in his Commonitory to Faustus his Legat, condemns all the indulgences granted to the dead, because it is written, All that thou shalt bind on earth, and not under earth. And denieth that a Bishop can give any absolution to the dead, for they are no more of his flock. That Pope speaking thus, hath condemned his successors who give indulgences to the dead, and draw souls out of Purgatory.

Lactantius.

Lactantius saith,Institu­tion. divin. lib. 4. c. 14. that Jesus Christ is not God. He was a Chiliast. He saith,Idem. lib. 3. that God hath divided the world into two parts, the East and the West, and hath reserved the East to himself, and left the West to the Devil;lib. 7. c. 20. He holds, that the wicked shall not rise in the day of Judgement:Lib. 2. cap. 9. He teacheth, that God before he created the world, created two Spirits, the one good, who is his Son; the other wicked, who is the Devil, to whom he hath given craft and dexterity to invent evil. He holds also, thatLib. 2. divin. in­stitut. c. 5. Angels polluted themselves with women, and that out of that copulation came the Demons. Hierom ob­serves this error of his,Hier. Epist. 65. ad Pam. that he denied the holy Ghost to be a person subsist­ing in the Godhead. We shall see upon another discourse, that he shuts up the souls of the Saints in underground places, and by consequent denieth the invo­cation of Saints.

Arnobius.

Arnobius holds,Lib. 2. that the souls of the wicked are mortal, and are brought to nothing: and in the first book he saith, that men were made subject to diseases, by a certain importunate cruelty that would have it so: and often he sets up many Gods.

In all these things and many more, the Roman Church rejects the opinion of the Fathers, and holds not her self bound to stand to all they say. For we have made this Collection, not to lay open the errors of the Ancient Doctors of the Church, whose holiness of life we praise, and admire their zeal, and make profit of their writings, but to shew how little our Adversaries deferr unto them; and that in many things wherein they have well spoken, as well as in others where they have erred, the Roman Church hath made no difficulty to depart from their opi­nion. Also that the Readers may acknowledge, how the Writings of those that are called Fathers, are under the perfection of the holy Scripture; and that the faith of the Christian shall never have any stedfastness, till it be stayed altogether upon the Word of God. Yea I say, that a Son that should see men honouring his Fa­thers memory with excess, and making an idol of him, should be bound to lay open, though with grief, the imperfections of his Father, that the honour of God might be maintained. Or if a man could be of such a perverse disposition, as to delight, as Cham did, to shew to the world his Fathers nakedness, and lay the errors of the ancient Doctors in open view, for no other end but to cast a re­proach upon their memory; yet that crime should be light, compared to the rash licentiousness of Cardinal du Perron, who hath made a chapter on purpose of the Texts of Scripture which seem absurd unto humane reason; which he sets forth in such a manner, that he makes his end evident, which is to find fault with the Word of God, and expose it to derision, and plant unbelief in the Readers mind. To the confutation of which collection, we reserve also a chapter on pur­pose.

CHAP. 50. How far the Ancient Church was from the belief which is now received in the Roman Church. Observations upon the eighteenth Chapter of the Book of Cardinal du Perron.

HIs Majesty of Great Britain had said, that there is a wide difference between the Roman Church of this time, and that of the time of Saint Austin. And truly who so will compare the Church from the Apostles to Austins time with the Roman of our days, will find an extreme difference, and will wonder how the enemy of our salvation could work so great an alteration.

I. For then the publike service was celebrated at Rome in a known language; as also it was in Greek among the Grecians, and is still to this day. In Armenia, the service was in Armenian, in Italy in Latin, because Latin was the vulgar tongue. Neither did they know then what it was to pray to God, and not under­stand ones self.

II. ThenHieron. Prologo Ga­leato. Et praefatione in lib. Salo­monis. Ruf­finus in Ex­positione Symboli Concilii Laodicensis. the books of Judith, Tobit, and Maccabees, were held Apo­crypha, not Canonical, as we shall prove hereafter.

III. ThenAug. l. 2. de doctrina Christiana. Chrysost. Hom. in 2 Thes. 2. & in Psal. 95. they believed that things necessary to salvation, were suffici­ently and clearly contained in the holy Scriptures.

IV. ThenChrysost. 3. Hom. de Lazaro. Hieron. Ep. ad Laetam. the Pastors of the Church recommended to the people, Trades­men, Husbandmen, Women, and all, the reading of the holy Scripture.

V. ThenConc. Eliber. Can. 36. Placuit in Ecclesiis picturas esse non debere, ne quod adoratur in parietibus pingatur. August. de consensu Evangelico, l. 1. c. 20. Sic omnino errare merentur qui Christum & Apostolos ejus non in sanctis codicibus, sed in pictis parietibus quaesierunt. Euseb. hist. l. 7. c. 17. Epiphan. Ep. ad Johannem Ierosolom. the Councils prohibited to have images in the Church, least that which is adored, should be painted on the Wals. And the Fathers of that time, said, that making images of Jesus Christ was a Pagan Custome; and those deserve to be seduced, that seek Jesus Christ in painted wals, instead of seeking him in the holy Scriptures. So contrary they were to images, that they would tear vails [Page 144] and hangings where there was any image of Christ or of some Saint. So far were the Christians of the two or three first ages from yielding any religious service to images, that the veryClemens Alex. Pro­treptico. Tertul. in Hermoge­nem. trade of Painter was held unlawfull and forbidden by God. Tertullian objects it to Hermogenes as a crime and a reproach. How farre were they from making pictures of God and images of the Trinity?

VI. Then in the form of service and publike prayers which were pronounced be­fore the table of the Lord these words were said,Ambr. l. 4. Sacram. cap. 5. Fac nobis hanc oblationem a­scriptam rati­onabilem ac­ceptabilem, quod est figu­ra corporis Christi. Make that this oblation may be put to our account, reasonable, acceptable, which is the figure of the body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ. Which words have been taken away, and blotted out of the Masse to bring in the Transubstantiation.

VII. The Fathers and Councils of that timeTertul. in Marcion. l. 3. c. 19. & l 4 c. 40. Hoc est corpus meum, hoc est, figura corpo­ris mei. give the interpretation of these words, This is my body, that is, This is the figure of my body, and say thatAugust. in Adiman­tum. c. 12. Non dubitavit dicere Hoc est corpus meum, cum daret sig­num corporis [...]ui. Codex Can. Eccl. Afric. Can. 37. Cypr. Epist. in Aquarios. Theod. Dial. 1. & 2. Je­sus Christ said, This is my body, when he gave the signe of his body; And expound these words, the body and the blood of Jesus Christ, by the bread and the wine con­secrated. They say that the thing which Jesus Christ called his blood was wine, and that the nature and substance of bread remains after the consecration.

VIII. Wherefore also in the antient Church they did not adore the Sacrament with cult of Latria; They spake not of accidents without subject; They beleeved not that the body was whole in every drop of the Chalice; They beleeved not that mice could carry away, or gnaw the true body of the Lord.

IX. Then the people received the Sacrament in their hand, and sometimes would carry it home. The Priest made no elevation of the host, shewing it unto the people over his head, turning his back unto them; There was then upon the table not a little round wafer, but a quantity of bread and wine for the whole as­sembly to communicate; The word of transubstantiation was not known, and no more the signification now put upon it.

X. Then the consecration was made, not by these words, This is my body, butOrigen. l. 5. contra Celsum. Justin Mart. Apol. 2. Aug. l. 4. de Trinit. c. 3. Basil. de Sp. S. c. 27. [...]. by prayer; Not speaking to the bread, but to God.

XI. Then they beleeved thatVigil. l. 4. contra Eutych. Quando in terra fuit, non erat utique in coelo; & nunc quia in coelo est, non est utique in terra. as the body of Jesus Christ was not in heaven when it was on earth, likewise that now that it is in heaven it is no more on earth, and that we apprehend him in beleeving, not in chewing; by faith, not with the teeth or belly.

XII. Then they beleevedAugust. in c. 6. Joh. & Tract. 26. in 1 Joh. & libro sententiarum Prosperi. Qui discordat à Christo, non manducat carnem ejus. Epiph. haeresi 42. Aug. l. 2. contra Epist. Parmeniani. Basil. Epist. ad Amphiloch. that the wicked and unbeleevers do not eat the body of the Lord, although they take the signe of it to their condemnation.

XIII. Then the whole faithful people did communicate under both kindes, nei­ther is there so much as one example found in all Antiquity of denying the Cup unto the people, or of the holy Sacrament administred in the Church without gi­ving the Cup to any.

XIV. Then it was not lawfull to women to administer the holy Baptism, as it is usuall now in the Church of Rome.

XV. Then they made no Masses without either Communicants or Assistants, and no Masses were said for private men that paid for them.

XVI. For three hundred and fifty years since the birth of our Lord, all the Fathers with one consent will have God alone invocated, and reject the addresse of prayers made unto creatures. After that time some began to speak of it doubt­fully, as Gregory Nazianzen Orat. in Julian. & Orat. de so­rore Gorgon. the first Father that ever called upon Saints, and yet he declareth that he doubteth whether the Saints understand him.

XVII. Then they beleevedAug. de Spiritu & a­nima, & lib. de cura pro mortuis. c. 13 Hier. Epitap. Nepotiani. that the Saints departed know not and under­stand not the things that are done here below.

XVIII. ThenAug. de vanitate se­culi. tom. 9. c. 1. serm. 4. de Conses. mortuorum. serm. 18. de verbis Apo­stoli. serm. 232. adver. ebrietatem. Lib. de meritis peccat. & de remiss. c. 28. Hypognost. l. 5. they beleeved that there was but two places for the souls after death, paradise and hell; and that for him who is not in Christ, there is no place left but with the devil.

[Page 145]XIX Then they prayed for the dead that sleep in peace, that they might rise to salvation, not to fetch souls out of Purgatory; The Masse it self hath that antient prayer; for there they pray for the dead that sleep in a peaceable sleep.

XX. Then they beleevedTertul. Apol. c. 48. Nysse. Orat. 3. de resur. Christi. Chrysost. Hom. 39. in 1 ad Cor. that the souls separate from the bodies cannot be tormented, and by consequent they beleeved not the fire of Purgatory.

XXI. Then no Christian what authority soever he had in the Church, did boast of releasing souls out of Purgatory, and to give Pardons and Indulgences to the dead.

XXII. Then many Priests and faithfull Pastors of the Church were married, and their habitation with their lawful wives was called chastity. And still to this day, in the Greek and Eastern Churches Priests are married.

XXIII. Then they held that S. Peter was the first and chief of the Apostles, as for honour and precedence;Hieron. lib. 1. in Jo. vinian. Cypr. de unitate Ecclesiae. but that in power and jurisdiction all the Apostles were equal.

XXIV. Then they held that the multitude was no mark of the true Church, and that the great number was often on the heretick side; And that Hereticks and Se­ducers are often they that make the greatest shew of miracles, as we have proved before by a multitude of testimonies.

XXV.See the Epistles of Sidonius A­pollinaris to the Bishops of Gaules. Then the Bishops that had any authority were called Popes,Irenaeus apud Euse­bium Victo­rem increpat. Epist. Synodi Africanae ad Caelestinum subiecta co­dici Cano­num Eccle­siae Africanae. and writ Remonstrances to the Bishop of Rome, and being assembled in Council without their leave, writ to him that they did not like that he should send them Legats, or take notice of their businesses, or receive any appeal coming from their countreys, and pronounced Excommunication against any man who being condemned by the Church of his Countrey, should appeal to Italy. Their election was made by suf­frages of the people. Cypr. Epist. 52. & 68.

XXVI.Formula juramenti Episcoporum in Pontifi­cali. Then the Bishop of Rome exacted not from the Bishops of Gaules, or Spain, or Greece, or Asia, an Oath of Allegiance at the time of their reception; They took no letters of investiture from him, They paid no Annats unto the Pope of Rome. They feared not a sentence of lapse from Rome upon their Benefices.

XXVII.See the Epistles of Leo 1. and other ancient Popes. Then the Bishop of Rome in his Epistles and Decrees took none of those Titles which he assumeth now, and called himself only Bishop of the city of Rome.

XXVIII. Then the Patriarchs of Constantinople, Alexandria and Antioch, had the care of all the Churches of the Roman Empire, as well as the Bishop of Rome, and were equally called Heads of the Universal Church, and of all the world that is of the Romane Empire.

XXIXCodex Canonum Eccles. A­fricanae cap. 135. The­oph. Pascha. Epistolae. Euseb. de vita Constantini. l. 2. c. 67. Socrat. l. 1. c. 8. Ruff. l. 1. c. 1. Then the Patriarchs of Alexandria sent to the Bishop of Rome every year to point unto him Easter day; And the Bishop of Rome accounted it not an injury or a contempt to receive that order from them.

XXX. Then the Universal Councils were convocated by the Emperours, who by their imperial Letters called the Bishop of Rome to the Council.Theodo­ret de haeres. c. de Nesto­rio. Basil. ep. 10. Nazian. Orat. de A­thanas. [...]. We finde not that the first Council of Nice was assembled by Constantine, by the advice of the Bishop of Rome, or that he consulted with him about it: It is found also, that the second Universal Council, which is the first of Constantinople, was convocated by the Emperour Theodosius the I. without the advice of Damasus Bishop of Rome; And that the same Council having met the second year again, Damasus endea­voured to transferre it to Rome, but could not effect it. In that Council there was not any Legat of the Romane Bishop, and there without his advice the order of the Patriarks was altered. And so for the IV. Council, which was that of Chalcedon, whichLeo Epist. 23. Omnes man­suetudinem vestram cum genutibus & lacrymis supplicant sacerdotes, generalem Synodum jubeatis intra Italiam cele­brari. Can. 28. Concil. Chalced. Leo Bishop of Rome went about to hinder by humble supplications to Theodosius the II. but he could not obtain it. In that Council, against all the efforts of the Legats of Leo there present, the Patriarch of Constantinople was declared equall unto the Bishop of Rome in all things; In the same manner as the City of [Page 146] Constantinople was equall in all things to the city of Rome for the civil. Neither shall it be found that before Charlemagne the Popes had Legats in the Councils of Gauls, or that his leave was demanded to convocate them, or that the causes of Bishops were evocated to Rome. That tyranny got footing in France under Ca­rolus Calvus towards the end of the ninth age.

XXXI. Then the Bishops of Rome were subject to the Emperours who have of­ten punisht, expelled and deposed them, and often also have granted them graces, immunities and priviledges, and have imposed upon them certain sums of money for their entry into the Bishoprick. It was then very farre from the Bishop of Rome to think of degrading Emperours, and taking crowns from the heads of Kings.

XXXII. Then the Universal Church of all the world was not called Romane, and the Christians of Syria or Egypt were not called Roman Catholicks, but onely when by the word Roman the subjects of the Roman Empire were understood, or the favourers of that Religion which was professed in the Roman Empire.

XXXIII. About the year of the Lord 300 began the profession of Hermites who called themselves Monachi or Monks, living not in Cities but in Deserts, and getting their living with the labour of their hands, without any necessity of vow. The following ages have added to that profession the vow and the works of super­erogation, and the counsels of perfection, and divers sorts of Monasticall Rules.

XXXIV. In the antient Church they knew not what belonged to Papal Indul­gences, They knew nothing of the great Pardons of Rome, nor of the Jubilee, nor of the treasure of the Church composed with the overplus of the satisfactions of Jesus Christ and the Saints, nor of the Pardons of six hundred thousand years, nor of the Popes power to draw souls out of Purgatory, and to put an interdict upon a kingdom, and dispense from Vows and Oaths, and change that which God hath commanded in his word; Nor of Cardinals, nor of the Court of Rome. For then the Bishop of Rome was not a Prince, and wore not a Triple Crown glit­tering with diamonds. He gave not his feet to Kings and Emperours to kisse; He boasted not that he could not erre in the faith. He did not canonize the Saints, and caused not himself to be adored.

XXXV. Then there was no mention of Gods Feast, nor of the Masse of such and such a Saint, as now there is the Masse of St. Rock and of St. Genovesa, and of St. Anthony, and of the holy Ghost. For of late they have judged it reasonable that the holy Ghost should also have his Feast. Then the Altars were not conse­crated to such and such a Saint, whose Reliques are hid under the Altar.

XXXVI. Then it was an impious language to call the Virgin Mary the Queen of Heaven. They beleeved not her bodily assumption into heaven; They did not deferre unto her the cult of Hyperdulia. And the Church of that time gave no charges unto Saints over a Trade, or a Town, or a sicknesse,

XXXVII. Then the Roman Indulgences were not in use, as Gabriel Biel ac­knowledgethDicen­dum quod ante tempora beati Gregorii modicus vel nullus usus fuit indulgen­tiarum. Nunc autem crebre­scit earum usus. in the 57. lesson upon the Canon of the Masse, and the Cardinal Cajetan in the Book of Indulgences to Julius de medicis.

XXXVIII. In that time the publike Service war pronounced aloud, and the peo­ple answered Amen, because they understood that which was said. That part of the Masse which is called Secreta, was a thing unknown to Antiquity.

XXXIX. The antient Church carefully concealed the matter and the mystery of the Sacrament, and would not celebrate it in presence of those that were under penance, or of the Catechumenes. Now Jews and Turks, and Pagans may see what is done in the Masse, and the Sacrament which they call the Host, is carried in procession through the streets in open view.

XL. Then the Baptisme was not ordinarily conferred but at Easter and Pente­cost; and the most part to avoid the rigour of the penitential Canons, would de­fer the Baptisme till they were at mans estate, and many even to the hour of death.

XLI. We shall see hereafter that the whole doctrine, and the whole form of [Page 147] Penitence, and all the Penitentiall Canons of the antient Church are abolisht in the Church of Rome.

In a word it is now quite another face of the Church, and another Religion. If any of the Christians of the first ages did return into the world, he would seek the Roman Church in the Roman Church, and should have much adoe to observe in it the Relicks of Christianity.

I have been large upon this matter, to be even with Card. du Perron, who in the 18. ch. of his first Book quoteth many testimonies of the Fathers in the mar­gin, whereby he pretends to prove the conformity of the Roman Church of this time with the Antient. All that to no purpose; for who knows whether these pas­sages be faithfully quoted? or whether the same Fathers speak alwaies the same language? or whether the words of these passages be not used in a sense contrary to the Authors minde? or whether the signification of the words be not chan­ged? (As in effect the words of Pope, Merit, Sacrifice, Indulgence, Masse, Con­secration, Prayer for the dead, Satisfaction, &c. have lost their antient significa­tion) Or whether the alledged Books be not supposititious? Or whether the se­verall ages have been uniform, and have altered nothing in these matters? And after all, they are but men that speak, such men as the Roman Church con­demneth in many things, and that will not be beleeved without the Word of God.

In effect, whoso will examine the authorities quoted in the Cardinals margin, and consult the authours themselves, shall finde that of those passages some are taken in a wrong sense, some are of suspected Authors, some are out of pur­pose, and touch not the question, or they are about trifles and petty ceremonies not worth the staying upon, or that a Father having spoken thus hath spoken o­therwise afterwards, and hath retracted his doctrine.

For example, he goeth about to prove by the Fathers, that in the antient Church they adored the Eucharist, not only with words and inward devotions, but even with gestures and outward adoration: Upon that he quoteth in the margin Cy­rillus of Jerusalem in the fifth mystagogicall Catechesis, which is a suspected book, whose style is different, and more concise then the other precedent Cate­cheses of Cyrillus, of which we shall say more in another place. He quotes also Chrysostome upon the 1. Ep. to the Corinthians, hom. 24. Austin upon Ps. 98. The­odoret dialogo 2. All Texts that say not, that the Eucharist was adored with ado­ration of Latria. The passage of Theodoret is this, The mysticall signes do not change nature after the Consecration, for they remain in their first substance, fi­gure and form, and are visible and to be handled as before: But they are under­stood to be the things which were made, and they are beleeved and adored as made that which they are beleeved to be.

Theodoret saith. That [...]. the mysticall signes are adored; He speaks not then of the adoration of Latria due unto God alone; for the signes must not be thus ado­red. Besides, the word [...] which Theodoret useth, doth many times simply signifie to venerate and make obeysance or a congy. The testimony of Austin upon Psa. 98. is this, That none eat this flesh unlesse he hath first adored it; Where Au­stin speaking of manducation by faith, will have the flesh of Christ adored in the celebration of the Eucharist, but he saith not, Let the Eucharist be adored. It is one thing to worship Christ in the Lotds Supper, and another to worship the Lords Supper, or to adore the Sacrament which is set upon the table; The Fa­ther also is adored in the Eucharist, although he be not inclosed under the acci­dents of bread. Chrysostome saith the same in the alledged place, and will have all those that partake of the Sacrament to worship Christ, which we acknow­ledge to be necessary. But he speaks not of the adoration of the Sacra­ment.

In the same Chapter also to defend the Communion under one kinde, he quo­teth in the margin such passages as say, that in old time they carried the bread home, that it was brought to the sick, carried upon the sea, and sent to remote Countreys. Who seeth not that this doth not touch the question? The question [Page 148] is, Whether in the antient Church the Eucharist was celebrated in the Temple without giving the cup to any of the Assistants; or whether the cup was ever de­nied to any of the people that required it, or whether it was interdicted to the Laity, as it is now in the Roman Church.

Also for the invocation of Saints, he quoteth in the Margin the book of Am­brose concerning Widows. But he saith not, that the same Father retracted his opinion; and that in the oration upon the death of Theodosius written many years after, he said, that God alone must be prayed to, and invocated.

But of all these Texts we shall speak in their proper place, for the Cardinal brings forth the same Texts, and many more in the Chapter, when he speaks of every question by it self.

CHAP. 51. Of the pretended power and authority of the Church to add unto Scripture. And of the unwritten Traditions. And why the Pope not only equalleth them unto, but preferreth them before the holy Scripture.

ONe of the chief proofs that our Adversaries bring to raise the authority of the Church above the holy Scripture, is the power which they ascribe unto the Church to add unto Scripture, and to make Laws (which concern faith and manners) not contained in the Scripture. The Jesuit Gregorius de Valentia saith, that theGreg. de Valentia Analys. l. 5. c. 3. in titulo Scripturam non esse suffi­cientem regu­lam fidei. Scripture is not a sufficient rule of faith, because it contains not all things. The Jesuit Bayle in the ninth question of his Catechism, I will make you (saith he) palpably discern, that Scripture is not sufficient. And so Charron in the fourth chapter of the third verity: Scripture is but a very little parcel of the re­vealed truth. Salmeron gives a reason why God would not have all the Mysteries of Religion to be written, namely,Salmer. Tom. 13. Disp. 8. §. Quinto opus. Hoc litteris consignari minimè debuerat, ut servaretur praeceptum Christi, Nolite dare sanctum cani­bus. That the Commandment of Christ should be kept, Give not holy things unto Dogs. So that in his account, the holy Scripture is for Dogs:Coster. Praefat. Enchirid. In ea tamen omnia contineri valde impudenter affirmare non verentur, &c. A Christo videtur cautum ne omnia fidei dogmata Scriptis commendarentu [...], dum ait, Nolite dare sanctum canibus. Costerus saith the same.

And that one may not think that the Traditions which the Church addeth unto Scripture, be of small concernment;Tho­mas 2a. 2ae. quaest. 1. art. 10. Ad solam authoritatem summi Ponti­ficis pertinet nova editio symboli. Thomas Aquinas saith, that the Pope can make a new Edition of the Symbol. Upon which Text, Andradius in the second book of the defence of the Tridentine faith, saith,Andrad. Romanos Pontifices multa defini­endo quae an­te latitabant, symbolum fi­dei augere consuevisse. The Roman Popes by defining many things which had been hidden before, use to augment the Symbol of the Faith. Whence the Council of Florence, in the last Session attributes to the Pope and to the Roman Church the power of adding to the Symbol. The Bull Exurge, which is at the end of the last Council of Lateran, condemneth Luther for saying that it is not in the power of the Pope and the Roman Church to stablish new Articles of Faith.

Hence it appears, that our Adversaries hold, that unwritten Traditions which are wanting unto Scripture, are not only light things and indifferent customs, but such as are held to be Articles of faith, essential points, and necessary to Christian Religion, as the Jesuit Salmeron saith,Salmer. Tom. XIII. part. 3. Disp. 6. §. Est ergo. Doctrina fidei admittit additionem in essentialibus. The Doctrine of faith suffereth ad­dition in essential things. Whence it follows, that Christian Religion had not yet all her essential Doctrines in the time of the Apostles, and was wanting in things necessary. For the same Jesuit in the same place is prolix in maintaining, thatSalmer. ibid. §. Tertio varia. Hinc colligi potest non omnia tradita esse ab Apostolis, sed ea quae tunc temporis necessaria & quae ad salutem credentium idonea erant. there are many Traditions, even in things essential, which the Apostles have not taught, neither by word nor writing. So that by a great abuse, they call [Page 149] all traditions Apostolical, there being many Doctrines of which the Apostles have neither written nor spoken. For (saith he) all things have not been taught by the Apostles, but such as were then necessary and fit for the salvation of Believers. By that reason there are some Doctrines that now are necessary and essential to faith, which were not so in the Apostles time. It were good to know when Christian Religion shall be perfected, and whether the Popes shall have always the power to add new Articles of faith.

M. du Perron in the fifth observation of the second book, chap. 3. is very ample upon that point. And as in the third observation, he maintains that the Church can change the Scripture, and make other Laws; so in this place he maintains that the Church can add to Scripture, and make traditions of equal authority to Scripture.

To this Tradition our Adversaries have recourse, when Scripture faileth them. So did the old Hereticks, as Irenaeus saith in the third book, chap. 2. When one convicteth Hereticks by Scripture, they will accuse the Scriptures as not being in good form, and having no authority, and diversly spoken, and because truth cannot be found in Scripture by those that know not tradition, because it was not given in Wri­ting, but viva voce. For which cause, Paul said, We speak Wisdom among the per­fect. Lib. de Monogam. c. 2. Tertullian being turned Heretick defended his error by tradition, alledging these words of the Lord, I have yet many things to say unto you, but as yet you cannot bear them. Which TextBellar. l. de verbo Dei non scripto, c. 3. Bellarmine and other defenders of traditi­ons, make use of to establish them; as also of this Text alledged by Irenaeus, We speak wisdom among the perfect. A little after the Apostles, Papias Bishop of Hi­erapolis, applied his mind to unwritten traditions, which were parables, and strange Doctrines, and other fabulous things, as Eusebius saith in the last chapter of the last book of his history.

Clemens Alexandrinus, who among many vertues had also his defects, was much given to traditions not contained in Scripture. HeStrom. l. 1. & 6. taught that the Pagans were justified by Philosophy, and that it was necessary before the coming of the Lord, and that it was a Schoolmaster unto Christ. That Christ had prescribed to the Jews twelve years for a term of repentance;Strom. 6. That not only Christ, but the Apostles also descended into hell to preach repentance, and many such Doctrines, which the Roman Church of our dayes doth not receive.

Within these traditions our Adversaries intrench themselves when they are prest by the Scripture, and say that this unwritten word is found in the mouth of the Church, that is, that it depends from the will of the Pope, and of those that govern the Roman Church under him.

Now although theSess. IV. Pari pietatis affectu & reverentiā. Council of Trent equal those traditions with the holy Scripture, commanding that they be received with the like reverence and af­fection of piety as the holy Scripture; Nevertheless traditions have really a greater authority with the Roman Church then the holy Scripture; Since the Romanists ground the authority of Scripture upon tradition, and upon the testimony of the Church. Certainly if the tradition of the Church can change that which God commandeth in Scripture (as the Cardinal will have it) it follows, that Tradition hath more authority then Scripture. Or if Scripture must be believed, because the tradition of the Church prescribes it, what followeth but that the tradition of the Church is more to be believed then Scripture? Whence also the Jesuit Costerus in his Manual, chap. 1. calleth the tradition printed in the heart of the Church, another kind of Scripture.Hujus Scripturae praestantia multis parti­bus superat Scripturas quas nobis in membranis Apostoli reli­querunt, &c. The excellency of that Scripture (saith he) far surmounteth the holy Scriptures, which the Apostles have left in parchments; First, because that is written by the finger of God, the other is written with the Pens of the Apostles. Salmeron in the third part of the XIII. Tome, in the 8. Dispute, pronounceth this goodly Aphorism, Tradition hath all things necessary to salvati­on, yea more then Scripture. §. Secun­da. Traditio est scriptura antiquer. He addeth, Tradition is more antient then Scri­pture. Again,Scriptura dubiorum quae pullula­bant judex esse non pote­rat, &c. Tum quia difficilis est & quia muta est, &c. Non mittitur ad Scripturas quae instar nasi cerci du­cuntur, quo quis vult, &c. Scripture cannot be Judge of doubts, because it is hard and dumb, and like a nose of wax which is drawn any way, &c. Wherefore such as will be insolent, cannot be convinced by Scripture; but with the only tradition we must [Page 150] cut their throats. Again, Tradition is more firm then Scripture. And a little after, Tradition is far more universal then Scripture, and extends to a longer time, and hath more matters, and more persons then Scripture; Yea that Jesuit goeth so far, as to say, thatSalmer. 2. Proleg. §. Septimo. Non mirum si Ecclesiae Dei quae Spi­ritum habet, subjiciatur Scriptura. Scripture is subject unto the Church which hath the Spirit. Now to be subject unto the Church, and unto the tradition of the Church, is all one. Which is the same thing that Lindanus saith in Panoplia, In Indice titulorum, l. 5. c. 5. Eccle­siam non esse ex voluntate Christi Scripturae al­ligatam. The Church was not tyed to Scripture by the Will of Christ. And the Jesuit Costerus in his Manual,Christus nec Ecclesiam à chartaceis Scriptis pen­dere, nec membranis sua mysteria committere voluit. Christ would not have his Church to depend from Scriptures of paper, and would not commit his mysteries to parchment. And Stapleton in the second book of the authority of Scripture, chap. 11.Stapl. Dixi & di­co, non tam ipsius fidei regulam in se esse Scriptu­ram, quam ipsarum Scripturarum regulam esse fidem Eccle­siae. I have said, and say again, that Scripture in herself is not so much the rule of Faith, as the faith of the Church is the rule of Scripture. Now by the Faith of the Church, the tradition of the Church is understood; and by the Church, they understand the Roman; and by the Roman, they understand the Pope, in whom resideth the whole au­thority of the Roman Church. So the Pope is set above God, speaking in the Scriptures; Wherefore they are gravelled, when they are asked whether the Pope be subject to the holy Scripture?

Did ever any of their Doctors say of the Traditions, that which they say of the h [...]ly Scriptures? Did they ever call the Traditions a piece of a rule, a nose of wax, a stumbling block, a dumb rule, a sword for both hands, an obscure and ambiguous Doctrine which cannot be judge, &c? In a word, they will have Tra­dition, not Scripture to be Judge. And their practice justifieth it; for in the Ro­man Church, the people is a thousand times more carefully instructed in the tra­dition, then in the Doctrine of salvation contained in the holy Scripture. The very idiots among them know what belongs to Lent and Emberweeks; what meats are forbidden on certain days; and speak of Holy days, Vigils, Pilgrimages, Relicks, great Pardons, Obits, Beads, Rosaries, &c. But many that go for learned, are ignorant in the Doctrine of our Redemption, and free Adoption, and Justification by Faith, and about the Offices and Natures of our Redeemer, and about the relation between the New and the Old Testament, which are the fun­mentals of Christian Religion. Confirmation being of humane invention, is more honoured then Baptism, which is instituted by Christ. For Confirmation is not conferred but by the Bishop; But Baptism may be conferred by a Woman, yea by a Pagan Woman, yea by a Pagan Whore. Of sins against Gods Law, as Fornication, Murther, Perjury, Adultery, Priests and Bishops give absolution; but they cannot absolve them that have molested those that go to Rome to gain pardons, or robbed the victuallers that carry provision to the Court of Rome, nor Princes and Magistrates that levy Tenths upon the Clergy, nor them that appeal from the Pope unto the future Council. These are cases reserved unto his Holi­ness, except only in the Article of death. They are traditions, which to transgress, is a greater sin then to transgress the Law of God. If a Priest marry for a reme­dy to his incontinence, according to the Apostles command, he fals into irregula­rity, and becomes unable to sing Mass; but not for keeping many Concubines, or for being a Sodomite, as we learn of PopeInnoc. III. Extra. de biga­mis, c. Quia circa. Postulasti per sedem Apostolicam edoceri si Presbyteri plures concubinas habentes, bigami censeantur. Ad quod duximus respondendum quod cum irregularitatem non incurrerint cum eis tanquam simplici fornicatione notatis poteris dispensare. Innocent the III. and ofNavar. Tom. 2. cap. ad inferendam 23. qu. 3. de defensione proximi, c. 35. §. Decimum. Responden­dum est crimen Sodomiae non comprehendi in criminibus quae irregularitatem inducunt. Navarrus the Popes penitentiary.

It is no wonder that in the Roman Church Tradition hath more authority then Scripture. For the Popes succession in Saint Peters Primacy, is a tradition, which is the foundation of his Empire. He hath then a great interest to exalt tradition, upon which his domination is founded.

Besides, all traditions are lucrative unto the Pope, and serve to exalt and enrich the Pope and his Clergy. He draweth great profits from Indulgences, private Masses, Dispensations, Annals, Suffrages for the dead, and from Purgatory. [Page 151] By the confessions the Confessors know the secrets of families, and the intenti­ons of Princes, and have a King kneeling before them, confessing his sins, and craving pardon, and undergoing penances at their discretion. Clergy-men re­serving to themselves and Kings the Cup in the Sacrament, raise themselves above the people, and make themselves fellows to Kings. By the Transubstantiation they arrogate to themselves the power of making God with their word, and hold Jesus Christ shut up in a box. By the sacrifice of the Mass they make themselves Priests after the order of Melchisedeck, and sacrifice Jesus Christ unto his Father, having no command of God for that. The images of God the Father arrayed like a Pope, make the ignorant to beleeve that the Pope is like unto God. By holy dayes the Pope usurpeth the power of shutting up the Shops, and hindring the sitting of Courts of Justice and Councils of State. By the distinction of meats, the Pope rules the markets, and the kitchins, and the bellies, and the Tables of Kings. By the canonization of Saints h [...] gives his servants to be adored by the Nations, and raiseth to heaven such as have faithfully served him: By the Sacra­ment of Penance he chastiseih Kings and Princes, imposing corporal and pecuni­ary punishments, and changing when he listeth the corporal into pecuniary: By the Absolution Priests forgive sins, and bear themselves as Judges in Gods cause; For God is the offended party, and the Priest is the Judge. By the adoration of Images, and the prohibition of reading Scripture in the vulgar tongue, the Pope keeps the people in ignorance, that they may not know the abuse and the tyranny. By the service in the Romane language the Pope tameth the people to the Roman Religion, and giveth his language to the nations which he hath subdued. The dispensations which the Pope giveth to Princes, of marrying in the forbidden degrees and unlawfull by the Word of God, oblige the children born of those marriages to maintain, the Papall authority; for if that au­thority were shaken, one might doubt whether they were lawfull. The power which the Pope usurpeth to take from Kings both their Crowns and their lives, and to dispose of Kingdoms, makes him King of Kings, and Monarch over the whole temporall of the earth. Who shall wonder now that the Pope labours with all his power to raise the authority of Traditions above that of the Law of God, since they are so lucrative unto him? And whereas he is Master of Traditi­ons, and having made them he can change them, no wonder if he sticks to them, but he can neither abolish Scripture, nor make another at his pleasure.

For our part, we know no other word of God but that which is contained in the Old and New Testament, which God hath inspired unto his Prophets and A­postles. And holding that word for a perfect Rule of our faith, we reject all ad­ditions unto the doctrine of salvation contained in the holy Scriptures, either in expresse words or in equivalent terms.

Yet do we not absolutely reject all traditions, since Scripture it self is a tradi­tion, as Cyprian saith in the 74 Epistle to Pompeius. Whence comes this traditi­on? doth it come from the authority of the Lord and the Gospel, or from the doctrine and Epistles of the Apostles? And a little after, If it be commanded in Scripture, or in the Epistles, or in the Acts of the Apostles, let that holy and divine tradition be observed. Besides there be many things that concern Ecclesiasticall policy and outward order, which we would not reject, although they be not in Scripture; so that there be nothing in them against good manners, and that they exceed not in number, and that they be not given as necessary to salvation, and equalled to the doctrine of faith contained in the Scripture. Also if there be any tradition which adds nothing to the holy Scripture, but be an acknowledgement of the perfection of the same, and barre all addition to it; as that such and such books are sacred and Canonicall, which is a tradition arising from the nature it self of Scripture, we receive it willingly. Moreover, if one call traditions the doctrines which are not found in formall texts in the Scripture, but are found in it in equi­valent terms, or are drawn out of it by necessary consequence, we reject not those traditions. We reject those only that cannot be received without admitting some defect in Scripture, as if it contained not the whole doctrine of salvation. [Page 152] As Hierome saith,Hier. in Ps 98. Omne quod loqui­mur, debemus affirmare de Scripturis sanctis. Whatsoever we say, we ought to affirm it by the holy Scri­ptures. And Austin, Let us hear no more among us, This I say, and that thou sayest, but the Lord saith this. We have the books of the Lord, to whose authority both of us consent, and beleeve it, and serve it: There let us seek the Church, there let us decide our cause. Again,Aug l. de unitate Ec­clesiae. Aufe­rantur illa de medio quae adversus nos invicem, non ex divinis Ca­nonicis libris sed aliunde recitamus. Let us remove all that we bring, the one against the other, from any other place but the Canonicall Scriptures.

CHAP. 52. That the holy Scripture contains the whole doctrine necessary to salvation. Examination of the Cardinals answers.

1. IN this Question we lay for a foundation, that true Religion comes from God, and must be ruled by the word of God. Now we have no other book that may challenge that Title but the holy Scripture, and our Adversaries produce none. Whence it follows that the Traditions not contained in the holy Scripture, though backt with testimonies brought from other books, are drawn not from the Word of God, but from the word of men.

If the Word of God contained in the holy Scriptures should want any thing necessary for salvation, whence or by what means should that defect be supplied? Should it be from the Decrees and Decretals of the Popes? but the Roman Church receiveth them not for the Word of God. Should it be by the ancient Councils? but they speak not of the Traditions which the Roman Church hath added since, and they condemn the Roman Church in many things. Wherefore the Romane Church receives not the Councils for the Word of God; Neither doth she hold her self subject to Councils, but attributes to her self the power of altering that which was decreed by the Universal Councils. And before the Councils, the Scri­pture for many ages was held in the Church the only rule of faith.

2. The very title of the holy Scripture is a proof. For it bears on the front the title of Testament and Covenant of God. We ask then whether the Testament of our God be whole there, or whether there be but part of it? If it be whole, nothing must be added to i [...]; but if there be but a part of it, we must correct the title, and write, Part of the Testament or Covenant of God. And indeed our Ad­versaries were not so bold yet as to affirm that the traditions which they hold forth make part of Gods Covenant.

3. The same may be said of the title set before the New Testament, that it is the Gospel of Jesus Christ. Which Gospel if it be whole, it follows that the un­written Traditions are no part of the Gospel: If it be not whole, the title must be corrected, and our Adversaries must supply that defect, and give us a list of the unwritten traditions, that the people may have the whole body of Chri­stian Religion.

4. Now if the Church of this time, and that which shall come after, hath the au­thority to adde more unto Scripture, Christian Religion shall never be entire, and there will be still a power to make additions to it, which presupposeth imperfection.

5. Moreover, how shall the people be able to learn these Traditions, and know the goodness of them? Shall they learn it from the mouth of the Church? but before that they must be assured, that it is an orthodox Church and sound in the faith; A thing impossible for the people to know, since the reading of holy Scripture is forbidden to the people, from which Scripture only the doctrine of salvation is drawn. And there being many contrary Churches, as the Roman, the Grecian, the Armenian, the Ethiopian, &c. how shall the poor people know, which of all their divers traditions they must stand to?

If one say that the good traditions are learned by the consent of the Fathers, the Fathers are things hidden from the people, who never reade them, because they are Greek and Latine, and of an endlesse length. And if one should reade them all, he should finde a great number of traditions in the Roman Church, of which the Fathers say nothing, and some which the Fathers contradict. Can any [Page 153] man finde in the Fathers of the four first ages any mention of the power of the Pope to send souls out of Purgatory? or to give and take away Kingdoms? Do they speak of Roman Indulgences? or of the Jubilee every twenty fifth year? or of the adoration of Images? or of denying the Cup in the Lords Supper unto the people? or of private Masses? or of forbidding the people to reade Scripture? and many the like things.

6. If the Church of Israel hath lived many ages having no other doctrine of salvation but the five Books of Moses, of which God speaks thus, Deut. 4.2. Ye shall not add unto the word which I command you, neither shall you diminish ought from it: Is it credible that now that we have these books of Moses, the books of the Prophets, of the Apostles, and of the Evangelists, that these sacred books are not sufficient, and that we need yet besides them great number of doctrines? In vain M. du Perron answers, that in that place adding and diminishing signifie transgressing the Commandments of God, or omitting to fulfill them, for he that kils or steals, addeth nothing to the Law of God.

The Cardinal saith also, that in the alledged place, by the word which I command you, the unwritten word is understood also; and he brings many commandments practised by the Israelites, of which no mention is made in the books of Moses; A reason which shall be examined in the following Chapter. That Moses gave no unwritten Traditions to the people, but set down in writing the whole Law of God, himself testifieth it, Deut. 31.24. And it came to pass when Moses had made an end of writing the words of this Law in a book until they were finished, That Moses commanded the Levites which bare the Ark of the Covenant of the Lord, say­ing, Take this book of the Law, and put it in the side of the Ark.

7. I add that the whole Service of God consisteth in two points, well-doing and well-beleeving: Of the first we have a summary in the Law, of the second in the Symbol. Many persons are come to salvation with less knowledge then that: Jonas did not propound all these things to the Ninivites, to whose conver­sion nevertheless Christ beareth witness, Matth. 12.

8. Luk. 16.29. The rich Glutton being in hell, desireth Abraham that some of the dead be sent to his brothers to warn them of their duty, lest they should fall into the like torment; To whom Abraham answereth, They have Moses and the Prophets, let them hear them. Abraham will have them to be content with the doctrine of Moses and the Prophets, which was read every Sabbath in the Syna­gogues, without expecting other revelation. For Christ speaks of that rich glut­ton as of a man that had lived under the Old Testament, under which the Church had no other doctrine but that of the Law and the Prophets: Chrysostom under­stood it so upon Gal. 1. [...]. Abraham (saith he) being required to send down Lazarus, answereth, They have Moses and the Prophets, if they will not hear them, no more they shall hear dead men raised again. Now Jesus Christ brings in Abraham speak­ing thus, shewing that he will have us to give more faith to Scripture then to dead men risen again.

9. S. John ch. 20. ult. speaking of his Gospel, saith, that these things are written that we may beleeve in Jesus Christ, and that beleeving on him we may have life through his Name. We grant to the Cardinall, that these words contain not a demonstrative proof of the perfection of Scripture, but it is a very probable ar­gument, since God hath inspired many of his servants to write the doctrine of salvation propounded by Jesus Christ, that he hath indited and inspired unto them, all that he knew to be necessary to save us. For that which is committed to the simple word of men, and to unwritten tradition, is subject to be altered and corrupted: Which appears in that Churches have contrary Traditions, though they have the same holy Scripture. The Antients made use of that Text to prove the perfection of Scripture; So did Austin, Aug. de consensu E­vangelista­rum. l 1. c. ult. All that the Lord would have us to reade about his words and deeds, he commanded them to write, they being as his own hands. And in another place,Idem Tract. 49. in Johan. Evangelista testatur multa Dominum Christum & fecisse & dixisse quae scripta non sunt; electa autem sunt quae scribe­rentur quae saluti creden­tium sufficere videbantur. These things were chosen to be written which seemed to be sufficient for the salvation of beleevers. And Cyrillus, Johan. l. 12. c. 69. All that the Lord hath done was not written, but that which the writers thought to be sufficient, [Page 154] that shining by the right faith, and by works, we may attain to the Kingdom of Heaven.

10. The Apostle saith to Timothy, 2 Tim. 3.15. From a child thou hast known the holy Scriptures, which are able to make thee wise unto salvation. It matters to whether the word [...] be translated to make wise, or to instruct, as the Cardinal will have it. For the Apostle speaks not of an imperfect instruction. It is hard to say certainly, whether by the holy Letters or Scriptures he understands only the books of the Old Testament, or whether part of the New was already written. Only I say, that if Saint Paul speaks only of the Old Testament, the argument is so much the stronger; For if the Old Testament alone can make us wise unto sal­vation, how much more the Old and the New?

Pag. 783.But (saith M. du Perron) where is the Ordinance for Baptism, in the Name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the holy Ghost, found in the Old Testament; and the Ordinance for distributing the body and blood of the Lord? I answer, that the knowledge of these things was not necessary under the Old Testament; And that even in the beginnings of the Christian Church, that which is revealed in the Old Testament about Jesus Christ, might be suffici­ent to salvation, to him that had wanted means to receive a more ample instructi­on. Besides, the Old Testament doth instruct us in these things, inasmuch as it sends us to Christ, and commands us to hearken to him, and by consequent to receive his Ordinances. And this is it that the Apostle addeth, saying, the holy Let­ters are able to make thee wise unto salvation, through the Faith which is in Christ Jesus; that is, These holy Letters address thee to go unto Christ, and will have thee to believe in his Word.

To confound the Reader, he will have that word [...] to be translated in the Praeterit, to have instructed, being ignorant that the infinitive Aorist is taken al­most always in the present tense. See Act. 13.44. & 14.1. & 15.10. Hardly is there a chapter in the New Testament without an example of this.

11. The same Apostle, Acts 20.17. saith, that he hath announced to the Ephesians the whole counsel of God. Then the traditions added since by the Popes, are not of the counsel of God. And Acts 16.22. He witnesseth both to small and great, that he said none other things then those which the Prophets and Moses did say should come. Then he restrained his preaching to the Scriptures.

12. Mat. 15.3. The Lord Jesus said to the Pharisees, Why do you transgress the commandment of God by your tradition? The word transgressing, [...], is overpassing. He saith not, Why do you contradict? but why do you overpass the commandment of God? as in effect the Pharisaical traditions were, for the most part, simple additions unto the Law of God, having an apparence of devotion; Not otherwise forbidden, but as much as God forbiddeth to add unto his Word: as to fast twice in the week, to make broad their phylacteries or fringes of their garments, to wash themselves returning from the Town-hall or Market, to make pots clean in a superstitious way, to number their steps on the Sabbath day.

13. The Apostle Eph. 2.20. foundeth our faith upon the Prophets and the Apostles. Being (saith he) built upon the foundation of the Apostles and Prophets. If our Adversaries say, that our faith is founded upon the Word both written and unwritten of the Apostles, they must say, also, that it is founded upon the word both written and unwritten of the Prophets. Now we have no unwritten Word of the Prophets, and our Adversaries produce none.

14. Saint Paul 1 Cor. 4.6. speaks thus; These things I have [...], In have trans­figured. transferred in a figure to my self, and to Apollo for your sakes, that ye might learn [...]. not to think to be wise above that which is written. The whole context takes away all doubt of the sense of these words: For the Apostle in the precedent chap­ter, v. 5. & 6. and in this chapter, called himself an Architect, and a Minister of Christ, and Steward of the Mysteries of God; and had said, that Paul had planted, Apollo had watered, but that God giveth the increase; and he had sent us to Christ, who is the only foundation, of the building. Now in this Text, he saith, that he hath transferred those things to his person, and to that of Apollo, [Page 155] that by that example, the Pastors of the Church might learn not to assume to themselves more then the Scripture attributes unto them; for their charge and their authority must be limited by the Word of God. Whence we infer, that since Scripture sets a rule to the charge of Pastors, and puts limits unto them, which they cannot overpass without offending God, then we must make no doubt, but that the same Scripture prescribes unto Pastors that which they must teach, and limits their preaching. Whereby the Peoples duty is also limited; For the faith­ful must not presume to be wise beyond that which is written. This Text seems to have been purposely made against the Roman Church; in which, the Pope and the Priests assume titles beyond that which is written, as the titles of Vicar of God, and head of the Universal Church, and sacrificers of Christs body.

15. The same Apostle Gal. 1.8. speaks thus to the Galatians, Though we or an Angel from heaven preach any other Gospel unto you then that ye have received, let him be accursed. The dispute is vain, whether [...] in Greek signifieth besides or against; for who so teacheth besides the Gospel, teacheth also against it: And adding to the Gospel is gain saying the Gospel. Hence it is, that the word trans­gressing signifies not only overpassing, but violating and breaking the Law. Chry­sostom upon Gal. 1. expoundeth that Text in this manner. [...]. Paul saith not, if they announce things contrary to the Gospel, or if they overthrow all, but if they preach never so little besides the Gospel which you have received, if they shake any thing never so little, let them be anathema. Theo­phylact. in Ep. ad Ga­lat. Neque enim si con­traria solum praedicaverin [...] praeter id quod ipsi evangeliza­vimus, hoc est, si pluscu­lum quippiam adjecerint. And Theophylactus after him, The Apostle hath not said, Hoc prius credimus non esse quod ul­tra credere debeamus. If they preach only things contrary, but if they preach be­sides that which we have preacht our selves, that is, if they add never so little more.

Tertullian in the Book of Prescriptions, Chap. 8. speaking of Scripture,Hoc prius credimus non esse quod ul­tra credere debeamus. First, we beleeve this, that there is nothing that we should believe besides. And Chap. 14.Nihil ul­tra scire, om­nia scire est. To know nothing besides that, is to know all. And truly reason in this is evident: For if S. Paul hath taught both by word and writing all that is necessary to salvation, it follows that he forbids to adde to that which he hath taught, and not only to contradict it.

The Romane vulgar version is express to this purpose, translating thus, Li­cet nos aut Angelus de coelo evangelizet vobis praeterquam quod evangelizavimus vo­bis, anathema sit: For although the adverb [...] in Greek, and praeter in Latine, signifie sometimes against, yet praeter quam quod cannot be so taken, and cannot signifie but besides that, or otherwise then.

It is vain to reply, that S. Paul since that Epistle was written, hath added ma­ny Epistles, and that S. John after him hath written his Gospel, and the Revela­tion; For it will not be found that S. Paul in his last Epistles, or S. John in his Books have added anything to the doctrine of salvation, which S. Paul had writ­ten and preacht before, and which was already contained in the other Go­spels.

It will not serve to answer, that Paul forbids to add to that he had taught, but that he did not write all that he had taught. For we have heard the Jesuits saying before, that there are many things essentiall unto Christian faith, which the Apostles neither writ nor taught, so that they finde a defect not only in the wri­tings, but also in the preaching of the Apostles. Besides, those that speak this language, oblige themselves to specifie unto us which are those points necessary to salvation, which the Apostles would not set down in writing, and to prove to us by good proofs, that S. Paul having preacht the invocation of Saints, and the service of Images and Relicks, and the Popes Succession in S. Peters primacy, God forbad him to write these things.

16. In the last Chapter of the Revelation, S. John saith, I testifie unto every man that heareth the words of the prophecy of this Book; If any man shall add unto these things, God shall add unto him the plagues that are written in this book. The Council of Friuli approved by the Roman Church, saith, that this Text is to be understood of the whole Scripture, not of the only Book of the Reve­lation.

[Page 156]17. Generally humane traditions are forbidden in the holy Scripture, Mat. 15. where Christ speaks thus to the Pharisees: In vain they do worship me, teaching for doctrines the Commandments of men. And the Apostle, Col. 2.8. Beware lest any man spoil you through Philosophy and vain deceit after the tradition of men. And it is very considerable that in that Text the Apostle specifieth and condemneth espe­cially certain traditions, which the Roman Church of our time observeth, namely, the service of Angels, the observation of holy dayes, and the distinction of meats: Not because they that taught these things (saying, Eat not, touch not, handle not) thought the Angels to be evil, or the meats to be of their nature unclean, but (saith the Apostle) in will worship and humility, and not sparing of the body, not in any honour to the satisfying of the flesh.

M. du Perron answereth, that Christ Matth. 15. speaks not of the Mosaicall and Propheticall traditions, but of the Rabbinicall institutions of Rabbi Sammay, and Rabbi Hillel, Pag. 803. heads of the order of the Scribes and Pharisees. Here he would make a shew of his great reading; yet they that have taught him this, have co­sened him; for the order of the Scribes comes not from these Rabbies, seeing that Ezra was a Scribe, who was none of their disciples, and was more ancient then they. He is abused also by them that made him think that the Scribes and Pharisees were one and the same order: For the Scribes had charge in the Church: but the Pharisees as Pharisees, had none. Pharisaism was a voluntary devotion, and a fraternity of professors of works of supererogation, and of an austere life. The difference between a Scribe and a Pharisee, is such as is in the Roman Church between a teaching Priest and a Lay Frier, whom to conceive to be all one order would be a great ignorance: It is another mistake of the Cardinal, to put Sam­may before Hillel, seeing that Hillel is far more antient. See Drusius in his second Book of the three Sects, of the Jews. Cha. 10.

But to answer the main Question, The words of our Lotd cannot be restrained to the Pharisaical Traditions, since to condemn those traditions he makes use of a Text of Isaiah more antient then the Pharisees, a Text that condemneth Tra­ditions in general. It matters not upon what occasion Jesus Christ condemneth traditions which add unto the Word of God, since he condemneth them all with­out exception.

The same I say of the Text of Col. 2. where by the Traditions of men, one ought not to understand the Ceremonies of the Law, since God was the author of them: And by consequent, even after their term was expired, they must not be called traditions of men, but Gods laws, which God himself had abolished. Be­sides the Apostle addeth, that those that observed these traditions, did it out of a voluntary submission, and with a shew of humility: whereas they that obser­ved the Ceremonies of the Law in S. Pauls time, pretended to do it out of necessi­ty, holding themselves obliged to it by Gods commandment.

In this Question our Adversaries use to say, that their Traditions are not con­traventions unto the holy Scripture, but simple additions. But by speaking so, they contradict themselves. For we have seen before the Cardinal and a number of Doctors affirming, that the Pope and the Roman Church can alter, and have really altered Gods Ordinances contained in the Scripture. And we shall see in this whole Book, that their Traditions are meer contraventions under colour of addition: Consider also that going about to add unto Scripture some doctrine necessary for salvation, is going against Scripture, since God forbids us to add unto it.

CHAP. 53. Testimonies of Fathers of the sufficiency of Scripture against unwritten Traditions.

THE Antients abound in testimonies for the perfection of Scripture. Thus Tertullian against Hermogenes, Cap. 22. Adoro Scrip­turae plenitu­dinem. I adore the perfection of the Scriptures. And in the same book,Scriptum esse doceat Hermogenis officina. Si non est scrip­tum, time at Vae illud ad­jicientibus aut detrahen­tibus destina­tum. Let the shop of Hermogenes shew that it is written, otherwise let him fear the wo denounced to them that add or diminish. It would be impertinent to object here that Tertullian writ this book being a Montanist; for the Orthodox never accused the Montanists of too much adhering to Scri­pture, or rejecting the unwritten Traditions.

The whole Antiquity commends the words of Constantine in the Council of Nice. The­odoret. Hist. Eccles. 1. cap. 7. That the books of the Gospels, and Oracles of the Apostles and of the ancient Prophets, do clearly instruct us of the opinion we ought to have of divine things. Wherefore all perverse contention being laid aside, let us fetch the solution of doubts from the words divinely inspired. To whichBellar. l. de verbo Dei non scri­pto. cap. 11. Bellarmin answers, that Constantine was a great Emperour, but not a great Doctor.

Athanasius in the beginning of the book against the Grecians, speaks thus, [...]. The holy and divinely inspired Scriptures are sufficient to make the truth to be understood. And in the Treatise of the Lords incarnation, [...]; If you will bring other things besides, that which is written, why do you fight against us who are perswaded neither to hear nor to say any thing besides that which is written? And in the same place, You are so exceedingly idle [...]. as to say things that are not written, and to have tenets remote from piety.

Gregorius Nazianzenus in his oration upon Athanasius praiseth him because he presented to the Emperour [...], written piety against unwritten novelty.

Cyrillus of Alexandria in the two books of his Treatises upon Genesis, [...], &c. How could we receive that which holy Scripture hath not said, or put it in the rank of true things? And in the seventh book against Julian, The holy Scriptures are sufficient to make wise and most approved and sufficiently understanding, those that are bred and instructed in it.

Theodoret in the first Dialogue, entituled The immutable; Bring me not humane reasons, [...]. for I believe none but holy Writ. And in the second Dialogue, [...]. I am not so rash as to affirm a thing of which the holy Scripture is silent.

Chrysostom upon the second chapter of the second Epistle to the Thessalonians, [...]. All things that are in the divine Scriptures are clear and straight. All that is necessary is clear. And upon Psal. 95. [...]. When one saith something that is not written, the hearers mind is halting.

Basil towards the end of his Ethicks, which are among his Asceticks, [...]. If (saith he) all that is not of faith is sin, as the Apostle saith, and faith is of hearing, and hearing of the word of God; all that is without the divinely inspired Scripture, being not of the faith, is sin. Note that he saith without, not against Scripture. One cannot doubt but that these Asceticks are of Basil; for Gennadius Archbishop of Constantinople hath compiled common places, or short Homilies drawn out of Basil: where there is a great number of passages out of the Asce­ticks. And the style of Basil is evident in them where the florid fluidity is in­imitable. And Photius in his Library puts that book among Basils works.

Hierom upon the first chapter of Haggai. Sed & alia quae abs (que) authoritate & testimoniis Scripturarum quasi traditione Apostolica sponte reperiunt at (que) confingunt, percutit gladius Dei. All things that men invent of [Page 158] themselves, pretending Apostolical tradition, without authority and testimony of Scripture, are smitten by Gods sword. And upon the Prophet Micah, book 1. chap. 1.Ecclesia Christi non est egressa de fi­nibus suis, id est, de Scrip­turis sanctis. The Church of Christ is not come out of her limits, that is, the holy Scriptures. And writing against Helvidius, Quae non sunt scripta, reji­cimus. We reject that which is not written.

The life of St. Antony attributed to Athanasius, saith, [...], that the Scriptures are sufficient for instruction.

Cyrillus of Jerusalem in his fourth Catechesis [...]. Concerning the divine and holy mysteries of faith, the least thing must not be taught without the holy Scri­ptures. Believe me not saying these things to thee, unless I shew thee what I say by Scripture. Salvation and the preservation of our faith consisteth not in in­vention of words, but in demonstration by the divine Scriptures.

Austin Epist. 14. chap. 9. By the Per solas Scripturas potes plenam Dei intellige­re volunta­tem. Scriptures only thou canst fully know the will of God. And in the book De bono viduitatis, chap. 1. Let my teaching be nothing else but propounding the words of the Doctor. And in the third chapter of the book de unitate Ecclesiae, Auferantur illa de medio quae adversus nos invicem non ex divinis Canonicis libris, sed aliunde recitamus. Let us take away all that we bring the one against the other, out of other places then the divine Canonical books. This Father receiveth no proof but out of Scripture. Himself in the second book de doctrina Christiana, chap. 9.In his quae aperto posita sunt in Scriptura, in­veniuntar illa omnia quae continent fi­dem moresque vivendi. In the things which are clear­ly set down in the Scriptures, all things are found that concern faith and manners. And against the letters of Petilianus, book 3. chap. 6. Read us this out of the Law, out of the Prophets, out of the Psalms, out of the Gospel it self, out of the writings of the Apostles, and we will believe it. And in the second book of the merits of sins, and of pardon, chap. 36. When the dispute is about a very obscure things, without help of clear and certain instructions out of the divine Scriptures, presumption must stay. Most pregnant of all are this Fathers words in the fifth chapter of his book of the unity of the ChurchQuaeque aperta & ma­nifesta deliga­mus, quae si in sanctis Scrip­turis non in­venirentur, nullo modo esset unde aperirentur clausa & il­lustrarentur obscura. Let us pick the clear and manifest texts, which if they were not found in the holy Scriptures, no way should be left to open the things that are shut up, and to clear those that are dark: That holy man finds no other way of clearing doubts and difficulties in religion, then by clear texts of the holy Scriptures. A thousand the like passages might be produced.

This so great a consent of the antients, hath extorted from the most violent enemies of the perfection and authority of Scripture, notable confessions.

The Jesuit Salmeron told us befores that the Scripture was subject unto the Church, and that Scripture is a nose of wax, and a Judge uncapable to decide any difference, and that Tradition goeth beyond Scripture in excellency; Ne­vertheless in the first Prolegomen he speaks thus of Scripture,§. nunc jam. Scriptu­ra tradit om­nem verita­tem, arcet ab omni vitio, stimulat ad omne opus bo­num, &c. Scripture teacheth all truth, disswadeth from all vices, encourageth to all good works, exhort­eth to all vertue. And a little afterScrip­tura sic est à Spiritu San­cto concin­nata at (que) con­texta, ut om­nibus locis, temporibus, personis, difficultatibus, periculis, morbis, malis pellendis, bonis accersendis, erroribus jugulandis, dogmatibus sta­tuendis, sit accommodata. Scripture is so formed and woven by the Spirit of God, that it is fitted for all places, times, persons difficulties, to expell all dangers, sicknesses, and sorrows; to bring in all good, to cut the throat of errors, to establish doctrines, to plant vertues, and drive vices away. And he alledgeth Basil, who compareth it unto a compleat Apothecaries shop, af­fording remedies for healing all sicknesses.

Bellarmine, who in the first book of the unwritten word, chap. 3. & 4. deni­eth the Scripture to be sufficient without the traditions, and calls Scripture a a part or a piece of a rule, not a whole rule; yet maintains the contrary in the sixth book de amissione gratiae & statu peccati, chap. 3.§ Respondeo. Non est de rebus quae pendent à divina voluntate aliquid asseren­dum, nisi Deus ipse in Scripturis sanctis tale aliquid revelaverit. We must not (saith he) affirm any thing concerning the things which depend of the will of God, if God himself hath revealed no such thing in the holy Scriptures. So grew is the strength of truth.

CHHP. 54. The Cardinals reasons for Traditions against the perfection of Scripture. And first of the Traditions which he calls Mosaical and Patriarchal.

THE Cardinal in the second chapter of the third book brings many unwrit­ten traditions not contained in the five books of Moses, which nevertheless the Church was obliged to believe under the Old Testament. The Reader is desired to remember, that by Traditions, are understood commandments which must be observed, and doctrines which must be believed, belonging unto salvation and to the ordinary service of God. Now the Traditions which he brings are Histories or commandments addressed to some particular person, not to the Church. Such is the commandment made to Joshuah of carrying the Ark in procession, which the Cardinal brings for ex­ample; for that never was done but once, and was no Law in the Church. Al­so the transporting of the Ark from Shiloh into another place. And the com­mandment to Solomon of building the Temple, and making another brazen Altar, and the molten Sea with brazen Bulls, and Cherubims embossed on the walls and pillars. All that cannot be put among the Traditions which the Church was to practise. They were particular commands to Solomon, not rules of re­ligion. And I wonder how the Cardinal would put these things among the unwritten Traditions; seeing that Josh. 3.8, 9. it is spoken of the bearing of the Ark, marching before the people, as of a thing commanded by God; As also the transportation of the Ark from Shiloh to another place is mentioned, Psal. 78.60. & 67. and Jer. 7.12. as a thing done by the express will of God. And as for the command to Solomon to build a Temple, it is formall in many places; especially 1 Kings 5.5. where Solomon speaks thus; Behold I purpose to build a house unto the name of the Lord my God, as the Lord spake unto David my Father, saying, thy Son whom I will set upon thy throne in thy room, he shall build an house unto my name. Sure, the Cardinal had read Scripture very negligently, since he knew not these things, and would put them among the unwritten Traditions.

He doth also ask where it is read in the Pentateuch, that God had com­manded the Ark to be adored, as David commands in these words, Worship his footstool: But that text is falsified. There is according to the Hebrew Worship towards his footstool; in the same manner as it as said a little after, Worship to­wards the mountain of his holiness. The Chaldaick Paraphrasts translate it so, and Pagninus, and Arias Montanus, and Lyra, famous Translators in the Ro­man Church. It was the custom of the Israelites to worship with their face towards the Temple; This is that which David commands in that text; for by Gods footstool, his Sanctuary is understood, which for this cause is called the place of his rest, Psal. 132.8. The same words are found Psal. 132.7. where the Vulgar translates, we shall worship in the place where his feet staid. The Septuagint have translated [...], not [...].

In the same chapter he brings forth divers points of doctrine,Pag. 774, which he af­firmeth not to be written in the books of the Law, as the immortality of the soul, the doctrine of the finall judgement, of Paradise and of Hell. One may wonder how this Prelate is so diligent to mark the defects of Scripture; and it is more to be admired how he hath not seen clear proofs of the immortality of the soul, in the books of Moses.

We have Numb. 23. these words of Balaam, Let me dye the death of the righteous, and let my last end be like his. He that acknowledgeth the death of the righteous to be happy, acknowledgeth a happiness after this life. Besides, what we translate their end, in the Hebrews is their departing. He that calls death a parting, acknowledgeth a going to another place.

The Patriarch Jacob was saying, being neer his death, I have waited for thy [Page 160] salvation O Lord, Gen. 49.18. The same Patriarch calls his life, and that of his Fathers, a pilgrimage on earth, and acknowledgeth himself a stranger in the world.Gen. 47.9. Now the Apostle, Heb. 11.14. saith, that they that say such things, de­clare plainly that they are seeking a countrey, their proper countrey.

Gen. 35.18. It is said of Rachel dying in labour, that as her soul was in de­parting, she called her son Benoni. Indeed death should not be a departing of the soul, if the soul did not out-live the body. And the transportation of Enoch to heaven is a proof of his immortality. What meant that expression of death usuall among the Antient, that a man slept with his Fathers, but that they that sleep are not brought to nothing, and that they look for the awaking of the resurrection? So God spake to Moses, Deut. 31.16. Behold thou shalt sleep with thy Fathers. All the promises made to Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, should have been deceitfull, if they had concerned their present life only, since the poste­rity of Ismael and Esau was in a flourishing state, and reigning in Arabia and Idumea, while the posterity of Jacob was in bondage in Aegypt. What had Abraham, Isaac and Jacob but affliction according to the world? And the pro­mise made unto Adam, that the womans seed should bruise the Serpents head; and the promise made to Abraham of the blessed seed, are they not promises of the coming of Jesus Christ, and of the vocation of the Gentiles, which are spi­ritual promises that concern salvation? Finally, Christ himself out of these words of God,Mat. 22.32. I am the God of Abraham, of Isaac, and of Jacob, draws this conse­quence, that these Patriarchs are living, because God is not the God of the dead but of the living. If none before Christ drew that consequence (which yet doth not appear to us) it followeth not that it should not have been drawn. And if by these texts the felicity of the Saints is proved, may not one gather thence that the wicked shall not have the like usage, but that God will judge them after this life, although the words of Paradise, and Hell of the damned be not found in the five books of Moses?

The Cardinal goeth on, and finds many histories of which no mention is made in the books of Moses, 2 Tim. 3. as that the names of the Magicians that resisted Moses were Jannes and Jambres: That Moses being at the foot of the mountain, said, I exceedingly fear and quake, &c. But in vain doth he heap up histories; for when we say that Scripture contains all that is necessary to salvation, we understand all the rules and doctrines necessary to that end, not the names of all the persons, nor all the histories and circumstances of things happened, of which one may be ignorant without peril, and without diminution of the doctrine of sal­vation.

The same I say of many small ceremonies which M. du Perron finds in the New Testament, as the washing of feet before Easter, and the custom of re­leasing a fellon at Easter, and many the like things, which were civil customs, or indifferent observations, not Laws of religion, or necessary customs. The Cardinal was grosly mistaken when he put the custom of releasing a malefactor at Easter among the Traditions of the Church; for it was a wicked custom, whereby they saved the lives of murtherers; of which we have an example in Barabbas, against the express prohibition of God to spare a murtherers life, Num. 35.31, &c. Yea God will have a murtherer pluckt off from his very Altar, Exod. 21.14.

As for the form of blessing used among the Jews before they ate the Passe­over, since God had prescribed none, the Jews had the liberty to make one; and that cannot be put among the Mosaïcal Traditions, to which the Church was of necessity subject.

To say with the Cardinal that in the figure of the Manna, and the Paschal lamb it was necessary to understand that Christ was signified, and that without that one could not be saved, is a rash affirmation. God forbid that we should ex­clude from salvation all the Israelites that understood not the figures of the Old Testament.

That which the Cardinal addeth, that the continuall fire which was upon the [Page 161] Altar was preserved by a miracle during the transmigration, is a Jewish fable. And it is much more credible, that as many other prerogatives and ornaments of the first Temple (among others, the Ark and the Oracles) have been want­ing to the second Temple; that also this fire lighted from heaven was not there. But howsoever this is a story, not a doctrine or a precept. It is easie to prove that the fire came down from heaven that consumed the sacrifices in the dedication of Solomons Temple (as it is related, 2 Chron. 7.) was not long preserved, and was out many years before the destruction of the Temple. For 2 Chron. 29.7. King Ahaz shut up the Temple, and 2 Chron. 35.4. King Ma­nasseh sacrificed unto false Gods in the two Courts of the Temple. At that time, Gods service ceasing, and the Temple being shut up, how could that conti­nuall fire be maintained upon the Altar?

The walking of two thousand paces and no more upon the Sabbath day was a Jewish superstition,Pag. 778. Josh. 3.4. grounded upon that Joshuah crossing Jordan kept the peo­ple two thousand cubits from the Ark; It was not a divine rule, or a necessa­ry Tradition.

In the sixth chapter of the same book the Cardinal saith that Jesus Christ hath preacht the kingdom of heaven and the resurrection, not contained in the an­cient Law. As for the Kingdom of heaven, we have proved that it is clearly taught in the books of Moses. And as for the resurrection, we have shewed that Christ proved it by the words of God himself contained in the Law.

He alledgeth also the mingling of water with blood,Pag. 803. for the purifying of the people, Heb. 10. of which no mention is made in the books of Moses. I answer, that Moses did so once, and made no Law about it in the Church; and by con­sequent this ought not to be put among the Traditions, which we have to do with in this place, namely such as are Laws and Rules of religion. The same of the putting of a censer in the Ark, and of the combat of the Angel Michael with Satan for the body of Moses, which are histories not rules. Here the fault of the Cardinal is pardonable, when heBook 3. chap. 6. p. 104. saith that Moses fought with the Angel, whereas it was the Angel that fought with Satan. See the Epistle of Jude, ver. 9. [...].

CHAP. 55. Texts of the New Testament which Cardinal du Perron brings for the Traditions not contained in the Scripture.

HE brings for the Traditions these proofs from the New Testament.Pag. 754. First he makes a shew of this text of 2 Thes. 2.15. Hold the Traditions which ye have been taught, whether by word or our Epistle. The word [...] signifies every doctrine given to some body. The vulgar version 1 Cor. 11.2. translates [...] praecepta. And the Apostle, Gal. 1.14. saith that he had been zealous of the tradition of his Fathers, calling thus the Law of Moses of which he had been a zealous abettor. In that sense Scripture it self is a tradi­tion. Thus the Apostle 1 Cor. 11.23. speaking of the institution of the holy communion, I received of the Lord [...], that which I delivered or taught you. It is then a tradition, though it be contained in Scripture.

In this text the most advantagious sense for our Adversaries of this word Tradition is to take it for doctrines not written in the Epistle of St. Paul to the Thessalonians, and by consequent this text is not to the purpose. For our dif­ference is not whether the first Epistle to the Thessalonians, but whether the Old and the New Testament contain all the doctrines necessary to salvation. And although the Apostle had said, Receive the traditions which you have learned by our word, or by the holy Scriptures, it would not follow that the things which he had told them were any thing else but what is contained in the holy Scrip­tures; [Page 160] [...] [Page 161] [...] [Page 162] for one may teach the same thing several wayes. Moreover, if one will know what those traditions or doctrines were, which Saint Paul had given by word unto the Thessalonians, let him read the fourth chapter of the first Epistle, beginning at the second verse, where he makes unto them a repetition of those things: There you shall find none of the Traditions of the Church of Rome.

In another place the Cardinal repeateth the same objection, then addeth; You must not cavill that St. Paul speaks of the Tradition unwritten at that time, but written since. For the Tradition after which and for which he pronounceth that generall precept, was a Tradition which neither then nor since was ever writ­ten, namely the cause why the coming of Antichrist was delayed.

The Cardinals blindness is extream, to say that the causes of the delay of the coming of the Antichrist were never written, whereas they are written in the same text,2 Thes. 2.7. where the Apostle saith, Only he who now letteth will let untill he be taken out of the way; And then shall that wicked one be revealed; which the Antients understand of the ruine of the Roman Empire, before the Antichrist (who was to come in his place) should be revealed. Which experience also hath confirmed. So Tertullian understands it in the book of the resurrection of the flesh, chap. 24.Tantum qui nunc te­net teneat, do­nec de medio fiat, quis nisi Romanus Sta­tus cujus ab­scessio in de­cem reges di­spersa Anti­christum superducit? Only let him that holds now, hold still, untill he be abolisht. Who is that but the Roman Empire, whose departure dispersed into ten Kings will produce Antichrist, &c. Chrysostom in the fourth Sermon, upon the second Epistle to the Thessalonians speaks to the same purpose, in these words, [...]. What is it that hinders him to be revealed? Some say that it is the Roman Empire, to whose opinion I rather incline. Austin in the twentieth book of the City of God, chap. 19. That which the Apostle saith, Only let him that holds now, hold till he be taken away, is not without reason esteemed to be said of the Ro­man Empire, as if it was said, Only let him that reigneth, reign untill he be abo­lisht. Primasius upon this place saith the same, and Ambrose in his Comment upon this text. And Hierom in the eleventh question to Algasia, where he saith that St. Paul durst not say openly that the Roman Empire must be destroyed before the Antichrist come, for fear of drawing persecution upon the Church; and upon 2 Thes. 2. he saith that the revolt that St. Paul speaks of in this place, est discessio Gentilium à Rege Romano, the revolt of the Gentiles from the Roman Emperour.

The Cardinal brings another text for Traditions; 2 Tim. 1.13. Hold fast the form of sound words, which thou hast heard of me, in faith and love, which is in Christ Jesus. Keep the good depositum (or that good thing committed unto thee) by the Holy Ghost. This text doth nothing for him; for the Apostle saith not that the things which Timothy had heard of St. Paul were diverse from those which he writ to him, or which are written in the holy Scripture. It is remarkable that Tertullian in the twenty fifth chapter of Prescriptions saith, that the hereticks alledged these texts for their traditions. O Timothy keep that which was com­mitted unto thee, and again keep that which was trusted unto thee. Thus the Car­dinal maketh himself a disciple to those hereticks.

To the same purpose Bellarmin in the fifth chapter of his book of the unwritten word, alledgeth for the Traditions our Saviours words, John 16. I have yet many things to say unto you, but you cannot bear them now. But Tertullian in the twenty second chapter of the same book, saith, that the hereticks defend their traditions with that text.

To the same purpose the Cardinal brings these words from the second chapter of the same Epistle, ver. 2. The things that thou hast heard of me among many witnesses, the same commit thou to faithfull men, who, shall be able to teach others also. To which text we make the same answer, as to the precedent, Why will he have the things which Timothy had heard to be diverse from those that are written? But with what rashness doth the Cardinal presuppose without proof that those things heard in the presence of witnesses, are the invocation [Page 163] of Saints, the service of Images, the Succession of the Pope in St. Peters pri­macy, and the like things?

He alledgeth also 1 Tim. 3.15. The Church is the pillar and ground of truth. That proof hath neither colour nor likelyhood. For the Church is the pillar and ground of truth, when it defends the truth contained in the holy Scrip­tures, not when she adds unto Scripture. Thus Gregory Nazianzen in the be­ginning of the Oration upon his Fathers death, calls Basil the pillar and ground of the Church. And in the Oration upon Athanasius he gives to Athanasius the same title of honour. Whereby he understands not that Basil or Athanasius had the power to give new Laws unto the Church, or to add unto her doctrine. I leave also to the judgement of the Reader, well read in the Greek tongue, whether in these words, [that thou maist know how thou oughtest to behave thy self in the house of God, which is the Church of the living God, the pillar and ground of truth] the last words, the pillar and ground of truth, may not be applied unto God, rather then to the Church; supplying the word [...] and translating thus, the house of the living God, who is the pillar and ground of truth. For to speak properly, God and true doctrine are the pillar and ground of the Church. So speaks Chryso­stome upon 1 Tim. 3. [...]. Truth is the pillar and ground of the Church. And Irenaeus, book 3. chap. 11.Columna & firmamen­tum Ecclesiae Evangelium. The pillar and ground of the Church is the Gospel.

CHAP. 56. Doctrines held in the Christian Church, which the Cardinal saith are not contained in Scripture.

BUT that upon which the Cardinal insisteth most, is to seek some doctrines in Christian religion which he holds necessary unto salvation, which yet are not found in Scripture. And he finds four of that nature. The first is the ad­mission or acknowledgement of the Baptism of hereticks for a true and real baptism, of which no mention is made in Scripture, and yet he holds that it is a doctrine necessary to salvation.

By speaking thus he condemneth Cyprian and the whole African Church of his time to Hell, for they did err in that point. Certainly many were saved that never heard of that question.

That which he adds [that if the doctrine that both we and they hold in that point be not true, the Protestants which were baptized by Catholicks (whom they hold for hereticks) have no true Baptism] hath no strength against us, who think not that any person is excluded from salvation for not being baptized, when that happens not through his fault, but by some impediment which could not be removed. Yet it will be found that Scripture decideth that question; for we see that the circumcision of the ten tribes, that were idolaters, was received among the Jews, there being no Law that obliged them to be circumcised again. Now Circumcision was unto them that which Baptism is unto us now.

The second Tradition which he saith is not contained in Scripture,Pag. 809. is the Baptism of little children. Upon which he confesseth that the Roman Church disputing against the Anabaptists, brings may texts of Scripture, which he pro­duceth, and endeavours to confute, making himself the Advocate of the Ana­baptists. Yet not daring to condemn his own Church, he holds those texts for good and usefull, which is sufficient to us. For what need we to prove to the Roman Church by Scripture that children ought to be baptized, since she her self baptizeth them, and dischargeth us of that labour?

The third point is the Article of the procession of the Holy Ghost,Pag. 816. about which we dissent with the Grecians. Which controversie is rather imaginary, and fed by the animosity of the parties, then a true controversie. The Grecians saying that the Holy Ghost proceedeth from the Father through the Son; and the [Page 164] Latins saying that he proceeds from the Father and the Son. For I hold that he that saith that the Holy Ghost proceeds from the Father through the Son, saith also by consequent that he proceeds from the Father and the Son. As for the manner of proceeding, it is better in such a high matter to be ignorant then too great a disputant. The Cardinal acknowledgeth that the Roman Church disputing with the Grecians, alledgeth texts of Scripture, which texts he goeth about to wea­ken thereby disputing not with us, but with the Roman Church. By overthrowing the doctrine of his Church he makes himself incapable to dispute with us.

The fourth and last unwritten Tradition is the removing of the Sabbath day to the next day,Pag. 819. that is, from the last day of the week to the first; Of which he saith that no mention is made in Scripture. The Jesuite Ribera in his Com­ment upon the first chapter of the Revelation, expounding these words, I was in the Spirit on the Lords day, speaks thus, Here we see that the solemnity of the Sabbath hath been changed to the [now] Lords day in the time of the Apostles.

Thomas saith the same in the second lesson upon 1 Cor. 16. And Estius up­on the same Chapter of the alledged text of the Revelation gathers, that we must not doubt but that the name and institution of the Lords day must be referred to the Apostles. And as for not observing the old Sabbath, St. Paul dispens­eth Christians of that observation, Col. 2.16. Let no man judge you in meat or in drink, or in respect of an holy day, or of the new Moon, or of the Sabbath day, which are a shadow of things to come. He teacheth that Christians ought not to be con­demned for observing no more the Jewish distinctions of meats, or the holy dayes and Sabbaths of that Church. By Acts 20.6. and 1 Cor. 16.2. it is made evident that on the first day of the week solemn Assemblies did meet, and collections were made for the poor. And though all these proofs should fail, yet observation of dayes is no point of doctrine, and is not an Article of its nature necessary to salvation. It is necessary for salvation to sanctifie the Lords day, and to be employed that day in holy actions in holy Assemblies, not because that day is of its nature better then another, but because it is ne­cessary for salvation, not to be contentious, and not to separate from the union of the Church.

Then of these four points, as of many others, I say that either they are found in Scripture in express or equivalent terms, or by good consequence, or they are not found in Scripture. If they be found, we have what we ask; If they be not found, they are not necessary to salvation.

CHAP. 57. Of the Traditions which the Fathers allow.

WEE have brought many testimonies of the Antients, wherein, as for matter of salvation, they reject all doctrines not contained in the Scrip­tures. To those texts the Cardinal opposeth other texts, of Tertullian, of Basil, of Epiphanius, of Austin, in which they approve unwritten traditions. But who so will narrowly examine of what kind of traditions they speak, shall find no difficulty in that seeming difference. For either they are traditions about Ecclesiastical policy and things of indifferent nature, or they are traditions grounded upon holy Scripture; For they ate traditions which the Roman Church approves not, and which consequently by the confession of our Adversaries are not Apostolical traditions, unless they will confess that they are departed from the Ordinances of the Apostles. See Tertullian in his book de corona Militis, chap. 2. & 3. And the book concerning the Holy Ghost attri­buted to Basil, chap. 27. AndNam & multa alia quae per tra­ditionem in Ecclesia ob­servantur, &c. Velut in Baptismo ter caput merge­re, lactis & mellis prae­gustare con­cordiam. See also the Epistle to Lucian. Hierom in his Dialogue against the Lucife­rians; And Austin Epist. 118, 119. There you have a great list of unwritten traditions; as to be dipt three times in Baptism, to taste in Baptism milk and [Page 163] honey mingled in sign of concord; Not to wash that day nor the whole week after; to sign ones self in the forehead with the sign of the cross at every action, to pray standing from Easter to Whitsunday, to celebrate on certain anniversary dayes the passion, the resurrection, and the ascension of Christ: To pray with the face turned Eastward, the annointing with oyle, the form of prayer where­by consecration is made: To which one may add, prayers for the dead, the ad­mission of the Baptism of hereticks; And the tradition of which Tertullian speaks in the alledged place, that it is not lawfull for a Christian souldier to be crowned with flowers and leaves, when the army is mustering. Of which tradi­tions some are contrary to the custom of the Apostles, as the custom of not kneeling at prayers from Easter to Whitsunday. For Acts 20.16. & 21.5. the Apostle Paul prayeth kneeling, and that a few dayes before Pentecost.

Most of these traditions are rejected by the Roman Church, although the Antients give them for Apostolical as the custom of fasting upon Wednesdayes and Fridayes, which Epiphanius in the heresie of Aerius Epiphan. heresi 75. [...]. will derive from the Apostles. The custom of tasting milk and honey. Not to wash for a whole week after Baptism. Not to fast upon the Lords day. To pray standing from Easter to Whitsunday. Never to pray but being turned Eastward. To pray for the dead as the antient Church did, which prayed not to fetch souls out of Purgatory, but that the dead might rise again to salvation, or that they might rise betimes, or that they might be but gently toucht with the purging fire of the day of the resurrection; or that in the receptacles of the souls where they slept, they might reeive some comfort.

Chrysostom Hom. 4. upon the second Epistle to the Thessalonians seems to favour our Adversaries, saying that the Apostles have not taught all by Epistles, but have taught many things without writing, and that these things as well as those are worthy to be believed. But in the homily before, he sheweth evidently that he meaneth unwritten traditions not necessary to salvation. For as for things ne­cessary to salvation so he speaks, [...]. All that is in the divine Scriptures is clear and right; All things that are necessary are therein clearly set down. And Hom. 13. upon the second Epistle to the Corinthians, he calls Scripture [...]. an exact ballance for all things, a square and a rule. And upon Psalm 95. When one saith that which is not written, the hearers mind is halting.

Besides these traditions which the Roman Church hath left, the Fathers speak of traditions that are founded in Scripture, although they be not found in ex­press terms. As the tradition which Basil brings in the same place, that the Father and the Son must be glorified with the same glorification. For since Scripture saith that Jesus Christ is God, and that he thinks it not robbery to be equall with God his Father, and that he is one with the Father, it follows that the same glorification must be rendred unto him. Upon which we have an express text, John 5.23. That they all honour the Son as they honour the Father.

Irenaeus in the third book, chap. 4. saith, that if the Apostles had not left us the Scriptures, we should have recourse to tradition. But what is that tradition? Is it the invocation of Saints, the worshipping of images and relicks, the suc­cession of the Roman Bishop in St. Peters primacy, the Communion under one kind, the celibat of the Clergy, the service in an unknown tongue, the Roman Indulgences, the Transubstantiation? Nothing of all that; but the doctrine con­cerning the nature and Office of Christ, and the Articles of the Symbole, of which he makes an enumeration in the same place.

As for the admission of the Baptism of hereticks, Austin puts it among tra­ditions. And yet in the first book of Baptism against the Donatists; and in the se­cond book, chap. 14. And in the fourth book, chap. 7. And in the fifth book chap. 4. & 23. he endeavours to prove it by texts of Scripture, which he saith to be certain and clear. Whence it appears that by the unwritten things, he un­derstands the things not contained in the holy Scriptures in express terms, but deduced from the Scriptures by consequence. And indeed we have shewed be­fore that the admission of the Baptism of hereticks is not without foundation [Page 166] in Scripture. And though it were not grounded upon it, that would not prejudice us in any thing; for the knowledge of that point is not necessary for salvation. Hierom upon 2 Thes. 2. (if these comments be his, not of Pelagius) puts Baptism among the Apostolical traditions. Apostolica traditio est quae in to­to mundo praedicatur, ut Baptismi Sacramenta. It is an Apostolical tradition which is preacht over all the world.

In generall, almost all these traditions are either light things, of their na­ture indifferent, and infinitely under the divine doctrine concerning faith and the service of God contained in the Scripture; or they are points contained in the Scripture, if not in express words, at least in equivalent terms, or by ne­cessary consequence.

Note, that M. du Perron could not bring any testimony of the Antients which put among Traditions any of the doctrines about which we dissent with the Roman Church, excepting only prayers for the dead, about which the Roman Church dis­sents with the Anctient Church, as we will shew hereafter. But they shall not find one of the Antients that puts among the Apostolical traditions, Roman Indul­gences, or the Popes power to release souls out of Purgatory, and to give and take away Kingdoms, and to canonize Saints, or the adoration of images, or the images of the Trinity, or the title of Queen of heaven bestowed upon the Virgin Mary, or the Limbus of infants, or the celibat of Priests, or prayers in a language which he that prayeth understands not, or the publike service in an unknown lan­guage, or the prohibition made to the people to read Scripture without an especial leave, or the communion of the cup denied to the people: for they are Papal not Apostolical traditions.

We must not dissemble that Austin in the one hundred and nineteenth Epistle complains that already in his time humane traditions did multiply, and were often preferred before the word of God. That (saith he) grieveth me much that many most wholesome precepts of divine books are neglected, and that all is full of so many presumptions; So that he is more sharply reproved that trod barefoot within the octave, then he that hath buried his understanding in drunkenness. He addeth, That men had so loaden religion with servile burdens, that the condition of the Jews was more tolerable then that of Christians.

Iren. l. 2. c. 62. & l. 5. c. 5. & l. 4. c. 30. & l. 5. c. 12, 14. & 35.Wherefore the Roman Church hath rejected with just reason the traditions believed by Irenaeus, who believed that the souls separate from the bodies have hands and feet; and that the souls coming out of their bodies go not into the hea­venly glory, but into an earthly Paradise; And that the Fathers before the pub­lishing of the Law by Moses were without Law: And that Christ must reign a thousand years in earth: In which reign there will be feasts and bodily delights; and the traditions of Clemens Alexandrinus who believed that the Grecians were saved by Philosophy. That there is in God four hypostases. That the Angels fell by cohabitation with women. That the death of Christ no more then our afflictions, happened not by Gods will, and many the like traditions. And that of Ambrose and Tertullian, who hold that some shall rise again sooner then others. And the tradition held by the Antients that souls shall be purged by the fire of the day of judgement, of which we shall speak hereafter.

CHAP. 58. Of the prohibition of reading holy Scripture. Shifts of Cardinal du Perron.

IT is one of the accusations of his Majesty of Great Britain against the Church of Rome, that they have deprived Christians of the understanding of the holy Scripture, and forbidden the reading of it unto the simple people. ThisDu Perro in the last book, ch. 4. p. 1095, &c the Cardinal doth not absolutely confess; for he denieth that it is for­bidden to the people to read the Bible in Hebrew, or Greek, or Latin, that is, that the simple people are not allowed to read the Bible, but in the tongues which they understand not. They give leave to women and tradesmen to read the Hebrew Bible. He saith also that they forbid only the reading of corrupt and not approved versions. Thereby he seems to mean that the Roman Cuhrch giveth leave unto the people to read the good and approved versions. But there is no such thing. For the Roman Church approveth no version in any vulgar tongue, and there is none allowed by publike authority. If any private man hath translated the Bible into French as René Benoist Parson of St. Eustache in Paris, his work hath been presently censured and condemned by the Popes authority, as M. du Perron acknowledgeth, page 1103.

But this matter deserveth a carefull examination: for it is a new tyranny, and a custom without example in all antiquity.

It must be known then that in the Council of Trent, Prelates and Doctors in good number were appointed to make an Index or Catalogue of books, the reading whereof ought to be prohibited. That Index hath been published by the authority of Pope Pius the IV. and confirmed and augmented by Sixtus the V. and Clement the VIII.

Their first prohibition begins at the holy Scripture; of which they say in the fourth rule prefixed before that Index, thatIndex libror. pro­hibitorum cum Regulis confectis per patres à Sy­nodo Triden­tina delectos Regula IV. Cum experi­mento mani­festum sit si Biblia vulgari lingua passim sine discrimi­ne permittan­tur, plus inde ob hominum temeritatem detrimenti quam utilita­tis oriri, hac in parte, judi­cio Episcopi vel inquisito­ris stetur ut cum consilio Parochi vel Consessarii bibliorum à Catholicis au­thoribus ver­sorum lectio­nem in lingua vulgari con­cedere possint, &c. the reading thereof in the vulgar language being indifferently allowed, doth more harm then profit, by reason of the rashness of men. Wherefore they forbid the traductions of the Bible made by Authors which are not Catholick. And as for the versions made by Authors that are Catholick and approved, they permit the reading of them, so that one get a written permission from the Bishop, or from the Inquisition, or from the Parson;Qui ubiquè tali facultate ea legere vel ha­bere prae­sumpserit, nisi prius Bibliis ordinario redditis, peccatorum absolutionem percipere non possit. Adding, that who so without that permission will have a Bible, or read in it, his sins shall not be forgiven him, till he hath delivered his Bible to his Parson. Whereupon it is to be observed, that when this Decree was made, there was not any version of the Bible in Italian, or Spanish, or French, or Ger­man, that was approved in the Roman Church. And that since that time the Pope caused no version to be made in any vulgar tongue. It is known that in all the Coun­tries where the Inquisition reigneth, there is none to be found. To permit the reading of the Bible translated into the vulgar tongue by Catholick Authors, and in the mean while to give leave to none to translate it, is it not an abusive per­mission? For it is giving leave to the people to read a book which is no where to be found, and permitting that the people read the approved versions, while they approve of no version.

Nevertheless the Popes were afraid that some would think that this permission was given in good earnest. Wherefore to that fourth rule they have added ano­ther, that speaks more roundly, and absolutely forbids the reading of Scripture in the vulgar tongue. That prohibition is set down in the same book immediately after the forementioned rule. ThusAnimad­vertendum est circa supra scriptam quartam regulam felicis recordationis Pii Papae IV. nullam per hanc impres­sionem aut editionem de novo tribus facultatum Episcopis vel Inquisitoribus vel Regularium superioribus, concedendi licentiam emendi, legendi, aut retinendi Biblia vulgari lingua editarum hactenus mandato & usu sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae, & universalis Inquisitionis sublata eis fuerit facultas concedendi hujusmodi licentiam legendi vel retinendi Biblia vulgaria, aut alias sacrae Scripturae, tam Novi quam Veteris Testamenti partes, quavis vulgari lingua editas, &c. It must be observed concerning the IV. [Page 168] Rule above written, made by Pope Pius IV. of blessed memory, that by this impression or edition no new power is given to Bishops or Inquisitors, or Superiors of the Regu­lars, to give permission to buy, read, or keep the Bible in the vulgar tongue, seeing that hitherto by the commandment and use of the holy Roman Church, and universal inquisition, power is taken from them to grant such permissions of reading or keep­ing such vulgar Bibles, or some parts of the holy Scriptures, either of the Old or of the New Testament, printed in any vulgar language whatsoever. Or even any Summary or abridgement of the histories of the Bible, or of the books of the holy Scrip­ture, written in any vulgar language whatsoever. This to be inviolably kept.

Nothing can be more express then that prohibition. Wherfore in the Coun­tries where Inquisition reigneth, as in Spain, Italy, Sicily, Corsica, the East and West Indies, one shall as soon find an Alcoran as a Bible in the language of the countrey, unless some have secretly brought in a Bible from England, or Nether­lands, or Geneva, which is a crime punishable by the fire if it be discoverd. But all kinds of unchast and profane books are impunedly read. No book forbidden but the word of God.

But Gods command is more regarded by us then that prohibition; for he recommendeth to the faithfull the reading of his word, Rev. 1.3. Blessed is he that readeth, and they that hear the words of this prophecy. And Deut. 17.18, 19. Kings are commanded to have the book of the Law in their hand, to read in it all the dayes of their lives. Which command, if the Kings that reigned since seven or eight hundred years had kept, their crowns should not have been subjected to an outlandish Priest, and Popery had not so disfigured Chri­stian Religion. Because in the Church of Thessalonica there might be some that could not read, the Apostle commands that his Epistle be read to all the holy bre­thren, 1 Thes. 5.27. He praiseth Timothy, (2 Tim. 3.15.) that from a child he had known the holy Scriptures. And the Eunuch of the Queen of Candace was reading in his charet the Prophet Isaiah, Acts 8.28. The faithfull people of Berea, (Acts 17.10, 11.) having heard St. Pauls preaching, searcht the Scrip­tures daily whether those things were so. For a Preacher that would deceive and seduce the people, should have fair play if he were allowed to alledge Scripture in his Sermons, and the people were not allowed to consult Scripture and con­fer the text, to see whether the Preacher had faithfully alledged them.

This also is very considerable, that the Apostle St. Paul writ long Epistles to the people of Corinth, of Ephesus, of Philippi, &c. not fearing that the reading of them should do harm to those he writ them to. And St. Peter, and St. John have written Catholick Epistles to all the faithfull, and by consequent to those of this time. Why then should they not read the Epistles written to them? Why should not the things which God saith unto his people, be read by the people to which God is speaking? And whereas they that instruct the peo­ple are sinfull men, apt to draw religion to their profit, shall the people have no way to know whether they be taught the truth? Why shall God be suspected by men, as if his word were a dangerous book, doing more harm then good, as the Tridentine Fathers speak?

The reason given for this is full of impiety. They say that it belongs to none but the learned to read Scripture. Now we thought that Scripture must be read to get learning. But these men will have a learning in Religion without Scripture, and before the knowledge of Scripture. Whereupon we would gladly know of them what kind of learning one must have before he can read the holy Scripture. Must one be learned in Greek and Hebrew? But the Popes themselves that give these rules, are unskilfull in these tongues; As Innocent the III. who derivethInnoc. III. Serm. 1. in Conc. La­teran. Tom. IV. Concil. gen. the word Pascha from the passion; And the Decretal of Anacletus, who saith that Cephas signifies a head. Besides, one cannot be­come learned in Hebrew, but by the reading of the Old Testament. Must one have read the Poets full of fabulous combats and amorous passions? But many are corrupted by those studies. Must one be versed in Philosophy? But the Apostles had not studied that kind of learning, and Philosophers have been mortall enemies [Page 169] to Christian religion. They were the men that called St. Paul a babler. What then can that learning be which is requisite before the reading of Scripture? I know none, unless it be that one must be strongly forestalled with Popery as a preservative against the doctrine contained in the Scripture. But a man that believeth that the Roman Church cannot erre, shall believe also that Scripture is not a competent Judge, and that the reading thereof is not necessary. And in vain should he ask license to read Scripture in the vulgar tongue; since no Bible is found allowed by the Roman Church in the language of the countrey.

To excuse that prohibition, they alledge also the rashness of men that abuse Scripture. But because of the indiscretion of some men we must not abstain from good things, such especially as God hath commanded. By the same reason the word of God should not be preacht to the people because many abuse it. And the Bishops and Parish Priests to whom that lecture is permitted, are no more exempt from rashness then the rest of the world; For in effect all here­sies are sprung not from the people, but from the Pastors. Few examples or none shall be found of any of the people who by reading Scripture have brought in any heresie into the Church.

But this is not the true reason of that prohibition. For if the holy Scrip­ture were favourable unto the Roman Church, they would not hide it from the peoples eyes. Such as find themselves guilty, are afraid of the Law, and wish that there were none. Thieves will blow out the candles for fear of being per­ceived. To the same end, to weaken the strength of this Scripture, they have forged another unwritten word more favourable unto the Pope, of which the Pope disposeth at his pleasure. To the same end, the Roman Church beareth her self as an infallible Judge of the sense of Scripture. By that means she shall never be condemned by Scripture.

As for that frandulent permission to read Scripture, so that the version be made by Roman Catholicks, the Popes had just reason to revoke and disannull it. For it is a manifest impiety to give a man leave to do that which God hath commanded him; as if the Pope said to one, I give thee leave to obey God, or I permit thee to believe in Jesus Christ. By that account God shall not be obeyed unless the Pope consent to it, and cannot be served without leave. Or if he have the luck to find some servants, he shall be obliged for it to his Papal ho­liness. Certainly to command disobedience unto God, is a less evil then to per­mit obedience to his commandments. For he that commands that God be disobey­ed; doth not only oppose himself unto God and contradict him, but he placeth himself above God, and grants to him, as to an inferiour, that some persons may yield him obedience.

Upon this his Majesty had said that the Antients did constrain every one to read at home continually the sacred books, which the people is now forbidden to touch without especial leave, upon pain of Anathema. The Cardinal omitting all the rest of the Fathers, answers for Chrysostom only, who many times exhorts his hearers to the reading the holy Scriptures, and saith that Chysostom did so because he had to do with learned hearers, skilled in Philosophy, and with Cour­tiers whom by the reading of Scripture he laboured to turn away from the reading of Philosophers: But if he had brought the very texts of Chrysostom, it had been evident that he made that exhortation to tradesmen, and to the lowest and most ignorant of the people.

In the third Homily concerning Lazarus, he speaks thus, I do exhort you al­wayes, and never give over exhorting, that not only you hearken to that I say, but also that when you are at home you diligently tend the reading of the holy Scrip­tures; A duty which I have not ceased to press upon those that have resorted to me in private. For one must not tell me, There is but little savour in these words, and we may well be without many of these things: I am tied to my law businesses, I have my hands full with the affairs of the publick. I have my trade, I have a wife, I must provide meat for my children, I must take care of my family, I am employ­ed in the world, and therefore it belongs not to me to read the Scriptures, but to those [Page 170] that have taken their leave of the world, that dwell in the top of mountains, lead­ing an austere life. What sayest thou man? Must thou not peruse the Scriptures because thou art distracted with many businesses? Nay, it belongs more to thee to read the Scriptures then to those [that have left the world] For they need not so much the help of Scripture, as you that are tossed among the waves of businesses, &c. Again, It is impossible, yea, I say impossible for any man to obtain salvation, unless he be perpetually imployed in the spiritual reading. And a little after, The grace of the Spirit hath so dispensed and fitted the Scriptures, that publicans, fishermen, tent-makers, Pastors and Apostles, ignorant and unlettered men can be saved by these books; least that some ideot excuse himself about the difficulty; to the end that the things herein said might be easie to perceive, and that the tradesman, the servant, the widow, and the most unlearned of men may get some profit by the hearing of that lecture. The like things he saith, in his second Homily upon St. Mathew, and in the third upon the second Epistle to the Thessalonians. Perron p. 1056. This discourse is very far from the opinion of Sixtus of Siena, a Carmelite Fryar, in the sixth book of his Library, in the 152. annotation, where he saith that to permit the read­ing of Scripture unto Shoomakers, Fullers and Curriers, is giving holy things unto dogs, and pearls to swine.

Because the Cardinal by this answer endeavours to perswade that none but Chrysostom speaks so, and that other Fathers, Hierom especially, speak to the con­trary, let us see what Hierom and the other Fathers say.

Hierom then in the Epitaph of Fabiola speaks thus of that holy woman;Jesu Bone, quo illa fervore, quo studio intenta erat divinis voluminibus! O good Jesu! with what fervour, with what study was she bent upon the divine books; as desirous to satiate her hunger with the Prophets, the Gospels, and the Psalms! And in the Epistle to Salvina Semper in manibus tuis sit divina lectio. Let the sacred lecture be alwayes in thy hands. And in the Epistle to Furia Post Scripturas sanctas, do­ctorum homi­num tractatus lege. After the holy Scriptures, read the Treatises of learned men. Himself in the Epistle to Laeta touching the Instruction of her daughter Paula, Instead of jewels and silk, let her love the divine books; loving in them not the checkered picture of Babylonian leather, but the learnedly cor­rect and distinct Scripture. Let her first learn the Psalms. Let her recreate her self with the Canticles. Let her learn to live well in the Proverbs of So­lomon. Let her learn to tread worldly things under by the Ecclesiastes. Let her follow the examples of vertue and patience in Job. Thence let her pass to the Go­spels, and have them in her hands alwayes. Let her learn the Prophets by heart: Let her abstain from all the Apocrypha.

Athanas. Tomo 2. pag. 248. Edit Paris. Athanasius disputing against those that held it the safer course to abstain from the Scriptures, and simply to believe, speaks thus, Shall I neglect the Scriptures? Whence then shall I get knowledge? But by what means shall I have faith? And soon after, Reverence that studious Eunuch who being set over the Queens treasure, even in his way did not leave reading.

In the Epistle to the Virgin Demetrias, which was set the one hundred forty second among Austins Epistles, chap. 23.Ita Scrip­turas sanctas lege, ut semper memineris Dei illa ver­ba esse. So read the holy Scripture, that thou remember alwayes that they are the words of God.

Austin in the sixth book of his Confessions, chap. 5.Authori­tas quae & om­nibus ad le­gendum esset in promptu, et secreti sui dignitatem in intellectu profundo servaret. That (saith he) Scripture might be easie to he read of all, and yet should keep in a deep intelligence the dignity of her secrets, &c. And in the second book of Christian doctrine, chap. 9. In these books they that fear God and the meek seek the will of God. Yea he adviseth them that cannot read, to learn them by heart.

Gregory Nazianzen in the Epitaph of his sister Gorgonia, puts among her ver­tues, [...], that she acquainted her self with the word of God and turned it over.

Athan. Tom. 2. 148. [...]. Athanasius saith that hereticks turn the people away from the Scriptures, saying that they are not accessible, but (saith he) the truth is, they flye to be condemned by them.

Wherefore also the holy Scripture was translated in all languages. Socrates lib. 4. cap. 27. And Nicephorus lib. 11. cap. 48. doth witness that Ʋlfilas had [Page 171] translated Scripture in Gothick language. And Hierome in his Preface upon the four Gospels saith, that before the time of Lucian and Hesychius Multa­rum gentium linguis Scrip­tura translata. Scripture had been translated into the languages of many Nations. And Chrysostome in the first Homily upon St. Johns Gospel saith, that Syrians, Egyptians, Indians, Per­sians, Ethiopians, and many other Nations had St. Johns Gospel translated in their languagesSixtus Sen. l. 6. An. 152.. The same Father hath translated the New Testament and the Psalms in Armenian language. Hierome hath translated the whole Scripture in the Dalmatick tongue. Theodoret Serm. 5. de natura ho­minis. [...]. in his book of the cure of the sicknesses of the Grecians, speaks thus; The Hebrew language (so he calls the old Testament) is not only translated into Greek, but also into the tongues of the Romans and Egypti­ans, and Persians, and Indians, and Armenians, and Scythians, and Sarmates; in a word, in all the languages, which all the Nations continue to use. At that time they did not put the holy Scripture in the Index of the prohibited books: For they had not translated it into all languages, but that all Nations, even the most bar­barous should read it: and they that read it, asked leave of no body, there being then no Inquisition set up, nor any penalty against those that labour to instruct themselves in Gods knowledge by his word.

In all this the end of the Pope is to keep the people in ignorance, whil'st he builds up his Empire. To the same end the Council of Trent, Con. Trid. Sess. 4. Sa­crosancta Sy­nodus statuit & declarat ut haec ipsa vetus & vul­gata editio &c. pro au­thentica habe­atur, & ut eam nemo quovis prae­textu rejicere audeat aut praesumat. of all the Latin versions approveth none, but that which is commonly called the Vulgar; and they will have it authentical, with prohibition to contradict it under any pretence whatsoever. For this serveth for the raising of the Empire of the Latin Church, to establish that Bible alone which the Roman Church useth in the publick service. This they do against the authority of all the Latin Fathers that have written of that matter. Hilary upon Psal. 118.Littera Lamed fre­quenter ad­monuimus non posse satisfa­ctionem intel­ligentiae ex Latinitatis translatione praestari. We have often given warning, that no sense which may give satisfaction, can be drawn from the Latin version.

Hierome in his Epistle to Sunia and Fretella In Novo Testamento si quando apud Latinos quae­stio exoritur, & est inter exemplaria varietas, recurrimus ad fontem Graeci sermonis quo novum scriptum est Testamen­tum.. In the New Testament, if sometimes there is any question and variety found in the Latin copies, we have recourse to the spring, even to the Greek language in which the New Testament was written. And in his Preface to Damasus upon the four GospelsSi Latinis exemplaribus fides est adhibenda, respondeant quibus? tot enim pene sunt exemplaria, quot codices; sin autem veritas est quaerenda de pluribus, cur non ad Graecam originem revertentes quae à vitiosis interpretibus male sunt reddita corrigimus?. If we must believe the Latin copies, let them answer me which? for there are wellnigh as many diverse exem­plaries as there are copies. But if among many copies we must seek which of them is the true one; why do we not correct the things that have been ill translated by faulty interpreters, returning to the Greek originals? And in the Epistle to Lucinius Ut enim veterum fides de Hebraeis voluminibus examinanda est, ita novorum Graeci ser­monis normam desiderat. As the purity of the books of the Old Testament must be examined by the Hebrew books, so the purity of the books of the New Testament must be examined upon the rule of the Greek text. The same he saith in his Preface upon Joshuah, and in the Epistle to Marcella.

Austin in the second book of Christian doctrine, ch. 11Latinae linguae homines duabus aliis ad Scripturarum divinarum cognitionem habent opus, Hebraea scilicer & Graeca, ut ad pracedentia exemplaria recurratur, si quam dubitationem attulerit Latinorum in­terpretum infinita varietas. Men whose natural language is Latin, have need of two other tongues for the knowledge of the holy Scri­pture, the Hebrew and the Greek, that they may have recourse to the precedent [He­brew and Greek] copies, when the infinite variety of the Latin interpreters brings some doubt.

It would be an infinite thing to produce the faults of the Latin vulgar version, the only approved by the Council of Trent. Sixtus Senensis Library-keeper to Pope Pius the fifth, doth freely acknowledge it, saying,Vulgata nostra editio quae Hieronymi esse dicitur, in multis à Graeca veritate distat. Our vulgar Edition which they say to be of St. Hierome, is remote from the Greek truth in many things. And shortly after; Although this Edition be not of Hierome, and that many things that are there, agree not with the truth of the Greek text, &c. In the same place he maintains, that the Latin version of the Roman Church is not of Hierome, but a mingled version. The Jesuite Maldonat upon Luk. 16. saith the same. The [Page 172] Novum Testamentum ab Hieronymo conversum non esse, sed veterem tan­tum versio­nem multis in locis emenda­tam. New Testament was not translated by Hierome, but only the old version hath been corrected by him in many places. And Hierome himself saith the same in his Preface to Damasus: that he doth not own it, nor greatly approve it, he sheweth in his works, where he alledgeth many texts out of the Old Testament, otherwise then they are found this day in the vulgar version: And which is more, he disputes a­gainst it. For example, Heb. 11.21. the vulgar version which they say to be of St. Hierome, translates thus, Jacob adoravit fastigium virgae ejus, Jacob adored the end of Joseph his staffe. A text which our adversaries use to maintain the adora­tion of creatures. But Hierome rejecteth that version in the book of the Hebrew questions upon Genesis, in these words, Israel worshipped the end of his staffe. Et ado­ravit Israel contrà sum­mitatem virgae ejus: & in hoc loco quidam frustra suadent adorasse Jacob summitatem sceptri Joseph, quod videlicet honorans filium, potestatem ejus adoraverit, cum in Hebraeo multo aliter legatur, Et adoravit (inquit) Israel ad caput lectuli. In that place some do in vain make the world believe that Jacob worshipped the end of Josephs scepter, as if by honouring his son he had adored his power; whereas in the Hebrew text it is read quite otherwise, namely that Israel worshipped towards his beds head.

Nevertheless the Council of Trent preferrs the Vulgar version full of corrupti­ons and depravations, before all other translations made after the Hebrew verity (such as is among others, that of Pagninus a fryer of Luca) and by consequent be­fore the Hebrew and Greek Originals. Of which it seems that the Popes, Sixtus the fifth and Clement the eighth were ashamed, having since the Council of Trent publisht an edition of that Vulgar version where many things are altered, and ma­ny faults corrected.

But Bellarmine is so rashly bold, as to offer to prefer the Latin version before the Greek and Latin Originals: as if one would make us forsake the source and send us to the myrie brook. Cardinal Ximenes Archbishop of Toledo doth worse. For in his prologue upon the Bible of Complute, he giveth a reason why he put the vulgar version between the Greek and the Hebrew texts.Mediam autem inter has Latinam beati Hierony­mi translatio­nem velut in­ter Synagogam & Orientalem Ecclesiam posuimus, tanquam duos hinc & inde latrones, medium autem Jesum, hoc est Romanam Ecclesiam. We have (saith he) put between both the Latin version of St. Hierome, as holding the middle between the Synagogue and the Eastern Church; like the two theeves, the one on the one side and the other on the other, and Jesus Christ between both; that is the Roman Church, for she alone is built upon the stone.

Thus that venerable Prelate revileth and debaseth the Original texts of Scri­pture, comparing them to two thieves, and blaspheming against the holy Ghost, who hath spoken both in the Hebrew and in the Greek tongue, by the mouth of his Prophets and Apostles, and hath inspired them to write in those languages. As for the Latine version which that Cardinal compareth to Jesus Christ placed between two thieves, among a thousand corruptions it hath no good, but that wherein it is conformable with the Greek and Hebrew Originals, upon which it hath or ought to have been translated.

Out of all this it appeareth that the Roman Church forbidding the people to read the holy Scripture, opposeth Scripture, since Scripture it self recommendeth the reading of the same; and likewise opposeth the consent of all the Fathers, who are all of one mind in this point, to recommend the reading of Scripture unto all, even unto the least of the people. The evidence of this truth fetcheth from the Jesuite Salmeron these words of anger against the Popes that have forbidden rhe reading of Scripture;Salmeron Prolog. 7. §. Praeterea. Et qui à sa­cris arcet li­bris, in quibus leges Dei sunt conscriptae, exleges & fi­lios Belial fa­cit homines. Wherefore hath not David chosen another rule to conduct his life then Scripture? Thy word, saith he, is a lamp unto my feet and a light unto my path: And whosoever hinders men to read the sacred books where the laws of God are written, exempteth them from all law, and makes them children of the Devil. And why should he commend the Thessalonians that perused the Scriptures and searcht them every day (Act. 17.) if things went so?

The ordinary excuse is, that Scripture is dark, and that the ignorant might be seduced by it. But they that speak so, not only accuse Scripture of obscurity, but of untruth also. For Scripture bears witness to it self, that it is clear and made to give light to the understanding, Psal. 19. The commandement of the Lord is pure inlightning the eyes, and Psal. 119.2 Pet. 1.19. Thy word is a lamp unto my feet and a light unto my path. The books of the Prophets are of all Scripture the most obscure, yet St. Peter saith that they are like a light shining in a dark place. They accuse then Scripture of untruth, when they accuse it of darkness; and together cast a great reproach upon God, as if he had digged a pit to make men fall into it in the dark, and hidden the doctrin of salvation under obscure terms to lead men into error; like one that makes his will in ambiguous terms, purposely to sow strife among his heirs. Should the Father of light study obscurity? He that gave his Son to save his enemies, should he be envious of the salvation of his children? If Scripture must be forbidden to the people least they fall into heresie; by the same, yea by stronger reason it ought to be forbidden to Bishops and Priests, since from them, not from the people, all sorts of heresies are come: Read the Cata­logues of ancient hereticks made by Epiphanius, Philastrius, Theodoret, Austin, &c. you shall find, that almost all the heresiarches were Clergymen, and having charge in the Church. And if reading Scripture be for none but the learned, none ought to read it, because none can be learned before he hath read it.

For these causes it belongs to those that accuse Scripture of obscurity, to look to themselves,Note. least that the obscurity wherewith they charge Scripture be found in their understanding, and this sentence of the Apostle belong to them, (2 Cor. 4.3.) If our Gospel be hid, it is hid to them that are lost, in whom the God of this world hath blinded the minds. So the distracted maid of Seneca's wife being smitten with sudden blindness, complained that the air was dark. Men will cast their de­fects upon God himself, and are ingenuous in finding blocks to stumble at.

But it is no wonder that our adversaries find Scripture dark, since they cannot find in it what they would find. For one hath need to have piercing eyes and a reaching wit, that will find in Scripture a commandement for sacrificing the body of Christ in the Mass, or the Invocation of Saints, or the Veneration of Images and Relicks, or the Popes succession in St. Peters primacy, or his power over the temporal, and the very crowns of Kings, or the Roman indulgences. There is no doubt, but that these Gentlemen desire that Scripture were a thousand times darker, that none might find in it their condemnation.

The Fathers are so far from that language, that Origen disputing against Celsus a Pagan, and Theodoret writing of the sicknesses of the Grecians, that is, of the Pagans, defend Scripture against this reproach of the Pagans, that it is written in a stile too simple and too familiar. The same Fathers also generally commend the perspicuity and evidence of the holy Scriptures.

Irenaeus in the second book, ch. 46.Irenaeus. Universae Scripturae Propheticae et Evangelicae in aperto, ut sine ambigui­tate & simi­liter ab omni­bus audiri possint. All the Prophetical and Evangelical Scriptures are open and without ambiguity, and may be heard of all alike. Tertullian calls hereticks lucifugas Scripturarum, people that fly from the light of the Scri­ptures. The Emperour Constantine Theodo­ret l. 1. hist. c. 7. [...]. in the Council of Nice was saying, The Evangelical and the Apostolical books, and the Oracles of the Prophets teach us openly what we must believe of the divine things. Austin 9. ch. of the second book of Christian doctrin, saith much to the same purpose; In the things which are clear­ly set down in Scripture, all things are found that concern faith and manners to live well. Epiphanius, in the heresie 69. and 76. [...]. All things are clear in the holy Scriptures to them who with a pious reason will draw near the word of God. And Chrysostome told us above, that Scripture is easie to be understood even by trades­men and ignorant men.

To the objection that it cannot be denied, but that there are some dark texts [Page 174] in Scripture, these Fathers answer that Scripture expounds her self; and that such things as are obscurely spoken in some places are plainly delivered in other places. Thus Chrysostom, Hom. 13. upon Genesis [...]. The holy Scripture ex­pounds it self, and suffers not the hearer to go astray. And Basil in his Asceticks in his Answer to the 267. Interrogation, [...]. The things which seem to be said obscurely in some places of Scripture, are expounded by other texts clearly delivered. Austin in the second book of Christian doctrin, 9. ch. To clear the darker expressi­ons, take the clearer passages. And 6. ch. Almost nothing can be deduced out of these dark places, but is found most clearly spoken in other places.

But above all is clear and evident the testimony of Chrysostom, hom. 3. upon the second Epistle to the Thessalonians. [...]. What need is there of Sermon, seeing that all the things that are in the divine Screptures are clear and right? all that is necessary is evident there. But because you are hearers that look for delight, you will have also these things; that is, Sermons. Then he personates one of the people saying, But I know not what is contained in the divine Scriptures. Why? are they written in Hebrew or in Latin? are they set down in another but thine own language? are not the contents of it in Greek? But (answers he) there they be but obscurely. Tell me, what obscurity dost thou mean? are they not histories? knowest thou not what things there are clear, that thou mayest enquire of the obscure? There are in­finite histories in the Scripture; tell me one among the rest. But thou canst not tell it; so that all that thou sayest are but pretences and vain babling. So did that goldenmouth chide his people when they alledged the difficulty of Scripture, to dispense themselves from the reading of it. For then it was not lawful to any not to read it: whereas now adayes to read it one must have a permission and an especial priviledge. Truly, if after the example of Chrysostom one would questi­on diverse persons that abstain from the reading of Scripture, pretending that there are many obscure things in it; Tell me what texts of Scripture you find clear, and what dark places did ye find in it? they could not answer. They complain of the obscurity of a book where they never read one line. Indeed hardly can Scripture be clear to him that never lookt in it. Poor souls, they make use of that scruple to feed their idleness; they study ignorance under a pretence of docility. Christ asked a Doctor of the Jews,Luk. 10. what is written in the Law? how readest thou? presupposing that he read the Scriptures or ought to read them. If it had been in those days the priviledge of Doctors to read Scripture, Christ to convince him of idleness and contempt, would have told him, Thou art a Doctor, and hast licence to read Scripture; thou should'st then make use of thy priviledge.

CHAP. 59. Defence of the purity and truth of Scripture against the Cardinals accusati­ons and falsifications.

Pag. 1099.THe boldest Chapter of the whole book of Cardinal du Perron is the 6. ch. of the fifth book, wherein by a most perverse diligence, that I say no worse, he gathers up all the texts of Scripture, which (saith he) seem to mans sense to be full of absurdity and contradiction; that so he may disswade the people from reading Scripture, and make them refer themselves to the Roman Church about the sense of those texts, as about all other difficulties.

This might have some colour, if the Church to which he sends us had made some declaration about that, or if any ecclesiastical exposition was extant, authorized by the judgement of the Church: but that is nowhere found. The Roman [Page 175] Church which falsely stileth her self Universall, hath no exposition of Scripture, but of particular Doctors, who expound Scripture diversly, and there is little agree­ment among them.

Of the pretended absurdities of Scripture which he alledgeth, some are easily resolved, as these. That it is said that God separated light from darkness, that is, the day from the night. That God created the Sun on the fourth day.Gen. 2. That God took one of Adams ribs and therewith formed Eve. Gen. 3. That he made to Adam and Eve clothes with beasts kins.Gen. 9. That God put the rain-bow in the cloud for a sign that there should be no more a general flood.Deut. 34. That after Moses there arose no Prophet like unto him.Judg. 14. That Sampson killed a thousand men with the jaw-bone of an Ass. That out of a tooth of that jaw-bone he fetcht water, and many the like things, which none can find absurd but he that seeks absurdity in them, or brings the Almighty power of God in question, or doubts of the truth of his word.

He brings other objections where one cannot deny but there is some difficulty, as about the calculations of times, and some proper names which seem to be put instead of other names. By which difficulties it pleaseth God to call us to so­briety. Every wise man if he cannot satisfie his reason, will choose rather to keep himself in silence then to contend with Gods word; and for that, will not abstain from reading Scripture, as though it were a dangerous book.

He heaps up other texts of Scripture concerning manners which seem to be scandalous, as that which is said in Ecclesiastes, chap. 2. that there is nothing better for a man, then that he should eat and drink, and that he should make his soul enjoy good by his labour. And in the third chapter, that the death of man, and that of a beast is the same; as the one dieth so dieth the other, and herein man hath no pre­heminence above the beast; And that a living dog is better then a dead Lion. Sen­tences which say only that according to the course of nature, and considering nothing but the present life, a man hath nothing of all his temporal good but to use it with joy, and to eat and drink with tranquillity of mind; And that accor­ding to the course of nature the same causes make a man and a beast to die. But the same book is full of sentences which put a great difference between the end of good and evil men; saying that God shall judge the righteous and the wicked. Eccles. 3.17.8.12.12.14.12.13. That it shall be well with them that fear God. That God shall bring every work to judgement. And he concludeth the book with this sentence, Fear God and keep his commandments, for this is the whole duty of man.

He puts in the same rank some expressions of Solomons Song, as ill beseeming: Then the history of the incest of Lot with his daughters, and of Juda with Thamar and the like things. But it is not without cause that God in his word layeth open the sins of holy men, to make us acknowledge humane infirmity, and to shew that God fetcheth good out of evil. Neither is there any thing in all these, that ought to disswade a man from reading Scripture. It belongs not to us to prescribe to the Spirit of God what language he must use.

He addeth some texts, which (to his thinking) might shake the faith with scruples, as My Father is greater then I. And I go up to my God and to your God. John 14. And This is life eternal that they may know thee the only true God and Jesus Christ whom thou hast sent, and other texts imployed by the Arians.John 17. But that ought not to keep the people from reading Scripture. For in the same Scripture they shall find wherewith to instruct themselves upon that point, and clear texts for the Godhead of the Son of God. As when Rom. 9. he is called God above all things blessed for evermore, and Tit. 2. Looking for the blessed hope, and the glorious ap­pearing of the great God, and our Saviour Jesus Christ. And by Isaiah 9. he is cal­led the everlasting Father. And John 1. That word was God. And 1 John 5.24. Jesus Christ is the true God and eternal life. And Phil. 1.6. He thought it no robbery to be equall with God.

But that which is more intolerable in that great gathering of texts, is that this Prelate falsifieth Scripture, and makes it say what it saith not, to make it absurd. He saith that it is written Gen. 2. that in the garden of Eden, among other rivers [Page 176] there was both Nilus and Euphrates, Note. A notorious falsification of the Car­dinal to dis­grace Scrip­ture. which are above a thousand leagues asunder; but in that text there is no mention of Nilus, but of the river Gihon, even in the vulgar version. It is a Jewish fable which is found in Josephus in the first book of his Antiquities; wherein he sheweth so much ignorance, that he makes Nilus to come from the East. And I wonder what moved the Cardinal to falsifie his own Bible.

In the same place he saith that Gen. 3. God walked in the cool of the wind after noon in the garden. He finds an absurdity in these words the cool in the afternoon; which seem to say that God was cooling of himself against the heat of the afternoon. But these words cool and afternoon are not in the Hebrew; there is only in the text that Adam and Eve heard God going in the garden in the wind of the day.

In the same place he makes Scripture to say (Judges 15.) that God made a spring of water to come out of the hole whence a tooth of the Ass had been pluckt out, to give drink unto Sampson. But there is in the text that God brake a great tooth of the jaw-bone, and thence came out water; Of a fountain coming out of the hole of the jaw-bone it is not spoken, not so much as in the vulgar version. Here it will not be unseasonable to say that by the Hebrew word Leki which is translated a jaw-bone, a rock is understood, out of which God fetcht water, so named in memory of Sampsons combat happened in that place. Thus the Chaldaick Paraphrast understands it.

He adds for an apparent absurdity that (2 Chron. 21.) it is written that Elias writ to Joram King of Judah, although Elias had been taken up to heaven eight years before the reign of Joram. The absurdity which he conceiveth, is, that a man that liveth no more on earth should write to a man that liveth on earth. But these letters might be written by Eliah in his life time, and sent to Joram some years after the Prophets death.

To make Solomon speak like a prophane man and an Epicurean, he makes him say Eccles. 9.5. that the dead have no more reward yonder, as if the souls were mortal, and no salvation for them. There is according to the Hebrew, there is no more gain unto them, [...] that is, to the dead: for he speaks of the profit or gain which they can get on earth. But that word yonder is an addition of M. du Perron to exclude the hope of another life.

I do not put among the falsifications, but among the oversights that which he saith in the same place, that the Levites wife died by being too much abused by the men of Jabesh, (Judges 19.) he put Jabesh for Gibeah.

But this is most insupportable, that he makes the Gospel to say, (John 15.) he that came after me was made before me. Not a word of that is found in that chapter. [...]. True it is, that in the first chapter there is, He that comes after me is pre­ferred before me, or, was before me. The word made which favoureth the Arians, making Christ to be a creature, is of the addition of the vulgar version, which M. du Perron rather chose to follow, because the sense is absurd as that version makes it, then to follow the truth of the Greek text, which is the original. The small skill that this Prelate had in Greek, made him believe that [...] and [...] signifie alwayes the same thing, whereof the one signifies, was made, the other hath been.

[...].I shut up this chapter with the sentence of Epiphanius in the heresie of the [...]. Ʋnlike, which is the 76. All things are clear in the divine Scripture to them that will with a godly reason approach unto the word of God, and conceiving not a devillish efficacy, do not turn themselves down into the gulfs of death.

CHAP. 60. Of Canonical and Apocryphal books. Proofs by Gods word that Tobit, Judith, the Maccabes, &c. are not Canonical.

IN this question, more then in any other, our Adversaries are at a loss;M. du Perron handleth this question in the first book ch. 50. p. 439, & seq. Rom. 3.2. for they have no less against them then the word of God, reason, and the testimony of Antiquity.

As for the word of God, every one confesseth that the Church of the Jews to which the oracles of God had been committed, did not acknowledge the books of Tobit, Judith, Ecclesiasticus, Wisdome, Susanna, and Maccabes for Canonical. This is known by the testimony of Josephus book 1. against Appion, where he reckons but two and twenty books of the Old Testament, [...]. and saith that the books written since the time of Artaxerxes are not so worthy of evidence as the precedent. In­deed Josephus is posterior in time unto Christ: His birth meets almost with the time of Christs death. And when he writ, the Jews were fallen already from Gods Covenant; but making an enumeration of the sacred books, he sheweth what books have been received by the Jews; not only in his time, but also in the ages that went before him.

Austin saith that the Jews hold not these books for Canonical.Aug. l. 18. de Civitate Dei cap. 36. & contra secun­dam Epist. Gaudent. cap. 23. Wherefore Je­sus Christ and his Apostles never alledge these books. And if sometimes they mention some history written in the Apocrypha, as the Feast of the dedication, John 10.22. they mention also, not seldom, histories attested by the Pagans and by the unbelieving Jews.

The book of Maccabees is is held Canonical by the Roman Church. Yet there mention is made of Alexander the Great and of his victories,Du Perron chap. 30. l. 1. p. 440, & seq. which many Pagans had already written before the book of Maccabees was made. St. Paul alledg­eth texts out of Menander, Aratus, Epimenides, &c. and that in a point of do­ctrine. As that which he brings (Acts 17.) out of Aratus, that in God we live and move and have our being. As then the allegation of a book in the New Testament is not a proof that the book is Canonical; so on the other side it is an evident sign that the books in question are not Canonical, that of so great a number of books not one is alledged in the New Testament. And if the Apo­stles have used some word or expression which is found also in some Apocrypha, it followeth not that the Apostles alledge that book; For the same word shall be be found also in Pagan authors.

There is no reason then why the books of Judith and Maccabees, &c. having never been divine nor Canonical under the Old Testament, should become holy and Canonical under the New, as if they had altered their nature. Neither can we receive the books of the Old Testament but from the Church of the Old Testa­ment; nor have the books of the Old Testament in other esteem then the Church of the Old Testament had them.

The same is evident in that these books are not found in Hebrew. Now how unlike is it that the book of Wisdome, if it was made in Hebrew by Solomon, be not extant in Hebrew, and that ill versions have been preserved, seeing that the di­vine works of Solomon were so precious unto the Jews? And that the Jewish Church, which then was the true Church, hath carefully preserved in their natural language the book of Hester, and the Prophecies of Jeremiah and Daniel, but suf­fered some chapters to be lost, and not been carefull to preserve the whole books in their proper tongue? Must we say that the sacred books were more perfect among the Grecians then among the Jews, and in the versions then in the origi­nal tongues? Which chapters added to Jeremiah and Daniel whoso will compare with the chapters that go before, shall easily perceive that not only they have no connexion with the precedent, but also that they contradict them, and that the style of both is as different as day and night.

CHAP. 61. Untruths and errors in the books called the Apocrypha.

THE strongest instance for us in this matter, is, that these books are stuffed with fables, and forged tales, and doctrines contrary to that of the Canonical books. Could we be able to receive fables and grosly devised lyes for the word of God? In this acusation we desire not to be believed without evident proofs. I will produce some of them.

Of the book of Tobith.

In the 5. chap. v. 14. the Angel Raphael doth falsly call himself Azarias of the race of the great Ananias and of the brethren of Tobit, who was of the tribe of Nephtali. Wherefore also in chap. 7. v. 3. when Raguel asked the Angel and the son of Tobit whence they were, the son of Tobit answereth for both, We are of the children of Nephtali captives in Nineve.

To say that the Angel took the name of Azarias because he was like some man of that name, doth not excuse the lye; for he that resembleth Azarias, is not Azarias. And as if that untruth were not enough, he saith that he is of To­bits brethren, endeavouring thereby to print a false perswasion in Tobits mind, which he effected, as Tobit himself exprest it.

No more doth it serve to say that Ananias signifieth the grace or gift of God: and that the Angel meant that he was the son of the grace or gift of God: for he said himself to be of the race of the great Ananias; Now it would have been falsly and absurdly spoken to say that he was of the race of the great gift of God.

The book of Judith.

This book is manifestly fabulous. The history is related as happened after the return of the Jews from the captivity of Babylon; Which is expresly said in the fourth chapter, v. 2. [...]. They were newly returned from the captivity. And ch. 5. v. 18. They were led captives into a land which was not theirs, and the Temple of their God was cast to the ground, and their Cities were taken by their enemies. But now are they returned to their God, and are come up from the places where they were scattered; and have possessed Jerusalem where their Sanctuary is, and are seated in the hill countrey which was desolate.

There is in the Greek which is the orignal, [...], which signifieth word by word, The Temple of their God was laid to the ground. Whence it appears that this history is given as happened since the captivity of Babylon, for that Temple was never pulled down, nor the people of the Jews transported, nor the countrey made desolate before that captivity. Yet that hi­story is related as happened in the time of King Nebucadnezzar, dead long before the return of that people from the captivity.

Our adversaries think they may scape by saying that in their Latin version these words, and the temple of their God was laid to the ground are not found. As also in the same version by a notorious falsification, these words, they were newly re­turned from captivity, have been put out, and are found no more. But (be­sides that we must alwayes rather stand to the original text then to a version, especially to the worst version of all) there is enough remaining in that Latin version, to verifie that this story is related as happened since the return from that captivity, when the Jews were transported to Jerusalem. For in chap. 5. v. 18. after many falsifications these words remain,Plurimi eorum captivi abducti sunt in terram non suam; Nuper. autem reversi ad Dominum Deum suum ex dispersione qua dispersi fuerant, adu­nati sunt, &c. & ite­rum possident Jerusalem. Many of them were led captives into a land that was not theirs, but of late being returned unto the Lord their God, [Page 179] they were gathered again from the dispersion wherewith they were scattered abroad, and possess Jerusalem again. That history then is related as happened after that the people transported from Jerusalem was returned thither, in which time Ne­buchadnezzar was dead long before.

At that time also there was no more Ninive, which had been taken and destroyed by the Medes in the time of Cyaxares, if we believe Herodotus in his first book; or by Nebuchadnezzar, if we believe the last chapter of Tobit, long before the return from the captivity. Then also there was no more Kingdom of the Medes. Media was under the Persians, and the Kingdom of Media had been abolisht many years before. Nevertheless that history of Judith, given out as happened since the return from the captivity, in chap. 1.5. maketh Ninive to be the seat of Nebuchadnezzars kingdom, though he never kept his Court there, since he pulled it downThis is very expresly affirmed in the end of Tobits book. when he had taken it. And speaketh of a King Arphaxad, who never was.

It will not serve our Adversaries to say that this history happened in the time of King Manasseh who was carried away captive into Babylon; and to seek in the time of King Manasseh, a Nebuchadnezzar which cannot be found; for he was not yet born when Manasseh died. They seek also in the time of Manasseh a transpor­tation of the people of Jerusalem, and a return of the people to Jerusalem after the captivity, which is to be found in no story. For 2 Chron. 33.11. it is said only that the Captains of the host of the King of Assyria took Manasseh among the thorns, and carried him to Babylon, but they took not Jerusalem, and the people was not led away captive; Neither is there any trace of that captivity, nor of the return from the same, in any history. Only Manasseh released out of prison returned unto his Kingdom. Besides, if this history of Judith happened in the time of Manasseh; the Temple also was ruined in his time, which is known to be false. They must also find in the same time a King Arphaxad of Media, who shall no more be found then King Nebuchadnezzar. In the time of Manasseh's imprisonment Phraortes son of Dejoces reigned in Media, of whom Herodotus speaks much in his first book. Which Phraortes was never discomfited by Nebuchadnezzar no more then Dejoces his Father, as the first chapter of Judith relates of Arphaxad. Both father and son were more antient then Nebuchadnezzar, and were both dead before Nebuchadnezzar reigned. Then reigned in Babylon either Nabopolassar Father to Nebuchadnezzar, or rather he to whom Nabopolassar succeeded.

To this add that if Manasseh had been then reigning in Jerusalem, he would not have suffered Joakim the Priest to take upon him to give the orders of war, as it is related, Judith 4.6. That would have been incroaching upon the Royal Office, and from a Priest turning a Captain; which was never done while there was a King; and they make Joakim contemporary to Nebuchadnezzar, although he lived above a hundred years after that King.

Josephus in the tenth book of Antiquities chap. 4. relates exactly the things hap­ned in Manasseh's time, but speaks not of Judith, nor of Holofernes, nor of Bethu­lia, nor of the people of Jerusalem led away captive, nor of the Temple pulled down and built up again, which the fabulous book of Judith mentioneth.

To multiply lyes, it is said towards the end of the history, that Judith waxed old in her husbands house, being a hundred and five years old. And that there was none that made the children of Israel any more afraid in the dayes of Judith, nor a long time after her death. Let now our adversaries busie their brains to find those hundred and five years, and many more after Judiths death, in which the people of the Jews enjoyed a constant rest. Can any find, I say not a hundred and five years, but forty only of rest in Judea, beginning at the return of Ma­nasseh from his captivity? That King having reigned but few years after his re­lease, left the Kingdom to his son Amon, who brought Idolatry again into Judea, 2 Chron. 33.22. Where was Judith then, so much respected over all the countrey? Where was that peaceable time without trouble in Israel? To that King, killed after two years reign, succeeded the good King Josiah; who after he had reign­ed thirty one years was killed in battle by Neco King of Aegypt. The end of his [Page 180] life was the beginning of the ruines and desolations of the Jews, which never gave over, till all the Towns being taken by Nebuchadnezzar, the countrey pil­laged, Jerusalem and the Temple razed, the people were transported into Baby­lon; Where was then Judith? For they affirm that history to have hapened when she was in her prime. And that after this passage, she lived with his husband: And that her husband being dead, she was still of great beauty, and was woed by many lovers which she refused, and dwelt a hundred and five years in her husbands house, in a time when there was neither people nor houses in Judea, and when the countrey was a desart. Was there ever a fable more grosly patcht up?

The last verse of the book, acording to the Latin version, saith that the day of Judith's victory is received of the Hebrews among the Holy dayes, and is cele­brated by the Jews unto this day; Which will be found false. For of that Feast of so great solemnity, no trace is sound in all the Antiquity of the Jews; not in Josephus, Seder Holam, hoc est, ordo seculi seu Chronicon. not in Philo, not in the other Josephus son to Gorion, not in the Mac­cabees, not in Rabbi Nahasson who hath written Canons or rules of the Jewish Feasts, not in Seder Holam, not in Munster who hath written the Jews Ca­lender.

In chap. 9. v. 2. Judith saith her self to be daughter of Simeon Jacobs second son. But in chap. 8. v. 1. her pedegree is fetcht from Salasadai son of Jacobor Israel, which is an imaginary name; for Jacob had no such son. And in the vul­gar Latin version, which the Roman Church preferreth before the Greek origi­nal, the absurdity is double; for in the same place it is said that she was daugh­ter of Simeon son of Reuben: whereas every body knoweth that Simeon and Reu­ben were brothers.

Gen. 49. Jacob dying condemneth the massacre of the Sichemites committed by Simeon and Levi, so far as to say, Cursed be their anger for it was fierce, and their wrath for it was cruell. But Judith chap. 9. ver. 2. & 4. praiseth and mag­nifieth that action, as if God had set them on to do it, saying O Lord God, of my Father Simeon, to whom thou gavest a sword to take vengeance of the strangers. And soon after, Thou hast given all their spoil to be divided among thy dear children, as if the ransacking of Sichem, and the robbery committed by the sons of Jacob had been a blessing of God. In the same place speaking of Simeon and Levi, she saith, They were moved with thy zeal, and called upon thee for aid.

Also over all that history such things are attributed to Judith as are ill be­seeming a holy and vertuous woman, as if that story had been made puposely to defame her. She tricks up her self curiously to provoke the unchaste desires of a Pagan Prince. In chap. 9. ver. 13. she craveth of God the grace of decei­ing with her lips. In chap. 10. ver. 12. being arrested by the Assyrians, she pay­eth them with lyes, saying that she was fled from the Hebrews, and was come to declare words of truth unto their Captain, and shew him a way whereby he might conquer the countrey without the loss of one man. And chap. 11. ver. 5. she pro­miseth Holefernes to tell him no lye, and interposeth the name of God to lye with more colour. She praiseth the wisdom, the policy, and the valour of Holofernes; Promiseth him that he shall extermine the Nation of the Jews, because they had offended God; that God had sent her to work with him, to lead him through the midst of Judea, and set his throne in the midst of Jerusalem. Falsly adding that God had revealed her these things; which was doing the part of a false Prophetess, and faining a false revelation.

With little honesty and no small peril of her pudicity she goeth out by night, having no body to attend her but her maid. She washeth her self in a fountain in the midst of the camp of the enemies. Being called to come to Holofernes, to please him in his desires, she answereth, Who am I that I should gainsay my Lord! chap. 12. ver. 13. All that very far from the purity and integrity of a holy wo­man.

The book called the Wisdom of Solomon.

This book is placed among the Apocrypha by Hierom, Ruffin, and a great num­ber of Fathers, especially by the Council of Laodicea, as I will shew hereafter.

The title of the book is manifestly false; for it is none of Solomons works, who writ in Hebrew not in Greek: Now that book is extant in Greek only, and is not in the Hebrew Bible. Neither is it any thing like the style of Solomon.

Austin speaks thus of it,lib. de doctrina, Christiana cap. 8. Hi duo libri, unus qui Sapientia, & alius qui Ec­clesiasticus inseribitur, de quadam simi­litudine So­lomonis esse dicuntur. Nam Jesu fi­lius Sirach eo; scripsisse constantissimè perhibetur. These two books, the one entituled the Wisdom, the other Ecclesiasticus, are said to be of Solomon, because of some resemblance. For that opinion is constantly received that Jesus the son of Syrach did write them. It is true that Austin in the first book of the Retractations, doth retract himself in the fourth chapter for saying that those books have been written by the son of Syrach. But he saith not for that, that they are Solomons. Only he saith that many call that book the Wisdom of Solomon, speaking of it doubtfully. But in the seventeenth book of the City of God, cap. 29. he saith that the learned hold for certain that this book and Ecclesiasticus are not Solomons.

Hierom the most learned of the Fathers in such matters, in his Preface upon the books of Solomon, saith that the inscription of this book is false:Alius pseudepigra­phus qui Sa­pientia Solo­mon is inscri­bitur Another (saith he) whose title is false, being intituled the Wisdom of Solomon. And a little after,Nonnulli scriptorum veterum hanc esse Philonis Judaei affir­mant. Some writers affirm that this book is of Philo the Jew. And in the same place he saith that the style favours the Greek eloquence.

[...]. Basil in the first book against Eunomius, towards the end, alledgeth the book of Wisdom of Zorobabel; And in the same book [...]. We acknowledge but three works of Solomon, even those three that we have in the Hebrew Bible.

And all the Fathers whom we shall hear hereafter, that put the book of Wis­dom out of the rank of the Canonical Scriptures, deny by consequent that it is Solomons: And there is great difference between books that treat of matters of salvation and of Gods service, and books of plants and natural Philosophy writ­by Solomon, which he did not write that they should be taught in the Church.

Now all that deny the book of Wisdom to be of Solomon, accuse the Author of untruth; for he saith himself to be King Solomon, chap. 9. ver. 7, 8. speaking thus unto God, Thou hast chosen me to be a King of thy people. — Thou hast com­manded me to build a Temple upon thy holy mount. But in chap. 15. ver. 14. the Author forgetting that he had called himself King Solomon, speaks as writing in a time when the Church was opprestThere in the Greek [...], im­perium exer­centes. and kept under by her enemies; which cannot be applied to Solomons time. Had the JesuitSalmeron Proleg. 9. Can. 3. Li­brum Sapien­tiae ab alio quam Salo­mone scribi non potuisse valde proba­bile est. Salmeron considered this, he would not have said that probably this book could not have been written by any but Solomon.

We must not find it strange that those very Fathers that deny this book to be Canonical, will call it sometimes the Wisdom of Solomon; for they do but use the title of the book as custom would have it, as both we and the Roman Church call the third and fourth book of Ezra, which cannot be of Ezra, and are not recei­ved as Canonical by the Council of Trent. This Austin saith lib. 17. de civitate Dei cap. 20.Alii duo quorum unus Sapientia, al­ter Ecclesia­sticus dicitur, propter elo­quii nonnul­lam similitu­dinem, ut Sa­lomonis di­cantur, obti­nuit consue­tudo; Non autem esse ip­us non dubi­tant doctiores. As for the books of Wisdom and Ecclesiasticus, custome hath carried it, that they be said to be Solomons; but the learned hold for certain that they are none of his.

It is evident that the book was written by a man versed in the Grecian Phi­losophy, in that he speaks of the Solstices, chap. 7. ver. 18. and of the four mo­ral vertues, temperance, fortitude, justice, and prudence, ver. 7.

In chap. 7. ver. 25. Wisdom is called a vapour or breath of the vertue of God; wherein he speaks like an ignorant, whether he understand by the wisdom of God the Person of the Eternal Son of God, or a vertue of God, which is essential to him, and his own substance. Take it either way, is the wisdom of God a vapour? And since it is a vertue of God, how should it be a vapour proceeding from his vertue? With the like abuse in chap. 6. ver. 22. he speaks of the beginning of the nativity of Wisdom as though she were born and had a beginning.

In the same book chap. 8. ver. 15. Solomon speaks of himself as being valiant in war, of which nevertheless he never gave any proof, having never given any battel. And ver. 20. speaking of his origine, he saith, that being good he came into a body undefiled. So then he was otherwise born and composed then David his Father, who Psal. 51.7. saith Behold, I was shapen in iniquity, and in sin did my mother conceive me.

He cannot be excused for calling Manna the Angels food, as if Angels did eat and had need to be fed with meat; Nor for saying (chap. 10.7.) that the land of the five Cities, meaning Sodom and the other Cities of that plain, was smoaking still ever since they were consumed by fire from heaven. It is false also that five Towns were burnt in that plain; for Moses nameth but four, Sodom, Gomorrha, Adama, Deut. 29.24. and Tseboim. The fifth which was Tsoar, was spared at the request of Lot. Gen. 19.20. So the Author of that book saith untruly that the fire came down upon these five Towns. And it is likewise false that which he saith (chap. 12. ver. 5.) that the old inhabitants of the land of Canaan whom the Israelites expelled, were de­vourers of mans flesh. Moses often describes the abominations of those people, but never speaks that they were man-eaters. Also in chap. 6. ver. 22. that false Solomon relates things that never hapned to the children of Israel, and coyneth histories, saying that snow and ice endured the fire and melted not.

Of the book of Ecclesiasticus.

This book is not found in the Hebrew Bible, the Bible of the Old Testament, which was read in the Synagogues. We shall also see hereafter that the Antient Christian Church did not receive it as Canonical.

This book contains many good precepts, which made the reading of it recom­mended by many of the Antient, and by our own Church. But there are many profitable books, which ought not therefore to be ranked among the divine books, nor held for Canonical.

The Author of the book cannot be Solomon, seeing that in the forty seventh, forty eighth and the following chapters, he speaks of the reigns of Roboam, Je­roboam, and of the Prophets Eliah, Elisha, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and many others who lived many ages after Solomon. Before the book there is a Preface where the Author Jesus the son of Sirach saith that he came into Aegypt in the time of King Ptolomaeus Euergetes who died about seven hundred sixty two years after Solomon.

In the same Preface Jesus Grandfather to that Jesus who compiled these sen­tences, is compared unto Solomon, and equalled in wisdom and doctrine: which is not without impiety.

In chap. 1. ver. 4. and in chap. 24. ver. 24. there is an error which our Adver­saries approve not, namely that the Wisdom of God was created before all things, which is meer Arrianism. For Arius taught that Christ was a created God, made before other creatures. A sentence which none but distracted brains will ex­cuse with saying that Christ was created in his humane nature; for Christ in his humane nature is not the Wisdom of the Father; and so far was he from being created before all things, that he had not assumed humane flesh when Jesus the Son of Sirach writ his book.

In chap. 46. ver. 20. it is said that Samuel prophecied after his death. So this Author makes the Prophet Samuel to say that which was said by the Devil, and puts the souls of the Saints in the power of Satan. For that the Ghost that appeared unto Saul was not the Prophet Samuel, holy Scripture testifies it in the same chapter,2 Sam. 28.6. ver. 6. where it is said that God would not answer Saul, neither by Ʋrim nor by Thummim which was the ordinary oracle, nor by the Prophets. Nei­ther is it in a Witches power to fetch the souls of Saints out of the place of their rest. The same appears by that Ghosts saying to Saul in the nineteenth verse, Thou and thy sons shall be with me to morrow. For seeing that Saul is dead despe­rate, killing himself with his own sword, it is not credible that his soul after [Page 183] death was gathered with the Saints, nor that the soul of Saul and that of Jona­than were carried into the same place. Wherefore it must be granted that this Ghost was called Samuel, because it was like Samuel, and counterfeited him, according to the custom of the Scriptures to give unto signs and representati­ons the name of represented things.

Austin handleth this question, and saith that though this image of Samuel said unto Saul, Thou shalt be with me, he said an untruth. Then he saithAug. l. 2. questionum ad Simplici­anum qu. 3. Et forte hoc quod cum illa imago Samu­elis Saulem praediceret moriturum, dixit etiam secum futu­rum, quod uti (que) falsum est. Et paulo ante. Imaginariam illusionem Diaboli ma­chinationibus factam prop­terea Scrip­tura nomine Samuelis appellat, quiae solent imagi­nes rerum ea­rum nomini­bus appellari; quarum ima­gines sunt. There­fore Scripture calls with the name of Samuel an imaginary illusion made by the ma­chinations of the Devil [...], because images use to be called by the name of things whereof they are images. And finally after he hath canvassed that question on both sides, he concludeth, Let us think rather that such a thing was done by the wicked ministery of the Pythonissa or witch, which we cannot find or expound any more. See the Canon Nec mirum. Causa 26. q. 5. where it is amply proved that it was not the true Samuel, but an illusion of the Devil.

Also that book doth unworthily yea unjustly deal with the feminine sex, say­ing thatThis may bear a good sense in the English version which goes thus, Better is the churlish­ness of a man then a courte­ous woman. the wickedness of a man is better then the good that a woman doth, chap. 42. ver. 14.

The book of Susanna.

This history hath no truth at all. For what likelihood or possibility is in this, that a handfull of Jews newly led captive into Babylon should have, even in Ba­bylon, Judges of their Nation, condemning to death without appeal? The Jews while they served the Romans, might have in their countrey some Judges of their own, because the Victors, after they had subdued them, had left them some kind of jurisdiction, as it is the custom of Conquerors towards the people whom they have conquered and brought under their Empire. But it will not be found that after the ruine of Jerusalem Jews led captive to Rome, had Judges of their Nation at Rome that could sentence to death without appeal.

Especially it is the height of absurdity and far out of all road of likelihood that a young stranger child, being in no Office, should make himself Judge of the ordinary Judges, and condemn them to death, with a Soveraign judgement without appeal: As if some stranger-child brought captive to London, should command the Lord Chief Justice of England to appear before him, and then sen­tence him to death, and send him to the Gallows.

Here observe the time: for Daniel was a child in the time of the first siege laid to Jerusalem by Nebucadnezzar; Jehojakim being King in Jerusalem who was carried away captive with part of the people, among which was Daniel, as one may see in the first chapter of Daniel. That happened eleven years before the second siege, whereby Jerusalem was razed, and the rest of the people transported. That was the time of the extream depression and bondage of the Jews in Babylon; who were so far from having Offices of Judicature and delicious gardens in Baby­lon (as it is said in that book of Joakim Susanna's husband) that they were used as bondmen in hard servitude. The Author was short in his Chronology to raise Daniel to dignity at that time, as he was afterwards when he came to age.

It is known also that in Babylon the vulgar tongue was the Chaldean, not the Greek; Yet the history of Susanna makes Daniel to speak Greek in Babylon, sitting in a judicial seat, examining Judges of capital causes. For this book makes him use Greek clinches and allusions upon the words [...]. of Mastick tree, and Holme tree, which allusions will not be found at all in the Chaldean language, or in any tongue but the Greek. And whoso affirms the contrary, doth but set forth his own ignorance. Wherefore Porphyrius the great enemy of the Chri­stian name, having made this objection, Hierom in his Proem upon Daniel an­swers that the book of Susanna is a fable,Can. Sanct [...] Romana. Dist. 15. and hath no authority of holy Scrip­ture. We will alledge his words upon the history of Bel. Pope Gelasius is ex­press upon this, saying that the book of Susanna is Apocrypha.

The History of Bel and the Dragon.

This History is of the same stuff. The very beginning is a lye, That presently after the death of Astyages, Daniel was preferred to the table of Cyrus, honou­red above all his friends. For when Cyrus dispossest Astyages his Grandfather from the Kingdom of Media, Cyrus was not yet Master of Babylon, and Daniel living in Babylon, was none his subjects. Neither did Cyrus conquer Babylon but about two and twenty years after the end of the reign of Astyages, as one may see by the first book of Herodotus; by Berosus alledged by Josephus, by the Chro­nicles of Eusebius, and by the Canon of Ptolomaeus.

Hierom in his Preface upon Daniel, calls this book a Fable; and saith that it was left out by the Greek Doctors, as having no authority of holy Scripture. These are his words.

Cui & Eusebius & Apollinaris pari sententia responderunt, Susannae, Belis (que) ac Draconis fa­bulas non contineri in Hebraico, &c. Unde & nos ante plurimos annos cum verteremus Danielem, has visiones obelo praeno­tavimus, sig­nificantos eas in Hebraico non haberi; & miror quos­dam [...] indig­nari mihi quasi ego decurtaverim librum, cum Origenes, &c. & doctores Graeciae fate­antur non haberi apud Hebraeos, nec se debere respondere P [...]rphyrio pro his quae nul­lam Scripturae authoritatem habent.Eusebius and Apollinaris have well answered Porphyrius, that the fables of Susanna, Bell, and the Dragon are not contained in the Hebrew text; but that they are part of the prophesie of one Habuc son of Jesu of the tribe of Levi, as it is put in the title of the same fable in the Septuagint, Where it is said That there was a Priest named Daniel son of Abda that ate at the table of the King of Babylon; whereas Scripture testifieth that Daniel and the three young men were of the tribe of Judah. Wherefore we also translating Daniel many years ago, gave a black mark to these visions, to signifie that they were not found in the Hebrew. And I wonder how some peevish men are angry with me as if I had curtaled that book, seeing that Origenes, and Eusebius, and Apollinaris, and other Ecclesiastical persons, and Greek Doctors acknowledge that these visions are not found among the Hebrews; and that they are not bound to answer Porphyrius for these books which have no authority of holy Scripture.

Some pedantsRegourd in his Demonstr. p. 337. give us a warning that sometimes this word fable signifieth a story, and with the same reason (likely) would suffer the Gospel to be called a fable. But they dissemble that Hierom saith, that these books have no authority of holy Scripture.

The rest of the book of Esther.

The rest of the book of Esther, contradicteth in many things the book of Esther which is in the Hebrew Bible. The true Hebrew story chap. 6. ver. 2. re­lates that Esther was brought to King Assuerus to be Queen, in the seventh year of that King; and that she being already Queen, Mordecai discovered a conspi­racy of two Eunuchs named Big than and Teres against the life of King Assuerus, of which he gave notice to Qeen Esther, and she to the King.

The same history is quite otherwise related in the Apocrypha book of the rest of Esther, in the first chapter. There it is said that Mordecai had a dream in the second year of King Artaxerxes, and discovered a conspiracy of two Eunuchs, Gabatha and Thara. One of the books saith Assuerus, the other saith Arta­xerxes. The one saith that it was in the seventh year of King Assuerus, the other, that it was in the second year of Artaxerxes. And the names of the Eunuchs are different. How unlike is it that in the same book the same histo­ry should be twice related by the same Author, and in a different way? In the sixth chapter, ver. 10. of that Apocrypha, it is said that Aman was a Macedonian, who in the true story is sad to be an Agagite, that is an Hamalekite. Josephus l. 11. c. 6. saith that he was an Hamalekite. See Numb. 24.7. And such was the name of the Kings of Hamalec, 1 Sam. 15.20. M. du Perron answers thatDu Perron chap. 88. p. 628. & 629. Du Perron. p. Ibid. all the strangers in Asia were called Macedonians, which might be after Alexander in the reign of the Seleucides, but the history of Esther is many ages before. Besides Aman was no stranger in Asia, as the Cardinal esteemeth, for he was an Arabian. Now Arabia is in Asia. All that swarms with ignorance.

With the like ignorance he saith that Aman is called Macedonian in the letters [Page 185] of Assuerus, (p) because the writer followed the Syriack version.Du Per­ron. p. ibid. But in the Syriack translation these letters are not to be found, the Interpreter having inter­preted only the Canonical book of Esther.

But how absurd is that which is said in chap. 6. ver. 14. of the same book, that Haman would have transported the Empire of the Persians to the Macedonians? For besides that these words suppose that Haman was a Macedonian; whoso is never so little versed in History, knoweth that the Kings of Macedon at that time were petty Kings, unknown in Persia, and without any power; And that these words are no less ridiculous, then saying that such a one hath undertaken to transport the Empire of the Turks to the Prince of Parma or to the King of Algiers.

About these rests of Esther let us hear the verdict of Sixtus Senensis Bibliothe­cae lib. 1. who hath few fellows in learning among our Adversaries; The other six chapters, saith he, unto the end of the book, have been added out of several histories, by I know not what Greek author; But especially out of the eleventh book of the Antiquities of Josephus. Then he addeth that Melito of Sardis, and Gregory Nazianzen have not reckoned that book among the sacred books, and that Athanasius hath by name rejected it as supposititious, and that it was received very late among the Christians.

Of the books of Maccabees.

The books of Maccabees swarm with fables. In the beginning of the first book the author saith, that Alexander before his death divided his kingdom among his servants: Which is contradicted by a multitude of Historians that have written of Alexan­ders deathDiodor. Sicul. lib. 17. & 18. Justin lib. 12. & 13. Currius l. 10. Aemil. Prob. in vita Eu­menis. Strabo l. 17. Pausa­nias Atticis, Plutar. vit. Alex. Appi­an. de bello Syriaco. By Diodorus Siculus, by Justin the Epitomizer of Trogus, by Quintus Curtius, Aemilius Probus, Strabo, Pausanias, Plutarchus, Appianus Alexandrinus, and many more. All relate that Alexander made no division of his Kingdom be­fore his death, but only gave his ring unto Perdiccas: whence arose a thousand confusions among his successors.

In the first book of Maccabees, chap. 6. Antiochus Epiphanes striving to get Elimais in Persia, is beaten back by the inhabitants of the Town, then flieth to return into Babylon; and hearing the ill success of the arms of Lysias the Ge­neral of his army against the Jews, falls sick with sorrow, and dieth in the one hundred forty ninth year of the reign of the Seleucides. But in the ninth chapter of the second book, the death of that Antiochus is quite otherwise described. That being entred into the City of Persepolis, he went about to hold the City. That be­ing driven from thence, he came to Ecbatana, where having heard tydings of the defeat of Nicanor and Timotheus, and swelling with anger at it, he resolved to extermine the Jews, and make of Jerusalem a burying place. That in the way he fell from his chariot, and being sore bruised, worms rose out of his body, and that he dyed a stranger in the mountains. Can any two things be more diverse then these two relations of the same thing? The one speaks of the City of Ec­batana, the other of the City of Persepolis. The one saith that he would enter into the Town, the other that he entred into it. The one that he fled to return into Babylon, the other that he came to Ecbatana, which are very different wayes. The one that he heard ill news of the defeat of Lysias; the other puts Nicanor and Timotheus instead of Lysias. The one saith that upon these ill news he fell sick for sorrow; the other that while he was threatning the Jews he felt a sore pain in his bowels, and that by the way he fell from his charret, where­upon his flesh rotted and bred worms. He that said that he died in Persia neer Ecbatana, knew not that Ecbatana was in Media, not in Persia. It is now called Tauris.

In the first chapter of the second of the Maccabees, ver. 12. the Jews give God thanks for driving away those that had fought against the holy City in Persia. Now in Persia all the Cities were Pagan, and there was no holy City. The holy Scripture giveth that honourable name to none but Jerusalem, [Page 186] although Judea had many other Cities where God was purely served.

In the same chapter the death of Antiochus Epiphanes is related the third time in a far different manner. Namely that he was stoned in the Temple of Nannaea. Now that this Antiochus is the same that is called Epiphanes, it is evident, be­cause this is related in an Epistle where the Jews of Judea announce to the Jews of Aegypt the death of that King as a great deliverance, and signifie unto them the institution of the Feast of the Purification of the Temple upon the twenty fifth day of the moneth Casleu, which feast was instituted by Judas Maccabee a little after the death of Antiochus Epiphanes. It is a great ignorance to think that in this Macc. 2. chap. 1. The death of Antiochus Eupator is related; For that Eupator was not killed in Persia, and never made war there, and was killed by Demetrius son of Seleucus, who took from him both his kingdom and his life. He was not stoned in a Temple, and outlived but two years his Father Antiochus Epiphanes. Neither was it in consequence of the death of Antiochus Eupator that the Fast of the purification of the Temple was instituted.

And though we should grant that this Antiochus is Antiochus Eupator, yet the untruth is evident, in that the letter which describeth the death of this Antiochus, and signifieth to the Jews of Aegypt the institution of the Feast of the purification of the Temple, is dated on the one hundred eighty eigth year of the reign of the Seleucides. But the death of Antiochus Epiphanes fell on the year one hundred forty nine, as it is related, 1 Macc. 6.16. By which account Antiochus Eupator had died thirty nine after his Fathers death, although he outlived him but two years.

It is no less against all reason to think that this Antiochus that was stoned to death was Antiochus Sidetes, dead in the one hundred seventy fourth year of the reign of the Seleucides. For the institution of the Feast of the purification of the Temple beareth not that date but some thirty five years before. And Antiochus Sidetes was not stoned to death in a Temple of Persia, and never made war in Persia. For Justin, Appian, Orosius, andEuseb. Chron. Arsa­ces Parthus Antiochum Sidetem in­terfecit. Eusebius witness that he died in battell against the Parthians, being forsaken by his men. Appian addeth that being thus forsaken, he slew himself. And it would be a strange up-side-down History in the second of Maccabees, if the Au­thor had begun his relation by Antiochus Sidetes to remount to Antiochus Epi­phanes who came to the Kingdom about forty eight years before.

Observe also that Judas Maccabeus is one of them that writ the letter set down in the first chapter of the second of Maccabees, which is dated the one hundred eighty eighth year of the reign of the Grecians, that is some thirty six years after his death. For that this Judas that writes these letters is Judas Maccabeus it is evi­dent, because it is he that instituted the purification of the Temple, of which he gives notice in these letters unto the Jews of Aegypt.

1 Maccab. 8. v. 6, 7, 8. it is said that the Romans had taken Antiochus the great alive, and had given to Eumenes the countreyes of India and Media. All that is false.See Hie­rom on Da­niel. Zosimus, Justin, Titus Livius l. 37. Appian in Syriacis. The Romans defeated Antiochus the Great in three battels, but they never took him prisoner. They never had any thing in India, and Media was none of theirs. Their greatest Empire never went beyond Euphrates. In the time of this Antiochus the limit of the Roman Empire was Mount Taurus, which is the limit of Asia minor on the East. Indeed some passages ofVirgil. 4. Georg. lo­quens de Nilo, Us (que) coloratis amnis devex­us ab Indis. Latin Poets call Ethiopia India. But the absurdity should be greater yet to say, that the Romans had given to Eumenes Ethiopia, where they never possest any thing, and which was about a thousand leagues distant from the habitation of Eumenes.

For excuse they say that these things were related unto Judas, but that they were not true. That with the like untruth, Numb. 13. the spies sent to discover the land of Canaan made a false relation. And that the Evangelists relate many blas­phemies and lies spoken against our Saviour. But all that is to no purpose; for the relation of the spies and the slanders against our Saviour are related in the Scripture as false, and are convinced of falshood. But the relation about the Romans, (1 Mac. 8.) is related as true. And the Author will have Judas Maccabeus to believe things as ridiculous, as if he had believed that Virgil was [Page 187] Bishop of Islington, and had sent Embassadous to Rome about it. The most emi­nent man among the Jews, who had the conduct of their affairs, could he have been ignorant that Media and India belonged not to the Romans? And though he had been ignorant of that, could the Author of this book be ignorant of a thing so well known unto all if he had been enlightned by the Holy Ghost?

The like stuff he gives us in the second and third verses of the same chapter, Macc. 1.8. That the Romans had conquered the Galathians, and had done great feats of arms in Galatia, and had brought the gold and silver mettals of Spain under their power. If by the Galatians he meaneth the Gaules, the Romans did not conquer them but about an hundred years after the death of Judas Macca­beus. If by the Galatians he understands those of Asia Minor, Judas was not so ignorant but he knew that the Romans never gave any battell in Galatia. Those mettals of gold and silver in Spain are fables. The Romans never made war in Spain for that end. The Poets say that the river Tago in Spain hath golden sands, which is found now to be false. But though it were true, the Romans never got treasures that way.

But how false is that which is affirmed in the fifteenth and sixtenth verses of the same chapter, that the Romans held every day a Councell of three hundred and twenty persons, and that they committed their Government to one man eve­ry year? for little children know that they created two Consuls, equall in sove­raign power, every year; and that they had certain dayes which they called nefastos, upon which there was a cessation of all businesses.Dionys. Halicar. l. 2. & 3. Plut. in Gracchis. Florus Epit. Livian. l. 60. As for the num­ber of the Senators, Romulus established a hundred, Tarquinius Priscus in­creased the number of them to three hundred, and that number was yet in the time of the Gracchi which were posterior in time to Judas Maccabeus.

In the same place, ver. 14. it is observed, that none of the Romans was clad in pur­ple to be magnified thereby. This Author knew not that the Roman Senators wore Gowns embroydered with broad flowers of purple, which they called latus clavus. And that the Knights wore small purple flowers on their Gowns, called augustus clavus. The robe of the Antient Roman Kings, and that of the Augurs called trabea, and the triumphal habit which they called toga palmata, were of purple. And the Soveraign PriestsOv. Fast. 4. Illic purpu­rea canus cum veste sacordos. Minutius Felix. Sacer­dotum hono­res & purpu­ras despici­unt. of Rome were clad in Purple. Which the Roman Em­perors have imitated when they have taken the title of Pontifices. Whence is de­rived the purple robe which the Roman Popes wear now.

1 Macc. 12. An excellent observation is found in this chapter. An Epistle of Arius King of Sparta to Onias High Priest of the Jews, whereby the Lacedemo­nians say themselves to be of the stock of Abraham; as right as if I said that the Low Brittans in France are of the stock of Nicodemus. Doubtless it is from thence that the Lacedemonians were circumcised and spake Hebrew. They that had so much docility as to believe that simple tale, as Eusebius, have been deceived byJosep. Antiq. l 13. c. 9. Euseb. Ch [...]onol. Olymp. 141. Josephus, who in these things is liberal of egregious lyes: so far as toJosep. Antiq. l. 1. c. 16. make Hercules, the great knocker of monsters, son-in-law to one of the daughters of Abraham.

In the first chapter of the second of Maccabees, ver. 19. & seq. a very strange fable is related; that when the Jews were carried away captive into Persia (he would say Chaldea or Babylon) The Priests hid the fire of the Altar in a deep well: and that Nehemiah sent to Judea by the King of Persia, sent Priests to take and to bring that fire; But they found no fire in that well, but thick water; which being poured upon the wood of the Altar turned into fire, and burnt the wood. This fable is putBook 1. chap. 2. pag. 777. by M. du Perron among the unwritten traditions necessary to salvation. Yet it is rejected by the universal consent of the Rabbins, who say that this fire descended from heaven, was not in the second Temple. We have the History of Nehemiah written by himself, wherein he punctually relates all that he hath done in Jerusalem for the good of the people of the Jews; but he makes no mention of that fire, nor of that thick water, nor of that burning of the wood laid upon the Altar. Before that Nehemiah was sent by King Artaxerxes, [Page 188] they were sacrificing in Jerusalem, and the Altar was set up again, as it is rela­ted, Ezra 3.2, 3. Neither was Nehemiah come to restore the sacrifices, but to build again the walls of Jerusalem, as his history shews it. What need then of that miraculous thick water to kindle a fire which was already kindled?

In the second chapter of the second book of Maccabees, ver. 4, 5. it is said that Jeremiah the Prophet commanded that the Tabernacle, and the Ark, and the Altar of incense should be brought to him, and that he hid them in the mountain of Nebo in a pit, wherein a house was, saying to them that would mark that place, that the place should be unknown untill God had gathered again the congregation of the people, and that when the Lord would shew those things, the glory of the Lord should appear, and the cloud also, as it was shewed unto Moses. He that coyned that fable was not very learned; for who knoweth not that in Jeremiah's time there was no Tabernacle, and that instead of a Tabernacle Solomon had built a Temple, about four hundred years before Jeremiah prophecied?

The absurdity and impossibility is not less in this 2 Mac. 2.4. that Jeremiah commanded the Tabernacle and the Ark to follow him, for so it is in the Greek. [...]. How could a Tabernacle, which was not, follow Jeremiah? And to whom could Jeremiah have delivered this command? To the Jews that were slain by the Chaldeans? or to those that were reserved from the slaughter to be carried away slaves in a hard bondage? And when Jerusalem had been taken and razed, and the Temple burnt, and the vessels of the Temple, and the Ark by consequent were partly carried away, partly burnt; how could Jeremiah who was a prisoner in chains command that the Ark should be brought to him to march after him? The poor Prophet relates,Jer. 38.28. how being odious to the people of Jerusalem, and to King Zede­kiah, he was cast into a deep pit full of myre, and being drawn from thence, he remained in the court of the prison, and was a prisoner when the Town was taken, and both City and Temple burnt. But the victorious King of the Chaldeans fetcht Jeremiah out of prison, and commited him to the keeping of Gedaliah whom he had set over the countrey, as it is related, Jer. 34.14. Yea after he was taken out of the prison, he was bound with a chain, Jer, 40.1. and in that case carried to Rama, and thence sent to Juda, where he stayed till he went into Aegypt with part of the people. In all that time, when and to whom could Jeremiah have commanded to bring him the Ark? Where was he, to be able to save Ark from the burning of the Temple? or to get it out of the hands of the Chaldeans to hide it in a hole, and in an under-ground house fifty leagues from that place? Even in time of peace, would the High Priest have suffered that a contemptible man, odious among the people, as Jeremiah, should have taken the Ark from the Temple to transport it into an unknown place! And when he was prisoner upon a charge of treason, those Priests against whom he had prophecied would no doubt have prosecuted him for stealing the Ark away and hiding it they knew not where.

We meet with the like or rather greater absurdities and difficulties when it is question of finding that Ark again after the peoples return from the captivity, to bring it again into the Temple rebuilt by Zorobabel, about seventy years after. The Author of the second book of Maccabees saith not by whom, nor when it was found and brought to the Temple again, and of that no trace is found in any history. And no more of that which is promised, 2 Mac. 2.8. that after the finding the Ark and the Tabernacle, the cloud would cover them, and the glory of the Lord would manifest it self over them, as in the dayes of Moses. Such a miraculous manifestation would not have been omitted by Josephus who hath most exactly written the history of the Jews of that time and of the follow­ing ages, untill the last destruction of Jerusalem. So far is Rabbi Solomon Jark [...] from confirming this, that he directly contradicts it in his Comment on the first chapter of Haggai, saying that in the second Temple there was no Ark. Which is confirmed by Cornelius Tacitus, who saith that Pompey having taken Jerusalem entred into the Temple,Histor. l. V. and having the curiosity to enter into the Sanctuary, he found vacuam sedem & inania arcana, the place empty and nothing in the [Page 189] most secret place. Which should be false, if he had found there an Ark bearing two Cherubims.

Jeremiah himself contradicts the relation of the Maccabees; for (Jer. 3.16.) speaking of the happy and peaceable state which God would give to the Jews af­ter these desolations, he saith, And it shall come to pass when ye be multiplied and increased in the land, in those dayes, saith the Lord, they shall say no more, The Ark of the Covenant of the Lord; neither shall it come to mind, neither shall they remem­ber it, neither shall they visit it; Neither shall that be done any more. Other versions say, Neither shall it be any more. For although I willingly grant that Jeremiah in that place speaks of the vocation of the Gentiles; yet it is the custom of the Prophets, by the things happening to the Jews before the coming of Christ, ro prefigurate future spiritual things. Be sure that if Titus having taken the Temple of Jerusalem had found the Ark in it, he would not have omit­ted to cause it to be carried before him in triumph, with the other pieces of the ornaments of the Temple, the enumeration whereof is made by Josephus in the seventh book of the Judaick war; where he saith that the golden table was carried among the pomps of the triumph, and the golden candlestick, and the book of the Law; things far inferiour in magnificence to the Ark, and to the Che­rubims made by Solomon.

Lib. 1. de verbo Dei cap. 15. § Respondeo potuisse. Bellarmin seeing such an evident truth, and finding no likelihood of truth in saying that the Ark had been found again, after the return from the captivity of Babylon, and brought again to the Temple, hath found out another shift. He saith that the Ark is not found yet, but that it will be found in the last dayes, the next unto the day of judgement; But the Jesuite Regourd is of another mind. For indeed it were hard to say what good a guilded chest would do and an Altar of incense, and a Tabernacle of skins among the general burning of the world in the day of judgement.

P. 538. & 540.This Jesuite then in his fourth Demonstration saith that it is more likely that the Ark was found again after the Captivity, and was in the Temple built by Zo­robabel. And he proveth it by the second book of Maccabees: Wherein com­mon sense faileth him; For our difference is whether that book be fabulous. As if one proved that the fables of Ovid's Metamorphosis are true, because they are in Ovid's Metamorphosis.

2 Chron. 5.9. It is written that the barrs of the Ark remain there untill this day. An evident proof, that the Author writ the book when the Ark was yet in being, and that the part of the last chapter which speaks of the taking and ruine of Jerusalem, and the Temple, and of the deliverance granted by Cyrus, was added since by another author. In the same manner as the book of Deuteronomy, being written by Moses, the last chapter where the death of Moses is described hath been added since. The same is seen in the book of Joshuah. For if from that text one would infer (as Regourd doth) that the Ark was yet in the Temple after the return from the captivity, he must say also that the Temple hath not been ruined by the Chaldeans, and that the Ark did not stir from it.

In the fourteenth chapter of the second of the Maccabees, v. 41. & 42. Razias is praised for killing himself. He being ready to be taken on every side fell upon his sword; Choosing rather to dye manfully then to come into the hands of the wicked, to be abused otherwise then beseemed his noble birth; Can one more ex­presly commend self-murther? Is that dying vertuously? Was it vertuously done of that man to regard more the nobility of his race then Gods commandment? That which follows is no better, that he cast himself headlong from a high place, and tore his bowels with his own hands.

One hath need to be of an easie belief to believe that which is related, 2 Mac. 8.20. that eight thousand Jews gave battell to the Galatians in Baby­lon, where they killed six score thousand Galatians. Such battells are not given in a Town. Josephus or some other Author would have spoken of it. The whole countrey of Galatia together, which is a very little countrey, cannot afford so many souldiers. And much more impossible it is, that there should be so many [Page 190] Galatian soulders in Babylon, which is about five hundred leagues from Galatia. This is no less absurd then if one said that six score thousand English Souldiers in Constantinople were killed in a battell given within the Town, by eight thou­sand Spaniards. This could not be done unless the Galatians had taken Babylon before, which they never did.

2 Macc. 15.38.In the end of the book this Author acknowledgeth his weakness, as he may well; and with just reason doubteth whether he hath well said. If (saith he) I have done well, and as it is fitting the story, it is that which I desired; but if slenderly and meanly, it is that which I could attain unto. The Spirit of God doubteth not whether he hath well said, excuseth not his style, and alledgeth not his want of power for excuse. In the vulgar version, the only approved by the Councel of Trent, the Author craveth pardon for his faults.Si minus digne, conce­dendum est mihi. And the French ver­sion appro­ved by the Jesuites of Lovain. Si je n'ay pas dit comme je devois, il me le faur pardonner. If (saith he) I have not said as worthily as I ought, I must be pardoned. I ask then if it be convenient to the Spirit of God, who hath inspired his Prophets to write, to doubt whether he hath spoken as he ought to do, and to crave pardon of men. And as for the lowness of the style, the Spirit of God doth not trouble himself to seek an eloquent style. His end is not to tickle the ears, but to instruct the consciences. God knoweth what style is fit for his word, and simplicity is more powerfull and effectuall for his end.

M. du Perron answereth that St. Paul excuseth himself in terms more express of the style of his Epistles, when he saith 2 Cor. 11.6. Though I be ignorant in word, yet I am not so in knowledge: (for so the Cardinal translates it) Wherein he commits three notable faults.

The first, that he makes St. Paul to excuse himself for his ignorance, where­as he rather commends his learning, saying If I be rude in speech, (or, If I speak like one of the vulgar) yet I am not rude in knowledge. He doubts not whe­ther he hath said well; He saith not, If I have not said as I ought. He craveth no pardon.

The second fault of the Cardinal, is that he thinks that St. Paul in that text speaks of the style of his Epistles, whereas he means his ordinary speech when he taught by word of mouth. [...]. For as for his Epistles, they were so far from needing an excuse of their rudeness and simplicity, that the Corinthians upbraid­ed him, (2 Cor. 10.10.) that his letters were weighty and powerfull, but his bo­dily presence was weak and his speech contemptible.

The third fault is that he falsifieth the text of Paul, translating [...] ignorant, whereas it signifies in this place rude and simple, like one of the common people. For although [...] signifie sometimes ignorant, yet it cannot be so taken in this place. For learning and ignorance consist not in words, but in things, in which St. Paul in the same place, affirmeth himself to be learned, saying, If I be rude in speech, yet not in knowledge.

M. du Perron seeing himself besieged about with so many difficulties, and per­ceiving so many absurdities and untruths in the books of Maccabees, thought it his best course to leave all and abandon that cause, going over all those rubs with silence. But to scape, he striveth to find the like absurdities in the Canonical books; as that Elijah, eight years after he was transported to heaven, writ to Joram. That Joram begot Ozias, saith Mathew, who puts only fourteen gene­rations where there are seventeen. And that Luke dissents from Josephus. Of which pretended absurdities, and the way to resolve these objections I have spoken above, chap. 59.

The Reader may judge by what spirit this Cardinal was led, and what account he made of the holy Scripture, since he makes use of the testimony of Josephus to shake the certainty of the words of the Evangelist St. Luke. Though there were a discord between the history of the Gospel, and that of Josephus, a Jew and no Christian, can there be any difficulty in resolving which of the two must rather be believed? Can that doubt fall into a Christian soul that belie­veth the Gopsell?

We must not omit that the Cardinal, while he labours to shew himself an [Page 191] Hebrician, shews his ignorance, saying that Onias in Hebrew signifies the strength of the people, whereas it signifieth God is my strength; and putting Onias and Onian for two names signifying the same thing, whereas Onian signifies nothing. True it is that Oniam which comes neer Onian, signifieth the people is my strength, but that name is not used among the Hebrews.

CHAP. 62. That the Cardinal attributes weak objections to us, and defends that which we do not impugne.

M. Du Perron not daring to meddle with such strong objections, puts straws in our hands instead of swords, and ascribes to us reasons which we do not use, or if we use them it is another way, and answereth objections which we never made.

He makes us say that the book of Maccabees is not an original history, but a summary. That the primitive Author was called Jason which is a profane name; And that he was a Cyrenian not a Jew. But we do not reason thus. We know that a holy man may have a name taken from the Pagans, as Apollo, Philippus, and the like. If the Etymology of the name of Jason is Greek, it signifies Physick or remedy, where there is nothing that is prophane. But if the origine be Hebrew, it is a name corrupted from the name Jesus, according to the custom of the Hebrews of that time to give to their Hebrew names a Greek or Latin inflection, turning Phinees into Phoenix, Saul into Paul, and Jesus into Jason. We know also that Cyrene was full of Jews, and that the same man might be a Jew and a Cyrenian. And such was that Simon that bore the cross of the Lord, Mark 15.21.

This is then our true Objection. The Author of the Maccabees saith that his book is an abridgement of the five books of Jason the Cyrenian. That book of Jason being not a sacred book, how can the summary of a profane book be sacted and Canonical? This is as unreasonable as if n epitome of Titus Livius or Cornelius Tacitus were made a Canonical book.

He makes us say also that the Author of the second book of the Maccabees excuseth the rudeness of his style. But we do not say that only, but we say that this Authour doubts whether he hath said well, and craves pardon, say­ing that he could do no better. Which are things unbeseeming an Author speak­ing by the inspiration of the Spirit of God.

CHAP. 63. That we reject not the Apocrypha because they are contrary to us; And that they are rather favourable to us.

SOme persons little versed in our Controvesies and in the reading of the Apo­crypha, might think that we reject all these books because they are contrary to us. The following texts will shew the contrary.

In these books the Purgatory and the Limbus of the Fathers are clearly con­demed. Wisdom 3.1. the Author speaks thus, The souls of the righteous are in the hand of God, and there shall no torment touch them. They are not then tormented in a fire.

Tobit 3.6. Tobit sore afflicted, and wishing for death, prayeth thus to God, [Page 192] Command that I may be delivered out of this distress, and go to the everlasting place. Then he did not believe the Limbus of the Fathers; for our Adversaries do not hold it to be an everlasting place. No more did he believe Purgatory; for none is so sensless as to beseech God that he may be tormented in a fire. Neither can Purgatory be called an everlasting place: for our Adversaries hold that the souls come out of it after the purgation is ended, and that Purgatory shall be no more after the day of judgement.

In the Apocrypha supplement of Esther, chap. 13, ver. 13, 14. to kiss a mans feet is accounted idolatry: for Mardocheus gives this reason why he would not kiss a mans feet. I would have been content with good will for the salvation of Israel to kiss the soles of his feet. But I did this that I might not prefer the glo­ry of man above the glory of God; Neither will I worship any but thee O God. Yet neither this, nor the example of Jesus Christ who gave not his feet to kiss though he was God, could hinder the Pope from giving his to kiss, not only to persons of low condition, but even to Kings and Emperours. And he causeth himself to be worshipped with a religious worship.

In the book of Baruc, chap. 6. the honours and services which the Pagans yielded to the images of their false Gods, are amply described, which are the same as the people of the Roman Church yield to the images of the Saints. In ver. 11. the Author saith that the Pagan Priests will deck with garments their Gods of gold, and silver, and wood. The same is done to the images of the Saints. That they wipe their faces because of the dust, ver. 13. The like is done to the images of the Saints. That some of those images hold a dagger, some an axe, ver. 15. Thus also the images of the Saints are armed. St. Paul with a sword, St. George with a launce, St Peter with a key like Janus, and St. Christopher with a club like Hercules. That to these images they light candles, though they can­not see, ver. 19. The same is done to the images of the Saints. That these idols are carried upon mens shoulders; That being fallen they cannot rise again. That offerings are made unto them as to the dead. That their Priests gather those of­ferings and make profit of them. That they sing before those images, ver. 25, & seq. What is there in all these, that is not done to the images of the Saints which the Roman Church worshippeth? Who seeth not that Popery imitates Paganism, and that the one is copied out upon the other?

2 Macc. 15.12. it is related that Judas Maccabeus saw in a dream Onias the Priest, and Jeremiah the Prophet, dead long before, praying and interceding for the people of the Jews, and watching for their defence. Of Jeremiah particu­larly it is said that he was of a wonderfull and excellent Majesty, and that he gave to Judas a sword to fight for the people of the Jews. Nevertheless for all this neither Judas nor any of the people called upon Jeremiah or Onias. An evident proof (if that history be not fabulous) that the Jews of that time believed that the Saints in heaven intercede for men living on earth, but yet that they must not be invocated. For if one prayeth for me, it follows not that I must pray to him or defer to him a religious service. Note also, that if the relation be true, Jeremiah and Onias were not in an underground prison, which they call the Limbus of the Fathers.

In the 12th chapter of the same book, v. 43, 44. Judas Maccabeus makes offerings and sacrifices for the dead that had defiled themselves with idolatry; and the rea­son is added why he prayed for the dead, that he was mindfull of the resurrecti­on. For (saith the Author) if he had not hoped that they that were slain should have risen again, it had been superfluous and vain to pray for the dead. Thereby it appears that Judas prayed for those dead men that they should rise unto salvation, and besought God that though they were dead polluted with Idolatry, and (as our Adversaries speak) dead in mortal sin, that God would nevertheless save them in the day of resurrection. It is then (by this Authors judgement) a vain and superfluous thing to pray, not for the resurrection, but to deliver souls out of Purgatory, as the Roman Church doth. Which also approveth not the action of Judas Maccabeus to have made prayers, and offerings for persons dead in motral sin.

In ver. 14. of the sixteenth chapter of Ecclesiasticus, there is in the Greek, which is the Original, [...]. Every one shall find accord­ing to his works. Which text being not favourable to the doctrine of merits, be­cause it is one thing to find according to his works, another thing to find according to the merit of his works, the Bible of the Roman Church doth corrupt it with an horrible falsification; for instead of according to his works, it saith, according to the merit of his works.

So I make no doubt but that the most clear-sighted among our Adversaries with these books abolisht; And that the Council of Trent by the same authority whereby they cut off the third and the fourth book of Ezra from the Canon of the Bible, could willingly have done the same to Tobit, Judith, and the other Apo­crypha's.

We do not then reject these books out of fear that our Adversaries use them against us, but because we are obliged to maintain the authority and purity of holy Scripture, which is lost (as far as in us lieth) when it is mingled with fables, and impious or absurd doctrines, of which these books are full. That shaketh the faith of the weak; and gives occasion of triumph and insultation to the enemies of the Christian name; for they reproach us that we receive fables for the word of God.

CHAP. 64. Belief of the Ancient Greek Church about the Canonical Books.

LEt us hear the Verdict of the Ancients upon this matter, beginning at the Greek and Eastern Church, as more ancient then the Latine and Western.

The Council of Laodicea more ancient then that of Nice, [...]. Can. 58. speaks thus, We must not say in the Church particular Psalms, nor Books not Canonical, but only the Canonical Books of the Old and New Testament. Then they add a list of the Canonical Books, where they put not Tobit, nor Judith, nor Wisdom, nor Ecclesiasticus, nor Susanna, nor the History of Bel and the Dragon, nor the Mac­cabees.

It will not serve to answer, that this was a particular Council, and that it con­sisted only of two and thirty Bishops, since several Universal Councils have ap­proved it, especially the Councel of Trull, Can. 2. in these words, [...]. We rati­fie the Canons of Laodicea, of Phrygia. Wherefore the Ancient Church and all that have laboured about that Code, as Balsamon, Zonaras, Harmenopulus, have inserted it in that Council of Trull.

Regourd 4. Demonst. p. 327.The Jesuite Regourd answereth, that the decisions of the Church are not made all at one time. For he confesseth that at that time, that is, above three hundred years after the birth of Christ, those Books were not yet received as Canonical. And he saith, that they were received soon after. How much he is mistaken in that, we shall shew hereafter. In the mean while the Reader is desired to remem­ber this Confession, that the Apostles, and the Church of their times did not ac­knowledge those Books for Canonical. Will these men be wiser then the A­postles?

Melito Bishop of Sardis, that lived near the time of the Apostles, as Eusebius relates it, in the first Book of his History, chap. 26. in an Epistle to Onesimus makes the enumeration of the Canonical Books, but makes no mention of Tobit, nor of Judith, nor of Wisdom, nor of Ecclesiasticus, nor of Maccabees. Being (saith he) returned into the East, and having stayed in the place where these things have been preached and done; I have diligently set in order the Books of the Old Testament, and have sent them to thee; Of which these are the names; Five Books of Moses, Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, Deuteronomy, Jesus son of Nave, the Judges, Ruth, four Books of Kings, two of Paralipomenon, the Psalms of Da­vid, the Proverbs of Solomon, Wisdom, Ecclesiastes, The Song of Songs, Job: the [Page 194] Prophets, Isaiah, Jeremiah; A Book of twelve Prophets, Daniel, Ezekiel, Ezra. He follows altogether the Canon of the Hebrews, but that he inserteth in it the Book of Wisdom. Whereupon Baronius, An. 172. Sect. 5. speaks thusMelito ex Canone He­braeorum tan­tum quos re­citat libros recensuit. Meli­to tells only the books that are in the Canon of the Hebrews. And Bellarmine in the 1. Book of the Word of God, chap. 20. saith.Multi veterum in Canone expo­nendo Testa­menti Veteris, aperte secuti sunt Hebraeos. Many Ancients, as Melito, E­piphanius, Hilarius, Hieronymus, Ruffinus, expounding the Canon of the Old Te­stament, have altogether followed the Canon of the Hebrews, that is, they have re­jected the Maccabees, Tobit, Judith, &c. It would be very strange if the Fa­thers had left the Canon of the Christians to adhere unto that of the Jews. For why should they follow the Canon of the Jews, that is, that which is found in the Hebrew Bible which is the Original, but that they believed that there was none other? We have seen above, how Hierom, the most learned of all the Fathers, in his Preface upon Daniel, saith that the Fables of Susanna and of Bel and the Dragon have not the authority of Holy Scriptures, because they are not in the Hebrew; wherefore he saith, that he hath given them the black mark of a spear [obelo praenotavimus] as it were to cut their throat. And more clearly yet in his Preface upon Ezra and Nehemiah. Quae non habentur apud illos [Hebrae­os] nec de vi­ginti quatuor senibus sunt, procul abjici­enda. We must cast away very far, all that is not received among the Hebrews, and which is none of the four and twenty Elders. He makes an allusion to the four and twenty Elders mentioned, Rev. 4. according to which number some of them reckoned the Books of the Old Testament, as he saith himself in his Prologus galeatus, and in his Preface upon the Book of Kings. Apocry­pha nescit Ecclesia. Ad Hebraeos igi­tur recurren­dum ést, unde & Dominus loquitur. The Church acknowledgeth not the Apocrypha; we must then return to the He­brew after which also Jesus speaketh. This Father holds all to be Apocrypha which is not found in the Hebrew of the Old Testament.

Origen upon the first Psalm, according to the Testimony of Eusebius in the sixth Book of his History, chap. 24. speaks thus, We must not be ignorant, that there are (as the Hebrews teach) two and twenty Books of the Old Testament, which among them is the number of their Letters. Then he makes an enumeration of those two and twenty Books conformable unto the Hebrew Bible, which is the O­riginal Text; And to give a particular brand to the Maccabees, he saith [...]. With­out are the Maccabees.

Eusebius in his Chronicle translated by Hierom upon the 116. Olympiad. Maccabae­orum historia Hebraea hic Graecorum supputat reg­num. Verum hi [...]libri inter divinas scrip­turas non re­cipiuntur. The History of the Maccabees doth from hence reckon the reign of the Grecians, but these Books are not received among the Divine Scriptures. And in the first Book of the same Chronicles, being come to the time of Nehemiah and Ezra, and having re­lated their History, he addeth,In codice Graeco Scali­geri, pag. 44. [...], &c [...]. As far as Ezra and Nehemiah the Hebrew Scri­ptures have been delivered by the blessed Apostles, the Disciples of the Lord Jesus, to be preached. But that which is happened and done to the Jews since, untill the In­carnation of the Lord, Josephus relates it in his Writings of the Maccabees, and Africanus after him. He acknowledgeth that such Writings as are posteriour to Ezra, were not given to the Church by the Apostles, and that the Church did not receive them to preach them, and that they are grounded only upon the testimony of Josephus, whom he holds to be the Author of the Maccabees.

Demonstr. 4. p. 349.The Jesuite Regourd answereth according to his custom, that if Eusebius had known the determination of the third Council of Carthage, he would have altered his language, that is, he wanted so much to be well instructed in that mat­ter. But how could Eusebius know the determination of the third Council of Carthage which sate many years after his death? That Jesuite hath little knowledge of History.

Among the works of Athanasius, there is a Book entituled Synopsis, which M. du Perron holds to be none of the works of Athanasius. BothBellar. l. 1 de verbo Dei 4 c.. §. ex Graecis. Bellar­mine, and Baronius on the year 342. §. 41. receive it as genuine and true. In that book there is an enumeration of the Canonical books of the Old Testament, and the Author saith that they are two and twenty in number according to the letters of the Hebrew Alphabet. Then he addeth, [...], &c. Besides these, there are [Page 195] others also of the Old Testament, not Canonical, which are read only to the Cate­chumeni; the Wisdom of Solomon, the Wisdom of Jesus the son of Sirach, Esther, Judith, Tobit, &c. Perhaps by Esther he means the rest of Esther. Of the Mac­cabees particularly he saith, Among these books [not Canonical] are reckoned the four Ptolemaical books of the Maccabees.

Whether that book be of Athanasius, or of some other Author, we care not, since we have an Epistle of Athanasius where that holy mans opinion is set down in express terms. All the books of the Old Testament (saith he) are two and twenty in number. Then he addeth.Athana­sii Epist. [...], tom. 2. p. 920. [...] &c. Hunc eun­dem locum invenies apud Balsamonem, edit. nova Parisiensi. p. 921. & 922. Besides these books there are others also which are not put in the Canon, but are propounded by the Fathers to be read by the new comers, and such as will instruct themselves in the word of piety; namely, the Wisdom of Solomon, the Wisdom of Sirach, Esther, Judith, &c. As for the Mac­cabees he doth not so much as name them among the Apocrypha.

The Jesuite Regourd flieth to his ordinary shift, saying in his fourth Demon­stration, p. 347. that then the Church had determined nothing about that mat­ter. By speaking so he confesseth that the Apostles did not hold the books of Tobit, Judith and the Maccabees for Canonical, and that they have determined nothing about it, which is as much as saying that the Roman Church of this time is better instructed then the Apostles. So much the Jesuite Stapleton intimateth,Stapl. de Authorit. Scripturae, l. 2. c. 4. §. 14. p. 360. Cur (inquam) Sapientiam, Ecclesiasti­cum, Tobiam, Judith, & alios Veteris Testamenti li­bros Aposto­lorum tempo­ribus non confirmatos, sed à posteri­oribus Conci­liis in Cano­nem receptos, eo nomine rejiciendos affirmas? In the time of the Apostles (saith he) Tobit, Judith, and other books of the Old Testáment were not confirmed, having been received into the Canon by the posteriour Councils. God forbid that we should presume to be more clear-sighted then the Apostles.

Cyrillus Bishop of Jerusalem in his 4. Catechesis in the chapter of holy Scriptures, makes a list of the books of the Old Testament; and saith that they are but twenty two. All the others, (saith he, speaking of the Apocrypha) are cast out, and are of a second rank. In that Catalogue he puts neither Tobit, nor Judith, nor Ecclesi­asticus, nor Wisdom, nor Susanna, nor the Maccabees. He wholly follows the Canon of the Hebrews, and declares why he doth so.

Read (saith he) these two and twenty books, and have nothing common with the Apocrypha. Again, Meditate carefully those only, whom also we read in the Church safely [...].. The Apostles and the antient Bishops, leaders of the Church, who have taught them, were far wiser then thou. Cyrillus then hath followed the Canon of the Hebrews to obey the command of the Apostles.

Gregory Nazianzen, called by excellency the Divine, hath made verses pur­posely of that matter, which begin thus, [...].

As many books to th' Old Covenant belong
As there are letters in the Holy tongue.

Then he makes an enumeration of those two and twenty books, without Tobit, Judith, Bel, Susanna, Ecclesiasticus, and the Maccabees. It is too much peremptori­ness to affirm without proof, as M. du Perron doth, that these verses are none of Gregories, seeing that they relish the vein of his other verses, and are inserted among them.Lib. 1. de verbo Dei, cap. 4. §. Ex Graecis. Bellarmin receiveth them without difficulty.

Other verses we have of the same time in Iambick meeters, made by Amphi­lochius Bishop of Iconium, which are found among those of Gregory, and are set down by Balsamon. In those verses he makes a Catalogue of the divine books, among which neither Judith, nor Tobit, nor Ecclesiasticus, nor Wisdom, nor the Maccabees are found.

Epiphanius Bishop of Salamin in Cyprus, who is almost their contemporary, saith the same, in the book of weights and measures: where after he hath restrained the Canonical books to the number of twenty two, he addeth: For the two books written in rows of sentences, namely, that which is called the Pana­retus of Solomon, and that of Jesus son of Sirach, are indeed usefull and profita­ble, but [...] are not put in the number of the Oracles. Wherefore also they were not put in the Ark of the Covenant. The same he saith in the heresie of the Epi­cureans, which is the VIII; and in that of the Anomoeans or Aetians, which is [Page 196] the 76. It is true that there he makes a Catalogue of the divine Scriptures, among which he puts Ecclesiasticus and Wisdom, but he sets them after the Revelation, removing them from the Old Testament, which he would not have done, had he not found some difficulty in receiving them. As also in the heresie of the Epi­picureans he saith that there is doubt made of those books. Howsoever he omits all the other books that are in question, the Maccabees, Tobit, Judith, &c. They that say that Epiphanius followed the Canon of the Jews, say true; for he acknowledged no other. And they that speak so, ought to produce some other place of Epiphanius where he speaks of two sorts of Canons, and distinguisheth the Canon of the Jews from that of the Christians.

To these I add Chrysostome in the fourth Homily upon Genesis, speaking of the books of the Old Testament.Pag. 32. [...]. All the divine Scriptures (saith he) of the Old Testament were first written in Hebrew. How comes it to pass then that the books contended about, as Judith, Ecclesiasticus and the Maccabees, are not found in the Hebrew, if they be divine Scriptures?

Damascenus, An. 750. though much posteriour in time, must not be omitted, because our Adversaries value him much as a great Patron of the adoration of images. In the fourth book of the orthodox faith, chap. 18. he saith that there are two and twenty books in the Old Testament according to the number of the Hebrew letters. Then he makes a whole Catalogue of those books wherein he puts neither Tobit, nor Judith; nor the Maccabees, nor Wisdom, nor Ecclesiasticus. Of these two last he speaks thus; The Panaret, that is the Wisdom of Solomon, and the Wisdom of Jesus [...]. are books full of vertue, and good; but they are not put in this number, and were not put in the Ark. An errour which he borrowed from Epiphanius, to be­lieve that the sacred books were inclosed in the Ark. See 1 Kings 8.9. 2 Chron. 5.10.

CHAP. LXV. Belief of the Fathers of the Latine or Western Church about the Canoni­cal books. And that the Cardinal doth not truly represent it.

CArdinal du Perron being cast by the judgement of the Greek Church, hath recourse to the Western Church, saying that there was never any Latine Au­thor that had taken the licence of overthrowing the authority of the book of Mac­cabees, before St. Hierom, and Ruffinus after him. The same he saith of the other books that are in question. If he saith true, and if the Greek Church in such an important point did differ from the Roman, it sheweth that the Greek Church was not subject unto the Roman.

The Reader may also observe the Cardinals subtilty, to have recourse to the Latin Church against the Greek, in a matter of which he knows that few Latin Fathers have written. Yet let us see what their sense was.

Hierom in his Preface upon the Proverbs of Solomon speaks thus.Sicut er­go Judith & Tobiae & Maccabaeo­rum libros legit quidem Ecclesia, sed eos inter Ca­nonicas Scrip­turas non re­cipit; sic & haec duo volu­mina, Sapien­tiam Solo­monis & Jesu filii Si­rach, legat ad ae dificatio­nem plebis, non ad autho­ritatem Ec­clesiasticorum dogmatum confirman­dam. As the Church reads indeed the books of Judith, of Tobit, and of the Maccabees, but re­ceiveth them not among the Canonical Scriptures: So let her read these two volumes for the edification of the Church, not to confirm the authority of the doctrines of the Church. Note that he sets forth the belief of the Church of his time as well as his own. In the same place he saith that the inscription of the book of the Wisdom of Solomon is false. And in his Prologus Galeatus, Sapientia quae vulgo Solomonis inscribitur & Iesu filii Sirach liber, & Iudith & Tobias & Pastor non sunt in Canone. The book of Wis­dom and that of Jesus son of Sirach, and Judith, and Tobit, and the Pastor are not Canonical.

Ruffinus in the Exposition of the Symbole speaks thus,Sciendum ta­men est quod & alii libri sunt qui non Canonici sed Ecclesiastici à majoribus appellati sunt, ut est Sapientia Solomonis, & illa Sapientia quae dicitur filii Sirach. Ejusdem ordinis est libellus Tobiae, & Judith, & Maccabaeorum libri, &c. It must be known [Page 197] that there are other books which the Antients have not called Canonical but Ec­clesiastical, as the Wisdom of Solomon, and the other Wisdom, which is said to be of Jesus son of Sirach. Of the same rank are the book of Tobit, Judith, and the books of the Maccabees. And in the New Testament the book that is called Pasto­ral or Hermes, the Judgement of Peter. All which they would have to be read in the Church, but not to be alledged to confirm the authority of the faith. He speaks as of a thing established by the Antients, herein contradicting our Cardinal, who will perswade us that Hierom and Ruffin are the first that have spoken so.

In vain should one object here that Ruffinus is accused of heresie by Hierom, who calls him a Scorpion; for there was a mortall hatred between Hierom and Ruffinus, and they have written grievous invectives the one against the other. Yet suppose that he was an heretick. It is enough that in this point he is with Hierom, and that none of the enemies of Ruffinus did ever taxe him for putting Tobias, Judith, and the Maccabees out of the rank of the Canonical books. That which grieveth most our Adversaries, is, that Ruffinus puts the Maccabees and Judith in the same row as the book called Pastor, which is a fabulous and ridi­culous book.

Our adversaries give us eight books of Apostolical Constitutions, which they say to be of Clement Bishop of Rome, the next successor to St. Peter: There inIn editio­ne Latina Bovii Tomo Concil. 1. the second book, chap. 61. there is a Catalogue of Canonical books, where neither Tobit, nor Judith, nor Ecclesiasticus, nor Wisdom, nor the Maccabees are found.

Tertullian is a hundred and fourscore years more antient then Hierom. He saith in the fourth book of his verses against Marcion, in the seventh chapter, thatAlarum numerus an­tiqua volu­mina signat, Esse satis circa viginti quatuor ista. by the twenty four wings of the animals mentioned in the Revelation the twen­ty four antient volumes are designed. Others reckon but twenty two: for Hie­rom in his above mentioned Prologue saith that some did reckon four and twen­ty books of the Old Testament, because they reckoned separately the Lamentations of Jeremiah, and the History of Ruth; saying that they represent the twenty four wings of the animals. It is clear that Tertullian did not acknowledge the books of the Maccabees for Canonical Scriptures, since in the third chapter of his book de corona militis, he puts prayers and offerings for the dead among the unwritten Traditions. For in the twelfth chapter of the second of the Maccabees there is an example of it.

Hilary Bishop of Poitiers writ some fifty or sixty years before Hierom. In his Prologue of the Psalms he saith, The Law of the Old Testament is reduced to two and twenty books, that they may fit the number of the Hebrew letters. Then he makes the Catalogue of those books where he puts none of those that are que­stioned between us and our Adversaries, and saith that this doctrineIta se­cundum tra­ditiones vete­rum. comes from the Tradition of the Antients. Here Regourd doth contradict himself, choler having disjointed his memory.In the fourth de­monstration, p. 354. & 355. He saith that Hilary receiving Daniel, Esther, and Jeremiah, comprehends under Daniel the hymn of the three children, Su­sanna, and the history of Bel; and under Esther the six last chapters; forgetting that he had said in the page before that Hilary makes the Catalogue of the books of the Old Testament according to the Canon of the Jews, who never received the book of Susanna, nor the history of Bel, as also they never received more of the book of Esther then is in the Hebrew.

Philastrius Bishop of Brixia in Italy writ a little before Hierom about the year 380. In his book of heresies, in the chapter of the Apocrypha he saith that it was commanded by the Apostles that nothing should be read in the Church but the Law and the Prophets, and the Gospels, &c. comprehending all the Old Testa­ment under the Law and the Prophets. Now it was never heard that Judith, or Susanna or the Maccabees should be either the Law or the Prophets.

Austin is express to this purpose in his second book against Gaudentius, ch. 23. where he puts the Maccabees out of the rank of the Law and the Prophets, saying,E [...] hanc quidem Scri­pturam quae appellatur Maccabaeo­rum, non ha­bent Iudaei, sicut Legem, Prophetas & Psalmos qui­bus Deus te­stimonium perhibet. The Jews receive not that Scripture which is called the Maccabees as the Law, the Prophets and the Psalms to which the Lord beareth testimony. Austin [Page 198] saith plainly that God beareth no testimony to the book of Maccabees as he beareth unto the Law and the Prophets. Then the Maccabees belong neither to the Law nor to the Prophets.

But the words of Philastrius are the most remarkable of all in the ninth chapter, where he speaks of the hereticks Hermiotites and Prodianites. Among whose he­resies he puts this,Hi Sapi­entiae libro utuntur Si­rach illius qui scripsit post Solomo­nem, id est post mulla tempora li­brum unum Sapientiae. That they use the book of Wisdom of that Sirach who long after Solomon writ a book of Wisdom.

It was then a great neglience or oversight in the Cardinal to affirm that before Hierom none of the Latin or Occidental Church hath rejected the book of the Maccabees.

The Churches of Gaules, a little after Hieromes time, are witnesses on our side. For in the seventh volume of the works of Austin, there is an Epistle of Hilary Bishop of Arles to Austin; wherein Hilary saith that in Gaules they did not approve that he had used a text of Wisdom, because the book is not Canonical.Illud eti­am testimoni­um quod po­suisti Raptus est ne mali­tia mutaret intellectum ejus, tan­quam non Canonicum definiunt omittendum. They define (saith he) that this text must be omit­ted, because it is not canonical. Now although those Gaules dissented from Austin in the point of predestination, saying that God hath nor predesti­nated unto salvation those whom he foresaw that they should believe in Je­sus Christ. Austin on the contrary maintaining that God hath predestinated unto salvation those unto whom he will give faith and repentance, and that the use of grace depends not from the free will of man, but from the absolute Electi­on of God; yet those Gaules were accounted faithfull Christians in their countrey, and are called by Prosper in the precedent Epistle, servants of Christ. Chrysostome hath spoken far harder then they in that matter, and is not therefore called an heretick. These Gaules rejecting the book of Wisdom, followed the belief of the Gallican Church. Wherefore also Hilary doth not reprove them. And Austin speaks often as they do, as we shall see hereafter; although in the book of the pre­destination of Saints, disputing against these Gaules, he indeavoureth to exalt that book of Wisdom, being grieved that he had been reproved.

I cannot but bring here a text of Gregory the I. although he lived towards the end of the sixth age; That Gregory, of all the Bishops of Rome the most esteem­ed, in the nineteenth of his Morals, chap. 17. before he alledged a text of the Maccabees, made a preface of excuses for using a text that was not Canonical.Qua de re non inor­dinate agi­mus si ex li­bris licet non Canonicis, sed tamen ad aedificationem Ecclesiae edi­tis, testimo­nium profe­ramus. Of which thing (saith he) we do not treat without order and reason, if we bring a testimony from books that are not Canonical, but have been publisht for the edification of the Church. Then he adds the text of the Maccabees, where Eleazar put himself to death, going under an Elephant, to destroy those that rid upon him. Upon which place Ambrosius Catharinus, a man of great learning and reputation among our Adversaries, speaks in this manner,Cathar. Opusc. de lib. Canoni­cis, col. 302. B. Gregorius authoritate (ut opinor) Hieronymi motus vide­tur concedere illos non esse Canonicos. St. Gregory moved (as I think) by the authority of St. Hierom, seems to grant that these books are not Canonical.

Cardinal du Perron bends here all his wit to avoid that blow. He saith that Gregory was yet but a Deacon when he writ that book. But if herein he spake amiss, why did he not correct that fault when he was made a Bishop? Why would he suffer that to remain among his works?

He saithDu Perron. p. 441. also that the first draught of that Comment was made in the East, intimating that he perfected it, and writ it fair when he was returned to Rome. But what is that to the purpose? Was Gregory an hypocrite, writing among the Grecians against the sense of the Roman Church?Baron. an. 586 §. 25. & An. 593. §. 72. Greg. l. 4. Ep. 46. Indict. 13. And if he writ there but the rough draught of the book, it is like that the Grecians did not see it.

But acknowledging that these two answers have but little colour, he finds out a third shift, which overthrows the two former. He saith that Gregories words must be expounded, as supposing, not granting; as if he said; Suppose that the books were not Canonical, yet they have been written for the edification of the Church. There is in the Latin, Si ex libris licet non Canonicis, sed tamen ad aedificationem Ecclesiae editis testimonium proferamus. One would think that the Cardinal had more skill in the Latin tongue, then to translate licet non [Page 199] Canonicis, suppose that they were not Canonical: for licet signifieth although, not suppose. Besides the Cardinal adds the word were, which is not in the Latin. Then by that exposition he overthrows the sense of Gregory: For if Gregory declareth by these words that he holds the books of Maccabees to be Canonical (as the Cardinal will have it) to what purpose should he make excuses for al­ledging them?

HereDemon­str. 4. p. 350. Regourd rejecteth the Cardinals opinion, and finds another solution which is no better. He saith that Gregory understands that the Maccabees are not Canonical according to the Canon of the Jews, although they be Canonical according to the Canon of the Christian Church.

But that is speaking against conscience; for why should Gregory forsake the Canon of the Christians to comply with the Canon of the Jews? Would he have made excuses before he alledged a text of the Maccabees, if the Christians re­ceived that book for Canonical? Would he excuse himself to the Christians for believing as they do? Or would he excuse himself to the Jews whom he did not fear? Doth he make any mention of the Jews or of their Canon? Nay, doth he not directly say that the Maccabees are not Canonical? Who seeth not that he makes excuses to the Christians for using a book which they approved not? As indeed to mitigate them, he addeth, that although the book be not Canonical, yet it was written for the edification of the Church: which may be said of many books which are not Canonical.

The book of the wonders of Scripture which is found in the third Tome of St. Austin in the second book, chap. 33. speaks thus,De lacu vero & Abacak translato in Belis & Dra­conis fabula in hoc ordine non ponitur, quod in au­thoritate di­vinae Scrip­turae non habetur. That which is related the second time of the [Lions] den, and of the transportation of Habacuk, in the fable of Bel and the dragon, is not put in this rank, because it is not held to have the authority of divine Scripture.

CHAP. 66. Confutation of the Cardinals shifts.

ALL that the Cardinal opposeth to all that was said before,Pag. 441. is so weak that it may be thrown down with blowing upon it.

He saith that Cyprian calls the Maccabees divine Scriptures. That Ambrose alledging the Maccabees crieth out, Moses saith as it is written in the book of the Maccabees. That Lucifer Bishop of Sardinia calls the Maccabees the holy Scripture. But none of these calls the Maccabees Canonical. He saith also that the Fathers often alledge these books saying, It is written. But who knows not that the same Fathers often alledge books as sacred which never were held Canonical? Irenaeus in the fourth book chap. 37. alledging the book of Pastor, otherwise called Hermes, saith, Bene pronuntiavit Scriptura, Scripture hath well pronounced. Clemens Alexandrinus 1. Stromaton, towards the end of the book, alledging the same book, brings forth a place of the same, which he saith to be divinely revealed. The like is found in Athanasius in the book of the Incar­nation of the Word. Among the Popes Decretals, the first of Pope Pius the first speaks thus,Istis temporibus Hermes Do­ctor fidei & Scripturarum effulsit. In that time Hermes a Doctor of the faith and of the Scrip­tures did shine among us. And upon that he relates the fable of an Angel ap­pearing to Hermes in a Shepherds habit. Yet he calls that Scripture. Pope Ge­lasius Dist. 15. Can. Sancta Romana. puts that book of Hermes among the Apocrypha. Gelas. Cysicen. Concilii Ni­ceni l. 2. c. 18. p. 546. [...]. The Fathers of Nice in full Council alledging the book of the Assumption of Moses, say, We shall propound that which is in Scripture. Ambrose in his book of the good of death, chap. 10. alledgeth the third book of Ezra; and so doth Austin in the sixth chapter of the fourth book to Bonifacius. Yet the Roman Church puts that book among the Apocrypha.

Then he saith that Hierom hath also doubted of the Epistle to the Hebrews. [Page 200] But though it were so (for we could prove the contrary) what doth that to invalid that which he saith that the Church did not receive Tobit, Judith, the Maccabees, &c. among the Canonical books? Our dispute is only of the books of the Old Testament.

Page 442.He adds that Hierom hath been induced to do this, by the Jews among whom he dwelt, which is a conjecture without proof, and a crime of disloyalty and prevarication against the Christian Church, charged upon St. Hierom. Yea he goeth so far as to say that Hierom had given money to the Jews to be helped by them in the Edition of his Bible. Page 443. Whence he will infer that Hierom endeavou­red to please the Jews, sworn enemies to Christ, because he had need of their help in his labour.

Page 443.He saith also that Hierom being since more exactly instructed of the true sense of the Church, changed his opinion, and retracted both in general and in par­ticular what he had said in three Prologues. And thereupon he brings some places of Hierom, which he will have us rather to regard. But there is nothing so authentical in all his works, as his Prefaces presixed before the holy Scripture, where he declareth that such is the sense of the Church. Yet let us see these places.

Hierom having said in his Prefaces before Daniel, that theSusanne Belisque ac draconis fa­bulas non contineri in Hebraico. fables of Su­sanna, and Bell, and the Dragon, are not in the Hebrew, and that these books have not the authority of holy Scriptures, and being reproved for it by Ruffinus, he excuseth it in his second Apology against Ruffinus, saying, that he did not speak his sense, but what the Jews said. But he doth not retract what he had said in his Prologus Galeatus, that all that is besides the two and twenty books of the Hebrew Bible must be accounted Apocrypha. Nor what he had said in the Preface before the books of Solomon, that the Church receiveth not the books of Tobit, Judith and the Maccabees for Canonicäl.

He brings a second testimony of Hieroms Preface upon Tobit, That the Hebrews cut off the book of Tobit from the divine Scriptures. But I see not in that any retractation. There is none of us but may say as much.

The Cardinal adds a third place maliciously clipt and corrupted. He alledgeth these words out of the same Preface, The jealousie of the Hebrews doth accuse us, and imputes to us that against their Canon we transferr the book of Tobit to Latine ears. But I judge it better to be displeasing to the judgement of the Pharisees, and to be obedient to the commandment of Bishops. By these words so clipt, one may understand Hieroms meaning to be that by receiving the book of Tobit into the Canon, he would displease the Jews to obey the Bishops: But Hierom had said a little before that the Bishops prest him earnestly to translate the book of Tobit into Latin. Then he addeth, that the Jews were displeased at that trans­lation, but that it was better to displease them, obeying the Bishops who had desired him to bestow his labour upon it. That those Bishops should hold that book of Tobit for Canonical, he doth not mention at all.

He brings two places more of Hierom, whereby he sets Judith among the sa­cred books, and saith that the Council of Nice hath received it among the Holy Scriptures.

For answer I have already proved by express texts that the Fathers will often attribute the title of sacred books to books not Canonical, and such as the Roman Church holds for Apocrypha. And as for that he saith that Hierom in his Preface upon Judith saith that the Council of Nice received the book of Judith among the Canonical books, he makes Hierom say more then he doth; for he doth not directly affirm that, but only relates it upon the faith of another; thereby acknowledging that himself had read no such thing, nor found it in the Council of Nice. These are his words,Apud Hebraeos liber Judith inter hagiographa legitur, cujus authoritas ad roboranda illa quae in con­tentionem veniunt mi­nus idonea judicatur, &c. Sed quia hunc librum Synodus Nicena in numero san­ctarum Sc [...]ip­turarum legi­tur compu­tasse, acquievi postulationi vestrae. Among the Hebrews the book of Judith is read among the Hagiographa, a book whose authority is judged not to be very fit to confirm the things that are in controversie. Yet being written in Chaldean, it is put among the histories. But because it is read that the Council of Nice hath counted it among the holy Scriptures, I have condescended to your request. He had read some Author that [Page 201] related that this had been said in the Council. But how little credence he gives to that Author, it appeareth in that he saith that this book is held to be of small authority to decide controversies. When Hierom writ so many times that the book of Judith was not Canonical, had he not read the Council of Nice? I could produce a multitude of antient witnesses that say that the Council of Nice made but twenty Canons, whom we have entire to this day; in which there is not one word of Judith. The Reader may ponder these words of Hierom upon the first of Haggai. Et in Judith, si quis tamen li­brum vult re­cipere mulie­ris. As it is written in Judith, yet if any will receive the book of a woman. And in the eleventh Epistle to Furia. Legimus in Judith (si cui tamen placet volu­men recipere) viduam con­fectam jeju­niis, &c. We read in Judith (if any will receive that volume) that a widow, &c. Which is more, in the said preface upon Judith he saith thatLibri Ju­dith authori­tas ad robo­randailla quae in contentio nem vemunt, minus idonea judicatur. the authority of the book of Judith is judged not to be very meet for confirming the emergent doubts, &c.

Finally the Cardinal alledgeth a place of Hierom in the last chapter of the book of the Ecclesiastical writers, that saith that Scripture relateth how Alexander came out of the land of Kittim; That taken out of the beginning of the Maccabees. But Hierom saith not that the Maccabees are Canonical. Pope Nicolas the first in his Epistle to the Emperour Lewis speaks thus:In Scrip­turis narratur Constanti­nus Impera­tor divisse. In the Scriptures it is related that the Emperour Constantine hath said, &c. He takes the word of Scripture for writings & histories.

Pag. 345.The Jesuite Regourd is storming about that question with much impatience; But in the end, truth fetcheth that confession from him, That St. Hierom deem­ed not that in his time the Church had as yet inserted those books in the rank of the Canonical books. But it is not credible that Hierom was deceived in that point, and that he should be ignorant what books were at that time received in the Church for Canonical. And if he was overseen in this matter, at least he ought to have given order that his Preface set in the front of the Bible, (where he de­clareth all these books to be Apocrypha) should be corrected. The same Jesuite to make the Reader merry, saith that Hierom having omitted the book of Judith, received it since after the decision of the Council of Nice: as if Hierom had writ­ten his first works before the Council of Nice, which sate before Hierom was born, or at least when Hierom was in his first infancy; so ignorant is that Jesuite in history. Besides, the Council of Nice made no decision upon that.

From Hierom the Cardinal passeth to Hilary, who in his Prologue upon the Psalms excludeth the Maccabees, Judith, &c. from the Catalogue of the Cano­nical books. He upbraids Hilary that he hath taken that from Origen, and hath translated it. But it is all one, since he approveth the doctrine of Origen. He saith also that when Hilary said that herein he followed the doctrine of the An­tients, by the Antients he understands the Jews. That shift is ridiculous, and of that there is no trace in Hilary. The Christians never speak so, and acknow­ledge not the Jews in the time of the Maccabees for their Fathers or Elders. If Hilary hath taken that from Origen, is it not evident that Origen is one of those Elders whom he hath followed?

Finally the Cardinal shuts up his discourse with four warnings. The first is,Page 441. & seq. that the Synopsis is not of Athanasius. To which we have already answered.

The second warning is, that many Fathers of the Greek Church make Cata­logues of the Canonical books, in which Judith, Tobit, Ecclesiasticus, Page 444. Wisdom (which he calls posthumous books) are omitted; And that nevertheless there is not one of those books but was used by the Fathers in quality of a sacred book. And upon that he brings many places of Greek Fathers who alledge those books, and yet call them not sacred. All that is to no purpose; for alledging a book is not receiving it for Canonical. For then we should say that Menander, Aratus and Epimenides alledged by St. Paul are Canonical Authors. We have shew­ed also that Fathers will alledge the book of Pastor, and the third and fourth of Ezra with the like respect, although they be Apocrypha. We have shewed al­so that this Elogie of sacred books is taken sometimes largely, and is attributed also unto books not Canonical. And what reason or sincerity is in this, after a Father hath expresly declared that such and such books are not Canonical (of which we have brought many testimonies) to go about to overthrow that [Page 200] [...] [Page 201] [...] [Page 202] affirmation by some other places where those books are only alledged, but not called Canonical?

The Cardinal hath an especial flie trick about the book of the Maccabees. For that word of Maccabees is taken three wayes;Page 446. sometimes for the Maccabees, sometimes for Judas Maccabeus and his brothers, sometimes for the seven chil­dren martyred by Antiochus; Josephus calls them so, and hath made an express book of them, that bears that title. M. du Perron makes use of that ambiguity to deceive. Origen in the eighth book against Celsus saith that the History of the Maccabees is attested by the testimony of two whole Nations, where by the history of the Maccabees he understands, not the books intituled the Mac­cabees, as M. du Perron takes it, but the things happened in the time of Juda Maccabeus and his brethren. He adds that Chrysostome upon Psal. 43. saith, that David in that Psalm hath prophesied the things that were to happen in the time of the Maccabees.

And Theodoret saith the like upon Romans 8. Those places say only that God had foretold the afflictions of the Church that were to come in the time of the Maccabees, that is of Juda and his brethren, but speak not of the books of Mac­cabees, nor of their authority.

His third warning, is that the Fathers followed according to the exigence of their purpose, sometimes the primitive supputation of the Jews which is the Canon of the Hebrews, sometimes the accessory supputation of the Chri­stians. But he confirms this with no example, but that of Origen (whom he useth to revile as a Father of errours, and an Author of no authority) and Epiphanius; Of the testimonies of these two Authors we have spoken before, and we need not repeat them here. After all, what is following the Canon of the Hebrews, but following the truth of the Hebrew Bible, and about the number of the books of the Old Testament following the Church of the Old Te­stament, to which the Oracles of God have been committed! How can it be that a book that was not divine nor Canonical under the Old Testament, should become such under the New Testament?

But that shift is clearly confuted by Hierom in his Preface upon Daniel, where he saith that Porphyrius, the capital enemy of Jesus Christ, to invalid the certain­ty of the Prophecies of Daniel, objecteth that Daniel by the Greek clinches up­on names of trees, falsely presupposeth that they spoke Greek in Babylon. To which Hierom answers,The text of Hierom we have before set in the Margent, chap. 65. that the book of Susanna and the history of Bel are fables, and have not Daniel for their Author, but a certain Habacuk a Levite, and that he had cut off that book long before from the Canon, setting a black mark upon it, joining himself with the Greek Doctors, who think not themselves obliged to answer Porphyrius for those books, because they are not in the Hebrew, and have not the authority of holy Scriptures: openly declaring that the books that are not in the Hebrew, are none of the holy Scriptures of the Old Testament.

By the way we will observe a notorious ignorance of the Cardinal. In the fiftieth chapter of the first book,Page 446. of the first Edi­tion. he saith that the same Greek Authors speaking of the books of the Old Testament, would follow according to the exigence of their pur­pose, sometimes the primitive supputation of the Jews and the Rabbinical tradition of the Canon of Ezra, and of the books inclosed in the Ark, &c. sometimes the accessory supputation of the Christians. His calling the enumeration of the Canonical books a supputation, is a light fault. But it is intolerable that he should call it in contempt, a Rabbinical supputation, and would make us believe that the books of the Canon of Ezra (so he calls in contempt the books of the Hebrew Bible) were inclosed in the Ark of the Covenant. For not only that Ark was no more in the time of Ezra, but even while the Ark was, and in all the time from Moses to the destruction of the Temple, it will not be found that ever the sacred books were put within the Ark. Scripture is express upon that 1 Kings 8.9. There was nothing within the Ark but the two Tables of stone which Moses put there at Horeb. The same is said, 2 Chron. 5.10. That which the Apostle saith, Heb. 9.4. that in the Ark there was a pot of gold which had Manna, and the [Page 203] rod of Aaron, doth not contradict this: For the Apostle speaks of the time of Moses. But in the time of Solomon that Manna and that rod were no more in the Ark, nor neer it, being (as is likely) corrupted by the length of time. The Cardinal putting the books of the Canon of Ezra in the Ark was deceived by Epiphanius, who saith so much in the book of measures and weights. How could the books of the Canon of Ezra have been put in the Ark, seeing that in Ezra's time the Ark was no more?

The Cardinal sheweth how little his skill was in Hebrew, alledging a place of Origen taken out of Eusebius in the sixth book of his history, chap. 19. where Origen saith that the Hebrews called the books of Maccabees, Sarbit Sarbaneel, that is, the Scepter of the Prince of Gods children. He that at the least occa­sions strives to set out proofs of his great learning, ought to have redrest that wronged place, and given notice to the Reader that he must read Sar bene el, and not make of three words one, and not put bane for bene.

His fourth and last observation is,Page 448. that of those very Fathers that make a Ca­non or Catalogue of the books of the Old Testament where the Maccabees are past over in silence, there is not one that giveth a perfect Canon or Catalogue, and that there is alwayes some defect, even by the judgement of the Ministers of Geneva. That Melito omits the book of Hester; Cyrillus, the Revelation. The Synopsis attributed to Athanasius, the book of Esther. Nazianzen, Esther and the Revelation. That Amphilochius questions the same two books. That Jose­phus omitteth the book of Job. All these the Cardinal brings to no pur­pose. For as for the Revelation, it is a book of the New Testament: But the question is of the books of the Old. As for the book of Esther, I suppose that Melito or Eusebius have left it out, only out of forgetfulness; And that Atha­nasius putting Esther among the not Canonical, by Esther meant the rest of Esther. As for Josephus he was a Jew, not a Christian; Now we have to do here only with the belief of the Antient Christians. In that the Cardinal saith that of the Fathers that follow the Canon of the Hebrews there is not one that gives a perfect Canon, and that there is alwayes some defect, his memory failed him. For in the Catalogue of the books of the Old Testament which Hierom gives us, no book is omitted, nor in that of Ruffinus, nor in that of Hilary, nor in that of Cyrillus of Jerusalem, who only adds to the Canon a little Epistle of Baruch. The same I say of Epiphanius in the heresie of the Epioureans, and of Damascenus; and so in many, little or no defect will be found.

He adds that St. John relates that our Saviour was present at the Feast of the dedication in winter,John 10. the institution whereof is related in the only history of the Maccabees. For (saith he) the history of the winter dedication was necessary to salvation, because without it the ordinary sacrifices could not be lawfull, and by consequent it had need of the attestation of a Canonical writing. I answer, that St. John alledgeth not the Maccabees, and takes them not for witnesses. Only he saith that Christ was in the Temhle at that Feast, without either approving or disproving the institution thereof. Besides it is somewhat a hard sentence, to pronounce that without the knowledge of the institution of a Feast a man could not be saved.

With the like absurdity, to prove that the books of Maccabees are Canonical,Page 449. he saith that the Apostle to the Hebrews saith, the Martyrs were tympanized (our English version translates it, were tortured, Heb. 11.35. [...].) and that he took that word of tympanizing from the second of the Maccabees. And that (saith he) not in matters known by natural light, or manners; but in matter of faith. I wonder at such an impertinent reason. For that certain Martyrs have been tympanized, is not a point of faith, but an history. If a word which St. Luke or St. John useth, is found in some Pagan Author, it followeth not that such a Pa­gan book is Canonical, although both should relate the same history. And if any had alledged in the margent of St. Luke some Pagan author, he had not thereby declared that be holds the book for Canonical.

CHAP. 67. Of the opinion of St. Austin concerning the Canonical books. And of the Canon of the third Council of Carthage, upon which the Cardinal grounds himself.

SAint Austin is the only of all the Fathers that speaks of this matter with so much diversity and contrariety, that it is impossible to draw any certain­ty from his assertions.

In the second book of the Christian Doctrine, chap. 8. he makes an enumera­tion of the Canonical books, where it is evident that he takes the word Canonical in another sense then it is taken by the other Fathers, namely for the books which the Universal Christian Church hath received for divine and sacred, and for rules of the faith. But in that place he makes many sorts of Canonical books, some of greater, some of lesser authority, which nevertheless he calls Canonical. These are his words.In Cano­nicis autem Scripturis Ecclesiarum Catholicarum quampluri­um authorita­tem sequatur, &c. Tenebit igitur hunc modum in Scripturis Canonicis ut cas quae ab omnibus acci­piuntur Ec­clesiis Catho­licis praeponat eis quas quaedam non accipiunt. In cis vero quae non accipiun­tur ab omni­bus praeponi eas quas plu­res graviores­que accipiunt. The industrious seeker of Canonical Scriptures must keep this rule in matter of Canonical Scriptures; to prefer the Scriptures that are re­ceived by all the Catholick Churches to them which some Churches receive not. But as for those that are received by all the Churches, let him make more of those which more Churches and more honourable receive, then of those that are received by Churches inferiour in number and authority. But if some Scriptures be found of which some be received by the more honourable Churches, and some be received by the greater number of Churches, although he cannot find that, yet I think that they must be held in the like authority.

Now let any man judge in what uncertainties this Father intangleth mens under­standings; if so be that to know which are the Canonical Scriptures of great or small authority, we must number and weigh the Churches. By his account, if of fifty Churches ten receive a book for Canonical, and fourty reject it, the book shall be Canonical, but of small authority. But if twenty receive it, and thirty reject it, the authority thereof shall grow a little. And if a great and famous Church receives it, and ten little Churches reject it, there he leaves mens minds ballancing. At least he ought to define what number of Churches is requisite to make a book Canonical. No doubt but that discourse of Austin is very much displeasing to our Adversaries. For why doth he not send them in that irreso­lution unto the Pope and to the Roman Church, which in our dayes ascribes to her self the authority of defining the Canon of Scriptures? But in those dayes they did not speak so: And the Church of Africa, to which Austin did belong, was not subject unto the Roman. That good Bishop in his reception did not receive from the Bishop of Rome his letters of investiture, and did not take an oath of allegiance to him. Besides, if those books which he saith to be of less au­thority be received as infallible, they are of soveraign authority: but if they hold them not for infallible, they are not Canonical.

Austin having given such an uncertain rule to know the Canonical books, makes a Catalogue of them, and puts among them Tobit, Judith, and the Mac­cabees; and no wonder, since that a book may be Canonical, it is enough in his account, that it be received by some few Churches, although the greatest num­ber of Churches reject them. And there again he plungeth mens understandings into a greater uncertainty, for while he makes that Catalogue, he doth not speci­fie which of them are of greater, which of lesser authority; and leaveth us to count the number, and weigh the quality of Churches.

But in other places he contradicts himself; for having said in this place that the Wisdom of Solomon and Ecclesiastious are Canonical; in other places he saith that they are not Canonical; as in the twentieth chapter of the seventeenth book of the City of God, where he speaks thus; It is found that Solomon hath prophecied in his books; of which there are three which are received with Canonical authority, [Page 205] the Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, and the Song of Songs. But the other two, Wisdom and Ecclesiasticus, custome hath obtained that they should be called Solomons books, because of some likeness of stile. But the most learned hold it for certain that they are none of his. Then he addeth, that the Occidental Church hath received them; Not then the Oriental. But Hierom, Ruffin, Hilary, Philastius and the Gallican Chur­ches contradict him, as we have seen.

In the same chapter he alledgeth Ecclesiasticus, then he addeth, as correcting himself, But the things that are not written in the Canon of the Jews, are not alledg­ed with so much authority.

It is very considerable, that in that place he doth not only put the Wisdom of Solomon and Ecclesiasticus out of the rank of the Canonical books, against that which he had said in the second book of the Christian doctrine, chap. 8. but also by saying that the book of Wisdom is not of Solomon, he accuseth the Author of untruth, who saith himself to be Solomon: For so he speaks to God, chap. 9. ver. 7, 8. Thou hast elected me to be King of thy people. Thou hast told me that I should build thee a Temple in thy holy mountain.

He giveth the like usage to Ecclesiasticus, which he puts among the Canonical books in the second book of the Christian doctrine, chap. 8. and yet in another place he fights against that book, and confutes the doctrine of the same. For whereas the said book chap. 46.21. affirmeth that Samuel hath prophecied after his death, and lift up his voice out of the earth, though this was done by a witch and by the power of the Devil; Austin disputes against it in the second book of questions to Simplician, in the third question; declaring it a very improper thing to put the spirits of the Saints in the power of Devil, and maintaining that it was not Samuel that spake to Saul, but the Devil in the form of Samuel; In hoc facto potest esse alius fa­cilior intelle­ctus & expe­ditior exitus, ut non recte spiritum Sa­muelis exita­tum à requie sua credamus, sed aliquod phantasma & imagina­riam illusio­nem Diaboli, &c. In this business (saith he) there may be a more easie intelligence, and a readier way to come out of it, which is to believe that it was not truly the spirit of Samuel that was drawn out of his rest, but rather that it was some apparition and imaginary illusion made by the Devils machinations, which the Scripture calls with the name of Sa­muel, because they use to call images with the name of things whereof they are images. And a little after he concludeth thus, Let us rather think that such a thing was done by the malicious ministery of the witch.

The same he saith in the sixth question of Dulcitius where he approveth and con­firmeth that which he had said in his questions to Simplician. About that, See the Canon Nec mirum, in the fifth question of the twenty sixth Cause, where the do­ctrine of Ecclesiasticus is confuted at large: And the book of the Questions of the Old Testament in the twenty seventh question, where Austin among other things saith thatPutans Samuelem, adoravit Di­abolum. Saul worshipped the Devil, thinking him to be Samuel.

It is this Fathers custome when his Adversaries object unto him some place out of the Apocrypha, to answer with weakning their authority. As in the second book against Gaudentius, chap. 23. the Donatists, Circumcellions, who would kill and cast themselves headlong, defended themselves with the example of Razias who killed himself, 2 Mac. 14. Austin answereth them,Et hanc quidem Scripturam quae appella­tur Macca­baeorum, non habent Judaei sicut Legem, & Prophetas, & Psalmos, quibus Domi­nus testimoni­um perhibet. The Jews receive not that Scripture which they call Maccabees, as the Law, the Prophets, and the Psalms, to which the Lord beareth testimony. Thereby declaring that the Macca­bees are books unto which the Lord doth not bear testimony. Thus in the second book of the Retractations ch. 20. retracting that which he had said after the book of Wisdom, ThatWisd. 16. Manna had a taste in the mouth according to every mans will, he saith this,Non mihi occurrit unde possit probari ni [...]i in libro Sapientiae quem Judaei non recipiunt in authorita­tem Canoni­cam. I remember not that this can be proved but by the book of Wis­dom which is not received among the Jews in a Canonical authority. If Austin had received the book of Wisdom among the Canonical books, he would not have retracted that which he had alledged out of that book. And in the book of the care which must be had of the dead, chap. 15. he alledgeth Ecclesiasticus, which saith that Samuel prophecied after his death: then he addethHuic libro ex Canone H [...]braeorum qui in ei non est contradi­citur. This book is contradicted out of the Canon of the Hebrews, because it is not found in it. He saith not that the Hebrews contradict it, but that others contradict it by the Ca­non of the Hebrews, shewing that Christians contradict it, because they adhere to the Canon of the Hebrews.

Wherefore in the fore-alledged place against Gaudentius, after he hath said that the book of the Maccabees is none of those to which the Lord bears testimony, he addeth, that yet it is not unprofitably received, so that it be read soberly; which is a commendation bordering upon blame, to say that the book is not altogether unprofitable, and that one hath need to read it soberly, that is, that one must not adhere too much unto it.

So much is sufficient to shew that when Austin in the second book of the Christian doctrine put Judith, Wisdom, and the Maccabees among the Canonical books, he meant those Canonical books which he saith to be of small authority. Observe also that Austin writ the books of Christian doctrine being yet young, and newly received to the Episcopal Office; as one may see by his books of Re­tractations, where he makes a review of his books according to the order of the time in which he writ them. In the second book of his Retractations, chap. 4. he hath put his books of Christian doctrine. But in chap. 43. he speaks of his books of the City of God as made a long time after. There he puts clearly Wis­dom and Ecclesiasticus out of the number of Canonical books, correcting what he had said in the second book of the Christian doctrine. In the same fourth chap­ter of the second book of his Retractations, he retracteth himself for attributing the books of Wisdom and Ecclesiasticus unto Solomon, having since that time got better information.

I find a place of Austin in the thirty sixth chapter of the eighteenth book of the City of God, of which it is hard to judge. For in the same place he saith that the books of Maccabees are neither holy nor Canonical Scriptures, and yet he saith that the Church holds them for Canonical. The supputation of these times (saith he) is not found in the holy Scriptures which they call Canonical, among which the Maccabees are not. There can be nothing more express. But the following words contradict it; which not the Jews but the Church hold for Canonical, a sentence which hath alwayes been unto me suspected of falsifica­tion.

We must not dissemble that the Gallican Churches disliked that Austin should use in his writings testimonies of books not Canonical,See the place of Hi­lary above, chap. 56. as Hilary Bi­shop of Arles testifieth in his Epistle to Austin. When all is said, of what weight is Austin authority against the consent of so many Fathers more antient then he, whom we have produced before? and against the authority of the Church of the Old Testament? and against the word of God? and against himself, seeing that he contradicts himself as I have shewed by many proofs?

It remains now to speak of the Canon of the third Council of Carthage, which is the twenty fourth Canon in the Code of the African Church. About that Canon there is a dissent between the Greek and the Latin Copies. For in the La­tin the books of the Maccabees are put among the Canonical books, but in the Greek they are omitted, and put out of the roll of the Canonical. WhereuponChap. 50. book 1. in the beginning. page 346. M. du Perron goeth about to prove that the Latin copies are to be preferred before the Greek, calling in contempt the Code of the African Church a Rapsody, because it is gathered out of the Canons of several Councils of Africa. I could demonstrate by a multitude of proofs, that hardly shall one find a book in the whole world more swarming with falsifications and corruptions then the Latin Tomes of Councils; the first especially, where that Canon is found. Besides thatPag. 436. M. du Perron overthrows with his own hand all that he alledgeth for the Latin Copies, acknowledging that there are vices in the Latin, which he im­puteth to the Copists or transscribers, preferring the Greek Copies before the La­tin, as for certain Epistles (of which we shall speak in the right place) because he holds the Greek Copies of those Epistles to be more favourable to him. But that dispute is useless, since we have those two things granted, the one that the contrariety of the Copies makes this Canon doubtfull; The other, that though we would receive that Canon such as it is found in the Latin Copies, yet the autho­rity of a Council of Carthage held within the fifth age is not sufficient to over­throw a Council of Laodicea more antient by two hundred years, and approved [Page 207] by the Universal Councils, or to outweigh the general consent of so many Fa­thers both Greek and Latin, which we have produced; Much less to be opposed to the word of God, and to make fables to become true histories.

CHAP. 68. Of the Canon of the holy Scriptures defined by Pope Innocent the I. And of the Decretal Epistle of that Innocent to Exuperius.

THE Roman Church is like a sick body labouring with complicated Symp­tomes, whereof one cannot be eased without irritating another. In the first Tome of the Councils there is a Decretal Epistle attributed to Innocent the I. directed to Exuperius Bishop of Tolosa, in which that Pope makes a list or enu­meration of the Canonical books, conformable unto that which is established by the Council of Trent. Our Adversaries producing that Epistle in this Cause, see not what a blow they give to the authority of the Bishop of Rome; for thereby it appeareth that the Greek and Oriental Church was not subject unto the Ro­man, since that Church had another sense then the Roman. If such was the belief of the Roman Church, how comes it to pass that the Council of Laodicea, Origen, Melito, Eusebius, Athanasius, Cyrillus of Jerusalem, Gregory Nazianzen, Amphilochius, Epiphanius, and generally all the Greek Fathers, have held those books for Apocrypha, which the Roman Church held for Canonical? Why did even the Occidental Church differ from the Sea of Rome in that important point; which we have shewed by testimonies, of Ruffinus, Hilarius, Philastrius and the Gallican Churches? Or if the belief of the Bishops of Rome that went before, that Innocent was conformable unto that of Innocent, how cometh it to pass that Hie­rom who was Secretary to Damasus a Roman Bishop, and out-lived that Innocent, was so bold as to depart from his Masters opinion? Could that man, so eminent in learning, be ignorant of the belief of the Roman Church? Here is more. For Gregory the first Bishop of Rome who writ well nigh two hundred years af­ter that Innocent, is of contrary opinion, and holds that the Maccabees are not Canonical. And PopeCan. San­cti Rom. Dist. 15. Gelasius holds Susanna for Apocrypha. These Gentlemen by producing that Epistle of Innocent, shew that the decisions of the Bishops of Rome were in those dayes of very small account among strangers, and that those that belonged to the Popes family, and his very successors, did lit­le regard them.

But to come to that Epistle, who so shall but look upon it neer hand, will acknowledge that it is an absurd and ridiculous piece, which abuseth Scri­pture with a profane licentiousness. It is that Decretal which proveth that mar­ried persons must not be admitted to Ecclesiastical charges, because it is written, Be ye holy, for I am holy: and because the Apostle said, To the clean all things are clean, but to the defiled and the unbelievers nothing is clean. As though mar­riage were a pollution and infidelity. Also because the same Apostle said, They that are in the flesh, cannot please God. Now you are not in the flesh, but in the Spirit. As if the Apostle by them that are in the flesh meant married persons, and by them that are in the Spirit, the unmarried. Are these Apostolical Ora­cles? Nay, is it not a manifest impiety and profanation of the Word of God?

In the same Epistle it is said that the Law of God prohibiteth the admitting of married persons into Ecclesiastical honours; Of which nevertheless the word of God speaks not, neither is there one word of that to be found in the whole Scripture. Wherefore alsoLib. de Clericis, c. 18. §: Ac Thomas. Nunc brevi­ter proban­dum est non jure divino sed humano duntaxat pro­bibitum esse conjugium. Thomas 2.2. qu. 38. Art. 11. Bellarmin, after Thomas, acknowledgeth that the Celibat of Clerks is but of humane right.

The same Epistle saith that of all antiquity, and from the beginning, Priests [Page 208] were commanded to abide in the Temple during the year of their service (sup­posing that there was no women in the houses of the Temple) and that the Priests were forbidden to come near their wives all the year of their ministring. For (saith the Author of the Decretal) those ought not to be admitted to the sacri­fices that use a carnal conjunction with their wives; because it is written, Be ye holy, for I am holy. How many untruths and ignorances in few words? It is false that the Priests did serve by years. For as for the High Priest there was never a year but he did officiate in his Priesthood. But under him he had four and twenty courses or divisions of chief Priests that served by turns, each one a fortnight every year. It is a great errour to think that each of these chief Priests was three and twenty years without officiating. It is false also that those courses or divisions of Priests serving by turn were so from the beginning, as that Decre­tal saith. David instituted that order about four hundred and fifty years after the first institution of the legal Priesthood, as it may be seen, 1 Chron. 24. It is false also that the Priest was separated from his wife during the time of his mini­stration, and that there was no woman dwelling in the Temple. We have an ex­ample of the contrary, 2 Kings 11. where it is said that Jehosheba daughter to King Joram kept Joash hid for the space of six years, with his Nurse in the Temple in the bedchamber. And of Anna, Luke saith in the first chapter, that she de­parted not from the Temple. 1 Sam. 2. the Priests sons of Eli lay with the wo­men that assembled at the door of the Tabernacle. And the High Priest and his children having their ordinary dwelling in the lodgdings of the Court, which made part of the Temple, we must not doubt but that their wives dwelt in the same house.

By all these it appeareth what authority that Decretal can have which is at­tributed unto Innocent. For I can hardly believe that it is his, both because of the absurdity of the Epistle, and because the first Tome of the Councils is full of false Epistles of Popes, as it is acknowledged by the most learned of our Ad­versaries, of which we shall hereafter give evident proofs.

Yet if it be of Innocent, we are no more obliged to believe him then Hierom, and Ruffinus, and Gregory the first, successor to that Innocent, or then the Churches both Oriental and Occidental of Innocents time, who held Judith, Wisdom, Mac­cabees, &c. for Apocrypha, as we have proved.

It is no wonder if that Innocent was a man of little learning, for the Roman Sea was alwayes barren in learned men. In the three first ages that Sea had good Bishops and faithfull Martyrs, whose power did not reach much beyond the walls of Rome. Since that time, some ages past in which we find in that Sea pru­dent Bishops, industrious in their temporal businesses, labouring to raise their au­thority which was but small. But we find not one among them of exquisite learning. And alwayes that Sea was inferiour in that point to the Churches of Greece, Asia and Africa, which have had Bishops of far higher learning.

CHAP. 69. That the Popes have put their Canons and Decrees not only in the same rank as Canonical Scriptures, but above.

BEcause nothing hinders so much the progress of the Kingdom of Satan as the word of God contained in the holy Scriptures, the enemy of our salvation hath bent all his strength to put it out, and used all his craft to corrupt it, and bring down its authority. He made use sometimes of the impiety of the Kings of Juda, and of the prophane negligence of the High Priests to abolish the books of the Law; so that in the beginning of the reign of Josiah it was an un­known book, which would have been lost, had not the High Priest, looking not for it, found a copy of it hid in a corner of the Temple. Since that time he raised [Page 209] Antiochus Epiphanes, who spared no endeavours to abolish all the copies of the same. We read in a hundred places of Austin, that before Constantines time the persecutors constrained the Christians to deliver to them the holy Scriptures to suppress them. Whence arose the schism of the Donatists, who denyed that Cecilian was the lawfull Bishop of Carthage, because he had been ordained (as they say) by Bishops that had delivered the sacred books to the Persecutors.

If the Popes had undertaken to abolish the holy Scriptures, they could never have compast it, because the Jews have carefully kept for us the Old Testament in Hebrew, and the Greek Churches have faithfully preserved the New Testa­ment in Greek: And over them the Pope hath no power.

All that the Popes could do, was to forbid the reading of them unto the Na­tions subject unto them, and to hinder the translation of that holy book into the vulgar tongues. In Italy and Spain and all the Countreys where the Inqui­sition reigneth, it is a crime punishable with the fire, to have an Italian or a Spanish Bible. To which the Popes and his instruments have added all the possible means and arts to weaken the authority of the holy Scripture, teaching that it contains not all things necessary to salvation; that it is obscure, and that the reading of it is dangerous: Also that there is another word not written; and that the tradition of the Roman Church is more antient, more perfect, and of greater authority then the holy Scripture; And that the Church is not sub­ject to Scripture, but Scripture to the Church, that is, to the Pope. That Scrip­ture is not the Soveraign Judge of the points of faith, but that unto the Roman Catholick Church that judgement belongs. That from the authority of that Church the authority of Scripture depends, which is a dumb rule, and to be received on­ly because the Church commands it.

But one of the subtilest wiles of Satan to weaken the authority of Holy Scrip­ture, was to foist into Scripture fabulous and erroneous books, that the evi­dent untruth and absurdity of those books might bring in question the truth of the other books divinely inspired, and that by mingling of false coyn the good gold might be suspected, and the whole Scripture lose credence in mens minds.

The malice and rash profaneness of those whom Satan hath employed in that work, is come so far as to go about to put the Decretal Epistles of the Popes among the Canonical books, which if they could have compassed, we should have the Scriptures increased by one half and above, and the sacred books indited by the Spirit of God, should have been matcht with ridiculous pieces, which many times want common sense.

In the Roman Decree in the ninteenth Distinction, the Canon In Canonicis, beareth this inscription, Inter Canonicas Scripturas Decretales Epistolae connume­rantur, that is, The Decretal Epistles of the Popes are reckoned among the Ca­nonical Scriptures. And that proved by a testimony ofEx Au­gust. l. 2. de Doctrina Christ. c. 8. Ubi pro quae Aposto­licas sedes habere & Epistolas ac­cipere me­ruerunt, Gratianus legit, quas Apostolicae sedes habere & ab eo ac­cipere meru­erunt. Austin wickedly falsified.

About the year of our Lord 865. Hinckmarus Archbishop of Rhemes made diffi­culty to obey Pope Nicolas the I. and spake of the Decretals of the Popes with contempt, saying that they are not inserted in the Code of the Canons of the Church, as not being of the like authority. Against that Hinckmarus, Pope Nicolas in the time of King Charles the Bald disputes with a proud language, in an Epistle to the Bishops of the Gallican Church; where he saith thatCan. Si Romanorum Dist. 19. Capitulum sancti Inno­centii Papae cujus autho­ritate docea­tur à nobis utrum (que) Te­stamentum esse recipien­dum, quan­quam in ipsis paternis Ca­nonibus nul­lum eorum ex toto continea­tur insertum, &c. Si Vetus Novumque Testamentum sunt recipien­da, non quod codici Cano­num ex toto videantur annexa, sed quod de his recipiendi sancti, Papae Innocentii prolata vide­atur esse sen­tentia, &c. there is a Chapter of Pope Innocent, by whose authority it is taught that the Old and the New Testament ought to be received, although they be not inserted within the Canons of the Fathers. Whence he inferreth, that if the Old and the New Testament must be received, not because they are annexed to the Code of the Ca­nons, but because the holy Pope Innocent hath pronounced his sentence that they must be received, by the same reason the Popes Decretals ought to be received, though they be not inserted in the Code of the Canons, because among them there is a Chap­ter of the holy Pope Leon, who commands us so to keep in force the Decretals of the Apostolical Sea, that if any sin against them, he may know that he shall not be pardoned. What is all that but a company of blasphemies heaped up with a [Page 210] bestial stupidity, and destitute of common sense? For what can be more absurd then that Decree of Innocent, which commands that the Old and the New Testa­ment be received, as if it had been a doubtfull thing whether they must be re­ceived, unless he had pronounced his sentence in their favour? Or can there be a greater impiety, then to conclude that the Old and the New Testament must be received, because such is the Popes sentence? And that must be, although the books of the Old and the New Testament be not annext unto the Canons of these Roman Church, which presupposeth that the conjunction of Scripture with those Canons was able to add unto Scripture some authority. A thing so far from truth, that rather, if any thing could take authority from Scripture, it should be that association of the Canons of the Roman Church with the sacred books. Was there no stronger reason then the Popes authority to oblige us to receive Scripture? But what, They could speak no better for their end, which is to equal the Popes Decretals unto the word of God: for so they ground both upon the same authority. Finally, to fill up the measure of impiety, that Pope saith that if any disobey the Popes Canons, it shall not be forgiven him. For the offences against God Laws are pardoned, but the offences against the Popes Laws are not pardoned, as being far more grievous sins, and committed against a greater Master; the reason whereof is given by Pope Damasus, Causa 15. Qu. 1. Can. Violatores: The inscription of that Canon is, In Spiritum Sanctum blasphe­mant qui sacros Canones violant. They that transgress the holy Canons, blaspheme against the Holy Ghost. Wherefore that sin is unpardonable.

To this language is conformable that of Gregory the first in his Epistle to An­toninus Subdeacon, wherein he complains of a certain Honoratus, Lib. 2. Epist. 16. non solum mandata Dei negligens, sed & scripta nostra con­temnens. who (saith he) not only hath neglected Gods commandments, but hath despised our writings. Here is the language of the servant of servants. Here is the Apostolical humility.

Bellarmin in the second book of the Councils, chap. 12. maintains that the Popes Canons are Canonical Scriptures.§. Dico Duo Canones Pontificum suo modo sunt & dici possunt Scrip­ta sacra & Canonica. The Popes Canons (saith he) in their way, are and may be called holy and Canonical Scriptures. And truly if it be so that the Decrees of Popes give authority to Scripture, and that the Pope is Judge of Controversies, not the Scripture; we must grant that the Popes decrees have more authority then the Canonical Scriptures, and must be inserted in the Bible rather then the Epistles of the Apostle St. Paul. For (if these men must be be­lieved) the Pope is the only head of the Universal Church, which St. Paul was not.

Hinckmarus Archbishop of Rhemes in his book of fifty five chapters, alledgeth very often this sentence of Pope Hilary, who saith, thatCap. 18. & 36. Non minus in sanctarum traditionum sanctiones quam in ip­sius Domini injuriam de­linquitur. the sin committed against the Ordinances of the holy Traditions, is not a lesser sin then rashly presuming to outrage the Lord himself. Again,Cap. 27. It is not lawfull to any to violate the divine constitutions, and the Decrees of the Apostolick Sea.

BOOK II. Wherein is TREATED OF St. Peters Primacy, And of his Abode at ROME.

CHAP. 1. That the Government of the Universal Church cannot, and must not be Monarchical.

State of the Question.

ALthough in civil matters several Nations follow not the same form of Government, there being in the world, some Mo­narchical, some Aristocratical, some popular States, and some mingled of all three; yet the whole mankind taken together is but a Monarchy, of which God is the Mo­narch and the Soveraign head.

Thus in the question about Church-government, although several Churches have several forms of Ecclesiastical po­licy: Yet taking the whole Orthodox Church together, it is a Monarchy, whereof Jesus Christ is the Head. About that we do not dissent with our Adversaries. But the question between us is, whether under Jesus Christ there must be a visible Head over the whole Universal visible Church? Also whether that power belong to the Pope of Rome?

In this question we must carefully distinguish the Universal Church from the Churches of one Town, or one Countrey. For as in civil things, if one hath [Page 212] proved that the Monarchical State is the best of all, he hath not therefore proved that there must be one Monarch over the whole world. Likewise if it be expedient that each particular Church be governed by one head, not by ma­ny, it follows not that there must be one head over the Church of the whole world. Thus God hath given that instinct unto Bees, that every hive, or every swarm hath its King, but there is no King over the whole kind. Wherefore out of that Policy of the Church of Israel, that they had one High Priest, one cannot inferr that the like must be in the Christian Universal Church; because that Policy was inclosed within one Nation, but this extends to all Nations, of whom none is excluded from the Covenant of God in Jesus Christ, and that Co­venant is presented unto all by the Gospel. One Head might be sufficient to govern the Church of Israel: But to govern the Church of the whole world, no head is strong enough, and no shoulders are able to bear such a heavy bur­den. A man raised to that height should soon become giddy; pride would puffe him up, and the distance of places would keep him from having his eye everywhere, and giving order to all. Besides, the form of the Church-government of Israel was a figure of the Christian Church, and of Je­sus Christ and his graces, and by consequent, there was need in that government of one High Priest that should be a figure of Christ our High Priest.

For this cause our Adversaries who will needs have it granted that St. Peter was head and Monarch of the Christian Universal Church, yet acknowledge that the other Apostles were also Heads of the Universal Church, as we shall see hereafter, tacitely acknowledging that such a power could not be proper for one man alone.

Wherefore also the Apostle Eph. 4. making an enumeration of the charges which Jesus Christ going up to heaven left unto his Church, saith, that he gave some Apostles, some Prophets, some Evangelists, and some Pastors, and Doctors. Of Pope or Monarch of the Universal Church, he speaks neither there nor in any other place. In that text it is especially to be noted that Paul speaks of the union of the Universal Church in one body, and of the compact communion of the Saints and faithfull; Which necessarily required that he should speak of the Head which joyns and keeps that body in union, if God had appointed such a head in his Church.

The book of Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, attributed to Dionysius Areopagita, makes an enumeration of Ecclesiastical Offices, and an exact description of the order and constitutions of the Christian Church; but he speaks of no higher degree then Bishops of every particular Church. To compose a book of Hierarchy without speaking of the chief Hierarch, it is as if one spake of Monarchy with­out speaking of a Monarch, and of Kingship without mentioning a King.

If the Church of the Apostles time had acknowledged an Universal Head under Christ, No doubt but that upon the decease of St. Peter (who is now held to be the first Pope) the Apostles that out-lived him would have met to choose a successor; and would have chosen one of the Apostles, and would not have left the Creation of a head for the Universal Church, to the discretion of the people and Clergy of Rome; for the Christian people of the City of Rome had no right to give a Head to the Churches of Persia, Syria, Armenia, and Aegypt, with­out their concurrence.

And if after St. Peters death there had been need of one that should suc­ceed him in that Primacy; without question the Apostle St. John, the Disciple whom Jesus loved, and his near Kinsman, should have succeeded him in that power, before Linus, of whom we have no record of any action worthy of me­mory, orCausa 12. qu. 1. Can. dile­ctissimis. Clement, to whom certain Epistles are ascribed that give Consti­tutions about mice-dung, and would have possessions and women to be com­mon; To whom also the ApostolicalConsti­tut. l. 3. c. 2. Constitutions are ascribed, which say to marry above three times is plain fornication.

The principal power is, that if that Soveraign power over the Church of all the world must be received, it must have been established by Christ, and the suc­cession [Page 213] in that Office must be grounded upon his ordinance. Suppose then that Christ hath given unto St. Peter alone the Primacy over the Church of the whole world: Yet that Office cannot be perpetual in the Church, and continued by a thred of succession, unless Christ hath constituted that succession. Thus Moses had been constituted by God a Prince, and Lawgiver, and Priest in Israel, but he had no successor in all these Offices, because God had not commanded it. Thus John the Baptist had no successor. And the Apostles, John, James, Philip, Paul, &c. had no successors in their Apostleship. This indeed is the point which we insist upon, and upon which our Adversaries are gravelled. We desire them to bring forth some declaration of Christ upon that subject, or some text of the word of God whereby a succession is assigned unto St. Peters Apostleship, or to his primacy over the Church, or whereby it is declared that the Office of Head of the Universal Church must be perpetual, or a constitution of St. Peter, that the Bishop of Rome ought to succeed him in that dignity. He hath writ to the Church two Epistles full of doctrine, the last of them written2 Pet. 1.13. & 14. a little before his death. Reason required that he should have charged the Church to obey the Bishop of Rome after his decease, as to his successor in his Apostleship, and he to whom he resigned before his death, the conduct of the Universal Church. But not a word of that. So that this point which is the chief of all the controversies, and the main hinge upon which the whole Roman Religion is turning, and that which is made in our dayes the main ground of the Christian faith; that point, I say, is found to have no ground in the word of God, and is but an unwritten Tradition.

Bellarmin Lib. 2. de Pontif. Rom. c. 12. Observan­dum est ter­tio, licet forte non sit de jure divino Roma­num Pontifi­cem ut Roma­num Pontifi­cem Petro succedere, ta­men id ad fi­dem Catholi­licam pertine­re. Non enim est idem ali­quid esse de fide & esse de jure divi­no. Nec enim de jure divi­no fuit ut Paulus habe­ret penulam, est tamen hoc ipsum de fide Paulum habuisse pe­nulam. Etsi autem Roma­num Pontifi­cem succedere Petro non habeatur ex­presse in Scripturis, &c. acknowledgeth that the Scripture speaks not of the succession of the Pope in the Primacy of St. Peter, and that it is not a point of divine right, no more (saith he) that it is not a point of divine right to believe that St. Paul had a cloak. But there is inequality in that comparison; For we find in Scripture that St. Paul had a cloak, but we find not in Scripture that God hath establisht the Bishop of Rome successor of St. Peters Primacy. Observe then that the whole Romish Religion is founded upon a tradition which is not of divine right, about which we have not any Ordinance of God, and of which, by the confession of our very Adversaries, the word of God speaks not.

We acknowledge that St. Peter, as also the other Apostles planting the Go­spel and setting up Churches in those places, where they passed, established in those Churches Pastors, which therefore had a good right to call themselves suc­cessors of such an Apostle: Not successors in the Apostleship, but in the charge of Bishop over that particular Church. In that sense many Fathers called the Bishop of Rome successor of St. Peter, not in the Apostleship, but in the Bishop­rick of the Roman Church, which in the first age did not extend much beyond the walls of the City of Rome; In the same manner as Simon was the successor of St. James in the Bishoprick of Jerusalem, and Titus successor of St. Paul in the Ile of Candia, and Timothy in the Church of Ephesus.

Although this be the main difficulty about which our Adversaries are plunged, having nothing firm for proving that succession of the Pope in St. Peters pri­macy, without which evidence of succession in vain do they labour to prove St. Peters primacy: Yet because the Cardinal following the steps of his Majesty of great Brittain, falls upon that discourse in the fifty sixth chapter of the first book, we will give also some chapters to the examination of the reasons and te­stimonies which he brings for it.

CHAP. II. That St. Peter had no jurisdiction over the other Apostles, and was not Mo­narch of the Universal Church.

Answer to the Lord Cardinal.

WEE deny not that St. Peter was Head and Pastor of the Universal Church; for the same power belonged also to every one of the Apostles, as St. Paul saith of himself, that he had the care of all the Churches, 2 Cor. 11.28.

Wherefore also Christ being neer his death, resigneth the care of his Church to all his Apostles alike; I dispose unto you the Kingdom, as my Father disposed it unto me. For their Apostleship was not affected to one particular Church.

Cypr. l. de unitate Ecclesiae, c. 3. Christus Apo­stolis omnibus post resurre­ctionem pa­rem potesta­tem tribuit. Et paulo post. Hoc etiam utiquè caeteri Apostoli quod Petrus, pari consortio honoris & potestatis. Cyprian doth acknowledge it. Christ (saith he) after his resurrection gave an equal power unto his Apostles. And in the same place, The Apostles were the same thing as Peter, having an equal fellowship in honour and power. AndHieron. lib. 2. in Jovinianum. In alio loco super omnes Apostolos fundantur Ecclesia, & cuncti claves regni coelo­rum accipi­unt, & ex aequo super eos Ecclesiae fortitudo solidatur. Hierom after him saith the same.

Neither would we deny that St. Peter was the first and the most honourable among the Apostles, having the precedence among his brethren; and that as among the Kings of Christendom there is some order of sitting, and the Embas­sadours of the one march before the Embassadours of the other; so St. Peter was the first in the order of sitting among the Apostles, who deferred that ho­nour to his excellent vertues, to his zeal, to his miracles, or to his age (al­though Epiphanius affirmeth that his brother Andrew was the eldest) or to some other consideration. Wherefore also the Ancients call often Peter the Prince of the Apostles, and in the list of the twelve Apostles he is alwayes placed the first by the Evangelists.

But to think that Peter had a power of jurisdiction over the other Apostles, the word of God alloweth it not, seeing that himself hath written two Epistles, wherein the highest titles which he assumeth, are the titles of Apostle, and Pres­byter, or Elder. Now Monarchs will never write to their subjects (especially when it is question of prescribing them their duty) but they will take the titles of Soveraign authority, which give weight to their words.

In the celebration of the holy Communion, the Apostle St. John was sitting in the most honourable place, being the nearest unto Christ, and resting his head in the Lords bosome.

In the ninth chapter of Luke, Christ sends his Apostles to preach the Gospel, without money, without provision, without horse; St. Peter was sent like the rest and in equal condition.

Acts 15. the Apostles meet to decide a question raised among the Disciples. Now in such Assemblies he that presideth or moderateth, must speak the first, to make the overture of the Action, and the last also, to pronounce the conclusi­sion. But St. Peter doth neither, in that place: For before he spake, the questionAct. 15.7. [...]. had been long agitated; And St. James speaketh the last, and pronounceth the final decision; adding several things to that which St. Peter had propounded, as the abstinence from blood, and from things strangled. Wherefore also Chry­sostome in his Homily upon that place, saith [...]. that the principality was de­ferred unto James.

Luke 22. the day before our Saviours passion the Apostles dispute among them about the preheminence: Which they would not have done, if they had believed that Christ had given the primacy to Peter. Then or never Christ would have told them, Why will ye overthrow the order which I have established? Since I have given the primacy to Peter, why do you resist my will? But he tels them no such thing: Nay, he tells them, The Kings of the Nations exercise dominion over them, but it shall not be so among you. And Mat. 20.25. Ye know that the Princes of the Gentiles exercise dominion over them, and they that are great, exercise [Page 215] authority upon them. But it shall not be so among you, but whosoever will be great among you, let him be your minister; and whosoever will be chief among you, let him be your servant. Cardinal du Perron seeks to elude this text, saying that Christ forbids them, not primacy, but only the desire and affectation of primacy; and to aspire to a superiority over their fellows. But it is clear that Christ forbids both to his Apostles. For he tells not them only, Whosoever will be great among you, but also, Whosoever shall be great. Again, the Kings of Nations exercise dominion over them. But it shall not be so among you. It is clear that he for­bids the Apostles that any of them exercise dominion over his fellows. For the primacy of a Pastor in a particular Church is not subject to the same inconve­niencies as the domination of one over the Universal Church. It is also an er­ror to think that Christ forbids his Apostles only, to use a tyrannical dominati­on over ther fellows. For it is not credible that any of them had such a per­verse inclination. Besides, Christ forbids them to use authority, which is far less then domination. The same thing he forbids them, Matth. 23.8. Be not ye called Rabbi, for one is your Master, even Christ, and all ye are brethren. That word Rabbi did not import any domination or tyranny, but such an authority and respect as was deferred unto the Scribes and Pharisees, out of the opinion that the people had of their holiness.

Acts 8. the Apostles send Peter and John to preach in Samaria. Would the Pope now accept of such a Commission, to be sent to preach into Suitzerland or into Denmark? In vain the Cardinal affirms that St. Peter was sent by intreaties; for Peter and John are here set together in the same mission, and are not sent in several manners. In our dayes the Pope would take such an intreaty as an injury or a scorn. Neither doth the text speak of intreaties. To affirm that without proof, is a rash part.

If Peter had had the power of jurisdiction over the other Apostles, he should be alwayes named the first. And St. Paul, Gal. 2. would not say, that James, Cephas, and John were held to be the pillars; for so it is set down in all the copies, and even in the vulgar version, the only approved by the Council of Trent. The only edition of Compluto set out by Cardinal Ximenes hath corrupted that Text.

Among the Corinthians, some said I am of Cephas, others said I am of Paul, preferring Paul before Peter. But they would never have preferred Paul before Peter, had Paul taught them that Peter was the Master and Superiour of Paul, and the only visible Head of the Universal Church.

2 Cor. 11.5. St. Paul saith, I suppose I was not a whit behind the very chiefest Apostles; By saying not a whit, or, in nothing, he doth not except any thing. Wherefore Hierom in his Comment upon Gal. 2. brings in Paul comparing him­self unto St. Peter in these words, I am in nothing inferiour to him, for we are establisht in the Ministery by the same God. And in the Council of Ephesus there is an Epistle inserted of the Council of Alexandria, which saith thatPetrus & Johannes equalis sunt ad alterutrum dignitatis, propter quod Apostoli & sancti disci­puli esse monstrantur. lib. de uni­tate Ecclesiae. Peter and John are of the same dignity one towards another; wherefore also they are Apostles and holy Disciples. And Cyprian speaks thusHoc erant utique caeteri Apostoli quod Petrus, pari consortio & honoris & potestatis. lib. 2. contra Iovinian. The other Apo­stles were the same thing as St. Peter, associate in the same society of honour and power. And Hierom Cuncti claves regni coelorum ac­cipiunt, & ex aequo super eos Ecclesiae fortitudo so­lidatur. They all receive the keyes of the Kingdom of heaven, and the stability of the Church is equally founded upon them all.

Wherefore also Paul, Gal. 2.9. saith that James, Peter and John gave him the hand of association, receiving him for their fellow-worker. It is more then the Pope doth to any man.

CHAP. 3. Testimonies of Fathers upon this subject. An excellent place of St. Am­brose falsified by the Cardinal: And a text of the Apostle falsified likewise.

ORigen in the third Homily upon the third of Numbers, saithPaulus mihi viam novi hominis & ardui iti­neris osten­dat. Ipse ergo Apostolorum maximus, &c. Let Paul go before me, and shew me the path of that new man, and that difficult way: He the greatest among the Apostles, who knew that there were many Churches not only in earth but in heaven also.

Eusebius in the second book of his history, cap. 1. alledgeth Clement in the sixth of his hypotyposes, saying, Peter, James and John having been preferred by the Lord, had no contention about the honour, but chose James the just Bishop of Jerusalem. If St. Peter had been the Head of the Universal Church, it had been a small thing to him to be Bishop of Jerusalem; and there had been for him no occasion of dispute about the degree. A certain proof that the Bishop of Jeru­salem was honourable above all others, and was not inferiour in dignity to any. And the same Clement in the seventh of the Hypotyposes, alledged by Eusebius in the same place, The Lord after the resurrection gave to James, John and Peter, &c. giving to James the first place.

Cyprian was of opinion that before the resurrection of the Lord, Peter had the primacy over the other Apostles, but that after the resurrection he made them equall in power and authority: Having begun by one, to shew that the Church is one. In the book of the unity of the Church he speaks thus, Although the Lord after his resurrection give to all his Apostles an equal power, and say, As the Father hath sent me, so I send you, Receive the holy Ghost. Whose sins ye remit, they shall be remitted. Yet to shew the unity, he hath establisht a chair, and hath disposed by his authority the origine of that same unity, beginning by one. All the Apostles were in effect that very thing which St. Peter was, having the same society of honour and power. But that place shall be examined hereafter.

We have alledged before a notable expression of the Council of Alexandria, thatEpist. Conc. Alex­andrini. Aequalis sunt ad alterutrum dignitatis, &c. Peter and John are of equal authority one towards another.

Chrysostome [...]. Hom. 18. upon the Epistle to the Romans, God hath committed unto Paul the whole preaching, and all the affairs of the habitable world, and all the mysteries, and the whole administration. And Hom. 3. upon the first of Mat­thew, [...], &c. Paul saith, I am not worthy to be called an Apostle; Therefore was he made the first of all. And Hom. 66. [...]. It is manifest to all, that none shall be set before Paul. And upon Gal. 1.18. [...], &c. Paul after such great and good actions, having no need of Peter, nor of his word, but equal in honour to him (for I will say nothing more) yet goeth up to him, as to a greater and elder. And upon Gal. 1. [...]. Paul sheweth that for the rest he was equall unto them, and compareth himself not to the others, but to the first of the Apostles, shewing that each of them enjoyeth the same dignity.

Epiphanius, who in other places calls Peter the first and the Prince of the Apo­stles, nevertheless in the Heresie of the Nazarites, which is the twenty ninth, asketh how the Prophecy was fulfilled, which foretelleth that the Christ shall sit for ever upon the throne of David; and answereth, that it was fulfilled in the Bishops. For (saith he) James succeeded Christ in the Pontificat and princi­pality over the Church, because James was of the race of David. And in the heresie against the Antidicomarianites which is the fifty eighth, he saith that [...]. James was the first that received the Episcopal chair; and that to him first [Page 217] Christ did commit the throne which he had on earth. Indeed to say that James was the sole successor of Christs throne over the Church, is acknowledging him the first and the chief of the Apostles.

The same in the heresie of the Marcosians, which is the 34. puts Paul before Peter. No man (saith he) can be equalled unto them in greatness of knowledge [...]. nei­ther Paul nor Peter, no [...] any other Apostle.

Gregory Nazianzen doth the same in the twenty sixth Oration, Paul, or Cephas, or Apollo, or such a planter, or such a waterer. And a little after; The Paul's, the Cephas'es, the Apollo's.

Ambrose in the sixty sixth Sermon of the nativity of Peter, and that of Paul, Ergo be­atus Petrus & Paulus eminent inter universos Apostolos, & peculiari qua­dam praeroga­tiva praecel­lunt; verum inter ipsos quis cui prae­ponatur, in­certum est. Then (saith he) Peter and Paul are eminent among all, and excellent by a par­ticular prerogative. But it is uncertain which of the two must be preferred before the other. I think they are equall in merit, since they are equall in passion or suffer­ings. And upon Psalm 38. Quod Petro dicitur, Apostolis dicitur. That which is said to Peter, is said to the Apostles; speaking of these words of Christ to Peter, I will give thee the keyes of the kingdom of heaven.

The same in the book of the incarnation, chap. 4.Petrus loci non im­meror sui, primatum egit. Prima­tum utique confessionis non honoris, primatum fi­dei non ordi­nis. Peter not forgetfull of his place, made use of his primacy; I mean of his primacy in confession, not in ho­nour; of the primacy of faith, not of order. Which text the Cardinal dippeth and falsifieth in his 526. page, putting these words only, Peter not forgetting his place, made use of his primacy. The rest he hath supprest.

The same Ambrose upon Gal. 2.Petrum solum nomi­nat, & sibi comparat, quia prima­tum ipse ac­cepit ad fun­dandam Ec­clesiam; Se quoque pari modo electum ut primatum habeat in fun­dandis Eccle­siis gentium. Paul nameth Peter alone, and compareth him with himself, because he had received the primacy to lay the foundation of the Church. He saith that he was chosen in the same manner to lay the foundation of the Churches of the Gentiles.

And in the same placeQuis eo­rum auderet Petro primo Apostolo, cui claves regni coelorum Do­minus dedit, resistere, nisi alius talis qui fiducia electi­onis suae, sciens se non imparem, constanter improbaret quod ille sine consilio fecerat? Which of them durst resist Peter the first Apostle, to whom the Lord hath given the keyes of the kingdom of heaven, unless it was some other like him, who grounding himself upon his election, and knowing that he was not inferiour unto him, constantly reproved that which he had done without counsell?

The same in the second book of the Holy Ghost, chap. 12.Nec Paulus inferior Petro, quam­vis ille Ecclesiae fundamentum. Paul was not in­feriour to Peter. And a little afterNec Paulus unquam indignus Apostolorum Collegio, cum primo quoque facilè conferendus, & nulli secundus. Paul was not unworthy of the Colledge of the Apostles, and may be compared with the first whosoever he be, and must not be put in the second rank after any.

Hierom upon the second chapter of the Epistle to the Galatians personateth Paul speaking thusHieron. secundo & breviori commentario in Galatas, In nullo sum illo inferior, quia ab uno Deo sumus in Ministerio ordinati.: I am in nothing inferiour to Peter, for we have been establisht in the Ministery by the same God. And in the first book against Jovinian, Although the Church be founded upon all the Apostles, and all receive the keys of the kingdom of heaven, and that the stability of the Church be equally founded upon them all; yet one is chosen among twelve, that by the establishing of one head, the occa­sion of Schism be taken away. Himself upon Isaiah 54. calleth Peter and Paul, duos Apostolorum Principes, the two Princes of the Apostles.

Leo the first in the Sermon of the Nativity of the Apostles, comparing Peter with Paul, Of whose vertues and merits (saith he) we must have no diverse or separate conceit; for the choyce hath made them even, and the labour alike, and the end equals.

Victor of Carthage Baro. com. 8. an. 646. §. 22. The most blessed Apostles, endowed with the like honour and fellowship of power, have converted the Nations unto the Church.

That I may not be tedious in heaping up a multitude of allegations, the strength of truth is so great, that the Cardinals Bellarmin Bellar. lib. 1. c. 9. de Pontif. Romano §. Respondeo. Summa potestas Ecclesiastica non solum data est Petro sed etiam aliis Apostolis. and Du Perron acknowledge that all the Apostles were heads of the Universal Church. Bellarmin makes them equals. The Soveraign Ecclesiastical power (saith he) was not only given to Peter, but also to the other Apostles. And a little after, It was necessary that to the first [Page 218] preachers and founders of Churches a soveraign power and liberty should be grant­ed. And in another placecap 12. quidem libri. We confess that the Apostles were equal in Aposto­lical power, and had altogether the same authority over the Christian people. Yet he puts this difference, that the soveraign power was given to Peter as to an ordi­nary Pastor that should leave behind him a perpetual succession, but to the others as to subdelegate persons that were not to leave any successour. But this he saith without proof, and without any word of God; and it is absurd and impossible. For the power of a subdelegate is never equal to that of the Soverain who hath delega­ted him, and to whom he is to give account of his charge, and who can take it from him at any time.

M. Du. Perron cap. 56. pag. 526. acknowledgeth that to the other Apostles the authority of go­verning the Church was conferred in common, and jointly with St. Peter. Yet he adds that they had not the power of exercising that authority, but in as much as they were associated and aggregared with Peter, and as it were grafted and in­serted upon him. This he saith (as Bellarmin) without proof, and without Scripture, and contrary to the Apostles saying, Gal. 1.1. of himself, that he is an Apostle, not of men, nor by man. And Gal. 2.6. that they who seemed to be some­what added nothing to him. [...] A text which the Cardinal hath falsified to break the strength of it, alledging it thus, They that seem to be some what have taught me nothing. Book 1 ch. 526. Falsifi­cation of the Cardinal. Having put this word [taught] of his own, to make the world believe that St. Paul compareth himself to the chief Apostles only for learning and doctrine, not for the charge and authority of Apostle. But how doth he prove that? For God doth not set Peter as the source and the origine of the Apostleship. And Peter was as much obliged to adhere to the other Apostles, as the other Apostles to Peter. Wherefore when Peter returned from the house of Cornelius he gives account of his actions, Act. 11. that none should believe that he was departed from the union with his brethren. And St. Paul Gal. 1.1. saith himself to be an Apostle, not by man but by Jesus Christ only. As indeed he was many years in his Apostleship before he spake to Peter, or had any communication with him.

CHAP. 4. Examination of the text of Matth. 16.18. Thou art Peter and upon this rock, &c.

Shifts of the Cardinal.

TO all that we have said before, our Adversaries oppose the words of Christ, Matth. 16.18. that after Peter had made that confession whereby he ac­knowledgeth Jesus to be the Christ the Son of the living God, Jesus said to him, Thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will build my Church, &c. By which words they pretend that Christ sets Peter to be the foundation and the Head of the Universal Chuch.

But since that by this text Christ puts not Peter in actual possession of any pow­er over the Church, but only doth promise it to him, saying to him in the future, I will give thee the Keys, &c. we cannot understand wherein consisteth that power, but by the text whereby Christ fulfilleth the promise made in this place. That text is found, Joh. 20. v. 21. & 23. where Christ doth actually confer that power to all his apostles: As my Father hath me, even so send I you. Whosesoever sins ye remit, they are remitted, and whosesoever sins ye retain, they are retained. There all the Apostles receive equal power. So that the power promised Matth. 16. unto Peter, after the resurrection, is equally conferred upon all. As also the same pro­mise is made equally to all Matth. 18.18. Whatsoever you shall bind on earth shall be bound in heaven &c. Had the Apostles understood that by that text Thou art [Page 219] Peter, &c. Christ had conferred the primacy upon Peter; after that they would never have disputed about the superiority. And the Greek text, as also the Latine version puts a clear difference between the person of Peter, and the stone upon which the Church is founded, [...] &c. Tu es Petrus, et super hanc petram. Upon that Stone and ground which thou hast now laid, namely that Jesus is the Christ, the Son of the Living God, the Church is founded. For the Church is not founded upon a mortal man, but upon the Son of the eter­nal God. The Church was before Peter, and at the coming of Peter hath not got a new ground; If it had, we should also say that Peter being dead, the ground of the Church should have been changed again, and another put in his room. And the faith of Peter should have been grounded upon his own self.

That which is the ground of the Church, is also the ground of our faith. Now our faith is not grounded upon the person of Peter, but upon his doctrine, which is the same as that of the other Apostles, who also are equally called foun­dations by the Apostle, Eph. 2.20. being built upon the foundation of the Prophets and the Apostles, Jesus Christ himself being the chief corner stone. Observe that the Church is grounded upon the Prophets as well as upon the Apostles: Now it is not ground­ed upon the persons of the Prophets, who were dead long before St. Paul writ this; No more then upon the persons of the Apostles, but upon their doctrine, and upon Jesus Christ whom they have laid for the foundation of faith. And Rev. 21. The wall of the City (which is the Church) had twelve foundations and in them the names of the twelve Apostles. This is a peremptory truth, 1 Cor. 3.1. Other foundation can no man lay then that is laid, which is Jesus Christ. Where­fore also the Apostle, Jude v. 20. will have us to build up our selves on our most ho­ly faith, that is, upon Jesus Christ apprehended by faith: For our faith is not grounded upon men. A truth not contradicted by those texts that call the Apo­stles foundations; for by the Apostles their doctrine is understood, which layeth Christ for the foundation of the Church.

Wherefore we conclude that the stone upon which Christ said that he would build his Church, is Christ himself confessed by Peter, or the faith and confession which Peter had newly made. Or if by that stone we understand the person of St. Peter, it is a Metonymical expression; wherein by St. Peter we understand his do­ctrine and preaching: In the same manner as we say Tully and Virgil for the works of Tully and Virgil; And as the Apostle saith Eph. 2.20. that we are built upon the Prophets, and Apostles, that is, upon their doctrine.

The Fathers very often by that rock upon which Christ would build his Church, understand the faith and confession that Peter had exprest. Cyrillus lib. 4. de Trinitate; I think (saith he) that by that rock he understands nothing else but the unshaken and most firm faith of the Disciple. Hilary in his second book of the Trinity;Unum igitur hoc est immobile fun­damentum, una haec est fidei Petra Petri ore confessa. It is the blessed only rock of faith confessed by the mouth of Peter. And in the sixth bookSuper hanc confessi­onis Petram Ecclesiae aedi­ficatio est. Ʋpon that stone of confession the Church is built. And in the same place, That faith is the foundation of the Church.

Hierom in his first book upon Mat. 7. The Lord Hier. in Matth. Super hanc Petram Dominus fundavit Ecclesiam. Ab hac Petra Apostolus Petrus sortitus est nomen. hath founded his Church upon that rock. From that rock the Apostle Peter hath got his name. Chrysostome Hom. 55. upon Matthew, [...]. Ʋpon that stone I will build my Church, that is, upon the faith of the confession.

Ambrose upon Ephes. 2.Ʋnde dicit Dominus ad Petrum, Super istam Petram aedificabo Eccle­am meam, hoc est in hac Catholicae fidei confessione statuo fideles ad vitam. Ʋpon that rock I shall build the Church, that is, upon the confession of the Catholick faith, I establish the faithfull unto life. And in the book of the Sacrament of the Incarnation, chap. 5.Fides est Ecclesiae fundamentum; Non enim de carne Petri sed de fide dictum est, quia portae mortis ei non praevalebunt, sed confessio vicit infernum. The faith then is the foundation of the Church; for it is not of the flesh but of the faith of Peter that it is said that the gates of death shall not prevail against it. It was the confession that overcame hell.

Basilius of Seleucia in the Homily upon this place, [...]. Christ having called that confession [Petram] the rock giveth that name to Peter, who had first made that confession.

The Council of Chalcedon, Concil. Chalcedon, in rescripto Synodica­rum litera­rum Juvena­lis Hieroso­lymitani ad Palaestinos. The Church is fastened upon that confession, and upon the faith which the Apostles have given us.

Austin upon the tenth Treatise upon the first Epistle of John, Quid est Super hanc Petram aedi­ficabo Eccle­siam meam? Super hanc fidem, super hoc quod di­ctum est, Tu es Christus. What mean these words, I will build my Church upon that rock? Ʋpon that faith, upon that which is said, Thou art the Christ, &c.

And in the 142. Treatise upon John, Super hanc ego Pe­tram quam confessus es, aedificabo Ec­clesiam meam. I etra enim erat Christus. Ʋpon that rock which thou hast confessed, I will build my Church, for Christ was the stone.

And in the 13 Sermon of the words of the Lord in St. Matthew, Thou art Peter, and upon that rock which thou hast confessed, upon that stone which thou hast known, saying, Thou art the Christ the Son of the living God, I will build my Church; Super me­ipsum filium Dei vivi aedi­ficabo Eccle­siam meam. Super me aedificabo te, non me super te. I will build my Church upon my self who am the Son of the living God. I will build thee upon me, not me upon thee. The same he saith in the fiftieth Treatise upon John. And whereas it had happened to him sometimes to call Peter the rock of the Church, he corrects himself for it in the book of Retractations, chap. 21. I have said in some place (saith he) that upon Peter, as upon the rock, the Church is founded: But I know also that since I have so expounded it, that it may be understood that by that stone, I meant the stone which Peter confessed. For it was not said to him, Tu es petra, sed tu es Petrus; Thou art the stone, but thou art Pe­ter: Now the stone was Christ.

Upon this, two Cardinals,Bellar. l. 2. de Sum­mo Pontific. cap. 10. Bellarmine and Du Perron, accuse Austin of igno­rance; and that he understood not the languge in which the Lord spake; It is (saith Cardinal du Perron, pag. 545.) a Grammatical errour, arising in part for want of knowledge of the Hebrew and Syriack tongues, &c. And pag. 546. he saith that Austin is fallen into an oversight.

Nicolas de Lyra is excellent upon this text. The Lord said unto Peter, Et ego dico tibi pro te & pro so­ciis tuis quod tu es Petrus, id est confes­sor Petrae verae quae Christus est factus, & super hanc Petram quam confes­sus es; id est super Chri­stum aedifica­bo Ecclesiam meam. I tell thee, that is, for thee and for thy fellows, that thou art the stone, that is, the confessour of the true stone which was made the Christ, And upon that stone which thou hast confessed, that is, upon the Christ, I will build my Church.

The ordinary Gloss saith the same?

Anselmus whom the Pope hath made a Saint, upon Matth. 16. saith, Super hanc petram id est super me aedificabo Ecclesiam mean. I will build my Church upon this stone, that is upon my self.

Hincmarus Arch-Bishop of Rhemes, who writ about the year of our Lord 865. in the work of 55 Chapters, Chap. 45.Tu es Petrus, & super hanc Petram id est super hanc firmam & solidam fidei consessionem quam tu es confessus, aedificabo Ecclesium meam. Thou art Peter and upon that stone, that is, upon the firm and solid confession of faith which thou hast confessed, I will build my Church.

To the places of Fathers, which say that this stone is not the person of Peter, but Jesus Christ confessed by Peter, the Cardinal saithPag. 323. & 324. that the Fathers be­fore Constantines time, in whose reign the Arians rised, have understood by this stone the person of St. Peter; But since Arius began to deny the Godhead of Christ, the Fathers have licensed themselves to call that confession the foundation of the Church, and to change the litterall sense into a moral and tropical, that they might thence take occasion to declaim against the Arians, who by denying the Godhead of Christ, destroyed the foundation of the Church. This is worth observing; For thereby he accuseth the Fathers of wresting the Scripture to their advantage, and to give diverse expositions to Scripture according to the times and persons they had to do with. Thereby also he saith, that the Fathers used this text against the Arrians to prove the Godhead of Christ, because the Church cannot be founded upon a man. If their reason be good it is impossible that by the stone upon which the Church is founded, the person of Peter should be under­stood. Note that the Fathers in the texts which we have alledged, say not only that by the stone we must understand Christ, or the faith and confession of Christ, but [Page 221] also formally deny that the person of Peter can be understood. Whence it ap­peareth that not only they bring a different exposition, but also that they impugn and overthrow the other.

He saith also that these two expositions agree very well,Pag. 522. Of this text and the ma­nifest impie­ty, see the Preface of this Book. and that the Church is formally founded upon the person of St. Peter, but causally upon his confession: That is, that the Church is really founded upon the person of Peter, but that the confession which he made, is the cause that the Church is founded upon his per­son. So that he will have these words, The Church is grounded upon the person of Peter, to be proper; but these, The Church is grounded upon the person of Christ confessed by Peter, to be figurate. He saith that this expression, that the Church is founded upon the faith or confession which Peter made, is like unto this, that the faith of Peter marched upon the waters, which is a very improper locution, and literally false.

Herein the Cardinal speaks clean contrary to truth, and there is blasphemy in his doctrine; whereby he teacheth that he that saith that the Church is founded upon Jesus Christ, or upon the faith in him, speaks improperly; but he that saith that it is founded upon the person of Peter speaks properly, and without figure. For Christ and his doctrine is the foundation of the Church truly, pro­perly, and really: But the person of Peter is figuratively and Metonymically the foundation of the Church, taking Peter for his doctrine; as we say Homer for the book of Homer, and the Prophets for the writings of the Prophets. It is false that the faith of Peter is the cause that his person was made a foundation of the Church; as if the excellency of his faith and confession had deserved to receive that honour from Christ. For Peter had not that faith by his vertue, but by Gods inspiration: Now there is no merit in receiving the graces of God, to whom alone the praise for them is due. Besides, many before Peter have made the like confession; as Nathaneel, John 1. Thou art the Son of God, thou art the King of Israel; and the Samaritans, John 4. We know that this is the Christ the Saviour of the world. And the fall of Peter denying his Master, which hapened since, shewed what the merit of his faith could then be, and how stedfast it was.

No more truth is there in the Cardinals affirmation,Chap. 56. p. 411. of the second Edi­tion. that when Peter said to Christ, Thou art the Christ, the Son of the living God, he had already been made Head of the other Apostles. That is confuted by Christs words in the same place, where he saith to Peter, I will give thee the keyes of the Kingdom of heaven. By speaking in the future, and promising to give him the keyes of the Kingdom of heaven, that is the government of the Church, he sheweth that he had not given them to him before.

It is false also that Peter answered, Thou art the Christ, the Son of the living God, Pag. 513. the other Apostles holding their peace, and not knowing what to answer, as the Cardinal will have it. Is it credible that the Apostles knew not that Jesus was the son of God? having heard the Father bearing that testimony unto him from heaven, This is my beloved Son in whom I am well pleased? Having already preach­ed the Gospell, the summary whereof is that sentence.John 4.42. Were they worse in­structed then the Samaritans who long before had made that confession? or then Nathanael, who the very next day after Peter was called to the Apostleship had made that notable confession, John 1.49. That then Peter set himself forth to an­swer the first, came out of his zeal and his wonted forwardness, not out of the ignorance of his fellows.

With the like error the Cardinal saith in the same place,Pag. 523. that of those two expositions the one is immediate, the other mediate; the one direct, the other collateral; the one literal, the other moral; the one original, the other acces­sory; the one perpetual, the other temporal; the one from the beginning the other by occasion. An impious Philosophy! For can one say without impiety that this proposition that the Church is founded upon Jesus confessed by Peter, is an indirect and not perpetual proposition, and is not from the beginning? Cer­tainly this was and is, and shall be for ever true. That exposition is true, not oc­casionally [Page 222] but by a perpetual necessity. One would think that this Cardinal hath undertaken to make war against the Son of God.

After these so impious and so extravagant conceits he brings more of the like subtilty.Pag. 525. He saith that the diverse uses of this word, foundation of the Church, must be distinguished. That it is one thing to be a foundation of the faith of the Church, another thing to be a foundation of the Ministery of the Church. And of that foundation of the Ministery of the Church he makes three kinds; the first an objective foundation, the second a suggestive foundation, the third an instrumental and organical foundation. So he stretcheth his wit about vain and sensless conceits. For there is no objective foundation, there being no relation or proportion between being the foundation of a building, and being the object of a faculty or action. And these words, a suggestive foundation signifie nothing at all; never did any man speak so. This Cardinal pleaseth himself with his own conceits; and as Apes hold their young ones to be of excellent beauty, so doth this Prelate admire his own mishapen fancies, which he hideth in obscurity as it were with a cloud of dust, that they may be suffered to pass.

It is false also that Peter or the Apostles be ministerial foundations, unless by the Apostles their doctrine be understood. The authority of the Ministry is founded upon him who is the author of the same, the Lord Jesus. Otherwise the authority of Peters Ministry should be founded upon Peter himself. Which is both absurd and impossible.

CHAP. 5. Six reasons of the Cardinal to prove that by this Stone the Person of Pe­ter is understood.

Pag. 541. & 542.TO perswade that by these words Thou art Peter, &c. Christ foundeth his Church upon the person of St. Peter, the Cardinal brings six reasons, but all to no purpose. For we easily suffer that exposition, so that by the person of Peter his doctrine be understood, as they say the Prophets, to signifie the wri­tings or the doctrine of the Prophets. Yet let us examine his reasons.

The first is that our Lord having foretold to Peter that he would change his name, puts him now in possession of that promise. And that this text cannot ex­pound the sense of the word Peter, unless in the second part of the text the word Peter be taken in the same sense, and for the same subject, as it is taken in the first. And by consequent that sentence, Upon this stone I will build my Church, cannot be interpreted of the person of Christ, but of the only person of Peter.

I answer that the sense is both natural and fluent, by expounding it thus, Thou shalt be called Peter by reason of the stone which thou hast confessed, upon which the Church is founded. Besides, before that Christ had spoken so to Peter, he was already named Peter. So St. Matthew calls him in ch. 10. That name is given him by Christ in the first chapter of John v. 41. Thou art Simon the son of Jona, thou shalt be called Cephas or Peter. Which is not a prediction nor a promise, but an actual imposing of the name. As when the Angel said to Ja­cob, Gen. 32. Thou shalt no more be called Jacob but Israel, although he speak in the future, yet Jacob did at that time receive the name of Israel. Thus Luke 1.60. Elizabeth naming her son said, His name shall be John.

The second reason is, that our Saviour intends in this place to return to Peter that which Peter had done for him in his discourse. Now Peter had done two things, the one to declare the appellative name of our Lord, which is Christ, the other to ex­pound the sense and the energy of the same word Christ, saying thou art the Christ the son of the living God. Wherefore the law of the antithesis required that not only the Lord should declare a name unto him, saying, Thou art Peter, but also should expound unto him the energy of that name, saying, I shall build my Church, [Page 223] which could not take place, unless by the word Peter in this second sentence the person of Peter be understood, &c.

But here the Cardinal is out, to think that these words, Thou art the Son of the living God, be the exposition of the word Christ. For Christ is a name of office; but to be the son of the living God, belongs to his nature, and is an exposition of the same.

The third reason is, that it had been altogether out of purpose to make mention of the name of Peter, considering the nature of the discourse that Christ was to use with him, if by these words, and upon this stone, he had not meant the per­son of Peter. For this word Peter had no relation to the keyes, but to building.

But that reason is without reason. The word stone or rock hath relation to the next sentence, I will build my Church: And that relation stands alike whe­ther by the word stone the person of Peter be understood, or the stone confessed by Peter.

The fourth reason is that it would have been an all Grammatical coherence to say, I declare unto thee that thou art Peter, and that upon that stone which is my self, I will build my Church, and I will give thee the keyes of the kingdom of heaven.

But the coherence is very good, taking thus the words of our Saviour, I tell thee that thy name is Peter, and that upon the stone which thou hast taken for thy foundation, namely that I am Christ the son of God, I will build my Church.

The fifth reason is, that the Pronoun this is relative, which must be referred to the Antecedent already exprest.

I answer that the text of Matthew sheweth that the pronoun this, is not the relative of Peter: For the relative must agree in gender with the antecedent. But there is in Matthew [...], Tu es Petrus, and then in the feminine [...] super hanc petram.

Finally, he saith that our Saviour would make such an allusion to the name of Peter, as would seem to confirm and approve the imposed sirname. Which I grant, For it is as if Christ had told him, Thou art with good reason called Peter, because by calling me the Christ the son of the living God, thou layest the fundamental stone up­on which I shall build my Church.

CHAP. 6. Other proofs brought by the Cardinal out of Scripture.

HE heapeth up more proofs for St. Peters primacy.Pag. 529. He alledgeth that to him it was said, I will give thee the keyes of the Kingdom of heaven. By the keyes of the kingdom of heaven nothing else is understood but the government of the Church, which often in Scripture is called the Kingdom of heaven, and the King­dom of God. It is the style of Scripture to understand by the keys, the govern­ment of the house. Thus Isa. 22.21. God promiseth to Eliakim the charge of High Steward in the Kings house, The key of the house of David will I lay upon his shoulder, so he shall open and none shall shut, and he shall shut and none shall open. And Rev. 3. it is written that Christ hath the key of David, that is, the govern­ment of the Church. That key was given not only to Peter, but also to all the Apostles. For Christ having asked all his Apostles, Whom say ye that I am, and Peter having answered for all, hath received also the keyes of the Kingdom of heaven for all, asAug. Tract. 50. in Joh. Si hoc Petro tantum dictum est non facit hoc Ecclesia. Et paulo post, Petrus quan­do claves ac­cepit, Ecclesi­am sanctam significavit. Idem Tract. 118. Petro dicitur, Tihi dabo claves, &c. tanquam ligandi & solvendi solus acciperet potestatem; cum & illud pro omnibus dixerit, & hoc cum omnibus tanquam per­sonam gerens ipsius unitatis acceperit. Austin saith in the fiftieth and one hundred and eighteenth Treatise upon St. John, and Hierom in the first book against Jovinian. They all receive the keyes of the Kingdom of heaven, and upon them the stedfastness of the [Page 224] Church is equally founded. Thus Gregory Nazianzen in the Oration upon Basil saith, that the keyes of heaven have been committed to Basil. And in the Coun­cilL. 3 c. 9. of Paris under the Emperours Lewis and Lothary, all the French Bishops say themselvs to be porters, to whom the keys of the kingdom of heaven are given. Am­brose Tibi dabo claves regni coelorum, & ut solvas & liges. Quod Petro dicitur, Apostolis di­citur, non po­testatem usur­pamus, sed servimus im­perio. upon Psal. 38. I will give thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven, &c. That which is said to Peter, is said to the other Apostles. Hilary in book 6. of the Trinity speaks thus to the ApostlesVos ô sancti & be­ati viri ob fidei vestrae meritum cla­ves regni coelorum sor­titi, & ligan­di & solven­di in coelo & terra jus adepti. You holy and blessed men who by the merit of your faith have obtained the keys of the Kingdom of heaven. Theophylactus upon that text of Matthew; Although it be said to Peter alone I will thee the keyes, yet they are given to all the Apostles. When? It was then when he said to them, Whose sins soever ye remit, they shall be remitted. And Anselmus upon that place, We must observe that this power was not given to Peter alone, but as Peter answered him alone for all, so in the person of Peter the Lord gave that power unto all.

Our Adversaries themselves hold that the power of the keyes is included in the power of binding and loosing. Now the power of binding and loosing is given to all the Apostles, Mat. 18.18.

The Cardinal alledgeth also the words of Christ to Peter, Luke 22. I have pray­ed for thee that thy faith fail not; and when thou art converted, strengthen thy bre­thren. By which words Christ promiseth to Peter, that in the temptation at hand his faith should not sink and fail altogether: And he warneth him that after he is risen from his fall, he should admonish others to grow wise by his example. But this text hath no relation to the primacy, neither far nor neer.

The Cardinal useth also these words thrice repeated of our Saviour to Peter, Feed my sheep. But Christ said not to him, Feed alone my sheep, and with soveraign power. There is no Pastor of the Church but must feed Christ sheep, Eph. 4.11. Acts 20.28.

Austin in chap. 30. of the book of the Christian combat saith, thatCum Petro dicitur Amas Me? Pasce oves meas; omnibus dicitur. when it is said unto St. Peter, Lovest thou me? Feed my sheep; it is said unto all.

Basil in his Ascetical constitutions, chap. 22. Having constituted Peter Pastor of his Church after him: For he told him, Lovest thou me more then these? feed my my sheep; [...]. Giving to all Pastors and Doctors that should come after, the like power. Whereof we have a proof in that all bind and loose as well as he.

Ambrose in the book of the Priestly dignityQuas oves & quem gregem non solum tunc beatus sus­cepit Petrus, sed & nobis­cum eas sus­cepit, & cum illo nos eas suscepimus omnes.. Which sheep Peter did not then receive alone, but he with us, and we all with him have received them. That inter­rogation, Peter, lovest thou me? was made to St. Peter thrice, that by three con­fessions he might repair the three denials, whereby a little before he had denied the Lord, as Hierom saith in the Epitaph to Fabiola, Petrus trinam negationem trina con­fessione delevit, Peter blotted away his triple denyal by his triple confession. And Austin in the twenty third Treatise upon St. John, Redditur trinae negationi trina confessio. Three confessions are given to repair the three denyals. Ambrose saith the same in the Apology of Daniel, chap. 6. And Epiphanius in the heresie of the Cathari, which is the 59. §. 1. And Cyrillus upon John 12. cap. 64. Where al­so he renders a reason why after these three confessions the Lord said to him, Feed my sheep; namely that thereby the Lord restored him into the dignity of the Apo­stleship, least that by the triple denial he might not seem to have been shaken. Very unfit­ly then words of comfort are imployed to establish a Monarchy.

The Cardinal is not ashamed to use for Peters primacy, that which is said in Matthews Gospel,Page 539. that Jesus Christ commanded Peter to pay tribute for him and for himself, which is a proof unworthy to be confuted.

CAHP. VII. Of Cyprians opinion about Peters primacy, and that the Cardinal hath not understood it. And how all the Apostles have been heads of the Uni­versal Church.

CCyprian in the book of the unity of the Church, held, that before the resur­rection of Christ Peter alone had the primacy, but that after the resurrection all the Apostles were made equal, so that by his reckoning, his Primacy continued but two or three years at the most. He saith that Christ would have that pri­macy to be at the first, in one man only, before it was communicated to ma­ny, that the dignity should begin by one, to shew the unity of the Church, and that all Bishops, though in several Countries, make but one chair, and one succession. His words are these,Quamvis Apostolus omnibus post resurrectio­nem suam parem potesta­tem tribuat, & dicat, Sicut misit me Pater, & ego mitto vos, Accipite Spi­ritum San­ctum. Si cui remiseritis peccata; remit­tentur illi; Si cui tenueritis, tenebuntur: Tamen ut unitatem ma­nifestaret, unam cathe­dram consti­tuit & unita­tis ejusdem originem ab uno incipien­tem sua au­thoritate disposuit. Hoc erant utique caeteri Apostoli quod Petrus, pari consortio praediti & honoris & potestatis. Sed exordium ab unitate profi­ciscitur ut Ec­clesia una monstretur. Pamelius hath corrup­ted that place, and hath added this, Supra Petrum unum Christus aedificat Ec­clesiam suam. Also Primatus Pe­tro datur. Which words are not found in the other copies. Although the Lord after his resurrection give to his Apostles an equal power, and say, As my Father hath sent me, so do I send you, Receive the Holy Ghost: Whose sins soever ye remit, they shall be remitted. Yet to shew the unity, he hath establisht one chair, and hath by his authority dis­posed the origine of the unity, beginning by one. The other Apostles indeed were the same thing as Peter was, endowed with the like honour and power; but the begin­ning proceeds from unity, to shew that the Church is one.

The Cardinal is not far from that opinion.Pag. 529. Only he addeth one thing of his own, which Cyprian saith not, That Christ gave to other Apostles part in the authority which he had given to St. Peter. And that this priviledge to be the foundation of the Church was originally in Peter, but in the others by associati­on and aggregation. Wherein he differs from Cyprians doctrine, who saith that Peter was the head of the Church before the other Apostles only in time, not in degree; and saith not that the dignity of the other Apostles was grounded upon that of Peter, and makes it not depend from his primacy. He saith indeed that he that abandoneth Peters chair, cannot be in the Church. But by Peters chair he understands not that of the Roman Bishop only, butCyprian l. de unitate Ecclesiae, §. Episcopatus unus est cujus à singulis in solidum pars tenetur. the whole body of Bishops, whom he holds to be all sitting in that chair, and to have a solid and joint part in that succession. Herein also the Cardinal contradicteth St. Paul, who in the beginning of the Epistle to the Galatians, saith himself to be an Apostle not of men, nor by man, but by Jesus Christ. And chap. 2. ver. 6. he saith that they that seemed to be somewhat (he speaketh of the most excellent Apostles) added nothing to him: Which should be false if his Apostleship had been ground­ed upon Peter, and had taken origine from him. And really he had exercised his Apostleship many years before he spake with Peter, and before he had any communication with him.

To the words of Cyprian, which say that Christ gave to his Apostles an equal power after his resurrection, and that they were all endowed with the like ho­nour and authority, the Cardinal brings a distinction; saying that Cyprian speak­eth of the inward and essential power of the Apostleship, not of that which is external and accidental to the Apostleship. And that they were equal as for the power, not as for the order of the exercise of the power. He casteth those dark words, as a black smoak before the eyes of the Reader, for fear of being perceived. He meaneth that they were equal in that which is essential to the Apostleship, but not in the primacy, which is accidental and not essential to the Apostleship. But Cyprian clearly confutes that distinction, making them equal in honour: Now the chief honour which our Adversaries attribute unto Peter, is the honour of the primacy. Besides, Cyprian saith that the Lord, Mat. 16. established Peter to be the head of the Church, but that after his resurrection he made them equal; which is saying clearly enough, that after the resurrection he [Page 226] made them all heads, and that Peter had no more that primacy. Our Adver­saries say that (Mat. 16.) Peter was established head of the Universal Church, which is a thing accidental to the Apostleship. Now it is in that very thing that Cyprian saith that Christ made the other Apostles equal unto Peter; that is, in the prerogative which he had before his resurrection; making them all after the resurrection of Christ equal both in honour and power. How equall in power, if Peter had power over them? And how equall in honour, if Peter had alone the primacy over the Universal Church?

Because the Fathers say very often that all Bishops are successors of the Apostles, and of St. Peter: the Cardinal saith that the Bishop of Rome alone is successor of St. Peter by a direct succession, but that the others Bishop are sitting in St. Pe­ters chair, and are in some sort his successors by an oblique and indirect succes­sion. But the most esteemed among the Popes, Gregory the I. sirnamed the Great, did not know that distinction. For in the 37. Epistle of the first book, he ex­tolleth the dignity of the three Sees of St. Peter, which are Rome, Antioch and Alexandria. Then he addeth,Cum ergo unius atque una sit sedes cui ex autho­ritate divina tres nunc Episcopi praesident. Whereas then the See is one, and of one man, over which See three Bishops preside now by divine authority, all the good which I hear of you, I attribute unto my self; and if you hear any good of me, impute it to your merit. And in the fifth book, Epist. 60. he writes thus to the Bishop of Alex­andria Hujus nos Magistri & Discipuli authoritate constringimur ut & ego sedi Discipuli praefidere vi­dear propter Magistrum & vos sedi Magistri propter Disci­pulam.. We are tyed together by the union between the Master and the Disciple [St. Peter and St. Mark] so that it seems that I preside over the See of the Dis­ciple, because of the Master; and that you preside over the Masters See, because of the Disciple. There not only he makes the Bishops of Alexandria equally successors of St. Peter with him, but also he saith that they preside over the Roman See in some sort. And he equalleth the Bishops of Antioch and Alexandria to that of Rome, as sitting in the same chair, and having the same succession. And truly if Peter hath been Bishop of Antioch, and the Bishops of Antioch are descended from him in a direct line; I see not why the Cardinal makes them his successors in a collateral and indirect line. That he affirmeth with his own meer authority, and brings no other authority for it.

CHAP. VIII. Of St. Peters being at Rome. Examination of the Cardinals reasons.

VVHether St. Peter hath been at Rome or not, and whether he suffered Martyrdome there, is a question of no use for the establishing the pri­macy of the Bishop of Rome. For it is not necessary that he hath given prehe­minences to all the places where he made some stay. If he was put to death at Rome, it is rather a disgrace to the City of Rome then an honour, to have mur­thered such an excellent Apostle. Thus our Saviour marketh Jerusalem with a note of infamy for killing the Prophets.Luke 13. Or if the abode and martyrdome of Peter at Rome is considerable for conferring the primacy upon the Bishop of Rome, much rather ought the Bishop of Jerusalem have the Primacy, since Christ was crucified at Jerusalem; and that it was for a good while the dwelling place of all the Apostles. Had St. Peter died at Milan, or at Capua, or in Caper­naum, none would for that defer to the Bishops of those places the government of the Universal Church. Nevertheless M. du Perron, after others, thinking there­by to confirm powerfully the Popes primacy, treats that question at large, and giveth to that matter the 31. chapter of his first book.

I do acknowledge freely, in the very beginning of this controversie, that this opinion hath been received among the Fathers, that St. Peter was at Rome and there died; yet the most antient of them that speak of it areIrenaeus lib. 3 cap 3. Irenaeus [Page 227] andTertull. de praescrip­tionibus. cap. 36. Tertullian who writ about a hundred and thirty years after St. Peters death, which is a sufficient time to give course to a false opinion.

I purpose not to oppose the testimony of the Antients, nor to deny absolutely that St. Peter was at Rome. Only I say that this matter is so involved with fables, that the untruths added to it, are sufficient to bring all the truths in question. It is easie to shew that the Traditions about that, received by our Adversaries, that St. Peter after he had been seven years Bishop of Antioch, transported his See to Rome, where he was Bishop and first Pope five and twenty years together, are things inconsistent, and whereof the untruth is evident.

The Cardinal in the forealledged chap. 31. begins by our objections, which he sets forth neither in the manner nor in the order that we propound them, and brings weak reasons for us, such as we would not insist upon. Here then I will insist only upon that which I think to be solid, and set down our reasons, such as they are indeed, not such as he makes them.

I. We say then that if St. Peter had been Pope at Rome so long, some traces should be extant in the Acts of the Apostles, or in some Antient Author of good credit, of a thing so notable; some description, or some mention of his journey, and of the places where he past going from Syria to Rome. The first that de­scribed St. Peters journey was Simeon Metaphrastes, about eight hundred and fifty years after Christs birth; an Author notoriously fabulous, whomAnn. 44. Sect. 17. Baronius very often accuseth of untruth. In vain the Cardinal answereth that St. Luke in the Acts follows especially the actions of St. Paul his Master. For besides that Luke speaks often of St. Peter; even since the conversion of Paul, that action of transporting the seat of the Ecclesiastical Monarchy from the East to the West, is such an important and publick thing, that it should not have been buried in silence, but made known to all the Churches of the world. That man should be strangely negligent, who writing the Roman History of Constantines time, should say nothing of the removing of the Roman Empire to Constantinople.

II. But who will believe that such an excellent Apostle hath been so long in the first City of the world, upon such a high stage, among so many combats, and left behind him no Sermon, and no record of his miracles and of his combats against the enemies of the Gospell? Doubtless not only the Christian Authors, but even the Pagan Historians, of which that age was so fertile, had not been si­lent of him; seeing that the miracles of Apollonius Thyanaeus, who lived near about the same time have been recorded, and the Apophthegmes of one Demetrius a Cynick who lived then at Rome, and of Florus a begging Philosopher, have been recorded.

It is true that some Antients say that St. Peter fought at Rome in the sight of all the people against Simon Magus, who being carried up in the air in a fiery Chariot fell down at the prayers of St. Peter, and brake his neck. But such a publike and wonderfull accident had not been forgotten by the Pagan Authors of that age, as Suetonius, Tacitus, Seneca, Pliny and others. Austine in his Epistle to Casu­lanus, which is the 86. saith that many Romans hold that narration to be false: Where Austin speaks not only of the fast whereby Peter prepared himself for that combat (as M. du Perron will have it) but of the whole story. There being no likelyhood of ground for thinking it false, that Peter prepared himself by fast­ing for so great a combat. St. Austin was too prudent to make that fast to be sus­pected as fabulous.

The same appears also in thatJustin. Mar. Apol 2. [...]. Justin Martyr in his second Apology, and Tertullian in the Apologetick, say that the Romans had honoured Simon Magus with a Statue inscribed To Simon the Holy God. For if the Romans had seen him thus cast headlong at St. Peters prayer, they had rather erected a Statue to Peter, instead of crucifying him. Baronius on the year 44. §. 55. saith, that under Gregory XIII. in the Isle of Tiber was found a stone with this inscription, Semoni Sango Deo. It is that God whom the antient Romans called Sanctas & Diespiter, which Varro mentions in his fourth book of the Latin tongue. And Ovid. Fastor. 4.

[Page 228]
Quaerebam Nonas Sancto Fidione referrem,
An tibi Semo pater, &c.

It is credible that the antient Christians little skilled in the Roman antiquity, see­ing that inscription in the basis of a statue, thought it was the statue of Simon Magus.

III. It is very considerable also that St. Paul, in the last chapter of the Epistle which he writ to the Church of Rome, saluteth a great number of persons; among others, some whom he cals his helpers in Christ, and his work-fellows; but he makes no mention of Peter, Pag. 183. who (if he had been at Rome) should have been saluted the first. M. du Perren answereth, that the Epistle to the Romans was written while the Jews were out of Rome, and that St. Peter was relegated into the East. A thing evidently false and convinced of untruth, by the names of the persons that then were at Rome whom St. Paul saluteth. For he saluteth Priscilla and Aquila which were Jews, as it appeareth, Acts 18.2. who being banisht out of Rome by the Emperour Claudius, like the other Jews retired to Corinth, but since returned to Rome, and there continued; for when Paul came to Rome, he conferred with the Jews that lived there, Acts 28.17.

As for Peter, if he was banisht out of Rome with the other Jews, I see no reason why he was rather relegated into the East (as M. du Perron saith) then his Coun­trey-men that went to Corinth and other places. Besides, St. Peter was a Jew, and therefore of the East. Now none is relegated into his own Countrey. A Jew can­not be banisht into Judea.

The Cardinal adds that if this argument take place, we must conclude also that Timothy was not Bishop of Ephesus, because St. Paul writing to the Ephesi­ans salutes not Timothy; And that St. James was not Bishop of Jerusalem, because St. Paul writing to the Hebrews, doth not salute St. James, and makes not any mention of him. But this Cardinal is short here, and apprehends not that the strength of our argument lyeth not, in that Paul writing to the Romans salutes not Peter, but in that he saluting many persons of the Church of Rome, and naming them, and saluting especially his helpers in Christ, and work-fellows in the Gospel, he nameth not Peter, and salutes him not. If St. Paul writing to the Ephesians while he was there had saluted many persons making no mention of Timothy, there had been reason to find it strange. Note by the way the Cardinals ignorance, who thinks that the Epistle to the Hebrews was written particularly to the Church of Jerusalem, seeing that it is written to the Jews scattered over all the world. If it had been addressed in particular to the Church of Jerusalem, the Apostle would rather have written to them in the Jewish lan­guage, and would not have alledged Scripture unto them according to the ver­sion of the Septuagint, but as it was read in the Synagogues of Jerusa­lem.

IV. Moreover, it is not likely that St. Paul would have written such a long Epistle unto the Church of Rome to instruct them in the Christian religion, if they had then enjoyed the daily instruction of Peter the Apostle. At least he would have given some reason in that Epistle why he would instruct the Church of Rome, which having such an excellent Pastor as St. Peter, did not want instruction. And he would have exhorted the Romans to value very highly that singular grace of God, to have provided for them such an holy and excellent Apostle.

V. Observe also that St. Paul writ to the Romans, being at Corinth, two years and above before his journey to Rome, which he took in the second year of Nero, when Festus was sent to succeed Felix Governour of Judea. Now the five first years of Nero past with all lenity, neither did Nero then oppress or persecute any; so that no persecution could constrain Peter to absent himself from Rome, if he had been Bishop of Rome at that time. And Pauls coming to Rome at that time shews sufficiently that Peter was not then at Rome; for St. Luke, Acts 28.15. & seq. relateth how some of the brethren came to meet him, and how being [Page 229] come to the City, he visited the chief of the Jews; Of visiting Peter, or any commu­nication with him, no mention is made, and yet he should have begun his visits there.

VI. While Paul sojourned at Rome he writ many Epistles; to the Galatians, to the Ephesians, to the Philippians, to the Colossians, to Philemon, and the second to Timothy, as it appears by the subscription of the Epistles, which (though not Canonical) are not to be contemned.Gal. 2.6, 7, 8. In the Epistle to the Galatians he defends the honour of his Apostleship, against those that would abase it, making him much inferiour unto other Apostles. To that end he saith that the most emi­nent (meaning James, Peter and John) having perceived the grace that was given unto him, gave him the right hand of fellowship, receiving him in the so­ciety of the Apostles. Had the Apostle Paul lost memory or common sense, that he should omit his present condition, which would have served more then any other thing to raise the dignity of his Apostleship? For he could have said that Peter had received him for his associate in the conduct of the first Church of the world, where was the seat of the Primacy over the Universal Church. To say that the Epistle to the Galatians was written before that to the Romans, (as the Cardinal deemeth) is contradicting the subscription of the Epistle to the Gala­tians, which saith expresly, that it was written from Rome, and by consequent after the Epistle to the Romans, which was written from Corinth, long before Paul came to Rome.

VII. In the Epistle to the Colossians, written also from Rome, chap. 4. v. 10, 11. He saith that Aristarchus and Marcus, and Jesus which is called Justus, were his only fellow-workers unto the kingdom of God, which had been a comfort unto him. Where was St. Peter then? Is it credible that he was not joined with St. Paul to help him in the work of the Gospel, and to be a comfort unto him? Or shall we say that Paul envied him that praise? Note also that he speaks not of those that served him at home, but of those that were his coadjutours in the Kingdom of God, that is, in the work of the Gospel.

VIII. It is not to be omitted that Gal. 2.7. Paul saith that the Gospel of the circumcision was committed unto Peter, that is, the charge of announcing the Go­spel unto the Jews; for which it was more convenient for him to live in Judea, or Syria, or Idumea, or Aegypt, or Cyrene, which swarmed with Jews, then at Rome, where there was but few Jews at that time, and those subject to banishment, and exposed to much oppression and scorn:Martial. Epigr. l. 1. Hoc quod transtiberinus ambulator qui pallentia sulfurata fractis permu­tat vitreis. Juvenalis. Occultam Judaea susur­rat in aurem. Qualiacun (que) voles Judaei somnia ven­dunt. They sold matches beyond the Tyber, were fortune-tellers, lay in the Forest of Aricinum, and were in great contempt.

IX. The same Apostle, Rom. 15.23. saith to the Romans, that he had a great desire to come to them, for he intended to advance the work of God at Rome. Now he had told them, ver. 20. that his custome was not to build upon another mans foundation, that is, to announce the Gospel in such places where some other Apostle had already founded the Church. He presupposeth then that Peter had not founded the Roman Church.

X. But that which makes the abode of Peter at Rome, and his being Bishop there more uncertain, is the dissent which is found among the Antients about that matter.

Eusebius in his Chronicle, according to Hieroms version, saith that St. Peter having been the first founder of the Church of Antioch, was sent to Rome to preach the Gospel, where he was Bishop of the said City five and twenty years together. But that place is falsified and corrupted; for in the Greek text of Eusebius these words where he was five and twenty years a Bishop, are not found. Yet that which Euse­bius saith, that Peter was sent, sheweth that he was subject to the colledge of the Apostles, since he received his mission from them.

The Pontifical of Damasus in the life of Linus, saith that Linus was Bishop of Rome from the Consulate of Saturninus and Scipio, which was in the second year of Nero, unto the Consulate of Capito and Rufus, which fell in the thirteenth year of the same Emperour. By which reckoning Linus was eleven years Bishop [Page 230] of Rome. But in those eleven years our Adversaries say that Peter was Bishop of Rome. Which if it be true, there was two Bishops or Popes at Rome at the same time.

As for St. Peters death,Petrus à Nerone af­fixus cruci, martyrio coronatus est, capito [...]d terram verso, & in sublime pedibus ele­vatis, asserens se indignum ut sic crucifi­geretur ut Dominus suus. Hierom in his Catalogue of Ecclesiastical Writers saith, that in the last year of Nero, which was the fourteenth, Peter was crucified at Rome with his head downwards, because he held not himself worthy to be crucified in the same form as Christ his Lord was; as if the form of the punish­ment were at the choice of him that is punisht. Also that he was buried in the Vatican neer the triumphal street. Now he could not be buried there presently after his death. For it is not credible that the Roman Magistrate would have suffered that the body of a fellon, executed with the most infamous punishment of all, should be buried in an honourable place, where none was buried before. Eusebius in the last chapter but one of the second book of his history, saith, [...], that Peter was nailed to a piece of wood, but of that turning of his head downwards he speaks never a word.

The first Decretal of Clement the V. giveth notice to James of the death of Peter. If we believe that Epistle, Peter dyed before James. Now James dyed in the seventh year of Nero; So the furthest time that can be assigned to Peters death by that account, must be the sixth year of Nero, in which time Nero had not begun yet to persecute the Christians; not the fourteenth year, as Hierom saith. Our Adversaries cannot accuse that Epistle of untruth, since Pope Leo IX. in his fourth Epistle, and Gregory the VII. in the thirty sixth Epistle, and the Council of Vatson alledge it. And the Jesuite Turrianus made a book purposely for the defence of these Decretals.

In the first Tome of the Councils there is an Epistle of Cornelius Bishop of Rome, where he saith that he hath buried the body of St. Peter In Templo Apollinis, in monte aureo, in Vaticano palatii Nero­niani. in the Tem­ple of Apollo, in the golden Mount, in the Vatican of the Pallace of Nero, where also he saith that the bodies of many Bishops lye; All fables and forged tales; for Cornelius would not have laid St. Peters body in a Temple of Idols: and if he had offered to do it, the Pagans would not have suffered it; Especially in a time when the Church of Rome was hidden and cruelly persecuted. And Nero's Pal­lace was not a place where any was buried; and that golden Mount is an imagina­ry place. And the Pagans did not bury in their Temples.

If any must be believed in a matter, the relation whereof is so various, it seems to be Athanasius, to whose authority, that of other Fathers ought not to be com­pared. He then in his first Apology for his flight speaks thus [...].. Peter who hid himself for fear of the Jews, and Paul who was let down in a basket and fled, have­ing heard this voyce, You must suffer Martyrdom at Rome, did not shrink back from that journey, but rather went rejoycing. And Peter rejoyced when they cut his throat, as returning to his own kindred. Three things he saith of Peter. The one, that the Jews sought to put him to death. The other that Peter and Paul were not taken at Rome, but that both took their journey to Rome, there to suffer Mar­tyrdome. (He meaneth, it seems, that the Jews having delivered them to the Romans, these Apostles were at several times brought to Rome) The third thing which he saith, is, that Peter had his throat cut, not then that he was crucified. Wherefore I wonder how Eusebius, contrary to the testimony of Athanasius, would say that Peter was nailed to a piece of wood.

Other fables are said of Pauls Baron. an 69. §. 12. deat [...], that when he was beheaded, out of his neck issued not blood, but milk.

The like dissent is between Writers about the successors of Peter, and that dis­sent breeds a very thick darkness. Tertullian in the thirty second chapter of Pre­scriptions, and Hierom upon Isa. 52. and in the first book against Jovinian, put Clement immediately after St. Peter. Optatus in the first book against Parmenian, puts Linus, and then Clement, and next to him Euaristus. Hierome in the first book of Ecclesiasticall writers, speaking of Clement, puts him the fourth after Pe­ter. Anastatius the Library-keeper, and Luitprandus say the same. But Eusebius in his Chronicle, and Irenaeus confound Cletus with Anacletus, as being but one. [Page 231] for whichEpiph. contra Car­pocrat. haer. 27. Epiphanius in the twenty seventh heresie brings divers reasons, saying that the truth is not evident to him. It is no wonder then, if the succes­sion of some particular Bishop be doubtfull, and if the Authors vary upon the names of the successours. But it is not credible that if the Bishop of Rome had been the Head of the Universal, Church, the name and number of the first that held that Monarchy; could have been uncertain; and that in a flourishing age, where there was no want of Writers. As if there were a dispute about the next successour of Augustus or Charlemagen.

But when our Adversaries are put to find the seven years, in which they say that St. Peter held his See at Antioch, and the five and twenty in which they say that he held it at Rome, they find themselves in a maze, and involved with inso­luble difficulties: for there being but thirty six or thirty seven years from the death of Christ to that of Peter, if from them you take off the seven years of his sojourning at Antioch, and the twenty five of his ruling the See of Rome, there will remain to him but four or five years to do all the things that are said of him in the Acts of the Apostles, and in the Epistle to the Galatians; which yet could not have been done in less then eighteen or twenty years.

Suppose that the conversion of Paul happened a year after the death of Christ, as Cardinal Baronius will have it, and after him Cardinal du Perron, which pas­sage yet we will shew hereafter to have happened above six years later.

Gal. 1.18. St. Paul saith that three years after his conversion he went up to Jerusalem to visit Peter.

Twelve years after Christs death, St. Peter is committed in the prisons of Je­rusalem by Herod Agrippa, Acts 12. For that happened in the last year of that Herod, the second or third year of the Emperour Claudius. So twelve years are past already, and Peter is still in Judea, and hath not yet fixed his See at An­tioch. Which is confirmed by Eusebius in the fifth book of his History, chap. 17. where he saith that a certain Apollonius knew by a Tradition come from the Apo­stles, that Christ before he ascended into heaven, had commanded his Apostles to abide at Jerusalem twelve whole years. Not but that it was lawfull for them to go out of the Town to visit the neighbouring Churches,Act. 9.10, 11. but their ordinary residence was as Jerusalem. Thus Peter dwelling at Jerusalem, yet went to Lydda, Samaria, and Cesarea. Which agreeth very well with that relation, Acts 8.1. that after Stevens death, the Church of Jerusalem was dissipated, and scattered in diverse places; the Apostles only excepted, who stayed at Jerusalem. They would not think of flying out of Jerusalem, notwithstanding the peril to obey Christs prohibition.

We learn Acts 11.20. that the Church of Antioch was founded a little before Peters imprisonment; not by Peter, but by the preaching of some Cyprians and Cyrenians, who first announced the Gospel in Antioch unto the Gentiles, and that for the advancing of that holy work, Barnabas was sent from Jerusalem, who joyned Paul with himself. And a famine being shortly after in Judea, the Disci­ples of Antioch sent some relief by the hands of Barnabas and Saul unto the Chur­ches of Judea that were pincht with famine and poverty, Act. 11.29. In all that work Peter had no part, whence it is evident that he was not yet Bishop of Antioch.

Barnabas and Saul being come to Jerusalem found Peter prisoner; for in the first verse of the chapter following, we read that [...]. at or about the same time Herod stretched forth his hands to vex certain of the Church, and ap­prehended Peter.

Onuphrius an Augustinian Monk, the most learned in history of all our Adver­saries, saith that Peter being come out of prison, went immediately into Anti­och twelve years after Christs death. But that is contradicted by the history of the Acts; for in the beginning of the thirteenth chapter an enumeration is made of the holy men that served the Church of Antioch, among which Peter is not named. So that already thirteen years at the least are past since Christs death, and Peter is not yet Bishop of Antioch.

Let us follow the thread of the history. We have said that Paul three years after his conversion came to Jerusalem, and there saw Peter, with whom he was fifteen dayes. The same Apostle saith in the following chapter, that fourteen years after he went up again to Jerusalem, Gal. 2.1. where he saw James, Cephas and John, who gave to him and Barnabas the right hand of fellowship. Whether you reckon those fourteen years from his conversion, or rather (as it is more likely) from his first journey to Jerusalem, they will be above fifteenth years since Christs death, and St. Peter is still in Judea, and hath not yet seated himself in Antioch.

In the fifteenth of the Acts a Council is kept at Jerusalem, where Paul being sent from Antioch, was present, and Peter also. Our Cardinal will have that Council to be upon the eighteenth year after the death of Christ. All which time from the death of Christ, Peter is still found in Judea, never in Antioch.

Suppose that presently after that Council, Peter set his See in Antioch, and there lived seven years, which yet doth not appear; yet twenty five years are already past since our Saviours death before Peter was at Rome. And yet you must find some years for him to visit the Churches of Asia, Pontus, and Galatia, to which he directeth his first Epistle; which Churches he visited after his resi­dence at Antioch, according to Hieromes testimony in his Catalogue.

By that calculation some twelve years should remain for Peter to reside in Rome. But if Pauls conversion did not happen but seven or eight years after our Saviours death, hardly will four or five years remain, and the twen­ty five years of Peters holding his Bishops See at Rome shall be reduced to the sixth part.

The Cardinal to rid himself of these difficulties, doth two things. First, he makes St. Peter to take many journeys from Rome to Judea, and transports him in an instant from Rome to Jerusalem. Of which journeys not the least mention is made in all Antiquity. It had been a shorter course to put him in many places at the same time, as well as the body of Christ in many millions of places in the same moment. Secondly, he hastens the conversion of St. Paul, and will have him converted the very first year after the Lords death. A thing very un­likely. For the persecution and the martyrdom of Steven preceded the conver­sion of Paul, there being an intervall between, in which Paul did persecute ma­ny. Now that persecution about Steven happened many years after Christs death. In the end of the Greek Chronicle of Eusebius, set out by Josephus Scaliger, there is a little book intituled the Epitome of times, which saith that the martyr­dome of Steven happen seven years after Christs Passion. Nicephorus in the se­cond book, chap. 3. alledgeth Enodius the next successour to Peter in the Bishop­rick of Antioch, who saith that Steven died seven years after our Saviours death, and that Paul was converted six moneths after. To which Euodius, as more anti­ent, and contemporary to the Apostles, we must give more credence then to the Chronicle of Eusebius. Beside it is not credible that this persecution was rais­ed against the Christians by the Jews in the first year after the Lords death, be­cause Tiberius was then living, who would not have permitted that persecution. For Tertullian in the first chapter of the Apologetick, and Eusebius in his Chro­nicle, testifie that Tiberius favoured the Christians, and prohibited upon heavy penalties that they should be accused. It is more credible that this persecution happened in the beginning of the Empire of Caligula, which meets with the se­venth year after the Lords death.

Moreover, if St. Paul was converted the first year after the Lords death, it will follow that the eight first chapters of the book of the Acts of the Apostles, and half the ninth, contain no more but the history of one year, and that the two following chapters contain the history of ten or eleven years. For that which is related in the eleventh and twelf chapters happened twelve years after Christs death.

Such are our reasons, not those which M. du Perron frameth for us, to the [Page 233] number of twelve: Which having set forth such as he would, he takes after a great deal of pains to confute them.

As for reasons and proofs out of the word of God, to shew that Peter was Bi­shop of Rome, he brings none, but the last verse but one of the first Epistle of Peter, where he saith, The Church that is at Babylon, salutes you, and Marcus my son. For (saith he) Babylon is Rome, and the word Marcus is a Roman name. And Papias by the relation of Clemens Alexandrinus, saith, that Marcus being desired at Rome by the brethren, writ a short Gospel, which Peter having read, approved of it.

For answer, I say that it is doubtfull whether by Babylon Peter understands the Babylon of Chaldea, or the City of Rome, or the whole body of the Paganism, un­der which the Christian Church suffered persecution. As Rev. 18. by these words, Come out of Babylon my people, God commands not his people to come out of the City of Rome, but out of Popery, and out of the subjection under the Roman Hierarchy. Yet let us suppose that by Babylon Peter understands Rome; what can be inferred thence, but that Peter was at Rome? But that proveth not that he was Bishop of Rome, or that he hath set there the seat of the primacy over the Church, or that he hath continued there long.

In one thing the Cardinals judgement was short,Pag 189. when he reproved Erasmus for saying that the Babylon which St. Peter speaks of, is the Babylon ofThe Cardinal should have said Chaldea. Assyria, admiring the ignorance of Erasmus, for not knowing that when St. Peter writ this Epistle, there was no more Jews in Babylon, as Josephus testifies. To what purpose that? and what doth it against Erasmus? Is it not enough that Babylon had some Christians, though they were no Jews? for those Christians were the Church of Babylon.

And how absurd is his argument! Marcus my son salutes you; Now Marcus is a Roman name; Ergo Peter was at Rome, when he writ this Epistle. This is want of natural Logick. Thus Paul is a Roman name; may one thence infer that St. Paul was at Rome when he writ his Epistles? A man that never was at Rome, may have a Roman name. And suppose that Mark writ his Gospel at Rome, doth it follow that St. Peter approved it being at Rome? For his credit he should have abstained from alledging Papias, who is a teller of fables. It is the testimony that Eusebius giveth of him, in the third book of his history, in the last Chaper.

Another ignorance of the Cardinal must not be forgiven him,Pag. 180, & 181. when he admires the ignorance of Calvin for saying that the journey to Jerusalem (which St. Paul speaks of Gal. 2.1. when he saith, Then fourteen years after I went up again to Jerusalem) was not the journey for the Council, but the journey for the Alms.

For although Pauls journey mentioned Gal. 2.1. was another then that for the Alms, Acts 11.29, 30. yet the Cardinal is out, thinking that the journey that St. Paul speaks of, Gal. 2.1. Then fourteen years after I went up again to Jerusa­lem, is the same journey as that for the Council. For it is said Acts 15.2. that Paul was sent by deputation from the Church of Antioch when he went to that Council. But the voyage for the Alms, Gal. 2.1, 2. was undertaken by [...]. reve­lation. I went up, saith he, by revelation. The first journey was to get the ad­vice of the Apostles about a controversie moved at Antioch. But the journey mentioned, Gal. 2.1, 2. was undertaken to commune with the Apostles about the preaching of the Gospel, lest by any means (saith he) I should run or had run in vain.

To shut up this discourse, although in the word of God no trace is extant of the voyage of St. Peter to Rome, and of his suffering there, but rather many things that give suspicion of the contrary; yet I am prone to believe that he was at Rome, and there suffered Martyrdom, seeing the consent of the Fathers upon that matter, although they writ long after St. Peters death. As for the time that he was there, it seems that the fore-alledgedPontifi­cale Damasi in Lino. Pontifical of Damasus makes it plain, and discovereth the truth, so that he points to us the spring and the ori­gine of the errour, and of the contradictions upon that subject. He saith [Page 234] that Linus was Bishop of Rome under the Emperour Nero, from the Consulate of Saturninus and Scipio, which was on the second year of Nero, unto the Con­sulate of Capito and Rufus, in the thirteenth year of the same Emperour. I think then that Peter being come to Rome in the second year of Nero, placed Linus there to conduct that Church, and after a short stay at Rome he returned into Judea. And that eleven or twelve years after his departing from Rome, being appre­hended by the Jews, and delivered up to the Romans, he was carried up to Rome, 36 or 37. years after the death of Christ; where after some moneths of impri­sonment he was put to death, the last year of the Empire of Nero. But Euse­bius hath mistaken one Emperour for another, putting the date of Peters come­ing to Rome on the second year of Claudius, instead of the second year of Nero. An easie mistake, since those two Emperours had the same name, the one being called Claudius Nero, the other Nero Claudius. He hath then taken one Claudi­us for another, and one Nero for another, and the second year of the one for the second year of the other. Making Peter to come to Rome the twelfth or thirteenth year after Christs death, instead of the twenty fourth or twenty fifth, which is the same time that Paul also was carried up to Rome; where Paul continued longer, as having guards, though he had leave to walk in the City. But Peter returned into Judea, leaving Linus Pastor of the Church of Rome.

As for the form of his execution, I think not that Athanasius spoke lightly and without good information, that he was sought by the Jews to be apprehend­ed. That he went up to Rome, there to suffer death, and that he performed that journey cheerfully. That he [...]. had his throat cut, or was strangled. His burial was no doubt, as of other executed persons, not in an honourable place. But long after his death, the Christians might have transported his bones, and bu­ried them with honour.

In our dayes, an imaginary sepulcher, and supposititious relicks serve for the traffick. For the Archiepscopal cloaks or palls which the Pope sells very dear, are laid upon St. Peters tomb, and sent to the new Archbishops that pay for them. Every year, one with another, the Pope gets by those palls above an hundred thou­sand Ducats.

CHAP. 9. Falsifications of the Cardinal about this matter in his fifty sixth Chapter.

I Owe some notes to the falsifications, wherewith the fifty sixth chapter of the Cardinals first book is stuffed, to prove the Primacy deferred by Christ unto Peter.

In page 527. he alledgeth the words of Cyrillus of Jerusalem in the eleventh Catechesis; All the other Apostles holding their peace (for that doctrine was above their strength) Peter the Prince of the Apostles, &c. told him, Thou art the Christ, the son of the living God. These words, above their strength, are not in the Greek, but are added by the Cardinal to depress the other Apostles in compa­rison of Peter, as wanting that strength and vertue which Peter had to make that answer. There is in the Creek of Cyrillus [...], &c. All being silent (for that do­ctrine was above man) Peter, &c.

With the like licentiousness he corrupts a place of Athanasius in the fourth Oration against the Arrians. He maketh Athanasius say, There is no doubt but that the same who inquired, as having first revealed unto Peter the things which he had known, now asketh the same things of him in an humane manner. He alledgeth that text, to perswade that Christ had revealed unto Peter, that he is the Christ the son of God, before he had revealed it to the other Apostles. But Athanasius saith no such thing, but only that Christ had revealed that unto Peter, before he questioned him about [Page 235] it. His words are [...]. There is no doubt but that the same Lord who did inquire af­ter that he had revealed unto Peter that which he had from his Father, did after­wards put a question to him about it in an humane manner.

These two falsifications were added to fill up the measure; for in the page before, there are two notorious ones, which I already touched before. The one whereby he makes Paul to say, Gal. 2.7. that [...]. they that seemed to be somewhat, had taught him nothing, whereas there is in the text, that they had added nothing to him. Lest that it should be known that Paul in that text doth equal the dignity of his Apostleship, with that of the most excellent Apostles, the Cardinal hath put, they have taught me nothing, instead of they have added to me nothing, to make the world believe that Paul compareth himself in learning unto the other Apostles, not in the authority and dignity of the Apostleship. And yet the same Apostle saying in the same place, that James, Cephas and John had given him the right hand of fellowship, speaks manifestly of the society in the Apostle­ship, not of the equality in science.

The other falsification is an allegation of Ambrose in the fourth chapter of the book of the incarnation.Petrus statim loci non immemor sui, primatum egit; primatum confessionis uti (que), non ho­noris; prima­tum fidei, non ordinis. Peter not forgetfull of his place, made the pri­macy; clipping the following words, the primacy indeed in the confession, not in ho­nour; the primacy in the faith, not in order.

In pag. 531. & 532. he turneth the words of Chrysostome upside down with a notorious depravation. We object to our Adversaries these words of Gal. 2.9. James, Cephas and John, who seemed to be the pillars, gave unto me, and to Barna­bas the right hand of fellowship. So all the copies have, saving only that of Car­dinal Ximenes the Edition of Compluto. And the vulgar version, the only ap­proved by the Council of Trent, renders it thus, Jacobus, & Cephas, & Johannes qui videbantur columnae esse. Whence we inferr, that if Paul had believed Peter to be the only Head of the Universal Church above all the other Apostles, he would not have set James before Peter. To weaken that Text and make it suspected, the Cardinal saith that Chrysostome in his Comment upon the Epistle to the Galati­ans, reads Cephas, James and John. Who so will take the pains to look to the place of Chrysostom, shall find the contrary, and shall see that Chrysostom both alledgeth and expoundeth the text thus, [...]. James, Ce­phas and John. In the very same manner the Cardinal falsifieth Hierom in the following lines.

This is no better. In the same fifty sixth chapter in page 533. he brings Austin alledging a text of Cyprian in the second book of Baptism, chap. 1. For Austin alledgeth thus Cyprian, with whose authority the Donatists fenced themselves against the Orthodox. Cyprians authority doth not fright me, because his humi­lity doth recreate me. We know that the merit of Cyprian, a Bishop and a Martyr was great; but is it greater then that of Peter an Apostle and a Martyr? Of whom the same Cyprian in his Epistle to Quintus speaks thus, Nam nec Petrus in­quit, quem primum Do­minus elegit, & super quem aedifi­cavit Ecclesi­am suam, cum secum Paulus de circumcisi­one disceptaret, postmodum vendicavit sibi aliquid insolenter, aut arroganter assumpsit, ut diceret se pri­matum tene­re, & obtem­perari à no­vellis, & posteris sibi potius diberi. For (saith he) neither Peter whom the Lord hath first elected, and upon whom he hath founded his Church, when Paul disputed with him of the circumcision, attributed any thing to himself insolently, nor assumed any thing with arrogance, to say that he had the pri­macy, and that the new [Apostles] and late comers ought rather to obey him. By these words, Cyprian saith plainly, that if Peter had assumed the primacy, or pretended that Paul was to obey him, he had spoken arrogantly and insolently. For we have seen that Cyprian believed that Peter had the primacy over the Apostles, before the resurrection of the Lord, but that the Lord made them all equall after his resurrection. And that he made Peter the first among the Apostles, only for the priority of time, not for the Apostolical dignity. Whence it appears also that Cyprian believed that the Church was founded upon Peter, yet not upon the person of Peter, but upon his doctrine. Then to cast dust into the Readers eyes, the Cardinal corrupts the whole place with a most shamefull falsification; thus alledging Cyprians words; You see what Cyprian saith, that the holy Apostle Peter in whom such a great grace of the primacy was shining, be­ing reproved by Paul, answered not that he had the primacy, and ought not to be re­proved [Page 236] by new men and posteriour unto him. He cuts off Cyprians words, that it would have been arrogance and insolence in St. Peter, if he had attributed the primacy to himself, or if he had thought that St. Paul did owe him some obedi­ence. Also he interprets the word posteris, posteriours, whereas he signifieth those that are come since. And whosoever hath any rellish of the Latin tongue, know­eth that posteri signifieth not men posteriour in order or dignity, but the posterity, and such as are posteriour in time.

The following is one of the least, and yet must not be omitted. In page 534. he alledgeth Cyprian in the book of the unity of the Church, saying that the other Apostles were that which St. Peter was, Pari con­sortio praediti & honoris & potestatis. endowed with an equal part of authority and power. Cyprian doth not speak so, but saith, The other Apostles were that which St. Peter was, endowed with the like society of honour and power. That word part weakeneth this place of Cyprian, as if every Apostle had not the entire power. Then the Cardinal hath put the word authority instead of honour, that the Reader may think that Cyprian speaks of the inward authority of the Apostleship (as the Cardinal speaks) not of the honour due to the primacy.

A few lines before he doth fraudulently alledge Chrysostome upon the Epistle to the Galatians, where that Father speaks thus: Hence cometh that Paul reproveth, and Peter bears it; to the end that while the Master holds his peace, the Disciples may change their opinion. The end of the Cardinal is to perswade that Chryso­stome calls Peter Master in respect of Paul. But the truth is, that in that place he is called Master with a relation to his Disciples, who are mentioned in the same line, in whose presence Paul made that reprehension to Peter.

In the following page, which is the five hundred thirty fifth, he alledgdeth a place out of Cyprians book of the unity of the Church, which is not found in any Copy of Cyprian; but he saith that Ivo and Gratian alledge it so; making Cy­prian to say, He that forsaketh Peters chair upon which the Church is founded, doth he trust that he is in the Church? If the works of Cyprian were lost, it were ex­cusable to alledge fragments related by other Authors; But since we have Cypri­ans works in their integrity, is it not an abuse and a kind of falsification to stand upon allegations made by new Authors, who are justly suspected, rather then up­on the works extant of Cyprian? Besides, that one may not see whether he hath faithfully alledged Ivo or Gratian, he abstaineth from quoting the Canon, and the Distinction where they speak so.

I cannot call it a falsification, but a flight mingled with contempt of Gods word, that in the same chapter, page 540. after he hath proved St. Peters pri­macy, because Christ commanded Peter to pay the tribute for him and for himself, and because sick men were carried into the way where Peter passed, that at least his shadow might pass over them, and because he punisht Ananias and Sapphira with death (which are ingenuous and recreative proofs) he declareth that he will examine a text of Scripture alledged by his Majesty of Great Britain, not by the Scripture, but by the Fathers. As if there were any better interpreter of Scripture then Scripture it self. Or as if the Exposition made by men ought to be prefer­red before God himself speaking in his word. Devils do not fly so fast from holy water, as this Prelat from the word of God; or if sometimes he makes use of it, it is to wrest it and falsifie it.

I will bring one more of his falsifications, which is in the last line of his fifty fifth chapter, where he alledgeth Leo speaking thus in the Epistle to Martianus, which is the fifty second. None of the Patriarchal Sees but that of Rome shall remain stable and unmoved. This place is altogether false. Here it is truly, Nec prae­ter illam Petram quam Dominus in fundamentum posuit, stabilis erit ulla constructio. That is, No building shall stand firm besides that stone which the Lord hath laid for a foundation. Of Rome or the Patriarchat of the same he makes no mention. And though he did, are Popes receivable witnesses when the dispute is of their au­thority? Must we receive Popes for Judges in their own cause?

These are some of his many falsifications, that by this pattern the reader may judge of the whole piece. For if one would examine all the authorities brought [Page 237] by this Prelat, he should weary the Reader with a long list of falsifications; the reading whereof would be odious to our Adversaries, and of small edification to them that fear God. Yet hereafter according to occasions we will shew more of that kind, in the Cardinals work.

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THE four following books contain the history of the Roman Bishops from the Apostles to the fourth Ʋniversal Council in the year 451. which is the term that Cardinal du Perron hath set to himself in his dispute against his Majesty of Great Britain. I shew that in all that time, and lower, the Bishop of Rome was not acknowledged Head of the Ʋniversal Church; and I discover the untruth and inuti­lity of the proofs brought by the Cardinal. In which deduction I have followed, not the order of the Chapters of the Cardinal, but the order of the times, to give more light to the Reader, and to unravell the thred of the history which the Cardinal hath ravelled purposely to decieve with more facility: Also that I may not be con­strained, by following all his steps, to go fifty times over the same things as he doth. I did not meddle with such things as are nothing to our controversies. For Cardinal du Perron to make a shew of his learning, hath inserted in his book long disputes against Cardinal Baronius, which concern us not at all. But as for the things that belong to our Controversies, I hope I have given such satisfaction upon all that the Cardinal brings forth, that the Reader who is not prepossest with hatred, and hath re­served to himself some liberty of judgement, will acknowledge that this Prelats book is a heap of impostures and useless proofs: And that going about to cover himself with the authority of Fathers against the word of God, he is cast by those very Judges whom he hath chosen.

BOOK III. Which is the FIRST PART OF THE HISTORY of PAPACY: WHEREIN So much of the History of the Antient Christian Church is deduced from the begin­ning, unto the year 300. of Christ, as will prove that then the Bishop of Rome was not acknowledged Head of the Universal Church.

CHAP. I. That in the first Age the Bishop of Rome was not acknowledged Head of the Universal Church.

ALthough the Word of God decide this question sufficiently by not assigning unto St. Peter any successour in the Apostleship, or in the primacy over the Universal Church, and speak nei­ther far nor neer of a Hierarchical Soveraign, or of the Bishop of Rome: Yet because Cardinal du Perron being destitute of the word of God, casts himself altogether upon the Fathers, and grounds himself upon humane testimonies; it will be expedient to search the first and the purest antiquity of the Church, and to shew how much he is mistaken, and that in vain he heaps up testimonies to no purpose; taking the preheminence which the Bishop of Rome pretended in the time of the first four Councils, over the Bishops of the Roman Empire, for a primacy and sove­raign power over the Church of all the world, the precedence for a power of jurisdiction, and the prerogatives founded upon the dignity of the City, or up­on [Page 240] the Ecclesiastical Canons, for divine rules: Limiting himself purposely to the time of the first four Councils, the first whereof was held in the year of Christ three hundred twenty five, because the three precedent ages are contrary to him. Wherefore the three parts of four of the testimonies which he alledgeth, are from the history of about fourscore, or a hundred years.

Because in points of history and antiquity it is necessary to begin by the things that are most antient, I am forced rather to follow the order of the times then that of the Cardinals Chapters, which overthrow the order of times, and have neither order nor coherence, and the most part whereof dispute about things of no use.

To begin then at the first Age: Among the Fathers of the first Age, I put in the first rank the Apostles and the Evangelists. In whose writings there is no trace of that imaginary Monarchy, and not one action of Peter that hath any relish of prima­cy or Soveraign power in the Church; Not one word of that holy Apostle, where he speaks like a Monarch, although we have the history of his life, and two long Epistles which he hath written to the Christian Church.

To that Apostle,Vide Pontificale Damasi. Linus a disciple of St. Paul hath succeeded, according to the relation of many Antients; And he succeeded him, not in the Apostleship, but in the conduct of the Church of the City of Rome: For of him we have no action recorded that extends beyond the limits of his particular Church. Had Peter needed a successour in the primacy over the Universal Church, there were some Apostles that out-lived Peter; among others that excellent Apostle St. John, to whom that dignity rather belonged then to a Disciple of Paul. At least the Apostles that out-lived Peter should have been called and asked their advice. A Head could not be given to the Universal Church without their con­sent.

After Linus, they put Clement, of whom divers Epistles are extant in the Tomes of the Councils. Whether they be true or false, it matters not for our present purpose, since our Adversaries give them to us as true. Among them there are two written to S. James Bishop of Jerusalem, to whom he gives these qualities;Clemens Jacobo fratri Domini, Epis­copo Episco­porum, regenti sanctam Hebraeo­rum Ecclesi­am Jerosoly­mis, sed & omnes Eccle­sias quae ubi (que) Dei provi­dentiae funda­tae sunt. Clement to James brother of the Lord, Bishop of Bishops, governing the holy Church of the Hebrews which is at Jerusalem, as also all the Churches that are founded every where by the providence of God. Thereby he acknoledgeth St. James his superiour, governing the Roman Church as well as the other Churches.

In the same Age lived Dionysius, the Areopagite converted by St. Paul. Which Dionysius, our Adversaries make the Author of the books of celestial Hierarchy, and of Ecclesiastical Hierarchy. In that book of Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, which he frames at the imitation of the celestial (where one soveraign Monarch, which is God, hath under him divers Angelical orders) this Author describes the Ec­clesiastical charges and degrees: And from the least mounting to the greatest, he riseth no higher then to the charge of Bishop of each particular Church, and makes Episcopacy the highest degree. It would have been very convenient to his end, to have spoken of the charge of Soveraign Pastor, head of the universal Church, so to make the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy conformable unto the celestial. But of such a Head he speaks not, because he knew none such.

In the same Age the custom began to create the Bishop of Rome by the suffrages of the people and the Clergy: Which was also the custom of other Churches. A certain proof that the Bishop of Rome was not the Head of the Universal Church. For was it reasonable or likely that the people of the City of Rome should have the power to give a Head to the Churches of Bersia or East-Indies? Who knows not that in elective Kingdoms, the King is elected by the States, and general Assemblies, to which Deputies are sent from all parts of the Kingdom, be­cause all parts are alike interessed in that election.

In all that Age no trace is to be seen of the power of the Bishop of Rome with­out the limits of his particular Church. No Law given by him to the Universal Church. No appeal from any Church, not so much as from the next Churches, much less from the remote. All the Churches that were founded immediately from [Page 241] the Apostles, as that of Jerusalem, of Rome, of Thessalonica, of Antioch, were ho­noured above all others, and were called the first and Apostolical. And those that were propagated and planted by those, first took the same title, and were likewise much honoured. Of them Tertullian speaks thus;Sic om­nes primae & omnes Aposto­licae, dum unam omnium probant uni­tatem; commu­nicatio pacis, & appellatio fraternitatis, & contessera­tio hospitali­tatis. They are all first and Apostolical, while the communion of peace, and the name of brethen, and the common earnests of hospitality shew the union that is among them all.

This Age brought forth many heresies, the Simonians, the Cerinthians, the Ebionites, the Nicolaites, &c. If the Bishop of Rome had been Head of the Uni­versal Church, it was his part to cite those hereticks, and make them appear before him, and to take cognizance of their crimes and errours. But of that no trace is found. Neither do we see in Irenaeus, or Epiphanius, or Austin, or Theodoret, or Philastrius who have by express Treatises described and represented the heresies of the Antient, that any of those Hereticks be condemned for diso­beying the Pope, and not yielding to his Judgement.

There is a book of the same age called the Canons of the Apostles, which doubt­less are very ancient, although there be but small likely-hood that they were made by the Apostles. There some Canons are found much contrary to that which is practised in our dayes by the Popes, and by the Roman Church.

The eighty fourth Canon is such, [...]. Let the Bishop, the Priest, or the Dea­con that will meddle with war, or will have these two things, the Roman Empire, and the Sacerdotal government, be deposed. For the things of Caesar must be given unto Caesar, and the things of God unto God. And in the sixth Canon the Bishop is forbidden to meddle with civil affairs.

The fifth Canon is this, [...] Let not the Bishop, or the Priest, or the Deacon re­ject his own wife upon pretence of piety. If he put her away, let him be deprived from the Communion. If he continue, let him be deposed.

The sixty fourth Canon is this, [...]. If any Clark be found fasting upon the Lords day, or on the Sabbath day, excepting one only, let him be deposed; if he be a Lay-man, let him be excommunicated.

Towards the end of this Age lived Ignatius Bishop of Antioch, who in the Epistle to the Philippians saith, that whoso fasteth upon the Lords day or Saturday, is a murderer of Christ.

From those rules the Roman Church hath dispensed her self; Especially from the eighty fourth Canon. For many Popes have led Armies, and given battels. And the Pope hath drawn to himself the rights and the power of the Roman Emperour.

CHAP. II. That the Bishop of Rome in the second Age was not acknowledged Head of the Universal Church. Vindication of Eusebius Bishop of Cesarea against the false accusations of Cardinal du Perron.

IN the year of the Lord 103. according to the computation of Baronius, Anacletus was made Bishop of Rome, and held the Bishoprick nine years and three moneths. That his charge was small, and the limits of his Bishoprick but short, it appeareth by that the Pontifical of Damasus saith of him, that in those nine years he created five Priests, three Deacons, and six Bishops. If he had governed, I say not the Universal Church, but only a Diocess of ten leagues about Rome, he had created many more.

In the beginning of the same age Ignatius was Bishhp of Antioch, who passing [Page 242] through Smyrna writ a letter to the Romans, where he makes no mention of the Bishop of Rome, nor of the primacy of the Roman Church.

In the year of Christ 142. Telesphorus was made Bishop of Rome, who, as Damasus relateth, made an order that there should be a fast of seven weeks before Easter. But he saith that this order was only for the Roman Church; and that the other Churches held not themselves subject unto it, it appeareth in that many other Churches followed another order. Irenaeus shews it in the Epistle which he writ to Victor Bishop of Rome, which Epistle is related by Euse­bius in the fifth book of his history, chap. 23.Euseb. in Graeco codi­ce, ib. 5. c. 22. [...], &c. Some (saith he) think that they must fast but one day, some two, some more. Some limit their day [of fast] to forty hours both of day and night. And that diversity of observations hath not be­gun in our age, but hath been long before our Ancestors. And yet they have kept peace among themselves. He speaks of the Fasts before Easter.

In the year of the Lord 159. according to the relation of [...]aron. an. 159. S. 1. Baronius, Pius Bishop of Rome made a Law that Easter should be celebrated upon the Lords day; and Baronius saith that this Law had been revealed unto him by Angels. So they said to shew that this Law was given by Pius as necessary and come from God. And yet the Churches of Asia did not practice it, because they held not themselves subject unto the Bishop of Rome, who also made that Law, not for the Universal Church, but only for the Church of the City of Rome. This will clearly appear out of that which happened since. For about the year 167. Anicetus being Bishop of Rome, Polycarpus Bishop of Smyrna came to Rome to confer with him: And this was their communication according to the testimo­ny of Irenaeus, related byEuseb. l. 5. hist. c. 26. in Graeco codice. Eusebius. Polycarpus and Anicetus having confer­red a little about certain things wherein they differed in opinion, made their peace presently; and for the observation of that Feast, they brake not the band of cha­rity, &c. Yet Anicetus could not perswade Polycarpus to leave his custom. Neither could Polycarpus perswade Anicetus that he should practice the custome of Asia. Here two things are to be observed. 1. That Polycarpus thought not himself bound to follow the opinion of Anicetus the Roman Bishop. 2. That notwith­standing the diversity of opinions, they lived in peace, Anicetus being not of­fended that the brethren of Asia would not hearken to him.

That controversie about Easter grew hot afterwards: for the Church of the West, and part of that of the East did celebrate the Feast of Easter upon the Lords day. But part of the Church of the East did celebrate it upon the four­teenth day of the Moon of March, not looking for the Lords day, grounding themselves upon St. Johns authority, and that of his Disciples, Ignatius and Po­lycarpus, and of Polycrates Bishop of Ephesus, then living, a person of great authority. Towards the end of that age, Victor Bishop of Rome took that busi­ness in hand with eagerness; and for that subject separated the Oriental Chur­ches from his communion. Polycrates Bishop of Ephesus resisted him, speaking thus;Euseb. l. 5. c. 23. Hier. Catal. in Polycrate. I then brethren, who have lived sixty five years in the Lord, who have conferred about the faith with many brethren scattered over all the earth, who have perused all the holy Scriptures, am not troubled with that which is ob­jected unto us to fright us; for our Ancestors have said that we must rather obey God then men. The Apostle Peter, Acts 4.19. spake thus to the Priests and Sadduces, who forbad the Apostles to speak any more in the name of Christ, saying that it was just before God rather to obey God then men. Yet the Apostles were not at all subject unto those Priests, whose Office was now void, and expired by the death of Christ. Which I say to shew that the Cardinal is out,Pag. 341. think­ing that he that speaks so, acknowledgeth himself subject and obliged to obey those to whom he speaks in that manner.

Victor incensed with that resistence, excommunicateth all the Eastern Chur­ches. An action condemned by the Roman Church, which expreslyCap. Ro­mana de sententia ex­communi­cationis in 6. In universi­tatem vel in collegium pro­ferri excom­municationis sententiam prohibemus. for­biddeth to excommunicate an University or Colledge. How much more to ex­communicate whole Countreys and Provinces? By that excommunication Victor did rather excommunicate himself by his separation from their communion, [Page 243] as Eusebius saith,Euseb. l. 5. hist. c. 25. in Graeco. [...]. That did not please all the Bishops, wherefore also they made him a contrary command that he should keep peace, union and charity with his neighbours. Among other examples he brings forth the Epistle of Ireneus to Victor, whereby he accuseth him to have violated charity, and to have departed from the example of his ancestors. Ruffinus relates the same. The word [...] is notable, that other Bishops, made him a contrary command. For that word imports that those Oriental men believed that they had as much power to command Victor as he them.

Cardinal Du Perron cap. 44. p. 330. answereth that Eusebius was an Arian, and Ruffinus an enemie of the Roman Church. So doth this Cardinal use the Fathers, when they speak things that displease him. And indeed it is most unjustly that he accuseth Eusebius of Arianism, seeing that in so many places he speaks so excel­lently of the God-head of the son of God; especially in the fourth book of the Evangelical demonstration, ch. 3. and in the 5. book, ch. 2. Eusebius hath sub­scribed to the Symbole of Nice, and to the condemnation of the Arians. And he praiseth and exalteth Hosius the capital enemy of the Arians. See the first book of Theodoret, ch. 11, 12, and 13. where Eusebius is altogether purged from that suspicion, and the word [...] consubstantial, is defended by the authority of Eusebius of Cesarea.

Socrates in the 1 book, ch. 3. doth expresly distinguish betweenNon Cae­sariensis ille sed alter. Eusebius of Nicomedia, a head and a favourer of the Arian party, and this Eusebius of Cesarea whom he purgeth from that imputation. The same17 ch. in Latino, where he calls him Eusebius Pam­phili, because of the great friendship between Eu­sebius and Pamphilus. Socrates in his 2 book, ch. 21. sheweth how vigorously this Eusebius of Cesarea resisted the Arians, and brings many very express testimonies out of his books where­in he condemneth those that call the Son of God a Creature.

Some places indeed are found, l. 7. and 11. of his evangelical preparation, where he calls Christ [...], and [...], a second essence, and a second God. But these books were written by Eusebius in the time of the persecutions, long before the Council of Nice, after which it shall not be found that ever he spake so.

Hierome meant this in his Apology against Ruffinus, saying thatEusebius Arianae signi­fer quondam factionis. Eusebi­us had been sometimes the standard-bearer of the Arian faction, namely in the time when he writ his books for the defence of Origen. But since that time he changed language, as we have proved. And Nicephorus concurs with this in the 21 ch. of the 8 book. Eusebius (saith he) was at the first a Sectary of the Arian heresie; but after that he had subscribed to the Council of Nice, he writ to his friends, and proved that some antient and excellent Bishops had used the word [...] consubstantial, to express the God-head of the Father, and of the Son. Some delay that he took in the Council of Nice before he subscribed to the Sym­bole made in that Council, and some emulation between Athanasius and him, which appeared at the Council of Tyr, have increased that suspicion, [...]. of which he purgeth himself by an Epistle related by Theodoret.

So many antient witnesses, and Eusebius himself, ought rather to be credited then the second Council of Nice, held above four hundred years after; A Council stuffed with impiety and the setter up of the adoration of images by a law. That Council sets upon Eusebius the black mark of an Arian, to be re­venged of him for saying in the seventh book of his History, ch. 18. speaking of the Statue of Christ at Paneas which is Cesarea Philippi, erected by the woman whom the Lord had healed of a bloody fllx; and of the images of Paul and Peter which he affirmeth to have seen, he addeth, That it is no wonder if the Pagans to whom Christ had done some good, did such a thing; and a little after he saith thatEt paulo post. [...]. this was done by the Antients by a Pagan custome to honour indifferently in that manner all those whom they held for their Saviours.

But the true cause why the Cardinal and many of the Roman Church do so calumniate Eusebius, is, that being the only antient Historian who hath written the History of the three first ages untill the year of Christ three hundred and thirty eight, he speaks alwayes of the Bishop of Rome as of another Bishop, without [Page 244] giving him any superiority, and without relating any actions of his, which reach beyond the limits of his Bishoprick, excepting only the action of Victor, which he condemneth openly. Especially because in the establishment of the Christian Re­ligion made under Constantine, Eusebius saith nothing of the Bishop of Rome, as of a person left behind, who was not at all employed in that great business. Yet what high esteem Hierome had of this History of Eusebius, he shewed it by tak­ing the pains to translate it out of Greek into Latin.

As for Ruffinus, M. du Perron doth injustly tax him to have been an enemy to the Church of Rome, because he had quarrels with Hierom.

Pope Gelasius Dist. 15. Can. Sancta Ruffinus vir religiosus plurimos Ec­clesiastici ope­ris edidit libros. speaks thus of him, Ruffinus a religious man hath publisht many books of Ecclesiastical work. And Gennadius a Massilian Priest puts him among the Orthodox Authors. Hincmarus Archbishop of Rhemes in the book of the fifty five Chapters, ch. 21.Decimus histori [...]e Ec­clesiasticae liber Ruffini. qui in Catalogo Apo­stolicae S [...]des inter recipi­endos libros describitur. The tenth book of the Ecclesiastical History of Ruffinus, who in the Catalogue of the Apostolick See is put among the books which must be received. And though Ruffinus had been a Pagan, yet the Histories written by Pagans are read and believed. It is false also that Ruffinus was excom­municated by Pope Anastasius, as the Cardinal saith. Anastasius indeed saith in an Epistle of his, Ruffinus à nostris partibus est alienus, Ruffinus is averse from our party; but he saith not that he hath excommunicated him.

But there is no need to quarrel about Eusebius or Ruffinus, since we have the Epistle of Irenaeus condemning the rashness of Victor, as a thing without example, never heard of before. Indeed the Cardinal alleadgeth a place of Irenaeus, twice in the fourty fourth Chapter, and twenty times in other places; but he falsifies it. The words of Irenaeus areAd hanc Ecclesiam propter poten­tiorem princi­palitatem ne­cesse est om­nem convenire Ecclesiam.. To that Church of Rome because of the more power­ful principality every Church must resort. For convenire ad Ecclesiam Romae is not to consent with the Church of Rome, as the Cardinal interprets it. Irenaeus saith that because of the Soveraign power (namely the power of the Roman Empire) which had its seat at Rome, all the Churches resorted thither and had communi­cation with the Church of Rome. For all the Subjects of the Empire had businesses in the capital City, as it is said in the [...]. nineth Canon of the Council of Antioch.

But what? although Victor be blamed by the Fathers for this so unjust excom­munication, nevertheless M. du Perron thence inferreth that he had power to do so much. For he presupposeth that excommunication cannot be done but by a Superiour: Wherein he is very much mistaken; for Antiquity is full of exam­ples to the contrary. Cyprian in the fourty one Epistle unto Cornelius saithIllicitae & contra Eccle­siam Catholi­cam factae o [...] dinationis pravitate commoti, à communicati­one eos nostra statim cohi­bendas esse censuimus. that he hath excommunicated Novatianus a Roman Priest, who by tampering and factions had caused himself to be elected Bishop of Rome.

John Patriark of Antioch in the first Councel of Ephesus excommunicated Cyrillus Patriarch of Alexandria, who was not subject to him. Hilary Bishop of Poitiers pronounced anathema against Liberius Bishop of Rome, as it is to be seen in his fragments. Menas Patriarch of Constantinople excommunicated Vigilius Bishop of Rome, as Nicepherus reports it in his seventeenth Book; ch. 26. Acacius Patriarch of Constantinople blotted out of the Diptycha or Ecclesiastical tables, the name of Felix Bishop of Rome, commanding that his memory should be execrable.Baron. an. 484. sect. 34. In the year of Christ five hundred and thirteen, Severus Bishop of Antioch, an Eutychian, was excommunicated, and sentence of deposition was pronounced against him by Cosmas Bishop of Epiphania, and by Severianus Bishop of Arethusa, although they were his inferiours, asEvagrius l. 3. c. 34. Evagrius relates it. And Victor of Tu­nis in his Chronicle Anno 549. relateth that the Bishops of Africa excommuni­cated Vigilius Bishop of Rome. Such excommunications were but simple declara­tions that they would have no communion with such a one, and that they would separate themselves from the communion of such a man and such a Church. Which was well apprehended by Sigebert who saith in his Chronicle an. 409Innocen­tius Papa & Orientales E­piscopi pro Johannis praejudicio ab Orientalium se communi­one suspen­dunt. Innocent Pope, and the Bishops of the West suspend themselves from the communion with those of the East because of John Chrysostome. They suspended and separa­ted themselves from the communion with the Eastern men, but did not cut them off [Page 245] from the Communion of the Universal Church. The Nomocanon of the Afri­can Church hath many Canons which shew that evidently. Especially theCan 77. [...]. seven­ty seventh, and eighty one Canons, which speak of persons which being excommunicated in the Church of another, ought to content themselves with the communion of their own Church. I cannot make such a sinister judgement of Victor, as to believe that he intended to cast away into damnation, and to ex­clude from the Universal Church all the Churches of Asia, for a dispute about the observation of a day.

I pass by the long discourse of the Cardinal whereby he goeth about to shew that the relation of Nicephorus and Anastasius concerning the indignities offe­red to Vigilius Bishop of Rome, at Constantinople, is not true;Pag. 343. & seq. for that is no­thing to the purpose of the present question. It is enough that Nicepho­rus believeth that an equal can be excommunicated by an equal. Like­wise I pass by his long discourse in the same chapter, to shew that Vi­ctors meaning was to excommunicate the Churches of Asia, and to deprive them from the communion of the Church: for it is sufficient that this excom­munication pronounced by Victor, found no place, and took no effect. Whence it appeareth that he was not acknowledged Head of the Universal Church. Wherefore Eusebius in the forealledged place, saith not that Victor cut off, but that [...]. he endeavoured to cut off the Churches that dissented from him from the com­mon union, for he could not bring it to effect. In our dayes if the Pope pro­nounceth an excommunication, it is publisht with bells ringing, candles burn­ing, and then put out. But at that time the Pope had no executors of his De­crees in the East. He spake, but no body stirred for his speaking. And Poly­crates Bishop of Ephesus who was involved in that excommunication, did not­withstanding his resistence to the Bishop of Rome, end his dayes in the commu­nion of the Church, and was very much respected. His words full of liberty against the condemnation pronounced by Victor, are related out of Eusebius by Hie­rome in the Catalogue of Writers.

Yea in the West the Christians of theBeda in historia An­glosaxonum. Galfridus Monumeten­sis l. 8. de gestis Regum Britānorum. Polydorus Virgilius. Baronius an. 298. sect. 6. Ile of Brittain did not care for the judgements given by Victor: for they celebrated the feast of Easter on the four­teenth day of the Moon of March.

That diversity of customs lasted till the first Council of Nice, in which the Quartodecimani were condemned, and the Churches were reduced to one general observation. Which was done without speaking of Victor, and without any re­gard to his authority.

So much of the second age: In which no trace appeareth of the primacy of the Bishop of Rome. No appeal to Rome from other Churches. No Laws from Rome given to the Universal Church. No communication of the Bishop of Rome with the Churches without the Roman Empire. No hereticks condemned for dissenting from the Bishop of Rome. In those dayes the Bishops of Rome were eminent only in sufferings, full of zeal, in a deep poverty, affecting no prehe­minence, and having no other dignity, but that which their good life, and the greatness and dignity of the City gave them. Whereupon the confession of Pope Pius the second is notable: who in the one hundred eighty eighth Epistle to Martin Mayer speaks thus of the Churches of the first ages:Sibi quis­que vivebat, & ad Eccle­siam Romanam parvus habe­batur respe­ctus. Every one then lived for himself, and the Church of Rome was little regarded.

CHAP. III. That in the third Age the Bishops of Rome were not acknowledged Heads of the Universal Church.

VVEE have now seen two hundred years next after the coming of Christ, before any Papal Monarchy was born. Then the Bishops of Rome governed the Church of the City, and medled not with the government of other Churches. They were respected because of the greatness of Rome, and for the holiness of their lives, and by reason of the received opinion, that St. Peter had been the founder of the Roman Church; yet all that got them no power over the other Bishops. For the Decretal Epistles of the Popes of the first Ages are supposititious, forged on purpose by one Riculfus Bishop of Mentz, in the ninth Age, to strengthen the Papal Empire, as I will shew hereafter. It seems that M. du Perron makes no great account of them; for I see not that in all his books he makes any use of their authority.

In the year of our Lord 204. according to Baronius, Zepherinus succeeded Victor in the Bishoprick of Rome. Then lived Tertullian an African Priest, a learn­ed and zealous man, but cholerick, and harsh alike in his manners and style. This man was offended that Zepherinus admitted the adulterers repenting unto the communion: And spake thus to Zepherinus in the twenty first chapter of the book of chastity;Si quia dixerat Petro Dominus, Super hanc petram aedi­ficabo Ecclesi­am meam, Tibi dedi claves regni coelestis, vel Quaecun (que) alligaveris vel solveris in terra, erunt alligata vel soluta in coe­lis; idcirco praesumis & ad te derivas­se solvendi & ligandi pote­statem, id est ad omnem Ecclesiam Petro propin­quam; qualis es, convertens atque commu­tans manife­stam Domini intentionem personaliter hoc Petro conferentem? If because the Lord said unto Peter, Ʋpon this stone I shall build my Church, and I have given thee the keyes of the heavenly Kingdom, or all that thou shalt bind or loose in earth shall be bound or loosed in heaven, thou thinkest that thereby the power of binding and loosing is derived unto thee, that is, unto all the Churh allyed unto Peter: who art thou that overthrowest and chang­est the evident intention of the Lord, who conferreth that upon Peter personally? This man did not believe that the Bishop of Rome was heir of the power given unto Peter, but took those words of Christ, whereby he conferreth the keys upon Peter, as said personally to Peter. Yet none of the Ancients reckoneth that among the errors of Tertullian.

In the first chapter of the same book, he calls Zepherinus in derision Sum­mum Pontificem, as if he had been a successor of the Pagan Pontifices; for in that time Christian Bishops did not assume that title. It was then proper to the Emperours. And if any had assumed it, he had been guilty of treason. The Emperour Gratianus who lived about 170. years after, was the first that renoun­ced that title, as we shall see in the proper place. He calls him also in scorn, Bishop of Bishops, which is the title that was given to all the Metropolitan Bi­shops. ThusSidonius l. 6. Epist. 1: Tu Pater Patrum, & Episcopus Episcoporum, & alter sae­culi tui Jaco­bus. Sidonius Apollinaris calls Lupus Bishop of Troyes, Father of Fathers, and Bishop of Bishops. And we have seen in the first Age that Clement Bishop of Rome gives that title unto James Bishop of Jerusalem. Yet Cyprian laugheth at that title as too arrogant, saying at the opening of the Council which he convocated against Stephen Bishop of Rome, None of us calls him­self Bishop of Bishops, or constraineth his companions to obey by a tyrannical terror.

The same Tertullian in the twentieth chapter of the book of Prescriptions re­jecteth all primacy among the Churches, saying that they are omnes primae, om­nes Apostolicae, all first, all Apostolical.

It will not serve to answer that it is no wonder if Tertullian speaks of the Bishop of Rome contemptuously, seing that he was of the heresie of Montanus; and that in the reception of the adulterers penitent, Zepherinus was in the right. For it was ever reckoned among the errors of the Montanists, that they would not acknowledge the Bishop of Rome for Head of the Universal Church. And none believed then that he could not err in the faith.

In the year of our Lord 217. Agrippinus Bishop of Carthage called a Council [Page 247] of the Bishops of Africa and Numidia, where it was resolved and determined that all that had been baptized by Hereticks must be rebaptized when they are converted, and that the Baptism conferred by Hereticks is null.

That doctrine was contrary to the Roman Church which received and recei­veth still the Baptism of Hereticks. Yet Zepherinus who then was Bishop of Rome, knowing that the Bishops of Africa were not subject to him, did not oppose himself to it, and took no knowledge of that cause.

St. Cyprian who after Agrippin was Bishop of Carthage, approved Agrippins proceeding, and defended him against the Roman Church, by the example of his predecessor, speaking thus in the seventy first Epistle;Quod & Agrippinus bonae in moriae vir cum cae­teris coepis­copis suis statuit, & librato con­silii communis examine fir­mavit, quo­rum s [...]ntenti­am & religiosam & legitimam & salutarē fidei, & Ecclesiae Catholicae congruentem, nos etiam secuti sumus. That which Agrip­pin of blessed memory with his fellow-Bishops who then governed the Church of God in Africa and Numidia, hath ordained, and by common sent confirmed, having well weighed and examined the matter, whose judgement we have followed as religious and lawfull, and wholesome for the faith, and agreeing with the Catholick faith. That Agrippin did not fear to dissent from the Roman Church, and is praised for it by St. Cyprian, who declareth by these words that one can follow the Catho­lick faith, and yet dissent from the Roman Church. It is not material who was in the right, in the question of Baptism: For we bring this only to shew that the African Bishops did not hold themselves subject to the Bishop of Rome. We shall see hereafter that they were both in the wrong, and fell into contra­ry extreams, Steven receiving indifferently the Baptism of all Hereticks, where­in the Council of Nice dissenteth from him: and Cyprian rejecting indifferent­ly the baptism of all hereticks without any exception.

Then to follow the thred of the history; In the year of our Lord 250. Donatus Bishop of Carthage being dead, Cyprian was elected in his place by the suffrages of the people and Clergy. For that, he had no need of the Popes ap­probation or letters of investiture, as it is practised in our time. To that election a Priest called Felicissimus opposed himself, who with some seditious persons with­drew himself into a mountain neer Carthage. A little after an African Bishop, called Novatus, came from Carthage to Rome, when the See of Rome was vacant. This Novatus joyning himself with Novatian a Roman Bishop, did strive by faction, to get Novatianus created Bishop of Rome. Being come short of his ends, and Cornelius being elected by the people, Novatianus caused himself to be created Bishop by a clandestine election by some Bishops of his faction,Baron. an. 2 4. §. 64. and made a schim at Rome against Cornelius, because Cornelius received those that were fallen, unto repentance and to the Communion.

Cyprian hearing these news, sent two Legats from Carthage to Rome, to endea­vour to appease that tumult by their intervention, as Cyprian saith in the forty second Epistle, which is very notable. For if some trouble happened now in the Church of the City of Rome, it would be thought a rash and presum­ptuous part, or rather a mad mans deed, if the Bishop of Roven or Lyons sent Legates to Rome to make himself arbitrator of the difference, and to make a peace between the Bishop of Rome and his Clergy or people.

Upon that Novatianus sent Deputies from Rome to Carthage, whereby he de­siredCyprian. Epist. 42. ad Cornelium. Cum flagita­rent ut cri­mina quae se afferre ac pro­bare dicebant, publice à nobis & à plebe cognosceren­tur, gravitati nostrae nega­vimus conve­nire ut collegae nostri jam delecti & ordinati, & laudabili multorum sententia comprobati, ventilari ul­tra famam ore maledico & aemulantium voce patere­mur. Cyprian to be judge of the difference between him and Cornelius, and to take knowledge of the crimes which he objected to Cornelius. Which sheweth evidently that the Bishop of Rome was not held in those dayes the Head of the Universal Church, since another Bishop might be called to judge of the cause of the Bishop of Rome.

To that motion what doth Cyprian answer? He saith not, Far be it from me to make my self his Judge, whom I acknowledge to be my superiour, or to be so rash as to judge him, by whom I must be judged. No such thing. But knowing that Cornelius had been lawfully elected, and that Novatianus was a factious man, He answereth, that it was not convenient to his gravity to suffer the fame of his colleague lawfully elected and created, to be longer torn by reviling tongues. And upon that he excommunicateth Novatianus and all the men of his faction, not expecting the will of Cornelius.

In Cyprians Epistles, whensoever he speaks to Cornelius, or Lucius, or Steven, Bishops of Rome, he never calls them but brethren and colleagues, and gives them no higher title. How would that familiarity be taken in our daies by the Bishop of Rome, if a Bishop of France or Spain writing to him, gave him no title of honour or preheminence, but called him only brother and colleague? Mr. Du. Perron in the 45 ch. of his first book,Pag. 256. saith, that Cyprian spake so to shew that the Popes Monarchy, is gentle and brotherly, and to represent the unnity of com­munion; and upon that, brings examples to no purpose. For either they are not examples of inferiours speaking to their superior, but examples of superiours, who out of humility call their inferiors brethren, which is seemly; or of inferiors speaking to their superiors of a third person: Or if any infe­rior calls his superior brother, other passages will be found where he gives him other and honourable titles; which Cyprian never doth. After M. Du. Perron hath excused that style, he cannot but acknowledge that it would not be suffered in these daies. And the more examples he brings to that purpose, the more he condemneth the pride of the Popes of the last ages, which suffer that style no more.

In the year of our Lord, 258 two Bishops of Spain, Basilides Bishop of Leon, and Martial Bishop of Astur or Asturga, for divers crimes were deposed from their charges by the Bishops of Spain. Basilides made great means to be resto­red; and seeing he could obtain nothing of the Bishops of Spain, he went up to Rome, Pag. 356. where having possest Steven Bishop of Rome with many untrue suggestions, he desired him to imploy his credit for his restitution: Which Steven laboured to do, but could not effect it. For that which the Cardinal saith that Steven restored him, is false; for he was never restored. Steven writ to the Bishops of Spain in the behalf of Basilides and Martial, advising and exhorting them to restore them to their charges. Upon that the Bishops of Spain write toEpist. 68. Cyprian, asking him counsel whether they should restore them accordding to the counsel of the Bishop of Rome. Cyprian answereth that they should not hearken to Stevens advice; and that Basilides having given a false information to Steven, had rather increased then diminished his fault. They followed his counsel, and re­jected that of Steven; for they held not themselves subject to the Bishop of Rome; who also did not complain that the Spaniards had rejected his counsel, and would not condescend to his will. One would think that the Spaniards could do no less then to send deputies to Rome to make remonstrances to Steven, and represent their excuses and the reasons of their disobedience: But they forgot it, as not owing so much duty to the Bishop of Rome.

But here is more. For the strife grew hot between Steven Bishop of Rome, and Cyprian Bishop of Carthage about the question of rebaptizing Hereticks. Steven Verba Stephanisunt in Epist. 74. Cypriani. Si quis ergo à quacunque haeresi venerit ad nos, nihil innovetur nisi quod tra­ditum est ut manus illi imponatur ad paenitentiam. saying that all that were converted from any heresie whatsoever, were to be received without rebaptizing; and Cyprian saying that all hereticks whatsoever ought to be rebaptized. These two opinions have bin condemned since by the [...] Council of Nice, Can 19. which makes a difference between hereticks, giving order that some of them be rebaptized, designing especially the Samosate­nians, or Paulianists. And the Council of Laodicea in the eighth Canon giveth the same order about the Montanists. And the first Council of Constantinople, in the seventh Canon doth the like about the Eunomians, the Montanists, and the Sabellians. To whom Basil in the Epistle to Amphilochius, Can. 47. adds the Eu­cratites, the Pepusians, the Saccophores, and the Apotacticks: An evident proof that the Antient Church held not her self obliged to follow the decisions of the Bishop of Rome.

Cyprian then rebaptizing all the converted hereticks, according to the custome of his predecessors, resisted Steven vigorously, so far as to come to ill words. In his Epistle to Pompeius which is the seventy fourth, he speaks thus of Steven. Misi tibi rescripti ejus exemplum, quo lecto ma­gis ac ma­gis errorem ejus denotabis qui haeretico­rum causam contra Christi­anos & con­tra Ecclesiam Dei asserere conatur. Nam inter caetera vel superba vel ad rem non pertinen­tia, quae impe­rite atque im­provide scripsit, &c. I have sent thee a copy of Stevens writing, which when thou hast read, thou wilt more and more acknowledge that mans errour, who endevoureth to defend the cause of the he­reticks against the Christians, and against the Church of God. For among other either [Page 249] proud or impertinent things, and such as contradict themselves, which he ignorantly and imprudently writeth, he hath added this, to say if any person comes from any here­sie whatsoever, that nothing be innovated, but that which is given by tradition, that is, that hands be laid upon him in sign of repentance. And a little after; What obstinacy and presumption is that, to prefer humane tradition before divine dispositi­on? He addeth, that by Stevens doctrine Christians do that which Antichrists do: and after many the like discourses he adds,Dat ho­norem Deo qui haeretico­rum amicus & inimicus Christianorii, Sacerdot [...]s Deo veritat [...]m Christi & Ecclesiae tuen­tes abstinen­dos putat &c. Doth that man give glory to God, who being a friend to Hereticks, and enemy to Christians, thinks that Gods Priests that defend the truth of Christ, and the unity of the Church, must be excommunicated, &c. Then speaking IronicallyTradantur Diabolo ordi­natio Evan­gelu, &c. Let us give (saith he) to the Devil the ordination of the Gospel, the disposition of Christ, the Majesty of God. Let truth yield unto untruth, and Christ to Antichrist. In my opinion this dealing is no flattery; but a very great and plain contempt of the authority of the Bishop of Rome. Now by these Priests which Steven judged worthy of excommunication, Cyprian mean­eth himself. For Steven would gladly have excommunicated him, if he might, as that which followed shewed it.

Neither was Cyprian contented with that; but having convocated a Council of eighty seven Bishops, he caused the doctrine of Steven, and of the Roman Church to be condemned. Some person ignorant in Antiquity, may presuppose that for such an action the Pope excommunicated Cyprian immediately, struck him down with thundering anathema's, and degraded him of his Office. The Pope in our daies would incense the people to fall upon such a man, and would persecute him with fire and sword. But no such thing followed, and Steven pronounced not any condemnation against Cyprian; knowing that Cyprian would have served him in the same kind, and that his judgements were of no account in Africa. All the revenge he took of Cyprian, was, that he would notEpist. 75. sect. 8. [...]g [...] ­tos nec ad sermonem saltem collo­quii commu­nis admitte­ret, praeciperi [...] fraternitati ne quis eos in domum suam reciperet. speak with Cyprians Legates, and forbad the Christians of Rome to give them lodging, calling Cyprian aSect. 22. Non pudet Stephanum propter haere­ticos asseren­dos fraterni­tatem scinde­re? In super Cyprianum pseudo-Chri­stum & pseu­do-Apostolum & dolosum operarium dicere? false Christ, and a false Apostle, and a deceitful Work-man, as Firmilianus testifies it in an Epistle of his to Cyprian, which is the seventy fifth among Cyprians Epistles.

The same Cyprian Epist. 72. representing his doctrine to Steven about the re­baptizing of hereticks, sheweth a fear that Steven should think that he would prescribe him Laws; wherefore he shuts up his Epistle in these words.Qua in re nec nos vim cui quam facimus, aut legem damus, cum habeat in Ecclesiae ad­ministratione voluntatis suae arbitrium unusquisque praepositus. Wherein we constrain no man, and give no laws, seeing that every Pastor hath the freedom of his will in the Government of the Church, of which he must give account to God. In our daies that modesty would be both injurious and ridiculous, if one said to the Pope: Sir Pope, I prescribe no laws to you, for you are free in the Government of your own Church.

The same Cyprian in the Council which he convocated, exhorting every one to speak his mind, taxeth thus Steven obliquely, as Baronius acknowledgethConcili­um convoca­tum An. 25 [...]. sect. 42. Su­perest ut de hac ipsa re singuli quid sentiamus proferamus. Neminem ju­dicantes aut à jure commu­nionis aliquē si diversum senserit amoventes. Neque enim quisquam nostrum Episcoporum se Episcopum constituit, aut tyrannico terrore ad obse­quendi necessitatem collegas suos adigit. It re­mains that we speak every one his opinion concerning this point; judging no body, and cutting off no man from the communion for being of a contrary mind. For none of us calls himself Bishop of Bishops, or constraineth his colleagues to the necessity of obedience by a tyrannical terrour, seeing that every Bishop hath the liberty and disposition of his own will, and can no more be judged by any, then himself can judge any. But we all expect the judgement of the Lord Jesus, &c.

We have represented before what Cyprians opinion was concerning St. Peter, namely that Jesus Christ before his resurrection established Peter the only Head of the Universal Church, but that after his resurrection he made all his Apostles alike in honour and power; so that he makes Peters primacy to continue but two years at the most. Also that Christ would that in the beginning the conduct of the Church should belong to one only, to shew the unity of the Church: and that the office of Pastour in the Church should issue and have its origen from the unity. Cyprian also believed that St. Peter had founded the Roman Church, which he calls principal; because of the dignity of the City. For Cyprians actions which I have here represented, shew sufficiently, that he held not himself subject to the Bishop of Rome.

The above named Priest Felicissimus being excommunicated by Cyprian, crost the seas, and came to Rome, hoping to find a support in Cornelius Bishop of Rome: Cornelius having received Cyprians letter somewhat late, lent his ear a little too much to the clamours of Felicissimus and his adherents against Cyprian; who in the fifty fifth Epistle to Cornelius, complains of it, and represents to him, that it belongeth not to his care to judge of the causes already judged in Africa, nor to admit those whom he had excommunicated. For in that age they knew not yet the way of appealing to Rome.

But that he might gently insinuate himself into the mind of Cornelius, and guild the pill which he would have him to swallow, he useth a Preface of praises of the Roman Church.Post ista adhuc pseu­do-Episcopo sibi ab haereti­cis constituto, navigare au­d [...]nt ad Pe­tri cathedram at (que) Ecclesiam principalem, unde unitas sacerdotalis exorta est, & à schismaticis & profanis literas ferre, nec cogitare eos esse Roma­nos quorum fides Apostolo praedicante, laudata est, ad quos perfidia habere non po­test accessum. After these things (saith he) having set up to themselves a Bishop made by hereticks, yet they are so bold as to make voyages to St. Peters chair, and to the principal Church whence the sacerdotal unity is sprung, and to bring letters from schismaticks and hereticks: Not considering that you are Romans, whose faith was commended by the Apostle, and to which perfidiousness can have no access. Meaning that traytors and perfidious men, as this Felicissimus, could not get support from them. Which words exalt the dignity of the Church of Rome, but ascribe no power or jurisdiction to it over other Churches. As in effect he denieth to the Roman Church in the next words the knowledge of the causes already judged in other Churches, speaking thus. Whereas it is a general order, which is just and equitable that the cause be heard where the crime was committed; and that to every Pastor a portion of the flock is assigned to conduct and govern, of the care whereof he must give an account unto the Lord; it is not fit that those over which we preside go up and down, making Bishops living in a well united concord to dash one against ano­ther, divided by a fraudulent and deceitful rashness; But that they should plead Oportet illic agere causam suam ubi & accu­satores & tes­tes habere sui criminis pos­sunt, nisi si paucis despe­ratis & per­ditis minor videtur esse authoritas Episcoporum in Africa constitutorū qui jam de illis judica­runt. their cause where they may have accusers and witnesses of their crimes. Ʋnless it seem to a few desperate and lost men, that the authority of Bishops established in Africa is less, who have already judged of them, and by the gravity of their judgement have condemned their own conscience, already bound with many snares of sins; Already their cause is tryed, Already their sentence is pronounced. The effect of this dis­course is, that it belongs not to Cornelius nor to the Roman Church to take know­ledge of a cause already judged in Africa; and that the authority of the African Church is no less then that of the Roman. For the whole drift of the discourse sheweth that this word less is comparative of the African with the Roman, and that it is not a comparative put instead of a positive, asp. 360. Fal­sification of Card. du Perron. M. du Perron will perswade us: For to break the strength of that place he clips it, and alleadgeth but the first lines, and leaveth out the last. He acknowledgeth also that the least causes indeed were judged in Africa without appeal, but he saith that they appealed to Rome for the more important causes: Which is clearly confuted by that we have seen before. For the controversie of rebaptizing hereticks, and the convocation of a Council against the doctrine received in the Roman Church, are important points. About which nevertheless Agrippinus Bishop of Carthage having condemned the do­ctrine received in the Roman Church, none of the Africans did appeal, and the Bishops of Rome did not stir about it. Cyprian likewise and the Bishops of Africa made no difficulty to condemn the Bishop of Rome; so far were they from be­lieving, that any could appeal from them to the Roman See. The Canon of the Council of Carthage, which the Cardinal alledgeth to this purpose, is not of the age of which we now speak; being made 150. years after. We will shew, God willing, in its proper place, that the Cardinal did not understand it, or would not.

Our Adversaries abuse a testimony of Cyprian in the same Epistle.Epist 55. sect. 6. Here­sies and Schisms come from no other cause, but that the Priest of God is not obeyed, and that one Priest is not acknowledged in the Church to judge for a time in Christs stead. For Cyprian in that place speaks not of the Universal Church, but of every parti­cular Church; of that of Carthage especially. In which he being Bishop, he complains of the faction that would establish another Bishop, one Fortunatus. Thus in the 6 book of the history of Eusebius ch. 42. there is Epistle of Corne­lius [Page 251] Bishop of Rome, where he saith, that in a Catholick Church there must be but one Bishop. But by the Catholick Church, he means the Orthodox Church of the City of Rome; not the Universal Church, as the following words shew it, where he saith that in that Catholick Church, there was forty six Priests, &c. for the Universal Church had a thousand times more.

In the same time lived in the East St. Firmilianus Arch-bishop of Cesarea in Cappadocia, whose name is in the Menology or Calender of the Greeks, being remembred as a holy man, and greatly honoured by posterity. Of this manTheod▪ de haeresibus in [...]aulo Samosateno. [...]. Theoderet exalteth the praises, saying that he was a famous man, learned both in divine and humane sciences. Likewise Basil, chap. 29. in the book of the Holy Ghost, reckoneth him among the defenders of the truth. This Firmilia­nus was President of the Council of Antioch, in which Paulus Samosatenus was condemned, An. 264. Baronius also on the year 258. yields him that testimony that he was not inferiour to any in holiness of life. This holy man being of Cy­prians opinion, contradicted Steven Bishop of Rome. His Epistle to Cyprian is the seventy fifth among the Epistles of Cyprian, where he speaks thus of Steven; Gratiam referre Ste­phano in isto po [...]umus, quod perillius inhamanita­tem effectum est ut fidei & sapientiae ve­strae fidem cape [...]emus. We may thank Steven for this, that by his inhumanity it is come to pass that we had an experience of your faith and wisdom. And a little after, comparing Steven unto Judas, he addeth,Sed haec interim quae à Stephano gesta sunt praetereantur, ne dum auda­ciae & inso­lentiae ejus meminimus, de rebus ab eo improbe g [...]stis longiorem moesti [...]iam no­bis inferamus. Let us pass by the things that Steven hath done, least that by remembring his audaciousness and insolence we grieve too long for the things which he hath wickedly done: Then he addethEos qui Romae sunt no [...] in omni­bus observare quae sunt ab origine tradi­ta, & frustra Apostolorum authoritatem praetendere. that they that are at Rome, practise not all the things that have been given from the beginning; and in vain pretend to defend themselves with the authority of the Apostles. And that they practise not all things that are practised at Jerusalem That holy man held not himself subject to the Roman Church, and wisht that the Roman Church would conform her self to that of Jerusalem. Then condemning Steven for troubling the peace of the Church,Epist. 75. §. 15. Juste indignor ad hanc tam apertam & manifestam Stephani stultitiam. I am (saith he) justly incensed against such an evident and manifest folly of Steven. Finally he saith that the reproaches which Stephen had applied unto Cyprian, calling him false Christ and false Apostle, and deceitfull workman, did justly belong to Steven.

Another famous man for holiness and learning in those times, was Dionysius Bishop of Alexandria in Aegypt; who in the contention of Cyprian with Steven, took Cyprians pa [...]t, as Hierom testifieth in the Catalogue of Ecclesiastical Writers.Hic in Cypriani & Africanae Sy­nodi dogma consentiens de rebaptizandis haereticis, ad diversos plu­rimas scripsit Epistolas. This man (saith he) consenting with Cyprian, and with the Synod of Africa, hath written many Epistles to divers persons, about the rebaptizing of hereticks. Yea he writ about it unto Eusebius also, as Eusebius Euseb. l. 7. c. 4, & 5, Idem l. 7. c. 26. testifieth. Whence it appears that this Dionysius held not himself subject to the Bishop of Rome.

About the year of our Lord 264. this same Dionysius being suspected to incline to the opinion of those that denied Jesus Christ to be God, and being informed that he had been blamed for it before Dionysius Bishop of Rome, writ an Apology to purge himself of that imputation. That Apology had four books, and im­pugned the opinion of Sabellius. The book he dedicated to Sabellius Bishop of Rome, as to his friend, not his Judge or Superior; for he was not cited nor brought in question about it: and Dionysius the Roman pronounced no Judgement upon that business. The Egyptians that carried this blame to the ears of Dionysius or Denis of Rome, against Denis of Alexandria, did it because they could not com­plain to the Synod of Aegypt, which could not assemble without the authority and consent of Denis Bishop of Alexandria, who governed the Churches of Aegypt.

Briefly, in all that third Age no trace appeareth of the Primacy or Soveraign power of the Roman Bishop over the Universal Church: No appeal to Rome from the remote Churches: No Law from Rome to the Universal Church: No heretick taxed for dissenting from the Roman High Priest. For then (as we heard before Pius II. saying Ep. 88. l. 1.) the Roman Church was little regarded. Which Doctor Boulenger in his book against Causabon, pag. 21. doth freely acknowledge. If sometimes (saith he) in Eusebius or some other Authors thou seest that it is not spoken of the power of the Apostolick See, but somewhat obscurely; know that be­fore [Page 252] the happy age of Constantine, the Church of Christ the Lord was hidden in darkness, and that in the confusion of the times, and among those perpetual com­bates of crosses and sufferings, the Popes were not raised to that greatness, which afterwards was deferred unto them.

That reason moved M. du Perron to confine himself to the time of the four first Universal Councils; the first whereof begins but in the year 325. For in all the time before, he finds nothing that with any colour can be alledged for the Popes Primacy.

CHAP. 4. That the Cardinal would not make use of the authority of the Decretals to prove the Popes primacy in the three first Ages. And of the authority of the said Decretals.

HEre I owe a just defence to my Lord Cardinal against some Jesuites and others of the like disposition, who being used to produce the Decretals of the Antient Bishops of Rome for the Popes primacy, may find it strange that M. du Perron makes so little account of them; having never alledged them, but in some placesAs in the 31. chap. of the first book. p. 189. where he saith that the first Epistle of Clement to James is Apocrypha, and supposi­titious. where he speaks of them with contempt: Whence it is that in his book the proofs of the Popes Primacy in the three first Ages are so thin sown.

Yet those Decretal Epistles attributed to the Bishops of Rome of the first Age, are of great authority in the Roman Church. For they are inserted in the first Tome of the Councils; and it is above seven hundred years since they have been received in the Roman Church as divine Oracles, so far as to be equalled with the holy Scriptures, and to be put among the Canonical books. In the Roman Decree the inscription of the Canon In Canonicis Dist. 19. is such,Inter Ca­nonicas Scrip­turas Decre­tales Epistolae co [...]numeran­t [...]r. The Decretal Epistles are reckoned among the Canonical Scriptures. And Pope Nico­las the first, Canone Si Romanorum, maintains thatCapitulum sancti Inno­centii Papae, cujus authori­tate docetur à nobis utrum (que) Testamentum esse recipien­dum, quan­quam in ipsis paternis Ca­nonibus nul­lum eorum ex toto contineatur insertum, &c. Sio Vetus & Novum Testamentum sunt recipien­da, non quod ex toto Canonum codici videantur annexa, sed quod de his recipiendis sancti Papae Innocentii prolata videatur esse sententia. these Decretals must be re­ceived, because Pope Leo did so command it, although they be not inserted in the Code of the Canons of the Fathers, in the same manner as the holy Scripture is received, because Pope Innocent commanded it so, although it be not inserted in the Code of the Canons of the Fathers. Wherefore also he added according to the constitution of Pope Leo, If any sin against these Decretals, it shall not be forgiven him.

Wherefore they that have compiled the Canons and Decrees of the Roman Church, namely Burchardus, Yvo Carnutensis, and Gratianus, have filled their books with Canons excerped out of these Decretals. In the Roman Decree of Gra­tian there is above four hundred Canons taken from them.L. 2. de iummo Pontifice, c. 14. Sect. Primum. Bellarmine makes use of them to prove the Popes Primacy. And the Jesuite Costerus in his Enchiridion in the chapter de summo Pontifice: Sect. Constat. Stapleton princip. doctrin. l. 6. c. 15. Which is more, Turrianus a Jesuite writ a great book purposely to defend these Decretals: And his work is exalted by Stapleton, Baron. Annal. an. 102. Sect. 12. Gretser. defens. Bellarmini Controv. lib. 3. cap. 5. col. 1290. Baronius, Gretserus, and many others.

There is more yet, The Roman Decree collected by Gratian, a great part whereof is drawn from these Decretals, is the field and the study of the Cano­nists. And for the exposition of that Decree, Schools of Canon Law have been erected in Universities. An honour which the Roman Church never did to the holy Scriptures; for whose Exposition no Schools are erected, and no Doctorate is instituted purposely for that Science.

These Epistles bearing the names of the Antient Bishops of Rome, and recei­ved with so much respect so many ages, and approved by the Popes that came since, who have used them to ground their authoriry, could have furnished the Cardinal with a pile of proofs for the Popes primacy. For in them the Roman High Priests speak like Monarchs, and call themselves Heads of the Universal Church, by vertue of Christs words, Thou art Peter, and upon this stone, &c. give laws to the Churches of all the world; Pretend that the judgement of all the great and important causes must be reserved to them; Void and disannul all the judgements of other Prelates: Say that Peter having established the seat of the primacy at Antioch, hath since transported it to Rome: Abrogate the Laws of Emperors, though they were Pagans in those dayes: Forbid that Laymen be heard in testimony against a Bishop, though he be never so wicked. Forbid Pa­gans to accuse a Christian, or to sue him for any cause whatsoever, and the secu­lar judges to judge the causes of Church-men. And certainly if these Epistles be true, they are the strongest weapons of our Adversaries, who have whereof to triumph.

For although no body ought to be judge and witness in his own cause, and though these words which exalt the Papal power, would have been more becomming in the mouth of another then the Bishops of Rome; yet the shew of a great anti­quity makes these Epistles considerable, seeing that most of those Bishops have been Martyrs; and antient histories bear witness to their zeal and piety.

All these considerations did not move the Cardinal to make use of these Epi­stles to maintain the Papal authority, but upon occasions he speaks of them with contempt, and chooseth rather to make use of the testimony ofof which more hereafter. Aure­lianus a Pagan Emperor, then of the oracles and judgements of the old Bi­shop of Rome. Whoso knows how much this Prelat is versed in Antiquity, and how ingenious in wresting the testimonies of the Antient to his intention, shall easily judge that it was not without a great cause that he hath despised these Decretals attributed to the antient Bishops of Rome.

CHAP. 5. The first cause why M. du Perron would not make use of the Decretal Epistles of the Bishops of Rome of the three first Ages. Even, because in many pla­ces they are contrary to the Roman Church of this time.

THE Cardinal being a learned man, hath so imployed himself to maintain the Papal primacy, that he hath together avoided to defend it by waies that might impugn the other doctrines of the Roman Church, and expose the Papal See to derision. Wherefore he was afraid to give credit unto these Epistles which in many things agree not with the belief of the Church of Rome, and are indecent to the Papal dignity.

For example; the first Epistle of Clement is written to James brother of the Lord, Bishop of Jerusalem, whom he cals Bishop of Bishops, governing all the Churches which God by his providence hath founded everywhere. If that be, James governed also the Roman Church, and was Head of the Universal Church.

In the second Epistle, the same Clement makes bold to instruct St. James, who was an Apostle, about the use of the sacred vessels and clothes, where he warneth him to beware ubi non murium ster­cora inter fragmenta Dominicae portionis ap­pareant. least among the pieces or fragments of the Lords body, there should be mice-dung seen: thereby impugning or forgetting transubstantion for the natural body of Christ hath no pieces, and cannot be broken. That cannot be said but of the Sacramental and figurative body, which is the consecrated bread.

In the second and third Epistle, the Stoical immobility without any passion is taught; and this doctrine is delivered, homines per pietatem possunt esse impassibiles, Men by piety may become impassible.

The fourth Epistle doth exceedingly exalt the vertue of water to purifie and [Page 254] regenerate the Souls: Which Binius hath observed in his Notes upon these Epistles Clements words contain a subtile kind of Divinity: Images are made with iron, [...]ron is made in the fire, fire is quenched with water, water is moved by the Spirit, who is carried upon the waters. Ergo &c. which is a concatenation of recreative conceits.

Bellarmine in the book of Ecclesiastical writers, speaks thus of the fifth Epistle of Clement. In the fifth Epistle the community of all things, and the very commu­nity of wives is commended. Whence he gathers that these words have been foisted into that Epistle by some body. See in Gratians DecreeCausa 12. Can. Di­lectissimis. that goodly doctrine of Clement set down at large, where Plato is praised, and called the wisest of the Grecians, for teaching that women must be common.

In the first Epistle of Anacletus, Masses without communicants are condemned, in these words,Peracta consecratione omnes com­municent qui noluerint Ec­clesiasticis ca­rere liminibus. The consecration being ended, all they must communicate that will not be cut off from the Church. And in the second Epistle of Clement. Tanta in altario holo­causta offe­rantur, quanta populo sufficere de­beant. Let as many offerings be offered upon the Altar as are sufficient for the people.

In the first Decretal of Pius the first, Hermes is called Doctor of the faith, and of the Scriptures: and it is related how an Angel appeared upon him in a Sepherds habit, saying to him that the Passeover must be celebrated upon the Lords day. Yet the Roman Church holds that book of Hermes to be fabulous. Pope Gelasius puts it among the Apochrypha, and Hierome in his Prelogus Galeatus, and Eusebius in the third book of his history, ch. 3.

To the same Pius a DecreeCausa. 21. qu. 1. Can. Si quis. Si quis per creaturas ju­raverit, acer­rime castige­tur. is attributed, which forbids upon heavy penal­ties to swear by the creatures. A law which the Roman Church of this time ob­serveth not, permitting to swear by the relicks of the Saints, as it is expresly said in the Catechism of the Council of Trent upon these words of the law, Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God in vain. And Pope Nicolas the first in his an­swer to the questions of the Bulgares saith the same.

The Decretal of Pope Ʋrban the first speaks of some persons qui sine fide mor­tui sunt, & tamen bona opera egerunt: who are dead without faith, and yet have done good works. How can one do good works without faith, seeing that all that is done without faith is sin? Rom. 14.23.

The first Decretal of Pope Eutychianus commands that beans and grapes be of­fered upon the Altar. Which the Roman Church practiseth no more.

The second Epistle of Pope Sixtus the secondMagis gratias refe­remus illi grano sinapis. makes humble thanksgivings to the grain of mustard seed.

The Decretal of Pope Dionysius begins by a false and absurd sentence. Sum­mum bonum est amare amantes se. He saith, that the soveraign good is for one to love those that love him. Truly many wicked men love one another fer­vently.

In those Decretals Clarks are called Spiritual above twenty times, and Lay-men carnal, although there be Lay-men that live with a spiritual life, and many Clarks that live with a carnal life. The Apostle St Paul, 1 Cor. 2. by the spiritual man understands every man regenerated by Gods spirit.

In most of these Epistles it is forbidden to Lay-men to prefer any accusation against a Bishop or Priest for any cause whatsoever, save only in case of heresie. So that if a Bishop hath killed a Lay-mans Father, or lyen with his Wife, it is not lawful for the wronged party to frame any complaint for it.

The Decretal of Telesphorus appoints Lent only for Clarks.

The second Epistle of Clement forbids toTanta in altario holo­causta offe­rantur, quan­ta populo sufficere debe­ant. Quod si remanserint in crastinum, non reserven­tur, sed cum timore & tremore cleri­corum dili­gentia consu­mantur. keep any part of the consecrated bread till the next day: But prescribes that the remnant be diligently eaten by the Clarks with fear and trembling. In those daies they reserved no consecrated hosts.

CHAP. 6. Other causes why the Cardinal would make no use of the Decretals of the three first Ages. Of the barbarousness of those Decretals, and how Scri­pture is prophaned in them.

IT is very like that M. du Perron disgusted the style of the Decretals, which is ridiculous, full of incongruities, and of an absurd barbarousness: A thing altogether intolerable in the first and second age after the Apostles, in which the Latin tongue was yet in its purity. Besides, the same incongruities and barbarisms are found in the Epistles of several Popes, and the style is so like, that it is evident that all these Epistles come out of the same shop, and belong to the same Author.

These are some of the flowres of elegancy which are found in these Decretals.Clem. ep. 2. Altario. Anacl [...]ti [...] ep. 1. Odientes. Ejusdem. ep. 2. Consolari & venerari, for being comforted and re­spected.Ejusdem. ep. 3. Calumniari, for being calumniated.Gaii Papae & Evaristi secundi. Titulandus ad urbem honora­bilem. In a hundred places the words of taliter & qualiter are repeated. And these phrases,Alex. ep. 1. Episcopi sunt obediendi & non detrahendi, nec injuriandi, sed portandi & supportandi. Et Teles­phori ep. confessio debet profiteri, that is, must be freely pro­nounced. In the second Epistle of Sixtus the first, Ab hac sancta sede à sanctis Apostolis Episcopi tueri & defendi jussi sunt. Et sicut egerit ita recipiet, si bene bene, si grave grave, si pessime pessime. Also se cavere, for take heed, & Patres sunt venerandi non insidiandi. And it is ordinary with those Epistles to say persequi for being persecuted. The first Decretal of Victor saith tantum Christianae confessione creduliatis clarificata baptizentur. And in the second, Nocere fratres instead of fratribus. And in the second Epistle of Calixtus, ullum nocere, for, be hurtful to any. And Zepherinus Epist. 2. praesentem fraternam syllabam exposuimus. These words Detrahere aliquem, for detracting of one; andUrbani Decretalis. modernus for new: andBontiani Ep. exiet for exibit; andFab. Ep. 3. suspiciosus, for suspect; and rigorosus, and cha­ritative, and perserverabilis, and injuriare, and praelibatus, and pretexatus, and a thousand of the like are frequent there. Steven in the second Decretal comes out with his Latin elegancy, Nullus anathema suscipiatur, Never poor Priscian was so kickt and boxed. It seems that the forger of these Epistles believed that barba­rousness and incongruities are decent in Oracles.

Also the novelty of these Decretals appears, in that they are full of the terms of the Capitularies of Charlemayn, and Lewis the Meek, and of the Councils held in France and Germany in their time.

In those Decretals some impious sentences are found, as that which is said in the third Epistle of Clement; ThatQuicun­que obediunt Episcopis sui [...]; videntur ali­quid gratiae conferre Deo. they that obey their Bishops, seem to confer some grace unto God, as if God were much obliged to them for it. And that which Calixtus the first saith in his first Decretal, As the Son of God is come to do the will of his Father, so you must fulfil the will of the Roman Church your mother; where, by the Roman Church, the Pope must be understood, for all is ruled by his will. Who is able to suffer the ugly words of the second Decretal of the same Calixtus, who having called the Bishop husband of the Church, calls also the ordi­nation or installing of the BishopEjus concubitu frui, id est ordinatione. concubitum cum sua uxore? This is no bet­ter. Alexander the first, in his first Decretal speaks thus; We bless water unto the people with the conspersion of salt, that all they that are besprinkled with it may be sanctified and purified. For if (as the Apostle saith, Heb. 9.) the ashes of the heifer sprinkled over with blood did sanctifie and cleanse the people, how much more doth the water aspersed with salt, sanctifie the people? &c. And if we doubt not but that the sick were healed by touching the hemm of our Saviours garment; how much more by the vertue of his sacred words are the elements consecrated, whereby humane frailty receiveth the health of body and soul? By these elements he understands water and salt, which he will have to be effectual to the healing of the soul.

It is ordinary with these Decretals to play with Scripture, and to wrest it to an [Page 256] absurd sense, contrary to the right meaning. Clement in the first Decretal, and Anacletus, and Alexander after him, prove that Clarks must not be offended, because it is written, He that toucheth you, toucheth the apple of mine eye, Zech. 2.8. But there Zechariah speaks of the care that God hath of his people in general, not of the Priests alone. AndSteph. Ep. 2. Steven proveth the same, because Christ said, Matth. 18.6. If any offend one of these little ones, it were better for him to have a mil-stone hanged about his neck, &c. as if by these little ones the Clergy only were meant.

The first Decretal of Anacletus saith, We prohibit strangers judgements; in­tending thereby to prohibit Laymen to be Judges of Clergy men. For (saith he) the Lord speaking of Lot by the mouth of Moses, saith, Thou art come in as a stranger; didst thou come to be our Judge? He makes God say that which was said by the Sodomites.

With the like depravation the second Decretal saith, that God hath reserved unto himself the judgement of the sins of Priests and Bishops, and would not have men to judge them. For, saith he, the Lord himself hath given an example of it, when himself, not by another, but in person, cast the sellers and buyers out of the Temple, and with his own whip overthrew the tables of the money-changers. That Coyner of false Decretals believed that those buyers and sellers were Priests. A jolly argument! The Lord hath himself cast out the money changers, Ergo, there is none but God that can judge Priests and Bishops. For he pre­sumeth that the Papal chair is Gods chair. In the same place the excellency of Priests and Bishops is proved, because it is written, God sitteth in the assembly of the Gods, and I have said you are Gods, Psal. 82. where there is no mention of Priests or Bishops, but of Judges and temporal Princes.

The same Decretal of Anacletus, proves that Christ dwelleth not in the calum­niators of Priests, because it is written Luke 9. The Foxes have holes, and the Birds of Heaven have nests, but the Son of God hath not where to lay his head.

In the same place he labours to shew that the Son is not inferiour to the Fa­ther, although it be written, Verbum faciet Dominus abbreviatum universo orbi, The Lord shall abbreviate his word in all the world.

The third Epistle proveth the Popes primacy, because St. Peter is call Cephas, that is a head; not knowing that Cephas signifieth a stone.

The first Decretal of Alexander proveth that no harm must be done to Bishops, because the Lord hath said by Joel, Shall ye return vengeance unto me? and by Hosea 14. Who is he that is wise? let him understand these things. And if by force some Paper or signed writing be taken from some one [of them] he de­clareth that it will be no prejudice to him, because Hosea saith, Let the Trum­pet be at thy throat, &c. And because Christ said, When thou prayest, enter into thy Closet. AndAlexand. Decretal. Pejus malum fore non aesti­mo quam Christianos suis invidere sacerdotibus. Novit enim Dominus qui sunt ejus. there is no greater crime then to bear envy unto Priests, be­cause the Apostle saith, God knows them that are his.

Steven in the second Decretal teacheth that Lay-men must not be heard in accusation against a Bishop, because Bishops are the throne of God; And that the Prophet speaks of them when he saith, The heavens declare the glory of God, and the firmament sheweth his handy work. And Eutychian in the second Epistle proveth that Clarks must not be offended, because it is written, that the Angel of the Lord encampeth about them that fear him. I bring few examples of many. For the whole stuff of these Epistles is a perpetual depravation of Scripture, com­pelled in a ridiculous way to the advantage of Priests and Bishops; and of the Bishop of Rome especially.

CHAP. 7. Evident untruths in the Decretals of the three first Ages. The gross igno­rance in history of him that coined them.

THAT these Epistles are false in their title, it appears by the falshood of their Contents, for they are all over stuffed with lyes. Many false and ab­surd things, which could not have been said in those dayes, and neither conso­nant with the time, nor with the truth, are there ascribed to the antient Bishops of Rome.

Those Decretal Epistles attributed to the Bishops of Rome of the three first ages are fifty seven, or fifty eight in number, almost all dated from the Consu­lat of certain Consuls, all which dates, save only five or six are false: Those Consuls are either imaginary, or not agreeing with the time of those Bishops. That is seen by the Fasti of Onuphrius, and the Chronicles of Marcellinus, Cas­siodorus and Eusebius; but especially byBaroniu [...] an. 66. §. 35, 36, 37, 38. & an. 80. §. 3. & saepe alibi. Baronius, who in his Annals care­fully observeth the untruth of those dates; which he imputes to this, that the Collector or Author of these Epistles hath followed the Pontifical of Dama­sus, which is all full of error in history.

These Epistles make a frequent mention ofClem. Ep. 1. Anacl. Ep. 1. & 2. Patriarchs, Primates, and Archbishops, which were unknown names in the three first Ages. The title of Arch-bishop began towards the end of the fourth Age. That word is found in the twenty fourth Oration of Gregory Nazianzen, and in Epiphanius in the six­ty eighth and sixty ninth heresie, where Peter and Alexander are called Arch-bi­shops of Alexandria. It is found also in the Councils of Ephesus and Chal­cedon.

As for the word Patriarch, the Montanists had their Patriarchs, as we learn ofEpist. 54. Montanistae habent primos de Pepuza Phrygiae Pa­triarchas. Hierom. Of the Patriarchs of the Jews, mention is made in the sixteenth book of the Theodosian Code.Tit. 8. lege 1. Judaeis & majoribus eorum & Patriarchis volumus inti­mari, &c. & lege 2. For the Jews scattered in the Roman Em­pire, had their Patriarchs in divers Provinces.

In the same Epistles frequent mention is made of Temples and of the Sanctu­ary; but then the Christians had no Temples. It was a great favour if some­times the Emperours after fierce persecutions gave them leave to meet in bury­ing places. Sometimes in certain intervals of peace, they have built Temples; but that continued but little.

The first Decretal of Anacletus takes from them that are not Christians the liberty of being witnesses or accusers in Law. In that time the Bishops of Rome were hidden, and were eminent only in martyrdome. How could they have given Laws to the Pagan Emperours, or hinder those that were of the Emperours and the Senates religion, to be received to be witnesses?

In the same Epistle Anacletus speak thus.Idem habes Ep. 1. Hygini Epis­copi, & Ep. 3. Fabiani. Peregrina judicia submove­mus. Could that Bishop that lived under the Cross hinder the exercise of the judicial Courts of the Roman Pretor? or hinder the Christians from appearing before the ordinary Magistrates? In the same place that supposititious Anacletus speaks like an Emperour. Let every Province both according to the Laws of the Church, and the civil Laws, have her own just Judges, and none from without (meaning the Pagans) unless the authority of this Apostolick See have otherwise decreed about it.

In the same Epistle the word Comes is found (that is a Count or an Earl) A word which was not in use, but since the Emperour Adrian, who travelling through the whole Empire, carried with him an itinerant Senate. Hence it came that the Officers of his Court were called Comites, and his Court Comitatus, be­cause they had accompanied him in his journey.

These Epistles also speak often of Archiflamines who were Pagans, to whom the Arch-bishops and Primates have succeeded, which is a gross errour: For in Greece, Asia, Aegypt, &c. yea in all the Provinces of the Roman Empire [Page 258] there were no Flamines no Archiflamines, but in Italy only; Rome had her Flami­nes Diales & Quirinales, but they had nothing to do out of Italy; Neither do I believe that the word Archiflamines is found in any antient Author.

The same second Decretal of Anacletus saithSacra un­ctione exem­plo Propheta­rum & Regum capita eorum more Aposto­lorum & Mo­sis ungentes. that Moses and the Apostles were anointed with oyl. Thats false. The Apostles never received any anoint­ing with oyle. They annointed the sick to heal them, not the Pastors of the Church in their Ordination.

The same Epistle speaks of those that could not have their recourse to the Court of Emperours and Kings. Who knows not that then there was no King un­der the Roman Empire?

The second Epistle of Pius the first, and that of Ʋrban, speak de praediis, of the Lands and Possessions of the Church, and of great riches. Yet in that time the Church suffered grievous persecutions, and the Christians were stript of all their goods. Laurentius a Roman Deacon being commanded by thePraefectus Ʋrbi. Prefect of the City, to deliver unto him the treasures of the Christian Church, brought to his door a company of lame and maimed people, as Prudentius relates in the hymn of Laurentius.

With great absurdity in the second Decretal attributed toThe same is found in Epist. 2. of Fabianus. Pius the first, that Bishop is made to say, That if any Priest be disobedient to his Bishop, mox Curiae tradatur; let him be presently delivered to the temporal Court. Now the Emperours were then Pagans and cruel persecutors. And those men were said tradi Curiae, who by a kind of punishment or disgrace were delivered to the Officers which the Emperour had in the several Cities, to be punisht and imployed in some sordid service. A thing which belonged neither to the know­ledge, nor to the power of Bishops, who had then enough to do to hide them­selves, and were far from delivering their Priests to the Magistrate: which if they had done, they had delivered them to death, not for their disobedience to the Bishop, but for Christian Religion.

The first Epistle of Victor is written to Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria, who was Bishop of that City under the Emperour Arcadius, and came to Constanti­nople to condemn Chrysostome in the year of Christ four hundred and three; two hundred years after the death of this Victor; for there was no other Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria.

The second Epistle of Calixtus saith, that by the Civil Laws it is forbidden to Laymen to conspire against Bishops. Who will believe that Pagan Empe­rours persecuting the Church with all their might, were carefull that the Chri­stian people should bear respect to their Pastors?

In the same Epistle the forger of these Decretals discovereth himself, and sheweth in whose time he lived, namely of Charlemagne or his children; In which time there was two Empires, the one of the Greek Emperours, the other of the Emperours of the West, styling themselves Roman Emperours. For that Epistle saith,Eos con­sanguineos dicimus quos divinae & Imperatorum Romanorum atque Graeco­rum leges consanguineos appellant. We call those kin whom the divine Laws, and those of the Roman Emperours, and of the Greeks, call kin.

The Decretal of Ʋrban saith falsly, thatScimus vos non igno­rare quia hactenus vita communis inter bonos Christianos viguit, & adhùc gratia Dei viget. to his time goods had been com­mon among Christians, and were still, and that they had nothing proper. Now Ʋrban was Bishop in the year of Christ 222. And that which is most false and absurd, is, that the same EpistleQuod si quis fecerit, perpetua dam­netur infa­mia, & carceri tradatur, aut exilio perpe­tuae deporta­tionis utatur. condemneth to imprisonment and perpetu­al Exile, and brandeth with a note of infamy those that usurp the goods and the possessions of the Church. The Bishops of Rome being then persecuted and exposed to martyrdome, had no civil jurisdiction. Yea in time of peace the power of exiling and branding with infamy belonged not unto Bishops, but to the secular power. Before that the Popes by the liberality of Pepin and Char­lemagne became temporal Princes, it was not in their power to punish any man with exile.

There is a plain untruth observed byBaron. an. 238. Sect. 9. Binius in Notis. Posse­vinus Appa­rat. Baronius, Binius, and Possevinus in the Epistle of Fabian; Fabian is made to say that in his time Novatus came from Africa to Rome, and drew Novatian and some others to his ill doctrine. [Page 259] Yet that did not happen but in the time of Cornelius successor to Fabian, as it may be seen in Cyprians Epistles 49, 52, & 76. and in the Chronicle of Eusebius.

Fabian in the third Decretal decreeth that those that are led to be executed be not barred from appealing, as if the Roman Pretor in that Age had been subject to the Laws of the Bishop of Rome, or as if leave had been given to ap­peal from Judges sitting upon life and death in the Emperours name, unto the Bishop. That Fabian was so far from pretending to that power, that him­self after a long and hard prison was finally executed to death, by the sentence of the Judges.

With the like impudence the same Decretal makes that Fabian to say, By a general ordinance we prohibit strangers jugdements, that is, that Pagans be Judges of Christians, saving in all things the Apostolical authority. That Law deposeth the Emperour, and reverseth the judgements of the Roman Pretor. Those good Bishops did little think of a temporal power over the Emperour, being busie to avoid executions, or to prepare themselves for them. They thought of losing their lives to save their souls, not of getting an Empire in the world.

In the first Epistle of Cornelius, that Bishop saith, that he had taken away the bodies of St. Peter and St. Paul from the Catacombs, and laid St. Peters body in Apollo's Temple. A fable confuted by Baronius in hisAn. 221. §. 3, 4, & 5. Annals, and by Bi­nius in his Notes upon these Epistles. Had that Cornelius (who suffered Mar­tyrdome) the Temple of Apollo in his power? And if he had been the owner of it, would he have put St. Peters body in a Temple of Idols? Neither did the Pagans suffer sepulchers in Temples, much less then the sepulchers of Christians, and much less yet an executed mans body.

Can any thing be more grosly forged then the second Decretal of Sixtus the second, in which he restores some Spanish Bishops unjustly condemned and stript of their goods by the Princes of Spain? Spain in that Age had no Princes, but Presidents or Lieutenants of the Roman Emperour, who was an enemy to the Christian name, for which that very Sixtus suffered Martyrdome. Yet see how he speaks to those Princes,Fratres quos timore terreno injustè damnastis, sci [...]ote à nobis esse restitutos. Quibus ex sancti Petri & Apostolica authoritate omnia quae eis ablata sunt integer­rime reddi jubemus, si non vultis vos & principes vestri à colle­gio nostro & membris Ec­clesiae sepa­rari. Know ye that we have justly restored the brethren by you unjustly condemned. To whom, that all be fully restored that was taken from them, we command you by the Apostolical authority of St. Peter, unless you and your Princes will be separated from our Colledge, and from the members of the Church. All that no less ridiculous, then if the Bishop of Lyons did excom­municate the Bashaes of Natolia, and the King of Maroco, commanding them to make restitution of all that they have taken, if they would be absolved.

With the like imposture in the second Decretal of Eutychianus, it is said that not only the Ecclesiastical Laws, but also the Laws of this world, that is, the Imperial Laws, prohibit to receive a man that despiseth Christian Religion, to be a witness against a Christian. Never was such a Law made by Pagan Empe­rours in favour of the Christians: Less yet in the time of Eutychianus who suf­fered Martyrdome.

Thus the Decretal of Gaius disableth a Pagan and an heretick from inditing a Christian, or offering him any disgrace; And all kinds of men from inditing Bi­shops and Clarks before secular Judges. How could that Bishop (thatPontifi­cale Damasi in Gaio. lived in underground Caves, which they called cryptae, to avoid Diocletians persecution, and who in the end was taken and executed to death) have the authority of giving Laws to Emperours, and exempting Christians from the subjection of the civil Magistrate? seeing that even under the Christian Emperours that since reigned at Rome, the Roman Bishops never undertook any such thing.

In a word, these untruths are so enormous, and these pieces forged with such a gross imposture, that we shall see hereafter a Decretal of Marcel, to the Em­perour Maxentius, a Pagan and a Persecutor, whereby that Marcel being brought by that persecution to be a groom in a Stable, writes to that Empetour in a master­full style, We command thee; and bids him to take notice that Priests are Gods, commanding him to keep, the constitutions of Pope Clement, who was dead two hundred years before.

CHAP. 8. That many of our Adversaries have acknowledged the untruth of these De­cretals.

ALL that was said before, is more then sufficient to bring to open view the untruth of these Decretals; unto which, and the stupidity of the Kings that succeeded Charlemagne, the Papal Empire oweth its settlement. Whence it appeareth that it was not without cause that the Cardinal was ashamed to imploy them for the Popes primacy, which in them is so highly exalted. And truly if we wanted proofs of their falshood, our very adversaries would give us enough.

Gratian who hath stuffed the body of the Roman Decree with pieces taken out of these Decretals, hath inserted into his Decree, a Canon of Leo the fourth, which makes it evident that in the year of our Lord 847. these Decretals were not yet forged, or at least had no course as yet. That Leo who was created Pope in the year 847. in an Epistle to the Bishops of the Isle of Brittain giveth a list of the Books, and Councils, and Decretals out of which the rules are taken, by which the Church is ruled, and which the Bishops must carefully observe when they judge. And he makes a Catalogue of those Bishops that made the Decretals that are received in the Roman Church: Which are Sylvester, Syricius, Innocent, Zozimus, Celestin, Leo, Hilary, Gelasius, Hormisdas, and Gregory the younger, Bishops of Rome, the Elder of which is of the fourth Age. Whence it appears that all th [...] Decretals from Clement to Sylvester are false and suppositious, since this Leo the fourth did not know them. This Canon is found in the twentyeth Distinction of the Decree, Can. de libellis.

Ballarmine useth the testimony of these Epistles for the Popes primacy in the 2. ch. de Pontifice, ch. 14. Yet he saith in the same place;Aliquos errores in has Epistolas irre­psisse non ne­gaverim, nec indabitatos esse affirmare audeam. I deny not but that some errors are crept in these Epistles, and I cannot affirm that they are un­doubted.

Baronius in his Annals upon the year 865. §. 5. speaking of the collection of these Decretals made by Isidorus Mercator, saith,Merces illas nimiorum Isidori Mer­catoris per Riculfum primum illa­tas in Gallias ex Hispania. Ne quis ca­lumniari possit ab Ec­clesia Romana aliquid hu­jusmodi com­mentum esse. That Merchandize (allu­ding to Mercators name) was first brought out of Spain into Gaules by Riculfus Arch-Bishop of Mentz, in the time of Charlemagne; that none may calumniate, saying that the Roman Church hath forged these things. And a little after §. 8. The At vero ex multis eas reddi suspe­ctas Episto­las, quae dictae sunt secundo Annalium tomo, satis est demonstratū, simulque ostensum illis non indigere Romanam Ecclesiam ut si falsitatis arguantur, su­is destituatur juribus, &c. things that we have said in the second Tome of the Annals, shew sufficiently that these Epi­stles are of a dubious faith in many things: and together we have shewed that the Ro­man Church hath no need of them, so that she should be destitute of her rights and privi­ledges, if these Epistles were convinced of untruth: seeing that without these Epistles she is established enough by the true, and not supposititious Epistles of the other Bishops.

Himself in his Notes upon the Martyrologe Octob. 16. See to what danger that Isidorus collector of these Epistles brings our businesses; so that on that side the Church seems to be in danger, if we hold those things for true and certain which he hath collected, or rather forged. I bear him testimonie (to speak with the Apo­stle) that he had a zeal, but not according to knowledge. But what zeal can there be in forging false writings? Must the truth of God be helped with lyes?

Binius in his Notes upon the Decretal of Boniface the second, calls that Isido­rus, Impostorem & mendaciorum frigidum concinnatorem, callidumque veteratorem: an impostor and an absurd inventer of lyes, and a cunning old fox.

George Cassander a Divine of Collen Cassander de­fens. libell. de officio viri pii Sect. Quod autem. De reliquis quae Clemenis, Anacleti, Evaristi, Alexandri, Telespho­ri, &c. nomine circumferuntur, qui credi possit ut ea homo veritatis & sinceritatis amantissimus tantopere probet, cum ple­raque eorum & olim ab ipsis Pontificibus inter Apochrypha sint rejecta, & postremis hisce saeculis & nostra aetate à viris prudentissimis & doctissimis adjectis gravissimis & firmissimis rationibus in dubium sint vocata? As for the other works that go un­der the name of Clemens, Anacletus, Evaristus, Telesphorus, &c. who will ever be­lieve that a lover of truth and sincerity can so much approve them, Ecce in quoà discrimen unus Isidorus Mercator illarum Epistolarum collector res nostras adduxit, ut ex ea parte periclatari videatur Ecclesia si quae ipse collegit vel potius affinxit, firma certaque esse dixerimus. seeing that most of [Page 261] them have been long since rejected by the Popes themselves, and put among the Apo­chrypha; and that in these last Ages, and in our time, their truth was questioned by most learned men, upon most grave and strong reasons?

And upon that he alledgeth the testimonie of Cusanns and Erasmus. To which we may add Marsilius of Padua, the Cardinal Torquemada, the Jesuite Possevi­nus in his Apparat, and many more. Upon which, as also upon this whole matter, who so will have an ample and exact instruction, let him read the Pseudo-Isidorus of our learned David Blondel, a work full of doctrine, and made with a diligence beyond all example.

CHAP. 9. Of the Popes motives for causing these false Decretals to be forged, and when and by whom they were forged.

THE time when the Popes power did most increase, and in with the Papal See received the greatest alteration, was the age of the reign of Pepin, Charle­magne, Lewis the Meek, and Charles the Bald: For in that time the Pope from a Bishop became a temporal Monarch by the immense liberalities of those Kings, who made use of the Popes service in their wars of Italy.

See Si­gonius de regno Italiae. Blondw. Vo­lateranus, Baronius, Sigebertus.In the year of Christ 755. or 756. Pepin having overcome Arstulfus King of the Lombards, took many Towns and Lordships from him, which he bestowed upon Pope Steven the second, whose predecessors Gregory the second, and Gregory the third had shaken off the yoak of the Emperor of Constantinople their Sove­raign Lord. This change happened 666. years after the Apostle St. John had seen the Revelations, which expresly point that term of years Rev. 13. even the time upon which the Second Beast was to sit in the place of the first, which is the Roman Empire, and usurp an earthly domination in the Capital City of the Empire of Rome.

Charlemagne having put down the Kingdom of the Lombards in Italy, added many far greater gifts unto the liberalities of his Father Pepin; And being entred into Rome was elected Roman Emperour by the Senat and the people. Pope Leo the third made the ceremony of the Coronation. But in the following ages the Popes would infer out of that Ceremony, that the Pope had given the Empire unto Charles; as if the Arch-Bishop of Rhemes, whose place is to anoint his King, did boast that he hath given him the Kingdom of France. In that Coronation Leo wor­shipped Charles, asAdo per­fectis laudi­bus à Ponti­fice more Principum antiquorum adoratus est. See also Pre­sident Fau­chet in his Antiquities, who saith the same, and Monsieur Pitau a Counsellor of the Court in his Pre­face before the Chroni­cles of Euse­bius and Si­gebertus. Ado testifieth it, who lived in the same age. And Aven­tinus in the fourth book of the Annals of Baniers: For that Emperour reserved unto himself the Soveraignty of Rome and Italy. The same Emperour against the will of the French Bishops brought in the Roman service into France, abolishing the old service which was called the Ambrosian.

Lewis the Meek son to Charlemagne added much to his fathers liberalities, of which we have some example in the Canon, Ego Ludovicus Dist. 63. for all is not set down there. Which donation made by the French Kings, Gratian hath insert­ed in his decree, with little consideration; for having put in the 96. Distinction, the donation of Constantine, yet he put in that of Lewis also, although the first was purposely forged to abolish the memory of the second. The recompense which that Emperour had from the Pope, was, that the Pope Gregory the fourth entred in­to a League with the sons of Lewis Sigeber­tus Chroni­co, Ann. 832. Gregor. Pa­pa in Gall am veniens con­tra Imperato­rem cum filiis agebat. to dispossess him from the Empire, and to imprison him, as also they did; as it is related by Sigebertus and Amoinas, and the Chronicle of St. Denis. But shortly after they were forced to release him.

Charls the Bald succeeds his Father in the Kingdom of France. A soft Prince and of little vertue, who hoping by the Popes help to attain to the Imperial Crown, favoured the Pope with all his power, and brought the Clergy of France to the sub­jection of the Roman See as much as he could. Then began the Popes Legates to [Page 262] come to the Councils of France, and there to preside. Then also the French Kings began to tremble under the thunderbolts of the Vatican, and to fear the excommunications of the Pope.

The first Pope that made a trial of his excommunications against them, was Pope Nicolas the first, who threatned Lothary to excommunicate him, unless he recalled Tietberga his Wife whom he had put away, to take Waldrada whom he loved; which also this Pope did excommunicate. Whereupon there was great murmuring of the Prelates, and people of France against the Pope, being displeased both at the Popes usurpations, and the pusillanimity of their Kings. These things happened from the year 863. to 866.

After that Nicolas, came Adrian the second, who favouring Lewis, grand-child to Lewis the Meek, against Charles the Bald his Unkle, sent peremptory Letters into France, whereby he declared, thatQuod si quis prae­sumpserit, non solum per suae authoritatis ministerium infirmabitur, verum etiam vinclis ana­thematis obligatus nomine Chri­stianitatis privatus, cum Diabolo omni­no locabitur. if any presumed to make an en­terprize upon the Kingdom of Lewis, not only he would make void by his authority all that he should do, but also that such a man being bound with the bonds of Anathema, and deprived of the name of Christian, should be lodged altogether with the Devil.

This is seen in the Epistle which Hinckmarus Arch-bishop of Rhemes writes to the said Adrian upon that subject, where he saith, that both Ecclesiastical and secular men being assembled at Rhemes, would say in a reproachfull way, that ne­ver any such mandat was sent from that See to any of the Kings predecessors. Ad­ding that the Bishops of Rome had never withdrawn themselves from the obedi­ence of heretick Emperours. Wherefore (said they) we will not believe that we cannot otherwise attain to the Kingdom of heaven, but by receiving him for a temporal King, whom this Apostolical Lord recommends to us.

Thus was the Popes power growing in France, in Germany, and in Italy, misusing Kings, and daily usurping new things. But the Churches of Greece, Asia and Aegypt, and all the East, laughed at that pride, and detested it. For at that same time Photius Patriarch of Constantinople fulminated an excommu­nication against Pope Nicolas. Then the Greek Church and the Roman made a schism, and ever since that time they have been separated in communion, even to this day.

But as it is ordinary with those that from a low state, are suddenly raised to the first charges of the Kingdom, to forge titles; and they never want proofs for the Antiquity of their house. Likewise the Popes of that time seeing them­selves suddenly promoted to a greatness, which they durst never have hoped for; and seeing together that their succession in St. Peters primacy had no ground in the Word of God, and that the holy Scripture speaks not of the Bi­shop of Rome, and gives no successor to St. Peter in his Apostleship, imployed some of their most confiding Prelates to forge false Deeds, and Epistles, and Decrees of the Bishops of Rome next to the time of the Apostles, in which they speak like Monarchs, and attribute to themselves a soveraign power over the Churches of the whole world; yea and upon the temporal of the Roman Empire.

It was in that time, that is, in the ninth Age, under the reign of Charlemagne, and of his Son Lewis the meek, that these Decretals were forged, being un­known before, and never mentioned in all Antiquity, bearing on the front the name of Isidorus Peccator, and in some Copies Isidorus Mercator, a man unknown, and a name forged at will.

That collection of Decretals began to go about in France in the beginning of the reign of Charles the Bald. The first that used them, was Hinckmar Bishop of Laon upon this occasion.

Hinckmar Arch-bishop of Rhemes had promoted to the Bishoprick of Laon, another Hinckmar his nephew; who having excommunicated his Clergy, and hindered the divine service, and the baptism of children in his own Bishoprick, and committed divers crimes and excesses, was cited to appear before his Unkle, who was his Metropolitan. But he would not obey, nor appear. Upon that, [Page 263] Hinckmar of Rhemes disannulled all the Acts of Hinckmar of Laon, and would Synodically proceed against him. But Hinckmar of Laon to defend himself, brought forth the collection of the Decretals of the antient Popes made by Isidorus, where by the Popes Decrees such causes are reserved to the Aposto­lick See.

Hinckmar of Rhemes, being not learned enough to know the forgery of the Author of these Decretals, and not daring to reject them openly, brought di­vers things to invalid their authority. He said thatHinck­mar. l. 35. ca­pitum c. 24. Forte putasti neminem alium easdem sententias vel ipsas Episto­las praeter te habere, &c. Res mira est cum de ipsis sententiis ple­na sit ista ter­ra, sicut & de libro collecta­rum Epistola­rum ab Isido­ro quem de Hispania al­latum Ricul­sus Mogunti­nus Episcopus obtinuit; & istas regiones ex istis repleri fecit. Hinckmar of Laon was mistaken, if he thought that he was the only man that had those Epistles: That the Countrey was full of them: And that Riculfus Bishop of Mentz had published the Book of Epistles collected by Isidorus, which was brought to him out of Spain. Now that Riculfus the first publisher of these Epistles, lived in the same Age, and is but few years more antient then Hinckmar. For he out­lived Charlemagne, who died in the year of Christ 814. since (as Baronius saith in the year of Christ 865. §. 6.) he was one of those that subscribed the will of that Emperour.

Hinckmar said also to defend himself against those Epistles,Hinck­mar. lib. 55. cap. c. 25. Illae Epistolae suis tempori­bus congruen­tes fuerun [...]: donec Patres nostri in unum convenientes mansuras, us (que) in finem leges condide­runt, &c. Cum leguntur, Apostolica illa praecedat sen­tentia, quae dicit, omnia probate, quod bonum est te­nete. Et haec dico non quod quaedam in eis dicam esse non bona, sed non per omnia sacris Canoni­bus Patrum (que) Consiliis con­sona, &c. Lex bona sed in temporibus suis. that they had been good in their time; but that the Fathers assembled in Council, had altered those things, and made Canons of greater authority, which are to remain per­petually. And that those Decretals were never put in among the Canons of the Church. He will have then those Epistles to be received with this conditi­on, Omnia probate, quod bonum est tenete. Try all things, retain that which is good. That strife between the two Hinckmars happened in the year of the Lord 870.

Hereupon Pope Nicolas the first bestirred himself with violence against Hinck­mar of Rhemes, complaining that he despised the Decretals collected by Isidorus, and saying that theCan. Si Romanorum Dist. 19. Decretals are nothing the less receivable for not being inserted in the Code of the Canons of the Church, seeing that the Canons of the New and Old Testament are no more inserted into that Code, and yet are received, because Pope Innocent hath decreed it so. But though Nicolas did storm and threatned never so much, Hinckmar resisted him stiffly, and had the better of the Bishop of Rome: neither did he ever suffer the causes which he had judged, to be revised at Rome, nor any man that had been deposed by the Synods of France, to be restored by the Pope. And all his life time he main­tained with great constancy so much liberty as remained to the Gallican Church, which liberty suffered by his death a great diminution. The Popes durst not touch him, because he was the Kings Unkle.

Yet in one point he was mistaken, that he believed the report spred by Ri­culfus, that those Epistles had been sent to him out of Spain, which at that time was possest by the Saracens, Mahumetans. Riculfus had raised that report to perswade the world that he was not the forger of these Decretals, but that Isidorus of Sevilia dead in the year of Christ 636. that is two hundred years before this Riculfus was the Collector of them. Herein the forgery is evident that this false Isidorus hath put in his collection in the Epistles of Gregory the second, and Gregory the third, and Zachary, who lived long since the death of Isidorus of Sevilia. And that in the beginning of the same collection there is a chapter of the order of celebrating a Council, where he alledgeth a Canon of the XI. Council of Toledo held in the year of Christ 675. And that in the Preface he speaks of Pope Agathon dead about forty six years since the death of Isidorus of Sevilia.

WhenceErrant Hinckmarus Rhemensis Episcopus, Trithemius & alii qui illam collectionem tribuunt Isidoro Hispalensi▪ Baronius in his Martyrologium upon April 4. gathereth, that those men are mistaken that attribute that collection to Isidorus of Sevilia. Which collection we have proved to have been unknown to Leo the IV. dead in the year of our Lord 853.

See the Prolegomen. of M. David Blondell, ch. 2.These Decretals then have been forged by Riculfus, or some Frenchman, or [Page 264] German of the same time. But Riculfus is with good reason suspected for in­venting them, because he did publish them under a false title. And because at that time, and a long time after, the Ach-bishops of Mentz were the strong pillars of Popery, and the first promoters of the Papal authority in Germany. For I dare affirm that nothing hath helped more to the establishment of the Pa­pal Empire then these Epistles, which have been a long time held for Oracles in the West; By them the Father of lyes hath wrought very powerfully.

I will for the end mark here a notable lye of Baronius about this Hinckmar of Rhemes, who hath made us a way to find out the origine of these Decretals. Baronius on the year of our Lord 849. §. 13. saith upon the Testimony of Frodoard, that Hinckmarus obtained of Pope Leo the fourth by the mediation of the Emperour Lothary, a Pallium or Archiepiscopal Cloak, with a priviledge to use it every day. But Hinckmarus himself in the book of the fifty five Chap­ters saith the contrary, speaking in this manner,Quan­quam & quarti Leo­nis nomine ac Benedicti authoritas mihi privile­gia non à me quaesita con­tulerit; quia sufficiunt mi­hi quae per sacros Cano­nes unicuique sunt Metropo­litano collata. Leo the fourth, and Bene­dictus did conferr upon me some priviledges, which I did not ask for; For the priviledges which are conferred upon every Metropolitan by the sacred Canons are sufficient for me.

It was one of the Popes tricks to send Palls, and to grant priviledges to them that asked not for them, and had nothing to do with them: And to give to a Prince or Prelate that which he had before: Then to go about to perswade the world that the power of that Prince or Prelate was out of his grant and liberality. It was a generous part of Hinckmarus to declare that he had no need of the Popes priviledges, and that he held his dignity from the Canons, not from the Roman Prelate.

BOOK IV. PROVING By the HISTORY of the BISHOPS OF ROME FROM The year 300. of the Lord, till two years after the death of Constantine the Empe­rour, which is the year of the Lord 340. That in that Age the Bishop of Rome was not ac­knowledged Head of the Universal Church.

CHAP. I. Of the Idolatry of Marcellinus Bishop of Rome, and of the Council of Sinuessa.

LET us follow the thred of this History. In the year of our Lord 302. Marcellinus Bishop of Rome burnt incense be­fore the Idols, as we read in the Pontifical of Damasus; Anastasius saith the same, and Pope Nicolas the first in his Epistle to the Emperour Michael. In those dayes they be­lieved not that the Pope could not err in the faith. This gave occasion to the forging of the Council of Sinuessa, which is so ridiculously contrived, that it is not possible that things should have been so carried. There Marcellinus lying down on the ground, condemneth himself,Baron. an. 303. §. 88. & 101, 102. the other Bishops saying that it belonged not to them to condemn him. Baro­nius acknowledgeth plain forgery in this Council, and saith that there is impo­sture in it.

CHAP. 2. Of the Judges given by Constantine to Cecilian, and to the Donatists. And of the Council of Arles.

IN the year 312 the Emperor Constantine newly turned to the Christian reli­gion, heard the complaints of the Donatists against Cecilian Bishop of Car­thage, and Felix Bishop of Aptunga, who had ordained him. To judge of their grievances he appointed for their judges Melchiades Bishop of Rome, Maternus Bishop of Collen, Reticius Bishop of Autun, and Marinus Bishop of Arles, with other Bishops living near the City of Rome. The Emperor would not make the Bishop of Rome the only judge, but joined others in Commission with him. And Melchiades complained not that the Emperor disparaged his dignity. This action of the Emperor displeaseth Cardinal du Perron: For inp. 363. & 366. ch. 46. he saith plainly that Constantine did that against all Ecclesiastical order, taxing that act of irregularity and nullity; and that Constantine protested so much. Baronius likewise, Ann. 314. Sect. 36. saith thatUt Eth­nico Principe Aureliano hac in parte longe inferior Constanti­nus declare­tur. Constantine in that point was much inferior unto Aurelian a Pagan Prince, that is, that a Pagan behaved himself better then he, and knew better what honour was due to the Bishop of Rome. It is true that Constantine protested that it belonged not to him to judge of the cause of the Donatists, which was purely Ecclesiastical, saying that it belonged not to him to judge of a Bishops cause; but he did not protest that his giving of Ecclesiastical judges to judge of it was against all order. No doubt but that when Austin saith, Ep. 162. & 166. that Constantine delegated the trial of that business unto Bishops, among those Bishops Melchiades was comprehended. Wherefore also he calls the other Bi­shopsAugust Ep. 162. Judicante Melchiade tunc Romanae urbis Episco­po, cum colle­gis suis. colleagues of Melchiades and his companions of Office. Eusebius likewise and Optatus relating that History, put him in the same rank as the others.

For that Melchiades did not bear himself as judge of that question of his own authority, but only by the Emperors command, St. Austin sheweth it, Ep. 162. saying,Quid quod ipse non usurpavit? Rogatus quip­pe Jmperator judic [...]s m [...]sit Episcopos. Melchiades did not usurp that judgement: for the Emperor at the request of the Donatists sent Bishops to be judges to sit with him, and to determine what they should think just about that cause. Which I say, because the Cardinal hath the confidence to deny that Melchiades was appointed judge by the Emperor.

By these Bishops, the Emperors delegates, the Donatists were condemned, and Cecilian absolved. But from that judgement the Donatists appealed to the Empe­ror; who being overcome by their importunity, gave order that the cause should be judged again in a Council at Arles; where the judgement pronounced by Melchiades and his associates was examined. That Council was assembled by the Emperors absolute command, as he saith himself in his Epistle to Chrestus Bishop of Syracusa, which Eusebius hath inserted in the tenth book of his history, ch. 5. We have (saith he) commanded that a great number of Bishops should meet at Arles the first of August. For Constantine thought not that the judgement of the Bishop of Rome could not be retracted. Certainly the Bishops assembled at Arles would never have made themselves judges of the judgement of the Roman Bishop, if they had acknowledged him head of the Universal Church. And Melchiades would have complained that the dignity of his See was thereby damnified, and his authority diminisht: which yet he did not, and suffered his judgement to undergoe the test of a particular Council.

That this Council of Arles did not acknowledge the Bishop of Rome for their supe­rior and judge of their actions, it appears, not only because they were assembled to be judges of Melchiades, and to examine his sentence given against the Donatists: but also by the Acts of the said Synod related byAn. 324. §. 58. Baronius. For that Synod writes to Sylvester Bishop of Rome, commanding him in these words.Domino & Sanctissi­mo fratri Syl­vestro Epis­copo Marinus & coetus Episcoporum qui adunati fuerunt in Synodo Are­latensi. Quae decrevimus communi con­silio charitati tuae significa­vimus, ut omnes sciant quid in futu­rum observa­re debeant. To our Lord, and most holy brother Sylvester Roman Bishop, Marinus and the Assembly of the Bishops convocated [Page 267] at Arles. We have signified unto your charity that which we have by common consent decreed, that all may know what they must hereafter observe. They call Sylvester their brother, and give him no higher style then that of Bishop. They ask him no approbation of their decrees, but signifie unto him what they have decreed.

An. 314. §. 68. Baronius brings forth another Epistle of the same Synod, which the learned Pithoeus lent him, where that Synod gives a reason why they signifie to him what they had decreed, that he should make it known unto others.Placuit etiam à te qui majo­res Dioceses tenes, per te potissimum omnibus insi­nuari. We have given order that this should be declared unto all, by thee that holdest the greatest Dio­ceses. They say not, it is because he was the head of the Church, but because he had a larger Diocess.

CHAP. 3. Of the deliverance and establishment of the Church under Constantine.

THat was the time when the Emperour Constantine having embraced, and pro­fest Christian religion, the Christian Church which had been cruelly persecu­ted for the space of three hundred years, was delivered from that horrible oppressi­on. Then were Churches planted over all the Empire, and upon a suddain the Church had a new face; and Bishops might meet with all liberty, to look to the Government of the Church, and the union in doctrine. It was then or never that the Bishop of Rome should have shewed himself to take order with all things, and give force to that new establishment, if he had been head of the Universal Church. Then deputies from all parts should have come to him to be ruled and guided in that raising of the Church, which Constantine did labour for with all his power. At least the Emperor should have taken Counsel of the Roman Bishop, and desired him to assist him with his authority. But no such matter. At that time Sylvester was Bishop of Rome, who never appeared in that great work, and of him the antient Histories speak little more then if he had not been in the world. Not one Epistle, not one action of his is recorded, whereby he contributed to that new Creation: Which is largely and exactly descibed by Eusebius, Theodoret, Socrates and Sozomenus. Upon these historians, all but Sozomenus, M. du Perron bestoweth many ill words, as upon men ill affected to the Roman Church; calling one Arian, another Novatian, another enemy to the Church of Rome: And all these meer calumnies. That's a short way to answer objections drawn from the Fathers, to revile them. The Emperor had neer his person some Bishops whom he loved, as Hosius Bishop of Cordova in Spain; Eusebius Bishop of Cesarea in Palestina; and some others, by whose counsel he guided that so holy and so excellent work; not expecting the counsel, and much less the will of the Bishop of Rome.

CHAP. 4. Of Arius, and of Hosius sent to Alexandria. Of Sylvester, and of the Roman Council.

IN the year of the Lord 315. Arius began to trouble the Church of Alexan­dria with his doctrine. That spark having met with fewel, grew to a great flame, which hath wrought greart ruines in the Church for many Ages. Alexander Bishop of Alexandria, did virtuously oppose Arius; and the faithful Bishops of Afri­ca, Asia and Egypt, laboured to quench that fire. The Bishop of Rome alone held his peace, and being far from the evil, left to others the care of that matter. Had he been head of the Universal Church, it was his part to impose silence unto Ari­us, or to cite the contending parties, summoning them to appear before the Papal [Page 268] See, or to send Legats to judge his name. But that was beyond his power, and his judgement had no more authority then that of another. Therefore he did not med­dle with that business.

Ten years past in contentions, till the Emperor Constantine put his hand to it. To that end he sent the above named Hosius to Alexandria, to appease that trouble by his prudence. Here the boldness of Baronius is shamefully licentious, presu­ming without bringing any proof, to affirm that Hosius was Legat to Sylvester: seeing that the Historians testifie that he was sent by Constantine, and make no mention here of the Bishop of Rome.

Socrates in book 1.In the Greek it is ch. 7. ch. 4. saith, that Constantine sent Hosius, because the Em­peror loved him dearly, and bore him great respect. Wherefore Hosius returned not to Sylvester, but to the Emperor who had sent him. AlsoSocrat. l. 2. c. 7. Hosius had his letters and instructions from Constantine, not from Sylvester, in book. 2. of Eusebius, of the life of Constantine, ch 63. there are letters of the Emperor to the Bishops of Aegypt, of which Hosius was the bearer, wherein the Emperour declareth why he had sent Hosius unto them. And in those letters no mention of the Bishop of Rome. All that our Adversaries bring of the Actions of Sylvester, is taken not from the authors of that Age or the next, but from ridiculous Legends, which say that Sylvester baptized Constantine, and healed him of the leprosie, when that Em­peror would have prepared a Bath for himself with the blood of infants. That he gave to Sylvester the Empire of the West, and the City of Rome, and held his horses bridle. There is also mention of a Dragon with whom Sylvester fought, and a thousand idle tales, which any man that hath common sense, and some small know­ledge in antient history, will acknowledge to be false. Wherefore the Cardinal makes no use of them, and no mention.

Of the like stuff is the Roman Council, which is found in the first Tome of the Councils, where Sylvester is President, and where it is decreed that no Kings shall be judges of the Bishop of Rome. But in that time there was no King in all the Roman Empire. And the date of the Consuls is false: For Constantine never had any colleague in the Consulat whose name was Priscus. And Crispus Con­stantines son was dead before the time of the Council of Nice, after which they set that forged Roman Council. That poor Council is a ridiculous fiction, written in a barbarous style, whereAn. 324. Sect. 123. Baronius acknowledgeth that there is not one line without a fault.

CHAP. 4. Of the diversity of the Churches in observing the day of Easter.

THE 324. year of our Lord, is the year immediately preceding the Council of Nice. Then many Churches in the East retained yet the old custome to ce­lebrate the Feast of Easter upon the 14 day of the Moon of March, after the ex­ample of the Jews: therein dissenting from the custome of the Church of Rome, and the judgement which Victor Bishop of Rome had pronounced above sixscore years before; and yet were they not therefore held for schismaticks or hereticks;Euseb. de vita Con­stantini, l. 3. c. 5. Sozom lib. 2. cap. 15. for the other neigbouring Churches which kept Easter on the Lords day, chose rather to live in peace with them, then to defer to the judgment of the Bishop of Rome.

CHAP. 5. Of the Convocation of the Council of Nice. Answer toCh. 42. of the first book. Cardinal du Perron.

IN the year 325. the Arians and Meletians continuing to trouble the Churches of Aegypt, Constantine was advised to assemble an Universal Council at Nice: that is, a Council gathered from all the countreys subject unto the Roman Empire. It was not the Bishop of Rome that called that Council, but the Emperor Constantine by his own authority only.

[...]. Eusebius in book 3. of Constantines life, ch. 6. saith, that he assembled an Ʋniversal Council, inviting all Bishops by honorable Letters, to come out of all parts. Socrates book 1. ch. 8. Constantine convocated an Oecumenical Council, inviting Bishops from all parts by letters to meet at Nice. Epiphanius saith the same in the heresie of the Ariomanitae, and [...]. Theodoret, book 1. ch. 7. And Ruffinus book. 1. ch. 1. And Sozomenus book 1. ch. 17. Of the Bishop of Rome not a word among them all. The Bishops themselves being met at Nice, in their Synodical Epistle to the Church of Alexandria, which is in Theodoret, book 1. ch. 9. [...]. say that they were convocated by Constantines order, and say nothing of the Bishop of Rome. And yet if he had been acknowledged head of the Universal Church, the Council could not have been convocated but by him. Our Adversaries confess themselves, that the Emperor did assem­ble the Councils. Pope Pius the second before he was Pope, writ the Acts of the Council of Basil, where he speaks thus in the first book;At ego dum veteres lego historias, dum actus percipio Apo­stolorum, hunc equidem usum non in­venio, ut soli Papae Concilia congregave­rint &c. When I read the antient histories, I find not that custome that the Popes only have assembled Councils. And a little after.Nec post tempora Constantini & aliorum Augustorum ad congreganda Concilia quaesitus est magnopere assensus Papae. Since the time of Constantine, and the other Emperors, the Popes consent was not much sought for. And Cardinal Bellarmine, Bell. l. 1. r. de Conc. c. 13. Because (saith he) the Pope acknowledged the Emperor for his Soveraign Lord, he desired him to convocate a Synod: but since that time things are altered. Socrates in the Pre­face, book 5. saith that [...]. the great Councils held before, and held still, by the will of the Emperours. Wherefore also Hierome in the 2. Apology against Ruf­finus, Doce qui eo anno Consules fuerint? quis Imperator hanc Synodum jusserit congregari? What Emperor (saith he) hath commanded that Synod to be convocated? presupposing that it could not be assembled but by the Emperors commandment.

This hinders not but that the Emperor took advice of the Bishops that were neer his person, and was moved by their supplications, as Ruffinus saith, thatLib. 1. c. 1. Constantinus ex sacerdotum sententia apud urbem Nicaem Episcopale Concilium convocat. the Emperor by the advice of his Bishops did convocate a Council at Nice.Pag. 323. The Cardinal saith that Ruffinus would not make a particular mention of the Bishop of Rome, out of the hatred which he bore to the Roman Church: But why doth he not say the same of Epiphanius? who in the 68. heresieIn haeresi Melatianorum. [...]. saith that the care of Alexander Bishop of Alexandria induced Constantine to assemble that Council? why should we charge Ruffinus of untruth there being not one antient Author that contradicts him? By the same reason any one might confute with one word all that the Cardinal saith in defence of the Pope, saying that he speaks so out of the affection which he beareth to the Roman Church.

To so many forealledged witnesses the Cardinal oppseth only the Acts of the sixth Oecumenical Council in the 18. Action; where these words are found, [Page 270] Constantinus Augustus, and the Pope Sylvester of venerable memory did convocate the famous Council at Nice. But this is taken from the Greek Copies of the Acts of Councils, which are stuffed with lyes, and which are but lately come forth in print out of the Popes Vatican Library; From which nothing of that and the like matters comes out but of dubious faith. And these Greek Copies contra­dict the Latin, which are as bad. Besides, that sixth Council was assembled above three hundred fifty five years after that of Nice, and cannot be opposed to so many witnesses of greater antiquity, especially to the very Bishops of the Council of Nice whose testimony we have produced. Wherein the Cardinals dealing is unjust,Cap. 42. pag. 316. to offer to alleadge in this question new Authors, and things happened many ages after. For the question between us, is, whether in the time of the four first Councils the Popes did convocate the Universal Council?

M. du Perron to escape out of this streightIbid. makes a distinction of two sorts of authorities: The one temporal, which the Emperors used to convocate Coun­cils; the other spiritual, which belonged to the Popes. So that he makes a double convocation of Councils, the one temporal, the other spiritual. Let us receive this new coined distinction. For it is much already that he devesteth the Popes of that temporal power which they usurp in our days. But he ought to have shewed by antient examples that the Bishops of Rome made use of that spiritual power to convocate the Synod of Nice: which he could not do. For the Em­peror did not so much as ask the advice of the Roman Bishop. The Pope did not convocate the Council, neither in his temporal, nor in his spiritual capacity: For that which the Cardinal alledgeth of the following Councils, convocated (as he pretendeth) some by the authority of the Popes, some by their consent, (about which he spends almost the whole chapter) shall be found false when the order of this matter will bring us to the time of their convocation. And as for that Canon mentioned by Socrates, Socrat. l. 2. c. 8. [...]. That Canons must not be made for Chur­ches against the advice of the Bishop of Rome, which M. du Perron hath never done alleadging and repeating,Aeneas Sylvius de Gestis Conc. Basil. l. 1. Nec illud vi­deo semper obs [...]rvatum, ut sine a [...]tho­ritate Papae Concilium non sit habi­tum, &c. we shall see hereafter what force it may have, and how it is to be understood. I will say before hand that thePag. 316. Cardinal falsifieth that Canon, translating [...], it ought not, instead of it could not.

Pope Pius the second before he was Pope, did not acknowledge that rule. (r) I see not (saith he) that this was alwaies observed, that a Council cannot be held without the Popes authority: For the Council of Pisa was not assembled by the autho­rity of any Pope, seeing that Pope Gregory detested it, and Benedict did abhor it, &c. Now if the Council of Pisa was not lawful, John was no true Pope. For John was made Pope by that Council. But this Author being made Pope since, altered his opinion, and craved pardon of himself.

CHAP. 6. That the Bishop of Rome did not preside in the Council of Nice. Confutation of the Cardnials assertion, that Hosius was Legat of the Roman Church in that Council.

IN the year of our Lord 325. that famous Council of Nice sate, which is the first Universal, where 318. Bishops of the Roman Empire were present. There were the Bishops of Alexandria, and Antioch. As for the Bishop of Rome, Euse­bius speaks thus of him in book 3. of the life of Constantine ch. 7. [...]. The Bishop of the City, which is the Capital of the Empire, was not there, because of his old age, but his Priests there present filled up his place. It seems that he regarded not so much Sylvester as to name him; and he speaks of no other persons sent by him, but Ro­man Priest, that our Adversaries may not do here according to their custome, say­ing without proofs, when another then the Pope hath been President of a Council, that the Pope had given him his place.

The Council then being assembled, if the Bishop of Rome had been acknow­ledged the head of the Universal Church, his Legats had been Presidents without question, and had taken the first place among the Bishops: which they did not: for as for the exterior order, the Emperor Constantine was President, as it is said in the Canon Futuram. C. 12. Q. 1. Constantine was president in the holy Synod as­sembled at Nice: And that taken from a Decretal Epistle of Pope Melchiades. AndLib. 3. de vita Constan­tini cap. 1. [...]. Eusebius saith that he went into the highest of the ranks. And Theodo­ret l. 2 cap. 7. saith that he sat in the midst between the two ranks of the seats of the Bishops.

But among the Bishops, he that presided, and conducted the action, was Hosius Bishop of Corduba in Spain. This appears by the subscriptions, where H sius subscribeth the first; And after him Victor and Vincentius, the Roman Bishops Deputies.Athanas. Apol. 2. de fuga sua lo­quens de Hosio. [...], &c. [...]? Athanasius who was there present, speaks thus of Hosius: Above all, and especially was eminent that old man; for of what Synod was he not the conductor? What Church hath not the fairest marks of his presidence? And Socrates in book. 1. ch. 1. doth marshal them in this order, Hosius Bishop of Corduba, Victor, and Vincentius Priests, Alexander of Egypt, Eustathius of great Antioch, Macarius of Jerusalem. In that choyce the Synod did not regard the dignity of the chairs, but the vertue and the merit of the person. Wherefore also Athanasius calls Hosi­us Athan. Ep. ad solita­rios. Father of Bishops, President of Synods, and saith he made the Symbol of Nice.

M. du Perron, pag. 648. & 651. acknowledgeth that Hosius had presided in that Council, but he saith that he was Legat of the Roman Church; and that to him were joyned Victor and Vincentius as Legats à latere to represent the Popes person. But he saith that without warrant; for in the whole Antiquity no trace is found that Hosius was the Popes Legat, or sitting there for the Roman Church in the Council of Nice. For Eusebius, Sozomenus, Theodoret, and all that write of of that history, speak but of two Legats sent by the Bishop of Rome. Had Hosius been the Popes Legat to represent the Roman Church, he would have taken that quality in his subscription. But thus he subscribes;In Tomis Conc. in fine Concilii. Ni­cen. Hosius E­pisopus civita­tis Corduben­sis provinciae Hispaniae dixit; Ita cre­do sicut supe­rius scriptum est. Victor & Vincentius Presbyteri ur­bis Romae pro venerabili vi­ro Papa & E­piscopo nostro sancto Sylve­stro subscrip­simus. I Hosius Bishop of Corduba, in the Province of Spain, believe as it is written. And after him Victor and Vin­centius in a line by it self, subscribe thus, Victor and Vincentius Priests of the City of Rome have subscribed for and instead of St. Sylvester our venerable Pope. Certainly if they had been all three Legates sent by the Bishop of Rome, they would have sub­scribed together; or at least Hosius had not omitted the quality, in vertue where­of he was President of that Council.

Eusebius who was present in that Council, speaks thus of it, in book 3. of the life of Cinstantine, ch. 7. [...]. Out of Spain there was one of very great esteem sitting with the whole company: But the Bishop of the Capital City of the Empire did not come by reason of his old age, but Priests which were present filled his place. Where he doth expresly distinguish Hosius from the Legats of the Bishop of Rome. Theod. l: 1. c. 7. [...]. Theodoret saith the same, But he of Rome, by reason of his old age sent two Priests, &c. Sozomenus the same;Sozomen. book 1. c. 17. For the Bishop of Rome, Victor and Vincentius Priests were present. Wherefore Hosius subscribes for himself, not as a Deputy for another. Photius in the book of Councils saith the same, and Nicephorus in book 8. ch. 14.

To so many witnesses M. du Perron opposeth the testimony of Gelasius Cysice­nus, who about 170 years after the Council of Nice writ the Acts of it. That Author saith that Hosius in the Council of Nice held the place of the Bishop of great Rome. But this Cardinal should have been ashamed to produce a place so notoriously falsified: For his Galasius in that place doth copy and transcribe the whole seventh chapter of Eusebius of the third book of Constantines life; Which he ought to have faithfully transcribed, without adding those words by such a gross and evident falsification. Certainly Eusebius is more to be believed then he that hath ill transcribed him. But perhaps the fault is not in Gelasius but in him that hath corrupted his book. Besides that only Author who is later [Page 272] and of small authority ought not to be put in the ballance against so many others, that are more antient, and of more credit.

The distinction of those two sorts of Legats which the Cardinal brings, some representing the Popes person, some representing the Roman Church, can have no place here. For when the Western Church sent some Bishops to the General Sy­nods to speak for her, they called a particular Council before to make that Depu­tation, and to give instructions to the Deputies. Shall we say then that Hosius was named Deputy in some Synod held in the West, before the Council of Nice? But we find no such thing, and no Author makes mention of it. To guess that such a Synod was called as the Cardinal doth without any proof, is a very rash part. And to say that all that have omitted to speak of that, have done it out of hatred to the Roman Church, is a confession of want of strength, and that he finds no help in all antiquity.

In the same Council of Nice it was decreed that the Bishop of Alexandria should signifie to all the Bishops of the Empire, and by consequent to that of Rome, the day of the feast of Easter. See Pope Leo Ep. 64. to Marcian, and Ep. 93. to the Bishops of Gaules and Spain. And the Paschal Epistles of Theophilus. In the 135. Canon of the Code of the Canons of the Church of Africa, Cyrillus Bishop of Alexandria signifieth to the Council of Carthage that [...]. &c. Easter should be the seventeenth of the Calends of May. Had the Bishop of Rome been the head of the Universal Church, he would never have received this order from the Bishop of Alexandria.

CHAP. 7. Of the Canon of Nice, which sets limits to the Roman Bishoprick: and of the suburbicary Churches. Absurdity of the Cardinals inter­pretation.

IN the time of that famous Council lived one Meletius Bishop of Lycopolis in the Thebaid of Aegypt, who would withdraw himself from the subjection of the Bishop of Alexandria, and confer orders without his consent.

The Council of Nice to bring him into order, made this Canon. [...]. Let the Antient customes that were in Egypt or Lybia, and Pentapolis, remain in force: so that the Bishop of Alexandria have power over all these, since it is also the custome of the Bishop of Rome, &c.

This Canon being contrary to the pretended primacy of the Bishop of Rome, yet the Legates of the Bishop of Rome alledged it in the Council of Chalcedon, to establish the primacy of the Roman Pope, but adding by a notorious falsification these words, That the Roman Church ever had the primacy. Acta Concil. Chalced. Action. 16. But the whole Council with one voice exclamed against that, saying that these words were not found in the originals and true Copies, which were produced. But of that more hereafter. The sense of that Canon is clear. It was a received custome in the antient Church, that the dignity of Bishops was according to the dignity of the place of their residence. As it is said in the 17. Canon of the Council of Chalcedon, [...]. Let the rank of the Ecclesiastical Parishes follow the form of the civil or publike. [...]. The Council of Trul saith the same in the 38. Canon. Wherefore the Bishops jurisdiction extended as far as the Civil jurisdi­ction of the Magistrate of the place. By that order and custome Meletius Bi­shop of Lycopolis was subject to the Bishop of Alexandria, because the Prefect of Alexandria extended his civil jurisdiction so far. So the Council of Nice will have that order to be followed, and brings the Bishop of Rome for an exam­ple, who extended his Ecclesiastical jurisdiction to all the towns and places sub­ject to the Prefect of the town, which jurisdiction was of a hundred miles about [Page 273] Rome. Within which space the old and the new Latium was contained, Valeria, Marcae d' Ancona suburbicaria, and Toscana suburbicaria. The other Provinces of Italy, without that compass, were called Annonariae. That was then the antient limit of the Bishoprick of Rome, which the Pope from age to age hath enlarged, and vastly increased.

HereinBook 1. ch. 30. pag. 175. & 176. Cardinal du Perron deals falsly and fouly. He saith that Augustus and the following Emperors gave to the Praefectus Ʋrbicus of Rome the power of judging of all the appeals from all the Provinces of the Roman Empire: and alledgeth for testimony ch. 4. of the comment upon Notitia Imperii; where the clean contrary is found, even that the power of the Prefect of Rome is limited to a hundred miles about Rome. Augustus (saith he)Cui om­nem Imperii potestatem Au­gustus conces­serat, non tan­tum in urbe, sed & extra, intra centesi­mum ab urbe lapidem, &c. had given to the Prefect of the town all the power of the Empire, not only in the town, but also without, unto a hundred thousand paces. And in the same place Dio is alledged, who limits that power unto 550. stades or furlongs. But the Cardinal takes hold only of these words; Augustus had given to the Prefect of the Town all the power of the Empire, and leaves out the rest.Cassiod. l. 6. diverso­rum. Epist. 4. Ditioni tuae non solum Ro­ma commissa est, quamvis in ea continean­tur universa, verum etiam intra centesi­mū mill [...]ariū potestatem procedere an­tiqua jura voluerunt. Cassidorus relates that the King of Italy speaks thus to the Prefect of Rome; To thy jurisdiction not only the City of Rome is committed, although all things be comprehended in it; but also the antient laws would have thy power to extend unto a hunded miles. And in the Theodosian Code in the second law de integri restitutione, Codex, Theodos. le­ge. 2. Placuit us (que) ad anni tricesimi ex­tremū diem spatia prore­gari, & intra ceutesimū ur­bis Romae mil­liariū, si tamen ab iis judici­bus qui sunt Romae fuerit judicandum. It is our pleasure that the Term be prolonged unto the last day of the thirtieth year; and that within a hundred miles about Rome, if the business is to be judged by the Judges that are at Rome.

The regions comprehended within that space of a hundred miles about Rome were called suburbicariae: The others without that space were called Annonariae, of which Trebellius Pollio makes a list in the chapter of the thirty tyrants. All the testimonies alledged by the Cardinal in pag. 176. to shew that the power of the Prefect of Rome extended over all the Empire, say no such thing: and are some false, some to no purpose.

Of the suburbicary regions frequent mention is made in the forealledged bookNotitia Imperii Occi­dentis, c. 4. Notitia Imperii: where they are called suburbanae provinciae, because suburbia Romae pertingebant, they touched the suburbs of Rome. In the Theodosian Code in the 12. Law, de indulgentiis debitorum, these words are found; Picenum and Thusci­am suburbicarias regiones. Macca d' Ancona and Toscana which are suburbicary regions. For the same reason the Churches comprehended within the hundred miles about Rome, were called suburbicary.

Such then is the sense of the Canon of Nice. Let the Bishop of Alexandria have the Government of the Churches of Egypt, of Lybia, and of Pentapolis; be­cause these regions are subject to the civil jurisdiction of the Prefect of Egypt: Ac­cording as the Bishop of Rome extends also his Ecclesiastical jurisdiction according to the extent of the civil jurisdiction of the Prefect of the City of Rome.

Ruffin hist. l. 1. Et ut apud Alexandri­am & in urbe Roma vetusta cōsuetudo ser­vetur ut vel ille Aegypti, vel hic subur­bicarū Eccle­siarū sollici­tudinē gerat. Ruffinus relating that Canon of Nice, makes a Paraphrasis of it which ex­presseth the true sense; Let the ancient custome be kept both in Alexandria, and at Rome; so that the one take care of the Churches of Egypt, add the other of the subur­bicary Churches.

To this exposition of Ruffinus the Council of Constantinople agreeth; which Council the Church of Rome receiveth, and reckoneth it the eighth Universal Council. The 17. Canon is such,Sancta & universalis Niceae prior Synodus anti­quam consue­tudinem jubet servari per Aegyptū & provincias quae sub ipsa sunt; Ita ut horū omnium Alexand. habeat potestatem, dicens quia & in Romanorum civitate hujusmodi mos praevaluit. The holy and Ʋniversal first Council of Nice commandeth that the antient custome be kept in Egypt, and the Provinces subject unto it; so that the Bishop of Alexandria have power over them all, saying that the like custome prevailed in the City of Rome. That like custome is to have power over the neighbouring countrey: For the custome should have been very unlike, if the Bishop of Rome had had power over all the Churches of the world, and by consequent over that of Alexandria, which had no authority but over the neighbouring Churches.

That exposition, though most certain and true, displeaseth M. du Perron, be­cause it sets very narrow limits unto the Bishop of Rome. The word suburbicary, especially displeaseth him in that Canon. Wherefore he bestoweth many ill words [Page 274] upon Ruffinus, unto which, though most of them injust, we need not give any an­swer, because the Jesuite Sirmondus, who hath written of the Suburbicary Chur­ches and regions, justifieth Ruffinus as for that word of Suburbicary, saying that this Canon is found in the Vatican Library, in an old exemplary with the word of Suburbicary, which so troubleth our Adversaries.

Others, as Baronius, extend the Suburbicary Churches further, even out of Italy. Cardinal du Perron alone by the Suburbicary Churches, understands the Churches of the whole Roman Empire, which is confuted by the words of the Canon of Ruffinus, where the Churches of Aegypt are expresly distinguished from the Subur­bicary Churches. It is a prodigious absurdity to call the Churches of Asia, Syria, and Aegypt, the Suburbicary Churches of Rome, that is, the Churches that are accounted as the Suburbs of Rome. Never any man spake so. By that interpre­tation the Canon becometh ridiculous; forbook 1. ch. 30 p. 177. M. du Perron will have the sense to be this, Let the Bishop of Alexandria have power over the Churches of Aegypt, Lybia and Pentapolis, since the Bishop of Rome by the like custome governs all the Churches of the whole world. It is indeed an intolerable bold part to sew such a strang piece of his own making unto such a famous Canon; for after these words since it is also the custome of the Bishop of Rome, he adds these, over all the world, or in all the Ʋniversal Church: But in that Canon the Bishop of Rome is not set forth, as he upon whom the power of the Bishop of Alexandria is founded, but as one that had an old custome unto which the Bishop of Alexandria might justly con­form himself.

Upon this matter we have already observed some falsifications of the Cardinal, unto which this must be added. He makesGreg. Naz in car­minib. de vi­ta sua. [...]. Gregory Nazianzen to say this; The Antient Rome treads aright in the faith, holding all the West bound by the sa­lutary Verb, as it is fit for her that presideth over the whole world. He translateth [...], her that presideth over the whole world. But the precedent line sheweth that Gregory speaks of all the West, not of all the world. He should there have translated, She holds all the West bound by the salutary Verb, as she that hath the precedence before all. The Reader that will take the pains to consult the place, shall find that Gregory speaks of the power of the Cities of Rome and Constantinople, and regards as much the civil power as the spiritual, or rather more. Now Gregory was not so ignorant as to think that Rome had a temporal power over all the world, seeing that the Roman Empire did not reach to the tenth part of the world.

In the same page he falsly alledgeth Irenaeus, making him say;Iren. lib. 3. c. 3. Ad hanc Ec­siam propter potentiorem principalita­tem necesse est omnem conve­nire Ecclesi­am. With the Roman Church by reason of the more powerful principality it is necessary that every Church agree. He should have translated, To that Church because of the more power­ful principality, (which is the power of the Empire whose seat was at Rome) it is necessary that all Churches resort. For convenire ad Ecclesiam is not to agree with the Church, but to resort to it.

Of the place of Austin, who saith, that in the Roman Church the principality of the Apostolical See did always florish, we shall speak when we come to St. Austins time. He that saith that in the race of Hugh Capet the principality or Royal soveraignty hath alwaies florished, saith not thereby that there are no other Kings and no other soveraignty in the world. We shall see hereafter that the same principality or preheminence of the Apostolick See was also attributed to he Bishops of Alexandria, Antioch and Jerusalem.

CHAP. 8. Of the Convocation of the Council of Tyre.

IN the year of Christ 335. the Emperour Constantine commanded the assem­bling of a Council at Tyre, Euseb. de vi­ta Constan­tini, l. 4 c. 42. without asking the advice of the Bishop of Rome. The Letters whereby he commandeth the Bishops to resort from all parts to Tyre, speak thus. If any (which I think shall not happen) rejecting or de­spising our command, refuse to come, we shall send some, who sending him into exile, will teach him how ill it becomes [him] to resist the commands of the Soveraign Emperour made for the defence of the truth.

That Emperour spake thus indifferently to all Bishops, not excepting the Bishop of Rome.

CHAP. 9. Death of Sylvester Bishop of Rome. How little his authority was.

AT the same time dyed Sylvester Bishop of Rome, of whom the Antients make almost no mention, as if he had been an unknown man: He was 22. years a Bishop according to the computation of Baronius. And having lived in the most happy and the most flourishing Age of the Christian Church, in which so many things happened to the exaltation of the Christian faith, and so many constitutions were made, yet was no Actor in any important action; but only that in obedience to the Emperour he sent two Priests to be his Deputies in his place, to the Council of Nice. And yet some doubt whether it was he or his successour Julius that sent them: For Sozomenus, and Cassiodorus, and Beda and many more affirm that it was Julius that sent those Priests. Upon whichCap. 35. pag. 279. M. du Perron suspecteth that in Sozomenus instead of [...] it should be [...], and saith that [...] signifieth venerable. Wherein he sheweth his ignorance in the Greek tongue; For [...] signifieth hoary or gray-headed, not venerable. I think indeed that Sozomenus was mistaken; Only I observe by this variation in the history, that Sylvester was but little famous, and of smal ac­count, since his actions are so little considered.

CHAP. 10. Baptism and death of Constantine.

IN the year 338. Constantine finding himself sick to death, caused himself to be baptized at Nicomedia; Euseb. lib. 4. de vita Con­stant. & in Chronico. Eusebius writes it who was present, and Ambrose upon the death of Theodosius, and Sozomenus in book 4. cap. 17. and Theodoret, lib. 1. cap. 31.

M. du Perron himself doth acknowledge it,Ch. 35. of book. 1. p. 284. Which I observe, to confute the fable of the Baptism of Constantine by Sylvester, when Constantine turned Chri­stian. A fable taken from the Acts or Legends of Sylvester which Baronius gives gives us for currant coin, herein opposing all Antiquity, ButLib. 1. cap. 35. p. 289. our Cardinal overcome by the truth, taxeth Baronius upon that without naming him.

Hitherto we have seen no trace of the Papal Monarchy. No appeal from the Churches without the Roman Bishoprick. No laws given to the Universal Church. No persons of the East, or of Africa appearing before the Papal See to be judged. No communication with the Churches without the Roman Em­pire. [Page 277] No communication of Councils. No precedency in Councils. Yet we are come already to the year of Christ. 338. Only some testimonies are found of the Antients that speak of the Bishops of Rome, as of successours of St. Peter. Not in the Apostleship, or in the primacy over the universal Church, but in the Episcopacy of the City of Rome. So all the Antients speak. Eusebius in ch. 2. of the third book of his History, Linus hath held the Bishoprick of the Romans the first after the martyrdom of Paul and Peter. St. Hierome in the book of Eccle­siastical writers, Clement is the fourth Bishop of Rome after Peter. Tertullian in ch. 32. of the book of Prescriptions, The Church of the Smyrneans relateth that Polycarpus hath been establisht by John. That of the Romans giveth Clement esta­blisht by Peter. And we have heard before the same Tertullian in ch. 2. of the book of Pudicity, taxing Zepherinus Bishop of Rome for attributing to himself the authority of binding and loosing, which the Lord gave unto Peter personally. Leo the first had his share of ambition. Yet the ordinary title which he takes in the beginning of his Epistles, is, Leo Episcopus urbis Romae, Leo Bishop of the City of Rome: And already it was the 450. year of the Lord. Why doth he not call himself Apostle or Head of the Church of all the world? Would the King of France in his Edicts stile himself only Lord of Paris, or Count of Tolose, leaving out the title of King?

CHAP. 11. How poor and weak and few are the proofs which Cardinal du Perron brings out of the three first Ages, till the year of Christ 340. to defend the Popes primacy.

OUR Adversaries are at no time more gravelled then in two points. When they are put to prove out of the word of God that the Bishop of Rome is successor to St. Peter in the Office of Head of the Universal Church; and when they are called upon to shew out of the history of the three first Ages after Christs death, that the Pope was then acknowledged the Head of the Univer­sal Church.

Of them all M. du Perron is the man who with most diligence hath searcht the Antient History. Yet when question is of the History of the three first Ages, and part of the fourth, it is wofull to behold what trouble he is put to, and how little the first Antiquity is favourable to him in this matter. Which to avoid he confineth himself to the time of the four first Councils, whereof the first was held in the year of our Lord 325.

Yet that he may not seem altogether destitute of strength on that side, he treats that matter in ch. 25. book 1. and from page 97. unto page 101. he layeth up all he could find in the first Ages which may serve to help up the Popes Primacy.

He begins by Irenaeus, whom he puts in the next Age to that of the Apostles, although he writ about the year 200. of Christ, or in the beginning of the third Age. Out of his book 3. and ch. 3. he alledgeth ten or twelve times a text, which he hath falsified in the interpretation, making him say that with the Church of Rome all Churches must agree, because of the soveraign principality; whereas the right English of the Latin of Irenaeus is, That to that Church (meaning the Roman) all Churches must resort because of the soveraign principality; that is, because Rome was the seat of the Empire, where the Christians of all Churches had businesses. The Latin text of this place of Irenaeus we alledged in ch. 7. of this 4. book

Here the Cardinal needeth not to trouble the order of times to bring an autho­rity of Austin, and another of Prosper, that have written above 200. years after Irenaeus; who say, that in the Roman Church the principality of the Apostolick See [Page 278] hath always flourished. For we willingly acknowledge that the Roman Church was the most eminent in honour, and the principal Church of the Roman Empire, by reason of the dignity of the town, although it had no Empire or ju­risdiction over the other Churches, which, as well as the Roman, were called principal and Apostolical, as the Churches of Antioch and Alexandria. But of that, and of this place of St. Austin more hereafter.

His second authority is of Victor Bishop of Rome, who excommunicated the Churches of Asia, because they observed the Feast of Easter upon the 14. day of the Moon of March. We have shewed that the sentence of Victor, whether he did excommunicate them, or only separate himself from their Communion, was altogether without effect; And that the Oriental Churches which were of the same opinion as Victor, did not for that separate themselves from the communion of the Churches condemned by Victor: WhereforeEuseb. lib. 5. cap. 26. [...]. Eusebius saith only that he endeavoured to cut them off from the common union, but that the action of Victor was not approved, and that many Bishops were offended at it, and sent re­monstrances to him about it. Irenaeus especially, whose Epistle full of just repre­hensions is related by Eusebius. Above in ch. 2. of this book. 4. We have shewed that in old time not only the equals did excommunicate their equals, but also that inferior Bishops and less in dignity have often excommunicated their superiors, and such as were of a higher degree then they. That history of Victor we know only by the testimony of Eu­sebius and Ruffinus, whom, because they speak to the disadvantage of Victor, M. du Perron rejecteth as hereticks and enemies to the Church of Rome, which is the shorter way to answer the Fathers, when they say things that displease the Church of Rome. But these accusations are false as we have shewed.ch. 2. of this book 4. And though they had been hereticks, it followeth not that their histories are false. We believe Tacitus and Livy, though they were Pagans.

That which M. du Perron adds, that the Censure of Victor was followed by the two Councils of Nice, and Ephesus, is most untrue. Indeed the Council of Nice hath condemned the Quarto-decimani; but without speaking of Victor, or regarding his censure, which never was approved, and had no other effect, but that Victor incurred the blame and the reprehensions of the holiest Bishops of his time, as of Irenaeus Bishop of Lyons, and of Polycrates Bishop of Ephe­sus. The Council of Nice, which sate 125. years after Victor, took care of the peace and conformity of the Churches, without any reflection to Victor, whose me­mory was either forgotten or odious.

The Cardinal adds that it appears by Tertullian against Praxeas that the Bishop of Rome had received into his communion the Montanists excommunicated by the Oriental Churches: Whence he inferreth that the Bishop of Rome was Head and Superintendent of the Universal Church.

He should have past by that example with silence, for the credit of the Bishop of Rome, who cannot be praised for receiving Hereticks into his communion. Ha­ving failed in one point, which was to communicate with hereticks, he might also fail in another, which was to violate the Discipline of the Church, in receiving to his communion those that had been excommnicated by other Bishops. Besides, to receive those that had been excommunicated by others into his communion, may be a proof of his dissenting from others, not of his superiority over them.

He alledgeth also the same Tertullian, Above, 3. ch. of book 4. who in his book of Pudicity calls the Bishop of Rome in scorn Pontifex Maximus, and Bishop of Bishops. We have shewed that at that time the Bishops of Rome had not yet taken the title of Pontifex Maximus: For it was one of the Emperours titles: and for another to assume it, would have been high treason. The Emperour Gratian about the year of the Lord 379. or 380. renounced that dignity, as ill beseeming a Chri­stian Prince. We have seen also that the title of Bishop of Bishops was given to all the Bishops of the first Sees of Provinces, as well as to the Bishop of Rome: And that Cyprian at the entry of the Council of Carthage doth tax the Bishop of Rome upon the by, for taking that title upon him. But the Cardinal was more wary then to add thatQualis es, evertens atque com­mutans mani­festam Domini intentionem personaliter hoc Petro conferentem? lib. de pudi­citia cap. 2. Tertullian in the same place taxeth Zepherinus, that [Page 278] under pretence of the succession of St. Peter he usurped the power of binding and loosing, which he saith to have been conferred upon Peter personally, not upon the Bishop of Rome.

Thence the Cardinal passeth to Cyprian, between whom and Tertullian there is about 50 years, in which the Cardinal can find no proof of the primacy of the Bishop of Rome. It would be a strange thing, if since the establishment of the French Monarchy there was an interval of fifty years, in which it appeared not that there was any King of France. Of Cyprian we have shewed at large that he held not himself in any thing inferior to the Bishop of Rome; and that he called the Bishops of Rome his brothers and colleagues. And that he never suffered the Bishops of Rome to take knowledge of businesses already judged by the Bishops of Africa. That he called a Council purposely to oppose Steven Bishop of Rome, and condemn his doctrine. That he writ letters full of high re­proaches to Steven. That the Bishops of Spain chose to follow his advice, rather then that of the Bishop of Rome. That he believed that all the Apostles were equal in power and honour since Christs resurrection. Of all that we have trea­ted fully before, and examined the places which the Cardinal alledgeth out of Cyprian.

To no purpose thePag. 79. Cardinal saith, thatEpist. 67. Cyprian writing to Steven, tells him, Thou must write letters into Province, and to the people dwelling at Arles, whereby Martianus being deposed, another be substituted into his room. For Arles being nearer to the Roman See, Cyprian thought that the Bishop of Rome had some authority at Arles. And Cyprian laboured about the same thing with those of Arles, as well as Steven. But what doth that to make him Bishop of the Church of all the world?

He addeth that Firmilianus upbraideth Steven Bishop of Rome, that he boasted of St. Peters succession, upon which the foundation of the Church had been laid, and yet he brought other stones, that is, other Churches. But he doth not faith­fully alledge the words of Firmilian, which are these; I am justly angry against that folly of Steven, so evident and so manifest; that he should boast of the place of his Episcopacy, and maintain that he hath Peters succession upon whom the foun­dation of the Church was laid, and yet bring in other stones. And a little after, Steven boasteth that he hath St. Peters chair by succession. He saith that Steven boasteth of it, but whether he hath a just title to it, he saith not. Besides, that succession was only in the Episcopacy of Rome, and Steven pretended to no more: Not in the Apostleship, nor in the Office of head of the Universal Church. Which if Firmilian, a man of holy life, had believed to have belonged to the Bishop of Rome, he would never have opposed Steven, nor impugned his doctrine, nor given him so many ill words, which are to be seen in his Epistle.

Yet thePag. 99. & 100. Cardinals words are notable. He saith that Steven deprived Fir­milianus and the other Bishops of Cappadocia, Cilicia, and Galatia from his com­munion, for the same errour of Cyprian, but more obstinately defended. He durst not say that he excommunicated them, but only that he deprived them from his communion, that is, he separated himself from them: For they did not leave for him to communicate in their provinces, and to live in peace with their neighbours, though of different opinion. Note also, that if Firmilian was deprived of the communion with Steven for Cyprians errour; much more should Cyprian the head of that opinion, who persevered in it unto the end, have been dealt with alike; and yet Cyprian remained in the communion of the universal Church; and Steven, though condemned by Cyprian in full Council, never durst pronounce any censure against him. Note also a manifest contradiction of the Cardinal. He saith that Firmilian and the other Bishops of the East retracted themselves, and left Cyprians opinion; and yet he saith that they defended his opinion more obstinately then Cyprian himself, who yet persevered in his opinion till death. They were then less obstinate then Cyprian.

But it will not be found that Firmilian did ever alter his opinion. NeitherContra Crescen­tium, l. 3. c. 3. Austin nor Hierome say so much. They speak not of Firmilian, but of the [Page 279] Oriental men. For as for Firmilian, Lib. de Sp. S. cap. 29. [...]. Basil, Arch-bishop of the same town, not only put him in the rank of his Catholick predecessours, but also partly fol­lowed his opinion. For in that Epistle to Amphilochius he sets down a list of hereticks which ought to be rebaptized, as we have provedIn ch. 1. book 4. before. Eusebius Euseb: l. 7. c. 5. indeed saith that Dionysius, Alexandrinus was a suitor to Steven for the Ori­ental men, but he saith not that he desired bim to forgive them, but he intreated Steven to be reconciled with them.

The next allegation of the Cardinal, is, that Dionysius, Patriarch of Alexandria, being suspected of heresie, the Catholicks of Alexandria, instead of calling upon the Synods of their Province, came to Rome to indite him before Dionysius Bi­shop of Rome. This is deceiving ones self knowingly. For since the pro­vincial Synods of Egypt could not assemble without the authority and permission of Dionysius the first Bishop of Aegypt, how could the Egyptians have recourse to their provincial Synods against Dionysius? Therefore the enemies of Dionysius not being able to do him harm in Egypt, endeavoured to defame him everywhere, and carryed that defamation to the ears of the Bishop of Rome, to make use of his credit for perswading the other Bishops of Italy to meet in a Synod, and examine the doctrine of that Dionysius. Which also was done. But Dionysius Bishop of Rome commanded not Dionysius of Alexandria to appear before his See. He pronounced no judgement in that cause. Only heAthanas. de Synod. Arim. & Se­leuc. writ letters to Di­onysius of Alexandria whereby he warned him that the Bishops of the Synod were offended at some terms that were found in his writings, that he might think to justifie himself by writing, as also he did. But for any action of judge or superior, none is found in the Bishop of Romes proceeding.

For want of better proofs, the Cardinal brings a Pagan Emperour Aurelianus, who, when Paulus Samosatenus Bishop of Antioch, condemned by the Synod of Antioch, and deposed, would not leave the Church nor the Episcopal house, gave order that the Church should be given to them that were of the same belief as the Bishops of Italy and Rome. That Emperor knew not what belonged to St. Peters succession, but esteeming the Bishops according to the dignity of the Cities and Countrey, he named the Bishops of Italy and Rome for arbitratours. If that passage may serve to raise the Bishop of Rome, the same may be said of all the Bishops of Italy. For Aurelianus put them in the same rank.

Between that Aurelianus and the time of Julius Bishop of Rome, who was created Bishop in the year of Christ 337. there is above 60. years. In all that time Cardinal du Perron could not produce one example, nor one single action of the Bishops of Rome, nor any text of some antient Author that can serve for the establishing of the Popes primacy. Which is the more considerable, because the Em­pire of Constantine falls out in that interval, and with it the deliverance & exaltation of the Christian Church, and a new establishment of Churches over the whole Ro­man Empire. Then or never the Bishop of Rome should have appeared, & there should have been a recourse to him from all the Churches. But the Cardinal with all his diligent search could find nothing to that purpose. And skipping sixty years with one leap, he comes to Julius Bishop of Rome, who began to offer to raise himself, but without success, because of the resistance which he met with, as we will shew.

The Reader then may observe that from the Lords death unto the year 341. the Cardinal brings but one testimony of Irenaeus, which he corrupteth, and takes in a wrong sense. Then an excommunication of the Bishop of Asia by Victor, an idle action, and without success, and generally condemned. Then two places of Tertullian, where he derideth and blameth the Bishop of Rome. Then the ex­ample of Cyprian and Firmilian, who resisted Pope Steven, and despised his au­thority, so far that Cyprian assembled a Council against the doctrine received at Rome, and defamed the Bishop of Rome with bitter invectives. Also the example of Dionysius of Alexandria altogether useless and to no purpose. And finally a judge­ment given by a Pagan Emperor, which puts the Bishops of Italy in the same rank as the Bishop of Rome, and speaks not at all of Primacy, nor of succession, in St. Pe­ters quality of Head of the Church; For in those matters that Emperor had no skill.

Every careful Reader will consider the length of the time which is above 300. years, and the weakness and small number of proofs, which yet are more against then for the Popes; and will acknowledge that in the first ages of the Church the Popes Primacy was an unknown thing. Also that the cause that made him more eminent at that time, was, the dignity of the City of Rome, and the opinion that St. Peter had founded the Roman Church; of whom the Bishop of Rome called himself successour, not in the Apostleship, nor in the Office of Head of the Universal Church, but in the Episcopacy over that City.

Here we must allways remember that all that M. du Perron alledgeth of those Ages, as also of the following, for the Popes authority, is inclosed within the limits of the Roman Empire: For he durst not affirm that the Pope had at that time any superiority without the precincts of the Roman Empire.

CHAP. 12. Shewing how our Adversaries being destitute of true proofs of the Popes Pri­macy in the time that followed next to the three first Ages, have forged false Epistles and supposititious Decrees.

IT is an an evident sign of an ill cause, when to defend it, the parties make use of false titles. The truth is not defended with lyes, nor Gods cause by borrow­ing weapons from the Devil. Every man of good sense will carefully weigh this, and judge what that Primacy may be which the Pope pretends unto, since to esta­blish it, so many false deeds have been forged. Of this I have brought before great number of proofs, and intend now to bring more of the like kind.

In the beginning of the fourth Age, the Christian Church of the Roman Em­pire being delivered from persecution, and setled in a florishing State by the Em­peror Constantine, it was then or never that the authority of the Roman Primate should have appeared, to give an order and form to that first establishment, and to convocate Councils, and preside in them. But of that no trace is found in all Antiquity. But we find that in that time the Bishop of Rome sate still; and had no part in the government of publick businesses.

To supply that defect, when the Popes Empire began to rise, many false writings and supposititious Decrees were forged, in which the Popes power is exalted to hea­ven. False Epistles of Marcellus, Eusebius, Melchiades, and Marcus, were coined, where they made those good Bishops to say things which they never thought on, and such as suit not with the time, and are repugnant to common sense.

First the style thereof is barbarous, and hath a rellish of the cloyster of later Ages. These are some of their elegancies,Marcell, Ep. 1. augmentande & eligimus persequi, to say we choose rather to be persecuted; andEuseb. Ep. 1. nimis contristatus, to say very sad; andEuseb. Ep. 2. praesentialiter, & odiet; andMarcel. Ep. 2. vos non potestis, speaking to one single per­son; and many the like flowers, for which petty Scholars of the lower forms are whipt.

It is ordinary with those Epistles to wrest the words and texts of Scripture. The first Epistle ascribed to Eusebius, calls Clarks spiritual, and Lay-men carnal. In the second he saith that Jesus Christ hath declared that he hath reserved Bishops and Priests to his judgement; when himself expelled the buyers and sellers out of the Temple, and with his own whip. The Decretal of Melchiades proveth that after Baptism it is necessary to receive Confirmation, because it is written, Psal. 127. Ʋnless the Lord keep the City, they that keep it watch in vain, which is a very pregnant allegation.

In these Decretals the forgery is herein most evident, that they are stuffed with lyes, and things unsutable to the time, and repugnant to the truth of the history. First the date of most of these Epistles is false; For they are dated from the Con­sulat of Consuls that never were in the world, or never were Consuls, or such [Page 281] as were not Consuls together, nor at that time. For example, the second De­cretal Epistle of Marcellus is dated from the Consulate of Maxentius and Maxi­mus, but in the Fasti (or Chronological Annals) there is no Consulate of Max­entius. WhichBaron. Annot. An. 308. §. 24. Baronius also hath observed.

The Pontifical of Damasus saith, that Marcellus Bishop of Rome was condemned by the Emperour Maxentius to serve naked in a stable, where he ended his dayes in great misery. Yet there is a Decretal Epistle of that Marcellus to the Emperour Maxentius, where he speaks to him masterfully; Haec vobis scienda mandamus, ut ab his vos caveatis, We command you to know these things that you may take heed of them. Who knoweth not that the Pagan Emperours that persecuted the Church, assembled no Synods of Bishops? Such assemblies were made without their know­ledge as much as could be. Yet this pretended Marcellus speaks thus to the Em­perour Maxentius; Synodum ergo absque hujus sanctae sedis authori­tate Episcopo­rum non po­testis regula­riter facere, neque ullum Episcopum qui hanc ap­pellaverit se­dem Apostoli­cam damnare. You cannot regularly assemble a Synod of Bishops without the authority of this holy See, nor condemn any Bishop appealing to this Apostolick See. If we believe that impostour, in those dayes they appealed from the judge­ment of Pagan Emperours to the Bishop of Rome; and Priests and Bishops were not to be sentenced or tryed by the Imperial Magistrates and Judges. Of which the reason is added, That it is said of Bishops, I have said you are Gods, and you are all children of the Almighty, Psal. 82. That pretended Marcellus addeth, that Lay­men must not be Judges of Bishops, because the Beat or blessed Clement hath so determined it by the instruction of the Apostles. Was not this well alledged to the Emperour Maxentius? who questionless stood in great awe of Clements con­stitutions, who was dead above 230. years before?

With the like imposture in the XI. clause of Gratians Decree, quest. 1. a forged Decree of Marcellus speaks thus, Let no Bishop whether for a civil or a criminal cause be sued before a civil or military Judge. For every Magistrate that will be so bold, as to make such a command, shall be punisht with the loss of half his goods, and shall be deprived of his military girdle or belt. Is there any man so stupid or sensless, as to believe that under the Pagan and persecuting Emperours, it was in the power of the Roman Bishop to depose the civil Magistrates, confiscate their goods, de­grade them from honour, and declare a souldier unworthy to carry the sword?

In the first Epistle of Eusebius, a prohibition is made to Laymen to accuse the Clarks. And in the same Epistle, Eusebius writing to the Bishops of Gaules, saith, that he is very much grieved for their oppression. A palpable untruth. For in the time of Eusebius, Constantine governed the Gaules, which had suffered no persecution under him.

In the second Epistle it is said, that the statutes of Kings command that all the estate of Bishops that are expelled or stript of their goods, be restored unto them, before any proceeding can be made in Synods against them. Never any such Law was made by any Pagan King or Emperour. And there was none but Pagans before the time of Eusebius. Besides, there was no King under the Roman Empire in those dayes.

Crucis Domini nostri Jesu Christi, quae nuper nobis guber­nacula sanctae Romanae Ec­clesiae tenenti­bus, 5. Nonas Maii inventa est.In the third Epistle that false Eusebius speaks of the finding of the Cross, as happened in his time, and commands the Bishops of Campania and Toscana to celebrate the Feast of the same. But in the time of Eusebius Bishop of Rome, Constantine was yet a Pagan, and turned Christian before his Mother Helena, of whom Eusebius of Cesarea in the third book of Constantines life, ch. 46. saith, that she found the Cross of the Lord.Vide Baron. An. 311. §. 41. & An. 326. §. 42. Which could not be, but many years after the death of Eusebius the Roman Bishop, who dyed in the year of our Lord 309. But Helena began to seek the Cross a while after the Councel of Nice, which was held in the year of our Lord 325.

The decretal of Melchiades to the Bishops of Spain, forbids them to judge of a Bishop without the Popes authority, saying that it was alwayes done so. This is false. For the causes of the Bishops of Rome did not come to Rome by appeal. This is seen by the example of Basilides and Martial Spanish Bishops, who being deposed by the Bishops of Spain, had their recourse unto Steven Bishop of Rome, who tryed his credit to restore them, but the Bishops of Spain would not obey, [Page 282] and followed the Counsel of Cyprian who disswaded them from it. This is to be seen in the 68. Epistle of Cyprian. The same Decretal of Melchiades declareth that Confirmation ought to be more reverenced then Baptism. Thus humane tradition is set above Divine institution.

CHAP. 13. Of Constantines donation, and the untruth of it.

OF all the writings grosly and wickedly forged, the donation of Constantine may well challenge the first place for bestial impudence and stupidity. That Donation was long held for an Oracle in the Roman Church, and is inserted in the first Tome of the Councils; and in the Roman Decree in the 96. Distinction, Augustinus Steuchus the Popes Library-keeper, and Bartholomaeus Picerna, have written in the defence of that Donation. Against which Laurentius Valla hath writ a Declamation, whereby one may see that in his time, it was an heresie to doubt of the truth of that Donation; upon which the Popes have founded the temporal power, which they pretend to have over the Empire.

The date and time of that Donation discovereth the untruth of it. For it is made by Constantine to Sylvester Bishop of Rome after Constantines baptism. And yet there is another forged writing attributed to Melchiades, predecessour of Sylvester, dead six years before the baptism of Constantine (if we believe Baronius) where Melchiades speaks of that Donation, a thing done seven or eight years after his death. That Epistle of Melchiades is inserted in the first Tome of the Councels, and serveth for a Preface to Constantines Donation. And Gratian hath put a piece of it in his Decree in the Canon Futuram, Causa 12. qu. 1. where also the Council of Nice is mentioned, which sate twelve years after that Melchiades. In the same place Melchiades alleadgeth a Canon of the Council of Chalcedon, held in the year 451. a hundred and thirty seven years after his death.

1. In the beginning of that Donation the Emperour Constantine calls himself Hunnicus, as if he had defeated the Hunnes with whom he never had any war.

2. In the same place it is related, how Constantine being leprous was healed of his leprousie by baptism, which was administred unto him at Rome by Sylvester Bishop of Rome. But we will shew in the following Chapter, that Constantine was not baptised at Rome, but in the subburbs of Nicomedia; Nor when he turned Christian, but on his death-bed.

3. In that goodly Donation, Constantine Ʋtile ju­dicavimus una cum om­nibus nostris Satrapis & universo Se­natu & cun­cto populo Romano, glo­riae imperii subjacenti, &c. Successo­ris Principis Apostolorum potestatem amplius quam terrenae nostrae imperialis serenitatis mansuetudo habere vide­tur. saith that he, and all his Satraps, and all his Senate, and all the people subject to his Empire, have thought good to defer to the successors of St. Peter, a greater Principality then to the Emperours: And that he hath chosen to himself the successors of St. Peter for Patrons towards God. How many absurdities and untruths heapt up in few words! For this word of Satrap is a Persian word, which the Roman Emperours have never used. To say the Satraps of Rome, is such another mungrel expression, as if one said the Basha's and Viziers of France, and the Sultans of England, and the Caliph of the Vatican. How could Constantine have made such a Decreee by the consent of all the people of his Empire and of the Roman Senate, seeing that most part of that people were Pagans, and that the Roman Senate did consist of none almost but Pagan Senators, and so was for long time after? Witness that designed Consul, who said to Damasus Bishop of Rome, Hieron. ad Pamma­chium adver­sus errores Jo­hannis H [...]erosol. Make me a Bishop of the City of Rome, and I shall be a Christian presently, as Hierom relateth in his Epistle to Pammachius. The same is seen in the 54. Epistle of the tenth Book of the Epistles of Symmachus Prefect of the City of Rome, written to Valentinian, Theodosius and Arcadius Em­perours; where Symmachus, as Oratour for the whole Roman Senate, and for all the Citizens of Rome, beseecheth the Emperours to preserve the antient Religion, that is, the Pagan. And this was about the year 377.

[Page 283]4. By the same donationEt sicut nostram ter­renam imperi­alem potenti­am, sic ejus. sacrosanctam Romanam Ecclesiam decrevimus reverenter honorari, & amplius quam nostrum im­perium & terrenum thronum se­dem sacratis­simam beati Petri gloriosè exaltari, tri­buentes ei po­testatem & gloriae digni­tatem imperi­alem, &c. Constantine giveth to the Bishop of Rome an Im­perial power, and makes him Emperour: Giveth him power over the four princi­pal Sees, of Alexandria, Antioch, Jerusalem, and Constantinople, and over all the Churches of the universal world: Whereas when Constantine turned Christian, the word of Constantinople was not yet in the world, neither was then any speech of the See of that place. The name of the Town was Bysantium, and the Bishop of the same was but a Suffragant of the Bishop of Perinthus or Heraclea. And how could Constantine have given power to the Bishop of Rome over all the Churches of the world, seeing that many great Provinces and Churches were not subject unto his Empire? Besides, if the Pope hath received that power immedi­ately from God, what need had he of a Donation from the Emperour?

5. In the same Donation Constantine is made to say, thatEorum corpora cum magno honore recondentes thecas ipsorii ex electro cui nulla fortitu­do praevalet elementorum, construximus. he hath inclosed the bodies of Peter and Paul in shrines of Amber, and built the Churches of Peter and Paul at Rome; to which he hath given great possessions in Judea, Greece, Asia, Thracia, Africa, Italy, and in diverse Islands, to furnish lights unto the said Churches. These candles were very costly since so many mighty Provinces did contribute towards them. And to what purpose did he give possessions to the Bishop of Rome in Judea to furnish the Churches of Rome with candles, as if Italy had not been sufficient to afford candles?

6. By that DonationDe prae­senti contra­dimus palatiū imperii nostri Lateranense, quod omnibus in toto terra­rum orbe prae­fertur palatiis. Deinde dia­dema, videli­cet coronam capitis nostri, simulque Phrygium, id est mitram, &c. & om­nia imperialia indumenta, sed & digni­tatem imperi­alium praesi­dentium equitum, &c. Constantine giveth to Sylvester and to his successors his Palace of Lateran, and the right of wearing a Crown like that of the Emperour, made with pure gold, and set with precious stones, and to be clad in purple, and to bear an Imperial Scepter, and all the Imperial Ornaments, and to have an Imperial Power. Things which every one knoweth, not to have been in the Popes possession in Constantines time, nor many ages after. And which Constan­tine could not give without devesting himself of the Empire, and wronging his children.

7. Among the marks of Empire which Constantine giveth to Sylvester, he puts banta vel banda, words which Constantine and his Court understood not. And they are much like the words that are found in the Capitularies of Charles and Lewis. For that Donation was forged since their time, and was made purposely to blot out the memory of their Donations. For the Popes will not have the world to believe that they are obliged to the Kings of France.

8. The same Donation commandsViris re­verendissimis Clericis in diversis ordi­nibus eidem sacrosanctae Romanae Ec­clesiae servientibus, illud culmen singularitate potentiae & praecellentiae habere sancimus, cujus amplissimus noster Senatus videtur gloria adornari, id est Patricios & Consules effici. that the Clarks of several Orders of the Roman Church be Senatours, and Fatricians, and Consuls of Rome. Upon that score the Roman Empire had multitude of Consuls, and the Consulares Fasti; and the Chronicles of Eusebius, of Marcellinus, of Cassiodorus and Baronius were mistaken when they put two Consuls for every year, since all the Roman Priests and Deacons were Consuls, yea perpetual Consuls.

9. With the like absurdity that Donation commands thatDecernimus & hoc Clericorum ejusdem sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae manipulis & linteaminibus, id est candidissimo colore decorari equos, &c. the Roman Church, that is the Popes Court, have Chamberlans, Ushers, and guards of the body, like the Emperour. And that the Clarks of the Roman Church ride upon horses harnessed with rich trappings; that they be clad in white, and wear white pumps; Things very suitable to the Apostolical simplicity, and which in Constan­tines time had been lookt upon as prodigies.Hier. ep. ad Eusto. c. de virg. scru. St. Hierom a Priest living at Rome, did not march in that equipage, and derides a Priest that had fine horses, saying that he was called in scorn Veredarius urbis, the Post-horse or the Postilion of the Town.

10. In the same place Constantine saithNos Phrygium candidissimi nitoris sacratissimo Papae vertici imposuimus, & tenentes fraenum equi illius pro reverentia Petri Stratoris officium ei exhibuimus. that he had held the bridle of the horse of Sylvester the Roman Bishop, and had done to him the office of a groom to help him to get on horse-back. Was there ever a fable so impudently invent­ed? Is the least trace of that found in so many antient Historians, who have written the history of that time? Is it credible that the Bishops of Rome that [Page 284] lived in the four or five following ages (of whom some were pretty well stored with pride, as Gelasius, Hormisdas, Vigilius,) would have forgotten such a sub­mission of the Emperor to the Pope? It is certain that this feigned passage was put in that forged donation to bring the Emperors of Germany, and the Kings of the West to that ignoble servitude unto which some have basely submitted them­selves, defiling by a shameful submission the dignity of their crowns.

11. By the same DonationƲrbem Romam & omnes totius Italiae & Occidentali­um regionum provincias, loca & civi­tates praefato beatissimo Pontifici no­stro Ʋniver­sali Papae con­cedimus, &c. Constantine makes an absolute gift to the Bishop of Rome and his successors for ever of the City of Rome and Italy and all the Oc­cidental Provinces, that is, France, Spain, the Isle of Brittain, Sicily, Corsica, Sar­dinia, and part of Germany; to possess all those Countreys with power to dispose of them absolutely and soveraignly. He adds that to yield the place unto the Pope, and devest himself of the domination of those Provinces, he withdrew himself from Rome, and transported the seat of his Empire to the Byzantine province, it being not just that an earthly Emperor should have any power where God had established the principality and the Head of Christian Religion.

If these things be true, we must say that Constantine hath revoked his Dona­tion, and made it void. ForSocrat. hist. Eccl. l. 3. cap. ult. Cum tres fili­os haberet, sin­gulos eorum imperii sui participes esse constituit. Primum qui­dem filium Occidentalium partium, &c. Zozimus lib. hist. p. 2. Constantinus natu maximus cum minimo natu Constan­te omnia trans Alpes sita & Italiam & Illyricum sortitus est. Vide & Au­relium Victo­rem & Sigo­nium. Constantine dying shared the Empire among his three sons, Constantinus, Constantius, and Constans; and gave to Constantinus Rome and Italy, as all Historians testifie it. And accordingly Constantius the eld­est son kept his Court at Rome and in Italy: And Constantius after his Fathers death, succeeding in the Empire of the West, entred into Rome in great triumph, as it is to be seen in Ammianus Marcellinus in book 16. §. 1.

As for the Bishop of Rome, he was then so subject to the Emperor, that Con­stantius commanded him to come to him, and when he could not bring him to his opinion, he banisht him, giving him five hundred crowns to keep him in his exile, as Theodoret relateth in the second book of his History, ch. 16. After Constantius, Valentinian and Theodosius the great, and Gratian and Honorius and two Valentinians reigned in Italy, and at Rome, in quality of Soveraigns, the Bishop of Rome being subject unto them as the other Bishops of the Empire.

One only example will serve for all. In the year of Christ 418 two Bishops of Rome, Eulatius and Bonifacius, were elected by two contrary factions of the Roman people. The Emperor Honorius who at that time was at Ravenna, took notice of it, and having expelled both the one and the other out of Rome, ap­pointed two Serjeants to keep Bonifacius. In the end both were cited before the Emperor. The parties being heard, the Emperor gave sentence for Bonifacius, and put back his Competitour: And thereupon made a Law which is found in the seventy ninth Distinction of the Roman Decree in these words;Dist. 79. Can. Si duo. Si duo forte contra fas te­meritate con­certantium fuerint ordi­nati, nullum ex eis futu­rum sacerdo­tem permitti­mus. If it happen that two be created by the rashness of of the contenders, we will not suffer any of them to be Bishop. The style of the Letters of Bonifacius to the Emperor Honorius, is remarkable;Precamur sacrâ causâ religionis, ut in urbe man­suetudinis ve­strae hoc animo quo postulatis & annuitis in perpetuū sta­tui universa­lis Ecclesiae consulatis. We beseech you for the love of holy Religion, that in the City of your clemency, you provide for the State of the Ʋniversal Church, according as you desire and grant. By these words he acknowledgeth that the City of Rome belonged to the Emperor. As also the Emperor Constantius said to Liberius Bishop of Rome in ch. 16. of book. 2. of Theodoret; Because thou art a Christian, we have judged thee worthy to be a Bishop of our City.

The Roman Empire being overthrown in Italy by the Goths, Theodoricus King of the Goths reigning at Rome, and in Italy, created the Magistrates of the City of Rome, as one may see in Cassiodorus; (o) Among whose Epistles many Epstiles of Theodoricus are found, where he disposeth of the charges of the City of Rome, and prescribes unto the Vicar and to the Prefect of the City the form of governing.

In that Kings timeAthanas. Paul. Diacon. Lib. Pontif. Sigebert. Pla­tina, Sigonius. a schism happened between Symmachus and Laurentius, both elected Bishops of Rome by two contrary factions. Of which, Theodoricus took notice, sending Peter Bishop of Altina to make informations of the busi­ness, and to govern the Church of Rome while that contention lasted.

In the year of our Lord 525. the Emperor Justinian had begun to persecute the Arians. Theodoricus who himself was an Arian, sent Pope John Embassador [Page 285] to the Emperor to intercede for the Arians, and at his return from his Embassie put him to death in prison.

To King Theodericus Athalaricus succeeded, who being informed of the Si­mony and traffick that was used to get the Bishoprick of Rome, prohibited by a Law, and upon grievous penalties, the getting of the Papacy by faction, or bri­bery, or selling of the sacred place, and caused that law to be set before the Ro­man Bishops door. This is to be seen in book 9. of theVaria­rum lib. 9. cap. 15. Diversities. Epist. 15.

The Emperor Justinian having by the means of Belizarius and Narses reco­vered Italy, and destoyed the Kingdom of the Goths, became Master of Rome, as his predecessors were. A law of his is extant, commanding the Bishops of Rome to pay to their Emperour twenty pounds weight of gold for their entry into their place, as holding it by the Emperors concession. That law is in the Authenticks, or Novels of Justinian Novell. 123. cap. 3..

In the year of our Lord 654. the Emperor Constans bound Marinus Bishop of Rome with chains, and banished him, appointing Chersonesus for the place of his exile, where he dyed.

A thousand such examples I might bring, to prove that Constantines successors had full power at Rome, and in Italy: and that the Bishop of Rome were their subjects, having no temporal power. Else the Bishops of Rome ought to have levyed tribute and custome out of Spain and France, and created Magistrates, and led armies, which never was done.

If Constantine made the Pope Emperor, and set an Imperial Crown on his head, yeilding to him the whole Empire of the West; whence comes it that the Bishops of Rome never took upon them the title of Emperors? Why did they not after that donation create Magistrates in all the Cities of Italy and Gaules? And when Theodosius divided the Empire between his two sons, leaving to Arcadius the Em­pire of the East, to Honorius the Empire of the West; why did not the Bishop of Rome oppose that distribution, saying that the Empire of the West belonged unto them? How comes it that of a thing of such a principal importance, whereby the Bishop of Rome is raised so high, no author of that time, or of many ages after, makes any mention?

The reason which that donation alledgeth, is false, and contrary to the holy Scripture: namely That it is not just that an earthly Emperor have any power on the place where the Head of the Christian Church is residing. For unde the reign of David and since, the residence of the High-Priests, Heads of the Judaical Church, was at Jerusalem; which was also the place of the Kings residence.

That prodigious ambition whereby a Bishop pretends that the Empire belongs to him, and attributes a soveraign power to himself over the temporal of Kingdoms, is contrary to the Apostles command, instructing thus his Disciple Timothy, 2 Tim. 2.4. No man that warreth, intangleth himself with the affairs of this life. And to the 83. Canon of the Apostles. [...]. If any Bishop or Priest gave himself to war, and will have these two things together, the Roman Empire, and the sacerdo­tal government, let him be deposed; for the things of Cesar ought to be given unto Cesar, and the things of God unto God.

12. Certainly that imposture, whereby of a Bishop of one City, subject unto Emperors, and punishable by their laws, they will make an Emperor of Italy, Gauls, Spain, &c. is so gross that I know not, which ought to be more admired, either the shameless boldness of those that have forged these fables, or the silliness of the people that would believe them, or the patience of God that would suffer them, or his justice that punisht the contempt of his word with such an horrid blindness.

It is true that now of late some of our Adversaries are ashamed of these things, and imploy not that Donation to uphold the Popes power: and of those some this Lord Cardinal du Perron is one. But as scaffolds are set up to build a house, and when the house is built they are pulled down; So the Pope made use of these forged writings to underprop his growing Empire, and made them pass for good in an ignorant age. But now that his Monarchy is born up with the power of Kings and nations, many have believed that they can reject these supposititious things without shaking their Empire.

[Page 286]13. Finally that goodly Donation of Constantine Haec vero omnia & per alia divalia decreta statu­imus atque confirmavi­mus, usque in fin [...]m mundi illibata & in­concussa p [...]r­manere de­crevimus &c. Si quis autem. (quod no [...] credimus) in hoc temerator aut contem­ptor extiterit, aeternis con­demnatio [...]i­bus subjaceat innodatus, & sanctos Dei, Princip [...]s A­postolorum, Petrum & Paulum sibi in praesenti & futura vi­ta s [...]ntiat con­trarios, atque in i [...]ferno inferiori con­crematus cum diabolo & omnibus defi­ciat impiis. enjoyneth that this prag­matick sanction of his remain firm unto the end of the world. And if any transgress his ordinance, he will have him damned eternally, and that he find the Apostles Peter and Paul contrary, both in this life, and in the other; and that he be plunged into the lowest bottom of hell with the Devil. So this Emperor sends into hell his own children that have reigned at Rome, and in Italy, and in the West, in quality of Soveraigns. Yea he condemneth himself to be damned eternally, having retained the Empire of the West for himself, and left it to his children. In which execration the Kings of France and Spain, &c. are also inwrapped, since they stile themselves and are in effect Soveraigns in the Provinces which this Donation giveth to the Bishops of Rome unto the worlds end. And it is certain that by this Donation forged by the Popes, the Kings of France, as also the Kings of Spain, are declared usurpers and unjust possessors of their King­doms, since by that jolly deed they belong to the Roman High-Priest.

That the taile may be be like the body, this Donation is dated with a lye, that is, with the Consulat of Constantine and Gallicanus, who never were Consuls toge­ther. Read the Chronicles of Eusebius, Marcellinus, and Cassiodorus, the Fasti Consulares of Onuphrius, and the Annals of Baronius, you shall find no Consulate of Constantinus and Gallicanus together.

CHAP. 14. Of the Baptism of Constantine mentioned in the same Donation.

ALthough it is not material for the Popes primacy by whom Constantine was baptized, yet the false coyners whom the Pope hath imployed, have thought that it would increase the reverence of the nations towards the Papal See, if the world believed that the first Christian Emperor was baptized by the Pope of Rome in a miraculous way.

In that Donation it is related, that Constantine being covered with leprosie, phy­sitians prescribed him a bath of infants blood: But he being moved with the cries of the mothers of those children, would not use that remedy. And that the next night St. Peter and St. Paul appeared unto him in a dream, and warned him that he should send for Sylvester Bishop of Rome, why lay hid in a hole of mount So­ract for fear of the persecution raised by Constantine against the Christians, which Sylvester would give him another kind of bath that should heal him. He sent then for Sylvester, of whom he asked what Gods Peter and Paul were among the Chri­stians: Then he received the Baptisme from Sylvesters hand, whereby he recove­red health. That tale is taken out of the fabulous Legends of Sylvester, whose Author is unknown. Pope Adrian the first tells that fable in the first Action of the second Council of Nice, 360. years after Sylvesters death.

We must know that Baronius, who receiveth this fable for a truth, puts that Baptism in the nineteenth year of Constantine, eighteen years before his death, in the year of Christ 324. choosing rather to give credence to these Acts of Sylvester, which himself acknowledgeth to be much falsified and corrupted, then to the testimony of so many antient Authors, who testifie with one accord, that Constantine was ba­ptized in the suburbs of Nicomedia in Bithynia, by Eusebius Bishop of that place, a few days before his death.

Eusebius of Cesarea, one of the Emperors family, towards the end of the fourth book of Constantines life, saith, that he being sick in the Suburbs of Nico­media, he called the Bishops, and told them that he had purposed long before to be baptized in the river Jordan, where our Saviour was baptized. But seeing that God disposed it otherwise, he desired them to confer baptisme upon him, which they presently did, a little before that Emperor gave up his spirit unto God. [Page 287] To which Baronius answereth, that Eusebius was an enemy to the Roman Church, that he was an Arian, and that he devised that Fable. Truely Eusebius in all his writings shews no enmity against the Roman Church: But that which grieveth our adversaries, is, that he being the antientest and the most famous Christian Historian, deferreth not any primacy to the Bishop of Rome, but speaks of him as of another Bishop, and condemneth the action of Victor, who for a difference about the Feast of Easter, separated himself from the Communion of the Oriental Church.

But what have they to object against Hierom, who in his Chronicle speaks thus,Constan­tinus extremo vitae suae tem­pore, ab Euse­bio Nicome­diensi bapti­zatus, in Ari­anum dogma declinat. Constantine in the end of his life being baptized by Eusebius Bishop of Nicome­dia, inclineth towards Arianism?

Ambrose saith the same in his Oration upon the death of Theodosius; Cui licet baptismi gra­tia in ultimis constituto, om­nia peccata dimiserit, &c. Ʋnto whom [speaking of Constantine] although the grace of Baptism conferred in his last hour have pardoned all his sins, &c.

Socrates in the 39. Chapter of the first book of his History, [...]. Constantine went from Helenopolis, and came to Nicomedia, and there being lodged in the sub­urbs, he received the baptism of Christian religion.

Theodoret in the 32. Chapter of his History; [...]. Constantine being at Nicome­dia fell sick, and knowing the uncertainty of human life, received the gift of the sacred baptism, which he had delayed till that time, desiring to receive it in the river of Jordan.

Sozomenus in the last Chapter of the second book, [...]. Constantine was carried to Nicomedia, where, being in the suburbs, he was consecrated with the holy baptism.

What more? a multitude of Bishops assembled at Remini write thus to Constantius son to Constantine. Socrat. lib. 2. c. 37. [...]. Being gone from among men after he had been baptized, and transported to the rest that was reserved to him. They speak of Con­stantines death. That Epistle is found in Socrates in book 2. chap. 29. and in Sozomenus, book 4. chap. 17.

So many witnesses near Constantines time, ought in my opinion to be more believed then a fabulous Legend of Sylvester, of which the Author is not known, and which Baronius acknowledgeth to be full of untruths.

It is to be noted that Constantine embraced the Christian faith in the year of the Lord 312. and that from his conversion he never ceased to do good to the Chri­stians. In that same year he made edicts in favour of the Christians, granted immunities to Church-men, and relieved with his own money those that had been persecuted by Maxentius and Maximus, as is to be seen in Eusebius in Constan­tines life.

In the year of our Lord 313. the Donatists appealed to Constantine as to a Christian Prince, who gave them some Bishops for Judges, and convocated a Synod at Arles.

In the year 318. having overcome Licinius, a cruel persecutor of the Church, and being the sole possessour of the Empire, he raised Christian Religion in ho­nour and wealth everywhere; began to build magnificent Churches, gave to Christians the Temples of the Pagans, and never gave over promoting Christian Religion which he profest.

How can all that agree with the fabulous relation of the baptism of Constantine by Sylvester, as it is set down in the Donation of Constantine? For whereas that baptism was in the 324. year of Christ (if we believe Baronius) that is eleven years after Constantines conversion, nevertheless in that Donation the Emperour speaks as having received baptism immediately after his conversion to Christian Religion, and as having alwayes been a Pagan till that time; saying, The Gods of the Gentiles which I have served hitherto are Devils; and as having so little knowledge of Christian Religion, that he knew not whether Peter and Paul were Gods or men: Which is repugnant to that Christian profession which he had made twelve years before with so much zeal and constancy; and to that which Baronius saith, that Constantine from his infancy had been instructed in the Christian Religion by his mother Helena.

But this is worse yet. That narration of Constantines baptism, which Baronius will have to be in the year 324. speaks of that Emperour as of a persecutor, who had persecuted the Church before his baptism; so that Sylvester Bishop of Rome, was forced to hide himself in a Cave of Mount Soracte to avoid persecution. Is it like that Constantine began to persecute the Church when he was a Christian, and twelve years after his conversion to the faith, seeing that even when he was a Pagan he never persecuted it? Doth any Authour speak of any man whom he hath put to death, or banisht, or stript of his goods for the Christian faith? Such are the brakes of contradictions wherein those that have sold their pen unto the Pope, intangle themselves; men to whom all fables are good, so they may serve to exalt the Papal Empire.

BOOK V. PROVING BY THE Ecclesiastical History From the year of our Lord 340. unto the year 400. That then first the Bishop of ROME would begin to exalt himself, but missed of his attempt, and what hinderances he met with.

CHAP. 1. Of the persecutions happened to Athanasius. And how Julius Bishop of Rome would make himself Judge of his cause. Of the convocating, sitting, and success of the Council of Sardica.

NOw we are come to the time when the Bishop of Rome began to shew his pride, and to encroach upon the other Bishops of the Roman Empire; not by vertue of St. Peters primacy, or of any authority from the Word of God, but by vertue of some Canons and Ecclesiastical constitutions. He called himself indeed successour of St. Peter, as did also the Bishop of Antioch: But that succession was only in his Office of Bishop of the City of Rome. In that consideration he chal­lenged no superiority.

A Council was convocated to Tyre by Constantine. There Arius appeared, protesting of his repentance, and giving a confession of faith conformable in shew to that of Nice. Wherefore the Emperor Constantine commanded Athanasius to receive him to the Communion. Which Athanasius (knowing the hypocrisie of Arius) refused to do. This with other causes so incensed Constantine, who was desirous of peace, that he banished Athanasius, and sent him to live at Triers. And the Council of Tyre being transported to Jerusalem, sent back Arius to Alexandria. Two years after, Constantine dyeth, having divided the Empire among his three sons, Constantine, Constantius, and Constans; all three Orthodox [Page 290] at the first; but Constantius, to whose lot Constantinople and the Empire of the East was fallen, a Prince endowed with many vertues, yet was turned away from the true faith by the Arians.

Constantine the eldest of the three, sent presently for Athanasius, and sent him again to Alexandria, to be restored to his place. But shortly after, that Constan­tine being slain, his brother Constantius that favoured the Arians, called a Council to Antioch, where Athanasius was deposed, and one Gregory a Cappadocian was put in his place. Yet they that pronounced that judgement,Socrates l. 2. c. 7. where they speak so; Nos neque Arii sumus sectatores, ne­que aliam fidem quam quae ab initio divulgata▪ est recipimus. made an open protestation that they were no Arians, and that they approved the Council of Nice, as for the substance; only they were of opinion that the word [...] or consubstantial, should not be used.

Gregory Socrat. l. 2. c. 8. came to Alexandria attended with souldiers, where having inviron­ed the Church with souldiers, Athanasius being within, officiating in Gods service with the people, and in the crowd of the people going out, Athanasius escaped undiscerned by his enemies that would lay hold of him; Then embarking himself secretly, he came to Italy to live under the protection of the Emperour Constans, who was Orthodox, and raigned in the West, having inherited his brother Constan­tines share. That Emperour received favourably Athanasius: Ruffinus l. 1. c. 19. Nihil sibi ul­tra jam tutū in regno Con­stantii praesu­mens, ad Con­stantis partes profugus ab­scessit, à quo satis honori­fice religiose­que susceptus est. Athanasius (saith Ruffinus) seeing that there was no more safety for him within the dominions of Con­stantius, fled to Constans his side, who received him with favour and reverence. Julius was then Bishop of Rome, to whom Athanasius retired himself.

The Bishops of the East, who protested that they were no Arians, and that they agreed in belief with Julius and Athanasius, to whom they imputed divers crimes, having heard that Athanasius was escaped from them, and fled to Rome, sent a Legat to Julius to desire him to be Judge of their cause against Athanasius, freely referring unto him the knowledge of the same,Socrat. l. 2. c. 9. Legatum ad Julium Epis­copum Roma­num mittunt, ut ipse in causa Atha­nasii judex esse vellet, li­tisque diju­dicationem ad se transferret. as Socrates saith in the 9. chap. of the 2. book. And Athanasius in his second Apology, [...]. They desired Julius to assemble a Synod, and to be judge himself if he would.

Socrat. l. 2. c. 12. The­odoret. l. 2. c. 4.But Julius an ambitious man, and forward to lay hold of advantages, called presently a Council of the neighbouring Bishops: And the power that was deferred unto him as an Arbitratour, he would use as a Master, and an absolute Judge, alledging the prerogatives of his See above other Sees: So he undertook the cause of Athanasius, and of Paul of Constantinople, and other Bishops likewise exiled. And he writ letters with his Synod to the Bishops of the East, rebuking them or their rash proceeding in the deposition of persons whom he judged to be innocent. And by the will of the Emperour Constantius (asRuffin. l. 1. c. 19. Constantius simulata be­nignitate ul­tro venire ad se Athanasium jubet, & levi increpatione perstrictum ad Ecclesiam su­am permittit ire. Ruffinus testifieth) he sent Athanasius and Paul to their several Churches, declaring that he restored them to their charges. They came then to their Churches, but were presently expelled out of them. For the Bishops of the East having received the letters of Julius, were very much amazed at his arrogance; and assembling them­selves at Antioch, they writ to him (asSozome­nus l. 3. c. 8. [...]. Sozomenus saith) letters full of scorn and insultation, and of grievous threatnings; saying,Socr. l. 2. c. 15. in Graeco [...]. That it belonged not to him to over-rule them about those whom they would expell out of the Church; as they also did not contradict him when he expelled Novatus out of the Church. They said indeed that the Roman Church was honourable, and had been a school of the Apostles, and had been from the beginning the capital City for piety: But they added, that they that instructed her, came out of the East; and that even themselves were not inferiour to the Roman Church, though they were unequal in greatness and num­ber; yea that they did even overcome the Roman Church in vertue. We see in the second Apology of Athanasius, Pag. 579. [...]. that the Eusebians (for so the Bishops of the East, enemies to Athanasius called themselves, because of Eusebius Bishop of Nicomedia their head) said that they held all Bishops to be equal in honour, and that a Bishops honour did not increase for being in a greater town: Which they said, to [Page 291] give to understand unto Julius, that they held not themselves to be inferior unto him.

As for Athanasius, his living at Alexandria displeased the Emperor Constantius, but because the people of Alexandria and Egypt maintained him zealously, he held his peace at the first; but soon after upon new accusations he threatned to put him to death. At which Athanasius being afraid, kept himself hidden for the space of three years, till the fourth year after his return; when being invited by secret letters of Julius, he escaped to Rome again.

Socrat. l. 2. cap. 13. in latin.The letters written with gall of the Oriental Bishops, to Julius Bishop of Rome being delivered to him, he sent them an answer, but far milder and fuller of respect then his former letter; having by that time learned that in vain he justled against Bishops over whom he had no power. He told them that their letters had very much grieved him, remonstrating unto them that in not calling him to their Council, they had done against the Canons, seeing that there was an Ecclesiastical Canon [...]. [...], that rules or laws must not be given to Churches against the advice of the Bishop of Rome.

The Oriental men would not do so much for Julius as to answer his letters. And Sozomenus in ch. 9. of book 2 saith that Julius seeing how he profited nothing, and made no progress in the cause of Athanasius, intreated the Emperor Constans to take care of that business: And Constans favourably receiving Athanasius and Paul, and many other Bishops who had been deposed and expelled from their Churches, took that matter to heart, and writ to his brother Constantius, Socrat. l. 2. cap. 14. de­siring him to send him three Bishops, that should declare to him the causes why Athanasius, and Paul, and many other Bishops had been deposed and expelled from their Churches. Constantius did so, and sent him three, who brought only the confession of faith of the Oriental men, and without doing any thing else, or speaking of the case of Athanasius, returned home. At which Constans being sore displeased, writ to his brother again, desiring him, that since his Embassadors were thus gone away without doing any thing, a general Council might be called by the consent and authority of them both; which was granted, and the place was appointed at Sardica, a town of Slavonia, which town was since called Triadit­sa. This was eleven years after the death of Constantine, father to these two Emperors.

Socrat. l. 2. c. 16.When the Bishops were come to Sardica from all parts, the Oriental Bi­shops were found to be but seventy six, many having excused themselves from coming, for divers causes. But by the diligence and sollicitation of Julius and Athanasius, about three hundred Occidental Bishops met at that Council. But the Oriental Bishops foreseeing that they should be over-voted by number, would not enter into the Council, and withdrew themselves to Philippolis in Thracia, where they held a Council by themselves.

There they condemned the word [...] Consubstantial, and deposed and de­graded from the Episcopal charge, Julius Bishop of Rome, and Hosius Bishop of Corduba, and all the favourers and adherents of Athanasius. On the contrary, the Occidental Bishops assembled at Sardica, confirmed the doctrine of the Coun­cil of Nice, and restored (as much as in them lay) unto their Offices and Chur­ches Athanasius, and the other expelled Bishops, deposed those that had deposed them; And to anger the Oriental, who had deposed Julius the Roman Bishop, they raised the dignity of Julius with all their power. Thus the East was sepa­rated from the West, and the limit of the separation was a Mountain between Slavonia and Thracia, named by Socrates Tisucis, and by Nicephorus Susacis.

The Council of Sardica being dissolved, the Emperor Constans seeing that he had advanced nothing, came to the last remedie, and writ to his brother Constan­tius, that unless he restored Athanasius and the others that were unjustly expelled, he would denounce war unto him. These letters were of more force then a Council; for presently after Constantius writ kind letters to Athanasius, permit­ting him to return to Alexandria. But Athanasius, not daring to trust him, staid at Aquileia, and stirred not till Constantius had written to him three times. In [Page 292] the end after the third letters, he went to the Emperor, who received him with very great kindness, and restored him by Imperial letters patent, unto his Bisho­prick of Alexandria, giving him besides, letters directed to the people of Alexan­dria for his restitution.

Athanasius now strong with these letters, goeth from the Court, and passeth through Jerusalem, where Maximus was Bishop, who had consented to the de­position of Athanasius; Athanasius signified to the said Maximus the Emperors ordinance, and the Decree of the Council of Sardica: Of any sentence pro­nounced by Julius Bishop of Rome he spake not to him: as also Julius had gi­ven no judgement this last exile of Athanasius. It is true that Athanasius brought letters from Julius bishop of Rome to the Church of Alexandria, which letters Socrates sets down wholein Lati­nis codici­bus. in ch. 18. of book 2. And indeed they are worth reading, for they contain no sentence, and no judgement given by him for the restitution of Athanasius, but only exhortations, and thanksgivings, that God had sent them again so good a Pastor, who had been taken from them; and praises and justifications of Athanasius.

Maximus Patriarch of Jerusalem, having heard the Emperors command, with­out delay assembled many Bishops of Syria and Palestina, gave the communion again to Athanasius, and restored unto him his charge of Bishop of Alexandria, asSocrat. l. 2. c. 24. in Graecis ex­emplaribus. [...]. Socrates relateth in ch. 24. of book 2. Maximus (saith he) without delay restored to Athanasius the Communion, and his dignity. This example is notable, to shew the power which all the Patriarchs pretended unto; Among whom that of Jerusalem was the least of all.

That being done, Athanasius went from Jerusalem, and came to Alexandria, where he was received with the applauses and unspeakable joy of the people of Alexandria, and restored to his charge.

CHAP. 2. Three points which the Cardinal finds in this History to establish the Popes Primacy. And the falsifications which he accumulateth in this matter.

AMong many things that abase the Bishop of Romes power in this history, Cardinal du Perron finds three which he perpetually imployeth for the esta­blishing and exalting of the Popes power.

I. The first is that Ecclesiastical Canon which Julius produced, whereby it is forbidden to give laws or Canons to the Churches against the advice of the Bishop of Rome.

II. The second, that which Sozomenus saith, that to Julius, because of the pre­heminence of his See the care of all things belonged, and therefore he restored eve­ry one to his Church. These two things are repeated and inculcated in the Cardi­nals book above fifty times; so much he mistrusteth the Readers memory. These two testimonies, with one of Irenaeus which he falsifieth, and the appeal of Flavi­anus to Leo, help very much towards the bulk of his book, so frequently he doth repeat them.

III. The third point is, that Athanasius condemned by the Synod of Antioch, appealed (as he saith) to Julius Bishop of Rome. Of these three points it will be easie for us to shew the untruth, or the weakness, or the absurdity and imper­tinence.

I. As for that pretended Canon forbiding to give any Laws to Churches against the advice of the Bishop of Rome, it is not known by whom nor when it was made. For before this Julius it is not found that ever it was spoken of, or that ever any Bishop of Rome made use of it. The experience of the [Page 293] following ages will shew that it was the custom of the Bishops of Rome to suppose or corrupt Canons, to advance their authority. So they did in the sixth Council of Carthage, and since in the Council of Chalcedon, as we shall see hereafter. In particular, as for that Canon which Julius produced, we have seen that in the precedent ages the practice was contrary. For Agrippinus and Cyprian Bishops of Carthage assembled Councils in diverse times, in which they made Orders and gave Judgements contrary to the Roman Church, not expecting the advice of the Roman Bishop, and thereby incurred no censure. And when the judgement of the Roman Bishop Melchiades was revised and examined in the Council of Arles, the Council expected not the advice of Melchiades, since it was in question of voiding or confirming his sentence. Also we shall see hereafter many Canons and Ordinances contrary to that Canon, as the Canons and Epistles of the Councils of Africa, which excommunicate every African that appeals to Rome, and warn the Pope that he take no more knowledge of their businesses. Wherefore the Bishops rejected that Canon which Julius produced, and were so far from ac­knowledging,Socrat. l. 2. c. 2 that they could decree nothing but with the consent of Julius Bishop of Rome; that on the contrary, in that bitter Epistle which they write to him, they tell him (using the very terms of that Canon) [...], that it belonged not to him to make Canons for them, or to over-rule them. They were Arians indeed, but they were not ignorant of the Ecclesiastical Discipline. And this was never put among the errours of the Arians, that they were disobe­dient to the Roman Bishop, and did not acknowledge him head of the Universal Church.

But to do a kindness to our adversaries, I will grant to the Cardinal that this Canon is not forged, nor suggested by the Bishop of Rome. But let him make the best of it; it cannot serve to establish the Popes primacy over the Churches of all the world, seeing that this Canon is but an order made among the Bishops of the Roman Empire: As also the antient Roman Bishops never made use of this Canon, nor of any other to pretend a superiority over the Churches without the precincts of the Roman Empire, and never medled with their businesses. Yea such Canons ruine and undermine the foundation of the Papal Monarchy, and rob it of all that is alledged for it out of the Word of God. For if God commands in his Word that the Bishop of Rome be head of the Universal Church, what need is there of making Ecclesiastical Canons that command the same thing? To what purpose had Julius alledged this Canon, if he had had a divine rule at hand from his holy Word? Pope Gelasius who lived some 150. years after this Julius, per­ceived that very well, and renounced all such Canons as useless. For in the Roman Council held about the year 499. he speaks thus, The holy Roman Church is pre­ferred before all other Churches, not by any Synodical constitutions, but by the voyce of the Lord and Saviour. But that which is the strongest against that Canon which Julius alledgeth, and makes it of no use to the Cardinal, is, that all the Patriarchs of the Roman Empire pretended to have the same right, that no important thing should be concluded without them. John Patriarch of Antioch grounding himself upon that rule, excommunicated and deposed Cyrillus Patriarch of Alexandria, for proceeding to the condemnation of Nestorius in the Council of Ephesus, with­out expecting his coming. And we shall see in this same Chapter, that every Patriarch took care of all the Ecclesiastical important affairs within the Roman Empire.

I must not omit thatCh. 32. p. 196. M. du Perron alleadging this Canon, commits three falsifications. He saith, that the Council of Antioch was taxed of nullity, because (saith Socrates) the Ecclesiastical Law Socrates l. 2. c. 8. [...]. prohibited the making of Canons or rules for Churches, without the sentence of the Bishop of Rome. But it is false that Socrates saith, that the Council of Antioch was taxed of nullity. Then the Cardinal in­terprets ill [...] by because instead of although. And these words [...] signifie not as he thinks, without the sentence, but against the advice.

He alledgeth many texts, either false, or taken in a wrong sense. He quoteth in his margent the fifth Canon of Sardica, and sends us to the Comment of Bal­samon [Page 294] upon that Canon. That Canon of Sardica permits to the condemned Bishops to appeal to the Bishops of Rome. But that rule is made only for the Occidental Bishops, belonging to the Roman Patriarchat: For in that Synod there was none but Occidental Bishops that could not make Laws binding the Bishops of the East, who never obeyed this Council. And we shall see hereafter that in Austins time, some 66. years after, these Canons of Sardica were unknown to the Churches of Africa. Besides, these orders of Sardica were propounded by Hosius, who presided in the Council, as a new thing, and submitted to the will of the Council; As in effect, that honour was deferred to Julius Bishop of Rome to spite the Oriental Bishops, who being assembled at the same time at Philippolis, had degraded Julius and his adherents with disgrace. As for Balsamon, the Cardinal was wiser then to produce his words upon the third Canon, which is of the same sense as the fifth. These are his words, [...]. The things determined concerning the Pope, must be taken alike concerning the Patriarch of Constantinople, because he was made equal in honour in all things to the Pope by many Canons of Synods.

A little after, the Cardinal alledgeth an Epistle of the Council of Sardica to Julius Bishop of Rome, which Epistle is not found in the Council of Sardica, but in certain fragments of Hilary newly come forth. In that Epistle these words are found, That it is most just and most convenient, that from all Provinces the Bishops refer their businesses to their Head, that is, to the See of Peter the Apostle. But that ought not to be understood of the Bishops of the whole world, which is said only of the Bishops of the West that were within the Patriarchate of Rome. The Bishops of the West only made this Canon, and made it for themselves: For they could not give Laws to the Bishops of the East, or to those of Africa. Much less could they give Laws to Bishops that lived without the Roman Empire. And this word Head is attributed also to other Bishops, as we hope to shew in this Chapter, and is given to the Bishops of Rome in consideration of the dignity of that Town.

The Cardinal addeth,Pag. 197. that when the Council of Capua delegated Theophilus to examine the cause of Flavianus Patriarch of Alexandria, Ambrose writ to him, that after he hath judged it, he must get his judgement confirmed by the Pope. All that is full of untruth.

St. Ambrose indeed, Epist. 78. writes to Theophilus, but not in the terms that the Cardinal attributes unto him, but in these,Sane re­ferendum arbitramur àd sanctum fratrem no­strum Romanae Sacerdotem Ecclesiae, quo­niam praesu­mimus te ju­dicaturum quae etiam illi displicere nequeant. Ita enim utile erit & consultum sententiae, ita pacis & qui­etis securitati, si id vestro statuatur con­silio quod communioni nostrae dissen­sionem non afferat. Truly we esteem that this should be referred to our holy brother the Priest of the Roman Church; For we pre­sume that thou wilt judge things that cannot displease him. For so it shall be useful for the sentence and for the safety of peace and rest, if that be established by your coun­sel, which shall bring no dissention to our communion. He speaks only as giving Counsel. Yet Theophilus Patriarch of Alexandria, and the Emperour Theodosius, did clean contrary to that Counsel. For no report was made of it to the Bishop of Rome, who was constrained to hold his peace, because he could not hinder it, as we shall see hereafter. Which example, with many more, serveth to give the lye to the Acts of Ephesus produced by the Cardinal, which swarm with lyes; as that the Church of Antioch was alwayes governed by the Roman: whereas the Roman Church never had any power over that of Antioch. The thred of the times which we follow will lead us to more examples. And that which the Cardinal adds of the appeal of Flavianus, and of Theodoretus, and the like allegations, shall be ex­amined in their order.

A little afterChap. 32. pag. 198. he alledgeth the 4. ch. of the 2. book of Evagrius, where it is said that the Bishop of Rome is called the head of the Churches. A place alledged according to the ordinary faith of the Cardinal, that is, falsly; for in that Chapter no such thing can be found.

Indeed in that Chapter the Deputies of Leo Bishop of Rome, attribute unto their Master more power then he had, saying that he had pardoned the Bishops of the second Council of Ephesus, who yet never asked him pardon. For the Popes will easily pardon those whom they cannot punish. But they call not Leo the Head of all the Churches. And though they should have called him so, it would [Page 295] have been of small force in the mouth of men that represented the Popes person. The highest title they give him, is to call him, [...]. The most holy Archbishop of Rome the Great. They declare also that Leo had deposed Dioscorus. Which hindred not the Council from judging whether he ought to have been deposed, and from examining his cause.

As for the Acts of the Council of Chalcedon, which the Cardinal brings in his Margent,P. 198. we shall see in the right place that the said Council hath judged the clean contrary; and that the places which he alledgeth in his text, are different from the Greek which he hath put in his Margent, as if he would have convinced himself of falshood. He makes the Council say, It appeareth thereby that all primacy and principal honour hath been alwayes deferred to the Bishop of Rome. These words all primacy, and this word alwayes, are of the Cardinals addition. There is according to the Greek, [...]. By the things done, and by the disposition of every one, we perceive that before all things the priviledges and the excellency of honour are kept according to the Canons unto the most beloved of God, the Archbishop of the antient Rome. Is there any thing in that place that comes near the Cardinals version?

Now they are Senatours that speak, not the Council: and the excellency of honour which they speak of, is a right of precedency, without any power of juris­diction. And that (say they) according to the Canons, not according to the Word of God; declaring that precedency to be of Ecclesiastical, not of Divine right. And in the sameTomo II. Concil. Latin. Edit. Colon. An. 1572. p. 212. Act. Conc. Chalced. Oportere autē & sanctissi­mum Archie­piscopum re­giae Constan­tinopolitanae urbis ejusdem primatus honoribus & ipsum dignum esse. Session in spite of the Legats of Leo, the Bishop of Constantino­ple is declared equal in all things to the Bishop of Rome, as we shall see hereafter. And to go no further, the same Senatours after the forealledged words add these, The most holy Archbishop of the Royal City of Constantinople must have also the dignity of the same honours of primacy. To examine all the falsifications of the Cardinal, there is need of a volume by it self.

II. The second point in which theBook 1. ch. 43. p. 332. Cardinal finds matter of triumph, is the testimonySozom. lib. 2. cap. 2. [...]. of Sozomenus, that because to Julius the care of all things belonged, by reason of the dignity of his See, he restored to every one his Church.

Here first of all it is needful to know what was the dignity of the See of Julius the Bishop of Rome at that time. His dignity was not to be Head of the Church of all the world by Divine right. For that he brought no text of the Word of God. About that there was no dispute at that time. But that which he pre­tended by vertue of the forementioned Canon was, that being Bishop of the first City of the Empire, a Council could not be assembled within the Roman Empire, nor any Laws made to oblige all the Churches of the Empire, without his consent.

We must know then that in the time of Julius there were four principal Bishops in the Roman Empire, which were since called Patriarchs. That of Rome, that of Alexandria, that of Antioch, and that of Jerusalem, (for that of Constantinople was added since) which sate according to the rank and dignity of their Towns in civil matters. All these Prelats, the three first especially, had that power to take care of all the Churches of the Roman Empire, and wheresoever any disorder did arise in any Church of the Empire, it was their duty to put their hand to it, and to endeavour to mend it. Thus Basilius in the 52. Epistle saith, that Athana­sius Bishop of Alexandria [...]. had care of all the Churches as of his own; and he calls him [...], the head and Soveraign of all. Which is the title that Sidonius Apollinaris in the first Epistle of the 6. book, giveth to Lupus Bishop of Troyes. Cum sis procul ambi­guo primus omnium toto qua patet orbe Pontificum. Thou art (saith he) without difficulty, the first Prelate of the whole world. The same Basilius in the 10. Epistle saith, that Meletius Patriarch of Antioch [...]. presided over the whole body of the Church. Gregory Nazianzen in his Oration upon Cyprian speaks thus of him, Cyprian [...]. presided not only over the Church of Carthage, nor over Africa only, but also well nigh over all the West, and even over the quarters of the East, from the South to the North.

And in the Oration of the praises of Athanasius. They committed unto him the presidency of the people of Alexandria, which is as much as saying, the government of the whole earth. And Theodoretus in the book of Heresies, in the Chapter that speaks of Nestorius Patriarch of Constantinople, [...]. They committed unto him the government of the Catholike Church of the Orthodox people of Constantinople, and together of the whole habitable earth. And John of Jerusalem writ so to Theophilus Patriarch of Alexandria. Thou like a man of God bearest the care of all the Churches, as Hierom relateth in his Epistle to Panmachius. Wherefore also these Patriarchs were taken for one only head, making but one head among them; as Balsamon saith,Theodorus Balsamon de Patriarcharū legib. apud Leunclavium. [...]. We acknowledge the five most holy Patriarchs to be one head of the holy body of the Church of God. And Gregory the first Bishop of Rome, in the 37. Epistle of the 6. book, speaking of the three Sees, of Rome, Alexandria and Antioch, saith thatCum ergo unius atque una sit sedes, cui ex autho­ritate divina tres Episcopi praesident. it is but one See upon which three Bishops are sitting. It is then to be observed, that all these Patriarchs attributed to themselves the care of all the Churches of the world, according to the stile then in use, and a long time after, to call the Roman Emperours, Emperours of all the world; and the Roman Empire, orbem Ro­manum, the Roman world; of which the examples are numberless.

According to that order taken among the Bishops of the Roman Empire,Theod. l. 5. c. 8 Vita Gregorii Na­zianzeni prae­fixa ejus operibus. Meletius Patriarch of Antioch confirmed the Bishoprick of Constantinople unto Gregory Nazianzen. And Peter Patriarch of Alexandria having done the same, shortly after went about to set Maximus in his place. And Cyrillus Patriarch of Alexandria condemned Nestorius; and Theophilus also Patriarch of Alexandria, went to Constantinople to judge of the carriage of Chrysostom. And Maximus Patriarch of Jerusalem, though he was the least of the Patriarchs, and subject to the Metropolitan of Caesarea, yet assembled a Council, where he restored Atha­nasius to his dignity, as we have seen. And the Bishops of the East, among whom some were Patriarchs, sent back Liberius to Rome with letters to re-instal him in the Bishoprick of Rome.

Now then it is easie to apprehend how and in what sense Sozomenus saith that to Julius, by reason of the dignity of his See, it belonged to take care of all things; And that the same might be said of all the other Patriarchs, over whom the Bishop of Rome had indeed a right of precedency, because of the dignity of the City, but had no jurisdiction over them.

As for that which Sozomenus addeth, that Julius restored to every one, that is to Athanasius, and Paul, and other Bishops their several Sees; It is true, that Athanasius and Paul returned into their Churches, with letters from Julius; but it is false that they were received by vertue of those letters, for they were received by the love of the Churches that expected them with an impatient zeal. But the Chapter next before this hath shewed that Athanasius could not subsist in Alex­andria; for a little after he came, he was forced to keep himself hidden for many years, and never was made Possessour of his Bishoprick, but by the express order of the Emperour Constantius. For these depositions or restitutions of Bishops made by other Bishops who had no power over them, were but meer declarations of that they judged fit to be done. Thus Maximus of Jerusalem deposed, and then restored Athanasius. And the Council of Sardica put Athanasius again in his Office; that is, the Council judged that he had been unjustly deposed, for Athanasius was not actually re-established by that Act. And John Patriarch of Antioch, and Cyrillus Patriarch of Alexandria deposed and degraded one another, in the time of the first Council of Ephesus, and kept their places nothing the less for that. The following history will afford many the like examples.

III. The third point which the Cardinal observeth in the history of Athanasius, is, thatTheodoret hist. l. 2. c. 4. [...]. Theodoret witnesseth that Julius following the Law of the Church, com­manded the Eusebians to come to Rome, and cited the divine Athanasius to judgement; and the Cardinal puts that in the beginning of the 43. Chapter of his first book, for the first example of appeals to the Pope; as though Athanasius had appealed to Julius as to his Judge and Superiour.

But in this Socrates and Sozomenus contradict Theodoret, for I have shewed in [Page 297] the precedent Chapter by testimonies of those two Authors, that Athanasius was not cited to Rome to appear before Julius, but that he took ship secretly in Egypt, and scaped into Italy from the persecution. Which is confirmed by Hierom in the Epitaph of Marcella: Athana­sius & Petrus persecutionem Arianae haere­seos declinan­tes; quasi ad tutissimum communionis suae portum confugerant. Vide & So­zomenum l. 6. c. 15. Petrus Epis­copus Alex­andrinus clam carcere elapsus, con­scensa navi, ad Episcopum Romanum, ut­pote ejusdem fidei fautorem, trajecit. Athanasius (saith he) and Peter flying from the per­secution of the Arian heresie, had their refuge to Rome, as to the safe harbour of their communion. We have seen indeed that the Eusebians voluntarily, and of their own accord deferred the knowledge of their business unto Julius; and that Julius abusing the power which was deferred unto him as an Arbitrator, would act as an absolute Judge, and commanded the Eusebians to appear before him; And that they being exasperated by that arrogant dealing, writ to him taunting and threatning letters. Since then the Eusebians declared unto him that they cared not for his summons, what need was there to make any Summons or signifi­cation to Athanasius residing at Rome to appear before Julius? for Julius knew that his adversaries would not appear. And whereas Athanasius in his second Apology describeth exactly all that he hath done, and all that happened unto him in this business; why doth he not make the least mention of his Appeal to Julius, nor of any Summons made to him to appear before Julius? But if it were so; that such a citation had been made to Athanasius, I would say that in that point Julius was gone beyond his limits, and had done that which none of his Predecessors ever took upon him to do.

We shall also see hereafter that the Appeals then made to the Bishop of Rome, or to some other Prelat, were but supplications, that by his mediation and request to the Emperors, a Council might be assembled, to revise the cause of him that ap­pealed from a condemnation.

In all the antient history not one example shall be found, that upon an Appeal made to the Bishop of Rome, he made the parties to appear before him, and gave judgement in the cause; but that upon the Appeal the Bishop laboured by petitioning the Emperors to obtain a Council to revise the affair of the complain­ing party. This will be seen in the example of Flavian, in its proper place.

CHAP. 3. Of the Council of Sardica.

VVE have seen in the first Chapter, by whom, how, and for what causes the CouncilThe Je­suite Peter Cotton in the second book of the mili­tant Church ch. 23. shew­eth his igno­rance, calling this the Council of Sardinia instead of Sardica. of Sardica was convocated: How in the very entry it was divided into two contrary Councils, and what matters were handled in both.

Whereupon a question ariseth, whether the Council being thus divided into two parts or rather parties, the party that remained at Sardica, must be ho­noured with the title of Universal Council? Cardinal du Perron Ch. 53. of the third Book. maintains that it was an universal Council, and about that spends five and thirty pages; thereunto moved, because in that Council Appeals to the Bishop of Rome are com­manded, and his dignity (as he takes it) is very much exalted in the same.

For my part, I hold that dispute to be not only useless, but also absurd and impertinent. For besides that it is indifferent to us, how that Council is called, the dispute in effect is about a thing, which our adversaries and we are agreed upon, the thing being so clear, that he must want common sense that finds any doubt in it.

Two things then I say. The one, that if by an Universal Council we must understand a Council assembled from the Churches of all the world, the Council of Sardica cannot be called Universal, since there was no Deputy from so many great Christian Churches, which were without the limits of the Roman Empire. But if by an Universal Council, we mean a Council gathered from the whole Roman Empire, in vain do our adversaries maintain that the Council of Sardica is Universal, to exempt it from the possibility of erring, seeing that God hath no [Page 298] where promised to the Councils that they cannot erre when they are assembled from the whole Roman Empire.

The second thing is, that to know whether a Council be Universal, we must consider first the convocation of it, and then the sitting of the same. For it is very possible that a Council assembled from the Universal Empire will break into pieces, and be divided into several dissenting conventicles: In which case it would be a senseless part to call every piece by the name of the whole, and to affirm that a party of Bishops keeping their meetings apart are an universal Council: It is then manifest that a Council, the calling whereof was Universal, may become particular in the sitting. It is manifest also, that to know whether a Council be Universal, we must look more to the sitting then to the calling of it; because when the Coun­cil is called, it is not yet a Council. Also that when an Emperor hath convocated a Council out of all the Churches of his Empire to keep them in concord, and to reunite the dissenting parties; If such a Council breaking into pieces becomes a match of discord instead of a bond of union, that Council having changed his nature, must also change his name.

It happened then, that the Emperors Constantius and Constans having made an Universal convocation of Bishops to meet at Sardica, the Bishops of the East would not confer with those of the West, for the causes mentioned before; and withdrew themselves to Philippolis in Thracia, where they held a Council by themselves. Now the convocation had been made by the Emperors to rally the East with the West; and therefore the convocation of that Council was called Universal, because the East and the West were convocated to it. That uniting of the East with the West being not made at Sardica; it were speaking against com­mon sense to call the Council of Sardica an Universal Council. Wherefore also Epiphanius in the heresie of the Photinians, which is the 71. calls it [...], an Occidental Synod: AndHilarius contra con­stantium. Damnas sub­stantiae nomen quo te Sardi­censi Synodo & Syrmiensi pium esse Occidentali­bus mentieba­ris. Hilary the like in his book against Constantius.

Hinckmarus in the book of the 55. Chapters, ch. 20. The Council of Sardica, in which above three hundred Bishops met from the Western parts; Yet they do not put it among the Ʋniversal Councils. Nothing is more vulgar in Antiquity, then to put the Council of Nice for the first Universal Council, the first of Constanti­nople for the second, the first of Ephesus for the third, and the Council of Chalce­don for the fourth; as it is to be seen in all the Editions of the Councils, and in the book of Photius of the Councils. These are those four Councils of which the Emperor Justinian in the 131. Novel, ch. 1. saithPraedi­ctarum qua­tuor Synodo­rum dogmata sicut sanctas Scripturas accipimus. that he receiveth them with obedience as the holy Scriptures. Pope Gregory the first saith the same.Epist. 24. l. 1. & l. 2. c. 10. They put not the Council of Sardica in the same rank, for they speak not at all of it, although it be far more antient then the three last of those four. M. du Perron himself, who in his book against his Majesty of great Brittain limits himself to the time of the four first Councils, by those four Councils understands the above named, among whom the Council of Sardica doth not make one.

Unless perhaps we must say with the Cardinal, that the Council of Nice and that of Sardica are but one Council: Which is a bold and prodigious conceit, seeing that there is two and twenty years between the Council of Nice and that of Sardica; for the Council of Nice was held in the year of the Lord 325. and the Council of Sardica in the year 347. That was a pretty long pause. Besides they were convocated by other Emperors, and in another place, and for divers causes: The one being assembled to decide the controversie of Arius; The other to judge of the crimes imposed to Athanasius, and of the ju­stice or injustice of his deposition. And if the faith established in the Council of Nice hath been confirmed at Sardica, it is so far from reason, that thence it should follow that it is the same Council, that on the contrary it followeth that it is another; For a Council is not assembled to confirm it self. And by the same reason the first Council of Constantinople, and the first of Ephesus, and that of Chalcedon, should be the same Council as that of Nice, because in them the Sym­bol of Nice hath been confirmed. The Council of Nice was composed of Bishops out of the whole Empire, but that of Sardica had none but of the West. [Page 299] Then all the Antients testifie that the Council of Nice made but twenty Canons. And M. du Perron himself brings witnesses for it. But if the Council of Sardica were the same as that of Nice, that of Nice should have 41. Canons. Even in the Tomes of the Councils, published by our adversaries, the Council of Sardica is not printed next to that of Nice, but many Councils are set between both. The same is found in Balsamon, Zonaras, and the Greek exemplaries of du Tillet. Had the Council of Sardica been held to be a part, or an appurtenance of Nice, it would have so raised the dignity of it, and made it so famous, that it would have been known and honoured all over the whole Universal Church, and it would have been impossible for the hereticks to have supprest the copies of them. Yet we shall see hereafter that in the year 419. the Bishops of Africa had never heard of the Canons of that Council, and knew not what it was. Among which Bishops were those two great men, Aurelius Bishop of Carthage, and Austin Bishop of Bona; so little was that Council of Sardica esteemed, and so little known.

In the Council of Chalcedon, in the cause of Bassianus and Stephanus, the Code of the Canons of the Universal Church was brought forth, in which the Canons of the Council of Sardica were not contained, as the Cardinal confesseth. Which Code he calls in contempt a Rapsody, and yet that Rapsody was in such esteem; that it was read in the Universal Councils. And that which the Cardinal saith is false, that in the Council of Chalcedon another copy of those Canons was pro­duced where the Councils were distinct. For there was but one copy produced, in which the Canons of the Councils are set down all along without distinction of the Councils. Only the Canons of the Councils are set in order, according to the time of the sitting of every Council. Thus in the fourth and sixth Action of the Council of Chalcedon, the 3, 4, 6, and 17. Canons of the Council of Antioch, are read under the simple quotation of the Canon 84, 85, 94, and 95. without any mention of the Council of Antioch. That which the Cardinal saith, that in the Council of Chalcedon in the fourth and fifteenth Action, the fourth and sixth Canons of Nice are alledged, may probably serve to shew that there were copies in the Council of Chalcedon of every Council by it self, but not that a Code of the Universal Church was produced where the Councils were distinct. And which is more. It shall not be found that such allegations were made, as the Cardinal saith. So there is falshood in this.

Pope Nicolas the first in his Epistle to Photius saith, that the Greek Church had not that Council. The same is averred by the Canon Quod dicitis in the sixteenth distinction. And Dionysius Parvus a Roman Abbot, contemporary to the Emperor Justinian, who made the version of the Greek Canons,Du Perron c. 53. p. 492. saith that he hath added to them the Canons of Sardica, having taken them out of the Latin exem­plaries; For they were not in the Code of the Canons of the Universal Church.

Many the like things shew that this Council was little esteemed among the Antients: so far it was from being put among the Universal Councils. And it is evident, that although the convocation of it was general, yet the sitting was particular.

But we need not to insist any more upon that, since M. du Perron joyns with this truth; saying in the 41. ch. At the least the convocation of it was Ʋniversal. Page 117. Which we grant, and so must all those Authors be understood whom the Cardinal brings forth, who give to this Council the title of Universal, unless we will say that they spake against common sense.

Now the cause why M. du Perron exalteth with all his power the authority of the Council of Sardica, is, that three Canons were made there, wherein Hosius President of the Council beseecheth the Assembly to consent, that hereafter the condemned Bishops who think themselves aggrieved, may address themselves to Julius Bishop of Rome, who will appoint other Judges to revise the business: And that if a Bishop be deposed, another may not be put in his place before the Bishop of Rome hath taken it into his consideration.

These are the Canons which Bonifacius and Celestinus presented to the sixth [Page 300] Council of Carthage, falsly affirming that they were the Canons of the Council of Nice; Which was acknowlegded for an imposture by the Council.

To know of what weight these Canons may be, we must consider, that they were made by the Occidental Bishops only, such as belonged to the Roman Patriarchat: And by consequent that this Law cannot oblige the Chur­ches of the whole Roman Empire, as in effect we have seen, and shall see that this ordet was unknown in Africa.

It is also to be considered that Julius had been deposed and reviled by the Bishops of the East, which were at the same time assembled at Philippolis: which made the Western Bishops to exalt Julius as much as they could to grieve the Eastern Bishops. It is very remakable also that this order is set down in words of the future, and that Hosius who makes the motion, desireth that it may be so hereafter, shewing thereby that it was not so before. But that which is most considerable, is, that this order is submitted to the will and pleasure of the Bishops of the Council, in these words, [...], if it seems good unto you, or if it be your pleasure; which is a manifest declaration that it was not so before, and that this order is not grounded upon the word of God, which must not be submitted unto the will of men, and hath no need to be authorized by Ecclesi­astical Canons. Wherefore also it had no force, and was not practised, as the history of the following times will justifie.

CHAP. 4. Of the Convocation of the Council of Sardica. How much the Cardinal is mistaken in it.

CArdinal du Perron in ch. 42. of his first book, will perswade us that the Council of Sardica was convocated by Julius Bishop of Rome. This is con­tradicted by the Antient writers. Socrates in book 2. ch. 16. A general Council is publisht to meet at Sardica by the ordinance of both the Emperors.

And Sozomenus in book 2. ch. 10. By the ordinance of the two Emperors it was decreed that the Bishops of both sides should meet at Sardica, a town of Illyricum or Slavonia, upon an appointed day. The Bishops themselves being assembled at Sar­dica, testifie the same in the Epistle which they write to all the Bishops of the Roman Empire, related by Theodoret in the second book of his history, ch. 7. The most religious Emperors, hy the assistance of Gods grace have convocated us from divers Provinces and Towns, and have assembled this most holy Synod in the town of Sardica. These (in my opinion) are credible witnesses.

Here M. du Perron to prove that Julius had convocated the Council of Sar­dica, alledgeth some places out of Athanasius, in which Julius is desired by Eu­sebius of Nicomedia to convocate a Synod. But herein the Cardinal commits an evident fraud; for the Council which Julius assembled at the request of the Eu­sebians, was not the Council of Sardica, of which the convocation was universal, but a Council of Bishops about Rome, which was no more then all Metropolitans could do in their Diocess. Of that petty Council assembled by Julius, we spake before in ch. 1. of this book 5.

CHAP. 5. Of the Presidency in the Council of Sardica.

IN that Council the order of sitting was such, according to the testimony of Athanasius Atha. Apol. 2. [...]. in the second Apology. Hosius Bishop of Cordova presided, and after him sate the Deputies of Julius the Roman Bishop, Archidamus and Philoxenus. Their subscriptions were thus set down.

Hosius ab Hispania,
Julius Romae, per Archidamum & Philoxenum
Presbyteros suos.

Hosius then in the quality of Bishop of Spain (for he takes no other quality) presideth in that Council, and sits above the Legats of the Bishop of Rome. That honour was deferred unto him in consideration of his age and his vertue. It cannot be said that he was Legat of Julius, and that he presided in that quality; for not only he takes not that quality, but also he is put in a place by it self, and set before Julius himself: for after that subscription, Hosius ab Hispania, it is added, Julius Romae per Archidamum & Philoxenum Presbyteros suos.

If Hosius had presided as a Legat of the Roman Prelate, Julius ought to have subscribed thus, Julius Romae, per Hosium Episcopum Hispaniae, & per Archi­damum & Philoxenum Presbyteros suos. They that affirm that Hosius was the Popes Legat in this Council, speak it without proof, and bring no antient Author for it.

CHAP. 6. Of Liberius Bishop of Rome, and of the Schisme after his death.

ABout the year of the Lord 352. Julius being dead, Liberius succeeded him in the Bishoprick of the City of Rome. That Liberius following the steps of his predecessour, would at the first use command and authority over Athanasius, and bear himself as judge of his businesses. But the Bishops of Aegypt being eighty in number, assembled in a Synod, defended their Patriarch. This stopt Liberius, and moved him to seek peace with Athanasius his old friend: So he writ to him let­ters full of respect and love, and sent to him his confession and sense about the faith. If (saith he) thou art of my opinion, I beseech thee before God the Judge, and before Jesus Christ, that thou subscribe to it, that we may be certified that thou art of the same opinion as we, and that thou holdest the same things concerning the true faith, [...] &c. that I may be assured without doubting of the things that thou willt command me. O how remote is that style from the pride of our time! And what Pope would undergoe the command of any other Bishop? or receive rules of his faith from him? Or give reason of his faith to him by expess letters?

Who so will see the lowness and the subjection of the Roman Bishop under the Emperor of Rome at that time, let him read ch. 16. of book 2. of the history of Theodoret, Sozom. l. 4. c. 10- where there is a Dialogue between Liberius and the Emperor Con­stantius, who speaking with Liberius as a Monarch to his subject, banisheth him, and appoints him 500 crowns to keep him in his exile. This Liberius after two years ex­ile in the end yielded to the persecution, and subscribed to the Confession of the Arians made at Syrmium (as Athanasius [...]. testifieth in his Epistle to the Solitaries: And Hierome in his Catalogue, where he speaks of Fortunatian; And Hilary in his fragments, and many more) For which cause the Emperour sent [Page 302] him back to Rome, to govern the Church with Felix, so that they might be fel­low-bishops of Rome. And these two did govern jointly, till Felix being dead, Liberius remained alone. Certainly, if the Bishop of Rome had been acknow­ledged at that time the Head of the Universal Church, the Universal Church would never have suffered two men to hold that place, and two Soveraign Prelates in one chair. We must not omit that which Ammianus Marcellinus observeth, that Constantius earnestly desired to draw Liberius Bishop of the eternal City (that is of Rome) to his party, placing the dignity of the Roman Bishops in the dignity of the City which was highly respected.

In the year of Christ 367. Liberius being dead, two competitors of the Bi­shoprick, Damasus and Ʋrsicinus came to handy blows, in so much that in a Church at Rome were found a hundred thirty and seven bodies of men slain in that sedi­tion, as Ammianus Marcellinus relateth, in ch. 2. of book 27. where that Pagan AuthorNeque ego abnuo hu­jus rei cupi­dos ad impe­trandum quod appe [...]nt omni contentione laterum jur­gari debere, quum id ade­pti futuri sint adeo securi ut ditentur oblationibus matronarum, procedamque vehiculis insi­dentes, cir­cumspecte vestiti, epulas curantes pro­fusas, adeo ut eorum con­vivia regales superent men­sas, &c. describes the vices of the Bishops of Rome, their greediness to catch the offerings of the Matrons, their sumptuous garments, their superfluous feasts, their ambition to attain to that degree. His words are notable; I deny not, considering the magnificence of the State of the City, that they that seek that honour [to be Bishops of Rome] have reason to strive with all their strength to obtain that end, seeing that when they have attained it they live secure, inriching themselves with the oblations of Matrons, and riding abroad in Coaches, magnificently clad, making la­vish feasts, so that their feasts go beyond the Royal tables. They might be happy, if without regarding the greatness of the City, which they use as a covering of vices, they would imitate the sobriety of some provincial Bishops.

CHAP. 7. Of the Fathers famous in that time, Hosius, Athanasius, Meletius, Gre­gory Nazianzen.

IN that time Hosius Bishop of Cordova and Athanasius were famous and of great credit. The first of these made the Nicen Creed; and the second, the Symbol that beareth his name, which for a long time have served for a mark, and a livery to discern the Orthodox from the hereticks. If a Bishop of Rome had done so much, our Adversaries would triumph about it, and say that the Pope hath given laws to the Universal Church, as being the Head of the whole body. Of this Athanasius, Basil speaks thus in the 52. Epistle. [...]. Thou hast the care of all the Churches as much as of thine own. And Gregory Nazianzen in the Oration upon Athanasius, They gave him in charge the government of Alexandria, which is as much as if one said the government of the whole world. And in the same place, [...]. Athanasius gives again laws to all the world.

In the same time also Meletius Bishop of Antioch, was famous in holiness, of whom Basil saith in the 50. Epistle, that [...]. he presided over the whole body of the Church. If any in our days gave those titles to some other then the Pope of Rome, he should go for an heretick or a madman: Thus among the works of Athanasius, there is an Epistle which Arsenius writes to him, where he saith,Pag. 610. Tom. 1. [...]. We embrace peace and union with the Ʋniversal Church, over which thou pre­sidest. For we have shewed that all the Patriarchs took care of all the Churches of the Roman Empire.

Then also Gregory Nazianzen was much esteemed, who was so far from ac­knowledging any Head of the Universal Church by Divine right, that he wisht that there had been no superiority at all in the Church, and that all Pastours had been equal.Greg. Naz. orat. de se ipso redeunte in agro, [...]. Would to God (saith he) that there were no precedency, nor any [Page 303] degree of prerogative of honour, nor any tyrannical primacy, that we might he dis­cerned by vertue only.

It is seen also in the works of Athanasius, that every time that he speaks of Li­berius Bishop of Rome, he calls him only Bishop of Rome, not Head of the Uni­versal Church.

CHAP. 8. Of Damasus Bishop of Rome, and of Basil Arch-bishop of Cesarea. Igno­rance of the Cardinal in the Greek tongue.

ABout the year 365. Arianism growing in the East by the countenance of the Emperour Valens; Basilius Bishop of Cesarea in Cappadocia, and the other orthodox Bishops of the East, called upon the help of the Bishops of the West, among whom that of Rome, Damasus was the most respected, and asked them counsel and ayd in their affliction. But Damasus would not stir for it; fearing (as it is likely) to offend the Emperour Valens. Eusebius Bishop of Samosate was of opinion that they should send Legats into the West to move the men of the West to succour their brethren: But Basil was of contrary opinion, saying in his tenth Epistle,Basil. Ep. 10. ad Euseb. Samosat. [...]. If the wrath of God remain upon us, [...]? What succor can we receive from the pride of the Western men? who neither know the truth, nor can abide to learn it, and being forestalled with false opinions, do now the things which they did before in the business of Marcellus; contending against them that announce the truth unto them, and strengthening heresie by themselves. Of those Western the most remarkable by reason of the dignity of the city was Damasus Bishop of Rome, of whom he complains that he had coun­tenanced the heresie of Marcellus; and that still both he and his associates did the same, and by their connivence advanced the heresie, and opposed the true doctrine.

M. du Perron translateth [...] the brow of the Occidental men, weaken­ing purposely that fine place by an obscure version. For althoug [...] signifie also an eye-brow, it is clear that in this place it signifieth pride and arrogance, as supercilium in Latin, signifieth pride. He translates also [...], to trust in their own advice: Which is very far from the Greek.

In the same Epistle Basil speaks of Damasus in these terms,Pag. 109. [...]. I would write to their head, but not of Ecclesiastical businesses, but to give them silently to under­stand that they know not the truth of our businesses, and will not receive the way to learn it. Note that he calls Damasus the Head of the Occidental men, as being Patri­arch in the West. But he doth not acknowledge him for his head, or the head of the Oriental or Meridional Churches. By saying their head, he sheweth mani­festly that he did not acknowledge him for his head.

The Cardinal alledgeth a testimony out of the 52. Epistle of the same Basilius: where he makes Basil to speak so; It seemed good to us to write to the Bishop of Rome,Ch. 15. p. 108. that he watch for the things of this side, and give his judgement; that since it is difficult to send men thither from a common and Synodical decree, he use his authority in the business, and make choice of persons capable of the labour of the journey. This place is translated with little fidelity, and is maliciously clipt; For he transla­teth [...] to give judgement; whereas it signifies only to give his advice. And as for the authority which he desireth Damasus to use, Basil declareth for what he will have him to use it, namely for sending men that be capable of the labour of the journey, and that may by their meekness and assiduity make remonstran­ces to them that he have themselves perversly. And yet he will have them to be sent secretly and without noise, that one may not think that he desire Damasus to send Legats with publike authority to pronounce judgments in his name. For he desireth only that he send men by whom he may make them know his advice, and that be able to make exhortations and remonstrances. For in that time they esteemed very [Page 310] much the exhortations of brethren, and the mutual union among Bishops. But the Cardinal hath clipt the last lines of this place, which shew how far the authority of Damasus extended.

Basil adds [...]. Let these persens have with them all the things that have been done at Rimini, that those things may be dissolved that were done there by constraint. He desires not Damasus that he abolish by his authority the acts of Rimini, but that the men whom Damasus shall send may have the Acts of Rimini, that the Oriental men being informed of the things that past there, may proceed to the disanul­ling of that Council.

All that can be drawn from that Epistle to exalt the dignity of Damasus, is but smal in comparison of that which is said in the same Epistle of Athanasius Pa­triarch of Alexandria; Thou takest care (saith he) of all the Churches as much as of thine own. Then he took care of Rome also. Again, we have recourse unto thy perfection, as to him that is head over all things. And he saith often that he receiveth his commandments, although Cesarea of which Basil was Bishop, was not under the Patriarchate of Alexandria. But in those daies Bishops would give titles of honour to one another, and were liberal in titles of respect, especially to the Patriarchs. Upon which custome who so will ground either the preheminence or the Empire of a Bishop over his colleagues (as Cardinal du Perron useth to do when he meets with letters wriitten to the Bishop of Rome with some ordi­nary complemental deferences) sheweth himself little skilled in the style of the Antients.

Chap. 25. p. 109.A little after the Cardinal brings another place of the 77. Epistle of Basil, which by an extream ignorance he saith to be written to the Occidental men. The title of the Epistle is [...], that is, to the Bishops that live by the sea-side, so he calls Islanders as the Cyprians, and those of Rhodus, and Chio, and other Isles of Archipelago, as Basil declareth in the same Epistle, calling them [...] insulares, living in Islands. And he calls upon their succour, [...]. because God hath joined the Islanders with the inhabitants of the Continent by charity, although it seem (saith he) that they are divided in habitation. But the Car­dinal having but small knowledge of the Greektongue, as he sheweth in his whole book, translateth [...] transmarinos: So he doth in the margent of the 233. page, and will have those transmarini to be the Bishops of the West, and Damasus Bishop of Rome one of them. And that, because in that Epistle there are some words hf submission, whereby Basil and his colleagues say that they are ready to undergo the judgement of those Islanders, and speak to them as if they were heads of the Church. These are Basils words according to the Cardinals translation; We are ready to undergo Judgement under you, so that they that calumniate us can abide to appear in person with us in the presence of your venera­tion. The greater the submission of these words is, the more contrary are they to the Cardinal, since that honour is deferred to others then the Bishop of Rome, namely to Islanders. Yet the Cardinal doth not translate it right, and hath not understood the Greek. It is so word by word [...]. Being ready to enter into lists under you, only if they that wrong us agree to appear face to face before your piety: [...] is to put off ones cloaths, as the wrestlers did when they would enter the lists; and [...] is not calumniating, but wronging with outrage; and [...] signifieth here piety, not veneration. Thus in page 126 of the same 25. chapter, he renders [...] reverencing, where as it signifies re­garding; With the like learning as in page 126. he turneth [...], discretion, whereas it signifies tryal or examination.

In the same Epistle there is another place which the Cardinal alledgeth for the Popes primacy,Ch. 33. pag. 233. in the 233. pag. where he makes Basil and his colleagues to speak thus to the Bishop of Rome, [...]. Whether you account your selves to be Head of the Ʋniversal Church, the head cannot say to the feet, You are not necessary to me, &c. But we have proved this to be altogether false, and that this is said, not to the Bi­shop of Rome, but to the Bishops of Islands. Wherefore he speaks to them in the plural, [...] and not [...]: Which the Cardinal would not perceive, and chose rather to run into a manifest falsification.

Of the same Basil we have an Epistle to the Bishops of Gaules and Italy, which is the seventy, where he puts the Bishops of Gaules before those of Italy: that is, the Bishop of Lyons before that of Rome, and calls them [...]. his bre­thren and fellows in holy service. There also he calls those Bishops in general [...], head, and exhorts them to succour the Bishops of the East, because the head cannot say to the members, I have no need of you. That only manner of writing to theEp. 74. Basil. [...]. Occidental Bishops in common, sheweth in what esteem the Bishop of Rome was, since he is written to in the crowd, without naming: should not that man be thought to be out of his senses that would in our dayes write to the Pope, yet not name him, but compre­hend him in the general title of a letter to all the Bishops of Italy?

CHAP. 9. Of Peter Bishop of Alexandria, and of his retreat to Rome, and of Gregory Nazianzen Patriarch of Constantinople.

IN the year of the Lord 372. Athanasius dyeth, and Peter succeedeth him in the Patriarchate of Alexandria. But being taken by the Officers of Va­lens, an Arian Emperor, and committed prisoner, he found a way to slip out, and scaped to Rome by sea, addressing himself to Damasus Bishop of Rome, Sozom. lib. 6. cap. 19. [...]. be­cause (saith Sozomenus,) he was of the same belief as himself. Hierom in the Epi­taph of Marcella saith the same.

Hieron. Epitaph. Marcell. Athanasius & postea Pe­trus persecu­tionem Aria­nae haereseos declinantes, quasi ad tu­tissimum com­munionis suae portum Ro­mam confuge­rant.Athanasius and Peter after him flying from the persecution of the Arian heresie, were retired to Rome as to a most fafe haven of their communion. It was not then by Appeal, or to appear before the Pope as before his judge that Peter came to Rome; as the Cardinal would make us believe. In Peters absence, oneRuffin. l. 2. c. 13. So­crat. l. 4. c. 3. In Graeco. 36. Lucius an Arian invaded the Bishoprick of Alexandria by violence, and cru­elly persecuted the flock.

While Peter was at Rome, Damasus used him kindly, but took no knowledge of his cause, and undertook not the defence of it, and cited not the contending parties, for that past his power: Only six years after, Valens having given leave to Peter to return to Alexandria, Damasus accompanied him with letters of re­commendation to his Church: And the people of Alexandria received Peter joy­fully, expelling Lucius the usurper from the See.

About the same timeVita Greg. Naz. praefixa ejus operib. Gregory Nazianzen was sent to Constantinople by the Bishops of Asia to govern that Church: He was installed in that place, by Peter of Alexandria, who soon after sent his Legats to remove him, and to put in his place one Maximus, a Cynick: but the Church of Constantinople did oppose it. All that was done without taking advice of Damasus Bishop of Rome; The Bishop of Alexandria in those days taking upon him the authority of making and unmaking Patriarchs.

CHAP. 10. Of the Convocating of the first Council of Constantinople, which is the second Universal Council. How the Cardinal hath falsified the Epistle of the Oriental Bishops to Damasus Bishop of Rome.

IN the year of the Lord 381. the Emperor Theodosius, to appease the troubles stirred by the Arians, and the Macedonians that denyed the God-head of the Holy-Ghost, called a General Synod to Constantinople. That convocation was made without the counsel and communication of Damasus, who then was Bishop of Rome; who also was not present at that Synod, and sent no Legats to it; so that all was done without him. Socrates in book 5. ch. 8. speaking of that Council of Constantinople saith, The Emperour without delay assembled a Council of Bishops that embraced his belief. And Sozomenus in book 7. chap. 7. The Emperour Theodosius presently assembled a Council of Bishops consenting with him.

Here I cannot but lay open the Cardinals foul dealing in ch. 42. of book 1. He would perswade us that this Council was called by Damasus Bishop of Rome: To that end he alledgeth a testimony of Theodoret, book 5. ch. 9. where the Bishops assembled at Constantinople write to Damasus, Ambrose, Brito, and other Bishops of the West, and say to them, [...]. While you celebrated (by the will of God) the Synod of Rome, you have convocated us by a brotherly charity as your own limbs, by the letters of the most religious Emperor. There he commits four notable faults. First in that he brings this Epistle as written by the Universal Council sitting at Constantinople: For it was written by another Assembly of Bishops sitting in the same place the year following. Se­condly in that he would have us to believe, upon that testimony, that the Bishops assembled at Constantinople were convocated by Damasus. For the Council of which that Epistle speaks, is the Council of Rome, to which Damasus had invited the said Bishops, but they would not come, as we shall see in the next chapter. Thirdly, that he corrupteth that place by a false interpretation, translating [...] to convocate, whereas it signifies to call, and invite, and desire to come. For these Bishops mean that Damasus had invited them, and desired them to come to the Synod of Rome: not that he had convocated them to Constantinople. Fourthly, he intends to prove by that text, that the Emperor Theodosius had called that Council, being moved to it by the letters of Damasus: ButA nota­ble igno­rance of the Cardinal, mistaking one Emperor for another. he is deceived thinking that the Emperor here mentioned is he that assembled the Council of Con­stantinople, which was Theodosius; But the Emperor of whom these Bishops speak, is Gratian, who at the request of Damasus had written Letters of exhortation to these Bishops assembed at Constantinople, to desire them to transport themselves to Rome, where Damasus kept a particular Synod: For Damasus hoped to obtain that of them easily. That is the sense of these words, You have invited us by the letters of the most religious Emperour. But who so will by that Emperor understand Theodosius, shall find that these words have no sense.

CHAP. 11. Of the invitation and request of Damasus Bishop of Rome, whereby he desired the Bishops assembled in Council at Constantinople to transport themselves to Rome, and come to the Council which Damasus held there; and of the small authority which the Council of Rome had in comparison of that of Constantinople. The Cardinals faults.

THere is nothing in all Antiquity that makes the state of the Antient Church better known, and what was the power of the Bishop of Rome, then the sitting of the first Council of Constantinople. For that Council is one of the four first Universal Councils, which is not inferiour to any Council in authority. Yet so far it is that it was convocated by Damasus Bishop of Rome, or that he did pre­side in it, that he was not so much as present there, and sent no Legats to it, nor any that represented his person. And both he and his colleagues assembled at Rome in Council, of whom Ambrose Bishop of Milan was one, writ to the Bishops assembled again in Council at Constantinople, beseeching them to transport them­selves to Rome, and to joyn the two Councils in one: which the said Bishops re­fused to do, saying that they were not sent by their Provinces but to Constantino­ple; and writ letters of excuses to Damasus, Ambrose, Brito, and others assembled at Rome, representing the reasons, why they could not go to Rome, nor hold the Council anywhere but at Constantinople.

In the Oecumenical Council of Constantinople, Meletius Patriarch of Antioch presided. That History is exactly described by Theodoret in the fifth book of his History, c. 8. and 9. &c. Many things in it are worth observing. For here is an Universal Council, acknowledged for such by the Roman Church, and by all that have written of Councils, which hath not only been convocated without the con­sent of the Bishop of Rome, but was also kept without him, and to which he never delegated any person. An evident proof that an Universal Council may be assembled without the Pope, yea against his advice.

That which is most considerable, is, that after that Universal Council, the same Bishops being assembled again in Council, at the same time a Council sate at Rome, where Damasus Bishop of Rome presided, and where the Bishops of the West were assembled. Is there any of our adversaries that will not presume that a Council where the Pope was present and president, is of greater authority then a Council assembled without, yea against, the Popes advice? and where the Pope had no Legat? and where a Bishop of Antioch presided? Yet here is the clean contrary: For that Roman Council is of no esteem, in comparison of that of Con­stantinople. Hardly do we know what past in it, and the name only remaineth. Yea our adversaries themselves put it among the particular Councils. But this Council of Constantinople is the second Universal Council, which hath made Canons that have set rules unto the following ages, and were read at the entry of Coun­cils. The cause of that difference of esteem, is, that the Council of Constanti­nople was called by the Emperour, but that of Rome by the Roman Bishop.

Here I cannot wonder enough at the Cardinals want of conscience, when he saith in the 34. ch. of the 1. book, that the Council of Constantinople is called Oecumenical or Universal, only by adjunction to the Roman Council. If that were so, the Roman Council should rather be called Oecumenical; and the second Universal Council ought, by that reason, be rather called the Council of Rome then of Constantinople. And how can these two Councils be taken for one, and the one be taken for a dependance of the other, seeing that the one was kept against the advice of the other, and hath not imparted its resolutions to the other? In­deed the Cardinal is the first that ever bethought himself of such an untrue and unreasonable imagination. He could not bring one Author that ever put that [Page 308] Council of Rome among the Universals. But how could the Universal Council of Constantinople, and that of Rome where Damasus presided, be taken for the same Council, seeing that not only they sate in several places, but also in several times; that of Rome being posteriour by a year to that of Constantinople? which difference of time the Cardinal not observing, he mistook the second convocation of Bishops made at Constantinople for the first: For it was the second convocation that writ to Damasus.

Observe also that the Bishops of the East did not think themselves bound to obey Damasus, and would not come to the Council to which he invited them.

Observe also that in the Epistle which they writ to the Roman Council, they call the Church of Jerusalem the Mother of all the Churches; a title which the Roman Church attributes to her self in these dayes. So speaks the Emperour Justinus Concil Tom. 11. in an Epistle to Hormisdas Bishop of Rome, where he calls the Church of Jerusalem matrem Christiani nominis, the Mother of the Christian name, that is, of the Chri­stian Religion or Profession.

CHAP. 12. Remarkable passages in the Council of Constantinople.

IN that Council many things past which grieve our adversaries. Nectarius was created Bishop of Constantinople, without any communication about it with the Bishop of Rome, and without expecting his approbation: Of which the Bishop of Rome did not complain; For he pretended no right in that election. There also that Canon was made [...]. Let the Bishop of Constantinople have his prerogatives after the Bishop of Rome, because it is the new Rome. This Canon displeaseth our adversaries two wayes; The one, becauseBaron. An. 325. §. 128. the order of the Patriarchs is altered, without the consent of Damasus Bishop of Rome; For before that Council, the Patriarch of Alexandria was the second, and that of Antioch the third. The other because the dignity of the Bishop of Rome in this Canon is founded upon the dignity of the City of Rome, not upon the Word of God; as in effect the order of places among the Prelates of the Empire, was according to the civil Order which was among the Cities: For which cause the Bishop of Jerusalem, the City in which Christ dyed, and where the Apostles resided, and where Christianity begun, was subject to the Bishop of Cesarea, because Cesarea was the Metropolis of Palestina.

Our adversaries dissemble not that this Council displeaseth them. The Jesuite Cotton in the Preface of his Catholike institution speaks thus of it; Greece begins about the year 380. to make approaches of rebellion against the Holy See, and to tra­verse the authority of the Bishop of Rome, giving him the Bishop of Constantinople for second. The Jesuite Costerus in his Manual, in the Chapter de Summo Pontifice, saith thatHi nam­que in Con­stantinopoli­tana generali Synodo, insciis Lega­tis Damasi Papae, secundū sibi locum usurparunt in sedibus Pa­triarchalibus contra omne fas. the Bishops of Constantinople, in the second Ʋniversal Council of Constantinople, without the knowledge of the Legats of Pope Damasus, did usurp the second place among the Patriarchal Sees, against all reason; Which is a great igno­rance in that Jesuite; For Damasus had no Legats in that Council.

Bellarmin in his Preface upon the books de Pontifice, speaks thus of that Council;Primi qui serio Primatum Romani Pontificis impugnarunt, videntur fuisse Graeci; ipsi enim jam inde ab Anno Domini 381. Episcopum Constantinopolitanum, qui antea ne Patriarcha quidem erat, tribus Patriarchis Orientis anteponere, & secundum à Romano Pontifice facere voluerunt. The first that opposed the primacy of the Roman Pope in good earnest, seem to have been the Grecians. For already in the year 381. they would prefer the Bishop of Constantinople, who before was not so much as a Patriarch, before the three Pa­triarchs of the East, and make him second after the Roman Prelat. But it is certain, that in that the Council did not oppose the Bishop of Rome: For Damasus, who [Page 309] then was Bishop of Rome, did not oppose himself to that constitution, and ap­proved it by his silence. And the following Councils confirmed that Canon, in which the Bishop of Constantinople is put in the second place, even the Councils of Chalcedon and Trull. The Popes themselves have approved it in the end, as Pope Innocent the third in the Council of Latran, ch. 5.

Also the Reader is desired to take notice, that M. du Perron having made many Chapters about the order of sitting in every Universal Council, especially the 35, and 36. Chapters, and the following, hath skipt over this Council, and speaks not one word of the order of the places, and of the presidency in this Council, because the Bishop of Rome had no part, neither in the convocation, nor in the sitting; and that things were done there (as our adversaries hold) with much contempt of his See. He could find no way to disguise the truth, which appears here very plain.

CHAP. 13. Of Hierom, And of the title of Pontifex left by the Emperor Gratian.

IN the same time a Priest called Hierom flourished, whose works we have; A man that went beyond all the Fathers for Latin eloquence, and for learning in Greek and Hebrew. Having been a houshold servant of Damasus, he was a good friend to the See of Rome. Nevertheless in that point, as in many others, he is very unequal; for sometimes he exalteth the Roman See, sometimes he vili­fieth it, according as his choler prompts him, and according as he is used by the Roman Clergy, with whom he did not very well agree. Being a Priest, he was offended, that at Rome they esteemed Deacons more then Priests. Upon that, in the Epistle to Evagrius, he opposeth the consent of all the other Churches to the authority of the Church of Rome, saying thatOrbis mae­jor est urbe. Ʋbicunque fuerit Episco­pus, sive Romae, sive Eugubii, sive Constantino­poli, sive Rhegii, sive Alexandriae, sive Tanis, ejusdem me­riti, ejusdem est sacerdotii. Potentia di­vitiarum & paupertatis humilitas vel sublimiorem vel inferio­rem Episcopū non facit. Caeterum om­nes Apostolorū successores sunt. the world is greater then a town. Wheresoever a Bishop be, whether at Rome or at Agobio; at Constantinople, or at Rhegio; at Alexandria, or at Tanis, they are of the same merit, and have but one Priesthood. The power of wealth and the low estate of poverty, make not a Bishop higher or lower. After all, they are all successors of the Apostles. And rejecting the custom of the Roman Church; Why (saith he) dost thou bring me the custom of one town? Why dost thou defend, against the laws of the Church, the lesser number from which pride is sprung? All that Hierom writ purposely to equal all the other Bishops with the Bishop of Rome, because the authority of the Church of Rome was used to prefer the Deacons before the Priests.

The same Hierom in his Preface upon the book of Didymus, of the Holy Ghost, speaks thus of Rome, and of the Roman Clergy, which had spoken ill of his labour;Cum in Babylone versarer, & purpuratae meretricis essem colonus, & jure Quiritium viverem, volui garrire aliquid de Spiritu Sancto, & coeptum opus ejusdem urbis Pontifici dedicare. Et ecce olla illa quae in Jeremia post baculum cernitur, à facie Aquilonis coepit ardere, & Pharisaeorum conclamavit Senatus. When I lived in Babylon, and was inhabitant of the harlot clad in purple, and lived according to the Laws of the Citizens of Rome, I would prattle somewhat about the Holy Ghost, and dedicate my work begun to the Bishop of that town. But behold that pot which in Jeremiah is seen after the staffe, on the North side begins to boyl, and the Senat of the Pharisees begins to cry out.

How often doth Hierom, to make Christians dislike living at Rome, call it Baby­lon, and the harlot mentioned in the Revelation? In the Epistle to Marcella, under the name of Paula and Eustochium, he speaks thusEt hic puto locus sanctior est Tarpeia rupe, quae de coelo saepius fulminata, ostendit quod Domino displiceret. Lege Apocalypsin Johannis, & quid de muliere pur­purata & scripta in ejus fronte blasphemia, septem montibus, aquis multis, & Babylonis canitur exitu. Exite, inquit Do­minus, ex illa, &c. I think that this place [of Bethlehem] is holier then the Tarpeian rock (meaning the Roman Capitol) which having been often fulminated from heaven, sheweth that it is displeasing unto God. [Page 310] Read St. Johns Revelation, and see what is foretold of the harlot clad in purple, and of the blasphemy written in her forehead, and of the seven hills, and of many waters, and of the destruction of Babylon. Go out from her my people, be not partaker of her sins, lest that you receive of her plagues. She is fallen, she is fallen, Babylon, &c.

Thus spake Hierom before his anger was over. But being retired from Rome into Syria, and having disgested his choler, another subject of anger was offered to him in Syria. For he fell out with the Clergy of Syria about the word hypostasis: And seeing himself baffled and contradicted in the East, he had his refuge to the West, and began to exalt the See of Damasus, and of the Roman Church. He writ then letters unto Damasus, where he saith that he hath his recourse unto St. Peters chair, as being joyned with the same in communion. That he that gather­eth not with Damasus, scattereth abroad. That the Sun did rise in the West; but that in the East Lucifer had his throne over the stars. But with all these fair words he attributes no power to Damasus over the Universal Church. For all that may be said of every faithful Bishop, that communion must be had with him; that out of his communion one cannot be saved; and that who so gathereth not with him, scattereth away. And the Bishops of Alexandria and Antioch, boasted also that they had St. Peters chair. Note that in the same place Hierom saith, Nullum primum nisi Christum sequens, that he followed and acknowledged none first but Christ. A place which in some copies is wickedly corrupted; for instead of primum, they have put praemium.

It is notable also that by that Babylon, the ruine whereof is foretold in the Revelation, he understands alwayes the City of Rome; As towards the end of the second book against Jovinian, he speaks thus to the City of Rome, M [...]ledi­ctionem quam tibi Salvator in Apocalypsi comminatus est, [...]ffugere potes poeni­tentia. Thou mayst escape by repentance the curse which the Saviour threateneth thee with in the Reve­lation. And in the 11. Quest. to Algazia; Secundū Apocalypsin Joh [...]nnis in fronte purpu­ratae meretricis scriptum est nomen blas­phemiae, id est, Româ aeterna. According to Johns Revelation in the forehead of the Harlot clad in purple, there is a name of blasphemy written, which is the eternal Rome.

The same Father in many places affirmethEp. ad Pammach. adv. errores Johannis Je­rosoly­mitani. Nihil interest inter Presby­terum & Episcopum; eadem digni­tas mittentis & missi. that the charge of Priest, and that of a Bishop, are the same Office, as for the Divine institution: But that since, to avoyd Schisms and dissensions, they thought fit to choose one that had prehemi­nence over the other Priests, to whom they gave the name of Bishop: As in the Epistle to Oceanus; Et Ep. ad Occanum. Apud veteres iidem Episco­pi & Presby­teri fuerant, quia illud no­men dignitatis est, hoc aetatis. Among the Antients, Bishops and Priests were all one; for the one is a name of dignity, the other a name of age. He saith the same in the Epistle to Pammachius; There is no difference between the Priest and the Bishop; He that sends and he that is sent, have the same dignity.

It is also ordinary with Hierom to call all Bishops Popes. In the Epistle to Ruf­finus, he calls Chromatius Bishop of Aquilea Pope. In the Epistle to Pammachius, he calls John of Jerusalem Papam beatissimum. And Epiphanius Bishop of Con­stance in Cyprus, he calls also Pope. One of his Epistles to Austin Bishop of Bona, ends thus, Memento mei sancte & venerabilis Papa; Holy and venerable Pope, re­member me.

The same Doctor commends the poverty and simplicity of antient Bishops, and tacitely compareth it with the luxury of the Bishops of his time: As in the Epistle to Demetrius he giveth these titles to Anastasius a Bishop of Rome dead long be­fore, Vir ditissimae paupertatis, & Apostolicae sollicitudinis; A man of a most rich poverty, and of an Apostolical carefulness.

It is to be noted also, that this Father never gives to the Roman Prelats any higher title then that of Bishops of the City of Rome, and never calls them heads of the Universal Church; As in his Catalogue, Cornelius Romanae urbis Episcopus. And in the same place, Gaius sub Zepherino Romanae urbis Episcopo; And in the same Catalogue, speaking of Fortunatianus, In hoc ha­betur detesta­bilis, quod Li­beriū Romanae urbis Episco­pum, pro fide ad exilium pergentem, primus solli­citavit & fregit, & ad subscriptio­nem haereseos compulit. In Fortunatianus this is detestable, that he is the first that sollicited and overthrew Liberius Bishop of the City of Rome, going into exile for the faith, and perswaded him to subscribe to heresie. For Hierom did not believe that the Bishop of Rome could not erre in the faith. Now that lan­guage is altered; for now to call the Pope the Bishop of Rome only, without adding another quality, is as if one called the King of France, Lord of Paris only.

This Father hath that defect, which is none of the least, that often he will speak ill of the Apostle St. Paul, and speaks of marriage with reproach and great contempt, as we shall shew hereafter in the 7. book, in the controversie of the invocation of Saints.

In the year of our Lord 386.Accord­ing to the Chronicle of Marcellinus in the year 383. Gratian, a meek and religious Emperor, was slain by the men of Maximus the Tyrant. This Gratian is the first of the Chri­stian Emperors that refused to be called Pontifex Maximus, holding that title which his Predecessors (though Christians) had born, to be unsuitable with a Christian Prince, as derived from the Pagans, and relishing of Paganism. Yet soon after, the Bishops of Rome suffered themselves to be called so, and took up that which an Emperor had rejected.

CHAP. 14. Of the abolition of the Penitentiary Priest by Nectarius.

IN that time there was in every town a Penitentiary Priest, to whom sinners con­fessed their sins in secret: And that Priest judged whether the sin was of such a nature as to require a publike pennance. But at Constantinople a Lady having confest to the Penitentiary Priest her cohabitation with a Deacon in the Church; and that sin being laid open by the Penitentiary, the scandal was so great, that Nectarius Patriarch of Constantinople, to avoid the like scandals, abolished that Pe­netentiary Priest over all the East, and would have every one, without that obli­gation of secret confession, to present himself to be partaker of the holy mysteries: Not to the total abolishing of publick pennances, but only of the Penitentiary Priests, and of the secret Confession to any but the Bishop, that he might judge whether the case deserved publike pennance. That alteration was made without the advice of the Bishop of Rome, and without any regard to the custom of the Ro­man Church, which was contrary. It would be taken for a rebellion against the Pope, if the Archbishop of Lyons or Bourges would expell auricular confession out of their Dioceses without the Popes permission. That history is to be seen in Socrates, in the 5. book. ch. 19. and in Sozomenus, book. 7. ch. 16.

CHAP. 15. Of Epiphanius Bishop of Cyprus, and of John Chrysostom.

IN the same time lived holy Epiphanius Bishop of Cyprus, who often calls Peter the Prince of the Apostles; but as for the perpetual succession of the ragin of David and of Christ, promised in the Old Testament, he holds that it remained with the Bishops of Jerusalem successors of James brother of Christ, not to the Bishop of Rome. That is found in the [...], &c. Heresie of the Nazarens, which is the twenty ninth Heresie in Epiphanius; And in that of the Antidicomarianites, be­ing the seventy eighth Heresie. [...]. James (saith he) hath received the first of all the Episcopal chair, as he to whom first the Lord committed his throne upon earth. It is that Epiphanius, who passing through a borough of Palestina named Anablata, and having seen in a Church a vail hanging where the Image of Christ was, or of some Saint, tore it in a zealous anger, saying that it was against the authority of the Scriptures, and advised that they should rather make of it a winding sheet for a corpse, or some poor man.Cum vidissem in Ecclesia Christi contra authoritatem Scriptura­rum hominis pendere imaginem, scidi illud, & magis dedi consilium custodibus ejus loci ut pauperem mortuū eo obvolverent. The Epistle of Epiphanius that makes this relation, is translated by Hierom, and inserted among his Epistles.

In the year of the Lord 395.Socrat. l. 6. c. 5. Nectarius died, to whom John Chrysostom suc­ceeded, establisht in that Office by Theophilus Patriarch of Alexandria, not by the Bishop of Rome, to whom it rather belonged to create the first Patriarch of the East, if it had been the belief of that time that the Bishop of Rome was head of the Universal Church. At least his consent should have been expected; but it was not; For it was not the custom.

CHAP. 16. Of Ambrose Bishop of Milan; and that in his time the Church of Milan was not subject unto the Church of Rome. The Cardinals foul dealing in al­ledging the Fathers.

IN the year of Christ 397. died Ambrose Bishop of Milan, a man of holy life, and of great authority; who being Prefect of the City of Milan, and the Emperors Lieutenant in Lombardy, was by the zeal of the people, and the Emperors appro­bation, made a Bishop, though he was then but a Catechumen, and not baptized. This was done without the advice and consent of the Roman Bishop, and Ambrose took no Letters of investiture from him, for it was not the custom.

It was he that excommunicated the Emperor Theodosius for the Massacre of the people of Thessalonica, committed by his guards by his permission. And he kept him eight whole months out of the communion of the Church, not so much as suffering him to enter into the Temple, till he had submitted himself to do publick pennance, as Theodoret relateth at large in book 5. of his History, 18. ch.Or 16. This was done by Ambrose without either the advice or leave of Syricius Bishop of Rome his neigh­bour, and without imparting the business unto him. Neither did Syricius com­plain of it, for he pretended no superiority over Ambrose. Such an action in our days would be accounted a rash deed, and rebellion, and treason against the Papal Sea. For it is now one of the Maxims of State, and a fundamental Law set down by the Jesuite Emanuel Sa, In voce Excommu­nicatio, Reges à solo Papa excommuni­cantur & censuris li­gantur. Kings cannot be excommunicated and bound with censures but by the Pope alone. It is evident by many other proofs, that then the Church of Milan was not subject unto that of Rome; for we learn by Austin, Mater mea Medio­lanum me consecuta, in­venit Ecclesi­am Sabbato non jejunan­tem, &c. Et Paulo post, Cum Romam venio, jejuno Sabbato; cum hic sum, non jejuno. Epist, 118. to Januarius, that the Church of Rome fasted upon Saturday, but that of Milan did not fast upon that day. Of which the Bishop of Rome did not complain, and did not labour to bring the Church of Milan to the same observa­tion as that of the Roman Church. And Austin in the fore-alledged Epistle saith, that he indifferently observed both customs, according to the place where he hapned to be.

Ambrose in the 1. ch. of the 3. book of the Sacraments (if these books be his) ob­serveth another difference in the washing of feet, which was practised at Milan, not at Rome. These are the words of Ambrose. Non igno­ramus quod Ecclesia Ro­mana hanc consuetudi­nem non ha­beat, cujus ty­pum in omni­bus sequimur & formam. Hanc tamen consuetudinem non habet ut pedes lavet. Vide ergo ne propter multitudinem de­clinaverit. We are not ignorant that the Roman Church hath not that custom of which we follow the example and the form in all things: yet she hath not that custom of washing the feet. See then whether she hath not declined because of the great multitude. And a little after.In omnibus cupio sequi Ecclesiam Romanam. Sed tamen & nos homines habemus sensum: Ideo quod ibi melius servatur, & nos recte custodimus. I desire to follow the Roman Church in all things. Yet we also are men that have sense. Where­fore we do well to keep that which is better practised in other places. And a little after, opposing to the Roman Church St. Peters authority, he saith, What doth the Roman Church answer to that? The Reader may observe that Ambrose held not himself to be of the Roman Church. He saith also that he desires to follow the Roman Church in all things; but he saith not that he was bound to it; and that he saith, there is sense and reason in departing from the Roman Church, when that which is [Page 313] practised in other Churches appeareth to be better. This place is like that of Hie­rome in the Epistle to Evagrius, where he condemneth the custom of the Roman Church, which preferred Deacons before Priests, and saith that he preferred the custom of all the world before the custom of the City of Rome, which had brought pride into the Laws of the Church.

In one thing chiefly it is evident that the Church of Milan was not then subject to the Church of Rome; that they had another Liturgy at Milan then at Rome For the Church of Milan hath for many ages retained the Ambrosian service which was different from the Roman.

Durandus Bishop of Mende in the 5. book of his Rational, ch. 2. relates that, before Pope Adrian (who was made Pope in the year of Christ 771) the Ambrosi­an service was in far greater credit, and more used then the Gregorian Office or Roman Mass: But that Adrian assembled a Council, in which he commanded that the Roman Office should be establisht everywhere, and the Ambrosian abo­lisht. For which Charlemagne helped him with strong hand, constraining the Clergy in Italy and France by several punishments to follow the form of the Ro­man service, and to burn the Ambrosian Office. President Fauchet in the 7th book of the French Antiquities, saith, that the year of that change was the year 798.

Durandus addeth that the same Council being assembled the second time, the same business was propounded again; and it was concluded that both the Ambro­sian and the Gregorian Missal should be put upon St. Peters Altar, sealed with the seals of many Bishops, and that the Temple doors should be shut; and that solemn Prayers should be made that God would make them know which of these two Of­fices pleased him best, to be observed in the Church. And that this being done accordingly, the next day they found the Ambrosian Missal open, and in the same place where they had laid it; but the Gregorian torn and scattered all about the Church. Out of this the Pope and his Bishops might have apparently gathered that the Gregorian service ought to be quasht and cast away, but the Ambrosian kept. Yet they turned that to a contrary sense, saying that this signified that the Gregorian Office must be spread and publisht all about. For also (saith Duran­dus) Ambrose had instituted many things according to the custom of the Grecians. So Ambrose lost his cause four hundred years after his death. And this was done against the counsel of Gregory himself, the Author of that Roman Office, who was Bi­shop of Rome in the year 596. For amongThese in­terrogations are found to­wards the end of Gre­gories works; Cur cum una sit fides, sunt Ecclesiarum consuetudin [...]s tam diversae? & altera con­suetudo Mis­sarum in Ro­mana Eccle­sia, altera in Gallia tene­tur? Resp. Mihi placet ut sive in Roma­na, sive in Gallicano­rum, sive in qualibet Ecclesia ali­quid inveni­sti quod plus Omnipotenti Deo placere possit, sollicitè eligas. the interrogations of Austine the Monk to him, this is the third; Why is the custom of Masses another in the Roman Church, and another in Gauls? To which Gregory answereth, I like it well that thou seek carefully that which thou shalt find most like to please Almighty God, whether it be in the Roman or in the Gallican Church. He doth not bind him to follow the Roman Office. That which most displeased the Pope in the Ambrosian Office, was this Prayer that was pronounced upon the Bread of the Lords Supper, Which Prayer is to be seen in Ambrose's 4. book of the Sacraments, ch. 5.Fac nobis hanc oblationem ascriptam rationabilem, acceptabilem, quod est Figura corporis & sanguinis Domini nostri Jesu Christi. Grant that this offering may be accounted unto us, reasonable and acceptable, which is the Figure of the body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ. For although the Dispute was not yet moved about Transubstantiation, yet Satan began in the eight age to lick that bear, and secretly was contriving that piece of the mystery of iniquity. Where­fore he laboured to abolish the Ambrosian Office in which that word Figure crost his design. Besides it grieved the Pope to see that the credit and authority of Ambrose should so prevail over the authority of the Roman Church.

Thus the Popes winding themselves into the favour of Kings, made use of them to enlarge their limits and establish their authority. Of which we have the like example in Spain, hapned in the time of King Alphonsus, and Pope Gregory the VII, and his successor Ʋrban, who was made Pope in the year 1088. For then they had in Spain the antient Liturgy called the Mozarabick Office, or the Toledo Office, differing from the Roman Service. But Gregory the VII. having obtained [Page 314] of the King that the antient Service should be abolisht in his Dominions, and the Roman Service established; The execution was found very difficult, by reason of the murmurings and the resistance of the States of the Land. In the end they agreed to decide the difference by a Duel between two Knights. The King chose a Knight that should fight for the Roman Office, and the States of the Land another to fight for the Mozarabick. It happened that the Roman Champion was un­horsed and beaten down, to the Kings great discontent: Who yet required that another trial should be made; That both the Offices should be cast into a great fire, and that the Office which should not burn should overcome. Upon that all parties betook themselves to their prayers, and the trial being made, the Roman Office was consumed, but the Mozarabick remained whole. Notwithstanding all this, the King being engaged with promise unto the Pope, would have his will; And upon pain of loss, not only of goods, but of life also, it was commanded that the Roman Service, which otherwise was called Gallican, should be established in Spain. This History is related by Roderick Archbishop of Toledo in the 6. book, 25 and 26. ch.

To return to the Church of Milan; They would not obey the Emperor Charle­magne, and despising Pope Adrian and his Council, retained the Office of their antient Bishop Ambrose, and kept it long after. Paulus Aemilius in the life of Philip the I. praiseth Pope Steven Quod Ecclesiam Mediolanen­sem ad offici­um revocasset ducentessimo anno ex quo à Romana de­fecisset. for bringing to the obedience of the Roman Church the Church of Milan, which for two hundred years together had stood out disobedient. Platina saith the same in the life of Steven the IX. who with Baronius is the X.

In the year of the Lord 1058. Guy Archbishop of Milan assembled a Council at Fontanet neer Navarre in Lombardy, where he condemned the Celibat of the Ro­man Church. For in that time the Clarks of Milan and Lombardy were married, asMediola­nensis Ecclesia jampridem Romanae Ec­clesiae autho­ritate relictà, praeceptis ejus haud quaquā obtemperabat. Sigonius affirmeth in the beginning of the 9. book of the Kingdom of Italy: Where also he saith, that of a long time the Church of Milan despised the au­thority of the Roman Church.

In the year of our Lord 1059. Pope Nicolas the II. to reduce to his obedience the Church of Milan, which till then had not been subject unto the Roman See, sent Petrus Damianus Bishop of Oetia to Milan to manage that work with dexte­rity. Then the Clarks of Milan were married, and in many things differed from the Roman Church. Petrus Damianus having won Guy Archbishop of Milan, and some of the Clergy, began to put his hand to the reformation. But the Clergy and the people of Milan resisted, saying, ThatNon de­bere Ambrosi­anam Ecclesi­am Romanis legibus subja­cere; Nullam­que judicandi vel disponen­di vim Roma­no Pontifici in illa sede competere. Ni­mis indignum (inquiunt) ut quae sub pro­genitoribus nostris semper exstitit libera, ad nostrae con­fusionis oppro­briumnunc al­teri (quod ab­sit) Ecclesiae sit subjecta. Damian. Ep. ad Hilde­brand. Sigo­nius de regno Italiae. lib. 9. the Ambrosian Church must not be subjected unto the Roman Laws, and that the Roman Prelate had no right to judge, or to dispose of any thing in that See. It is a thing too unworthy (said they) that the Church of Milan, which in time of our progenitors hath been always free, now (which God forbid) become subject to another Church, to our disgrace and confu­sion. But Cardinal Damian an industrious and perswasive man, appeased the muti­ny, which seemed to tend to sedition: and in an Oration represented to the people that God had given to the Blessed bearers of the keys of eternal life (that is, to Peter and to the Popes) the Empire both of earth and heaven. And so prevailed with his practices, that by the help of the Archbishop Guy he took from the Clergy their wives, and subjected the Church of Milan unto the Roman. This relation is to be seen in an Epistle of that Cardinal Damian to the Archdeacon Hilderbrand, who since was Gregory the VII. And in the Annals of Baronius, an. 1059. In that Epistle Damianus saith that he laid upon Archbishop Guy a pennance of an hundred years, redeemable with money; as Sigonius saith in the forealledged place. But as soon as Damian was gone from Milan, presently the people and the Clergy shook off the yoke, and the Archbishop himself gave leave to the Priests and other Clarks to take their wives again. At which Pope Nicolas being sore angry excom­municated the Bishops and Priests of Lombardy. And Damian writ Letters to them, wherein among other things he tells them,Ibid. Quod in Ecclesia Mediolanensi non est no­vum, quae semper diversi dogmatis ho­mines habuit initio ab Au­xentio & Ambrosio in­choato. That this was no new thing in the Church of Milan, where there had been always men of different Doctrines, be­ginning at Auxentius and Ambrose. So poor Ambrose was condemned many Ages after his death.

The Popes would oppose it, but in vain, till by seditious and violent wayes in the time of Alexander the second, and Gregory the seventh, the people of Milan were opprest, and brought under the subjection o [...] the Roman Church.

This digression serveth to prove that which I said, that Ambrose and the Church of Milan were not subject unto the Church of Rome. Which considera­tions, with many more, make it doubtful, whether the books of the Sacraments be of Ambrose; For how could he have said, I desire to follow the Roman Church in all things, seeing he differed from her in so many Articles?

Here I cannot wink at the Cardinals foul dealing, who in the 25. ch. of the 1. book, alledgeth that testimony of Ambrose in these words, We follow in all things the example and the form of the Roman Church. But he kept himself from adding that which follows; Yet we also are men not destitute of sense, wherefore we do well to keep that which is better observed in other places.

The same usage he offereth to the same Father in the 56. ch. of the first book,Pag. 326. where he alledgeth these words of Ambrose, ch. 4. of the book of Incarnation,Petrus loci non im­memor prima­tum egit; pri­matum utique confessionis, non honoris; primatū fidei, non ordinis. Peter not forgetful of his place did [or maintained] the primacy. A discourse maliciously clipt: For Ambrose addeth, The primacy indeed of confession, not of ho­nour; the primacy of faith, not of order.

In another place,Ch. 25. book 1. alledging Ambrose, he commits a fault, which I am content to impute to his want of memory. He brings a text out of Ambrose's Comment upon 1 Tim. 3. which he saith to be either of Ambrose, or of a contemporary Author; Although all the world belong unto God, yet the Church is called the house of God, of which Damasus is now the Governour. But himself in the 20. ch. of the lastPag. 1025. and 1026. book disputes against these Comments, as false and supposititious, and marks the absurdities that he finds in them; saying that the true Comments of Ambrose upon Pauls Epistles were already lost in the time of Cassiodorus; and that these Comments are Apocrypha and spurious, having nothing of the sense and stile of Ambrose.

In the same place he alledgeth this place of Optatus Milevitanus in the second book against Parmenian; Thou canst not deny that unto Peter the Episcopal chair was assigned at Rome, in which Peter the head of all the Apostles sate; wherefore also he was called Cephas, &c. Optatus believed that Cephas signifieth a head, whereas it signifieth a stone. But what doth that testimony against us, the question between us being not whether St. Peter had some superiority or honour among the Apo­stles? the question is about the power of jurisdiction. Neither is the question whether Peter hath been at Rome, nor whether the Bishop of Rome hath been his successor in the Roman Episcopacy; but whether that Apostle hath constituted the Bishop of Rome his successor in the Apostleship, and in the quality of Head of the Church of all the world? Optatus is so far from that, that in the same book he calls the Bishop of Rome his companion.Liberio Damasus, Damaso Syri­cius, hodie, qui noster est socius, cum quo nobis to­tus orbis com­mercio forma­tarum in una communionis societate Epi­stolarum con­cordat. Damasus and Syricius who at this day is our companion, with whom all the world agreeth with us, by the commerce of Epistles formed in one communion of society.

In the year of Christ 398. Syricius Bishop of Rome, the capital enemy of mar­riage, being dead, Anastasius succeeded him, who to please Hierom, was ad­versary to Ruffinus, pretending that he had translated some books of Origen into Latin.

CHAP. 17. Contention of Paulinus and Flavianus, Competitors of the Patriarchat of Antioch.

TOwards the end of the fourth ageSee Sozo. in the 7. book 11. ch. and 15. ch. And Socrat. in the 5. book ch. 15 Paulinus and Flavianus were Competi­tors of the Patriarchat of Antioch. Both took that quality, born by con­trary factions.

The Bishops of the West, one of them being the Bishop of Rome, maintained Paulinus, and disapproved the election of Flavianus as unlawful. Upon that Grati­an commanded both the parties to come to Rome, and convocated a great number of Bishops to end that difference.

That the citation of Paulinus and Flavianus, and that convocation of Bishops was by the only command of the Roman Emperor, Hierom shews it in his Epistle to Eustochium upon the death of Paula. Cum Ori­entis & Oc­cidentis Epis­copos ob quasdam Ec­clesiarum dis­sensiones im­periales lit­terae contrax­issent, vidit admirabiles viros Christi­que Pontifices, Paulinum Antiochenae urbis Episco­pum, & Epi­phanium Sa­laminae Cypri quae nunc Constantia dicitur. When the Imperial letters had drawn to Rome the Bishops, both of the East and the West, upon some Ecclesiastical dissensions, Paula saw there the admirable men and Prelats of Christ, Paulinus Bishop of Antioch, and Epiphanius Bishop of Salamina in Cyprus, which is now called Constantia. Of a command from the Pope he saith nothing. Wherefore M. du Perron in the 25. ch. of the 1. book, made use of his ordinary licentiousness in faigning that which is not, saying thatFalsifica­tion of the Ca [...]dinal. the Pope did evocate the cause unto Rome, and that the Popes letters were accompanied with those of the Emperor Gratian; As if the Emperors letters had been but a dependance and addition to the Popes letters. All that is false, neither could he bring any witness of it.

In obedience to the Emperors command Paulinus came to Rome, and many other Bishops. But Flavianus knowing that the Bishops of the West, that of Rome especially, were contrary to him, and Ambrose Bishop of Milan (as it may be seen by hisIt is the first Epistle of book 10. 78. Epistle) would not appear, and used many shifts.

Paulinus being dead, his faction chose Evagrius in his place. In the mean while a Council sate at Capua by the authority of the Bishop of Rome; In that Council Flavianus was condemned, and declared unjust possessor of the Bishoprick of Antioch. But that Council was not received in the East: And the authority of the Emperour Theodosius, Gratians successor, intervened, who maintained Flavia­nus in his place, having approved of his reasons, and preferred them to the decision of the Council of Capua, and the Bishop of Rome. So Anastasius Bishop of Rome, and his successor, Innocent the first, were forced to consent to it, and to acknowledge Flavian the lawful Bishop of Antioch, after they had persecuted him with all their power (as he also for his part had highly scorned them, and refused to acknowledge them for his Judges.) For the Bishops of Rome were very meek and gracious to them whom they could not hurt.

CHAP. 18. Observations upon the History of the four first Ages. And how the Cardinal hath found nothing in it for his purpose.

SO we are now come to the year of our Lord 400. In all that time we have found no Appeal from other Churches to the Roman See, no Law given by the Bishop of Rome to the Universal Church. No Universal Council convocated by him. No Universal Council where he presided. No care taken by him of the Churches without the Roman Empire. No obedience or subjection of the Bi­shops of Asia or Africa to the Roman Prelat, but all disobedience when he offer­ed to exceed his limits. No heretick condemned for disobedience to the Roman [Page 317] See. No execution of the judgements pronounced by the Bishop of Rome out of his Patriarchat. Very far was he from deposing Kings or Emperors, or publishing indulgences, or giving pardons of two or three hundred thousand years, or fetch­ing souls out of Purgatory, or boasting of infallibility in the faith, or giving his feet unto Emperors to kiss, or keeping reserved cases to himself, which none but himself could dispense with. In those dayes the Pope wore no triple Crown, had no Court, no guards, and no temporal principality.

Only so much is found in the Fathers of the four first Ages; That Peter was called the first and the Prince of the Apostles, yet without power of jurisdiction over his colleagues. That the Bishop of Rome was held successor of St. Peter in the Office of Bishop of the City of Rome, not in the Apostleship, or in the princi­pality over the Universal Church. That the Bishop of Rome was the first of the Patriarchs of the Empire; not by Divine right, but by the Ecclesiastical Canons, and because of the dignity of the City. That this dignity did not exceed the limits of the Empire. That it was a primacy without power of jurisdiction over the other Patriarchs, and a precedence without domination. That all the Patriarchs took care of all the Churches of the Empire. That the Bishops of Rome of the three first Ages till the year 340. were very low, of small authority, and scarce known.

And that Julius the first, was he that begun to offer to raise himself, but gave over presently, having met with resistance. Satan hath been long beating that anvil. One may see in the following ages, how the Roman Prelat hath ascended from degree to degree, but with small progress, as long as he was subject to the Roman Empire.

And this is of perpetual observation, that all the examples alledged by Cardinal du Perron to shew what the power of the Bishop of Rome was in antient time, are included within the limits of the Roman Empire, and that he could not bring so much as one example, that the Bishop of Rome ever medled with the businesses of the Churches of Persia, or Media, or Ethiopia, or the East Indies, or Assyria, or Chaldea, or Armenia, or Arabia: because these Churches were without the Roman Empire, and sent no Deputies to the Councils, and acknowledged not the Patriarchs of the Churches of the Empire of Rome. Some small portion of Arabia hath been sometimes subject to the Roman Emperors, as also Armenia, by certain intervals. Of which Nations nevertheless M. du Perron brings not any [...]xample. This only observation serveth to answer thirty Chapters of the Cardinals first book, from the 25. ch. to the 55. which hold above 500. pages. For all the things which he brings in all these Chapters, although they were as true and faithfully alledged, as they are fraudulently and maliciously disguised, yet they are things happened only within the precincts of the Roman Empire.

Suppose that the Bishop of Rome had an absolute Empire over all the Churches of the Empire of Rome, what doth that to shew that he is by Divine right the Head of the Universal Church? Nay, doth not that shew that his power hath begun by humane constitutions, since it is limited by the limits of a certain world­ly Kingdom, and extends not unto other Kingdoms? How comes it to pass, that of a thousand allegations of the Cardinal out of the antient History, he brings not one testimony of the Popes power over the Churches of Arabia, India, Persia, Ethiopia, &c? At least he ought to have brought some passage, or some action, whereby it might appear that the Bishop of Rome challenged domination, or power of jurisdiction over those Churches; or some expostulation that those Churches yeilded him no obedience. But of that there is no trace in all Antiquity: No wonder that the Cardinal could bring no president for it.

But we have shewed that even the Churches of the Roman Empire did not ac­knowledge him for their Head; and we will shew it again, with Gods assistance, following the thred of the History unto the last of the first four Universal Coun­cils: Which is the term that the Cardinal hath set to himself, and the time within which he limits himself in the dispute with his Majesty of Great Brittain.

The Reader also may remember, that the Cardinal with all his diligence could [Page 318] find no ground for the Popes primacy in three hundred and fourty years after Christs birth, when Julius began to put out his horns, but was forced to pull them in again.

Towards the end of this fourth Age, the Monastical profession past from Egypt and Syria into Europe. To which Martin in Gaules, and Hierom at Rome did very much contribute. That profession began by some noble women, to whom Hierom writes many Epistles; who living at home, not in a Monastery, wore a course black-garment, instead of the white which the Roman people wore: and they used much abstinence and austerity in their dyet; and would work with their own hands. It is to be observed, that those Monks of Egypt and Syria were most of them Hereticks Anthropomorphites, and had no communication with the Church of Rome, asSozome­nus in the 2. book. c. 21. relateth that the Monks of the desart came to Alexandria to kill the Patriarch Theophilus, because he was contrary to the Anthropomorphites. Sozomenus affirmeth in the 11. ch. of the 8. book, and the Author of the life of Fulgentius: For he relates that Eulatius Bishop of Saragossa, disswaded Fulgentius from joyning with the Monks of Egypt: Omnes illi Monachi quorum praedicatur mirabilis abstinentia, non habebunt tecum Sacramenta altaris communia. Those Monks (saith he) whose admirable abstinence is celebrated, shall not have the Sacraments of the Church common with thee. Cassian in the 10. Collation, 2. and 3. ch. saith that all the Monks of Egypt and Syria were given to that opinion, and by conse­quent despised the Communion of the Roman Church, as well as that of the Greek; Against which nevertheless the Bishop of Rome used no censure, because they were not subject unto him.

BOOK VI. PROVING BY THE PAPAL HISTORY From the year of our Lord 400. unto the Council of Chalcedon, which is the IV. Universal Council, held in the year 451. That in all that time the Bishop of ROME was not acknowledged the Head of the Universal Church.

CHAP. 1. A Narration of that which hapned to John Chrysostom Patriarch of Constantinople.

IN the year 395. the Emperour Theodosius being dead, his Son Arcadius succeeded him in the Empire of the East, and Ho­norius in the Empire of the West. Then John Chrysostom, whose works we have, was Patriarch of Constantinople: A man full of zeal and eloquence, and of a holy austere life, but somewhat too free in his words.

The Empress Eudoxia not able to bear with his bold speech in his Sermons,Socrates l. 7. c. 14. & seq. and knowing that Theophilus Patriarch of Alexandria, a Prelate of great authority was his enemy, sent for him to Constantinople; And he being come, assembled a Council, in which Chrysostome was condemned, and put from his place. But the fervent love of the people to him, caused him to return soon after, and to do his Office as before. In which, as he continued to use his former freedom, it happened that the Empress caused her silver Statue to be set up in the publick place, neer the Church, upon a Pillar of Porphyry, and that some threatenings of her were reported to John Chryso­stom; who upon that made a violent Sermon, where he said,Nicep. l. 15. c. 18. Sozom. l. 8. c. 21. [...]. Herodias now rageth again, again she is dancing, again she asketh that Johns head be brought unto her in a charger, &c. Which moved the Emperour and the Empress to assemble [Page 320] another Council, where Chrysostom was again condemned and deposed from his Episcopacy, for intruding and re-entring into his charge against the forms, after his deposition in the precedent Council. To that deposition the Emperour joyned banishment, where that golden mouth died a few years after.

Then was Innocent the first Bishop at Rome, who if he had been Head of the Uni­versal Church, ought to have hindered that evil, and sent presently Legats to restore Chrysostom to his place, and cite Theophilus before the Papal See to give account of his Actions; and in case of disobedence, depose and excommunicate him. But nothing of all that was done. Sozomenus in book 8. of his History, 26. ch. saith that Innocent writ consolatory Letters to Chrysostom, and other Letters to the Clergy of Constantinople, wherein he bemoaned the condition of that holy man so un­worthily used. He said not in those Letters that Theophilus had despised his au­thority. He used no threatenings, he took no knowledge of the cause. But this he said,Sozom. l. 8. c. 26. [...]. It is necessary that a Synod take knowledge of this, as we said long ago that a Synod ought to be assembled: for a Synod onely can still the motions of such storms. Which that we may obtain, it is expedient to commit the remedy of it to the will of the great God and of Jesus Christ.

Then to obtain that Council of the Emperour, he sends both to the Emperour Arcadius, and to his brother Honorius some Bishops and Priests, to beseech them that a Council might assemble by their leave, to judge again of that business. So did the Roman Bishops behave themselves in those days.

But Sozomenus in the same place relates that the enemies of John Chrysostom that were at Constantinople, gave to that proceeding a calumnious interpretation, saying that it was done to affront his Imperial Majesty, and caused these Deputies to be sent back as disturbers of the Eastern Empire, and Chrysostom to be sent into a re­moter exile at Pityunta. George Bishop of Alexandria (as Photius in his Library affirmeth) saith, That [...]. Innocent sustained many combates for that holy man, al­though his labour was without effect; and that he sent Deputies, but they were sent back ill used. And that he writ Letters, but that he could not atchieve any thing of that he laboured for. So weak and ineffectual was the intercession of the Bishop of Rome at that time.

Upon that25. ch. of the 1. book, p. 116. and seq. Cardinal du Perron heaps up many untruths and forgeries. He saith that Chrysostom had recourse by Appeal to Pope Innocent the I. If that be true, It is a wonder that all the Historians of that time are silent about it, and that Chrysostom himself saith nothing of it in any of the Epistles which he hath written upon that matter. It is a wonder also that he did not appeal to Innocent in that very Council where he was condemned. For although he was not present, he might have made his Appeal by another, and signified his Appeal unto the Council. True it is, that two Letters of Chrysostom are found with this superscription, [...]. To my Lord Innocent, Most reverend and most beloved of God. But that superscripti­on is altogether false and spurious. For the reading of those Epistles will evident­ly justifie that they are written either to the Bishops of the West, or to all the Bi­shops of the Roman Empire, whom he calls [...], My most honoured and most religious Lords. As also the whole Epistle speaks in the plural. Of Innocent or the See of the Bishop of Rome, not a word in these two Epistles; And no more of any Appeal to the Pope. Nay, Chrysostom in the first Epistle saith, that when he was condemned by Theophilus, he appealed from his judgement, not to the Bishop of Rome. (for he speaks never a word of him) but to another Council, and that he besought the Emperour to convocate a lawful Coun­cil, where his cause might be judged. By the same Epistle he craveth his Brethren's help, and represents unto them the wrong done unto him, beseeching them that by their means, things so unjustly done may have no force, and that the doers may be punisht: To which end he desireth that a Council may be assembled. If these be words of Appeal, it is the same Appeal which he made in the Council where he had been condemned. Wherefore also Innocent received not that Appeal, and reserved not to himself the knowledge of this cause: Only he mediated with the Emperour for a Council, which he could never obtain. There is yet less colour in saying that by [Page 321] the second Epistle Chrysostom appealed to Innocent: For it was written three years after his condemnation, when he had lived almost three years in exile. And that Epistle like the precedent speaks to Bishops in the plural, and speaks neither of, nor to Innocent, nor of his See. So it is against all truth that the Cardinal affirms that Chrysostom appealed unto Innocent.

A long fragment of an Epistle of Chrysostom unto Innocent is extant, in the 13. book of Nicephorus, ch. 19. where he speaks of no Appeals to Innocent, but only of the excesses and insolencies of his enemies. In vain also the Cardinal heaps up some examples of Authors speaking in the plural to one man, as if they spake to many. These examples ought to have been taken out of the writings of Chryso­stom himself, to shew that it was his ordinary style. Certainly in all languages it would be an absurdity and a trespass against common sense, to say, My Lords, or my Brethren, speaking to one man.

In the same place our Cardinal will shew himself an Hebrician, Pag. 137. saying that Rabbi signifieth many. It is true that Rabbi comes out of Rab which signifieth multus and potens, and Rabbim signifieth multi. But Rabbi doth not therefore signifie many, and is not a plural word: But it is a singular word, which in the Jewish tongue signifieth Master and Doctor.

To that Fable he addeth another of the like stuff; He saith that Innocent after the death of Chrysostom excommunicated the Emperor Arcadius and his Wife Eu­doxia; And his Author for it is George of Alexandria, who above 200. years after compiled the life of Chrysostom out of several Authors, where he hath ga­thered many Fables contrary to the truth of the History. It is the testimony which Photius gives him in his Library: [...], &c. It is plain that this Writer relateth many things contrary to the truth of the History: But nothing hinders the Readers to chuse what is good, and leave the rest. And that which the Cardinal saith is most false, that herein Cedrenus followed George of Alexandria. For Cedrenus saith not that Eudoxia was excommunicated by Innocent or by any other, but only, [...], that she drew upon her self a curse, and a just hatred. This affirmation that Cedrenus saith, that Innocent excommunicated Arcadius or Eu­doxia, is a notorious forgery of the Cardinal: That Fable being contradicted by all the Historians next unto Chrysostoms time. For besides that Theodoret, Socrates, and Sozomenus, who have exactly written all the passages of this History of Chry­sostom, say nothing of it; This is more, that Prosper and Marcellinus in their Chronicles, and Socrates in the 6. book, 16. ch. expresly observes, that Eudoxia dyed in the Consulat of Honorius and Aristenetus, which falls upon the year of our Lord 404. three years before Chrysostom's death, who dyed in the year 407. By this account Innocent excommunicated Eudoxia three years after her death. To oppose to antient Historians new Authors, as Nicephorus, and Zonaras, or Simeon Metaphrastes, a Fabulous Writer, as the Cardinal doth, is no sincere dealing. To invalid the testimony of Socrates, the Cardinal chargeth him to be a Novatian, and an enemy to the memory of Chrysostom. But I cannot comprehend that So­crates doth wrong to the memory of Chrysostom, by setting the death of Eudoxia before that of Chrysostom; especially seeing that Socrates doth highly praise and exalt Chrysostom, and justifieth him with all his strength. It is false also that So­crates was a Novatian; For he blameth the Novatians as Schismaticks, in book 5. ch. 19. where he taxeth them of separation from the Church: [...]. Since the time (saith he) that the Novatians separated themselves from the Church: and in the following ch. he puts them among the Hereticks: It is expedient (saith he) to pass in silence over that which hapned among the others, that is among the Arians, the Novatians, the Macedonians, the Eunomians. This is enough to shew that the Cardinal layeth a false imputation upon that faithful Historian Socrates.

In the same place the Cardinal affirmeth many things against the truth:Pag. 119. & 320. As that Prosper Aquitanius, and Marcellinus Comes, put the death of the Empress Eu­doxia many years before the death of Chrysostom. For Prosper speaks not at all of the death of Chrysostom, and puts the death of Eudoxia one year after she had set up her silver Statue upon a Pillar of Porphyry, against which Chrysostom preached. [Page 322] As for Marcellinus, he puts Chrysostoms death a year before the death of Eu­doxia. So I do not believe that the Cardinal had seen these Authors, but trusted others that have abused him. With the like untruth he saith in the same place, that the revolt of the Isauri happened since the exile of Chrysostom: For Chry­sostome himselfChrysost. Epist. 14. [...]. Epist. 14. affirmeth the contrary, saying that as he was going into exile, he was sick in his journey with a burning fever, and that the incursions of the Isauri frighted him. And if Arzabacius who was sent against them with an Army obtained victories over them since the death of Chrysostom, the Empress that favoured that Arzabacius (as Zozimus relateth) cannot be Eudoxia, as the Cardinal will perswade us.

We have the life of Chrysostom written by Palladius, who speaks not of the excommunication of Arcadius, and no more of Chrysostoms appeal to Innocent. It is true, he saith that Innocent judged that judgement of Theophilus should be revers­ed and nulled. Not that Innocent had pronounced a sentence as a judge; But he judged that it ought to be reversed by a Council. Wherefore also Palladius ad­deth how Innocent said, [...]. Versio Bri­ [...]iani emen­data a Fron­tone Ducaeo Jesuita. Cogita urbis magnitudinē, &c. sed de millibus infi­nitis & totius orbis capite. that another irreprehensible Synod of the Prelates of East and West ought to be kept. It is plain then that Innocent referred the judgement unto the Council.

It is then an evident lye of Pope Gelasius, who writ a hundred years after, that Innocent absolved John of Constantinople. Popes are not credible witnesses in such matters. And the Cardinal ought not to alledge their testimony in their own cause, as he doth a thousand times, having filled all his book with such testi­monies. For the Bishops of Rome to exalt their own dignity, will lye very libe­rally. Especially this Gelasius, who hath overgone all his predecessors in pride.

It was the custom in those dayes, that the Churches of the Roman Empire would maintain their union by communicatory letters, and send the one to the other the sacred bread, andForms of blessing. Eulogies as they spake then, in sign of concord. During that discord about the business of Iohn Chrysostom, Innocent and the Bishops of the West would not receive the communion from the Churches of Constanti­nople, and Alexandria, and separated themselves from their communion, as Theo­doret witnesseth in the fifth book of his history, chap. 34. John being dead, the Occidental men would never admit the communion of the Egyptians, nor of the Oriental men, nor of the Bishops of Bosphorus and Thracia, &c. But after they had heard what honour the City of Constantinople had done to Chrysostome after his death, they were reconciled, asInnocent. Ep. 17. ad Alexand [...]um. Innocent himself witnesseth; Having learned (saith he) by those you sent, that all things had been accomplisht accord­ing to our desire, I have, with thanks to God, received the communion of your Church. These testimonies shew that the Popes in those dayes did not excommu­nicate men and Churches out of their Patriarchat, by thundring anathema's as they have done since, but only declared that they would not receive their communi­on, and separated themselves from their union, for fear of partaking with their sin.

But before I leave that holy man, I will alledge some places, wherein he speaks of the City and Church of Antioch, where he preacht many years. In the third Homily to the people of Antioch, he speaks thus of them, Consider the greatness of the City, and that it is not here question of one, or two, or three, or ten souls, but of infinite thousands, and of the Head of the whole world. This City is that where Chri­stians were first so called. That holy man believed that the honour which God had done to Antioch, that in it the faithfull were first named Christians, was a sufficient consideration to make it the first of all, and the head of all the world; and that by consequent it ought to be preferred before the Church of Rome. The same Father, in the seventeenth Homily to the same people: [...]. In An­tioch the Disciples were first called Christians. No City in the whole habita­ble world hath that, no not the City of Romulus. Wherefore this City may lift up her sight against the whole earth. And in the 25. Homily upon the Acts, The Disciples have been first called Christians in Antioch. [...]. This is not a small praise of this Town, whereby She is made able to stand against all. And in the Sermon [Page 323] upon Ignatius, he exalteth the dignity of the City of Antioch, because St. Peter to whom Christ gave the keyes, and the government of his Church, made a long abode in it. Whence he inferreth that Antioch is not inferiour to any City of the world. His words are, [...], that is, our City is equal in worth, or may be put in the ballance with all the habi­table earth. That good Doctor would never have spoken so, if he had thought that the Church of Antioch was subject unto the Church of Rome. Wherefore when from a Priest of Antioch, he was raised to the Patriarchat of Constantinople, it was done without consulting the Bishop of Rome, and asking his approbation. To John Chrysostome, Arsacius succeeded in the Patriarchat of Constantinople, and after Arsacius Atticus Chrysostoms enemy.

Nicephorus in book 13. chap. 33. saith that Innocentius Bishop of Rome excom­municated that Atticus, who for all that remained peaceable possessor of his place, being much honoured and respected; and there continued the space of four and twenty years. For the judgements of the Bishops of Rome out of their Patriar­chat were of no effect. Besides, such excommunications were but declarations that one would not communicate with another.

CHAP. 2. Of the power of the Patriarcks of this fifth Age.

THE great authority which Theophilus Patriarch of Alexandria used in the deposition of Chysostome without receiving any censure or Ecclesiastical pu­nishment for it, remaining in a peaceable possession of his Patriarchat untill death, giveth us occasion of speaking of the power which that Prelate then had, who aspired unto higher things, and would have raised that See very high, if the events of the following ages had concurred with the grounds which he had laid.

Among the Epistles of Synesius Bishop of Ptolemais in Cyrene, there is one to this Theophilus. In the sixty sixth Epistle propounding a question to him, he saith, [...]. It is the interrogation to which the authority of the Apostolical succession must simply and clearly answer. And in the following Epistle, [...]. I will, and it is unto me a divine necessity to hold for a Law that which that throne decreeth. He speaks of the See of Alexandria: Had he written in these terms to the Bi­shop of Rome, our Adversaries would be sure to make a shew of these texts to the Popes primacy.

That Theophilus being dead in the year 412. Cyrillus succeeded, whose power was so great, that he durst with his own authority drive the Jews out of Alexandria, whose multitude was incredible, & that without the consent of Orestes the Emperours Lieutenant in the Province, whom he bearded, raising seditions against him: in one of which Orestes being hurt with a stone by a Monk called Ammonius, caused the Monk to be apprehended and put to death. Cyrillus interred the Monks corpse honourably, and made a funeral Homily in his praise, as for a Martyr. In a short time the power of the Patriarch of Alexandria grew so much, that it was objected to Di­oscorus Bishop of that See, in the Council of Cbalcedon, that he had boasted him­self to be as much Master of Aegypt, as the Emperour. Of that time after the death of Theophilus, Socrates speaks in chap. 7. of book 7. of his history in these words; From that time the Bishop of Alexandria besides the domination over the Clergy, got to himself the principality in the temporal.

On the other side the Bishop of Rome was no less active to raise his greatness. Of these two Prelates Socrates in book 7. chap. 11. of his history speaks thus, that [...]. The Roman Episcopacy as well as that of Alexandria had past the bounds of Priesthood, and had exalted its self to a secular principality. The Cardinals ordi­nary answer when any thing is objected out of that Author, is to say, that So­crates [Page 324] was a Novatian Heretick, and therefore enemy to the Roman Church; But we have shewed out of the 5. book and 19. ch. of his History, that he speaks of the Novatians as of Schismaticks and Hereticks.

That the Church of Alexandria was not subject to the Bishop of Rome in that time, it is clear by the 104. Canon of theJuxta editionem Tilii, [...]. collection of the Councils of Africa. It was decreed that they should write to the most holy Pope Innocent about the discord which is between the Roman Church, and the Church of Alexandria, that these Churches might keep that peace among themselves which the Lord commandeth. That Canon commands not that the Church of Alexandria become subject to the Ro­man, but mediating between both, labours to make them agree, that they may live in concord. In that time the Church of Rome received every year the order about Easter-day from the Church of Alexandria, as we observed before. In that point the Roman Church was subject unto that of Alexandria.

CHAP. 3. Of the Milevitan Council, and of the prohibition there made to Appeal unto Rome. The Cardinals answers are examined.

IN the year of our Lord 402. a Council sate at Milevis in Numidia; and ano­ther in the same town in the year 415. Of which two Councils since the Canons are confounded, we will speak here as if the two Councils were but one.

Two evils did vex the Churches of Africa. First, the heresie of Pelagius and Celestius. And in consequence of that first evil, the rebellion of some Clarks, who being condemned by the Church of Africa, would cross the Seas and come to Rome, to find support in the Bishop of Rome, who did greedily receive those Ap­peals, labouring thereby to raise his authority. Thus after that Celestius had been condemned in Africa, he had his recourse to Pope Zozimus, and that Pope received and defended him for a time against the Churches of Africa. But being better informed since, or despairing of his power to restore him, he forsook him.

That being then a new thing not practised before, the Bishops of Africa would prevent that evil, and make in the Milevitan Council, either in the first or in the second, this excellent Canon which is the 22. It is decreed that the Priests, Deacons, and other inferior Clarks (if in their causes they complain of the judgement of their Bishops) be heard by the Bishops of the neighbourhood, who being adjoyned by the consent of their Bishops shall decide their businesses. Quod si & ab Episco­pis provocan­dum putave­rint, non nisi ad Africana provocent Concilia, vel ad Primates Provinciarū suarum. Ad transmarina autem qui pu­taverit appellandum, à nullo intra Africam in communione suscipiatur. And if they think that they ought to Appeal also from their Bishops, let them not Appeal but to the Councils of Africa, or to the Primats of their Province, as it was often decreed about Bishops. But who­soever will Appeal beyond the Sea, let him not be received to the Communion by any in Africa. This Canon is found set down in these terms in the Greek copies, and inApud Balsamonem in collectione Canonum Carthaginensium Can. 31. [...], &c. Hincmar. in Ep. 55. cap. 17. Qui provocandum putaverint ad Primates suarum Provinciarum, sicut & de Episcopis saepe dictum est, provocent. Balsamon the most learned of all the Grecians in Ecclesiastical Law, and in Zo­naras, and in many Latin copies, and is so alledged in the Council of Rhemes under Hugh Capet, and by Hinckmarus.

That by the Appeals beyond the Seas, the Appeals to Rome are forbidden, it is out of question; And Balsamons words are notable to that purpose, [...], &c. Since [Page 325] these present Canons were framed in Carthage, that is in Africa, by the judgements beyond the Seas, by all means those of Rome are understood; And hence it appears, that those of the Church of Rome glory in vain, saying that the differences of all the Churches must be judged by them upon Appeal: For if Rome be not allowed to receive the Appeals of Africa, how much less shall she have that right over all other Provinces?

The Reader must not find strange, that Balsamon saith that this Canon hath been framed at Carthage. For in the sixth Council of Carthage, this Canon hath been again confirmed, upon occasion of one Apiarius a Priest in Africa, who having been condemned by his Bishop Ʋrban, had Appealed to Rome; at which the Afri­can Bishops were much offended, as we shall see hereafter.

This Canon being made by a multitude of good and holy Bishops, among whom were Aurelius Bishop of Carthage, and Austin Bishop of Bona, Bellarm: l. 1. de Ma­trimonio c. 17 §. Respondeo Canones. Canones Mile­vitani ab Au­gustino praeci­pue compositi. who framed the Canons of this Council, whereby it is forbidden upon pain of excommunica­tion to Appeal unto Rome, it is no wonder that the Advocates of Papacy have done all their endeavour to falsifie it, and to corrupt both the sense and the words. The Roman Decree compiled by Gratian, Causa 2. Qu. 6. Can. Placuit, hath added an exception in the end which corrupteth the whole Canon. For after those words, If any will Appeal beyond the Sea, let him not be received by any in Africa to the Communion, they have sewed up this tayl, nisi forte Romanam sedem appellave­rit, unless perhaps he hath Appealed to the Roman See. How should the Roman See be excepted, seeing that the Canon is expresly ma [...] against those that Appealed to the Roman See?

But let us see what M. du Perron answereth to this;Pag. 376. for he extends himself upon this subject in the 47. ch. of the 1. book. He saith two things; The one, that this Canon must be understood only of the lesser causes, not of the great, such as are the questions about the faith and the Sacraments. The other, that this Canon meaneth only the causes of Clarks of an inferiour degree, as Priests, Deacons, and Subdeacons. He confesseth then that the Bishops of Africa, of whom St. Austin is one, prohibit upon pain of excommunication to Appeal to the Bishop of Rome in the causes of Priests and Deacons; And that in such points they did not like that the Pope should meddle with their businesses: But that for the great causes, and for the causes of Bishops, this Council intended not to hinder the Appeals to him. Wherefore he maintains that this clause [as it was often decreed about the Bishops] must be razed, as added since. And yet the Greek copies published by our adversaries, and Balsamon, and Zonaras, and many Latin copies, have that clause, and put the causes of Bishops in the same rank, as the causes of Priests and Deacons. And which is more, we shall see hereafter, that the same Bishops assembled again set down that clause so plain, that the Cardinal himself doth ac­knowledge it.

To prove that clause to be false, he saith that it is not found in the Originals of the Milevitan Council, that is in the Copies written in the Council it self, which no man of this age hath seen. So this Prelat abuseth the Reader. He addeth, that Gratian hath not that clause, nor the German Centuriators. But I have lately shew­ed how wickedly Gratian hath falsified that excellent Canon: And the Centuri­ators of Magdenburg have followed the Latin copies (that first came to their hand) corrupted by our adversaries, and wanting that clause. All his other reasons, this among others, that Austin in the 162. Epistle affirmeth, that by the antient Disci­pline of Africa, the Bishops had that right to Appeal beyond the Sea, are likewise false or vain. Whoso will read that Epistle, shall find no such thing. Austins words are;Neque enim de Pres­byteris aut Diaconis aut inferioris ordinis clericis, sed de collegis agebatur qui possent aliorum collegarum judicio, praesertim Apostolicarum Ec­clesiarum, causam suam integram reservare. The question was not of Priests, Deacons, or other Clarks of the in­ferior order, but of the colleagues, who might reserve their whole cause to the judgement of the other Bishops, to the Apostolical Churches especially. There Austin speaks not of Appealing to the Bishop of Rome, but to the Apostolick Sees in general assem­bled [Page 326] in Council; such as were the Churches of Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusa­lem, and Ephesus. And wheresoever in that 162. Epistle, mention is made of the Churches beyond the Sea, thereby not only the Churches of Italy are understood, but also those of Greece, of Gaules, and of all the East and West assembled in a Council; as Austin declares it in the same Epistle saying, Suppose that the Bishops that judged at Rome were not good Judges, the universal Council of the whole Church remained yet. And in the same place; There remained yet unto them thou­sands of colleagues beyond the Sea, where it was known that they might be judged, since they suspected their African and Numidian colleagues. Where it is plain, that by the Bishops beyond the Sea the Bishop of Rome is not only understood. Thus in the book of the unity of the Church, ch. 2. It remained that the Bishops beyond the sea that make the great part of the extent of the Catholike Church, should judge of the dissentions of the Africans. But to what end should we dispute, whether by that Canon the Bishops of Africa be forbidden to Appeal beyond the Sea, since we shall see hereafter that a few years after this Council of Milevis, the same Bishops be­ing assembled in the sixth Council of Carthage, renew the same constitution? and write to Celestine Bishop of Rome very express letters upon that subject; where they say, that if the Appeals of Priests and Deacons to the Bishop of Rome are not receivable, much less ought he to receive the Appeals of Bishops, which belongs to the jurisdiction of their Metropolitans. The Cardinal acknowledgeth this, and so confutes himself.

Then to come to the Card [...]als two answers unto this Canon; We are not ig­norant that there are some greater, some lesser causes: All causes are not of the same importance, and there was no need for him to trouble himself to prove that; less yet to employ the testimony of Pope Innocent writing to Victricius Bishop of Roven, whom he makes to say, that the greatest causes must be referred to the Apo­stolick See, to prove that the greatest causes of Africa were referred to Rome: For besides that the Decretal Epistles of the antient Popes are suspected of forgery, the testimony of Popes is not receivable in their own cause.

To no purpose he alledgeth in the same place Pope Gregory the first, and Pope Leo, who are come since, and very often attribute unto themselves a power that belongs not to them. And no witness (say I again) is receivable in his own cause. To alledge Charlemagne, and Hinckmarus, and Gerson, P. 776. as the Cardinal doth in the same place, is descending too low, even 1400. years after Christ. That which was done in the late ages in France, over which the Pope hath exercised a tyranny these six or seven hundred years, is very different from the condition of the Churches of Africa in St. Austins time. But the Cardinal not being able to find any antient African witness that reserveth the Appeals in great causes to the Bishop of Rome, nor any example in antiquity but such as he forgeth, hath been forced to rake in the dregs of the last ages, and authors of the late Gallican Church, to prove the Appeals of the antient Bishops of the African Church unto Rome: Whereas we bring antient and famous examples out of Africa it self; for it was a principal cause which was handled in the Council of Africa, assembled byOf A­grippin. and Cyprian, and the Councils by them as­sembled, see before book 3. ch. 3. of this work. Agrippinus Bishop of Carthage, even the doctrine of the Sacrament of baptism. Yet Agrippinus made no difficulty to decide such an important point of doctrine without, yea against the Roman Church. And yet the Bishop of Rome at that time shewed not himself offended at it, and called not the cause be­fore himself. For the Bishops of Rome in those dayes behaved themselves with more humility.

Cyprian Bishop of the same Church did the same, having purposely assembled a Council against the doctrine maintained by Steven Bishop of Rome, and did not for that incur any censure of the Roman Pope, but was followed by the most fa­mous Bishops of the East, Dionysius of Alexandria, and Firmilianus of Cesarea in Cappadocia. Who knoweth not that the Bishops of Africa in St. Austins time took great offence when Celestius condemned by them, went to Rome to Zozimus Bishop of the place, who favourably received him, and for a time defended him with his authority? It was about an important point, the Pelagian heresie. We shall see more examples hereafter, even out of Africa.

Yet suppose that this clause of the Milevitan-Canon, speaks only of the lesser causes, yet it is contrary to the Bishop of Rome, and debaseth his authority. For although the inferiour Courts cannot judge definitively, and without Appeal, but of certain lower causes, and to a certain summ of money: yet it belongs not to them to make those limitations, but it belongs to a Soveraign Judge to set those limits. An inferiour Court cannot prohibit, upon pain of death or fine, Appeals unto higher Courts in certain cases. Likewise if the African Councils had been inferiour Judges, subject to the Bishop of Rome, it belonged not to them to pro­hibit Appeals unto the Bishop of Rome, in certain cases, upon pain of Excommu­nication, nor to write to him, that he should thereafter take heed of receiving such Appeals, or taking notice of them. But it had belonged to the Pope to set limits to them, and to grant them to judge definitively and without Appeal of some Causes of less moment, reserving to himself the knowledge of the Causes of a higher nature.

The Cardinals second answer was, that this Milevitan-Canon speaks not of the Causes of Bishops, and that these Fathers meant not to forbid the Episcopal Ap­peals; and that this clause was falsly added. But we shall presently hear the same Bishops expounding themselves upon that point, so plainly, that all matter of doubt shall be removed. But though that clause quarrelled at were put out, yet it is plain that this Canon forbids that no Appeals from Bishops be made beyond the Sea, that is, to the Bishop of Rome. For that Canon prohibits Appealing from the judgement of Bishops, to any but the Primates of Africa, or before the Synod of the Province. Now in case of Appeal from the judgement of a Bishop, the said Bishop is accused to have ill Judged, and he that was Judge becomes a party. The Bishop then is forbidden by this Canon to maintain the justice of his own Judge­ment before any, but the Judges of Africa, or before the Primates of his Province.

For these causes Baronius, who deals more roundly then our Cardinal,Baron. An. 419. §. 70. doth freely confess that this Canon displeased the Bishop of Rome, as being offensive to his authority. Yet this hindred not the Bishops of that same Council from writing Letters full of respect and love to Innocent Bishop of Rome, which are inserted among Austins Epistles. To these Letters we will give a Chapter purposely, be­cause Cardinal du Perron triumpheth about them, and alledgeth them upon every occasion.

CHAP. 4. Of the Schism happened at Rome, between Bonifacius and Eulalius.

IN the year of Christ, 417. Innocent dyed; Zozimus succeeds him, a favourer for a time of the Hereticks Pelagius and Celestius. Baron. An. 415. Baronius relates the Epistle which he writ in their defence. But Zozimus soon after changed opinion, being better informed.

The year following, he sent three Legates, Faustinus a Bishop, Philippus and Asellus Priests, to the Council of Africa assembled at Carthage. The same year Zozimus being dead, two Bishops, Bonifacius and Eulalius were elected, by two contrary factions of the Roman People and Clergy: For in those dayes there was no Cardinals in the Roman Church, and the election of Popes was made by the Votes of the Clergy and the people. The Prefect of the City, named Symmachus, would appease the sedition; but not being able to master the people, he writ speedi­ly to the Emperour Honorius about it; who with his sister Placidia, and his nephew Valentinian, made his ordinary residence, now at Ravenna, now at Milan. Sym­machus favoured Eulalius, and perswaded the Emperour, who turning both these competitors out of the City, appointed guards to Bonifacius, to keep him from [Page 328] raising troubles. So small was then the Popes power, that a few Serjeants served to keep him prisoner. But Eulalius having made bold to return into Rome with­out the Emperours leave, and the Roman Clergy having sent to the Emperour, and petitioned for Bonifacius, the face of businesses changed, and both were summon­ed to appear before the Emperour at Ravenna, upon the seventh of February, to be heard in their Reasons, and to receive Judgement from his Imperial Majestie; which summon they obeyed. And that the Church of Rome might not be without conduct in their absence, Honorius appointed Achilles Bishop of Spoleto to dis­charge the Office of Bishop of Rome as a Delegate. The parties being heard,Baron. An. 419. §. 34. & 36. the Emperour gave sentence for Bonifacius, and expelled Eulalius. For in that time the Bishops of Rome were subject to the Emperour, as much as the least of the people; and no man entred into that Office without his ap­probation.

This trouble gave occasion to the Emperour Honorius to make a Law, which is inserted into the 79. Distinction of the Roman Decree, in these terms:Di­stinct. 79. Can. Si duo. Si duo forte contra fas temeritate concertantium fuerint ordinati, nullum ex eis futurum Sacerdotem permittimus, sed illum in sede Apostolica permansurum censemus quem ex numero Clericorum nova ordinatione divinum judicium & universitatis consensus elegerit. If perhaps two be established against reason, by the rashness of the contenders, we shall suffer neither of them to be Bishop. But we decree, that he who by the judgement of God, and by the consent of the generality, shall be elected among the Clarks by a new Or­dination, shall remain in the Apostolick See.

CHAP. 5. Of the Council of Carthage, called the sixth. Of the Appeals from Africa to Rome. The remonstrances of the Bishops of Africa to the Bishop of Rome upon that subject. Confutation of the XL. Chapter of the first Book of the Cardinal.

LEt us follow the thred of the History. In the year 419. happened a passage as memorable, as any thing related in the Ecclesiastical History. The Bishops of Rome offended with the express order of the Milevitan Council, forbidding all Appeals from Africa to Rome, laboured to heal that sore, and not being able to do it by violence, or censures, (for they should have been laughed at) they would go about it by subtilty.

There was then a Council sitting at Carthage, where two hundred and seven Bishops met. To that Council the three above-named Legates of the Bishop of Rome were sent, Faustinus, Philippus, and Asellus. That Council being but a par­ticular Council, without any Patriarch present, it was then or never, that the Le­gates that represented the person of the Bishop of Rome, should have had the precedence, and been placed in an honourable rank; which yet was not deferred unto them: For Aurelius Bishop of Carthage presided at the Council. And that which grieveth most our Adversaries, is, that after Aurelius, they placed Valen­tinus Bishop of the first See of Numidia, and after Valentinus, Faustinus the first Legate of the Bishop of Rome. This is found written in the Tomes of the Coun­cils, in the beginning of the Council, and in the Code of the Canons of the Church of Africa, in these words,Cum Aurelius Papa una cum Valenti­no primae sedis Numi­diae, & Fau­stino Ecclesiae Potentianae, primae sedis Provinciae Italiae Piceni, Legato Ec­clesiae Ro­manae, &c. After the Pope Aurelius with Valentinus of the first See of Numidia, and Faustinus Legate of the Church of Rome, were set, &c. And that which is most remarkable, is, that Philippus and Asellus, because they were but Priests, were set at the very lowest end, under all the Bishops of Africa, although they were Legates of the Roman Pope, at which they were not offended, for they found that just and reasonable. Upon this our Cardinal is storming, in the 40. Chap. of his first Book, and giveth three answers; saying, that either the Copies of the [Page 329] Councils are corrupted, of which he brings no proofs; or that these Legates re­presented the negotiating person of the Pope, not his judiciary person. A distin­ction forged in his brains, which makes the Pope to have two persons: but it is confuted by the Council, where Faustinus, Philippus and Asellus are termed Le­gates, not Negotiatours. Also he suspecteth that their Commission was expired: Which also is confuted, in that they act in the Council as Legates; which they would not have done, had they not been avouched by the Bishop of Rome. Of Philippus and Asellus, put after all the Bishops of Africa, he saith nothing, finding no shift to excuse it.

These three Legates were charged in their instructions, to labour that thereafter it might be lawful to appeal from Africa to Rome, and to the Roman Bishops See, notwithstanding the Canon of the Milevitan Council, whîch had forbidden those Appeals, upon pain of Excommunication. But the contrary came to pass. For in that Council, the same Canon was renewed, and these Appeals prohibited upon the same penalties. And because one Apiarius, a Priest of Sicia in Africa, being excommunicated by his Bishop, was gone to Rome to Pope Zozimus, who had favourably received him, and admitted him to his communion, this displeased the Bishops of Africa, of whom Saint Austin was one.

Upon this the Legates of the Bishop of Rome arose, and laboured to defend the Authority of the Roman Bishop, who had sent them.Baron. An. 419. §. 60. & seq. For that they al­ledged no Text of Scripture, and spake not of the Popes Primacy, by vertue of Saint Peters succession; for in those dayes they disputed not so: neither had they that in their memories: But they produced a forged Canon, which they falsly pre­tended to be of the Council of Nice, whereby it is permitted to Bishops to Ap­peal unto the Roman See: By a notorious falshood they propounded a Canon of the Council of Sardica, where there was none but Occidental Bishops belonging to the Roman Patriarchat, who to spite the Oriental that had deposed Julius Bi­shop of Rome, conferred as much honour as they could upon Julius, but an arbitra­ry honour depending upon their will, as we proved before.

How little was the authority of that Canon, it was seen by that which followed: For all the Bishops of the Council hearing that pretended Canon of Nice, were much amazed, and said that the Canon was unknown unto them, and that they had never heard of such an Order. Among others, Alypius Legate of the Churches of Numidia, spake thus in the name of the Synod: Having consulted the Greek Copies, I know not how it came to pass that we have not found all these things in it. Wherefore Holy Pope Aurelius, we beseech your reverence, that since the au­thentical Copies of that Council are held to be in the City of Constantinople, you be pleased to send some [Legates] with Letters from your Holiness [to the Patriarch of that See], and not only to him, but also to the Venerable Bishops of Alexandria and Antioch, that they may send us that Council, with stipulation [or attestation] by their Letters, that hereafter all ambiguity may be removed: For we have not found it to be as our brother Faustinus saith. Yet to appease that Faustinus, Alypius voted that this pretended Canon might be received promissionally, till the Deputies that were to be sent, should be returned. The Reader may observe by the way, that Aurelius Bishop of Carthage, is called Pope by Alypius, and his Ho­liness: Titles which in our dayes are given only to the Bishop of Rome.

That advice was followed; only that provisional reception of the Canon was not admitted. And the twenty Canons of the Council of Nice were inserted into the Acts of the present Council according to the truth, without that Canon inserted by Faustinus: Who upon that desired the Council that they would not send to Constantinople, nor to Alexandria, or Antioch, for fear of sowing discord between the Churches, but that they should refer themselves about it to the testi­mony of the Bishop of Rome. But his Remonstrances were not received. In those days Popes and their Legats used Supplications and Remonstrances, of which the Assembly judged, but they used no commands.

According to the Councils order, Deputies were sent to the Bishops of the East, [Page 330] to bring the original Copies of the Council of Nice. While they were in their journey, Bonifacius Bishop of Rome died, and Celestinus succeeded. These Deputies brought the Originals to the Council of Carthage, which assembled again upon that subject; and in them nothing was found of all that Faustinus had said, and the imposture was discovered. Whereupon these Letters of Remonstrance were sent to Celestinus Bishop of Rome. Praefato debitae saluta­tionis officio, impendio de­precamur ut deinceps ad aures vestras hinc venientes non facilius admi [...]tatis: nec à nobis excommuni­catos in com­munionem ul­tra velitis re­cipere; quia hoc etiam Ni­ceno Concilio definitum fa­cile advertet venerabilitas tua. Nam si de inferiori­bus Clericis vel Laicis vi­detur id prae­caveri, quanto magis hoc de Episcopis vo­luit observa­ri? &c. After our bounden duty of salutation, We instantly beseech you, that hereafter you admit not so easily to your ears those that will come from hence; and that you receive no more to the Communion those whom we have excommunicated. For your Reverence shall also easily acknowledge that this is forbidden by the Council of Nice. For if it appear that this is forbidden to the inferi­our Clarks and Laymen, how much more would [that Council] have it practised in Note, in Bishops. Bishops? that they being suspended from the Communion, be not re-admitted to the Communion hastily or unduly by your Holiness. Let your Holiness also reject the wicked refuge of Priests and inferiour Clarks. For no constitution of the Fathers hath taken that from the Church of Africk. And the Decrees of Nice have subjected both the Clarks of inferior Orders, and the Bishops to their Metropolitans. For they have most wisely and justly provided that every business be determined in the place where it begun. Being confident that the grace of the Holy Ghost shall not be wanting to every Province, whereby the equity be prudently perceived and constantly kept by Christs Priests. Especially seeing that it is lawful to every one, if he be offended by the judgement of his judges, to appeal to the Council of his Province, or even to an Ʋniversal Council. Ʋnless perhaps some body believe that God can inspire to every one of us the justice of the examination of a cause, and refuse it to a multitude of Bi­shops assembled in a Council. Or how can a judgement made beyond the Sea be valid, to which the persons of necessary witnesses cannot be brought by reason of the infirmity of their sex or age, or of many other intervening businesses? For this sending of men [to us] from your Holiness we do not find commanded by any Synod of the Fathers. And as for that which you did long since send to us by Faustinus our fellow-bishop, as belonging to the Council of Nice, we could not find it in the truest copies of the Coun­cils, sent by holy Cyrillus, our Colleague, Bishop of the Church of Alexandria, and by the venerable Atticus Bishop of Constantinople, which also we sent to Bonifacius your predecessour of venerable memory, by Innocent Priest, and Marcel Subdeacon. Take heed also of sending to us any of your Clarks for executors in favour of the first that asketh it, lest it seem that we will bring the Fumosum typhum. fumous pride of the world into the Church of Christ, which beareth the light of simplicity, and the brightness of humi­lity before them that desire to see God. That Epistle is excellent, and a precious jewel of Antiquity, which is found in the Tomes of the Councils, in the end of the VI. Council of Carthage: and in the Greek Canons publisht by Du Tillet; and in the Code of the Canons of the African Church, and in Balsamon: and is acknowledged as true by Baronius, Bellarmin, and generally by all our adversa­ries that have written of this controversie. Even in the Council of Rhemes held in the time of Hugh Capet, Arnulphus Bishop of Orleans makes use of this piece against the Popes authority. Note by the way that our Cardinal in the beginning of ch. 51. alledgeth this Council of Rhemes, and saith that it was held to oppress Arnulphus Bishop of Orleans: which is false; for this Council was not held against this Arnulphus Bishop of Orleans, but against another Arnulphus Archbishop of Rhemes. An. 419. §. 78. Baronius makes no difficulty to say that the things contained in that Epistle are somewhat hard; but especially that which the Fathers say in that Council, that the Popes should send no more Legats à latere, from his side, to Africa. But there are other clauses in it as hard; as that they like not his re­ceiving of those that appeal to him from Africa, though they should be Bishops; nor that he send Commissioners or Executors from him, nor that he bring worldly pride into the Church. And their saying that the Canons produced by the Legats are false, and not to be found, is likewise very hard.

M. du Perron, though he use a thousand tricks to weaken the strength of that Epistle, yet cannot dissemble that it displeaseth him; and endeavours to shew that these Fathers are in the wrong. He saith they have taken that licence, and [Page 331] that the heat of choler fetched these words from them, and that their ignorance is excusable. But that which he brings against that excellent Epistle, where above two hundred Fathers speak with one accord, deserveth a Chapter by it self.

CHAP. 6. Examination of the LII. Chapter of the first Book of Cardinal du Perron, about the above mentioned Epistle of the VI. Council of Africa, written by the Fathers of the Council to Celestinus Bishop of Rome, concerning the Appeals from Africa to Rome.

IN that excellent Epistle of the VI. Council of Carthage to Celestinus, which we have inserted in the precedent ch. that which most displeaseth M. du Perron, is, that the Appeals of the Bishops of Africa to Rome, are put in the same rank as the Appeals of the least Clarks; yea that these Fathers say that it ought to be less permitted to Bishops to appeal to a Judge beyond the Sea, then to other inferiour Clarks.Nam [&] si de in­ferioribus Cle­ricis vel Lai­cis videtur hoc praecave­ri, quanto magis hoc de Episcopis vo­luit observa­ri? &c. If (say they) it appeareth that this (meaning the Appeals beyond the Sea) be forbidden to inferior Clarks, how much more did [the Council of Nice] intend that it should be practised in the Bishops, that they being suspended from the Communion, be not hastily and unduly received to the Communion by your Holiness? In vain then did the Cardinal labour so much to prove that this clause was added to the Milevitan Council, since it is found so plainly and expresly approved by the same Bishops assembled at Carthage a few years after.

To weaken the authority of that Epistle, he maketh eight observations in his LII. Chapter. In the first he saith that after that Council the Appeals from Africa to Rome did continue. Which he proveth by an Epistle of the Emperor Valentini­an, of which we shall shew hereafter how it was extorted by the flattering arts of the Bishop of Rome; for it is much posteriour to this Council of Carthage. He will prove it also by a Law of Marcianus made in the time of the Council of Chal­cedon; which is nothing to this purpose; for it speaks not at all of Appeals of Bi­shops to the Roman Bishop. The Synod of Chalcedon (saith Marcianus) by the authority of the most blessed Bishop of the City of Rome eternal in glory, deferreth to Flavianus the reward of his life past and the palm of a glorious death. There no mention is made of Appeals. Besides, he takes this from the Tomes of the Greek Councils, newly published by our adversaries, brought forth out of the Popes Libra­ry, and framed according to the Popes pleasure: So these Greek Tomes are but a collection of forgeries and absurdities. Wherefore also between the Greek and the Latin Copies there is a perpetual disagreement; although both are alike absurd and forged, ill-agreeing with the Canons made in those Councils, which are of un­doubted truth, and which were read in the entry of Councils. But in these new Tomes you shall find in the same Council Canons that tye short and bring low the authority of the Bishop of Rome; and together Preambles, Orations and Epistles of some private men which exalt and raise it, being forged long after to invalid the strength of the said Canons that are so troublesome to our adversaries: That will be seen especially in the Council of Chalcedon, out of whose Preambles that Law of Marcianus is taken, of which we shall speak when we come to the time of the Council of Chalcedon.

Of the like nature is the Epistle of Theodoret to Leon, and the Appeal of Fla­vian, of whichPag. 126 & 437. M. du Perron speaks in the 25, and 52. ch. Of them we will speak also when the order of the History brings us to it.

His second Observation, is, that the Appeal of Apiarius, which was the thing in question, was none of the great causes. To this I have answer'd in the ch. be­fore. If the cause of Apiarius, was of small moment, yet it drew another cause [Page 332] of the greatest importance; whether the Bishop of Rome ought to send Legats into Africa, and receive the Appeals of Bishops. Here M. du Perron returns to his ordinary faults, alledging Innocents testimony in his own cause. If the Popes must be believed, and received for Judges in their own cause, they cannot but win their cause. A little after, he saith,Pag. 452: that the Milevitan Council sent back unto the Pope the final judgement of Celestius; which is altogether false, and no trace of that in Austins Epistles, 106. and 92. which the Cardinal quoteth in the margin. Indeed the Fathers of that Council desire Innocent to joyn with them, and to help them with his authority; but they acknowledge him not for their Judge, and suspend not the conclusions of their Council, till the Pope hath approved of them. All that he adds out of Zozimus is of the like nature: it is true that Zozimus con­demned Celestius, but herein he did not bear himself as a superiour Judge above the African Councils; and the long allegations which the Cardinal brings to that end, speak not of Appeals. This Prelat fills the Paper and tireth the Reader with useless authorities which concern not the question at all. Only he brings a place of Paulinus which he never saw, but alledgeth it upon the faith of Baronius, who is very liberal of his lyes in these matters.

His third Observation, is that the Africans disputed not with the Pope about the evocations which came from his own motion. This is confuted by the same Epistle of the Council to Celestinus, wherein they warn him that he send no more Legats or executing Commissioners into Africa; for such delegacies were done by the proper motion of the Bishop of Rome. The evocation of the cause of Athana­sius made by Julius, which M. du Perron brings for example, is false, as we have shewed. And we have seen how Julius being chosen for an Arbitrator, would make himself a Judge, and that having cited the adversaries of Athanasius, they derided him with taunting Letters, and refused to appear.

And Valentinians constitution, of which he speaks next, is a fraud and a trick of the Roman Bishop, as we hope to shew. The example which he adds of Gregory the I. is of the end of the VI. age; and Hinckmarus whom he alledgeth, is neer three hundred years after Gregory. The Cardinal who had limited himself within the time of the first four Councils, goeth lower when proofs fail him in antiqui­ty. Besides, there is no doubt but that the Bishop of Rome did his utmost to evo­cate to himself the causes of the remote Provinces. But all that he desired was not done, and that which he commanded was not executed. And that which was done in France under Charles the Bald, is very different from that which was done in Africa four or five hundreth years before.

52. ch. pag. 461.We must not here omit a notorious falsification of the Cardinal, who al­ledgeth thus the words of Innocents Epistle, which is the 96. among those of St. Austin, Pelagius must not expect to be called by us, but he must come to us that he may be absolved. The Original runs thus: Non à nobis accersi, sed ipse debet potius festinare ut possit absolvi: He must not be called by us, but he ought rather to make haste that he may be absolved. Innocent is so far from willing or hoping that Pelagius would appear before him, that he adds that Pelagius will never submit himself to his judgement, and that it is better that others call him that are neerer the place where Pelagius was. And when all is said, it is unjust to alledge the Popes in their own cause.

Pag: 462.His fourth Observation, is that it was not out of set purpose and first intention, that the African Fathers stirred the controversie of the Transmarine Appeals of Bishops, but by accident. Suppose that this is true, though it be false; Is it material upon what occasion they have stirred that Question? all is to know how they decided it.

The Reader also shall observe the Cardinals confession, that this Council hath opposed the Appeals of Bishops, which he made a shew to doubt of in the 47. ch.

In the same place he returneth to his ordinary and fifty times repeated falsifica­tion, that Austin in the 162. Epistle, saith that Cecilianus might have reserved the Definition of his cause to transmarine judgements, that is (as M. du Perron [Page 333] understands it) to the Bishop of Rome. Truly in the Canon of the Milevitan Council confirmed in the VI. Council of Carthage, where the transmarine Appeals are forbidden upon pain of excommunication, the Appeals to Rome are forbidden. For the African Bishops did complain only that some Clarks condemned by the Bishops of Africa, were fled to Rome there to find refuge. But Austin in the 162. Epistle, by the transmarine judgements understands the judgement of the Churches out of Africa, which are beyond the Mediterranean Sea in respect of A­frica, such as are the Churches of Gauls, Italy, Greece, Asia, &c. These are Austin's words in the said Epistle,Millia collegarum transmarina restabant, ubi apparebat eos judicari [...]posse qui videban­tur Africanos vel Numidas habere su­spectos. Thousands of transmarine Colleagues remained, where it was evident that they might be judged that seemed to suspect the Africans and the Numidians. It is a great want of brains to think that by thousands of colleagues, that is Bishops, the Bishop of Rome alone must be understood. The same appears by this other passage of the same Epistle,Qui pos­sent aliorum collegarum judicio, prae­sertim Apo­stolicarum Ecclesiarum, causam suam integram re­servare. They might reserve their whole cause to the judgement of other Colleagues, especially of the Apostolick Churches.

The Cardinal adds that the Bishops of that Council besought the Pope to send into the East, to see whether that order should be found among the Copies of the Council of Nice. But he should have added that Faustinus Legat to the Bishop of Rome, desired the Council to desire the Bishop of Rome alone to do that with­out sending to the other Churches, saying,Concil. Carthage. VI. c. 5. Sufficit ut & ipse Beatissi­mus Episcopus urbis Romae, sicuti vestra sanctitas a­pud se tra­ctat, ita & ipse inquirat, ne contentio inter Ecclesi­as nata vi­deatur. It is sufficient that the most blessed Bishop of the City of Rome, as your Holiness now deals with him, make himself the inquiry, lest that it seem that contention is moved among the Churches; but that ra­ther you may deliberate with brotherly kindness, he writing back to you that which is most expedient for you to observe. But that was not granted to him: and the Council judged that it was not reasonable that the Bishop of Rome alone be trusted about that matter: but they writ to the Bishops of Constantinople and Alexandria. Note by the way that the Legats of the Bishop of Rome, give him no higher title then that of Bishop of the City of Rome, which in these days would be a word of contempt and a mark of heresie. And that in that Council Aurelius is called Pope, and his Holiness. That Aurelius presiding in the Council, having heard the Proposition of Faustinus, decreed only that Bonifacius Bishop of Rome, whom he callsFratri & consacer­doti nostro. his Brother and Companion, should be made to understand by Letters all that was done. And against the will of Faustinus and his fellows, The Council sent to the East for the said Copies, which soon after were sent to the Africans.

Fifthly, M. du Perron goeth about to excuse Pope Zozimus, saying that it was not out of fraud, nor for his own advantage that he supposed the Canons of the Council of Sardica, as if they had been of Nice; For the Popes use to walk in great humility and simplicity: and the African Fathers were much to blame to accuse him that he would bring worldly pride into the Church. But none will believe, but he that will study to deceive himself, that the Council of Sardica was held an appendix of the Council of Nice, or that the Canons of Sardica were held in the Roman Church of those days to be the Canons of the Council of Nice. That is not only false, but also ridiculous, as was proved before.Book 5. ch. 1. of this work. For that Hosius did preside in both, doth not make both one. In many Councils of Carthage, Aure­lius is President: Which Councils nevertheless are counted for divers Councils. Athanasius also was present in both, but in that of Nice he was but a Deacon; and it is doubted with good reason, whether he had a deliberative voice in it. M. du Perron, to prove that it was the same Council, saith that the Council of Sardica was assembled to confirm the doctrine of the Council of Nice. But that very in­stance shews that they are divers Councils. For a Council is not convocated to confirm it self. Besides, other matters were treated at Sardica: For the business of the Council, was the restitution of Athanasius and some other Bishops into their Bishopricks. But the principal consideration is, that the Council of Sardica though convocated out of the Universal Empire, yet consisted only of Occidental Bishops, the Oriental having withdrawn themselves from the beginning of the Council. So that of a Council which in its convocation was Universal, were made two particular Councils, which condemned and excommunicated one [Page 334] another. Certainly an Universal Council cannot be the same thing as a particu­lar. And if these Canons of Sardica had been held the same as those of Nice, so many learned African Bishops had heard of it, and had not been ignorant of such a noted thing. It is to no purpose to say that the Canons of the Council of Trull, are called the Canons of the VI. Council: But that may be said with good reason, because the VI. Council had made no Canons; and to supply that defect, the Bishops were by little and little gathered in the same Town; and most of those Bishops were the same that had been in the precedent Council.

The Cardinal ought to have forborn, for shame, to justfie Zozimus by the ex­ample of Gregory of Tours, who by oversight or ignorance mistakes the Canons of Gangra for those of Nice. That good man did it out of simplicity, in a cause where he had no interest. But here the Bishop of Rome was interested, who know­ing that the Council of Sardica was of small authority, would make the Canons of Sardica to pass for those of Nice to make them of greater weight. Which if Zozi­mus did without fraud, his Legats cannot be excused of a notorious malice and per­verseness, that they would suffer the Council of Carthage to send Deputies such a great way to clear themselves of a doubt, about which they could have satisfied the Council, declaring that those Canons had been made indeed at Sardica, not at Nice, but that the Roman Church received them as if they had been made at Nice.

The same is confirmed by the sixth Observation which the Cardinal addeth, though without proof, That the Copies of the Council of Sardica were lost in Afri­ca, being supprest by the Donatists. For if the Council of Sardica had ever been e­steemed to be part of that of Nice, that would have raised it to such a credit that the Donatists could never have supprest it. But this is but a conjecture of the Cardinal, forged by him without any witness. There is no more truth in that he saith in the 466. pag. That it was the custom of the Roman Church to cite the Canons of the Coun­cil of Sardica under the title of the Council of Nice. Whereas in the 8. book of So­zomenus ch. 26. there is an Epistle of Innocent Bishop of Rome to the Clergy of Constantinople, where he alledgeth the Council of Nice, and the Council of Sar­dica as two different Councils. And the testimonies of Zonaras, and Balsamon, and Glycas, which the Cardinal alledgeth in the 467. pag. say only that in the Council of Sardica the doctrine of the Council of Nice was confirmed, but say not that the Council of Sardica was a part, or an Appendix of the Council of Nice. And most false it is that Justinian confounds the Council of Sardica with that of Nice, in the 131. Novel related by Leunclavius; For Justinian neither there nor any where else doth confound these Councils: The Cardinal ought to have added Justinians words.

His seventh Observation, is, that these African Fathers made no decision about the Episcopal Appeals. Suppose that it be so; It is enough that they suppose that it was done already, saying, As it was oftentimes decreed concerning Bishops. And in their Epistle to Celestinus, saying, that the Council of Nice hath decreed it so; not only for inferiour Clarks, but also for Bishops.

That which he addes for the eighth Observation, that after the VI. Council of Carthage, the Pope did nevertheless remain in possession of the Episcopal Appeals, shall not be found true, neither could he bring any example of it. We find the clean contrary in the II. Tome of the Councils, by an Epistle of Bonifacius Bishop of Rome, written about 187. years after that Council, to Eulalius Bishop of Thessalonica, which sheweth that Aurelius and his successours long after would not bear the yoke of the Bishop of Rome. Aurelius praefatae Car­thaginensis Ecclesiae olim Episcopus, cum collegis suis instigante Diabolo, su­perbire tem­poribus prae­decessorum nostrorum Bo­nifacii atque Celestini con­tra Romanam Ecclesiam coe­pit. These are the words of the Epistle, Aurelius sometimes Bishop of the foresaid Church of Carthage, by the Devils instiga­tion, in the time of our predecessors Bonifacius and Celestinus, began with his colleagues to grow proud against the Roman Church. But now Eulalius [Bishop of Carthage] seeing himself separated from the Communion of the Roman Church, humbling him­self, made his acknowledgement. Note by the way that in the title of the Epistle there is a fault crept in: for that Eulalius to whom it written, was Bishop of Thessalonica, not of Alexandria. Harding the Buckler of Popery in England, [Page 335] Sect. 28. de primatu Papae. Anathemati­zamus omnes qui contra sanctam Ro­manam & Apostolicam Ecclesiam su­perbiendo su­as erigunt cervices. observeth that in some copies there is Bishop of Thessalonica; For the name of the Bishop of Alexandria of that time was not Eulalius. That which confirms the truth of this Epistle, is, that a form of Anathema is added to it again all those that are risen against the Church of Rome. Which form without question had been prescribed by the Bishop of Rome to Eulalius Bishop of Carthage and to his Clergy, when they were reconciled with the Roman Church. These writings we have only from our Adversaries, who to make them more authentical, have inserted them in the Tomes of the Councils, and among the Decretals of the Popes, of which it is said in the 19. Distinction in the Canon, In Canonicis Inter Canonicas Scripturas Decretales Epistolae connumerantur; The Decretal Epistles are reckoned among the Canonical Scriptures. Especially a fragment of that Epistle of Bonifacius the second, is inserted in the Roman Decree, in the 89. Distinction in the Canon Ad hoc.

Another passage happened in Africa since the sitting of that Council at Car­thage, sheweth evidently that the African Church was not subject to the Roman Bishop. For Victor Tonensis in his Chronicle relateth, that in the year 549. ten years after thePost con­sulatum Ba­silii V.C. an. X. Africani Antistites Vi­gilium R [...]ma­num Episcopū damnatorem trium capitu­lorum synoda­liter à Catho­lica commu­nione, reser­vato ei poeni­tentiae loco, excludunt. Consulat of Basilius, the Bishops of Africa assembled in Coun­cil, pronounced a sentence of Anathema and excommunication against Vigilius Bishop of Rome, yet reserving unto him place of repentance, having learned that the said Vigilius had condemned three heads or points which had been approved by the Council of Chalcedon. At that time Reparatus was Bishop of Carthage.

After these eight observations, M. du Perron spends many pages to relate the history of Apiarius, and to speak of the presenting of the Canons of Sardica, as if they had been of Nice; and he labours to make the Council of Sardica (though unknown to the Africans, and consisting only of Occidental Bishops) more au­thentical than that of Nice. All that more then needeth: For after all his bustling, he grants us what we ask, which is that in that Epistle the Fathers of that Council of Carthage writ to the Bishop of Rome Celestinus, such things as displease him, and such as he finds fault with, almost in every clause, and which oppose the authority of the Bishop of Rome. He saith that they took upon them to write to Celestinus, as taxing them to have written too boldly. He saith that the heat of the contention fetcht those words from their mouth. Whereby he confesseth that these Fathers were contending with the Bishop of Rome. He saith also that they are excusable, and labours to excuse their ignorance. As alsoAn. 419. §. 78. Baronius saith that the things contained in those Epistles are somewhat hard. See then these men, who boast to have the consent of the Fathers on their side; and yet when they examine the actions of the Fathers, they make bold to condemn them. Now which shall I rather believe, either above two hundred African Bi­shops, in whose number those two holy and famous men were, Aurelius Bishop of Carthage, and St. Austin Bishop of Bona, who made this Canon against the Ap­peals at Rome, which Canon was confirmed in the sixth Council of Carthage; or two Cardinals of this age, as Baronius and du Perron, whom the Pope kept tyed by the belly, and who were slaves of the Roman See?

Among all this discourse many things scape our Cardinal, which must be par­doned him. In the 474. page, he falls again into that falsification which is so ordinary with him, saying that the ground of the Africans in their dispute against the Donatists, was, that Cecilianus after he had been deposed by the Bishops of Africa, could reserve the judgement of his cause to the transmarine Churches: Where he will have those words of transmarine Churches to be taken in the 162. Epistle of St. Austin in the same sense as in the Melevitan Council, that is, for the Roman Church. But there Austin by the transmarine Churches, understands the Churches both of East and West, and the Apostolick Sees; and saith, that Cecilian after the judgement of the Africans could yet Appeal to the transmarine Churches, and to the Apostolick Sees assembled in an Universal Council: Over which Apostolick Sees Austin ascribes no superiority to the Bishop of Rome.

In the 478. page, to prove that the Pope sometimes sent his delegats into Africa, who with souldiers and force of arms executed his orders, he alledgeth the 261. [Page 336] Epistle of Austin, saying that Antony Bishop of Fussal in Numidia, being con­demned by the inhabitants of Fussal, having Appealed to the Pope, threatned them to bring troops of souldiers from the Pope to execute the judgements of the Apo­stolick See; so that these poor inhabitants feared to suffer worse things from a Christian Bishop, than from the Emperors Laws. But that Epistle is basely forged; for in the antient copies of Austin there is but 206. Epistles; To which they have added of late 21. Epistles, and since 22. more; so that they are in all 249. Epi­stles. But Baronius speaks of other Epistles newly forged; so it is from Baronius that our Cardinal hath taken this false piece of coyn as many others. And yet he often studies to confute them, and bestows whole Chapters upon that business, as the 48. ch. which fills fourty pages. But how could the Pope have that power in those dayes, to send bands of souldiers into Africa, whereas we have seen, that at the same time Pope Bonifacius was kept prisoner by a few Sergeants, by the command of the Emperor Honorius. None but a raw novice in the history of those dayes, will believe that then the Bishop of Rome had the command of bands of souldiers, and could send them into far Countries, in the Emperors sight and without his leave. Should those Africans, who in the Epistle to Celestinus Bishop of Rome forbid him to send Legats into Africa to judge of their businesses, have been afraid that he should send bands of souldiers upon them?

In the same page he expounds fumosum typhum, a fumous whirle-wind, whereas it signifieth the fumous pride. He taketh [...] & [...] for the same thing, accord­ing to his ordinary ignorance in the Greek tongue; for [...] signifies not a whirle-wind. That in that Epistle typhus must be expounded pride, it appears, because typhus is opposed to humility;Executo­res clericos vestros qui­husque peten­tibus nolite mittere; nolite concedere, ne fumosum ty­phum saeculi in Ecclesiam Christi quae lucem simpli­citatis & hu­militatis diem Deum videre cupientibus praesert, vide­amur indu­cere. for fear (say these Fathers) that it seem that we will bring in fumosum typhum, the fumous pride of this world, into the Church of Christ, which beareth the light of simplicity and the brightness of humility, before them that desire to see God. This word is Austins style: as ch. 3. of the 2. book of baptism against the Donatists, sine ullo typho sacrilegae superbiae, without any swelling of sacrilegious pride. Which shews that this excellent Epistle of the Coun­cil was made by Austin.

In the same 52. ch. towards the end, he alledgeth some testimonies according to his ordinary faith. We spake before of an Epistle of Pope Bonifacius to Eulalius, whereby he saith, that Aurelius and his fellows at the Devils instigation did rise against the Roman Church; of which fellows of Aurelius St. Austin was one. Whence it followeth, that Austin dyed out of the communion of the Roman Church. This seems to be contradicted by an Epistle of Pope Celestinus alledgedCh. 52. p. 480. by M. du Perron, where Celestinus saith, We had alwayes Austin in our commu­nion. But there is an Annotation in the margin of thatThat E­pistle is found in the 1. Tom. of the Councils. Epistle, which accuseth that Epistle of falshood from the 3. ch. to the 13. and last. Now there is no likelyhood that five parts of the Epistle be false, and the sixth true. For my part, I choose rather to acknowledge that Epistle for true, seeing that Vincentius Liri­nensis and Prosper against the Collator have copied passages out of it. And I easily believe that Celestinus might speak so. For the Popes not able to oppose them­selves to Austins authority, have been sometimes constrained to speak of him with honour. And it is possible, that this Epistle was falsified with some additions.

A little after he alledgeth these words of Fulgentius in the book of incarnation, 11. ch. The Roman Church is the head of all the world. That traduction is false. Fulgentius saith, Romana (quae mundi cacumen est) tenet & docet Ecclesia. He calls the Roman Church not the head, but the top and most eminent of all the world. If I say that Paris is the capital and the most eminent City of all the Kingdom of France, I do not thereby ascribe to it an Empire over Toulouze or Bordeaux. Thus in the 142. pag. he translateth summam Ecclesiam the Soveraign Church, in­stead of the most honourable and eminent.

It is usual with this Cardinal, to wrest the places of Fathers to his advantage by a false interpretationPag. 145. As in the 26. ch. he corrupts Optatus, whom he makes to say,Syricius hodie qui no­ster est socius: cum quo nobis totus orbis commercio formatarum in una com­munionis so­cietare Episto­larum concor­dat. by whom [Pope Syricius] all the world hath communion with us, as if the union of Christians was only by the Popes means; but there is in Optatus cum quo, [Page 337] not per quem. Wherefore also in the same place he calls Syricius his fellow; Syrici­us (saith he) who is our fellow.

Thus in the 34. ch. he translates these words [...].Pag: 247. We beseech thee to honour our decree with thy judgement: But [...] signifieth not judgement, but only suffrage or vote. He will perswade that the [...]ouncil of Chalcedon submit their decrees to the Popes judgement. In the 25. ch. pag. 117. he alledgeth an Epistle which Chrysostom writeth generally to Bishops, and will perswade us that it is written to Pope Innocent. In that Epistle Chrysostom saith to them [...], be ye intreated to write letters. But the Cardinal to draw this to the Popes advantage, translateth, Be pleased to send word, or to command, as if Chrysostom desired the Pope to send his Mandates or Commande­ments. For although [...] signifie sometimes, but very seldom, I command, yet it cannot be so translated here, because these Bishops to whom Chry­sostom writeth, had not the power to command. All his book swarms with such faults.

Towards the end of the Chapter he addeth the words of Eugenius Bishop of Carthage to Cubadus Lieutenant to Hunerick King of Africa, Ch. 52. p. 480. which saith that the Roman Church is the head of all the Churches. I answer, that these words import no superiority nor power over the other Churches. So we say that Virgil is the head and Prince of Latin Poets, and that London is the head and capital City of England, that is, the most noble and illustrious.

Note also that Eugenius speaks of none but of the Churches of the Roman Em­pire, and that this preheminence of the Church of Rome over the other Churches of the Roman Empire, was by reason of the towns dignity, it being decreed by many Councils, that Bishops should keep their ranks according to the civil order of the dignity of their towns; and that this is related by Victor of Ʋtica, as happened the seventh year of Hunerick, which falls upon the year of the Lord 484. thirty three years after the fourth Council, which M. du Perron had set for his limits, having undertaken to prove his cause by the antient Church in the time of the first four Universal Councils.

CHAP. 7. Notes upon the forty eighth and forty ninth Chapters of the first Book of Cardinal du Perron. His ignorance in Greek.

THe forty eighth Chapter of M. du Perron treats of the order and distinction of the Councils of Carthage. All that Chapter is imployed to dispute against Cardinal Baronius, and to shew that Baronius misreckoned himself in the suppu­tation of times, and in the distinction and order of the Councils of Carthage, and to muster up his exact knowledge in Ecclesiastical History: which he doth with such a tedious diligence, that I have much ado to perswade my self, that any Reader can obtain of his Patience to read that Chapter to the end. As for our part, it is nothing to us which of these two Cardinals ought to be believed; for that Di­spute concerns not our Controversies.

The same I say of the XLIX. Chapter, where he contends with the Grecians, and with some Authors of the Roman Church, which hold that the Council of Africa is a Council by it self; as also in the Tomes of the Councils, that Council is put in its order, having a hundred Canons in the Latin Tomes, and a hundred thirty five in the collection made by the Grecians. But the Cardinal maintaineth that it is a Rapsody compiled out of many Councils by some African Canonist, and perhaps he is in the right for that. But that is nothing to our con­troversie. Wherefore we leave those two Chapters unanswered, and let him alone disputing with men of his own Church.

Only we will observe that in that African Council the sixth Canon is such; [Page 338] Ʋt primae s [...]dis Episco­pus non appel­letur Princeps sacerdotum aut summus sacerdos, aut aliqu [...]d ejus­mod [...], sed tan­tum p [...]imae sedis Episco­pus. Let not the Bishop of the first See be called Prince of Bishops, or Sovereign Bishop, or some such name, but only the Bishop of the first See; Which order, purposely made to keep in modesty the Primates of Africa which took proud titles, yet re­flects upon the Bishop of Rome, whose ambition these Fathers laboured to restrain.

The same Council in the 4. Canon decreeth that in the Sacrament of the body and blood of the Lord, nothing be offered but bread and wine mingled with water. Which Canon is set down in more express terms; in thePag. 418. [...]. 37. Canon of the Code of the African Church in these words; That nothing be offered in the Sacraments but the body and blood of the Lord, as tho Lord himself hath delivered unto us, that is, bread and wine mingled with water. Where these Fathers declare that by these words, the body and the blood of the Lord in the Eucharist, bread and wine must be under­stood. And the same Canon repeated in the same words in the Council of Trull, Can. 32. But in the Latin copies these last words, That is bread and wine, have been maliciously pared away, because they overthrow transubstantiation.

I will also observe by the way, that the Cardinal in the same 49 ch. translates [...] studious, taking [...] for [...]. For [...] signifies not studiosus, but expetitus & quod studiose appetitur; whence comes [...] and [...], desired by every one, and worthy to be desired.

CHAP. 8. Of St. Austin Bishop of Bona in Africa. Whither he did acknowledge the Bishop of Rome Head of the Ʋniversal Church. And what was in his time the order and dignity of Patriarks, and Apostolick Sees.

IN that time St. Austin lived, a man of holy life, and of great learning. In whose writings a great humility and meekness is shining; who in his Con­troversie with Hierom sheweth as much charity and patience, as Hierom doth choler and impatience, although Austin had the right on his side. Whosoever hath carefully perused this Author, will acknowledge that he was not subject to the Bishop of Rome; and that in those days the Pope had no rule over the Church of Africa, nor over the Universal Church.

This is that St. Austin, who being in the Milevitan Council, made the Canon wherein the transmarine Appeals, that is, to the Bishop of Rome, are forbidden upon pain of excommunication; These are the words, Whosoever shall appeal beyond the Sea, let him not be received by any in Africa to the Communion.

This is that same Austin, who hath assisted in all or most Councils of Africa held under Aurelius Bishop of Carthage. In the sixth of which the prohibition of the Appeals to Rome was reiterated, and the Bishops of Africa writ Letters to Celesti­nus Bishop of Rome, See these Letters in the 6. [...]h. of this present book. warning him that thereafter he should not receive the Appeals of Priests, Bishops and other Clarks of Africa; and that he should send no more Legats, nor executing Commissioners into Africa, and that he should not bring the pride of the world into the Church: And that the Canons which he produced by his Legats as Canons of Nice, that by vertue of them he might draw to himself the Appeals of Africa, were false and supposititious. It is true, that the name of Austin is not among the subscriptions to that Epistle; but that hinders not but that he was present at that Council; for seldom would all the Bishops put all their names to the Epistles of a Council. And though he had been absent from that sixth Council, yet the Council was purposely assembled to confirm the Canon of the Milevitan Council made by Austin about those Appeals. And seeing this fi [...]t Council represented all the African Churches, it is without all doubt that [...] subject to the orders made in the same, and did approve them.

[...] [...]at Austin, who by the judgement of Pope Bonifacius the II. dyed out [Page 339] of the communion of the Roman Church, for rising against the Church of Rome by the Devils instigation: For these are the words of Bonifacius in the forealledg­ed Epistle; Aurelius with his fellows began in the time of our predecessors Bonifacius and Celestinus, to grow proud against the Church of Rome by the Devils instigation. Now Austin was one of the fellows of Aurelius, and he that made the Canon against the Appeals to Rome. That which made that Epistle of Bonifacius dubious, is, that in the title Eulalius is called Bishop of Alexandria, whereas he was Bishop of Thessalonica, as we shewed before. It is true, that between Austins time and this Bonifacius, many godly men lived in Africa, who suffered Martyrdom, and spake honourably of the Church of Rome: For the Bishops of Rome that lived in that interval, bore with patience the censure of the Africans, and did not take it so hainously as this Bonifacius. Howsoever, we had that Epistle from our adver­saries, who have inserted it in the Decretal Epistles of the Popes. And it is al­ledged in the Roman Decree, in the 89. DistinctionDist. 89. Can. Ad hoc..

It is the same Austin, who in the first book against Julian, ch. 2. saith that Juli­an being condemned byNon est ergo cur pro­voces ad Ori­entis An [...]i­stites, cum & ipsi utique Christiani sint, & utri­usque partis terrarum fides una sit. Innocent Bishop of Rome, appealed to the Oriental Churches. Then or never the Bishop of Rome should have condemned Julian for appealing from the Soveraign Head of the Universal Church to inferiour judges subject to the Roman Pope. But Austin saith no such thing, but saith only that in vain he had appeal'd to the Oriental Churches, seeing that they agreed with the Occidental, and held the same faith.

It is the same Austin who in so many places, as in the 162. and 166. Epistles, in the book of the unity of the Church, ch. 16. and in the first book against Julian, ch. 2. relates how the Donatists condemned by Melchiades Bishop of Rome, and by his associates, had their recourse to the Emperor Constantin, who would have the cause to be revised by other Judges; and commanded that a Synod should meet at Arles, where the judgement of Melchiades was examined: who com­plained not that the dignity of his See was wronged by subjecting his judgement to the judgement of a particular Council, convocated by another then himself. That action of Constantin is very sharply condemned by Cardinal du Perron, so far as to say that it was done against all order, and to taxe the Emperors Decree of irregularity and nullity; whereas Austin relates that action of Constantin with praise and approbation. For in that 162. Epistle, he saith, thatAc non Imperator ita quaeri jusse­rit, ad cujus curam, de qua rationem Deo redditurus esset, res illa maxima per­tinebat? &c. Si autem cri­minis non est provocare ad Imperatorem, non est crimi­nis audiri ab Imperatore. the business belonged chiefly to the Emperors care, of which he was to give an account unto God. And that if it be not a crime to appeal to the Emperor, it was not a crime to be heard by the Emperor.

It is the same Austin, who in the Epistle 162. saith that Cecilianus and the Do­natists after the judgement of the Africans,Restabat utique ut E­piscopi trans­marini, quae pars maxima diffundebatur Ecclesiae Ca­tholicae, de A­fricanorum collegarum dissensionibus judicarent. might reserve the whole judgement of their cause to the Apostolical Churches: AndMillia quippe collegarum transmarina restabant, ubi apparebat eos judicari posse qui videbantur Africanos vel Numi­das habere suspectos. And a little before, De collegis agebatur, qui possent aliorum collegarum judicio, praesertim Apo­stolicarum Ecclesiarum, causam suam integram reservare. that there were yet thousands of transmarine Bishops where they might be judged. The same he saith in the book of the unity of the Church, ch. 2. He believed then that Cecilianus and the Dona­tists might appeal to others then the Bishop of Rome.

It is the same Austin, who in the 118. Epistle to Januarius, teacheth that in his timeCum Romam venio, jejuno sabbatho; cum hic sum, non jejuno. the Church of Rome fasted upon Saturday; but that the Church of Mi­lan did not fast on that day; a certain proof that the Church of Milan was not subject unto the Roman. In which custom the Church of Milan followed the judgement of St. Ignatius, who in his Epistle to the Philippians, saith that whoso fasteth on the Lords day, or upon Saturday, one only excepted, is a murtherer of Jesus Christ. And in the [...]. 64. Canon of the Apostles, which expresly forbid­deth to fast upon those two days: And the Greek Churches that since that time assembled in the Palace of Trull at Constantinople, in Council, condemned the Ro­man Church by name for fasting upon Saturday, as Cassianus witnesseth; who in [Page 340] the 10. ch. of the 3. book, blameth the Roman Church for fasting upon Saturday. The same Cassian in the 10. Collation, ch. 2. saith that the Egyptians and Lybians celebrated the Theophania, or Christs birth upon the sixth of January. An evi­dent proof that the Church of Egypt was not subject unto the Roman. And that one may not say that the Roman Church suffered that diversity of observati­ons about fasting as a thing indifferent, Innocent the I. who lived in Austins time, in his Epistle to Decennius, ch. 4. doth expresly enjoyn fasting upon Saturday;Sabbatho esse jejunan­dum ratio e­videntissima demonstrat. Et ibidem, De­mentis est bi­dui agere consuetudi­nem Sabbatho praetermisso. saith it is madness to have another opinion. But the Church of Milan did not change her custom for that, and would not submit to the constitution of the Roman Bishops. See Socrates in the 5. book of his History, ch. 21. and Zozome­nus book 7. ch. 19. about the several customs then observed in the Churches of the Roman Empire.

Whosoever hath read Austins life written by Possidonius, and whoso is acquain­ted with Austins writings, knows that this holy man did not come to Episcopacy by the means without which none in these times can be made a Bishop in the Ro­man Church; For he was not promoted to that degree by the approbation of the Bishop of Rome; He took no Letters of investiture from the Pope; He paid no Annates for his reception; He took no Oath of Allegiance to the Pope in his Ordination, as all Bishops of this age do in the Roman Church, who in their recep­tion take that abominable Oath which is inserted in the Roman Pontifical, where­by they promise not to preach the word of God faithfully according to the holy Scriptures, and speak neither good nor evil of God; but swear only to be faithful and obedient to the Pope, to maintain his rights, and defend his authority with all their power; and to dispose of no Ecclesiastical goods without his leave. That tyranny was not known in Austins time, as also none spake in his days of kissing the Popes feet, or of bestowing adoration upon him, or of going to Rome to gain pardons, or of reserved cases to the Papal See, or of the Popes authority to de­pose Kings, and draw souls out of Purgatory, or of the Popes priviledge to be un­erring in the faith, or of the triple Crown of his Holiness. Neither did Austin ever beg of the Pope any Bulls of indulgence for his Town of Hippona, that he might thereby draw the peoples contributions. He was not afraid of a lapse to be thun­dered out from Rome upon his livings; and after his death he was not Canonized by the Colledge of the Roman Cardinals; for then the world had not heard either of Cardinals or of Canonization.

Indeed Austin according to his wonted meekness and humility, speaks of the Bi­shop of Rome with respect. For both the Church and the Bishop of Rome (though he styled himself Bishop of Rome onely, not the Head of the Universal Church) were very much respected by reason of the dignity of the City, which was the Capital of that great Empire, and the most eminent and flourishing of the world; to which therefore there was a resort from all parts. Besides it was the common belief that St. Peter had founded the Church of Rome, and that the Bishop of Rome was his successour, though not in the Apostleship, yet in the Episcopacy over that City. In the same manner the Patriarch of Antioch and that of Alex­andria said themselves to be successours to the same Apostle; and the Patriarch of Jerusalem called himself successour of St. James. Wherefore all these Churches were called Apostolical Churches, & the Sees of the Bishops of those Churches, Apostolick Sees. Among which the Bishop of Rome was the first in order, by reason of the digni­ty of the City, yet without any power of jurisdiction over his fellows. All that on­ly within the precincts of the Roman Empire; For the Churches without that verge did not acknowledge those Patriarks at all, and sent no Deputies to the Councils within the Empire of Rome; and had no communication with the Bishop of Rome, so far were they from being subject unto him.

Now that order among the Patriarks was established by an Ordinance from the Emperors, and by the constitution of Councils, but was not held to be of Divine right, or grounded in the word of God. Wherefore also the order was sometimes altered; and the Patriark of Constantinople, who was the last, was made the second by the Council of Chalcedon, and by the Imperial Laws, without the consent of [Page 341] the Bishop of Rome: And sometimes those Imperial Laws would prefer the Bi­shop of Constantinople before that of Rome, as we shall see hereafter.

That the precedence of the Bishop of Rome was without power of jurisdiction over the other Patriarks, besides the experience and so many examples which we have brought, and will bring again, we have a Law of Justinian, in the 31. Novell. ch. 2. which speaks thus, We decree according to the definitions of the four Councils, that the most holy Pope of the old Rome be the first of Bishops; and that the most high Archbishop of Constantinople, which is the new Rome, have the second place: But mark the title of that Law, De ordine sedendi Patriarcharum, Of the order of sitting of Patriarchs. Precedence and power of jurisdiction are several things: The one is [...], the other [...]. Thus Christian Kings have or ought to have some order, how they must go or sit when they or their Embassadors meet, although none of them have power over the others.

Still the Emperors reserved to themselves the power of convocating Councils; and would not suffer any to be chosen Patriarch without their leave and consent, and set limits unto Patriarchs, and defined what Provinces must belong to every Patriarchat. Thus in Austins time, in the year of our Lord 421. Theodosius the second made a Law, whereby he decreed that Illyricum which is now Slavonia, should belong to the jurisdiction of the Patriarch of Constantinople, notwithstand­ing the pretences of the Bishop of Rome. Lege 6. Cod. de Sa­cros. Ecclesiis. Et Lege 45. de Epis. & Clericis Cod. Theodos. Omni innova­tione cessante, vetustate, &c. All innovation ceasing, we command that the antiquity and the antient Ecclesiastical Canons which hitherto have been ob­served, be observed over all the Provinces of Illyricum. And if some difference arise, it shall not be reserved to the sacred judgement of the sacerdotal Assembly, without the knowledge of the most Reverend Prelat of the Church of Constantinople, which enjoy­eth the same prerogative as the antient Rome. That Emperor conformably to the constitution of the Council of Chalcedon, (of which anon) would have the Bishop of Constantinople to be equal in all things to the Bishop of Rome. But of those Imperial Laws, and how the Emperors have sometimes raised the Bishop of Rome above that of Constantinople, sometimes that of Constantinople above that of Rome, we shall speak hereafter.

CHAP. 9. Of the Epistles of the Bishops of Africa (of whom St. Austin was one) to Innocent the first Bishop of Rome. And that our Cardinal labours with­out ground to draw them to his advantage.

ALL that was said before, is not contradicted by the Epistles of the African Bishops of St. Austins time to Innocent the first Bishop of Rome, which the Cardinal mustereth up so often, making a great flourish with them, alledging the same testimonies above fifty times. For either he hoped not that the Reader would read his whole book, or he believed that they wanted memory. But these Epistles are rather against then for the Popes primacy.

Among Austins Epistles, the 90. is an Epistle of the Bishops of the Province of Carthage to Innocent: Whereby they represent to him, what they have done against the Hereticks, Pelagius and Celestius: And fearing lest that the Bishop of Rome should support them, and receive them to his communionZozimus Innocents successor, maintained for a time Pelagius and Celestius. His Epistles to that subject are to be seen in Baronius. Anno 417. (as it happened soon after) they desire him to joyn with them, and approving what they had done to help them with his authority. The humblest words which they use, and of which our Adversaries labour to take advantage, are these,Hoc itaque gestum, Domine frater sancte, charitati tuae intiman­dum duximus, ut statutis nostrae mediocritatis etiam Apostolicae sedis adhibeatur authoritas. Sir and holy brother, We thought fit to make known to your charity that which was done, that to the ordi­nances made by our mediocrity the authority of the Apostolick See may be joyned. [Page 342] This place saith nothing that can serve the Cardinals turn. These Fathers, indeed, speak of the authority of the Bishop of Rome. But whosoever hath some authority, is not therefore Head of the Universal Church. In that time the authority of Austin was great, yea greater then that of Innocent; yet he did not for that chal­lenge any superiority over his brethren and colleagues. As for the title of Apo­stolick See, it was common to many other Bishops. Thus Sozom. book 1. cap. 16. [...], &c. In that Council [of Nice] among the Bishops that held the Apostolick Sees, Macarius Bishop of Jerusalem, Eustathius Bishop of Antioch upon the river Orontes, and Alexander near Maeotides paludes, did meet. Ruffinus book 2. ch. 21.Apud Alexandriam Timotheus, in Hie [...]osolymis Johannes, Apostolicas reparant sedes. In Alexandria Timothy, in Jerusalem John, repair the Apostolick Sees. [...]. Cyrillus also is called Prelat of the Apostolick See, that is of Jerusalem, in the 4. book, ch. 24. of Sozomenus. Theodoret in the 5. book, ch. 9. calls the Church of Antioch [...]. the most antient and wholly Apostolical Church. And Basil in the 55. Epistle, saith that [...]. Ambrose Bishop of Milan was called to the Apostolical precedence. And Austin himself in the 162. Epistle, speaks of the Apostolick Sees in the plural, saying that Cecilian might reserve his cause to the judgement of Apostolick Sees, Hierom goes further, saying thatHieron. Epist. ad Evagrium. Omnes sunt successores Apostolorum. all Bishops wheresoever they be, are successors of the Apostles. And Tertullian in his book of Prescriptions, ch. 20.Sic omnes primae, omnes Apostolicae, dum unam omnium pro­bant unitatem communicatio pacis, & ap­pellatio fra­ternitatis, & contesseratio hospitalitatis, quae jura non alia ratio re­git quam ejusdem Sacramenti una traditio. saith that all Churches pure in doctrine, and joyned together by the bond of peace and of the same doctrine, are all first Apostolical. And ch. 21. he calls all the Churches founded by the Apostles immediately originales & matrices.

Wherefore Gregorius Turonensis in the 4. book of his History, ch. 26. makes no difficulty to call the See of the Bishop of Tours the Apostolick See: For there the Legats sent from Tours to King Heribert speak thus,Salve rex gloriose; sedes enim Apostolica eminentiae tuae salutem mittit uberrimam. God save the glorious King; the Apostolick See sends most ample greeting to thine excellency. And Sidoni­us Apollinarii in the 4. Epistle of the 6. book, writes thus to Lupus Bishop of Troyes, whom he calls Sir Pope, Praeter officium quod incomparabiliter eminenti tuo Apostolatui sine fine debetur. Besides the duty which is perpetually due unto thine Apostleship, which is incomparably eminent. And in the 1. Epistle he saith, Lu­pusIn Apostolica sede novem cum decursa quinquennia. had past already nine times five years in the Apostolick See, that is, he had been Bishop 45. years. The same title he giveth to the Bishop of Vaison Ad Apostolatus tui pleniorem notitiam accedo. in the 6. book Epist. 7. and in the 7. book Epist 4.

To return to the Epistle of the African Bishops, one cannot see that the Bishops of the Province of Carthage by that address to Innocent subject their judgement unto his, or that they suspend their judgement till Innocent hath pronounced his, or that they acknowledge him Head of the universal Church.

That which moved them to write to Innocent, was, their fear that Innocent should undertake the defence of Pelagius and Celestius against them; and their fear was justified by the event, his successor Zozimus having for a time laboured to excuse Celestius who was fled to him. The words of the Epistle shew their fear; for they speak as having understood that Innocent held Pelagius to have been justly absolved by the Synod of Palestina. Si ergo Pelagius Epis­copalibus gestis quae in Oriente confecta dicuntur, etiam tuae venerationi juste visus fuerit absolutus, error tamen ipse, & impietas quae tam multos habet assertores per diversa dispersos, etiam authoritate Apostolicae sedis anathematizanda est. If then (say they) your reverence esteemeth that Pelagius was justly absolved by the Episcopal acts, which are said to have been made in the East; yet the erroneous doctrine and the impiety which hath so many assertors scat­tered in many places, ought to be anathematized by the authority of the Apostolick See. As if they said, If thou wilt favour the person of Pelagius, at the least thou must condemn the heresie which is put to his charge. And in the 95. Epistle Austin and his colleagues say, that some that favoured Pelagius, affirmed that they did it by the perswasion of Innocent.

To that Epistle the answer of Innocent is added, which hath this clause put in the title in many editions;Audivimus esse in urbe Romae ubi ille diu vixit, nonnullos qui diversis causis ei faveant, quidam scilicet, quia vos [...]alia persuasisse perhibent. Innocent the Roman Pope answereth this Epistle. This clause is put out in the Edition of Nivelle at Paris 1571. In [Page 343] this Epistle we find wanting the style, the spirit and the learning convenient to so great a Prelat. And that Epistle is justly thus branded on the forehead, for the style of it, ridiculous, barbarous, and vainly puft up.

In that Epistle Innocent speaks like a Master, and receiveth the honour which the African Bishops had done him, to impart unto him what they had done against Pelagius, as a submission of subjects and inferiour Judges, submitting their judgement to the authority of the Roman See, to which (if he may be believed) the knowledge of all things belonged. Which power nevertheless he groundeth not upon the Word of God, but uponPatrum instituta. the institution of the Fathers. Already the Bishops of Rome as well as those of Alexandria and Antioch, wanted no pride, and would spread their Feathers like Peacocks, aspiring to raise themselves, al­though their power was very little out of their Patriarchate: And I wonder how M. du Perron made no conscience to fill his book with a thousand of the like alle­gations, taken from the Epistles and Decretals of Popes, where they ascribe to themselves far more power then they had really.

The next Epistle, which is the 92. among St. Austins Epistles, is an Epistle of the Milevitan Council in Numidia to Innocent Bishop of Rome: Where there is not one word sounding the language of subjects to their Superiour. And where­as that Milevitan Council is the same that makes that excellent Canon, whereby it is prohibited upon pain of excommunication to appeal from Africa to Rome, yet these Fathers make no mention of that, writing to the Bishop of Rome. They make no excuse about it, as not bound to give him account of that or any of their actions: But fearing that he should favour Pelagius, whom they had condemned, they desire him to joyn with them, and to assist them with his authority. In that Epistle is found that text which our Cardinal inculcates and repeats so often:Sed ar­bitramur, ad­juvante mi­sericordiâ Domini qui te & regere consulentem, & orantem exaudire dig­natur, autho­ritati sancti­tatis tuae de sanctarum Scripturarum authoritate depromptae fa­cilius eos qui tam perversa sentiunt, esse cessuros. We believe with the mercy of the Lord, who is pleased to govern you when you con­sult him, and to hear you when you pray to him, that they that hold such perverse and pernicious tenets, will more easily yield to the authority of your Holiness drawn out of the holy Scriptures. But in that there is nothing that can serve to establish the Popes primacy over the Church of the whole World; and there is nothing there but may be said to any faithful Pastour. For the authority of the least Pastours it founded in the Scriptures. Observe that the word depromptae, drawn, which this Epistle chuseth rather to use then fundatae, grounded, sheweth the meaning of these Fathers to be, that if Innocent will take the pains to write against the Pelagians, they shall more easily yield to the authority of the texts, which he shall draw out of the holy Scriptures.

To these Letters Innocent answereth in an arrogant and barbarous way: Where­fore also that Epistle is stigmatized in the forehead like the other. For there is in the title, Ejusdem genii epistola est, This Epistle is endited by the same Spirit as the former. There he commendeth the Fathers of the Milevitan Council for submit­ting themselves unto him, for acknowledging his authority, and for coming to draw an Answer from the Apostolical spring. And truly the Fathers of the Mile­vitan Council foresaw that he would make a wrong use of the honour which they deferred unto him, knowing the presumptuous humor of that Prelat; for in their Letters these words, are found,Ut nobis potius ad cul­pam negligen­tiae valeat, si apud tuam venerationem quae pro Ec­clesia sugge­renda sunt tacuerimus, quàm ea tu possis vel fa­stidiose, vel negligenter accipere. It would serve rather to make us guilty of negli­gence, if we were silent to your reverence of those things which ought to be represented to you for the good of the Church [by representing them to you] to make you receive them disdainfully or negligently. For by making a shew that they fear not that he receive their Letters with pride, they make him a tacit Remonstrance and exhor­tation to humility. And in the end of their Letters they say that by writing to him, th [...]y would follow the example of the Bishops of the Province of Carthage, intimating that they had writ to him what had been done in their Council, not by duty or obligation, but to imitate the example of their neighbours. But Innocent followed rather his humor then their exhortations. And that in the same Epistle it might appear that the Bishop of Rome can erre in the Doctrine, Innocent hath, by the way, put in a false doctrine; teaching that the Eucharist [or Lords Sup­per] is necessary unto little children, that they may be saved: And there is in the [Page 344] margin, Etiam Romana Ecclesia credidit Eucharistiam pueris necessariam, The Roman Church also believed that the Eucharist is necessary to children. Austin also beareth him this testimony, in the first book against Julian, ch. 2. Innocent (saith he) hath defined that little children, unless they eat the flesh of the Son of man, cannot have life. The successors of Innocent would not follow his doctrine;Synod. Trid. Sess. Can. 5. Si quis dixe­rit, parvulis antequam ad annos discre­tionis perve­nerint, neces­sariam esse Eucharistiae communione, an [...]thema sit. And the Council of Trent doth condemn and anathematize it by an express Canon, in the 21. Session. Thus the Roman Church hath anathematized that Pope, above eleven hundred years after his death.

There is yet one Epistle of five Bishops of Africa, Austin being one of them, to the same Innocent, upon the same subject, that is, about the heresie of the Pelagi­ans: It is the 95. Epistle among those of Austin. That Epistle is an excellent one, and filled with good doctrine, and relisheth Austin's style altogether. In that let­ter there is not one word of submission, nor any mention of the Popes authority. But these Fathers endeavour onely to represent unto Innocent the true doctrine concerning free will, and concerning grace and nature: declaring the cause why they write to him about it, even because they had heard that at Rome many fa­voured Pelagius, Audivi­mus enim esse in urbe Romae ubi ille diu vixit, nonnul­los qui diver­sis causis ei faveant; qui­dam scilicet quia vos talia persuasisse perhibent: Plures vero qui eum talia credere non sentiunt. being perswaded to it by Innocent. We have heard (say they) that in the City of Rome, where he lived long, some favour him for diverse causes, some give for their reason that you have perswaded them so; but most believe not that Pelagius holds such tenets. The truth is that they that taxed Innocent of savouring Pelagius, did calumniate him; Yet that report being come to Austins ears and to his colleagues, moved them to write these Letters to Innocent: That was the true reason, not to give him an account of their actions. For excepting only the case of Pelagius, we do not find that the Bishops of Africa ever writ to the Bishop of Rome about the controversies in the doctrine agitated in Africa, but only to con­tradict him, as Cyprian did, and the VI. Council of Carthage.

To these last Letters Innocent answers by an Epistle, which is the 96. among those of Austin, in which he speaks more kindly, and sets his pride a pin lower: There he saith, that he never received any Letter from the Council of Palestina, where Pelagius had purged himself; and that he had no communication about that. Yet because that Epistle is rude and dry, and very far below the worth of the Epistle of the African Bishops; either Austin or some other that first publisht Austins works, have set this title in scorn over that Epistle of Innocent, Innocen­tius superiori respondit suo more, saevns potius quàm eruditus, & ad damnan­dum quàm docendum in­structior. Inno­cent answereth the precedent Epistle after his manner, being more violent and perem­ptory then learned, and more ready to condemn then to teach.

CHAP. 10. A place examined of Austins, 162. Epistle.

BEsides these Epistles about which the Cardinal keeps such a coil, there is a place in the 162. Epistle of Austin, which the Cardinal repeats without end, and thinks he can never alledge it enough. The text is this, Carthage had a Bi­shop of no mean authority, who might very well not care for the conspiring multitude of enemies, Cum se videret & Romanae Ec­clesiae, in qua semper Apo­stolicae Eccle­siae viguit principatus, & caeteris terris unde Evangeli­um ad ipsam Africom ve­nit, per com­municatorias litteras esse conjunctum. seeing that he saw himself conjoyned by Letters of communication with the Roman Church, in which the principality of the Apostolick See hath always been in vigour; and with the other Countries whence the Gospel came into Africa. The words of this place which seem to favour the Bishop of Rome, are, that in the Ro­man Church, the principality of the Apostolical Chair hath always been in vigour. But we have shewed already in the precedent ch. that many other Churches had the same principality, and were called Apostolical, and their Chairs. Apostolick Sees. As for the title of Principality, it was a degree which all the Patriarchal Chairs did challenge, pretending to have the Superintendency over all the Churches. We shall see in the following Chapter, that Theodoret giveth to Nestorius Patriarch of [Page 345] Constantinople the title of Governour of the Churches of all the world. Wherefore also the Patriarch of Constantinople took a little after Nestorius, the title of Oecume­nical Patriarch, that is, the Prince of the Fathers of all the habitable earth; al­though his authority did not extend beyond the Roman Empire. Gregory Nazi­anzen speaks thus of Athanasius Patriarch of Alexandria, in the Oration made of his praises, The Government of the people of Alexandria, which is as much as if one said, The Government of all the World, is given him in charge. And in the same place, [...]. Athanasius giveth Laws again to the habitable earth. Basil in the 50. Epistle, saith, that Meletius Patriarch of Antioch [...]. did preside over the whole body of the Church. Thus in the works of Athanasius there is an Epistle of Arsenius, where he speaks thus to him,Pag. 610. [...]. We embrace peace and union with the Ʋniversal Church over which thou presidest. And we have shewed by many examples, that every Patriarch had an eye over all the Churches of the Roman Empire, and that their care was not limited by the limits of their Patriarchate. No wonder then if to the Roman Patriarch that title of principality is given, since it was common to all the other Patriarchs, which is signified by the word Patriarch, which is as much as Prince of Fathers, that is of Bishops. Observe that Austin saith not that in the Roman Church the principality over the Apostolick Sees had always been in vi­gour. That would be exalting the Bishop of Rome above other Patriarks, and making him their Prince; but only he attributes to the Bishop of Rome this honour, to have the principality of the Apostolick See. As then he that would say that the family of Capets had the pre-eminence of Royalty these six hundred years, should not thereby deny that all that time there was a Monarchy in England, and in Spain where the Kings had the like pre-eminence. Likewise, he that saith that the Bi­shop of Rome had in St. Austins time the principality and pre-eminence of the Apostolick See, doth not deny that in other places there were Bishops having, within their verge, the same Principality, of which we need not seek far for proofs. For Austin in the same Epistle 162. speaks of the Apostolick Sees in the plural num­ber, to which he saith, that the Bishops of Africa could appeal as well as to the Bishop of Rome. They Qui pos­sent aliorum collegarum judicio, prae­sertim Apo­stolicarum Ecclesiarum, causam suam integram re­servare? could (saith he) reserve their whole cause to the judgement of their other colleagues, and chiefly to those of the Apostolical Churches. As it is one thing to have the pre-eminence of a King, another thing to have pre-eminence over Kings; so it is one thing to have the Principality or pre-eminence of Apo­stolical chair, another thing to have the Principality among, or over, the Apostoli­cal chairs.

We have another place of Austin much like this, in the 2. book of the merit of sins, and of pardon, ch. 13. where he saith that St. Paul, tanti Apostolatus me­ruit principatum, obtained the principality of such an excellent Apostleship. He means not that St. Paul hath obtained to be Prince of the Apostles, but that he hath obtained the principality and dignity of an Apostle.

Truly although those titles were then common to many, and were taken in a more moderate sense, and less advantagious for ambition then in the latter ages: yet it must be confest that these titles of honour given to a few Prelates in such a great Empire as the Roman, have been steps to raise them by degrees to an excessive power; And that hence the dissensions are come, and the incredible pride whereby the Patriarks of Rome and Constantinople did since tear one another for so many Ages, and the Oriental Churches were made to justle against the Oc­cidental. Had not the Saracens first, and the Turks next, beaten down the greatness of the Patriarks of Alexandria, Antioch, and Constantinople, and brought them very low, yet to this day we should see them crossing and daring the Popes of Rome, although the Popes have been unmeasurably inriched by the immense liberalities of the Kings of France, who having undergone the Popes yoke (which did insensibly grow from age to age) have brought also their Subjects to the like servitude. Yet to this day these Patriarks, as low as they are, refuse to submit themselves unto the Pope: And the Patriarch of Constantinople doth now style himself Oecumenical, that is, Universal Patriarch.

CHAP. 11. Of Nestorius Patriark of Constantinople. Of the Convocation of the first Council of Ephesus, which was the third Universal: And that the Emperours by their own single Authority convocated the Councils.

IN the year of Christ 428. Sisinnius Patriarch of Constantinople dyed. Nestori­us succeeded him, the greatness of whose dignityTheodo­retl. 4. [...], cap. de Nestorio. [...]. Theodoret sheweth in the 4. book of Heresies, saying, The Government of the Catholick Church of the Or­thodox people of Constantinople, yea of the whole habitable earth, was intrusted to Nestorius. Had the like been said of the Bishop of Rome, M. du Perron would alledge that testimony a hundreth times, and would triumph about it. But Theo­doret takes the Roman Empire for the whole World, and speaks thus, because every Patriarch had an eye to all the Churches of the Empire of Rome.

That Nestorius being exalted to honour, began to spread the venom of a danger­ous Heresie, dividing the natures of Christ, and making one Christ man, and ano­ther Christ God, as if they had been two persons. Then was Celestinus Bishop of Rome, who assembled a particular Council in that City, where the Heresie of Nestorius was condemned: and writ Letters to Cyrillus Patriarch of Alexandria, whereby he exhorted him to assemble also a Council and there to depose Nesto­rius, unless within ten days after the signification he renounced his Heresie. Cy­rillus did so, and assembled a Council at Alexandria, where he framed twelve Articles of Anathema against Nestorius. But for all that, Nestorius was not de­posed; and notwithstanding the sentence of Celestinus and Cyrillus, he kept his place, because he was not subject unto them. Such depositions were but declara­tions that such a Patriarch would not acknowledge such a man for a Bishop: of which we have seen many examples. There was need then that the Emperours autho­rity should intervene to assemble a Council from the whole Roman Empire, to judge definitively of that business.

CHAP. 12. Of the Convocation of the first Council of Ephesus. The Cardinals falsi­fications.

IN the year of Christ 430. the Emperour Theodosius the II. assembled a Council at Ephesus, which is the III. Universal. If the Bishop of Rome had been Head of the Universal Church, his sentence of deposition against Nestorius ought to have been sufficient. Or if there had been a necessity of convocating an Universal Council, it belonged to him to convocate it, and to call to it, not only the Bi­shops of the Roman Empire, but also those of Persia, Assyria, and other Churches without the Empire: Yet nothing of that was done. But the Emperor Theodosius called that Synod by his meer and sole authority. So saith Evagrius, book 1. ch. 3. [...]. The first Council of Ephesus was convocated by the command of the young Theodosius. And Nicephorus, book 14. ch. 34.Theodosi­us Imperiali­bus literis suis in Metropoli Epheso locorum omnium Episcopos convenire jussit. Theodosius by his Imperial Patents commanded that the Bishops from all places shoul meet in the Capital City of Ephesus. [...]. Socrates saith the same, book 7. ch. 34. And that I may not multiply witnesses for a vulgar thing, the very Council testifieth so much; [Page 347] for the Canons of the Council begin thus: [...]. The holy and Oecumenical Council assembled at Ephesus by the command of the most religious Emperors. Of the Bishop of Rome not one word: But among the Acts of the Council there is an Epistle of the Council to Celestinus Bishop of Rome, where the Bishops of the Council tell him, that they are assembled to obey the Imperial significations and threatnings. Why do they not add, speaking to the Bishop of Rome, that they were also assem­bled by his commandment?

Liberatus Deacon of Carthage, though a flatterer of the Bishop of Rome, wit­nesseth the same in the 5. ch. of his Breviary, saying, thatScripsit aliam sacram ad universos Episcopos ut Ephesum con­venirent, &c. the Emperor writ another sacred Patent to all the Bishops, that they should meet at Ephesus to confer about the Books of Nestorius, and the judgement of Cyrillus. A little after he re­lateth how that Council met, saying that after the Feast of Easter, Nestorius with a great multitude came to Ephesus, where he found the Bishops assembled. Then he addeth these words, which M. du Perron falsifieth with a notorious malice. The words of Liberatus are, Porro Cyrillus cum suis, habens vices sedis Aposto­licae, Concilio evocato ducentorum Episcoporum, Nestorium vocaverunt. The Cardinal translateth, Cyrillus with his attendance, provided with the Vicariat of the Apostolick See, having convocated a Synod, cited Nestorius.Falsification of the Car­dinal. Pag. 317. It is a false transla­tion. For how should Liberatus say that Cyrillus convocated a Council, having said a little before that the Emperor Theodosius had convocated it? And having said that the Bishops were assembled at Easter, how should he say that Cyrillus did convocate them? Can one convocate a Council which is already con­vocated?

Certainly the fraud of the Cardinal is evident, who translates Concilio evocato, having convocated a Council, whereas he ought to have translated, the Council being convocated, or the Council being called. Not content with that falsification, he addeth another, translating Nestorium vocaverunt, he cited Nestorius, to per­swade that Cyrillus did that alone, as representing the Pope of Rome. But Li­beratus saith that this citation was not done by Cyrillus alone, but both by him and by the other Bishops his colleagues.

Hereby the Reader may judge how full the Cardinals book is with corrupted and falsely translated testimonies, seeing that in one page onely he hath three no­torious legerdemains of that kind. For besides that place of Liberatus to prove that Pope Julius had convocated the Council of Sardica, he alledgeth a testimony of Athanasius, making him say that Eusebius and the Eusebians desired Julius to con­vocate a Council. But herein he is wide of the truth; for the Council which Julius convocated at the request of Eusebius, was not that of Sardica, of which the con­vocation was Universal, and over all the Roman Empire, but a small Council which Julius assembled of his Diocese about Rome; A thing which all the Metropo­litans could do in their Dioceses. Whereas to convocate a Council from the whole Roman Empire, past the power of Julius.

In the same page he alledgeth a place of Theodoret, Pag. 317. where he translates [...] to convocate, whereas it signifieth to invite, or desire to come: And thereby he will perswade us that Pope Damasus convocated the first Council of Constan­tinople; Above book 5. ch. 11. whereas the place of Theodoret saith onely that Damasus invited the Bi­shops assembled at Constantinople to come to Rome, which summon those Bishops would not obey, as we have seen before.

CHAP. 13. That none but the Emperor could or ought to convocate an Universal Coun­cil; and that the Bishop of Rome did not meddle with that.

BEsides so many testimonies out of Antiquity, that the Emperors alone with their single and absolute authority convocated the Universal Councils, rea­son it self sheweth it, and permitteth not that the convocating of a Council should belong to any other.

For since the Universal Councils were composed of Bishops of the Roman Empire only, it appears that a Council limited with the same limits as the Empire, was convocated by the Emperour. For if the Roman Pope in quality of head of the Church of the whole world had convocated the Universal Councils, he would have called to them, as well the Bishops without, as within the Roman Empire. This sheweth evidently that the cause why the Bishops of Persia, Assyria, Aethi­opia, &c. were not present in those Councils, was, because the Emperour had no right to command them. It was therefore at the Emperours, not the Bi­shop of Romes cost, that the Bishops came. The Emperours furnished them with Horses, Coaches, and all that was called parangarias praestationes, and de­frayed them during their sitting: He had his Comites and Officers that presided in the Assembly, representing the Emperours person. Which is seen by the Acts of this Council of Ephesus, in which the Comes or Count Candidianus did preside: And by the Council of Seleucia, as Socrates relateth in the second book, chap. 39. And it will appear yet more evidently by the Council of Chalcedon when we come to it. Hence it is that the Universal Councils have been greater or smaller, according to the largness or diminution of the Empire. I measure the greatness of a Council, not by the multitude of Bishops, but by the greatness, and number of the Provinces, that send Deputies to it. But no­thing gives more light to this question then the commands which the Emperours made to the Bishops of Rome to go or to send Deputies to the Council. Before the VI. Universal Council, the letters patent of the Emperour to Donus Bishop of Rome are prefixed, which speak thus to him,Per om­nia jubemus paternam ve­stram beatitu­dinem mini­me esse impe­dimentum voluntati Dei, sed eos dirigere. We make an absolute command to your fa­therly beatitude, to be no hinderance, but to send Legats. And before the second Council of Nice, which is put among the Universal Councils, there is an Epistle of Tharasius Patriarch of Constantinople, who saith expresly thatIn quam Synodum & nos & sacer­dotes, veri Vicarii scilicet Papae Romae, secundum mandatum piorum Impe­ratorum con­venerunt. the Vicars of the Roman Pope came to that Council, by the eommand of the religious Emperours.

The same appears by the humble requests of the Bishops of Rome to the Em­perour for the calling of a Council, which supplications very often were rejected. For either it pleased not the Emperours to assemble a Council, or they assembled it not at the time and place which they desired. Thus in the second book of Theodoret ch. 16. Liberius Bishop of Rome beseecheth the Emperour Constantius to assemble a Council: but the Emperour did not so much as give him an an­swer. Innocent Bishop of Rome, as we saw before,See Ni­cephorus. book 3. ch. 31. & 35. sent to the Emperour Arcadius five Bishops and two Priests to beseech him that a Council might be called to examine the cause of John Chrysostom; but his Legats were sent back with disgrace and ill words, as disturbers of the publick peace. Leo the first beseecheth Theodosius to assemble a Council in Italy, sayingLeo Ep. 23. & 31. Omnes man­suetudinem vestram cum gemitibus & lachrymis supplicant sacerdotes generalem Synodum in­tra Italiam jubeatis cele­brari. All the Bishops beseech your meekness with sighs and tears, that you command that a general Coun­cil be celebrated in Italy. But Theodosius would have the Council to be kept at Ephesus. And the sameEpist. 19. ad Theodos. Si pietas ve­stra suggesti­oni ac suppli­cationi nostrae dignetur an­nuere ut intra Italiam habe­ri jubeatis Episcopale Concilium. Leo makes the like request to Marcianus successor of Theodosius, supplicating that at least it might please him to put off the Council: but he could obtain nothing of that he desired.

Of all these things the Cardinal saith nothing in chap. 41. of book 1. where he speaks of the convocation of Councils, and smothereth all that with silence. [Page 349] It is not to be said how negligently he handleth a thing so important to the Papal Monarchy. He is too wise to alledge Hierom speaking thus to Ruffinus in his second Apology;Doce qui eo anno Con­sules fuerint, quis Impera­tor h [...]nc Synodum jusserit con­gregari. Tell me who were the Consuls that year? What Emperour commandeth that such a Council should be assembled? or Socrates in the Preface of book 5. Since the Emperours began to be Christians, the businesses of the Church have depended from their will. And the great Councils were convocated, and are convocated still by their command.

CHAP. 14. Of the Patriarchs that were present in the first Council of Ephesus; and of the strife between Cyrillus Patriarch of Alexandria, and John Patri­arch of Antioch.

TO this Council of Ephesus, Celestinus Bishop of Rome came not. For the Bishop of Rome would never come to any of the antient Universal Councils: Because he feared that the precedence should be deferred to some Patriarch of Constantinople, or Alexandria, or Antioch, who also bore it very high, and were not deficient in ambition. Which might have been done very easily, because in those Universal Councils all was done in Greek, which the Bishops of Rome un­derstood not.Baron. an: 431. Sect. 80. Wherefore the Letters which Celestinus writ to that Council of Ephesus were Latin, and were read by an Interpreter.

Then Celestinus Bishop of Rome sent three Legats to that Council, Arcadius, and Projectus Bishops in Italy, and Philippus a Roman Priest, to represent his person: There also was Cyrillus Patriarch of Alexandria, and Juvenalis Patri­arch of Jerusalem, and Memnon Metropolitan of Ephesus. St. Austin was called to it by the Emperour, but he was then near his last gasp, being fallen sick while Bona his See was besieged by Gensericus King of the Vandals.

John Patriarch of Antioch came also, but too late, the Synod having proceed­ed to the condemnation of Nestorius Patriarch of Constantinople: Which the said John interpreted as a contempt of his Patriarchat and Apostolick See, pre­tending that such a judgement could not have been given without him; and that without him the Council could not sit, nor do a decision that concerned the Universal Church, such as the condemnation of a Patriarch. For that cause the said John having assembled the Bishops of East subject unto his Patriarchat, pronounced a sentence of deposition against Cyrillus Patriarch of Alexandria, and against Memnon Bishop of Ephesus, and degraded them from their charge. Cyrillus also in revenge pronounced the like sentence of deposition against John. All that without expecting the advice of the Bishop of Rome, which in those dayes was not thought necessary. But by the intervention of some persons that loved peace, these two Prelates were reconciled, and as Socrates saithSocrat. lib. 7. c. 37. Depositis inimicitiis reconciliati sibi invicem sedes restitu­erunt. ha­ving laid down their quarrels, they restored the one to the other their Sees.

The example is worth observing; for it sheweth that all the Patriarchs of the Roman Empire challenged the same right and power, as Julius Bishop of Rome had assumed in the cause of Athanasius, namely that Councils could not be assembled, nor Canons made without his advice. The same example teacheth how Sozomenus must be understood, when he saith thatSozom. lib. 3. cap. 7. [...]. Julius restored to Athanasius his See, and to some other Bishops dispossessed from their places by Constantius and by the Oriental Bishops. Also how the same Sozomenus must be expounded when he saith, that the Oriental Bishops deposed Julius Bishop of Rome, and Osius, and Maximus, from their charges. For neither were Athanasius and the other Bishops restored to their places by the decree of Julius, (for they were resto­red long after upon other occasions) Nor was Julius dispossest of his Bishop­rick [Page 350] by their censures. But that deposition of Julius, as also that which John and Cyrillus pronunced the one against the other, were but declarations, where­by they declared that they would not acknowledge such a one for a Bishop, and as far as in them was, pronounced him deprived of his right to his Episcopacy. Likewise the restoring of Athanasius by Julius, was but a declaration that he acknowledged Athanasius to be a lawfull Bishop,In chap. 2. of book 5. towards the end of the chapter. and worthy to be re-installed. He put him in his charge as much as it was in him, although his judgement was without effect. The same was done by Maximus Patriarch of Jerusalem, who having consented to the deposition of Athanasius, restored him afterwards, as we saw before.

CHAP. 15. Of the order of sitting in the first Council of Ephesus. And in what quality Cyrillus did preside in it. How M. du Perron corrupteth this History.

THE Acts of the Council of Ephesus shew that the Comes or Count Candidi­anus, Officer of the Emperour Theodosius, did preside in it with absolute authority, as representing the Emperours person: and that he commanded the Bishops of the Council to proceed with order, and not to take a matter in hand before they had decided the precedent; and forbad them to treat of any Civil or criminal matter, reserving to himself the knowledge of such cases.

But among the Bishops, Cyrillus Patriarch of Alexandria, a man of great authority, both for his courage and learning, and because of the dignity of his See, had the precedence. He was elected President by the Council, eighteen dayes before the comming of the Legats of Celestinus Bishop of Rome. An evident proof that in those dayes they thought not that for the keeping of an Universal Council the presence of the Bishop of Rome or his Legats was necessary.

See the subscriptions of the Bi­shops to the Council, and Baron. an. 431. Sect. 51.When the three Legats of the Bishop of Rome were come, their place was assigned unto them. Arcadius the first Legat sate after Cyrillus: after Arcadius, was Juvenalis, Patriarch of Jerusalem, after Juvenalis, Projectus second Legat of the Bishop of Rome; after him Theodorus Bishop of Ancyra: and after Theodorus Philip­pus the third Legat of Celestinus Bishop of Rome. For in that Age, although one was a Legat of the Bishop of Rome, he might be placed after many Bishops.

It is a thing out of all controversie, that Cyrillus of Alexandria presided in that Council. This is certified by the Acts and superscriptions of the Council, and by the first Action of the Council of Chalcedon, where many things of that Council are repeated. In the preamhles of the same, Flavianus Patriarch of Constantinople saith, that the Council of Ephesus was held under Cyrillus of holy memory; and Evagrius towards the end of the second book; [...]. The Council of Ephe­sus where Cyrillus Primat of Alexandria (who is among the Saints) presided.

But the dispute is under what name, and in what quality Cyrillus had the pre­cedence: whether in his own name, and as a Patriarch of Alexandria, or as a Lieutenant of Celestinus, and holding his place by his concession, as Cardinal du Perron will have it, in chap. 36. of book 1. For we must know that about a year before the sitting of the Council, Celestinus had writ to Cyrillus, exhorting him to proceed vigorously against Nestorius, and desiring him to act both for him, and for himself, and to deal for him in his absence. The like had never been done by any Bishop of Rome. But in that time there was no speech as yet of the Council of Ephesus: And they are deceived that say that Celestinus desired Cyrillus to hold his place in that Council. Yet it is manifest that so much as Celestinus desired of Cyrillus, was done in policy. For knowing the authority of [Page 351] Cyrillus, and foreseeing that in all that should be done against Nestorius, Cyrillus should have the chief hand and the principal honour, he devised to yield the place to Cyrillus of his own accord, and to desire Cyrillus to act for him against Ne­storius, and to do all Acts in his name in his absence. Howsoever, it was by en­treaties that Celestinus prevailed with Cyrillus to do so much, not by any autho­rity that he had over him; and Cyrillus accepted of that Commission before the Council of Ephesus was called or spoken of. But though Cyrillus had received a Proxie from Celestinus to deal for him in the Council in his absence, that could not have taken from the Council of Ephesus the liberty of choosing such a Pre­sident, as they judged to be fittest to moderate. And by all the Acts of the Council, it appears not that the Council had deferred that precedence to Cyrillus in consideration of his Commission from Celestinus. In effect, Cyrillus was elected President many dayes before the coming of the Legates of Celestinus, to which Legates it belonged to declare upon that point, the will of him that sent them. And sure, if such a thing had been, the Letters of Celestinus to the Council, would have mentioned it. But in those Letters, which are extant, he saith only that he had sent Arcadius, Projectus and Philippus, to represent his person in that Coun­cil; without any mention of the Commission given to Cyrillus to hold his place in the Council. Wherefore also in the Greek ActsIn the Epistle of the Council to Theodosius, whereby they desire him to re­lease Cyrillus and M [...]mnon Bishop of Ephesus, who were prisoners. of that Council, Cyrillus and Memnon are often called [...], Presidents of the Council. But as for Celestinus Bishop of Rome, the Bishops say, [...], that he sits with them: That is to be seen especially by the subscriptions added to the Acts of that Council;

Cyrillus Episcopus Alexandriae subscripsi,
Arcadius Legatus sedis Apostolicae subscripsi.
Juvenalis Episcopus Jerosolymitanus subscripsi,
Projectus Episcopus Legatus sedis Apostolicae subscripsi.

Had Cyrillus presided as Legate or Vicar of Celestinus, had he not subscribed as a Legate of Celestinus, would he have omitted in his subscription that quality whereby he had presided in the Council? And if the title of Legate of the Bi­shop of Rome, gave necessarily the precedence in the Council, had Juvenalis Bi­shop of Jerusalem, been preferred before two Legates of Celestinus? And who­ever heard that in the antient Councils, the Bishop of Rome absent, deferred the Presidency of the Council by Commission to any? In all the Council, Cyrillus speaks alwayes in his own name, not as a Lieutenant or Vicar of Celestinus. Leo himself in the 47. Epistle 3. chap. saith thatEphesinae Synodi cui sancta me­moriae Cyrillus Episcopus tunc praesedit. Cyrillus of holy memory presided in the Synod of Ephesus. Had he presided there in quality of Legate of the Roman Prelate, Leo would not have forgotten it.

To so many and so strong proofs, taken from the Council it self, Cardinal du Perron opposeth the testimony of Marcellinus Comes, a Latine Author, and a fa­vourer of his Patriarch, who writ a hundred years after that Council. Also Bal­samon andNice­phor. l. 14. c. 34. Nicephorus, new Authors, who tell tales to this purpose, which Baronius laughs at: But with M. du Perron Fables go for grave Histories, if they concur with his ends: All his other witnesses, as Liberatus and Theophanes, and the Acts of the Council, speak of the Deputation given to Cyrillus by Celestinus, long before the Council of Ephesus, and speak not of that imaginary Commission to hold his place in the Council of Ephesus.

The truth is, it was a legerdemaine of Celestinus, like to that which the Bishops of Rome have oftened practised since the time of Gregory the VII. which was to give to a Prince, that which they could not take from him; or to give some Countrey or Kingdom to a King, upon condition that he shall conquer it, as if the same Princes would have presented the Pope with the Moon, upon condition that he should go and take it. If a Prince so presented by the Pope, suffers some harm for going about to obey the Pope, and comes short of his undertaking; his Holiness doth not bear him harmless. But if the enterprise is atchieved, as when Charles of [Page 352] Anjou effected the conquest of the Kingdom of Naples, and atchieved it, then the Pope will have that Prince to hold the conquered Kingdom in Fee from the Papal See, and to make homage for it to the Pope, as to his Landlord and Leige.

CHAP. 16. Some incidencies happened in the first Council of Ephesus, or by occasion of the same, conducing to this question.

IN this Council, in the entry of the Action, according to the custom, the Book of the holy Gospels was laid upon the Table, that the matters propounded in the Council, might be judged according to the doctrine contained in that Book. A custom which the Pope hath changed, having brought in of late an impious Ceremony of laying the Scripture at the Popes feet, himself sitting on a Throne, as it were to say, that the Word of God is subject unto him: And next to make the Officers of the Council, to come and take an Oath of Allegiance and Obedi­ence unto him, with their hand upon the Book, laid at the feet of his Holiness. This is found practised in the last Council of Lateran, under Julius the II. In the first Session these words are found; Officiales ad pedes sanctissimi Domini nostri tactis sacrosanctis Evangeliis, praestiterunt corporale juramentum. The Officers having touched the holy and sacred Gospels, at the feet of our most holy Lord, took their cor­poral Oath.

Baron. An. 431. §. 120. & 128. & 129. & 146.Divers relations being made to the Emperour Theodosius, about things done in the Council, with little order and much animosity: that good Emperour not knowing which of them he might believe, writ Letters to the Council, whereby he forbad the Bishops to go out of the Council, and commanded that Deputies should be sent to him from the Council, to give him an account of all the passages, and to inform him of the truth. And being prepossest wiih the complaints and calumnies of Nestorius and his adherents, he sent John Count of the sacred Largitions, to Ephesus with Imperial Letters; whereby he declared, that his Ma­jestie held Cyrillus and Memnon as justly deposed, and commanded that they should be apprehended and detained prisoners: Whereupon the Council sent se­ven Deputies to the Emperour, among whom were Arcadius and Philippus, the Roman Bishops Legates, who having informed the Emperour of the truth, made him alter his opinion, so that he approved the condemnation of Nestorius, and took from him the dignity of Patriarch of Constantinople.

By this it appeareth that Cardinal du Perron doth very little for the Bishop of Rome, by affirming that Cyrillus in that Council represented the person of Ce­lestinus. For thereby he declareth that the Emperour made no great account of the Bishop of Rome, since he made no difficulty of committing that man prison­er, that represented the person of the Bishop of Rome. Had Celestinus been pre­sent, he had been served in the like manner. The Reader shall observe also, that the Popes Legates did not take it for a disparagement of their dignity, to be sent by the Council, as Deputies to the Emperour, with other Bishops, to appease his wrath.

Four years after the condemnation of Nestorius, John Patriarch of Antioch, according to the relation ofNiceph: l. 14. c. 35. Nicephorus, writ to the Emperour Theodosius with a remonstrance, that for the good of the Church he ought to expell Nestorius, and put him out of the Oriental Empire. Which was presently executed by Theo­dosius, who relegated Nestorius to Oasis. Had the Bishop of Rome done that which John of Antioch did, our Adversaries would triumph about it, and say, that the Emperours are subject to the Popes Decrees, and that they can bring the greatest Patriarchs to condigne punishment, according to their pleasure.

The same Author relateth, that the said John sent to Cyrillus his Confession of [Page 353] Faith in writing. When some Bishop sends his Confession to the Bishop of Rome, our Adversaries take that for a most certain proof of subjection to the Papal See; to which they will have all obliged to give a reason of their Faith. But we have seen before, that Liberius Bishop of Rome, sent his Belief and Confession of Faith to Athanasius Bishop of Alexandria: and John being not subject to Cyrillus, yet sends his Confession to him.

CHAP. 17. Occasion of the second Council of Ephesus, and by whom it was Con­vocated.

IN the year of our Lord 448. this occasion of new trouble arose in the Churches of the Roman Empire. That Flavianus Bishop of Constantinople, de­graded and expelled a Priest named Eutyches, for confounding in one, the two na­tures of Jesus Christ. Which was the cause that the Emperour Theodosius convo­cated another Universal Council at Ephesus, and writ Letters about it to the Bi­shops of all the Provinces of the Roman Empire. His Letters to Dioscorus Patriarch of Alexandria, are to be seen in the first Action of the Council of Chalcedon, in which he speaks thus,Si quis vero tam ne­cessariam & verè Deo amicam Syno­dum praeter­miserit, & non omni virtute se­cundum prae­dictum tem­pus ad prae­finitum locum pervenerit nullam excu­sationem ne­que apud Deum, neque apud nostram inveniet pie­tatem. If any let pass a Synod so necessary and truly pleasing to God, and will not use all his endeavour to come to the appointed place, at the prefixed time, he shall find no excuse, neither with God, nor with our piety.

The same Emperour writ Letters to the same purpose to Leo Bishop of Rome: to which the said Leo answereth in the 9. Epistle, where he saith, that he hath sent to Theodosius his Confession of Faith: which in others is taken by our Adversa­ries as a testimony of subjection. In that Epistle he endeavoureth to disswade the Emperour from assembling a Council at Ephesus, and beseecheth him to assemble it rather in Italy. Wherefore (saith he) if your piety will do so much as to consent to my counsel and supplication, that you command that a Council of Bishops be held within Italy, &c. These words teach us four things. 1. That this Council of Ephe­sus was not convocated by Leo Bishop of Rome, since it sate against his counsel, and notwithstanding his humble supplication to the Emperour, that it might rather be in Italy. 2. That the Bishop of Rome speaks to Theodosius, as to his Master, with submissive entreaties, beseeching him to command the assembling of a Council: and by consequent, acknowledging that the right of Convocation belonged to the Emperour. 3. Above all it is notable, that Leo was denyed by the Emperour, who believed not that the consent of the Bishop of Rome was of necessity requisite for the assembling of a Council. 4. It is to be noted also, that the Bishop of Rome being denyed, obeyed nevertheless the Emperours Order, and against his own will sent Legates to Ephesus.

Leonis Epist. 12. Leo then writ the second time to Theodosius, That to obey his command, he had sent three Legates to the Council: Julianus a Bishop, Renatus a Priest, and Hilarius a Deacon, to represent his person, and to keep his place. And in another Epistle to the same Emperour, which is the 16. he saith,Ratio­nalibus causis ab indicenda Synodo fuisset abstinendum, tamen in quantum Dominus juvare dig­natur meum studium com­modavi, ut clementiae vestrae statutis aliquatenus pareatur. That although, for causes grounded upon good reason, it had been better not to call a Council, yet that he might in some manner obey the Emperours commands, he had sent Legates to supply the defect of his presence. Which he saith to excuse himself for not coming in person, according to the Emperours command.

The same Leo writes to Flavianus Bishop of Constantinople, and tells him that he thought it needless to have a Council, and yet that to obey the Emperour, he had sent Legates to the Council.

It is then a thing out of question, that Leo did not convocate that Council, since himself did disswade it; and yet by sending his Deputies to it, he approved the Convocation of the same.

The cause why Leo did so much desire that the Council should rather be assem­bled [Page 354] in Italy, is, that Italy was of his Patriarchate, and that he could have gathered a great number of Occidental Bishops; also that the language of the Council should have been Latine, and the President one that spoke Latine, who in all likely­hood could have been no other but the Bishop of Rome: Whereas in Greece, the Grecians surpassing in number, all was done in Greek, and a Greek President was chosen; and they made the Legates of the Bishop of Rome, to sit after many Bishops: Which was the cause that the Bishop of Rome never would be present in the antient Universal Councils.

Here then is justified the saying of Pius the II. in the first Book of the Acts of the Synod of Basil; That in old time for the Convocation of Councils, the au­thority of the Popes was not much requisite.

CHAP. 18. Of the things happened in the II. Council of Ephesus, and who presided in it.

THis Council, though justly infamous, and called by the Grecians [...], the thievish Council, because in the same, Flavianus was not only unjustly condemned, and Eutychianism established, but Flavianus was also cruel­ly beaten, of which he dyed a year after in exile. Yet that Council had all that was requisite to make an Universal Council: For it was Convocated by the Emperour from all parts of the Empire; and there all the Patriarchs met, either in person, or by their Deputies. Leo Bishop of Rome had there his Deputies; and Dioscorus of Alexandria, Flavianus of Constantinople, Domnus of Antioch, and Juvenalis of Jerusalem, were there in person.

It happened that the Deputies of the Bishop of Rome, passing by Constantinople, were feasted by Flavianus Patriarch of Constantinople, which furnished Eutyches and his faction with a cause of recusation of the said Deputies: This with other considerations, was the cause that Theodosius possest with the perswasions of Chrysaphius Prefect of the Imperial Pallace, gave order that Dioscorus should have the precedence among the Bishops: To which also the Council consented. So Dioscorus Patriarch of Alexandria was elected President, and the Deputies of the Bishop of Rome put under him. This History is related in the first Action of the Council of Chalcedon, where the things passed at Ephesus were examined and made void. There an Epistle of Theodosius to Dioscorus is recorded, where he tells him, We give the authority and the primacy to your beatitude. Of which we find not that the Deputies of the Bishop of Rome made any complaint, or that they took it as a contempt or an injustice, that the Primacy should be deferred to any but the Bishop of Rome: For Liberatus an African Deacon, and a flatterer of the Bishops of Rome, who writ about twelve hundred years after, is not a cre­dible witness, when he saith that Leo's Deputies would not sit, because the prece­dence was not deferred unto them. For the Acts of the Council of Chalcedon, made for the advantage of the Bishop of Rome, are more to be credited in this matter. And Leo an aspiring man, and desirous to raise the dignity of his See, would not have forgotten to expostulate of the wrong done to him. Liberatus himself saying, that the Deputies of Rome opposed all that was done in the Coun­cil, and protested against it, thereby presupposeth their presence. It is false also (thoughCh. 37. of the 1. book p. 298. M. du Perron affirms it as true) that the Primacy which Dioscorus had usurped was declared a tyrannie. That cannot be found, and the testimony which he alledgeth to prove that, saith nothing of it; but saith only that Dios­corus by his tyrannie absolved Eutyches, and restored to him his dignity, and rose against the Bishop of Rome: which was, when he excommunicated Leo. Besides, that place is taken from the Greek Acts of the Council of Chalcedon, which are but a Collection of lyes: As that which is said in that place, that Leo deposed [Page 355] Eutyches; for that was done by Flavianus, before that Leo was made acquainted with it. Deposing a man who is already deposed, is stripping a naked man: Though Leo would have restored Eutyches, he could not have done it.

Besides Dioscorus President of the Council, the Emperor had there Count Hel­pidius, with some other Patritii and Officers that represented his person, and presided as for the exteriour order. To that Helpidius the Emperor sent letters, where these words are found. I command thee, that if thou seest any factious and raiser of tumults, to the prejudice of the truth, that thou commit him prisoner, and reserve unto me the knowledge of the cause. From that penalty he excepteth not the Legats of the Bishop of Rome, who were no less obnoxious to be punisht by the Emperors then the other Bishops.

CHAP. 19. Of the Appeal of Flavianus, and of Theodoret Bishop of Cyr, to Leo Bishop of Rome. And of the Appeals in general. That the Cardinal did not under­stand the nature of those Appeals.

LIberatus a Deacon of Carthage, who writ some six score years after that Coun­cil, saith that Flavianus being condemned by the second Council of Ephesus, Appealed to Leo Bishop of Rome. This obligeth us to speak of the Appeals to the Bishop of Rome, and to examine those Appeals which Cardinal du Perron produceth in the 43. ch. of the 1. book.

He brings in the first place the example of Athanasius, of whomTheod. l. 2. c. 4. Theodoret speaks thus, Julius according to the Law of the Church, commanded them to come to Rome, and cited the Divine Athanasius to judgement. But for that it is better to believe Julius himself and Athanasius, by whose testimony we have shewed before that Julius would take knowledge of that business, not because the judgement of it belonged to him, but because the Eusebians had desired so much of him, for they being parties against Athanasius, had requested him to arbitrate that difference. We shewed also how these Eusebians, seeing that Julius abused insolently the power which they had deferred unto him, would not undergo his judgement, but writ to him letters full of scorn and threatnings, saying that they were not inferior to him: yea that they came so far, as to degrade and depose Julius from Episco­pacy in the Council of Philippolis. We have seen also byHieron. Epitaph. Marcellae. See before, ch. 2. of the 5. book. where this matter is treated at large. Hieroms testimony, that Athanasius came to Rome not as cited to appear, but as not able to subsist in Egypt or in the East, which made him to retire to a Bishop of his communion, and to the protection of Constans, an Orthodox Emperor. The same is seen in the Ora­tion of Gregory Nazianzen concerning Athanasius.

That whichSozom. l. 3. c. 7. Sozomenus saith, that Julius restored unto Athanasius and Pau­lus, and other expelled Bishops, to each of them his See, must be so understood, that he pronounced judgement that they ought to be restored, and gave them re­stitution as far as in him was: For in effect, they were not re-installed for that. That restitution was done some years after, by the intervening of the Emperor Constans then raigning in the West; Who partly by threatnings, partly by entrea­ties caused Athanasius to be put in his place again, till the sitting of a Council, which should decide that business. But a little after, Constans being slain by Mag­nentius, Athanasius having lost his support, was expelled again, and constrained to fly: So that not only the judgement of Julius, but the assistance of Constans were without effect. Read Theodoret, and Socrates, and Sozomenus, and the An­nals of Baronius, you shall see that Athanasius recovered not his See by the judgement of Julius Bishop of Rome. See also what we have said before in ch. 2. of our 5. book.

The example of John Chrysostom Appealing by letters to Innocent Bishop of Rome, [Page 356] was examined before,In ch. 2. of this book 6. and upon that point we have convinced the Cardinal of manifest falshood, and shewed that these letters are not written to Innocent: and that though these letters had been written to him, yet it is not spoken there of any Appeal but to a Council, in which the proceedings of Theophilus Patriarch of Alexandria against him might be disannulled. And in effect Innocent took not upon him the judgement of that matter, but only sent to the Emperor Arcadius to beseech him to grant them a Council, which he could not obtain, but his Legats were sent back with contempt and disgrace.

The Cardinal insisteth much upon the Appeal of Flavianus Patriarch of Con­stantinople to Leo Bishop of Rome. That will be found repeated fifty times over in his book. Although I could call the truth of that History in question for many reasons, Liberatus being a witness much posterior in time, and suspected, and of small authority; yet I will receive it as true: and shew that M. du Perron never understood well Ecclesiastical History in this point of Appeals.

For in the antient Ecclesiastical history the word Appeal is commonly taken otherwise then in civil matters. The Appeal of Flavianus to Leo was not to de­sire him to take knowledge of his cause, and to make himself Judge, as superior of the Council of Ephesus: That was beyond Leo's power: Wherefore also he did not undertake it: But by that Appeal he had recourse unto Leo, that by his me­diation and request to the Emperor another Council might be called, where his cause might be revised, and the Acts of the Synod of Ephesus made voyd. Neither did Leo himself understand it otherwise: For upon that Appeal he writ to the Emperor Theodosius, in these words;Epist. Leonis 23. Omnes partiū nostrarum Ec­clesiae, omnes mansuetudini vestrae cum gemitibus & lachrymis supplicant sacerdotes, ut quia & nostri fideliter re­clamarunt, & cisde [...] libellū appellationis Flavianus Episcopus dedit, genera­lem Synodum intra Italiam jubeatis celebrari. All the Churches of our parts are suppliant to your meekness with groanings and tears, that because our Deputies faithfully opposed themselves [to heretical decrees] and that Flavianus hath given them a bill of Ap­peal, you command that a Synod be celebrated in Italy. Experience is the strongest proof of all. For upon that Appeal Leo made not the parties to appear. He used no citation. He pronounced no sentence of condemnation, or deposition, or Anathema against Dioscorus: Only he assembled a particular Council at Rome of the Bishops of his neighbourhood, in which the proceedings of the second Council of Ephesus were disapproved: and acknowledging that such a judgement was not sufficient, he urged the Emperor to obtain a general Council. Neither did Libe­ratus understand it otherwise. For he saith that Leo in consideration of that Ap­peal petitioned the Emperor to assemble a Council. Of this, Leo himself is a wit­ness, and his particular Council assembled at Rome of the Italian Bishops, who writ thus to the Emperor Theodosius; And a little before; Omnia in eo statu esse ju­beatis in quo fuerunt ante omne judiciū, donec major ex toto orbe numerus sacerdotum congregetur. And Liberat. cap. 12. Leo Theodoreti querelas su­scipiens, litteris suis Theodosium petit, ut fieret intra Italiam generale Concilium. We beseech thee to command that all things be put again in the same state that they were in before the judgement, untill a greater number of Bishops be convocated out of all parts of the world. Which words evident­ly demonstrate that Leo and his Council did not hold their judgement to be deter­mining in that cause, and that there was need of a Council of greater authority; which Leo doth not command, but petitions for it in all humility. To this the Cardinal giveth an answer of the greatest absurdity that can be devised, saying that this petition of Leo and his Council to the Emperor, that all things might be put in their state again, was only intended for the temporal; Whereas there was questi­on only of Ecclesiastical matters, the deposition of a Bishop, and the approbation or abrogation of a Council.

It is plain, that if Flavianus Appealed to Leo, he did it in the same manner as Julianus condemned by Innocent Bishop of Rome Appealed from his judgement to the Oriental Churches, as Austin saith in the first book against Julian, ch. 2. And in the same manner as Pelagius condemned by the Bishops of Africa, caused his cause to be revised in the East by the Council of Palestina, where he was cleared and absolved: And in the same manner as Austin saith in the 162. Epistle, that after the judgement of the African Bishops, there were many thousands of Bishops beyond the Sea, and Apostolick Sees, to which Cecilianus might reserve his cause, and have it judged again. All which Appeals to others then the Bishop of Rome, the Cardinal would not take as Appeals to a superior Judge; for indeed they were but a recourse to other Bishops, that by their mediation and authority a Coun­cil [Page 357] might sit, in which the condemned might be heard in their justifications, and might complain of their former Judges.

The Appeal of Theodoret is of the same nature, and must be understood as that of Flavianus. Yet it must be observed, that in the works of Theodoret there is no mention of that Appeal of Theodoret, but in an Epistle which is found in the second Tome of the Councils, and in the Acts of Chalcedon in the same Tome; which as well as the first, is top-full of falsifications, and where the most part of the Epistles are suspected, and rejected by Baronius and Bellarmin. I pass by the Manuscript Epistles which Baronius saith he hath seen in the Popes library, for that allegation hath no authority. Now whatsoever Theodoret hath done or said in the praise or exaltation of Leo Bishop of Rome, can be no more then what he saith of Nestorius Lib. Haereseon cap. de Nestorio. Patriarch of Constantinople; that he governed the Church of all the world. What the Cardinal saith in another place, that Eutyches being near to be deposed, Ap­pealed to the Pope, is false. For the Acts of the Council of Constantinople, rehearsed in that of Ephesus and Chalcedon, say that heConcil. Chalcedon. Act. 1. p. 114. [...]. Appealed to a Council, where the Bishops of Rome, Alexandria, Jerusalem, and Thessalonica should be.

In the same 43. ch. M. du Perron alledgeth the Council of Sardica thus decreeing, If a Bishop hath been deposed by the judgement of the Bishops of the neighbouring Pro­vinces, and pretends to be heard again; let not another be substituted in his room, till the Bishop of Rome hath pronounced his sentence about it. See above book 5. ch. 3. But we have seen be­fore that this order was made only by the Occidental Bishops, which were of the Roman Patriarchat, and that it was of no force in the other parts of the Empire, much less in the Churches without the Empire; and that it was unknown unto the Churches of Africa. Also that the constitution was only for the person of Julius Bishop of Rome, not for his successors, and under favor of the Bishops of the Coun­cil, to whose pleasure that constitution is submitted. And that the Occidental Bishops in the Council of Sardica did gratifie Julius with all their power to dis­please the Oriental Bishops, who had degraded and deposed him in their Council which they held at the same time.

The other examples which the Cardinal alledgeth, are no Appeals. Valens and Ʋrsacius desired the Bishop of Rome to forgive them, because they had offended him. The Council of Tyane restored to Eustathius his Bishoprick at the recom­mendation of Liberius. Such examples are nothing to the purpose; for they are no examples of Appealing to the Bishop of Rome.

He adds the Epistle of Valentinian, to which we will give a Chapter apart; And heaps up many things out of the Greek Acts of the Council of Chalcedon, which are all forged things, made to contradict the Canon of the same Council, whereby, notwithstanding the oppositions of the Legats of the Bishop of Rome, the Bishop of Constantinople is equalled unto the Roman in all things and without exception, as we shall see in the proper place.

The other examples which he brings, are much posterior in time to the fourth Universal Council, which is the term which he hath fixed to himself. And none of them is beyond the limits of the Roman Empire. Neither is all that any thing in comparison of so many Councils of Africa where St. Austin was present, in which the Appeals to Rome are forbidden upon pain of excommunication; and the Bishops of Africa writ letters to Pope Celestinus, warning him to abstain from receiving any Appeals from Africa, not to take knowledge of their businesses, not to send Legats or Commissioners into Africa, and not to bring the fumous pride of this world into the Church of Christ; trusting that the Spirit of God shall not be wanting unto them to conduct their own businesses. Of which Councils we have spoken above in the sixth and seventh Chapters.

Let all that have some equity, judge whether the reasons and examples, which I will now bring, be not of far greater force then all that the Cardinal brings to esta­blish the Appeals to Rome.

I. First the Reader may take notice, that the Cardinal could not bring any divine Ordinance, nor one word of Scripture whereby the Bishop of Rome is con­stituted a Soveraign Judge of the Universal Church, or Peters successor in the quality of head of the Universal Church.

[Page 358]II. Observe in the second place, that all the examples which the Cardinal brings are since the 340. year of Christ; so that three whole Ages since Christ and more, afford no example, and no mention of Appealing to Rome from the remote Provinces.

III. Consider in the third place, that all the examples of Appealing to Rome which the Cardinal brings are taken from within the verge of the Roman Empire: But over all his book he could not produce one example of any Church, or any particular man, without the precincts of the Empire, that ever Appealed to the Pope.

IV. We have proved that those very examples which he sets forth with so much shew, are false and against the right history. That Athanasius never Appeal­ed to Rome, and came to Rome without calling, seeking refuge against persecution. That Chrysostom never Appealed to Rome, and that there is no trace of that in Antiquity. That the Appeal of Flavianus to Leo Bishop of Rome, was but a re­quest whereby he had recourse unto him, that by his intercession he might obtain from the Emperor another Council where his cause might be examined again; As also Leo did not understand it otherwise, seeing that he cited not the parties to ap­pear, and bore not himself as a Soveraign, but applyed himself only as an earnest Petitioner to the Emperor for the convocating of another Council.

V. It is easie to discern what the antient Church thought of those Appeals, I say not to the Bishop of Rome (for none were made then in the sense that the Cardi­nal takes it) but to Councils and superior Assemblies. For Socrates in the 2. book, ch. 40.Is the 32. in the Latin version. speaks thus of Cyrillus of Jerusalem, In this place we must know that Cyrillus was since accused, I know not why, and put down from his Bishoprick. Now he was deposed, because being many times cited in judgement for the space of two years, he would not appear, fearing accusations. But being [...]. deposed, he signified in writ­ing his Appeal to them that had deposed him, Appealing to a superior judgement; which Appeal the Emperor Constantius approved. Now Cyrillus alone did that, and was the first, who against the custom of Ecclesiastical rule made use of Appeals as in a civil judgement. That Cyrillus, condemned and deposed by a particular Council, had Appealed to an universal Council, a thing unusual before that time. How strange then had it lookt if he had Appealed to the Bishop of Rome? The Cardinal could not rid himself of this difficult passage, but by breaking a gap to get out with a falsification, his ordinary way: For he disguiseth this history with incredible boldness. He saith that these words are not the words of Socrates, but of Sabinus, an heretical Author related by Socrates. A thing utterly false. In all that Chapter there is not one word spoken of Sabinus. And Socrates manifestly speaketh as from himself, and as desirous that his narration should find belief; saying, We must know that Cyrillus was accused. He saith not, We must know that Sabinus saith, &c. We must know saith he, that Cyrillus was accused and deposed, and that he Appeal­ed contrary to the Canons, &c. It is true, that three pages before he sends the Reader to Sabinus, who makes a more particular relation of the things happened in the Council of Seleucia, and saith that he will content himself to say the principal things summarily. He saith, not as the Cardinal makes him speak, We running over, will extract only the heads. Socrates speaks not of [...]. And in the version. Nos capita rerum brevi­ter perstringe­mus. extracting, but saith, We will only relate the principal things, as running. But suppose that Socrates had extract­ed that out of Sabinus, it is enough that he relates it as true. Shall we reject Justin or Xiphilinus because they have abbreviated Trogus and Dion? Doth he not him­self condemn those that reject the book of Maccabees, because it is a summary of Jason?

VI. To that falshood he joyns another, saying that Cyrillus is condemned, not for Appealing to a greater Synod, but for getting a writ of Appeal from the Imperial Chancery. And as he saith a little after, for obtaining letters from the Emperor to get his appeal accepted. All that as false as the allegation of the words of Socrates, which he untruly saith to be the words of Sabinus; For of that writ of Appeal there is not one word in Socrates: Only he saith that the [...]. Emperor Constantius consented to the Appeal of Cyrillus, or had approved it. In effect Cyrillus Appealed not to the Emperor, but to a superior Council.

Had it been then the custom to Appeal to the Bishop of Rome, two Councils of A­frica, the Milevitan where S. Austin was present, and the sixth Council of Carthage, had not prohibited to Appeal from Africa to Rome upon pain of excommunication.

VII. Austin in his 162. Epistle speaks thus to the Donatists concerning the judgement pronounced against them by Melchiades Bishop of Rome, and by the other Bishops his associates;Ecce putemus illos Episcopos qui Romae judi­carunt non bonos judices fuisse, resta­bat adhuc plenarium Ecclesiae uni­versae Con­cilium ubi etiam cum ip­sis judicibus causa posset agitari, ut si male judicasse convicti es­sent eorum sententiae sol­verentur. Let us suppose that those Bishops that judged at Rome were no good Judges; there remained yet the full Council of the universal Church where the cause might be debated with the same Judges, so that if they could be convinced to have judged amiss, their judgement might be reversed. By these words doth he not presuppose that one might have appealed from the judgement of the Bishop of Rome to a Council? which is very far from appealing from the judgement of the Council to the Pope. The same Austin taught us before that Julianus condemned by the Bishop of Rome, had appealed to a particular Council of the Ori­ental Churches; so little account they made in those days of the judgements of the Bishop of Rome.

VIII. We alledge also the VI. Canon of the first Council of Constantinople, which is the second Universal; If they say that they have some Ecclesiastical accu­sation against a Bishop, the holy Synod decreeth that they propound first their accusa­tion before all the Bishops of the Province, &c. [...], &c. [...]. But if it happen that the Bi­shops of the Province be not sufficient to redress such accusations, let them address themselves to a greater Synod of Bishops of that Diocese, &c. And if any despising the things decreed according as it was declared before, make bold to trouble the Emperors ears, or the judical Seats of secular Magistrates, or disquiet the Ʋniversal Council, &c. Let him not be heard at all in his accusation. That Canon decree­eth that the Synod of the Diocese judge definitively and without appeal of the causes of Bishops. It is not material whether he speaks of the accusers of Bi­shops, or of the accused Bishops; for the Pope now pretends that both the accu­sing and the accused Bishops may appeal to him.

IX. The 9. Canon of the Council of Chalcedon is more express yet to this pur­pose. [...]. If a Clark hath some business against his own Bishop, or against some other Bishop, let him cause it to be judged in the Synod of the Province. But if a Bishop or Clark hath some difference with the Metropolitan of the Province, let him address himself to the Exarch of the Diocese, or to the See of the City of Constan­tinople, and there let him be judged. The Reader may observe that this Council is Universal, and by consequent gave orders for the whole Roman Empire, and that the Legats of the Roman Empire were present, who past this Canon without mur­muring, wherein it is decreed that from the Synod of the Province one might ap­peal to the Exarch of the Diocese (for then a Diocese contained many Provinces, and the first Bishop of the Diocese was called an Exarch) and that he that would decline the judgement of the Exarch might appeal to the Patriarch of Constan­tinople, who judged ultimately, and without appeal. But of appealing from him to the Bishop of Rome, the Synod speaks not; for it was not the custom.

This Canon displeased Pope Nicolas the I. so much, that to break the strength of it, he corrupted it with a notorius depravation.Quem autem primatem diocescos sancta Synodus dixerit praeter Apostoli primi Vicarium nullus penitus intelligitur, &c. Nec vero moveat quia singulari numero dioceseos di­ctum est. Sciendum est quia tantundem valet dixisse primatem dioceseos quantum si perhibuisset dioceseon. Plenae sunt enim Scripturae tali forma locusionis. For in his Epistle to the Emperor Michael, by the Exarch or Primat of the Diocese he understands the Bi­shop of Rome; but because the Bishop of Rome (if he may be believed) hath the command of all Dioceses, that venerable Pope will have that word Diocese to be un­derstood plurally, as if the Council of Chalcedon had said, Let him address him­self to the Primat of Dioceses, that is, to the Bishop of Rome: Let none find it strange (saith he) that the word Diocese is put in the singular, for it must be known that it is as good as if he had said of the Dioceses. The Scriptures are [Page 360] full with speeches of that kind. And he brings for example that which is said, Gen. 2. that a fountain sprung up out of the earth, instead of saying, the fountains.

This is that Pope who being proud and false in the highest degree,In the same Epistle. ground­eth his primacy upon that which was said to Peter, Kill and eat; and upon the command made to the same Apostle, Joh. 21. to draw to the shore the Net full of Fishes: also upon Christ's saying to him, When thou art converted, confirm thy brethren.

Cardinal du Perron in the same chap. alledgeth against himself a Law of Justinian, commanding thatPag. 513. & 514. Clarks be judged first by their Bishops, next by their Metro­politans, and next by the Patriarch of the Nation, &c. Because against the sentences of Bishops the precedent Emperours had decreed that there should be no Appeal. The Cardinal suspecteth, after Balsamen, that the text of that Novell is corrupted; or that this ought to be understood only of the causes of inferiour Clarks. But there are many other Laws of Emperours, so express, that they admit none of those shifts; as the Law of Leo and Constantinus related by Leunclavius, in these words,Lib. qui inscribitur, [...], &c. Tit. 10. cap. 6. pag. 99. [...], &c. The judgement of the Patriarch is not subject to appeal, and is not ob­noxious to revision, or to be retracted by any other, seeing that he is Prince of the Ecclesiastical judgement, and that from his judgements all Ecclesiastical judgements depend, and are resolved into it, and thither do return. But it depends from none, and is not referred to any other: For such is the nature of principality. But that judge­ment is judged by it self by a spiritual judgement. That Law, in my opinion, is ex­press enough.

CHAP. 20. Of the excommunication that Dioscorus Patriarch of Alexandria fulmi­nated against Leo Bishop of Rome; and other censures pronounced against the Bishop of Rome.

DIoscorus Patriarch of Alexandria displeased that Leo Bishop of Rome had as­sembled a particular Council at Rome, in which he had condemned Eutyches and his doctrine; to be revenged of him, assembled a Council at Alexandria, in which he excommunicated Leo, and declared him excluded from the communion of the Church. This was a very perverse, proud and unjust action; for which, as also for his Heresie, and for his violence against Flavianus, he was condemned a little after, and deposed by the Council of Chalcedon.

Yet such examples shew how little the other Patriarchs respected the Roman Prelate. With the like boldness Steven Patriarch of Antioch, with the Oriental Bi­shops (that had separated themselves from the Council of Sardica to make a Coun­cil apart,Socrat. l. 2. c. 16. See before book 5. ch. 2.) deposed Julius Bishop of Rome, as we shewed before. It is true, they were Arians, and Dioscorus an Eutychian; But we find not in any of the antients that have written against these Hereticks, and exactly examined their errours, as Epiphanius, Theodoretus, Austin and Philastrius, that this was ever put among the errours of the Eutichians or Arians, that they did not subject themselves to the Bishop of Rome, and had not acknowledged him Head of the Universal Church.

Wherefore not only the Hereticks, but also the Orthodox Bishops used the like boldness, and feared not to use censures against the Pope of Rome. Of that we have a notable example in St. Hilary, in his fragments alledged by Baronius, and published by Mr. Faber Tutour to the KingAnn. 1626. he means Lewis the XIII. of France. now reigning. Where Hilary re­peateth these words often, Anathema tibi à me Liberi. O Liberius, anatheme is denounced unto thee by me. The reason was, that Liberius Bishop of Rome, bow­ing under the persecution, had subscribed the confession of the Arians made at Syrmicum.

Nicephorus in the Ecclesiastical History, book 17. ch. 26. relateth howEo inso­lentiae pro­gressus est, ut & M [...]nam à communione quatuor men­sibus excluse­rit. Idem sane & Menas adversus eum fecit. Sed e­nim Justini­anus ejusmo­di rebus ad iram commo­tus qui eum comprehende­rent misit. Vigilius au­tem sibi metu­ens ad [...]rgii martyris aram f [...]gil, &c. Vi­gilius Bishop of Rome grew so insolent as to exclude from the Communion for four moneths Menas Patriarch of Constantinople. Menas did the same unto Vigilius. But Justinian provoked to anger with such actions, sent men to take Vigilius, who being afraid, fled to the Altar of Sergius Martyr, and there embracing the holy Or­gans, could not be drawn from them without breaking them.

Victor Tunensis in his Chronicle, in the 10. year after the Consulat of Basilius, saith, thatPost con­sultatum Ba­silii V. C. an. X. Africani Antistites Vi­gilium Roma­num Episcopum damnatorem trium capitulorum Synodaliter à Catholica communione reservato ei poenitentiae loco exclu­dunt. the African Bishops assembled in Council, hearing that Vigilius Bi­shop of Rome had condemned three Articles confirmed by the Council of Chalcedon, excommunicated Vigilius, yet reserving unto him time of repentance.

A little before, that is, in the year 484. two fierce beasts troubled the rest of the Church, Acacius Patriarch of Constantinople, and Felix Bishop of Rome, striving to exceed one another in pride. Felix assembled a Council at Rome of 77. Bishops, where he declared Acacius, not Heretick, but polluted with the communion of Hereticks. Liberatus in the 18. ch. of his Breviary, saith, that the Legats sent to signifie that sentence unto Acacius, durst not appear, but caused it to be surrepti­tiously delivered by a contemptible Monk. Nicephorus addeth, that some of them were killed, the others committed prisoners. Upon that Acacius fulminated against Felix Bishop of Rome, and commanded that his name should be put out of theThe diptychs were certain Tables with two pages, in which the Names of the dead and the living were written, which for honours sake were named in the celebration of the Mysteries. Diptychs or Ecclesiastical Tables, as of an execrable and excommunicated man, not to be named in the Church. Which censure was for a long time obser­ved, till the coming of an Emperour that was favourable to the Roman Bishop.

CHAP. 21. Of the Letters, and of the Law of Valentinian the third. And of the Law of the Emperor Leo, contrary to that of Valentinian.

IN that time Theodosius the second reigned in the East, who was a rare example of piety, meekness, and integrity of life. The Ecclesiastical Writers think that they can never praise him enough. See Sozomenus in the Preface of his Hi­story. And Theodoret book 5. ch. 37. where they exalt the vertues and the god­liness of that Prince.

In one thing he cannot be commended, that in the latter end of his life he suf­fered himself to be too much possest by Chrysaphius an Eutychian; by whose in­stigation he approved the condemnation of Flavianus, and the actions of Diosco­rus in the Council of Ephesus. Of which yet he repented a little after, putting in the room of Flavianus an Orthodox Bishop, called Anatolius.

But in the same time a monster for vices reigned in the West, Valentinian the third, a base and effeminate man, a follower of Magicians and Wizards, asProcopi­us de bello Vandalico, l. 50. Baron. An. 455. §. 2. Procopius affirmeth, and so abandoning the care of his businesses, that by his idle­ness and cowardize the Empire fell, and became the Prey of barbarous Nations, and could never recover since. Sidonius Apollinaris in his verses calls him, semi­vir amens, a mad half man. It was he that killed Aetius, whose vertue was the bulwark of the Empire of the West, and ravisht the wife of Maximus, Sidonius Apollinaris in carminib. Aetium pla­cidum macta­vit semivir amens. a Patri­tian, who in revenge conspired against his life, and having killed him, usurped the Empire.

As much as Valentinian was idle and careless of his businesses, so much was Leo Bishop of Rome vigilant to do his, and industrious to advance the dignity of the Ro­man See. He had the care of Valentinian, and of his mother Galla Placidia, [Page 362] and abused the brutish understanding of that Emperour to further his own interest.

Valentinian and his mother being at Rome, Leo so prevailed with them by sup­plications and flatteries, that they writ to the Emperour Theodosius, to beseech him to permit that a general Council should assemble in Italy. The conformity of these Letters with the request which Leo made unto Theodosius for a Council in Italy, and the titles of praises and greatness which in Valentinians Letters are be­stowed upon Leo and his See, shew evidently that the Letters were written at the suggestion of Leo. It were an errour to think that an Emperor that cared not for the ruine of his Empire, took the pains to read these Letters, and to examine the terms. There Leo is styledPrinceps sacerdotum, Petri succes­sor, cui fas sit de sacer­dotibus judi­care. the Prince of Bishops, Peter's successour, to whom it belongs to be judge of Bishops.

But the Emperor Theodosius that governed the East, made little account of these letters, and regarded not all these high titles. For he would not grant to Valenti­nian nor to Leo that a Council should be held in Italy.

Another occasion was presented to Leo to abuse the stupidity of Valentinian. And that was a quarrel between Leo & Hilary Bishop of Arles, who called himself Primat of the Churches of Gauls subject to the Roman Empire, that is, of Pro­vince and Daulfine. For the rest of the Gauls was then held by the Wisigoths, and by the Franks. The quarrel was, that Hilary conferred the degree of Bishop in his Diocese, not expecting the consent and approbation of the Bishop of Rome: But Leo would oblige him to acquaint the Roman See with it, & to get his approbation.

Upon that Leo sends Letters to the Bishops of Daulfine, where after he hath exalted in magnificent words the dignity of the Roman See, he adds,Epist. 87. ad Episcopos per Vien­nensem pro­vinciam con­stitutos. Hilary to trouble the state of the Church and the concord of Bishops by new presumptions, hath exceeded measure, desiring so to subject you to his power, that he will not suffer you to be subject to the blessed Apostle Peter, challenging to himself the Ordination of all the Churches in Gauls.

In the inscription of these Letters, though puffed up with pride, as also in other Letters, he takes no higher title then that of, Bistop of the City of Rome. And to sooth up the Bishops of Daulfine, he tells them,Non enim nobis ordina­tiones pro­vinciarum vestrarum defendimus. We will not challenge the or­dination of your Provinces. That is, he would not himself confer Orders, or the Degree of Bishop in Daulfine, but he was contented that the Bishops elected and created might not do the functions of their charges, but after his approbation.

In that strife Leo according to his custom had his recourse to Valentinian, who presently without hearing what Hilary could say for himself, gave sentence for Leo, and made a Law which is extant in the Theodosian Code among the Novell constitutions, in the 24. title. That Law M. du Perron sets forth with much ostentation, and speaks of it very often; especially in the 25. ch. of the 1 book, where he alledgeth these words of that Epistle, Whereas the merit of Peter, who is the Prince of the Episcopal society, and the dignity of the Roman City, and the au­thority of the sacred Synod, have establisht the Primacy of the Apostolick See: Let not presumption attempt any unlawful thing against the authority of that See; for then shall the peace of the Churches be maintained every where, if the Ʋniversality do ac­knowledge their Governour. In which words the Reader may observe by the way, that Valentinian doth not ground the Popes primacy upon the word of God. He addeth, We Decree by a perpetual Ordinance, that it be not lawful either to the Bishops of Gauls, or to those of other Provinces to attempt any thing against the antient cu­stom, without the authority of the venerable Pope of the eternal City; but that to them and to all, whatsoever the authority of the Apostolick See hath decreed, or shall decree, may be a Law; so that what Bishop soever being evocated to the judgement of the Ro­man Prelat shall neglect to appear, he be constrained by the Governour of the Province to make his appearance.

Author vitae Hilarii Arelatensis apud Cujaci­um, Obser. l. 15. c. 38.An unknown Author who hath written the life of that Hilary, saith that he was forced to bow under the Emperors will, and to go to Rome to make his peace with Leo. So the Mysterie of iniquity advanced it self by the support of impious Emperours: for never such language was spoken before.

But Valentinian being deprived of Africa by the Vandals of Africa, and of [Page 363] Spain and Guienne by the Goths, and of most part of Gauls by the Franks, no­thing remaining to him but Italy, Sicily, Province and Daulfine, all the East being in the power of Theodosius; that Law had but small vigour, and but a short extent.

In vain M. du Perron to augment the force of that Law, saith, that it beareth the title of Theodosius and Valentinian; for whensoever two Emperors reigned in the same time, the one in the East, the other in the West, as in the time of Valens and Valentinian the first, or of Theodosius and Gratianus, or of Arcadius and Ho­norius, or of Theodosius the II. and Valentinian the III. the Laws of the one bear the title of both, although one of them had made a Law without the communication or approbation of the other. Thus in the second Council of Ephesus all the Let­ters of the Council were written to Theodosius and Valentinian, although they were addressed to Theodosius alone, who alone convocated and governed that Council; while the age, the course of life, the weakness, and the remoteness of Valentinian made him incapable to think of those matters.

How much that Law was despised in the Empire of the East, it is easie to see. For in the year 472. that is about 22. or 23. years after that Law of Valentinian, a contrary Law was established by the Emperor Leo, which is the 16. Law in the Code, de Sacrosanctis Ecclesiis; the words of the Law are these, whereby the Em­peror decreeth that the Church of Constantinople be the first of all Churches, and the Bishop of Constantinople the first of all Bishops. These are the words of the Law.Sacro­sanctam quo­que hujus ur­bis Ecclesiam & matrem nostrae pieta­tis & Chri­stianorum Or­thodoxae reli­gionis omni­um, & ejus­dem religio­sissimae urbis sanctissimam sedem privi­legia & ho­nores omnes super Episco­porum creati­onibus & jus ante alios re­sidendi, & caetera omnia quae ante im­perium no­strum vel no­bis imperanti­bus habuisse dignoscitur, habere in per­petuum firmi­ter regiae ur­bis intuitu, judicamus & sancimus. We Judge and Decree that the most holy Church of this Town, which is Mother of our piety, and of all Christians of the Orthodox Reli­gion, and the most holy See of the same most Religious City, have all the priviledges and honours concerning the creations of Bishops, and the right of sitting before others; And that the said Church may have perpetually and firmly, in consideration of the Royal City, all that she had before we were Emperors, or in time of our Empire. See also the 24. Law, bearing this title.Constanti­nopolitana Ec­clesia omnium aliarum est caput. The Church of Constantinople is the Head of all other Churches.

Baronius upon the year 472. of his Annals declaimeth against that Law of Leo; and saith that it proceeded from him, who is the Head over all the sons of pride, which is the Devil. Wherein I will not contradict him; for both that Law, and that of Valentinian have been suggested by those Prelats, who emulating one another, raised their Sees, and insinuating into the favour of Emperors, wickedly abused their simplicity. Thus a little before that Law of Valentinian, the Patriarch of Constantinople had suggested a Law to Theodosius, whereby theLege 6. Cod. de Sa­crosanctis Ecclesiis. Omni innova­tione cessante vetustatem & Canones pristinos, &c. Illyric [now Slavonia] which the Roman Bishops claimed, is subjected unto the Patriarchate of Constantinople; and the Emperor Mauritius That is seen in the Epistles of Gregory the first. maintained the same Patriarch against Gregory Bishop of Rome, and approved that he should style himself Uni­versal Bishop, calling Gregory a fool for making so much noise about a word.

For my part, I am of opinion that these Laws and Imperial Epistles are of no force in this question; and the force which they might have, if they had any, can have no strength beyond the precincts or the duration of the Roman Empire; neither can it serve to make the Bishop of Rome Head of the Universal Church. Rather these Laws serve to shew that the greatness of the Popes came by the con­cession, and by the stupidity of Emperors, not by the word of God, of which not one word is alledged in this matter.

Then lived Sidonius Apollinaris Bishop of Clermont in Auvergne, of whom we have the Epistles, great part of which are written to the Bishops of Gauls his Col­leagues: But in none of them is there any trace of subjection to the Roman See, or of communication with the Bishop of Rome. The sameSidon. l. 6. Epist. 1. & saepe alibi. Sidonius calls Lupus Bishop of Troyes, Pope and Bishop of Bishops, and the first Bishop of the World, and saith that he is sitting in the Apostolick See.

Note also that in the same time great part of Gauls was possest by the Franks and Wisigoths, who had invaded them upon the Roman Empire; without whose limits the Bishops of Rome claimed no Superiority.

CHAP. 22. Of the Ordination of the Patriarch of Antioch by that of Constan­tinople.

IN the year 449. a little after the dissolution of the Council of Ephesus, Anato­lius an Orthodox Bishop, and free of Eutychianism, was promoted to the Pa­triarchate of Constantinople by the Emperor Theodosius: a certain proof that the Emperor was no Eutychian.

Anatolius raised to that dignity, created Maximus Patriarch of Antioch, and conferred the Ordination upon him. If Leo Bishop of Rome had done so much, M. du Perron would triumph about it, and would take that for an undoubted proof of the primacy of the Bishop of Rome over the Universal Church. That which is most considerable in that business, is, that Anatolius did that without ask­ing Leo's counsel; wherefore Leo complains of it in an Epistle to the Emperour Martianus, saying, that it was a presumptuous action of Anatolius: Yet in spite of Leo, Maximus remained in his place, and Leo durst not take upon him to displace him. Already Valentinian's Law was vanisht, and no more mention made of it. If that Law of Valentinian had been of some authority, Leo ought to have imployed it in that occasion; but he knew that the Greek Churches, and all the Churches of the East received not that Law.

CHAP. 23. Of the assembling of the Council of Chalcedon, which is the IV. Universal Council.

IN the 450. year of Christ, dyed the good Emperor Theodosius, having reigned 42. years. Martianus succeeded him: that Emperor upon the instant request of the Bishops, resolved to convocate an Universal Council from all parts of the Empire. Leo Bishop of Rome was the least forward of all the Bishops to desire that Council, foreseeing that it should not be assembled in Italy, and that the Emperour would have it neer him; he petitioned then that at least the Council might be put off till another time. But the Emperor Martian prest by the Patri­arch Anatolius, and by other Bishops, resolved to assemble it with speed. This is seen in the 41. Epistle of Leo to that Emperor, where he speaks thus to him,Poposce­ram à glorio­sissima cle­mentia vestra ut Synodum quam pro reparanda pace Orienta­lis Ecclesiae à nobis etiam petita necessa­riam judi­castis ali­quantisper differri ad tempus oppor­tunius jubere­tis. I had petitioned your most glorious clemency, that you would be pleased to command that the Synod which you judged necessary to restore the peace of the Oriental Church, should be put off to a more seasonable time. Although then Leo's advice was, that the Council should be put off, yet to obey the Emperor, he sent Legats to it to re­present his person, as he saith in the same Epistle. One may see also by his Epistle to the Empress Pulcheria, that he had petitioned that the Council should be as­sembled in Italy: But the Emperor would have it to sit at Nice; afterwards al­tering his resolution, he would have it to sit at Chalcedon. In the preambles of the Council of Chalcedon the Imperial Patents of Martian are set down, written to the Bishops of the Empire, where he commands them to be at Nice upon the ap­pointed day; and threateneth them together, Whosoever will reject this Ʋniversal Council, which shall be altogether useful, he sins against God himself, and offends our piety. And Leo was so little informed of the alteration of the Emperors will about the place, that the Letters which he writ to the Council, of which his Legats were [Page 365] the bearers, were written to the Bishops assembled at Nice in Council, as we learn of Evagrius, book 2. ch. 2. See also Liberatus, in the 13. ch. and Nicepho­rus in the 15. book, ch. 2.Baron. an. 451. §. 8. Baronius himself acknowledgeth that the Council was assembled by the Emperors command: The Emperor (saith he) upon the tenth of the Calends of June publisht an Ordinance for the Ʋniversal Synod, to which he convocated the Bishops. Here is then an Universal Council, which not only was not convocated by the authority of the Bishop of Rome, but was also convocated to another place, and in another time then he had requested. For he had been a sup­pliant to the Emperor that it should be put off, and that it might sit in Italy. So the saying of Pope Pius the II.Pius II. lib. 1. Hist. Concil. Basi­liensis. At ego dum veteres lego historias, dum actus perspicio Apostolorum hunc equi­dem usum non invenio ut soli Papae Concilia congregaverint, &c. Nec post tempora Constantini magni & aliorum Augustorum ad congreganda Concilia quae situs est magnopere Romani assensus Papae. is made good. When I read the antient Histo­ries and the Acts of the Apostles, I find not this custom, that the Popes alone assembled the Councils; and a little after, Since the time of great Constantine and of the other Emperors, the consent of the Roman Pope was not much required for the assembling of Councils.

CHAP. 24. Who presided in the Council of Chalcedon.

THis Council is one of the most grave and famous that have been at any time. For there the Emperor himself was present, and there 630. Bishops met from all parts of the Empire. From the Kingdoms of France, Spain and Great Britain no Deputies were sent, because those Countries were no more in the Roman Em­pire, nor in the Patriarchate of the Bishop of Rome. And yet that Council is cal­led Universal, because it was convocated out of all the Roman Empire.

Some Patritians and Counts representing the Emperors person, presided in that Council, sitting in the highest place, in the midst, between two rows of Bishops. This is seen in every Session of the Acts of the Council, where they are always named the first. And it is evident by the Acts that the Bishops spake only by their leave, and that they represt by their authority the Bishops that behaved themselves with insolence and importunity. Thus in the first Action, a confused clamour being raised,Gloriossi­mi Judices & Senatus dix­erunt, Accla­mationes istae populares ne­que Episcopos decent, neque partes juvant. Patimini ergo universorum fieri lectionē. The most glorious Judges and Senate said, These popular accla­mations neither become Bishops, nor do good to the parties: have patience then till all be read. So in Evagrius, book 2. ch. 4. [...]. The Senators have thus decreed. In the 16. Action the Legats of the Bishop of Rome, speak thus to the Judges:Hesterna die, post quam potestas vestra surrexit & humilitas no­stra vestigia vestra sequu­ta est. Ye­sterday after that your highness was risen, and our lowness followed your steps: And a little after,Poscimus ut magnificentia vestra haec relegi praecipiat. We petition that your magnificence command that these things be read again. The Bishops had not so much power as to read a Paper the second time, without the leave of those Judges. A Bishop presenting a Petition, said unto them, We fall down, petitioning before the knees of your Highness; as Evagrius re­lateth in the 18. ch. of his 2. book. Liberatus in the 13. ch. saith thatA judicibus & Episcopis omnibus illa contradictio suscepta non est. the Le­gats of Rome having formed an opposition, the Judges and Bishops would not regard it: a certain proof that those Legats were not Judges.

Those Senators had at their right hand Dioscorus Patriarch of Alexandria, and Juvenalis Patriarch of Jerusalem: and at their left hand Paschasinus and Lucentius Legats of the Bishop of Rome, and Anatolius Patriarch of Constantinople. And although in the Acts of the Council these Legats be often named before Anatolius, yet Anatolius is also in many places named before them. And in all the actions ge­nerally Anatolius speaks far more then they, and doth all the actions of a Presi­dent, and hath the chief authority in the Council. The words of Paschasinus Le­gat [Page 366] of Rome in the first Action are notable;Pag. 20. Ecce nos Deo volente Do­minum Ana­tolium primū habemus. Hi quintum po­suerunt beatū Flavianum. Behold (saith he) we hold, by the will of God, My Lord Anatolius for the first, but these have put Flavianus in the fifth place. Meaning, that although Anatolius was the first, yet the Eutychians in con­tempt had put Flavianus Predecessor of Anatolius in the fifth place. Which he saith, not because the Patriarch of Constantinople was the first Patriarch: but because in the present Action he held the first place, and presided in the Council.

CHAP. 25. Of that which past in the Council of Chalcedon, and of the Canons made in the same about the order of the Patriarchs, and the Ecclesiastical policy.

IN the fourth Action of this Council a memorable accident happened.This is added to the Canons of Chalcedon, in the Greek copies of du Tillet, and in Balsamon, in the end of the same Council. The Legats of Leo Bishop of Rome having produced in the Council the Epistle of Leo, comprehending the wholesome doctrine about the two natures of Christ, did instantly require that the Bishops of Egypt should approve and subscribe it, that it might appear that they were not of the sect of their Patriarch Dioscorus, who a few dayes before had been deposed by the Council. But the Bishops of Egypt refused to subscribe, saying that they had no Archbishop, without whose authority it was not lawful for them to do any thing. Whereupon they desired the Council to give them leave to assemble apart to elect an Archbishop; which being elected, they would do what they should command them; Their request was granted, and they elected an Archbishop in the place of Dioscorus, by whose leave they might afterwards sign the said Epistle. This example sheweth, that the Bishops of Egypt held not themselves subject to the Bishop of Rome nor to his Legats, since they thought it not lawful for them to do what the said Legats required of them, with­out the permission of their Patriarch. Who also was elected by the Bishops of Egypt only.

In the same Council this Canon, related before, ch. 19. was made, which is the ninth.The Greek text of this Ca­non is in the margent of the 19. ch. of this book 6. If a Clark hath some difference with his Bishop, or with any other Bishop, let him be judged by the Synod of the Province. But if a Bishop or a Clark hath a difference with the Metropolitan of the same Province, let him address himself either to the Exarch of the Diocese, or to the See of the Royal City of Constantinople. In the Roman Empire there were thirteen or fourteen Dioceses, and every Diocese con­tained many Provinces, each of which had many Bishops, and over these Bishops a Metropolitan. The first Bishop of the Diocese was called Exarch, to whom many Metropolitans obeyed: Such Exarchs were the Bishops of Alexandria, Antioch, Cesarea, Cappadocia, Carthage, Rome, Constantinople, Thessalonica, Ephesus, Arles, &c. Among which some by an especial honour were called Patriarchs, as the Bi­shops of Rome, Constantinople, Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem, and had pre­heminence among the Exarchs, save only the Patriarch of Jerusalem, who was even subject to the Bishop of Cesarea, because Cesarea was the Capital City of Palestina, according to the civil order. For the Bishops of the Roman Empire had their places according to the dignity of the Cities. I find also in Gregory of Tours in book 5. of the history of the Franks, ch. 20. and in the Council of Mascon, that the Bishop of Lyons is called a Patriarch.

This digression was necessary for the intelligence of that Canon: Of which the sense is this: That if a Clark hath a difference with his Bishop, he must be judged by the Synod of his Province. If he have a difference with the Metropolitan Bi­shop, let him address himself to the Exarch of his Diocese. And among the Exarchs that priviledge is given to that of Constantinople, that from all Dioceses Appeals may come to him: and that who so will not undergo the judgement of his Exarch, [Page 367] may remove the cause, and evocate it to the judgement of the Patriarch of Con­stantinople, who shall judge the cause ultimately, and without Appeal. A certain proof that there was no Appeal from his judgement to the Bishop of Rome.

This is that Canon which Pope Nicolas the first in the Epistle to the Emperor Michael doth wickedly corrupt, putting Dioceses for Diocese, the plural for the singular; and by the Exarch of the Dioceses, meaning the Bishop of Rome only; as if the Canon said, Let him address himself to the Exarch of the Dioceses, that is, to the Roman Pope. A great licentiousness, to corrupt and change the words of such an express Canon; which though we should pass by and wink at it, still this would remain, that the Bishop of Constantinople is by that Canon equalled unto the Bishop of Rome; if so be that the Canon decreeth, that he that hath a difference with a Metropolitan, must address himself to the Pope of Rome, or to the Bishop of Constantinople, and giveth no leave to Appeal from the judgement, either of the one or the other.

The twelfth Canon of the same Council acknowledgeth, that when the Em­perors made a City to be Metropolitical for civil causes; according to the increase of the civil dignity, the Ecclesiastical dignity grew also, and the Bishop was styled Metropolitan. The words of the Canon are, [...]. Let all the Cities which by Roy­al letters have already been honoured with the title of Metropolitan, enjoy that only honour, &c.

The seventeenth Canon saith the same, [...]. If by the Imperial power a City hath received, or hereafter shall receive some new degree, let the order of Ecclesiastical Pa­rishes be also conformable to the civil and publick form. There the word Parish signifieth all that is under a Bishops jurisdiction, and is the same thing as is now called a Diocese. The ninth Canon of the Council of Antioch confirms that very thing, saying. The Bishops of every Province must acknowledge the Bishop of the Metropolitical City, and take care of the whole Province; because all they that have businesses resort to the Metropolitical City: therefore we have decreed that he should be preheminent in honour. Of which we have an example in the second Novel of Justinian: where that Emperor giveth to the first Justinianea (the City of his birth) the title of Metropolitical and Archiepiscopal over many Provinces.

This is the true source and origine of the preheminence of the Bishop of Rome, even because Rome was the Capital City of the Roman Empire: As it is said in very express terms in the same Council of Chalcedon, in the twenty eighth Canon, [...]. The Fathers have with good reason given prerogatives to the See of the antient Rome, because that City raigneth. That is, it is the Capital City of the Empire.

If the antient Church had regarded Peters being at Rome, and dying there; no doubt but the Church of Antioch where they say that St. Peter kept his See seven years, should have preceded the Church of Alexandria founded by St. Mark only. And the Church of Jerusalem where Christ taught, and where he dyed, [...]. and where all the Apostles a long time resided, ought to have been the first. But because in the civil order Alexandria was before Antioch, and that Jerusalem was subject to Cesarea the Metropolitical City of Palestina, the Bishops also sate according to that order, and followed the civil order.

For this reason the first Council of Constantinople, in the third Canon, decreeth, that since the City of Constantinople is become another Rome, and the second Ca­pital City of the Empire, that the Bishop of Constantinople also should have the pre­heminence next to the Bishop of Rome, which was a posteriority in order without any subjection. So much is declared by the title of the 31. Novel of Justinian, De ordine sedendi Patriarcharum. Of the order of sitting among the Patriarchs. Which the Council of Chalcedon hath more plainly exprest in the 28. Canon, where the Bishop of Constantinople is declared equal to the Bishop of Rome in all things, al­though according to the civil order Constantinople be the second after Rome. To which Canon that made so much noise, and which still makes our adversaries heart ake, we owe a Chapter apart.

CHAP. 26. Of the XXVIII. Canon of the Council of Chalcedon, and of the protesta­tion which the Legats of Leo Bishop of Rome made against it: And how they offered to falsifie a Canon of the Council of Nice.

THE Council of Chalcedon was one of the most solemn Assemblies of Chri­stian Prelats that ever was; they were 630. Bishops chosen out of all the Roman Empire. Pope Leo the first then living, acknowledgeth in the thirty seventh Epistle to the Emperour Leo, that this Council was assembled by the Holy Ghost. It is the fourth among the Universal Councils; Of which four Councils,Praedicta­rum quatuor Synodorum dogmata sicut sanctas Scrip­turas accipi­mus & regulas sicut leges observamus. Ju­stinian in the 131. Novel, chap. 1. andSicut sancti Evan­gelii quatuor libros sic qua­tuor Concilia suscipere & venerari me fateor, Nice­num, &c. Pope Gregory the first, say, that they receive and honour them with the like respect as the four Gospels.

In that Council that famous Canon was made whereby the Bishop of Con­stantinople is equalled to the Bishop of Rome in all things, and the City of Constan­tinople, though second in order after Rome, among the Cities of the Empire, is declared equal to Rome, as well in Ecclesiastical as in Civil things. The Canon is this, The Fathers with good reason have given prerogatives to the See of the anti­ent Rome, [...]. because that City reigneth. And the hundred and fifty Bishops [of the first Council of Constantinople] most beloved of God, moved with the like conside­ration, have attributed to the most holy See of the new Rome [which is Constanti­nople] equal priviledges, judging with good reason that the City honoured with the Empire and the Senat, and having the same priviledges as the antient Imperial Rome, ought to be magnified as much as that City in Ecclesiastical things, being the next after her.

Three things displease our Adversaries in this Canon. The first is, that there the preheminence of the Bishop of Rome is founded only upon the Civil dignity of the City of Rome, which is the seat of the Empire, and the capital City. The se­cond is, that by this Canon, the Bishop of Constantinople is declared as equal in Ecclesiastical things to the Bishop of Rome, as the City of Constantinople was equal to the City of Rome in Civil things, and to have the same priviledges. Whence it followeth, that the Bishop of Constantinople was not subject to that of Rome, although Constantinople was the second in order. The third is, that by this Canon the order of the Patriarchs is changed, and the Bishop of Constantinople, who sometimes was but suffragant to the Metropolitan of Heraclea, is preferred be­fore the Patriarchs of Alexandria, and Antioch, and is made the second among the Patriarchs; and that without the consent of Leo Bishop of Rome, and with­out acquainting him with it, and notwithstanding the opposition of his Legats in the Council: and that which grieveth most our Adversaries, is, that this or­der hath held and continued firm for many Ages, and was renewed in the Uni­versal Councils that followed, especially in the sixth CouncilConcil. Constanti­nop. VI. in Trullo. c. 36. Pag. 241. assembled again in the Palace of Trull to make Canons, where the same Canon is repeated in the same terms. And indeed since that time the Patriarchs of Alexandria, who had the chief interest to oppose that change, did not dispute the precedence to the Bishop of Constantinople, but without contestation obeyed the order of the Coun­cil. The Bishops of Rome would have acquiesced unto it, but that the strength of the Emperours was falling in Italy, and barbarous Kings were then invading Rome and Italy, and the Empire of the West; so that the Bishop of Rome be­ing then subject to other Masters, might without danger despise the authority of the Emperours.

Our Adversaries boasting of the authority of Councils, shew here that they speak not in earnest. For they declaim against this which they acknowledge to be Universal, and dispense themselves from the rules established in it. M. du Perron among others, doth his worst to weaken the authority of this Council.

He saith in chap. 34. that in the evening of the twelfth day Anatolius Patri­arch [Page 369] of Constantinople spying the occasion that the Popes Legats (for so he calls alwayes the Bishop of Rome, although the name of Pope was then common to all Bishops) and the Senate were retired, and all that could cross him; caused that Decree to be drawn and signed by some Bishops of the neighbouring Provinces. His witness for this relation is Liberatus, who in such matters is liberal of his lyes. But M. du Perron was sure not to say that it appeareth by the Acts of the Council, that the Legats of the Bishop of Rome made their complaints the next day, saying that they had been surprized, that they were not present when the Coun­cil had made this Canon, and that violence was used to make that Canon to pass. And that upon their exceptions all the BishopsActs 16. Reverendi Episcopi clamaverunt. Nemo coactus est. cryed out with one voice, that they had voluntarily subscribed that Canon, not by constraint; and all de­clared in the presence of the said Legats, that they approved and confirmed that Canon. And which is more, Eusebius Bishop of Dorylea arose, and affirmed, that being at Rome he had communed with Leo about that matter, and that Leo thought it just that such an Order should be made. So that Article was ratified, and remained to posterity.

It is true that the Greek Acts say, that the Council writ to Leo about it, be­seeching him to approve that Canon. But those Acts swarm with untruths, and experience gives them the lye. For if the Council had submitted this Article to the judgement of Leo, that resolution of the Council should have been broken, and the Canon disanulled, when Leo declared a little after, that he could not ap­prove that doctrine. But it remained fixt notwithstanding Leo's oppositions, and was practised without hinderance since the sitting of that Council, as long as the Empire of Constantinople stood. And all that Leo declaimed against, it was with­out effect; as Liberatus saith in chap. 13. of his Breviary: Although the Aposto­lick See to this day contradict that Decree, yet the resolution of the Synod remains in some sort, by the Emperours protection. For to alledge here (as the Cardinal doth) Leo's Epistles, wherein he speaks to Anatolius as a Master, and as forgiving him, would be an abuse offered to the Reader; for who cares to hear the Pope bearing witness in his own cause? Never is the Pope sooner inclined to pardon, then when he can do no harm, and when the offendors are not in his power. Of which this same Anatolius, in whose favour this Canon was made, affords us a notable example, which we shall see hereafter.

Also the Cardinal was too wary to say that Leo's Legats in this Council to de­fend his authority brought forth the sixth Canon of the Council of Nice; but corrupted, and beginning by this clause falsly added, Quod Romana Ecclesia sem­per habeat primatum; That the Roman Church hath always the primacy. And that thereupon Aetius an Arch-deacon brought forth out the Archives of the Church of Constantinople, the original of the Canons of the Council of Nice, where that clause was not found.

Thus all the nullities which M. du Perron brings against this Canon vanish away. He saith that it was suggested and contrived by the Clarks of the Church of Con­stantinople, in an undue hour, in the absence of those that had interest in it; and that the Clarks of Constantinople have added some words to it, that were not in the first Council of Constantinople. But all these nullities (if there were any) were taken off the next day, when in the presence of the Judges and the Legats of the Bishop of Rome, and the Patriarchs, and the whole Council, the business was resumed, the reasons of the Roman Legats were heard, and all they could say against it: and the Canon was generally approved and ratified by the Council. Neither did the Patriarchs of Alexandria and Antioch, who were chiefly concerned in it, either at that time, or since that time, oppose it.

The prudent Reader will observe this, That when our Adversaries find a text of an antient Author, which seems to favour them, they set it out with great shew and noise, and with a little meat they make three dishes, repeating the same text a hundred times over, as Cardinal du Perron doth. But when they meet in Anti­quity with something that displeaseth them, they make no difficulty to condemn whole Councils, yea and the Universal, and to find fault with their Canons. It is [Page 370] certain that of all the Canons made in that Council, this was that which was esta­blisht with most solemnity and authority, seeing that it was more examined and de­bated then any, and that after the hearing and weighing of all the oppositions, it was approved and confirmed by the Council, and practised in the following ages. But let us suppose that in the passing of that Canon, all the requisite forms were not practised. Yet this remains, that above six hundred Bishops approved this Canon, yea those whose dignity was most imbezelled by it. If you will not take the votes of those Bishops as suffrages pronounced in an Universal Council: Yet those Bishops are six hundred Fathers, and so many particular witnesses, more credible then the Bishop of Rome, who was a party, and cannot be Judge in his own cause. Neither would he have been so bold as to contradict an Universal Council approved by the Emperour, and by all the Bishops, his own Legats only excepted, if the Roman Empire had kept its former vigour in Italy, and in the other Western Provinces. But it was the time when the Occidental Empire was falling, and at the last gasp. Valentinian who still kept the name of the Em­pire in Italy, being rather a monster then a man, and a shadow, then an Emperour: with whom the Empire fell in the West soon after. Be sure that if Leo Bishop of Rome and his successors had been subject to the Roman Emperours reigning at Constantinople, as they had been untill the time of Honorius, Uncle to this Valen­tinian, they could never have had the boldness to contradict a decree so solemnly established.

How weakly did those Legats of the Roman Bishop plead their Masters cause against that Canon, whereby the Bishop of Constantinople is made equal unto that of Rome in all things, even in the Ecclesiastical, as it is related in the sixteenth Action of that Council? The question being of the primacy of the Bishop of Rome in that solemn Assembly, then or never those Legats ought to have alledg­ed those texts of the Gospel, which are used in our days for that end, Thou art Peter, &c. And Feed my sheep. But that they do not: For the Council would have derided those proofs. They grounded themselves only upon a Canon of Nice, which they falsified, but so grosly, that the falshood was presently manifested.

CHAP. 27. Answer to the nullities which M. du Perron brings against this Canon of Chalcedon.

CArdinal du Perron bends all his strength to dismount this Canon. He charg­eth it with no fewer then thirteen nullities, each of which deserveth a dash of our pen.

He saith 1. That this Canon hath been contrived and suggested by the Clarks of Constantinople. 2. At an undue hour. 3. In the absence of the Judges and Pa­triarchs, but that of Antioch. 4. That they that signed it, did it against their will. To all these I answer in one word, That these nullities, if there was any, were all taken off the next day, when in the presence of the Judges, and of the Popes Legats, and of all the Council, the business was debated, and the Canon approved and ratified by the Council; all crying with one voice, that they had signed it with their good will, and unconstrained. And it is like that the Legats of Leo absented themselves purposely when that business was moved, that they might protest against it of nullity. But the business was resumed in their presence, and they were condemned notwithstanding their protestations. Hereby also the sixth nullity is confuted, that the Officers of Constantinople had fore-stalled the liberty of the Assembly, since all the Bishops that had already approved that Canon, unanimously protested, that neither force nor fear had moved them to it; but [Page 371] that they had freely spoken their judgement. That which he saith of the absence of the Patriarchs, is both false and ridiculous. For the Patriarch of Rome had his Legats in that Council, who might be present when they had a mind to it. Anato­lius Patriarch of Constantinople, and Maximus of Antioch were present. The See of Alexandria was vacant, and had not yet any Patriarch since the deposition of Dioscorus, asPag. 260. M. du Perron acknowledgeth: It is then an error to reckon the Patriarch of Alexandria among the absent.

He reckons for the fifth nullity, that the Clarks of Constantinople in the writing of this Canon committed two falsifications. The one, that they added the word equal, which was not in theConc. Constantinop. 1. Can. 3. [...]. third Canon of the first Council of Constantinople: The other, that they added the clause that commands that the Bishop of Constanti­nople ordain the Metropolitans of Pontus, Asia, and Thracia. But he was in an error if he thought that this Canon of Chalcedon was only a repetition of the third Canon of the first Council of Constantinople, for it was also made both to expound and to amplifie the same. Adding is not falsifying, when they that add do it with authority.

He brings for the seventh nullity, that Eusebius Bishop of Dorylea surprized the Council, falsly affirming that he had heard from the mouth of Leo himself, that he approved this Canon. But of that Eusebius, partner of the sufferings of Flavia­nus, the zeal and piety is commended, and he is more credible then Leo, who being acted by his own interest, and having since better considered what prejudice he might receive by that Canon, did alter his opinion. But howsoever, it was not up­on the testimony of that Eusebius that the Council grounded his decision.

The eighth, ninth and tenth nullities are, that the Legats of Leo did oppose it, and protest against it; That Leo hath abolisht and made void that Canon, and that Anatolius concealed it from the Council, detaining the letters of Leo. I answer, that these Legats were condemned, and the Council held not their opposition consider­able. Neither is Leo's judgement of any weight in this case, for he is here a party, and speaks for his own interest. He hath indeed declared that this Canon dis­pleased him, but to abrogate and disanull it, it was beyond his power. The Bishops of Rome at that time had not climbed yet to that degree of pride, to boast that they were above Universal Councils. Wherefore also that Canon remained firm, and was practised in the following ages, notwithstanding the opposition of the Roman Pope, as Liberatus saith in his ch. 13. As for the concealment of Leo's letters by Anatolius, Leo complains of it in his Epistles to Marcianus. But whether that expostulation be true or false, it doth not invalid that Canon, which so much grieveth our adversaries. For this Council was sufficiently instructed of the in­tention of Leo, by the instructions of his Legats, and by their opposition, and had no need of Leo's letters to learn his intentions. And if those letters were written to Anatolius, not to the Council, Anatolius was not bound to read them to the Council.

For the eleventh nullity he adds, that Anatolius did himself wave those privi­ledges that were granted to him by this Canon. But he brings no witness for that but Leo himself, who may justly be suspected as a party too much interessed in that cause, to give an impartial testimony. Especially seeing that the Bishops of Rome of that time used to expound the letters of friendship that were written to them as so many Acts of submission, and the intreaties of those that desired to live with them in concord, as confessions of persons that crave pardon: Also that they used to give what they cannot take away; to forgive those whom they cannot punish; and to take from a man that which he hath already lost. Of which this Anatolius will give us a fair example, as we shall see hereafter. So much I will say for Anato­lius, that though he would have waved that priviledge, he could not have done it: For that priviledge was not personal nor particularly conferred upon the person of Anatolius, but upon the Church and Patriarchal See of Constantinople; and that, in consideration of the Emperor and the Capital City of the Empire: so that others greater then Anatolius had an interest in it.

The Cardinals twelfth nullity, is, that this Canon was falsly inserted in the Ca­talogue [Page 372] of the Canons of Chalcedon, and that a time was, that it was not in the Acts. Wherein he confutes himself, for a Canon must be put among the Canons, not within the Acts, which must be separated from the Canons. Wherefore also that Canon is found in all the Editions of the said Canons that I have seen. It is in Zonaras, in Balsamon, in Harmenopolus, in the Latin Tomes of the Councils printed by our adversaries, in the Greek Canons set forth by du Tillet, in the Nomocanon of the Greek Churches publisht by the learned Justellus: And that Canon is re­peated in the same words in the sixth Council assembled again at Trull, and inserted in the Roman Decree, in the Canon Renovantes, in the two and twentieth distin­ction. Truly hardly in all antiquity can any thing be found more authentical, or any Canon establisht with better forms, or by a more solemn Assembly then this Canon. And I am confident that this objection of the Cardinal, that this Canon was not at the first in the Acts of the Council, is an invention of his own, forged against his conscience.

For it is abusing the Reader to send him (as the Cardinal doth) to a Manuscript of the Library of Queen Catherine de Medicis, and to Dionysius Parvus a Roman Abbot, who saith that this Council made but twenty seven Canons. That Abbot being at Rome, followed the inclinations of the Church of Rome, to which this Canon was alwayes very odious. Gratian, who hath compiled the Roman Decree, seeing that a Canon so publick and so authentical could not be supprest, hath in­serted it in the body of the Decrees, but with the most perfidious and bold falsifi­cations that can be imagined. For whereas this Canon equalleth Constantinople with Rome in all things, even in the Ecclesiastical: Gratian hath put, but not in Ecclesiastical things; Sed non in Ecclesiasticis, in stead of, Etiam in Ecclesiasticis. And that corruption hath remained so many ages in a book which contains the Rules and Decrees of the Roman Church, and is as it were the Bible of the Roman Clergy, and the text of Lectures in the Schools of Canon-law.

Yet that we may deal kindly with the Cardinal, let us suppose that in the esta­blishing of that Canon all the forms requisite were not observed, and that it was not a Canon of a Council. Yet this remains, that it is the voyce of above six hun­dred Bishops, unanimously declaring their sense. If they may not be considered as speaking together, this cannot be denyed them, that they were so many single witnesses, and every one of them more credible then the Bishop of Rome, who is a party in this cause, and who already in that time did not want ambition.

Also the Reader may observe, that when our adversaries find in an antient Author some sentence that seems to favour them, they make great trophies with it, and sound the Trumpet before it; But if they find in Antiquity something con­trary to the Popes dignity, they fear not to tread Universal Councils under their feet, and to oppose the consent of six hundred Fathers speaking in a Council; presuming to be wiser then their Pope Gregory the first, who in the 24. Epistle of the 1. book declareth, that he receiveth this Council of Chalcedon with the like re­verence as the Holy Gospel.

CHAP. 28. A Confutation of the Exposition which M. du Perron giveth to the Canon of the Council of Chalcedon.

TO invalid the strength of this Canon, M. du Perron saith that Anatolius by this Canon pretended not to be equal unto the Pope in relation to the Pope, but under the Pope; and to have only the same priviledges over the other Patri­archs, as the Pope had over him and them: and that for all this he acknowledged himself inferiour and subject unto the Pope.

But the words of the Canon cannot bear that interpretation; for that Canon commands without exception that the See of Constantinople be equal unto that of [Page 373] Rome in Ecclesiastical things. The same is confuted by the example of the equa­lity in civil things, upon which this Canon groundeth the equality in Ecclesiastical things, decreeing that there be between Rome and Constantinople an equality as well in the Ecclesiastical as in the Civil: as then Constantinople was not subject un­to Rome in the Civil, although it was second in order; so this Council decreeth that the Church of Constantinople may not be subject to that of Rome, although Rome be the first in order.

But the Cardinals shift is full of absurdity, and of things inconsistent, when he saith that by this Canon Anatolius pretended to be equal unto the Pope, yet under the Pope: he that is under another is not equal to him. With the like absurdity, he saith that by this Canon Anatolius pretended not to have the same power over the other Patriarchs as the Pope had over him and them: Certainly it is impossible that the Subject of a Monarchy have the same power over the other Subjects, as that which the Soveraign hath over him: for the Soveraign can reverse the judge­ments of such a one, and take away or diminish his power; such a Subject should be as much a King over the other Subjects, as the King is over him. Had one the like power over the French as the King of France, he should not be the Kings Subject; for if the King could not punish him, and deprive him of life or dignity, by that subjection his power should be much diminished, and he could not execute all his will. I make no doubt, but that as the Cardinal giving that inter­pretation spake against common sense, he spake also against his own sense.

CHAP. 29. Of the Acts of the Council of Chalcedon, and of the little credit which ought to be given to the Tomes of the Councils, both Greek and Latin.

THe most certain Monuments of the antient Councils are the Canons and Sym­bols made in them. We have that obligation to the Greek Churches that they have preserved for us with great care and fidelity, those excellent Monuments, which contain in a Summary the whole substance and result of the deliberations and matters treated in the antient Councils, and which therefore were read in the beginning of Councils.

As for the Acts and Preambles of the Councils, and the History of all the pas­sages of the same, the Grecians were not careful to preserve them, and the Latins have laboured to corrupt them. They are found in the Latin Tomes that are pub­lisht by our adversaries, which swell at every new Edition, and receive a conti­nual alteration: These Tomes, the first especially, and part of the second, are the most corrupt Books, and fullest of falsifications that ever were made in matter of Religion. There the Father of lying had free scope, and multiplied forgeries at his own pleasure: There for a suitable beginning to the work you have eight books of Apostolical Constitutions falsly ascribed to Clement, contemporary to the Apostles, there the falshood is evident; For in the 6. book, ch. 24. the Author saith that then the Romans had renounced the Pagan Religion, and kept the Jews tributary, shewing that the Book was made when the Roman Emperors were Christians. Then follow about threescore Decretal Epistles of the Popes of the three first Ages, the falshood of which Epistles is known by the date of the Con­suls, by the barbarousness of the style, and by divers other evident errours. Pope Leo the IV. Can. de libellis, in the 20. Distinction, acknowledgeth no Decrees, and no Rules of Popes before Sylvester. And both Baronius and Bellarmin freely acknowledge the falshood of these Epistles: in the same first Tome of Councils, whole Councils are found which never were, as the Council of Sinuessa under Marcellinus, and the Roman Council under Sylvester. The donation of Constan­tine [Page 374] is of the same stuff, and many the like pieces forged purposely to exalt the Popes power, but so grosly, that the learned among our adversaries, as Baronius and Bellarmin dare not defend them, and acknowledge the falshood of them.

In the same Tomes of Councils the Acts of the Councils are so confused and de­praved, that it appears plainly impossible that things should have been done in that manner.

Of late the same Acts of the Councils have been publisht in Greek, drawn out of the Manuscripts of the Vatican, made by our adversaries, who have given them to us such as they listed. Between those Greek and Latin exemplaries there is such a discord, that we could never take them for the same Councils, did not the titles tell us so much. Of this Council of Chalcedon especially,Baron. An. 451. sect. 69. & 92. Baronius acknow­ledgeth that the Acts are corrupted: and the Greek Copies agree not with the Latin, so that one cannot discern whether the Latin must be corrected by the Greek, or the Greek by the Latin. In the Latin Copies the order of the Sessi­ons is troubled: and it is easie to know that the Acts are falsified both in the La­tin and in the Greek. For the ninth and the twenty eighth Canons of this Council which we have produced, are contrary to the Roman Prelat, and derogate to his Primacy, as we have shewed: But in the third Session of those Acts there is a Syno­dicalThe Epi­stle begins thus, Repletū est gaudio os nostrum. Epistle of the Council to Leo, where the Fathers of the Council acknowledge him for their Head, and submit their decisions to his judgement, beseeching him to ratifie them. Which words the Cardinal alleadgeth very often: But God permit­ted that the falshood of that Epistle should appear by the date of the moneth and the year; for in the end of the Epistle these words are found, Scripsi pridie Ca­lendas Apriles feria tertia Indictione decima tertia, I writ this the last of March, being Tuesday, in the thirteenth Indiction: But the Synod of Chalcedon was separated long before that moneth of March, having begun the third day of October, and ended towards the end of the same moneth. And Martian, under whose Empire that Council sate, lived not till the thirteenth Indiction, but dyed in the eighth, asBaron. An. 451. sect. 146. Baronius observeth. But is it credible that the Fathers of this Council (who knew already that Leo condemned their Canon, and upon that had given a repulse to his Legats, and despised their protestations against the said Canon) would submit to his judgement? And how had they submitted to it, seeing that, notwithstanding all the invectives of Leo and his successors against that Canon, they remained fixed in their resolution, and that this Canon was kept in force to posterity? and that the Popes have alwayes complained that their authority was despised by that Council?

The same I say of some other Epistles of private men, where Leo is called the Universal Pope and Head, who hath the preheminence over the members: For the Canons of that Council speak a contrary language. In brief, all that the Car­dinal brings out of the Acts of the Councils, for the Pope, is without strength, suspected of falshood, and grounded upon that sandy foundation of the fide­lity of our adversaries, who of late have published Greek Acts which never were seen before.

CHAP. 30. Answer to the examples which Cardinal du Perron brings in the 34. ch. to prove, that notwithstanding this Canon of Chalcedon, the Bishops of Con­stantinople have been subject to the Bishop of Rome.

Pag. 245.TO invalid this Canon which strongly battereth the Papal See, the Cardinal brings some examples of the power and superiority of the Bishop of Rome over that of Constantinople.

He saith that Paul of Constantinople was restored to his See by Julius Bishop of Rome, as Sozomenus saith. That Chrysostom Appealed by letters to Pope Innocent. [Page 375] That Flavianus appealed to Pope Leo. But we have shewed already that neither Paul nor Athanasius were re-invested with their places by Julius: that his judge­ment had no effect; that Chrysostom never appealed to Innocent, and that the superscription of Chrysostoms letters to Innocent is false: Also that Flavianus ap­pealed not unto Leo as to his Judge, but that he put into the hands of Leos Le­gats his appeal to the Council, beseeching Leo that by his authority, and inter­cession with the Emperour, another Council should be called, where his cause might be judged. Which Council Leo began presently to desire of the Empe­rour, but he was denied, for he undertook not the judgement of that business.

He adds the example of Anatolius himself, in whose favour this twenty eighth Canon of Chalcedon was made, which example the Cardinal ought to have con­cealed for the Popes credit. That Anatolius was unjustly, and unlawfully pro­moted to the Patriarchat of Constantinople by the false Council of Ephesus, and put in the place of Flavianus unjustly deposed, and cruelly handled. That ele­ction being null, yet Leo seeing Anatolius supported by the Emperour, and know­ing that all his efforts against Anatolius should be vain, he approved that ele­ction as lawfull; and after, with a ridiculous arrogance writ to the Emperour Martianus, speaking as if Anatolius held his place by his favour and approbation, sayingLeonis Epist. 32. ad Martianum. Satis sit prae­dicto quod vestrae pietatis auxilio & mei favoris assen­su Episcopa­tum tantae urbis oblinuit. Let it be enough for him, that by the help of your piety, and by the con­sent of my favour he obtained the Bishoprick of so great a City. It is not now that the Popes begin to give what they cannot take away, and to be gracious to those whom they cannot oppress. Wherefore Anatolius was not moved with that: But without asking Leo's advice he established a Patriarch in Antioch. About which Leo in the same Epistle to Martianus makes great complaints, but the Emperour did not regard them: Neither was the thing altered, or any amends made to Leo.

Anatolius was no more subject to the Bishop of Rome, then Gennadius his imme­diate successor in the Bishoprick of Constantinople. This Gennadius who is reckoned among the Saints both by the Greek, and by the Latine Church, being informed that in the Roman Church the laying on of hands was conferred for mony, assem­bled a Council of the Bishops of his Patriarchat, with whom he made a strict de­cree against the traffick of Holy things: Which Decree, according to the care that the Patriarchs took of their fellow Patriarchs, he made known by letters un­to Hilary Bishop of Rome, that it might be received in all the Churches subject to the Roman Prelat. These letters are found in the first TomeJuris Graeca Ro­mani tam Canonici quam Ci­vilis à Leun­clavio publi­cati, Tom. 1. pag. 187. [...]. of Greek-Roman Law, in which he saluteth thus the Bishop of Rome, Gennadius and the Synod as­sembled in the Imperial City of Constantinople, to our companion in the Ministry of holy things, the most religious, &c. No higher title: And in the end of the Epistle he layeth upon him this Injunction. Let your Holiness (saith he) take care with all diligence that these things be made known by copies transcribed to all the godly Bi­shops that are subject unto you.

Here many things are to be observed: 1. That the Bishop of Constantinople calls the Bishop of Rome his companion. 2. That he signifieth the Decrees and Or­ders made by the Greek Church unto the Bishop of Rome, [...]. holding that the Bi­shop of Rome is bound to observe them. 3. Above all it is observable that he sends this Decree to the Bishop of Rome, that he might notifie it to all the Bishops subject unto the Roman Prelat. Gennadius could not more evidently declare that he and his Bishops were not subject to the Bishop of Rome. Else one might say that Gennadius required that this decree should be signified to those very men that had done it, and by consequent to himself.

A few years after this Gennadius, came Acacius Patriarch of Constantinople, a man of great authority, who raised himself above the Bishop of Rome, and used him as his inferiour, as we shall see hereafter.

CHAP. 31. A summary Answer to the examples posteriour to the IV. Universal Coun­cil, brought by the Cardinal in his thirty fourth Chapter.

IN the end with Gods assistance we are come in the deduction of the History of Papacy as far as the year of the Lord 451. and the sitting of the fourth Universal Council, which is the term that Cardinal du Perron had set unto him­self, taking the Fathers of the time of the first four Universal Councils, for his Judges. But esteeming not his cause made strong enough by the history of those times, he goeth further, and brings examples of the Popes power over the Bi­shops of Constantinople, from the last Council to Cyriacus and John Bishops of Constantinople, who lived in the end of the sixth Age. He brings also the exam­ples of Acacius, Macedonius, John, Anthimus, Patriarchs of Constantinople, over which the Bishop of Rome made use of his power, or that were punisht by him, or that have yielded obedience to him. He adds, that the Bishop of Pataria in Lycia saith, that Sylverius was Pope over all the earth: That PopeLib. 7. Epist. 63. Gregory the first in an Epistle saith that the Church of Constantinople was subject unto the Apostolick See.

It were an easie task to shew that of these examples some are false, some to no purpose. For examplePag. 137. Evagrius, l. 3. cap. 18. in chap. 25. he alledgeth Evagrius saying, that Fe­lix Bishop of Rome sent to Acacius a sentence of deposition. But he forgets to add that which Evagrius addeth, that [...]. Acacius rejected that as a thing done against the Canons. Besides Evagrius giveth no credit to that story, as reported by one Zacharias, [...]. who (saith he) was ignorant of all that was done in that matter, and related that which he had but superficially heard. It must be consider­ed also, that Italy being then possest by the Heruls, and since by the Ostrogoths, the Pope had changed Master, and was no more subject to the Emperours of Con­stantinople. Wherefore he began to speak more boldly to the Emperour, and masterfully to the Patriarchs of Constantinople, who also answered him with the like liberty. And while the Emperour upheld the Patriarchs of Constantinople, they despised the censures and arrogant words of the Roman Bishops. And at the same time the Emperour Leo, Martian's successor, made the forementioned Law, that the Patriarch of Constantinople should have the precedence before all, and that the Church of Constantinople should be the first of the world.

It was also in that timeAn. 481. that the Bishops of Asia, having (by the force and constraint which the Tyrant Basilicus used with them) subscribed to the condemnation of the Council of Chalcedon, presented a petition to Acacius Pa­triarch of Constantinople, not to the Bishop of Rome, beseeching him to forgive them their offence. This Acacius in the year 479. created Stephen Patriarch of Antioch by his single authority, without communing with the other Patriarchs about it, or with the Roman Pope.

At the same time also Acacius deposed Calendion from the Patriarchat of An­tioch, and establisht in it a pernicious man, called Peter [...]. the Fuller.

The same Acacius born by the Emperours favour misused the Bishops of Rome. For Felix the Roman Prelat having assembled a Council of Italian Bishops con­demned Acacius, not as an heretick, but as polluted with the communion of he­reticks. But Acacius caused the bearers of that sentence to be apprehended, some of which were killed, some imprisoned, as Nicephorus Lib. 16. c. 16. & 17. Liberatus, c. 18. relateth. And he caused the name of Felix to be put out of the Diptycha, as we related before.

Acacius being dead, his successors Flavitas and Euphemius preserved his me­mory with honour, and would have his name registred in the Diptychs, and so­lemnly read in the Church; which so angred Felix, and his successors Gelasius [Page 377] and Hormisdas, that they excommunicated all the Oriental Orthodox Churches, because they honoured the memory of Acacius. WhereuponBaron. an. 493. §. 8, 9. & 16. & 17. Euphemius com­manded Gelasius, as his subject, to appear before the See of Constantinople, to give an account of his actions. That injury Gelasius bore with admirable patience.

This is that Gelasius who in the second DistinctionCa. Com­perimus. saith, that to take the bread without the cup in the Eucharist is a great sacriledge: Of which Canon we shall say more in the proper place.

This is that Gelasius who in the Decree about the Apocrypha's saith,Romana Ecclesia non habens macu­lam, neque rugam nec aliud hujus­modi. that the Roman Church is that Church which hath neither spot nor wrinkle, Ephes. 5.27. falsly ascribing to the Roman Church, that which the Apostle saith of the Uni­versal Church of Gods elect; for in earth there is no visible society without some imperfection.

This is that Gelasius, who in the Commonitory or instruction which he gives to his Legat Faustus, saith, thatNon mi­rum si isti sedem Beati Petri Apostoli blasphemare praesumunt, &c. & nos insuper su­perbos esse pronunciant. the Greek Churches blasphemed against St. Peters See, and accused the Bishops of Rome of pride; and in the same commonitory declareth, that the Bishop of Rome cannot give absolution to the dead, because it is written,Super terram inquit nam in hac legatione de­functum nun­quam dixit absolvi. That which thou shalt loose on earth, not under the earth; condemning his successors that give indulgences to the dead, and fetch souls out of Purgatory. In the book of the Tax of the Apostolical Chancery these words are found,Pro mor­tuo excommu­nicatio pro quo suppli­cant consan­guinci litera absolutionis venit ducato uno Ca [...]ol. 9. For a dead man excommunicated, for whom his kindred supplicate, the letter of absolution is sold for one ducat and nine pence.

This is that Gelasius who in the same Commonitory saith,Quod non tantum Prae­suli Apostolico facere licet sed cuicunque Pontifici ut quoslibet & quemlibet lo­cum secundum regulam haere­seos ipsius ante damnatae à Catholica communione discernant. it is not only lawfull for the Bishop of Rome to excommunicate one heretical Bishop of what place soever he be, but that it is also lawfull for any other Bishop: thereby con­futing all the examples of condemnations and excommunications of Bishops out of the Roman Patriarchat, made by the Bishop of Rome, where­by the Cardinal goeth about to prove the Popes primacy. And indeed the same Gelasius in his Epistle to the Bishops of Dardania, speaking of the excommunication of Acacius, saith not that the Bishop of Rome hath cut him off from the communion of the Church, but that heAcacium à sua commu­nione removit & multi mo­dis transgres­sorem à sua societate secit alienum. hath rejected or separated him from his communion, and removed him from his society. That is, he had de­clared that he would communicate no more with Acacius; who notwithstanding the excommunication pronounced by the Bishop of Rome, enjoyed still the com­munion of the Church, and possest his Patriarchat peaceably, and fulminated against the Bishop of Rome, whom without question he had overthrown, so pow­erfull was this Acacius, if Rome had then been in the Roman Emperours power. But the Goths reigned at Rome at that time, who acknowledged not the Emperour.

This Gelasius in chap. 12. of the first Epistle, following the example of his predecessors,Ʋt praeter Paschale tempus vel Pentecostes nèmo baptizare praesumat. forbids baptizing at any other time but Easter and Whitsuntide. A certain proof that he held not baptism to be necessary for salvation. Wherefore the present Roman Church rejecting that rule, baptizeth at all times. Before they hold Baptism necessary to salvation, in ch. 11. of the same Epistle, he proveth that the Laws of the Roman Church ought to be followed, because it is written (at least as he alledgeth it) Ordain charity towards me, and go about Sion, and embrace it, and tell the towers thereof. Which are concluding proofs and jolly reasons: Are they not?

The same Gelasius in the Tome of the bond of Anathema disputes against the authority of Universal Councils, against the Council of Chalcedon especially, up­on which he bestoweth many ill words. And the reason he giveth, why he will not have all that is prescribed by Universal Councils to be received, isQuid enim? quia in libris sanctis quos utique veneramur & sequimur, quoniam quorundam illic & profanitates esse feruntur, & scelera gesta narrantur id o nobis pariter aut veneranda sunt, aut sequenda, quia in sanctis libris continentur? that even in the holy Scripture many prophane and wicked actions are recorded, which we must neither respect nor follow. Wherefore his judgement is, that of Univer­sal Councils, and of Scripture likewise, the good be kept, and the evil rejected: [Page 378] And to exalt himself, not only above the Universal Councils, but above Scripture, he disputes against Jesus Christ for saying, that to those that blaspheme against the Holy Ghost it shall not be forgiven, neither in this world nor in the other. And pro­nounceth a contrary judgement in these words,Notandū quod quolibet genere blas­phemantibus in Spiritum sanctum si resipiscant & corrigant & hic & in futuro saeculo remittetur. Note that to all that blaspheme against the Holy Ghost in any sort, if they repent and amend, it shall be forgiven both in this world and in that which is to come. In the same place he gives many examples of persons to whom it was forgiven, after they had blasphemed against the Holy Ghost. And by divers proofs he endeavors to shew, that all that holy Scripture saith, is not alwayes accomplished.

The same being angry, because the Emperor had restored Peter of Alexandria, and absolved him from the crimes laid to his charge, saith, thatƲt & Christiani Imperatores pro aeterna vita Pontifi­cibus indige­rent, & Pon­tifices pro temporalium cursu rerum imperialibus dispositionibus uterentur, &c. & ideo mi­litans Deo minime se negotiis saecularibus implicaret. God hath ordained that Emperours should have need of Popes to have eternal life: and that Popes should make use of the Imperial Laws for temporal things, and should not meddle with secular matters. For then the Bishops of Rome, though puft up with pride, were not yet Princes, and did not meddle with the affairs of Empires and Kingdoms. And in­deed in the forealledged Commonitory he saith,Et ego nulla ipsius scripta unquā percipiens honorificis eū literis saluta­re curaverim. that having written to the Emperour letters full of respect, the Emperour never honoured him so much as to answer him; for he made little account of this Gelasius, and laughed at his pride.

By the same Commonitory it appears how small was the Roman Bishops autho­rity in Greece and in the East, when he saith that Calendion Patriarch of Antioch was expelled without his advice, and that the Greek Churches, that is, the Patriarchs of Constantinople, had been so bold, as toQua tra­ditione majo­rum Apostoli­cam sedem in judicium vocant? cite the Bishop of Rome to judgement to justifie himself before the Patriarchs See.

This same Gelasius in an Epistle to the Emperor Anastasius speaks with an ar­rogant humility, mingled with impiety. For after he hath exalted his Primacy, to which he will have all men to be subject, he addeth,Qua­propter sub conspectu Dei purè ac since­rè pietatem tuam deprecor obtestor & exhortor ut petitionem meam non in­dignanter accipias: Rogo, inquam, ut me in hac vita potius audias depre­cantem quam (quos absit) in divino ju­dicio sentias accusantem. Therefore in the presence of God, I beseech your piety, with purity and sincerity, and adjure and exhort you, that you receive my petition without indignation: I beseech you (I say) that you rather hear me petitioning to you in this life, then to have me (which God forbid) your accuser in judgement before God. It is to be feared that this Pope shall have so much to do to answer for himself, that he shall want leisure to accuse others. With the like pride in the Epistle to the Bishops of Dardania he puts himself in the place of Christ, speaking thus of himself, He that is not with me is against me, and he that gathereth not with me scattereth abroad, Matth. 12. That pride made this Gelasius odious to the Greek and Oriental Churches. Wherefore he saith in the same Epistle, Yet they persist to call the Apostolick See proud and arrogant. For this was the quarrel; Acacius Patriarch of Constantinople had fulminated against the Bishops of Rome, and used them as his inferiors. Against him also the Bishops of Rome had retorted thundering excommunications, which hindered him not from keeping the quiet possession of his Patriarchat till death, for the space of seventeen years. After his death (which was in the year of Christ 488.) the Bishops of Rome laboured to make his memory odious, and required that the Churches of Greece and Asia should put the name of Acacius out of the Diptychs, or Ecclesiastical tables. But the successors of Acacius and the Oriental Churches, did so much the more honour and cherish his memory: Wherefore the Bishops of Rome excommunicated all the Churches of the East; not for any heresie, but only for the name of a dead man, whose memory the Patriarchs would not disgrace, by racing his name out of their tables. For such a small matter so many millions of persons of the same faith and Religion as the Roman Church, that were no causes of this quarrel, have been for the space of near fourty years separated from the Communion of the Church of Rome. And our adversaries hold, that all that are dead in all the Empire of the East during that time are eternally damned; The Bishops of Rome, of which this Gelasius is one, rather choosing that all these millions of souls should perish, then to suffer the name of Acacius to stand in a register. Was that the part of a good Pastor and Fa­ther of the Church, that hath a tenderness for the salvation of souls? Therefore the Eastern Churches accused Gelasius of pride, and detested his arrogance: So [Page 379] far, that Euphemius Patriarch of Constantinople commanded the Bishop of Rome to appear before his See to give an account of his actions. Which he did in a bravado, not out of any hope that the Bishop of Rome should obey his com­mand.

‘This Gelasius is the first that (remembring the Canons of the Councils of Africa, which forbid Appeals to Rome upon pain of excommunication,Note— and the Canons of Chalcedon, which equal the Bishops of Constantinople with those of Rome, and will have them to judge sovereignly and without Appeal) renounced all the Canons of the Councils, saying thatGelasii decretum eum 70. Episcopis de Scripturis Apocryphis. Sancta Roma­na Ecclesia nullis Synodi­cis constitutis caeteris Eccle­siis praelata est, sed Evange­lico voce Domini tu es Petrus, &c. the Roman Church had her au­thority, not from any Ecclesiastical Canons, but from the only Ordinance of Christ, which yet is no where found; for neither Christ nor his Apostles ever spoke of Peters succession, nor of the primacy of the Church of Rome. Yet by these words he renounceth that Ecclesiastical Canon which Julius the first would use, and the Canons of Sardica which the Cardinal keeps such a coyl with.’

I did a little extend upon this Gelasius, who was Bishop in the year of Christ 495. because he spoke with more arrogance then any of his predecessors, and that the Reader, observing the progress of the mysterie of iniquity, may acknowledge that all that pride which then did rise, is nothing in comparison of that which hap­pened since. For the Popes did not speak as yet of giving and taking away King­doms, nor of degrading Emperors, nor of drawing souls out of Purgatory, nor of Canonizing Saints, nor of forbidding the people to read Scripture, nor of denying the cup in the Eucharist unto the people, nor of giving his feet to kiss, nor of causing himself to be adored, nor of calling himself God, nor of giving a hundred thousand years of pardon. Of tripple Crown, of infallibility in the faith, and of a Colledge of Cardinals there was no speech yet in those dayes.

To resume now the history from the timeTheod. Lector. Collect. l. 2. of this Gelasius, The authority of the Patriarchs of Constantinople was so great at that time, that the Patriarch Euphemius threatened the Emperor Anastasius to hinder him from being Emperor, unless he promised in writing to embrace the Catholick Faith. But Anastasius being confirmed in the Empire, turned out that Euphemius, and gave him Macedo­nius for successor, who also favoured the memory of Acacius, in spite of the Bi­shops of Rome. And for that only reason (so prodigious was the ambition and the hatred of those Prelats) the Roman Church was separated in communion from the Greek and Oriental.

That Schism lasted till the Emperor Justin; who in the year 518. being desirous of concord, and delighting besides to depress the Patriarchs of Constantinople who grew too great, made the Patriarch John to agree with Hormisdas Bishop of Rome, and the name of Acacius to be put out of the Diptychs, together with the names of Euphemius and Macedonius, as of abominable and damned persons; although these two last had suffered hard persecutions under the heretick Emperor Anastasi­us, for the defence of the true doctrine.

But the Churches of the East (among whom the memory of Euphemius and Macedonius was precious, as of faithful defendors of the truth) chose rather to be without the Communion of the Roman Church, then to race their names out of the Church tables, and disgrace their memory after their death. Only John Patriarch of Constantinople, to obey the Emperor, put out their names out of the Church tables of Constantinople, and put in the names of Leo and Hormisdas Bi­shops of Rome, which had been put out before. Baronius brings an Epistle of that Hormisdas, where he giveth a reason why he remained firm in denying to receive the Oriental Churches to his Communion, before those names that offended him were blotted out of the Diptychs; His reason is, because it is written, None that puts his hand to the plough, and looketh back, is fit for the Kingdom of God.

In the year of Christ 523. dyed Hormisdas, John succeeded him, who was sent Embassadour to the Emperour Justin by King Theodorick, to intercede for the Arians, whom Justin had deprived of their Churches. But when he returned, the King put him to death in prison, because he had not executed that Embassie to his mind.

Athalarick succeeded Theodorick in the Kingdom of Italy, who made a Law which is to be seen in Cassiodorus, Variarum l. 9. Epist. 15. ad Johan. Papam. Quicunque in Episcopatu obtinendo sive per se, sive per aliam quam­cunque perso­nam aliquid promisisse declaratur, ut excrabilis contractus, &c. sacrilegii reus protinus habeatur ac­cepta restitu­ens compulsi­one judicis competentis. in the Epistle of Athalarick to Pope John, whereby he decreeth that the Bishops of Rome for their entry, pay to the Kings coffers three thousand crowns, and the other Prelats two thousand, and forbids Simony and factions to enter into the Episcopacy; and commands that who so will enter by such wayes be declared execrable, and punisht by competent Judges. In the following Epistle he commands Salvantius Prefect of the City to write that Law in Marble, and set it before the Bishop of Rome's house. Justinian who a little after reconquered Italy, Novel. 123. c. 3. Jubemus beatissimos Archiepisco­pos & Patri­archas hoc est seniores Con­stantinopoleos & Alexan­driae, & The­opoleos, & Jerosolymorū siquidem con­suetudo habet Episcopis aut Clericis non minus quam viginti libras auri dari, &c. continued that Law, taxing every Patriarch in twenty pounds weight of gold for his reception.

After Athalarick, Theodatus raigned, who sent Agapetus Bishop of Rome Em­bassadour to the Emperour Justinian, who made use of him to depose Anthimus Bishop of Constantinople; which is more then Agapetus could have done without the strength and authority of the Emperour. In the same manner as Theophilus Patriarch of Alexandria being come to Constantinople, and there upheld by the authority of the Emperour Arcadius, deposed John Chrysostom from his place. Which authority Peter of Alexandria would have used a little before towards Gregory Nazianzen Bishop of Constantinople. And it was so that Acacius made and unmade the Patriarchs of Antioch, as we have seen.

This Emperour Justinian is he that caused the body of the civil Law to be made up. The Code and Novels of the same have several Laws and constitutions about the Christian faith and Ecclesiastical policy, wherein he giveth absolute commands to the Clarks, and useth soveraign power and authority towards the Bishops, with­out excepting the Clergy, or sparing the Bishop of Rome. For example, in the first book of the Code, there is a title, De Episcopis & Clericis, Of Bishops and Clarks, where in the Law Generaliter sancimus, he speaks thus to the Bishops, Priests, and Deacons,Ex hoc non solum vel in vetere Roma vel in hac regia civitate sed & in omni terra ubicun­que Christia­norum nomen colitur sancimus. We decree that this be observed, not only in the old Rome, or in this Royal City of Constantinople, but also over all the earth where the Christi­an name is honoured. And his Laws subject the Clarks to the penalties attending the Civil Laws, as much as the rest of the people. Thus in the same title, the Law Presbyteri speaks thus, Priests and Deacons, if they be convicted to have born false testimony, if it be in a pecuniary cause, let them be suspended from the sacred Mini­stery for three years only, and shut up in a Monastery to be tormented. But if it be a criminal cause, let him be devested of the honour of the Clergy, and punisht legally. But let the other Clarks be by the common Law put by their Ecclesiastical Offices, and chastened with rods, without distinction. In the Code and among the Authenticks of that Emperour there is a great number of those Laws.

Upon this Baronius An. 528. labouring to excuse the Emperour in some sort, yet saith thatBaron. An. 528. sect. 2. Dum sacrarum legum conditorem agit de sacerdotibus leges ferre in eosque poenas statuere praeter jus fasque praesumere. Sect. 6. & 7. Cum opus esset ab authoritatem habente erudiri jam senex imprudens in haeresis barathrum sese praecipitem dedit. Vetus est Regum morbus, &c. against right and reason he presumed to do the part of a builder of sacred Laws, and to give Laws to Bishops, and lay penalties upon them: Yea he comes so far as to say, that thereby he cast himself headlong into a gulf of heresie, and that it is the old malady of Kings to be infested with that itch of seeking to usurp that which belongeth to Bishops. But I find not that the Church of that age and the next fol­lowing blamed Justinian for making these Laws; wherein he imitated the good Kings, David, Ezekiah, Josiah, who gave Laws to the sacerdotal order, and made constitutions for Ecclesiastical policy. Neither do I find that the very Bishops of Rome complained that this Emperor undertook to give Laws to the Roman Bishop and Clergy.Presbyteri seu Diaconi si falsum testi­monium per­hibuisse con­vincantur, siquidem in causa pecuni aria, à divino Ministerio duntaxat per tres annos separati monasteriis pro tormentis tradantur, &c. For he could not complain of it without accusing the good Emperours that had been before, as Constantine the Great, Valentinian the I. and the two Theodosii, of whom we have many Ecclesiastical Laws in the Theodosian Code, and in that of Justinian.

Among many Laws of that Emperour, two especially displease our adversaries; The 123. Novel in the 3. ch. whereby the Bishop of Rome is to pay 20. pound weight of gold for the investiture of his Bishoprick; And the Law which is found [Page 381] in the same Novel in the Greek Editions, that the publick service be celebrated with a loud voyce, intelligible unto the people.

As for Menas whomPag. 147. the Cardinal mentioneth, it is he who in Justinians time (asNiceph. l. 17. c. 26. Nicephorus relateth) excommunicated Vigilius Bishop of Rome for four moneths;Victoris Tunensis Chronicon. And shortly after the same Vigilius was excommunicated by the Bi­shops of Africa assembled in Council.

The Epistle of the Bishop of Patara in Lycia who calls Sylverius Pope of the whole earth, is found in the second Tome of the Councils, which is stuffed with false and supposititious Epistles. And though that Epistle should be true, yet the like things are said of other Patriarchs, as Athanasius, Meletius, Nestorius, and others, as we have seen; for by these words of the whole earth, the Roman Empire is un­derstood.

In that time the Bishops of Constantinople styled themselves Oecumenical, as having the Government of the Churches of all the habitable world. The Council of Con­stantinople held under Menas, gives that title to that Patriarch. AndCod. tit. 1. leg. 7. Justinian giveth the same title to Epiphanius predecessor of Menas. Yea there is in the se­cond Council of Nice an Epistle of Adrian Bishop of Rome to Tharasius Bishop of Constantinople, where he calleth him Universal Bishop. Wherefore it was with little reason that Gregory the first took it so ill, that Cyriacus and John the Faster, Patriarchs of Constantinople took that title after the example of their Predecessors; saying, that if one is Universal Bishop the others are no more Bishops, and there is no more Bishop but him alone in the world: For the Patriarchs of Constantino­ple meant not thereby to make themselves the only Bishops. And if that be true, which Gregory the first so often repeateth in his Epistles, that the Council of Chal­cedon offered unto Leo the title of Universal Bishop, is it credible that the Bishops of that Council offering that title unto Leo, intended thereby to depose themselves, and to put off their Episcopacy? Now because the Emperor Mauritius upheld Cyriacus and John Bishops of Constantinople, all the coyl that Gregory the first kept about that, turned into smoak, and wrought no effect; And Mauritius writ to Gregory that he was a fool to make so much noyse for a word. This Emperor Mauritius being slain with his wife and children by a Captain of his Guards called Phocas, Pope Gregory began to flatter that Tyrant, and to commend such an exe­crable action. For he writ to him, and in his letters spake thus to that Monster;Gregor. Epist. lib. 11. Epist. 36. Benignitatem pietatis vestrae ad imperiale fastigium per­venisse gaude­mus Laetentur coeli, etexcultet terra, & de vestris benig­nis actibus universae Reip. populus, nunc usque vehementer afflictus hilarescat: We rejoyce that the meekness of your piety is attained to the Imperial dignity. Let the heavens rejoyce, and let the earth be glad, and let the people of the whole Common­wealth, which hitherto was in deep affliction, rejoyce at your meek actions. But Gregory did not long enjoy the fruit of his abominable flattery; for he dyed soon after. As for Phocas, when he could not obtain from his Patriarch the approbation of his parricide, he began to bring him low, and to exalt the Bishop of Rome; and made a Law, whereby he commanded that the Bishop of Rome should step before that of Constantinople. So much Platina saith,Platina in Bonifacio tertio. Bonifacius à Phoca Impe­ratore obtinu­it magna cum contentione, ut sedes Beati Petri Apostoli quae caput est omnium aliaerum Ecclesiarum, ita & diceretur & ha­beretur ab omnibus. Quem quidem locum Ecclesia Constantinopolitana sibi vendicare conabatur. Bonifacius the third, with great striving obtained of the Emperor Phocas that the See of St. Peter the Apostle, which is the head of all the Churches, should be called and acknowledged such by all. Which degree the Church of Constantinople endeavoured to attribute unto its self. The Rea­der may observe by what wayes the Papal See was advanced.

Yet though the Bishops of Rome were already very corrupt, and though Satan was then advancing the mysterie of iniquity, yet all their pride and malice was but modesty and simplicity, compared to that height of iniquity which they came to some ages after. For this very Gregory speaks to the Patriarchs of Alexandria and Antioch as to his equals, and acknowledgeth that he had no authority to command them. In the 30. Epistle of the 7. book, he speaks thus to the Bishop of Alexan­dria, Beatitudo vestra mihi loquitur dicens sicut jussistis, Quod verbum jussionis peto à meo auditu removeas quia scio quis sim, & qui estis loco enim mihi fratres estis, moribus patres. Non ego jussi sed quae utilia visa sunt indicare curavi. Your beatitude [or blessedness] speaks to me saying [as you have com­manded me] Which word of commanding, I beseech you to put far from mine ears: [Page 382] For I know who I am, and who you are. You are my brethren in degree, and my Fa­thers in manners. I give you no command, but I have declared to you what I thought to be profitable to you. And in the 5. book, 60. Epistle, he saith to the same Pa­triarch, that they preside mutually the one upon the others See, So that (saith he) it seems that I preside upon the He meaneth St. Mark. Disciples See because of the Master, and that you preside upon the Masters See because of the Disciple. And in the 37. Epistle of the 1. book, exalting the dignity of the three chairs of St. Peter, of Rome, of Alexan­dria, and of Antioch, he saith, thatCum er­go unius at­que una sit sedes cui ex authoritate divina tres Episcopi prae­sident, &c. they are but one See, over which three Bishops preside by divine authority.

It was then the year 595. And the Bishops of Rome were not yet temporal Princes, and wore no triple Crown, dispensed not from oaths, exacted no adora­tion nor kissing of their feet, took not upon them to degrade Kings, and gave no indulgences. There was no speech then of the treasure of the Church, where the Pope layeth up the superabounding satisfactions of the Saints, to distribute them by his indulgences; nor of the Roman stations, nor of the tax of the Roman Chancery, where every absolution of sin and the dispensations are taxed at a cer­tain rate. The Popes then boasted not that they could not err: They canonized no Saints, and drew no souls out of Purgatory. Neither did they oblige the other Bishops to swear fidelity to them in their reception, or to pay them annats and first fruits: These things and many more were by degrees introduced by the fol­lowing ages, and by an insensible increase, whil'st Satan was pouring a thick mist of ignorance upon the minds of the people, giving them images instead of the Word of God, and fables of Legends for the doctrine of the Gospel.

That then I may not tire the Reader with long and tedious histories, and ex­amine all those which the Cardinal alleadgeth, all posterior to the fourth Council; I will say but three things. The one, that though they were all true, yet they are but examples of things happened within the verge of the Roman Empire; which sheweth that the Popes greatness grew upon the greatness of that Empire, but did not exceed the limits of the same. Neither did the Pope pretend any right over the Churches of Persia, Assyria, India or Ethiopia.

The second is, that all his proofs are humane, and are wanting in one point, which is to shew by the Word of God, that God hath appointed the Bishop of Rome to be Peters successor, in the Office of Head over the Universal Church.

The third, that whensoever the Bishops of Rome would attribute unto them­selves some superiority in Councils, in the time of the four first Councils, they never alleadged Scripture for it, or made use of Tu es Petrus, Thou art Peter, &c. But only they brought some Canons, and those alwayes with some falsification; and were alwayes cast in their suit.

CHAP. 32. A multitude of falsifications of Cardinal du Perron.

THE Cardinals book which every where swarmeth with forgeries and corru­ptions, abounds in that ware, especially about the questions of the Church, and of the Popes Primacy. There chiefly he exerciseth his faculty. We have shewed many of them, which may serve for a scantling to judge of the whole piece; for if I would have examined them all, there had been need of a volume apart; I will mark here a few more.

In the second Observation, ch. 2. he saith that the Catholick Church in the Council of Nice had made a Law, commanding the observation of Easter upon the Lords day after the fourteenth Moon of March, upon pain of anathema; and proves it by the testimony of Socrates in the 5. book ch. 21. [...] [Page 383] [...], that is, that the Council of Nice denounced excom­munication to the Quartodecimani of Asia. If the Reader will take the pains to consult the place, he shall find that Socrates in these words speaks not of the Council of Nice, but of Victor Bishop of Rome. The Cardinal falsly attributeth to the Council of Nice that which was done by Victor, and makes Socrates to speak contrary to his mind.

In the 2. ch. of his 3. book, pag. 774. to prove that we must consult the Church rather then the Law of God, he corrupts a text of Deut. 18. The Lord will raise Prophets unto you, you shall hear them. But there is according to the Hebrew, yea according to the Roman vulgar version,Prophetā de gente tua & de fratri­bus tuis sicut me suscitabit tibi Dominus Deus tuus, ip­sum audies. The Lord thy God shall raise up a Prophet unto thee, from the midst of thee, of thy brethren, like unto me; unto him you shall hearken. That this Prophet is Christ, Steven teacheth it, Act. 37. The Pro­phet knew well enough, that if it be here spoken of one Prophet only, who is Christ, that text cannot serve to send the people to the Pastors of the Church to learn of them the unwritten Word. Therefore he corrupted the text to make it serve his turn.

In the same place he makes Calvin to say that which he never thought on. He saith that Calvin in his Comment upon the Pentateuch expounds that text, Deut. 18. of sending the people from the Law to the Prophets. This shall not be found in Calvin. And though Calvin had said, that in that text God sends us from the Law to the Prophets, yet we ought not thereby to understand, that God sends us back to the Prophets to learn the traditions and an unwritten Word from them, but to learn the exposition of the Law by the Law it self.

Christ Matth. 22. proveth the immortality of the soul, and the resurrection un­to the Sadduces, by these words of God himself, Exod. 3. I am the God of Abra­ham, of Isaac, and of Jacob, for (saith Christ) God is not the God of the dead, but of the living. But the Cardinal, pag. 775. disputes against Christ, and brings many reasons to prove, that there is neither reason nor consequence in the proof that Christ brings. And to confirm his affirmation, he saith, that the Doctors of the Jews wondered at it, as at a new thing. A thing altogether false. For first, the Gospel saith not that the Doctors,Mat. 22.33. [...]. but the multitudes were astonished at his doctrine. Then it was the excellency of his doctrine, not the novelty, that the multitude did wonder at; as the Cardinal will make us believe.

In chap. 2. of the third book he makes Calvin to say, that such as sacrificed with another fire then that which was come down from heaven, were cursed, and quoteth in the Margin Calvins Comment upon 1 Cor. 10. Who so will consult that place, shall find that false, and that Calvin saith no such thing.

In chap. 25. of the first book he alledgeth the thirty seventh Epistle of book 2. of the Epistles of Gregory the first, where he makes him say, If one of the four Pa­triarchs had committed such an Act, such a disobedience could not have past without a most grievous scandal. He translateth contumaciam, disobedience, whereas it sig­nifieth obstinacy to resist. But the Cardinal would perswade the world that Gre­gory pretended that other Patriarchs owed him obedience. Whereas Gregory him­self in Epist. 30. of book 7. writing to Eulogius Patriarch of Alexandria, acknow­ledgeth that he had no power at all to command him, as we have observed in the chapter before, and set down the words of Gregory.

In chap. 14. of the third book, to weaken a text of Hilary, Pag. 841. who saith upon Psal. 132. That which is not contained in the book of the Law, we ought not so much as to be curious to know it. He saith that Hilary means, that such things as are set forth in the quality of holy Scripture, and are not found in the body of Ca­nonical Scriptures, ought to be rejected. For (saith he) it was question of an Apocrypha, which said, that the Angels coming to lust after the daughters of men, would assemble in mount Hermon. The Cardinal would make the world be­lieve that they against whom Hilary disputeth in that place alledged that Apocrypha as a Canonical book: Which is a plain untruth, for Hilary saith nothing of that, and the question in that place, is only whether that history be true, not whether the book whence it is taken be Canonical. Therefore the sentence of Hilary [Page 384] disputing for the perfection of Scripture remaineth firm, That which is not contain­ed in Scripture, we ought not so much as to be curious to know it.

In chap. 34. the Cardinal falsly affirmeth that the title of Oecumenical or Uni­versal Bishop was offered to the Bishop of Rome in the Council of Chalcedon. It is true that Gregory the first who lived about a hundred forty five years after that Council, boasteth of that, and addeth that the Bishop of Rome refused that title as arrogant, and robbing other Bishops of their quality of Bishop: For (saith he) if any be Universal Bishop, the others are not Bishops. But the contrary is seen by the twenty eighth Canon of that Council, in which, in spite of the Legats of Leo, it is decreed that the Bishop of Constantinople be equal unto that of Rome in Ecclesiastical things, as those two Cities were equal in the Civil. It is clearer then the day, that they that made that Canon, never had an intention to confer the Universal Soveraignty upon the Bishop of Rome; much less to give him a title whereby they should devest themselves of their Episcopal Office. And if they of­fered that title to the Bishop of Rome, it shews that he had it not before: And that by decreeing that the Bishop of Constantinople should be equal unto the Bishop of Rome, they decreed also that the Bishop of Constantinople should be called Oecumenical or Universal. Of that nothing at all is found in the place quoted by the Cardinal, which is theSee the second Tome of the Coun­cils in the third Action of the Coun­cil of Chalce­don in the Edition of Collen an. 1567. third Action of the Council of Chalcedon, in the request of the Clergy of Alexandria. In all the Tomes of Councils that ever I saw, I find no such request. And though it might be found there, who knows not how much those Acts are falsifi­ed, and that the Greek Acts agree very ill with the Latin? Yet let us suppose that the Clergy of Alexandria deferred that title to the Bishop of Rome: Must the titles which some private persons defer to the Bishops of Rome, be taken for an Or­dinance of an Universal Council? This I say, because in the Acts of the said Council some Epistles are found, of some private men, that give that title to the Bishop of Rome. But I find also that the Council of Constantinople, held under the Emperour Justinian, Act. 2. Dilecto fra­tri Tharasio Generale Patriarchae Adrianus, &c. gives many times the same title to Menas Patri­arch of Constantinople; And that the same Emperour in the Law to Euphemius Patriarch of Constantinople, stileth the said Epiphanius Oecumenical Patriarch. And before him Justin giveth the same title to John Patriarch of Constantinople. What more? In the second Council of Nice, where Tharasius Patriarch of Constan­tinople did preside, there is an Epistle of Adrian Bishop of Rome to the same Tha­rasius, with this title, To my well beloved brother Tharasius General Patriarch, &c.

In the samePag. 246. & 247. chapter he alledgeth the promise which Anthimus Patriarch of Constantinople made in his reception, to do all that the Soveraign Pope of the great Rome should decree: but he cuts off the head of that sentence, which is [...]. An­thimus using fraudulent words, promised to do all, &c. So then Anthimus did not speak in earnest: But he was forced to make that promise by the Emperour, who for some considerations laboured to depress the Patriarchs of Constantinople, who since the time of Acacius had bearded the Emperour, and over-mastered and abused the Bishops of Rome. Note, that the Cardinal translates the word [...] to his advantage, decreeing, instead of suggesting, advising, or representing.

Pag. 282.In chap. 35. of book 1. he saith that Athanasius in the second Apology puts Hosius, Vito and Vincentius in the same place: which is false, since by the same place, he understands the same rank. For that is the question. Or if by the same place, he understands the same line: one may say that the Scripture puts God and the Devil in the same place, by naming them in the same line.

In the following page he makes Photius to say in the Treatise of the Synods, With Vito and Vincentius was joyned Hosius Bishop of Corduba. That Treatise of the seven Councils composed by Photius is found in the beginning of the first Tome of the Councils; which whosoever will consult, shall find that there is no men­tion at all of Hosius. But he shall find these words in the first chapter, where he speaks of the Council of Nice, Alexand. &c. praeside­bat. Alexander was President there, who held the See of Constantinople, and Sylvester, &c.

Pag. 308.In chap. 39. of book 1. he falsly relateth the History of Pope Vigilius. That Vigilius being but a Deacon, secretly treated with the Empress Justinians wife who [Page 385] promised him to make him Pope, if he would promise to embrace the opinon of the Eutychian hereticks, and by express letters to confirm their faith, and condemn the Council of Chalcedon. To compass these ends Belizarius the Emperours Lieutenant in Italy, having got a promise from Vigilius of two hundred pound weight of gold, deposed Sylverius, and banisht him, and caused Vigilius to be elected Pope in his place. Vigilius fearing lest that Sylverius should be restored by the Emperour, obtained of Belizarius that Sylverius should be put in his hands. And when he had him, he starved him to death in prison. Sylverius being dead, Vigilius ful­filled his promise, and writ letters to the Eutychian Bishops. The title of the letters was, Vigilius to my Lords, and Christs, &c. And in these letters he openly declared himself an Eutychian, and denyed that Jesus Christ had two natures.

That History is related by Victor Tunensis in his Chronicle, and by Liberatus Deacon of Carthage, in chap. 22. of his Breviary, where he puts very expresly the death of Sylverius before these letters of Vigilius, whereby he declared himself an Eutychian. And Victor Tunensis addeth, that he was for that reason excom­municated by the Bishops of Africa assembled in Council.

But Cardinal du Perron, that it may not be believed that the Popes can fall in­to heresie, would perswade us that this Epistle, whereby Vigilius approveth here­sie, was written before the death of Sylverius, and that Sylverius at that time was not yet a lawful Bishop, contradicting the two only historians that relate that history; Liberatus especially, who speaks thus,Qui in Palmariam insulam ad­ductus sub eorum custo­dia defecit inedia. Vigilius au­tem per Anto­ninam Belisa­rii conjugem impleus pro­missionem suam quam Augustae fe­cerat talem scripsit Epi­stolam, Domi­nis & Chri­stis Vigilius. Sylverius carried into the Ile of Palmaria, and being kept prisoner, died for want of meat. But Vigilius by the means of Antonina wife to Belizarius, fulfilling the promise made to the Emperess, writ such letters, Vigilius to my Lords, and Christs, &c. After these letters the Author makes no more mention of Sylverius, and of his death. But that which is most express to discover the Cardinals error, is that Victor Tunensis puts the ordination of Vigilius in the place of Sylverius, and the letters written by Vigi­lius in favour of the Eutychian heresie, in the second year after the Consulat of Basilius; But he saith that after that, in the tenth year after that Consulat of Basilius (that is eight or nine years after these letters written) Vigilius was excommunicated by the Bishops of Africa. Now it is to be observed that since the coming of Sylverius to the Bishoprick of Rome, to his deathSee Plati­na in the life of Sylverius, where he saith that Sylverius was Pope but a year and five moneths. And Baron. an 540. §. 2. there is not two full years. Whence it is evident that the condemnation of Vigilius for being a favourer of heresie, happened eight years after the death of Sylverius.

Sometimes our Cardinal will play the Philosopher, as in chap. 34. of the first book,Pag. 249. he saith that the Bishops of the Council of Chalcedon understood not that the dignity of the City of Rome was the next, conjunct, and immediate cause of the Primacy of the Bishop of Rome, but the antecedent, objective and remote cause. Children that have tasted the first elements of Philosophy know that there is no cause but antecedent, whether it be near or remote; for alwayes the causes go before the effects, the efficient causes especially, which are the matter in que­stion in this place. Yea, the final causes which are posteriour as for the execu­tion, are antecedent as for the intention. With the like absurdity he speaks of objective causes, for there are no objective causes, and these words have no sense. If any cause might be called objective, it should be the final, because the agents aim at it; but the question is not here of the final cause, but of the efficient.

It becomes him no better to play the Cosmographer, as when he saith in ch. 31. of book 1. that Idumea is seated towards the West of the Meridional Judea; contradicting Scripture, which saith that the Mediterranean Sea is at the West of Judea, as Numb. 32.6. As for the Western border, you shall even have the great sea for a border. And Josh. 1.4. The great sea towards the going down of the Sun shall be your coast. He hath little knowledge in the situation of Countreys, that knows not that the West border of Judea is the Mediterranean Sea, not Idumea, which is meridional to Judea, yet so, that it bends a little Eastward. And this is so true, that in Hebrew the same [...] word signifieth both the West and the Sea: Look Northward, and Southward, and Eastward, and The En­glish version hath West­ward. towards the Sea, that is, Westward: as also the vulgar Latin Bible (the only approved by the Coun­cil [Page 386] of Trent) translateth it. And Exod. 10.19. The Lord turned a mighty strong wind from the sea. Both the Vulgar and the English version translate a West­wind, See Isa. 49.12. & Gen. 24.14. & Exod. 26.22. & Ezek. 48.17. & Jos. 15.12. Sanctes Pagninus, a Monk of Luca, in his Lexicon upon the word [...] saith thus; [...] Mare, & Occidens, id est, plaga Occidentalis, eo quod mare magnum sit ad plagam Occidentalem terrae Israel.

This Cardinal never made conscience of feeding the people with false allega­tions and forged stories. Even in the solemn Assembly of the States sitting at Paris an. 1615. he was not ashamed in his Oration, to alledge Scripture falsly, to prove that the Pope can depose Kings.That is seen in the Oration of this Cardinal published by himself. Samuel (said he) deposed Saul, or declared him deposed. Again, The Prophet Ahija deposed Roboam from the Royal right over the ten tribes. Again, The Prophet Elijah deposed Ahab, because he em­braced the Religion of false Gods. Again, Azariah the Priest expelled King Uzziah from the conversation of the people, wherefore the administration of the Kingdom was taken from him. This Oration was sent by our Cardinal to his Majesty of great Brittain, who seeing both the Crown and the life of Kings subjected to the Popes pleasure by that Oration, made an answer to it, and laid open his false deal­ing both in these and in other allegations. The Cardinal did quietly swallow that dishonour, and made no answer, though he lived four years after the Kings answer.

Of his ignorance in Greek, I have brought forth many examples: to which I will add this. In the first chapter of his Treatise of the Sacrifice, whereas these words [...] signifie non amplius polluent, they shall pollute no more; he trans­lates, They shall smoke no more.

BOOK VII. WHEREIN Divers Controversies are examined, HANDLED BY Cardinal Du PERRON IN His Second, Third, Fourth, and Fifth BOOK.

FIRST CONTROVERSY OF THE Invocation of SAINTS.

CHAP. 1. State and Distribution of the Question.

CArdinal du Perron in the eighteenth chapter of his first book, slideth over the question of the Invocation of Saints, saying, that in the antient Church, Christians would make voyages and pilgrimages to the bodies of Martyrs to be associated to their merits, and assisted by their intercessions, and prayed to the holy Martyrs to pray for them, &c. Which he goeth about to prove by some testimonies of the Fathers; and in the Margin sends us to his fifth book, where he treateth that question fully, and more exactly then any other. There he protesteth often that he disputeth not of the right, nor of that which ought to be believed concerning this question, but only of the fact: And that his end is only to shew what was believed in the an­tient Church in the time of the first four Councils, that is, from the year of the [Page 388] Lord 326. to the year 451. For he freely acknowledgeth, that as in the holy Scrip­ture, there is neither command nor example for the invocation of Saints, likewise in the writings of the Fathers that have written before the four first Councils, no trace is to be found of that invocation.

As for us, since we think it an idle labour to dispute of that which was believed in such or such an age, unless it be to learn together what ought to be believed, and that the question of the fact without that of the right is to no purpose, we will treat of both, and seek first what the faithfull ought to believe about this point, that the Reader may judge of the examples by the rules, instead of forging rules upon examples, which have not the strength of Laws.

Before we enter into that matter, the Reader must be desired to distinguish carefully the question of the intercession of Saints, from the question of the invocation of Saints: They are very different questions; Whether the Saints pray for us, and Whether we must pray to them. It is one thing to know what the Saints do in heaven, another thing to know what we must do in earth. This advertisement is necessary, because Cardinal du Perron carried away by the stream of the common error, confounds these two things, and labours to prove that the Saints intercede for us; which is not the thing in question. For we deny not that the Saints in heaven pray for the Church in earth. Of that we have an example, Rev. 6.10. where the souls of Martyrs cry unto God, How long O Lord holy and true dost thou not judge and avenge our blood on them that dwell on the earth? But whether we must invocate those Martyrs, it is another question, and the very knot of the difference; to which if M. du Perron had kept himself close, he might have made his work shorter by the half, and had not loaded his book with useless proofs. For the felicity of the Saints hath not diminished their charity. They pray in ge­neral for the Church militant here in earth, though they know not the thoughts of men, nor the necessities of every private man.

This question consisteth in four points.

1 The first, to know whether the Saints in heaven know our hearts and our thoughts, and understand our prayers.

2 The second, what assurance the Roman Church hath, that the Saints which they call upon are truly Saints.

3 The third is, Whether the true Saints must be invocated, and prayed to.

4 The fourth, How they must be served, and what service or religious worship is due unto them.

CHAP. 2. That the glorified Saints know not all that is done in earth, and know not the hearts and thoughts of men.
Confutation of the Cardinal.

CArdinal du Perron in chap. 18. of book 5. pag. 997. speaking of the souls of Saints, saith that they see within themselves the light of the Almighty; whence he inferreth, that there is nothing without themselves but they know it. In the same chapter pag. 991. he speaks of a looking-glass in Gods essence, in which all the things that are in being are represented. Which is a rash Divinity, repugnant unto nature, and to the blessedness of the Saints, and (which is more) unto the word of God. For the Saints though never so much exalted in glory, yet are crea­tures and of a finite nature, and by consequent incapable of knowing infinite things in an instant, and to bend their attention upon infinite things in the same mo­ment. For as the being, and life of creatures consisteth in a duration, and suc­cessive [Page 389] flowing, so their actions are done successively, and one after another. Whence it followeth that affirming that the Saints think of all things at once, and see all that hath been, is, and shall be in the world, and all the thoughts of all men at once, and that St. Peter being prayed to by a hundred thousand per­sons in divers places, seeth the thoughts of all these men at once, and of all the men that shall in the time to come call upon him: This, I say, is equalling his know­ledge, both in latitude and extent, unto the knowledge of God.

Besides, God doth nothing in vain, and giveth no vertue or knowledge to his Saints but to make them more happy. Now in this life and in humane society there is a numberless quantity of vain, sordid, filthy, and wicked things and acti­ons, the knowledge whereof would contribute nothing to the blessedness of the Saints, and would be altogether unsuitable with their happy state. For that looking-glass, which the School men say to be in the face of God (in which both they, and Cardinal du Perron after them, will have the Saints to see all things) was broken long ago, neither is any thing seen in it, but the rashness of those that invented it, without any warrant of the word of God. It is a gross error to believe that who so seeth God, necessarily seeth all that God seeth: and that any man that seeth another person, hath alwayes as good eyes as that person: Or that one that seeth from a low ground another that stands on a high place, seeth all the prospect which that man seeth from that high place. By that reason he that seeth a blind man, should see nothing at all. Indeed if the Saints could see and know God with such a perfect knowledge as that wherewith God knoweth his own self, I make no doubt but that the Saints by that knowledge should know all things, because that knowledge would be infinite as the essence of God is infi­nite. But Gods essence is incomprehensible and invisible to the creature, and though the Saints be never so excellent, there is alwayes an infinite distance be­tween them and Gods perfection. The Angels see the face of God alwayes, Mat. 18. and yet they are ignorant of the day of judgement, Mark 13.32. and by the manifestation of Jesus Christ by the Gospel, the Angels have learned things which they knew not before, as St. Paul saith, Ephes. 3.10. To the intent that now unto the principalities and powers in heavenly places might be known by the Church, the manifold wisdom of God.

The Jesuite Salmeron in the eighth disputation upon 1 Tim. 2. saith, that when Jesus Christ prayeth for us, the Father hears him alwayes: But when the Saints pray for us, God heareth them not alwayes, and grants not alwayes what they ask. By speaking thus, he ascribes idle actions unto Saints, and such as are of no use, either for them or us. Hence also it follows, that it is far better for one to address himself unto Christ, then to the Saints. But this is most notable in that as­sertion of his, that by speaking thus, he breaks that looking-glass, and acknow­ledgeth that the Saints see not things future in the face of God, and know not whether God will hear them or no. For if they knew it, they would not ask such things as they might be sure never to obtain, because by their prayers they should contradict the known counsel of God.

I acknowledge that God can reveal what pleaseth him unto the Saints; but of that will of God, nothing is manifested to us in his word. Rather we learn of Job, speaking of a deceased Father, Job 14.21. That his sons come to honour, and he knows it not; and they are brought low, but he perceiveth it not.

2 Kings 22.20. God promiseth to King Josiah, thou shalt be gathered into thy grave in peace, and thine eyes shall not see all the evil which I will bring upon this place. If that King saw not after his death the ruine of his children, and desola­tion of his Kingdom, how could he have seen all that was in the world, and the thoughts of all men?

Wise Solomon, Eccles. 9.5. is express upon this point, saying, that the dead know not any thing, neither have they any more a reward. And a little after, neither have they any more a portion for ever in any thing that is done under the Sun: Then have they not any portion in the religious service which men offer unto them, and no knowledge of mens businesses. To this the Cardinal answereth, that it is not the [Page 390] spirit of God that speaks thus, but these are objections which the Prophet frameth as from the sense of the flesh against the spirit. Else (saith he) we must infer out of these words that the death of a man, and the death of a beast are both alike. The Reader that will consult the place, shall find, that in the whole chapter there is no mention of the death of beasts, and that it is not there compared with the death of men. Rather he shall find in that ninth chapter many holy and true sentences, which cannot be suggestions of the flesh against the spirit of God. Such as this sentence in the first verse, that the righteous and the wise, and their works are in the hand of God: And this v. 16. & 18. Wisdom is better then strength: Wis­dom is better then weapons of war, but one sinner destroyeth much good.

Now in the question whether the Saints must be prayed to, the main point is, to know whether the Saints deceased understand the prayers which the living con­ceive in their heart? For the true prayer is that of the heart, otherwise he that hath the best voyce should be best understood. And he that is prayed to, must know whether he that prayeth doth it seriously, and with faith and true repen­tance: And he must know how to discern them from those that pray out of hy­pocrisie. Now the Word of God saith, that there is none but God alone that knoweth the hearts of men: As it is said, 2 Chron. 6.30. Lord, thou only knowest the hearts of the children of men.

Pag. 990.The Cardinal, after others, answereth, that Scripture thereby meaneth, that the Angels and the souls of men know not the hearts in the same manner as God knoweth them, because that God hath that knowledge essentially and from him­self, but the Angels and the souls of men have it only by participation, and because God giveth it them. In the same manner as Paul, 1 Tim. 6.16. saith that God only hath immortality. There is nothing so express in Gods Word, but may be so eluded. The Word of God saith simply and absolutely, that God alone know­eth the hearts of men, not as the Cardinal will make Scripture say, that God knows the hearts in a manner proper unto himself alone. By the same reason I could say that God alone knows, that Jesus Christ is our Redeemer, because he knoweth it from himself, but we know him but by revelation. If a man in a town hath taught others Grammar, may it be said that he alone knoweth Grammar, because others have learned it of him? Nay, it follows, that he knoweth it not alone, since he taught it them. As for these words, that God alone hath immortality; To take the word immortality in the sense that the Apostle takes it, for eternity, and for a life independent from another, not flowing, and not loosing any thing of its time and duration, I say that God alone hath immortality; For the life of Angels and mens souls consisteth in a successive duration. The years of an immortal man are flowing, and his past duration is no more.

The Word of God in many places makes this distinction between God and all the creatures, that he is searcher of the hearts, as Psal. 7.9. The righteous God tryeth the hearts and rains: And Jer. 17.10. I the Lord search the heart: And 1 Chron. 28.9. The Lord searcheth all hearts, and understandeth all the imaginati­ons of the thoughts. And Act. 1.24. Peter casting the lot for the election of an Apostle, said, Thou Lord which knowest the hearts of all men, shew whether of these two thou hast chosen. Matth. 6.6. the Lord Jesus saith, When thou prayest, enter into thy closet— and pray to thy Father which seeth thee in secret. His exhortation should loose its strength, if the same could be said of the Saints.

Wherefore Austin in the book de dogmatibus Ecclesiasticis (if that book be his) ch. 81. makes this conclusion, That only one knoweth the secrets of the hearts, to whom it is said, Thou only knowest the hearts of the sons of men.

CHAP. 3. The opinion of the Fathers upon this point.

IT was a received opinion among many of the Elders, that the souls of the Saints do not yet enjoy the sight of God, and shall not be put in possession of the heavenly glory before the day of the resurrection. They that hold that opinion, hold by consequent, that the souls of the Saints know not all the things that are done in the world, and know not the hearts of men, since the reason why the Ro­man Church and M. du Perron after others, hold that the Saints know our hearts, and hear our prayers, is, that they enjoy the glory of God.

Tertullian in ch. 55. of the book of the Soul, delivers thus his opinion;Constitu­imus omnem animam apud inseros seque­strari in diem Domini. We hold for certain, that every soul is set apart in hell untill the day of the Lord. Irenaeus saith the same in the fifth book, where speaking of the Paradise where God had placed Adam, he saith thatPlantavit Deus Para­disum in Eden contra Orien­tem, & posuit ibi hominem quem plasma­vit, &c. Qua propter dicunt Pres­byteri qui sunt Apostolo­rum discipuli eos qui trans­lati sunt illuc transla­tos esse, &c. the Antients which were Disciples of the Apostles say that they that were transported hence, have been transported to that place, and that it is the Paradise prepared to the righteous, where St. Paul being car­ried up, heard unspeakable words.

The same Irenaeus in the end of the fifth book rebuketh severely those that say that the souls departing from the bodies, go up to heaven,Quomodo non confun­dentur qui dicunt interi­orem hominem ipsorum de­relinquentem hîc corpus in­super coele­stem ascende­re locum? Cum enim Dominus in medio umbrae mortis abierit, ubi animae mortuorum erant, &c. Manifestum est quia & discipulorum ejus propter quos & haec operatus est Dominus, animae abi­bunt in invisi­bilem locum definitum ipsis à Deo, & ibi usque ad resurrectionem commorabuntur, &c. sic venient ad conspectum Dei. How shall they not be confounded (saith he) that say that the inward man leaving this body, goeth to a place above heaven? For seeing that the Lord is gone in the midst of the sha­dow of death, where the souls of the dead were, and after that did bodily rise again, and was lift up after his resurrection, it is an evident thing that the souls of his Disciples, for whom the Lord hath done these things, shall go into an invisible place which hath been assigned unto them of God, and there shall wait till the resurrecti­on, &c. and so shall come to the sight of God.

Origen in the book of principles, chap. 12.Puto quod sancti quique discedentes de hac vita permaneant in loco aliquo, & (ut ita dixerim) auditorio. I hold that all the Saints go­ing out of this life remain in some place in the earth, which the holy Scripture calls Paradise, as in a certain place of instruction, and as it were in an auditory.

And upon chap. 7. of Leviticus, Nondum sancti receperunt laetitiam suam. The Saints have not yet received their joy.

Ambrose in the second book of Cain and Abel, chap. 2.Solviturà corpore anima, & post finem vitae hujus adhuc tamen futuri judicii ambiguo suspenditur. The soul is loosed from the body; and yet after the end of this life it is in suspence about the ambi­guity of the judgement to come.

The Author of the questions to the Orthodox ascribed to Justin Martyr, qu. 60. [...]. The retribution of things done in this life, is not done before the resurrection.

Lactantius book 7. ch. 21.Omnes in una communi custodia detinentur, donec tempus adveniat, quo maximus Judex meritorum faciat examen. All the souls are detained in a common prison till the time come, that the great Judge examine what they have deserved.

Novatianus in chap. 1. of the book of the Trinity,Quae infra terram jacent, neque ipsa sunt digestis & ordinatis potestatibus vacua. Locus enim est quo piorum animae impiorumque ducuntur, futuri judicii praejudicia sentientes. The things that are under the earth, are not destitute of powers digested in order; For it is the place whither the souls both of godly and ungodly are brought, feeling already the foretasts of the last judgement.

Hilarius upon Psal. 138.Humanae ista Lex necessitatis est, ut sepultis corporibus animae ad inferos descendant, quam descensionem Dominus ad consummationem veri hominis non recusavit. It is the Law of necessity unto which man is subject, that when the bodies are buried, the souls descend into hell, which descent Christ him­self did not refuse for the consummation of a true man. And upon Psal. 120. he saith that all the faithfull coming out of the body, are placed in Abrahams bosom, quousque introeundi rursum in regnum coelorum tempus adveniat, till the time come of entring again into the kingdom of God.

The sacred Poet Prudentius, towards the end of the hymneGremio senis abdita sancti, recu­babit ut illa Lazari, &c. Patet ecce fi­delibus ampli. Via lucida jam paradisi. Licet & ne­mus illud adire. Homini quod ademerat anguis. upon the ob­sequies of the dead, puts the souls of the faithfull in Abrahams bosome, which he placeth in the earthly Paradise, whence Adam was expelled.

Victorinus Martyr upon Rev. 6. where the souls of Martyrs are set under the Altar, expounds these words sub ara, id est, sub terra, under the Altar, that is, under the earth.

Almost all the Greek Fathers are of the same opinion, and so was Pope John the XXII. as Gerson witnesseth in the Sermon of the Passeover: And Ockham in the work of ninety dayes: And Villanus in the tenth book of his history. And Erasmus in his preface upon the fifth book of Irenaeus.

Bernard himself, though much posteriour in time to the forealledged Fathers, was of that opinion. In the third Sermon upon All-Saints-day, he puts three several habitations of souls, The Primum in tabernacu­lis secundum in atriis ter­tium in domo Dei. first in Tabernacles, [meaning the bodies] the second in Courts, [meaning receptacles where the souls are shut up] the third in Gods house. And a little afterIn illam beatissimam domum nec sine nobis intrabant nec sine corpori­bus suis, id est, nec sancti sine plebe, nec spiritus sine carne. The Saints shall enter neither without us, nor without their bodies into that most blessed house; that is, neither the Saints with­out the common people, nor the soul without the body.

Chrysostom and Austin are ambiguous upon this matter, and speak not al­wayes in the same manner. You shall find some places in those Fathers that speak of the souls of the godly, of Martyrs especially, as enjoying already the sight of God, and heavenly glory: But in other places they will affirm the contrary. Chrysostome in the twenty eighth Homily upon the Epistle to the Hebrews, saith that Abel and Noah have not yet received their Crowns. [...]; What shall then Abel do, who hath overcome the first of all, who is sitting without a crown? What shall Noah do? &c. And in the thirty ninth Homily upon the first Epistle to the Corinthians, [...]. Although the soul remain, although it be a thousand times im­mortal, as indeed it is; it shall not receive without the flesh those unspeakable goods, as also it shall suffer no punishment.

Austin in his Manual to Laurentius chap. 109.Tempus quod inter hominis mor­tem & ulti­mam resurre­ctionem inter­positum est, animas abdi­tis receptacu­lis continet, sicut unaquae­que digna est vel requie vel aerumna. The interval of time be­tween a mans death and the last resurrection, contains the souls in hidden receptacles, as every one of them is worthy either of rest or disrest. And upon Psal. 36.Post istam vitam parvam nondum eris ubi erunt sancti quibus dicetur, Venite benedicti patris moi, percipite reg­num quod vobis paratum est ab initio mundi. After this short life, thou shalt not be yet where the Saints shall be, &c. Thou shalt not be there yet, Who knoweth not that? But thou maist be where the proud rich man, being in torments, saw the poor man resting, that had been sometimes full of sores; In that rest thou shalt quietly stay for the day of judgement. And in the twelfth book of the City of God, chap. 9.Cujus pars quae conjungenda immortalibus Angelis ex mortalibus homini­bus congregatur, & nunc mortaliter peregrinatur in terris vel in iis, qui mortem obierunt secretis, animarum receptaculis se­dibusque requiescit. That part of the City of God which must be joyned with the immortal Angels, is congregated from the mortal men, and is now in a pilgrimage on earth; or is resting in the receptacles and dwelling places of the souls of those that are dead.

That such was the opinion of the Fathers, that the souls enjoy not yet the heavenly glory, it is manifest, because it was a belief generally received among the Antients, that the Saints must all pass through the fire of the last judgement to be touched with the flame, and purged from their sins, some more, some less, as they are more or less stained with sin.Hillarius in Psal. 118. litera Gimel. Hilary makes even the Virgin Mary to pass through that fire, as needing purgation, as we shall see hereafter. Now it is not fit that those whose souls are not yet purged, enjoy the sight of God and heavenly glory.

M. du Perron denyeth it not. For in pag. 994. to avoid the strength of a place of Austin, which saith that the souls of the deceased are in a place where they see not the things that are done, or that happen unto men in this life, he saith that this doctrine of Austin is conformable to the hypothesis of some private men, who believed that the souls of the godly have not the vision of God before the final judgement; adding, that it was not a doctrine condemned, because the Church had not yet pronounced a decision upon that.

Bellarmin saith the same in chap. 14. of the fourth book de Pontifice Roma­no, where he thus excuseth Pope John XXII.Respondeo Johannem hunc re vera sensisse ani­mas non vi­suras Deum nisi post re­surrectionem: Caeterum hoc sensisse quan­do aduc sen­tire licebat sine periculo haeresis. Nulla enim adhuc praecesserat Ecclesiae defi­nitio. I answer, that this John believed in­deed that the souls should not see God but after the resurrection: But that he had that opinion when it was yet lawfull to have it without danger of heresie. For the Church had not yet made any decision about that. Yet it was then the four­teenth Age of the Church.

If that be true (as it is so indeed) in vain the Cardinal heapeth up testimonies of Antiquity to prove that in the time of the first four Councils they believed that the Saints know our hearts, and hear our prayers, and that they must be prayed to. For with what confidence could they call upon the Saints, when it was an uncertain thing, and not yet decided whether they were in hell, and in underground receptacles, or in the earthly Paradise, enjoying neither the glory of God, nor the sight of that imaginary looking-glass, where the Cardinal holds that they see all things?

Now in this question, Whether the souls of the deceased Saints see the things that are done here below, and hear our prayers, this advantage we have, that both Scripture and the Fathers of the three first Ages, and above half the fourth are for us. For we shall see hereafter that they are not only silent about this mat­ter, but even contrary to the invocation of Saints; And we shall see the Cardi­nals confession upon this point, for having searcht all Antiquity with incredible diligence, he could not find one testimony for his purpose in the three first ages, and therefore he confines himself within the time of the first four Councils.

Cyprian who writ about the year of the Lord 250. in the fifty seventh Epistle makes this agreement in the form of an exhortation with Cornelius Bishop of Rome, whom he calls brother, thatEt si quis isihinc nostrū prior divinae dignationis celeritate praecesserit, persevere apud Dominum nostra dilectio pro fratribus & sororibus apud miseri­cordiam Pa­tris non cesset oratio. the first that shall depart out of this world shall pray for the others, and for him that shall outlive. For he believed that the deceased Saints had no other knowledge of things on earth, but by the memory of the things and persons which they had seen before their death. Ac­cording to the opinion of that holy womanEuseb. hist. Eccles. lib. 7. cap. 5. Potamiena who when she was led to martyrdom, promised to Basilides that led her unto death, to pray for him after her death. And Hierom towards the end of the Epitaph of Paula, by a rheto­rical Prosopopeia commends himself to Paula, speaking to her, as if she were yet alive, and near her death. Adieu Paula! help with thy prayers the extream old age of thine honourer; thy faith and thy works join thee with Christ: being present with him, thou shalt easily obtain what thou wilt request. Of which place more hereafter.

The words of Chrysostome are very express upon this point, in the eighteenth Homily upon the Epistle to the Romans, [...], &c. To whom (saith he) shalt thou have recourse? Whom shalt thou call to thy help and relief? Shall it be Abraham? but he shall not hear thee. Shall it be these Virgins? but they shall give thee none of their oyl. Whence he inferreth, that none must be invocated but he alone that hath power to blot out our obligations, that is, none but God alone.

The first Father, in whose writings prayers to the Saints are found, is Gregory Nazianzen, that writ about the year of Christ 370. for before him nothing of that kind is found in all Antiquity. These prayers presuppose that the Saints see our thoughts, and hear our prayers. Now that in that matter himself was wa­vering, and was not setled in his perswasion, he sheweth it sufficiently in his firstGregor. Naz. [...] adversus Julianum. [...] &c. [...]. Oration against Julian, Hear thou also, O thou excellent soul of Constantius, if thou hast any sense. And in the funeral Oration upon his sister Gorgonia, he speaks thus to that holy deceased woman, [...]. If thou hast some regard to the honour which we yield to thee; and if that reward is given to holy souls by God, to have the sense of such things; receive this speech of mine. A man fixt in his belief would not speak thus ambiguously, for this particle if is not put instead of for, or since, as M. du Perron will have it;P. 1040. as it is evident by this word some, which is added to it; For these words should want reason, Since thou hast some regard: That would sound as if he told her that she had but little regard to it.

Hierom was a disciple to this Gregory, and yet followed not his Masters opi­nion. [Page 394] For in the Epitaph of Nepotianus he saith,Scimus quidem Nepo­tianum no­strum esse cum Christo, & sanctorum mixtum cho­ris. We know that our friend Nepotianus is with Christ, and mingled among the quire of Saints. And yet he saith, that he neither knew nor heard the afflictions wherewith the Church was then tormented.Felix Nepotianus qui haec non videt, felix qui haec non audit. Blessed Nepotianus (saith he) that neither seeth nor hear­eth these things.

M. du Perron saith, that Nepotianus did not see them with his bodily eyes. But since Hierom accounts Nepotianus happy for not seeing the desolations happened since his death, it is clear that his plain meaning is, that he hath no knowledge of them, because that knowledge would disturb his happiness, for the diverse man­ner of seeing would not diminish his sorrow. Wherefore he saith in the same place,Quicquid dixero, quia ille non audit mutum vide­tur. All that I shall say will seem dumb, because he hears it not. And again,Cum quo loqui non possumus, de eo loqui nunquam desinamus. Let us not cease to speak of Nepotianus, with whom we can speak no more. The Cardinal answereth, that Hierom meaneth that he could speak no more with Ne­potianus in a dialogue or reciprocal discourse, and that therefore he saith not, that he could speak no more to Nepotianus, but with Nepotianus. But if that were Hieroms sense, he would have said, Let us not cease to speak to Nepotianus, since he can no more speak with us. But he contents himself to speak of him, because he can no more speak with him. And to leave no doubt about his sense, these are the words of that Father upon Isaiah 65.Licet possit & hoc dici, quod in coelo novo & in terra nova omnis con­versationis pristinae me­moria delea­tur, ne hoc ipsum pars malorum sit, prioris angustiae recordari. It may be said also, that in the new heaven and new earth, all the memory of the past conversation is blotted out, lest that very thing be part of misery, to remember the former misery.

In all the works of Hierom one only place is found, where disputing against Vigilantius, who asked in scorn whether the souls of the Martyrs love their ashes, and flye about their tombs? He answereth, that if the Lamb is every where, they that are with the Lamb must be believed to be every where; and since Devils are wandering over the world, and by an excessive swiftness are present every where, should the Martyrs after the shedding of their blood be inclosed in a chest, and not be able to come out of it? M. du Perron makes use of that place, though it be nothing to this purpose. For Hierom intends not to prove that they know all things. Of that he speaks neither there nor any where else. But only he maintaineth, that their spirits are not shut up in their tombs, but are present wheresoever Christ-man is present, following the Lamb wheresoever he goeth. Here M. du Per­ron doth advertise us that we must not learn the opinion of the Fathers from their writings, in which they dispute against the Adversaries: For (saith he) in those writings they speak gymnastically, not dogmatically; and dissemble and dis­guise many things. Why then doth he alledge this place, which is taken from an Epistle against Vigilantius, whom he accuseth that he would have the bones of the Martyrs to be cast upon the dunghill, and that he would be worshipped alone?

Austin is very unequal and perplexed in this matter. In the book of the Spi­rit and the Soul, chap. 29. (which M. du Perron pag. 994. holds to be of Austin)Ibi qui­dem sunt spiritus de­functorum, ubi non vi­dent neque audiunt quae aguntur aut eveniunt in ista vita hominibus. The spirits of the deceased (saith he) are in one place, where they neither see nor hear that which is done, or that which happens unto men in this life. Yet they take care of the living, although they know not at all what they do, in the same man­ner as we take care of the dead, although we know not what they do. Which text the Cardinal seeks to elude, saying that Austin speaks of the dead, considered in their general condition, and in their proper faculty, not of the dead consti­tuted in the actual vision of God. I answer, that Austin speaks in the present tense, for he saith that the spirits of the dead are in a place where they see nothing of all that is done in this life. He speaks then of the dead that were dead in his time: Now he speaks not of the damned, but of the Saints; for a little after, he saith, that they have communication with the life of God. He speaks then of those that enjoy the sight of God. Had the Cardinal read the whole text, he would ne­ver have said a thing so contrary to truth as this, that Austin speaks not of the dead constituted in the vision of God. But how absurd is he with that general condition of the dead? seeing that they are all in a condition, which is particu­lar unto them, being all either saved or damned. This Cardinal forgeth unto us [Page 395] a general condition of the dead, which are neither saved nor damned. By the way, I wonder that he receiveth that book as written by Austin, seeing that Boetius is alledged in it, who hardly was born when Austin dyed.

Austin in his book of the care to be had of the dead, inquireth how, and in what manner the dead can know something of the businesses of this world here below, and conceiveth three wayes for it: either by the relation of those that come from the earth unto them, or by their communication with Angels, or by so much as God will reveal unto them; for, saith he, God revealeth not all un­to them, but as much as they ought to understand. But of seeing all in the face of God, or of that imaginary looking-glass, he speaks never a word.

In the same place chap. 13. Let every one take as he will what I shall say, Ut volet accipiat quis­que quod dicam, si rebus viventium interessent animae mor­tuorum, & ipsae quando eas videmus nos alloque­rentur in som­nis, ut de aliis taceam me ip­sum pra mater nulla nocte desineret, &c. If the souls of the dead were present in the businesses of the living, and spake themselves unto us when we see them in dreams; that I may say nothing of others, my good and carefull Mother who followed me by Sea and Land to live with me, would not forsake me one night.

Ibi ergo sunt spiritus defunctorum, ubi nonvident quaecunque aguntur aut eveniunt in ista vita hominibus.In the same place chap. 13. The spirits of the dead are then in a place where they see not all the things that are done, or that happen unto men. How then should they see their tombs or their bodies, whether they lye forsaken, or whether they are buried? And in chap. 15.Faten­dum est nesci­re mortuos quid hîc agatur; postea vero audire ab eis qui hinc ad eos moriendo pergunt. Non quidem om­nia, &c. It must be confest that the dead know nothing of all that is done here, while it is done: But that they hear it afterwards from them who by death go from this world to them: Yet not all indeed, but as much as they are allowed to declare, &c. They may also learn something from Angels inter­vening in the businesses done here below. And chap. 16. We know not where the Mar­tyrs are, nor what they do.

Pope Gregory the I. speaks much like that, upon Job Nec ubi sint Martyres, nec quid agant scimus. As they that are yet alive are ignorant in what place the souls of the dead be, so the dead are ignorant of the condition of life of those that live after them.

In vain contrary places of the same Fathers are alledged, for what certainty can be expected from persons that speak with so much irresolution? Truly, who so in matters of faith, not contenting himself with the authority of the word of God, seeks to resolve his doubts by the writings of men, besides the infinite length where he shall lose himself, shall find himself sinking in the quick-sand of their inconstant opinions.

The CardinalPag. 993. alledgeth a place of Prosper in the first book of the contempla­tive life, chap. 4. No secret thing shall then be hidden from the perfectly blessed. A thing of transcendent excellency. With their pure spirits they shall behold God. That place beareth the answer to it. For it is clear that he speaks not of the knowledge which the souls of Saints have now, but of that which they shall have after the resurrection. He puts off the vision of God till that time. The prece­dent words shew it.Receptis cum incor­ruptione cor­poribus muni­cipatum pa­triae coelestis accipiunt. Having (saith he) taken their bodies again, with incor­ruption and immortality, they shall receive the right of Citizens of their heaven­ly Countrey. Where it is clear that he speaks of the felicity of the souls after the resurrection of their bodies. The very title of the chapter shews it. De resurrectione vel vita sanctorum.

The Cardinal pag. 993. alledgeth Basil, who saith in the book of true Virgi­nity. [...]. There is none of them but seeth all things every where. But there is in the Greek, There is none of them but looks all about. These words [all things] are of the Cardinals addition▪

CHAP. 4. Examination of the texts and reasons which the Cardinal brings to prove that the Saints know all things, see our thoughts, and hear our prayers. His foul dealing is laid open.

Pag. 989.THE Cardinal contrary to his custom alledgeth many texts of Scripture upon this matter.

If (saith he) St. Steven being on earth saw the body of Christ exalted to heaven, Now that he hath the same illumination of divine light which lightned him at that time, he may well see and hear from heaven the things that are done upon earth. It is an humane conjecture that hath no solid ground. For God giveth graces to his Saints, according as he knoweth it fit for them, and for the good of his Church. He made St. Steven, when he was near his end to see Christ in heaven, to strengthen his faith against the sufferings of martyrdom. He made him pronounce these words, Behold I see the heavens opened, and the Son of man standing on the right hand of God, for the comfort of the godly there present, and for ours: But the same reasons equire not that God give the knowledge of all things unto the Saints, and make them see all the secrets of mens hearts.

He goeth on: The spirit of Elisha (saith he) being enlightned with the light of prophecy, which is but a small beam of the light of heavenly blessedness, saw and heard the negotiating of Gehezi absent. Being now enlightned all about, all through, and bright with that light of glory, which ariseth out of the sight of God, he may with more reason see and hear the discourses of humane commerce. To this I say, that sometimes, yet seldom, God hath revealed to his Prophets the thoughts of some man, and that as much only, as was necessary for the execution of their charge. Elisha saith, 2 Kings 4.27. that God had hid from him the death of the Shunamites son: how much more did God hide from him the thoughts of all men? The Prophet Eliah did not know, that there were seven thousand in Isra­el which had not bowed their knee unto Baal: 1 Kings 19. So then that revelation of mens thoughts, and humane accidents unto the Prophets being but seldom, and that the Prophets might do the charge which God imployed them in; from thence one cannot infer, that the Saints have an ordinary knowledge of all things, and that they know all the thoughts of men, seeing that the word of God gives them no charge over men, which to exercise that knowledge is necessary. Note also that M. du Perron is in an error, when he saith that the light of prophesie is a small beam of the light of heavenly blessedness. If that were true, those two knowledges would differ, not in kind, but in degree only. Now they are so diffe­rent in kind, that God hath sometimes given that Prophetical light unto wicked and reprobate men, as to Balaam and to Caiaphas.

Falsification of the Cardi­nal. Pag. 990.To the same purpose the Cardinal alledgeth a text of St. Paul, 1 Cor. 14.24. where he makes the Apostle to say, that by the gift of prophesie the secrets of the hearts are manifested. Which is a text unfaithfully alledged, and falsified both in words and sense. In words, for the true text runs thus, If all prophesie, and there comes in one that believeth not, or one unlearned, he is convinced of all, he is judged of all: and thus are the secrets of his heart made manifest, and so falling down on his face he will worship God. In sense, for by prophecying St. Paul understands ex­pounding the word of God in the Church by revelation. He means not, that they that have the gift of prophesie, know the thoughts of men, but that by hearing of the word of God propounded in an intelligible way, their hearts are convinced, and come to confess their faults, and to give glory to God before men. The Car­dinal not content to have falsified that text in this manner,Another Falsification. falsifieth it in another [Page 397] manner, page 992. making the Apostle to speak thus, When a man prophesieth, they that come in are confounded, because the secrets of their hearts are manifested. This licentiousness is horrible, thus to wrest and falsifie the holy Scripture. The chief fraud lyeth in the word because, which he adds of his own. But the whole alle­gation is depraved and corrupted.

He goeth about to prove that the Saints behold in Gods essence, as in a perfectVasquez. Dist. 50. c. 4, & 5. confu­teth that mirrour. mirrour, all the things that have an actual being, by Psal. 36. In thy light shall we see light. But God may well enlighten his Saints with his light, and yet not make them know all the thoughts of men. Besides David speaks not of the light which the Saints enjoy in heaven, but of that wherewith he enlighteneth our eyes and our souls in this life.

The text of 1 John 3. is to no better purpose alledged. We shall be like him, because we shall see him as he is. The text saith like, but not equal in latitude of knowledge. God had created man after his likeness, but he did not therefore give him the knowledge of all things. The Saints, though infinitely inferiour un­to God, are like unto God, as not in simplicity and infinity of essence, nor in all­mightiness, nor in eternity without beginning, so not in knowledge of all things, nor in the sight of the heart and thoughts, but in the imitation of holiness and righteousness, for God only knoweth the hearts of the children of men, 2 Chron. 6.30.

He adds another text of 1 Cor. 13.9. Now I know in part, But when that which is perfect is come, then shall I know as I am known. The Cardinals Exposi­tion is, I shall know others as I know my self, or rather as God knoweth me. But the Apostle in this chapter speaks not of the knowledge we shall have of others in the heavenly glory, but of the knowledge we shall have of God, whom we shall know perfectly; that is, with the highest and most perfect knowledge that creatures can attain unto. But that the Reader may not discern that St. Paul speaks of the knowledge which we shall have of God, he clippeth and falsifieth that text,Falsification of the Car­dinal. of which these are the words, Now we see through a glass darkly, but then face to face: Now I know in part, but then shall I know even as I also am known. These words, that we shall see face to face, which he hath fraudulently omit­ted, shew that he speaks of that knowledge whereby we shall know God, not men.

That falsification is followed with another.Another Falsification. For after he hath alledged the fa­bulous book of Tobit which is not found in the original Hebrew of the Bible (where yet it is not written that the Saints know our thoughts) he alledgeth the eighth chapter of the Revelation, which (saith he) teacheth us that the Angels offer the prayers of the godly unto God, and by consequent know them. But that is false; for there it is not spoken of many Angels, but of one Angel who hath that Office,1 Tim. 2. [...]. who can be none else but the Lord Jesus, whom St. Paul calls our only Mediator. Yet let us suppose that the Angels present our prayers unto God; What doth that for the deceased Saints? For the Angels are appointed keepers of the god­ly, Psal. 34.8. Heb. 1.14. which the word of God ascribeth not unto Saints. Wherefore St. Paul saith that he was made a spectacle to Angels and to men, but not to the deceased Saints. The Angels rejoyce for a converted sinner;1 Cor. 4▪ 9. For being appointed by God to be keepers and leaders of men, they see the fruits of their repentance. But Scripture saith not that an Angel, keeper of a godly per­son knoweth all things, or that he knoweth the hearts of all men. In the same place he quoteth in the Margin, Matth. 22.30. & Mark 12.25. and maketh them say, that we shall be equal unto Angels, but there is only that they are as the Angels. Yet let us receive that translation, for the Angels know the hearts no more then the Saints do. Besides, Christ in that text speaks not of the know­ledge which the Saints now have, but of the glory which they shall have after the resurrection.

The other allegations which he brings, scarce deserve an answer. It is written (saith he) Rev. 3.21. To him that overcometh will I grant to sit with me in my [Page 398] throne: and John 12.26. Where I am, there shall also my servant be. And 2 Pet. 1.4. Christ hath made us companions of the divine nature; and Rev. 14. They follow the Lamb whithersoever he goeth; and 1 Cor. 15. God shall be all in all. What can he pick out of all these texts to prove that the Saints know the thoughts of all men, or hear their prayers? Is not this an abusing either of the ignorance, or the patience of the Reader?2 Pet. 1.4▪ [...]. We must not omit that he falsifieth the text of St. Peter, who saith not that God makes us companions of the divine nature, but partakers. The Saints being partakers of Gods nature, that is, of his vertues, are not there­fore his companions.

The text of Rev. 5.10. which he alledgeth, affords us an answer to his allegation. There the twenty four Elders say that Christ hath made them Kings and Priests un­to God, and that they shall reign on the earth. By saying they shall reign, they shew that they speak not of the present glory of the Saints, nor of their conducting or knowing humane businesses, but of the glory which they shall enjoy after the resurrection. Neither is that earth which they shall reign upon, the earth which we live in now, but that which is mentioned, 2 Pet. 3.13. New heavens and new earth. And that of which David speaks, Psal. 37.11. and Christ, Matth. 5.5. Blessed are the meek, for they shall inherit the earth; according to the style of the Prophets, as Isa. 33.17. Thine eyes shall see the King in his beau­ty; they shall behold the land that is very far off. And that because the land of Canaan was a figure and a Sacrament of the Kingdom of heaven.

Pag. 992. Falsification of the Car­dinal.Here is another falsification. The same Apostle (saith he) forbids us to judge one of another in this life, and commands us to stay till the other life, where the thoughts of the hearts shall be manifested the one to the other. And he alledgeth St. Pauls words in this manner, judge of nothing before the time, untill the Lord hath enlightened the hiding places of darkness, and manifested the thoughts of the hearts. He will perswade us that St. Paul bids the godly to put off the judgement of the actions of others till they be in the heavenly glory, and that then God will give them the knowledge of mens thoughts. But St. Paul saith no such thing; only he forbids us to judge of the actions of others before the time, but to put off the judging of them untill the Lords coming, who shall judge of all things, and lay open the secret actions and thoughts. These are the Apostles words, 1 Cor. 4.5. Judge nothing before the time untill the Lord come, who both will bring to light the hidden things of darkness, and will make manifest the counsels of the hearts: and then shall every man have praise of God. The Reader may observe how fraudulent­ly the Cardinal hath clipt that text, having left out these words, untill the Lord come. And these words again, and then shall every man have praise of God, that it may not be perceived that the Apostle speaks of the judgement and retribu­tion of the last day at the Lords coming.

Must we wonder now why this Prelat hath recourse unto the Fathers, and to humane writings, since he can find no help in the holy Scripture but by fal­sifying the same? He hath then his refuge to the Fathers. But himself hath confuted all his allegations by his confession, that in Austins time, that is in the fifth Age, the Church had not decided yet whether the souls of Saints enjoy the sight of God and heavenly glory. And we have shewed before how diversly and dubiously the Fathers write of this matter.

CHAP. 5. What assurance the Roman Church hath, that the Saints whom they call up­on, are true Saints?

THis is an important question: For one cannot call upon Saints, unless he be first certainly perswaded of their Holiness. Of the holiness and blessedness of the Patriarchs, Prophets, Apostles, and other holy men to whom the Scripture beareth witness, and especially of the holy Virgin Mary, no man can doubt with­out impiety and unjust diffidence. To which I add the Martyrs and the faithfull Pastors who have been since the Apostles, of whom antient history speaks with honour. But the Roman Church yields a religious service to many imaginary Saints, of whom we may justly doubt, not only whether they be Saints, but whe­ther they ever had any being, and whose life is notoriously fabulous,Cassander Consultati­one de Arti­culis religio­onis, cap. de Meritis & Intercessione Sanctorum. as it is acknowledged by Cassander a Divine of Collen. That error (saith he) is fre­quent, that the people almost despiseth the old Saints that are known, and serveth with more fervour and affection new Saints, whose holiness is less certain, and which sometimes are known only by revelations. Yea there are some of them of whom one may justly doubt whether they ever lived in the world. And yet the devotion to their ser­vice is very much increased by feigned stories and impostures of miracles. Which fictions have defiled even the histories of the true Saints. He saith, that in the Roman Church they despise the true Saints, because they yield no particular service to any Patriarch or Prophet of the Old Testament.

They say not Saint Noah, nor St. Abraham, nor St. Moses, nor St. Samuel. To none of them the least candle is offered, which is very far from building Chur­ches to their memory. But great honour is deferred to Saint Francis, Saint Dominick, and Saint Juniperus, and to such Saints of late Edition, made by the Pope.

Of those Saints, of whom one might justy doubt whether they are Saints, or whe­ther they ever were in the world, many examples might be given.

The three Kings whose bodies lye at Collen, and whose feast is in the Calendar, are Saints that never were. They are said to come out of the East, yet two of them have German names, for they call them Gaspar, Melchior, and Balthazar. St. Matthew saith, that they were Sages of Mages come from the East, and defines not their number.

The Antients speak of them in the same manner. The narration about Laza­rus placed in Abrahams bosome, and the rich glutton tormented in hell, is a pa­rable:Chrysost. in Lazarum, [...]. And Hom. 4. [...]. Chrysostome calls it so in the fourth Homily upon Lazarus. And the Author of the questions to the Orthodox, ascribed to Justin Martyr, qu. 60. Otherwise we ought to believe that souls have fingers and a tongue, and that the damned call upon the Saints, hoping for ease of their pains. YetBaronius Martyrolog. Martii 15. & Annalib. An. 34. §. 131. Baronius in his Martyrology acknowledgeth, that in the Roman Church there are Churches built to the memory of St. Lazarus, that is, to the memory of a man that never lived in the world. That Saint is the patron of the leprous. I put in the same rank St. Longinus, whom they say to have pierced our Saviours side with a spear. For of a spear (which in Greek after the antient pronunciation, is called lonchi) they have made a spearman.

And St. Martial, whose life saith, that he was St. Peters cosin, and that he waited at the table when Christ instituted the Eucharist, and that he expelled Paga­nism out of Gauls in the time of the Goths. But in that time there was no Goths in Gauls, and Paganism was not driven out of it but a long time after.

What shall we say of St. Ʋrsula, patroness of the Ʋrsulines, daughter of a Christian King of England? They say that she lived in the year 300. of Christ, but then there was no King of England. There might be some petty barbarous [Page 400] King in the North of the Island, but he was not a Christian. They make her the lea­der of eleven thousand Virgins going in pilgrimage to Rome, and say, that meeting with troops of Huns that would violate them, they were slain upon their resistance. But in those dayes the Huns were not yet entered into Germany. And where could she have got those eleven thousand Virgins? Neither were pilgrimages to Rome in fashion at that time, but came long after.

How grosly fabulous is the life of St. Catherine? They make her live in the time of Maxentius, and to have been daughter to Costus King of Alexandria, a man that never was. For then Alexandria had no King, but was subject to the Roman Empire. Her life saith, that she converted Queen Faustina and fifty Philosophers, which are blind tales. There was then no Queen Faustina, neither in Aegypt, nor any where else.

Of the like stuff is the history of St. Margaret, whom the Tyrant Olybrius put in prison, because she would not turn a Mahumetan. And being in prison, she was swallowed by a Dragon, who burst with it, which was a kind of child-birth; wherefore her Legend is read to women in labour; And women with child will gird themselves with her girdle, which is kept in St. Germans Abbey of Paris: The Fryers of that Covent do them that Office. That Olybrius was never in the world. Neither is it the custome of Mahumetans to force any by Martyrdom and publick punishments to renounce Christian Religion. In what time that Saint Margaret lived, no man can tell.

It is believed in Spain (and to doubt of it, is a case of Inquisition) that James the Apostle beheaded by Herod, Act. 12. is the Patron of Spain, and that he preacht in Spain, and converted the Countrey to the Christian faith; and that after he was beheaded by Herod, his body was miraculously transported from Jerusalem to Compostella, where pilgrims resort from all parts to visit his relicks. But Baronius in his Annals an. 816. §. 48. & seq. confuteth that fable by the authority of two Popes, Innocent the I. and Gregory the VII. Which is one of the causes, why the Annals of Baronius are forbidden in Spain. O holy Apostle! who put upon thee that Office of Patron of Spain after thy death, upon imaginary causes, and against the Popes will?

Acts 17.34. Dionysius the Areopagite is mentioned, an Athenian and a Disciple of St. Paul. Gregorius Turoneusis in book 1. of the history of the Franks, speaks of another Dionysius, who preached the Gospel at Paris in the time of the Empe­rour Decius, about the year of Christ 250. Of these two Dionysii they have made but one, whom they call Areopagite, although he that is mentioned in the Acts was never in Gauls; neither was Christian Religion planted in Gauls but a long time after his death, that is, about the time of the Emperour Marcus Aurelius, about the year of the Lord 162. as Sulpitius Severus witnesseth in the second book of his sacred history.Sub Aurelio An­tonini filio persecutio quinta agita­ta. Ac tum primum intra Gallias mar­tyria visa, serius trans Alpes religio­ne Dei suscep­ta. Ʋnder Aurelius (saith he) the fifth persecution was moved, and then the first martyrdoms were seen in Gaules; divine religion being re­ceived but late beyond the Alps. Yet at St. Denis by Paris, they keep the body of that pretended Dionysius the Areopagite, Patron of Gauls, and his relicks are there worshipped with great devotion, against the express declaration of Pope Leo the IX. related by Baronius an. 1052. in which the said Pope decided the diffe­rence between Ratisbone and Paris, which both pretend to have the body of Diony­sius the Areopagite, and pronounced in favour of Ratisbone, condemning the error of the French. But the French superstition hath carried it against the Popes decla­ration.

How ridiculous is the fable of the Gyant St. Christopher? And that of St. George fighting on horseback against a Dragon? Every one knoweth that the enemies of St. Athanasius laid to his charge that he was a Magician, and that his capital ene­my was George an Arian, who invaded his See. This St. George then was an here­tick Arian; For his life saith, that he had great combats against the Magician Athanasius.

We doubt not but that there was such a man as St. Francis, the inventor and Patron of the order of Franciscan Fryers. But his Legend, and the Chronicles [Page 401] of St. Francis attribute unto him a thousand actions destitute of common sense; as to preach unto Birds, to take up Lyce fallen from his garments, and set them on his garments again, to wallow in the mire, to make to himself a wife of snow, and embrace her to allay his amorous heat, &c. St. Dominick Patron of the Do­minican Fryers preacht the croisada against that faithfull people, which they called in scorn Albigenses, and caused above two hundred thousand of them to be slain. His Legend saith in the beginning, that his Mother being neer to be delivered of him, dreamed, that a Dog came forth from her, bearing a burning torch in his mouth. These are the two Saints whom St. Antonine Arch-bishop of Florence compares with Jesus Christ, and finds very little inequality between them.

One had need to be of an easie belief to be certainly perswaded, that those whom the Pope canonizeth, and puts in the list of the Saints (assigning unto them a holy day in the Calendar that they may be prayed to) are Saints indeed, and enjoying the glory of God. For who gave the Pope that priviledge to be in­fallible in that judgement, seeing that it is a question of fact, in which our Ad­versaries acknowledge, that the Pope may be mistaken and misinformed? Where­fore also the Cardinal Cajetan in his Treatise of Indulgences to Julius de Medicis, Cap. 8. Potest inter­venire error humanus in canonizatione alicujus San­cti ut S. Tho­mas dicit. acknowlegeth that there may be error in the Canonization. Melchior Canus saith the same in book 5. chap. 5. and that after Thomas Aquinas, as Cajetan saith in the same place. Who knows not how many factions and sollicitations are used in the Court of Rome by Princes and Common-wealths, that a man of their Countrey or City may be canonized? So far that the Pope sometimes being over­come with importunity, is carried away to canonize a man against his will, as the book of sacred ceremonies doth acknowledge.Papa tunc quodam­modo cogeba­tur ad Cano­nizandum quendam contra suam opinionem, & propterea pro­testabatur. Then (saith he) the Pope was in some sort constrained to canonize a man against his opinion, and there­fore made a protestation. By that protestation he thought to discharge his con­science.

Now let any reasonable man judge, whether the prayer made to a Saint cano­nized in that manner can be done in faith, seeing that it is not grounded upon the word of God, and that our very Adversaries acknowledge it possible, that a man may be prayed to as a Saint, who is tormented in hell fire. And whereas the histories of the Popes speak of many Popes whose lives have been most wicked, and their ends miserable, and that our Adversaries freely confess, that there may be some Popes damned; think you whether a man condemned to hell can insert a man in the list of the Saints of Paradise?

The ordinary dawbing to hide this weak place, is, that the Canonization is made upon the information of the miracles made by him that is canonized. But Gerson in his Sermon of the IV. houses, teacheth that the canonization grounded upon miracles, stands upon an unsafe bottom. And himself in the Treatise of examination of doctrines, relates that Pope Gregory the XI. being near his end, and holding the Sacrament in his hand, protested, that he had been seduced by de­ceitfull miracles, and led away to make a schism in the Church. Which he said with a relation to Catherine of Siena, who by miracles and visions had induced him to leave Avignon, and remove to Rome. NotwithstandingBaron Martyrolog. Apr. 20. Pius the II. put that Catherine among the Saints, although she had abused his predecessor.

The words whereby the Pope canonizeth a Saint, are such. In the authority of God Almighty, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, and of the blessed Apostles, Peter and Paul, and in our own, We decree and define that N. of good memory is a Saint, and must be put in the list of the Saints, &c. And observe, that before the pronouncing of that sentence, the cause is pleaded in the Consistory, and an Advocate presents himself, who represents the reasons why such a one ought to be Sainted. The Apostles were not so canonized, nor their disciples: Nor those old Fathers who are called Saints, as Irenaeus, Cyprian, Basil, Hierom, Austin. This canonization is an imitation of the Pagan Apotheoses: Wherefore also the second book of the Sacred Ceremonies, calls the CeremoniesDivorum nostrorum Apotheoses. Apotheoses, that is, Deifications, or making of Gods, whereby a man is made one of the Gods by the authority of men. It happens to some poor Saints, for whom the dignity of Saints is begged in the [Page 402] Court of Rome, to be cast in their suit, and they cannot be Saints in heaven, because men on earth were not favourable to them. Sometimes the degree of Beat. is ob­tained for them, which is a middle degree, and an expectation of Saint-ship. By this means Popes will give their servants to be worshipped by the Nations of Christendome. Which new Saints are far more honoured then the Patriarchs and Prophets. For in the Roman Church it fareth with Saints as with clothes: The newest are the best, and most esteemed.

CHAP. 6. Whether Saints and Angels ought to be worshipped?

THE Saints whose doctrine hath given instruction, and whose life hath given edification to Gods Church, and the Martyrs who have subscribed the do­ctrine of the Gospel with their blood, must be honoured by the godly, and their memory must be blessed. The ancient Church had that laudable custom to renew their memory in the publike service. But that honour must not exceed the limits, or our affection to them degenerate into superstition or idolatry; which is then more pernicious, when it is insinuated under pretence of piety, and when the beloved of God are imployed to move God to jealousie.

Acts 14. Paul and Barnabas are angry with the inhabitants of Lystra, because they would transform them into Idols, and defer unto them the service which they yeilded unto their Gods. And no doubt, but that if from the heavenly glory which they enjoy, they saw, how Temples and Altars are consecrated unto them, and that they are held to be searchers of hearts, and that salvation is asked of God by their merits, they would be moved with a great indignation against their worshippers.

The true honour due unto Saints is, that which the word of God approveth; and that is to imitate their good actions, to obey their holy doctrine, to set them before us as examples, and never to speak of them but with reverence. But to make them searchers of the hearts, to yield unto them a religious service, to bring offerings unto them, to hope for salvation by their merits, and to believe that their labours and sufferings may be accepted as a satisfaction for our sins, they are doctrines and practises which the word of God approveth not. We cannot be justly taxed, if we follow the example of the Saints; honouring St. Peter and St. Paul, as the same Peter and Paul honoured Abraham, Moses, and David: Since then Peter, and Paul did not invocate David, and David did not invocate Abra­ham; they that now invocate Peter, resist Peter, pretending to honour him, and turn away from his example. None of them hath required that service at our hands; and God did not command it.

We have many advantages in this cause: For we maintain Gods cause, assert­ing, that the religious invocation, and the knowledge of the hearts, belongs un­to God alone. And sure we are that God is truly Saint, but that all that are called so, are Saints indeed, it may very well be called in question. We are sure also, that God hath power and goodness enough to do us good without the help of any creature; and that the Saints are not envious of the honour done unto God: And that in Gods word there is neither commandment nor example of the invocation of Saints, as our very Adversaries acknowledge.

1. Here then, if we stand to the judgement of God alone, this question shall be soon decided. For M. du Perron doth freely acknowledge that there is neither pre­cept nor formal example of the invocation of Saints in holy Scripture: Now the Holy Scripture is the only book which may be called the word of God. Neither do our Adversaries propound us any other. Can they shew us any other book which is truly the Word of God?

[Page 403]2. If we take the history of the Church, from the beginning of the world unto Christ, in all that time, which is four thousand years, our adversaries confess that there was no invocation of Saints. For how could they be capable to receive in­vocation, if all that while their souls were shut up in the Limbus, which is an un­der-ground dark prison, as the Roman Church believeth, and did not enjoy the sight of God? Hence it follows, that in vain M. du Perron labours to bring Texts of the Old Testament, by him falsified and corrupted, to make them serve his ends: As when in the second Chapter of the Treatise of the Invocation of Saints, he alleadgeth Gen. 20.7. where he makes God to speak thus to Abimelech, Make thine address unto Abraham, and he shall pray for thee, for he is a Prophet. This Text is falsified. The true Text runs thus, Restore the man his wife, for he is a Prophet, and he shall pray for thee. These words, Make thine address unto Abraham, are of the Cardinals addition. Besides, that text speaks of the request of a living man to ano­ther living man: But speaks neither of the Intercession nor of the Invocation of deceased Saints.

3. All that is done without faith is sin, saith the Apostle, Rom. 14.23. Especially prayer ought to be made in faith, as the Apostle James teacheth us, Jam. 1.6. Let him ask in faith, nothing wavering. Now the prayer addrest unto the Saints, cannot be made in faith, for faith comes by hearing, and hearing by the Word of God, Rom. 10.17. Not being then grounded in the Word of God, it cannot be made in faith. Wherefore we have no promise in Scripture, that God will hear prayers made to any other but God.

4. 2 King. 2.9. the Prophet Elijah being upon the point of being taken up to heaven, said to Elisha, Ask what I shall do for thee, before I be taken away from thee; which was as much as saying, After I am taken up to heaven, there is no more petitioning to me.

5. If ever any had reason to call upon the blessed Virgin Mary, it was the Apostles that were of her near kindred, and St. John more then any, who after the Lords death, received her into his house. For they might say after Mary's death, We have a good Advocate in heaven, which is Queen of heaven, and is near akin to us. Yet they never bethought themselves to pray to her, neither did they recommend to us to pray to her.

6. Observe that the holy Virgin, Luke 1.48. saith, All generations shall call me blessed; but saith not, All generations shall worship me. Jesus Christ saith, Come unto me, Matth. 11. But the Virgin Mary saith, Whatsoever he saith unto you, do it, John 2.

7. Cornelius the Centurion, to whom Scripture beareth witness, that he was a devout man, and one that feared God, Act. 10.2. knew well enough that Peter was no God, and therefore was not to be worshipped as God, yet when he fell down at his feet and worshipped him, the Apostle rebuked him, saying, Stand up, I my self also am a man.

8. Rev. 22.9. The Angel chideth St. John, because he fell down to worship him, saying, See thou do it not, for I am thy fellow-servant, worship God. Now he knew that this Angel was not God, for the same Angel had given him that warning a little before, Rev. 19.10. but being full of amazement, he would defer some inferiour adoration unto him. Note that the Angel useth a word, whereby he re­jecteth the adoration of dulia, saying, [...]. I am thy fellow in dulia, Worship God; for it is not convenient to defer the cult of dulia, to him that oweth it unto God.

9. As in the Old Testament, all the Psalms of David, and all the prayers of the Prophets, are addressed unto God alone, likewise in the New Testament, no prayers are found, but prayers unto God. Whereupon Bellarmines ingenuity is notable, in his third Book of the service of the Saints, chap. 9. When the holy Scriptures were written (saith he) it was not yet in fashion to make vows unto the Saints. That is, the Prophets and Apostles had not yet bethought themselves of that.

10. It is very considerable, that very often the holy Scripture expresseth the [Page 404] duty of praying to God, by the word of praying only, as acknowledging no other prayer,Luke 12.1. but that which is addressed to God. The Apostles say to Christ, Teach us to pray; and Christ answereth, When you pray, say, Our Father which art in heaven. He knew that he that desires to be taught how to pray, ought not and cannot ask but to be taught how to pray to God. And in the sixth of Matthew, v. 6. When thou prayest, enter into thy closet, and when thou hast shut thy door, pray to thy Father which seeth thee in secret. There he declareth, that this word of praying, in mat­ter of Religion, cannot signifie any thing but praying to God. See also Eph. 6.18. and 1 Thes. 5.17.

11. The Apostle, Rom. 10.14. teacheth us, that we cannot pray to any but him, in whom we believe. How shall they call on him in whom they have not believed? Now the Symbol obligeth us to believe in God, Father, Son and Holy-Ghost, not in the creature. And Christ saith, John 14.1. You believe in God, believe also in me. And Austin accordingly, Book 18. of the City of God, chap. 54.Non in Petrum cre­dimus, sed in eum in quem credidit Petrus. We be­lieve not in Peter, but in him in whom Peter believed. Upon which the Cardinal saith, pag. 1047. that he will not answer that objection, because he intends to speak only of the question of the fact, not of the right. He saith also, that Saint Paul speaks of the absolute invocation. Also that we believe in the Saints, in some de­gree and proportion; which faith in the Saints, he calls a relative, and not abso­lute faith, because that we believe in them as Ministers of Christ. Now we thought, that the Gospel did fully teach us what the faith of the Christian is: But here is one, who besides the faith in God, would oblige us to a relative faith, of which the Gospel speaks not. So the godly shall have two kinds of faith, although the Apostle speaking of the true faith of the godly, saith, that there is but one God and one faith, Ephes. 4.5, 6. Besides the impiety, there is abusurdity in that distinction; for every faith is relative to the thing that one believeth, or to the person in whom he believeth: As the sight is relative to the thing visible, so the faith in God, is relative unto God.

12. The Apostle, Gal. 4.8. representing to the Galatians their former condi­tion, speaks thus unto them, When ye knew not God, ye did service unto them which by nature are no gods. He speaks indeed of the gods of the Pagans, which cannot without impiety be compared with the Saints; but still this stands true, that the Saints are no gods, and that the Apostle condemneth them, that by nature are no gods. Note that there is in the Greek [...], you yielded dulia, the service which our adversaries affirm to be due unto Saints; which service nevertheless, Saint Paul will not have us to yield to them that by nature are no gods. This made Bellarmine to say in the third Book of the service of the Saints, chap. 9. that the Saints are Gods by participation. Thomas 2.2ae. qu. 88. Art. 4. & 5. Thomas andCaje­tan ibid. Navar. Consil. lib. 3. de Voto Consil. 8. Num. 2. & 4. Cajetan had said the same before him.

13. Satan tempted Christ to worship him, Mat. 4. Who doubts but that Satan would have been contented that Christ would have worshipped him with an infe­riour adoration, or with a relative invocation, as M. du Perron speaks? But Christ cuts him short, and sends him back to the rule of the Law, Thou shalt worship the Lord thy God, and him only shalt thou serve.

14. The Apostle, Col. 2.18. rejects the service of the Angels, in these words, Let no man beguile you of your reward in a voluntary humility and worshipping of An­gels, intruding into those things which he hath not seen, vainly puft up by his fleshly mind. The Cardinal to elude that text, hath found a new Exposition, which no body thought upon before. For by the service or worshipping of Angels, he un­derstands not the service or worship exhibited unto Angels, but the Jewish worship or Religion, because (saith he) the Jews had received it from the Angels. I presume that this Prelate was biting his nails many Moneths, before he could devise such an extravagant Exposition, as to understand by the service of Angels, the Jewish Religion, because the Angels intervened in the publishing of the Law. By the same reason, the Gospel may be called the worship of Angels, because the An­gels did announce it, when the Angel Gabriel announced unto the Virgin Mary the incarnation of the Son of God; and declared to her his office. And when the [Page 405] Angels announced his birth unto the Shepheards, Luke 2. and sung, Glory be to God on high, and in earth peace, towards men good will. The Angels also announced the resurrection of Christ unto the Apostles, and foretold his second coming, Acts 1.11.

Yet although I affirm, that by the worship of Angels, the worship yielded to Angels must be understood, yet I freely grant that Paul speaks there to those that adhered unto the Ceremonies of the Law, and added to them some humane traditions, as acknowledging themselves unworthy to go directly to God; of which the Apostle saith, that they did it out of a voluntary humility: and that is the very colour which our adversaries put upon their invocation of Saints and An­gels. So Theodoret understood it, and the Council of Laodicea, as Theodoret saith in his Comment upon this place, They that maintained the Law, induced men to serve Angels, saying, that the Law was given by their intervention. That vice remained long in Phrygia and Pisidia. Wherefore the Synod assembled at Laodicea, the capital City of Phrygia, forbad them by an express order to pray to Angels. And to this day, Oratories of Saint Michael are still seen among them and their neighbours. Now they gave this counsel under colour of humility, saying, That the God of the Ʋniverse is invisible, incomprehensible and inaccessible; and that therefore they must get Gods favour by his Angels: And this is that which Saint Paul meant by voluntary humility, and wor­shipping of Angels. And the same in the following Chapter, Because they command­ed adoration of Angels, he commands the contrary: and tells them that they should adorn their deeds and words with the commemoration of Christ our Lord, and tells them, Give thanks to the Father by him, not by the Angels. Which Law the Synod of Laodicea following, and desirous to remedy that old disease, prohibited by a decree their praying to Angels, and leaving out the Lord Jesus Christ. About these places, the Cardinal toyls very much, maintaining that both Theodoret, and the Council of Laodicea, speak to those that prayed to Angels to the exclusion of Christ, and that did not pray to God at all, but only to the Angels, which is impossible: For if it were so, those to whom that prohibition is made, should be neither Jews nor Chri­stians, but meer Pagans, seeing that both Jews and Christians, hold without exce­ption, that God must be prayed to. Now it is necessary, that those to whom the prohibition of praying to Angels, is made by the Synod of Laodicea, should be Christians; for the Synods of Christians, never made any prohibition to the Pa­gans or Jews about their Religion. They give no rules but unto Christians, and to the Churches subject unto them. And I cannot wonder enough at this Prelate, that he could believe that Theodoret spoke of those that pray not to God at all, seeing that the first line of that place of Theodoret expresseth, that those whom the Apostle speaks to, were disputing for the observation of the Law. Now the Law obligeth men to pray to God, and offer sacrifices to him. When then Saint Paul saith, that such men retain not the head, and when the Council of Laodicea, saith, that they that call upon Angels have left Christ, they speak so, because one cannot call upon God by the mediation of another then Christ, without leaving Christ, although he profess that he honours him: For one cannot never so little transport the honour due unto God, unto the creature, without falling from his Covenant. Observe these words of Theodoret, that the Council of Laodicea pro­hibits praying to Angels; and that among those Hereticks of Phrygia, yet in his dayes Oratories to Saint Michael were seen. Yet in our dayes such Oratories are seen in the Roman Church: for which cause M. du Perron alleadging that place of Theodoret, hath fraudulently omitted that wordPage 1057. A fraud of the Cardinal. of Saint Michael, for fear of offending the Reader. Observe also the language of those Hereticks, the same as that of our Adversaries, that they go to God by the Angels and Saints, and that his favour is got by their intervention. Thus the Simonian Hereticks said, that [...]. by the [Angelical] principalities and powers, sacrifices ought to be offered to the Fa­ther of the Ʋniverse, as Epiphanius relateth in the 21. heresie.

Cardinal Baronius deals more plainly then Cardinal du Perron, for in the 60. year of his Annals §. 20. he makes no difficulty to condemn Theodoret, saying, By these things thou mayst see that Theodoret (by his leave) did not well apprehend the sense of Saint Pauls words.

He should have condemned Tertullian also, who in the 33. chap. of the Book of Prescriptions saith, thatSimo­nianae Ma­gicae disci­plina Angelis serviens uti­que & ipsa inter idolola­trias depu­tatur. Simonian Magick which serveth Angels, is put among idolatries. And Austin, who in the Book of Heresies ad Quod vult Deum, puts among Hereticks the Angelicks, Qui in Angelorum cultum fuerunt inclinati. Who have been inclined to the service of Angels.

15. Finally, since the Church hath been many thousands of years without call­ing upon the Saints, and the godly have been saved, praying to none but God, why could not the godly in these dayes be saved by doing the same? Why shall the ser­vice done to the dead, be necessary in one age, and not in another? If two persons being afflicted, the one prayeth to God, the other to Saint Barbara, which of the two doth the better work? None can deny but that he that prayeth to God doth better, especially seeing that the prayer made to God, hath a promise to be heard; but the prayer made to Saint Barbara hath none.

Let the prudent and impartial Reader, compare so many texts of Scripture which defer unto God alone Religious invocation, and the practise of the Church of the Old Testament, and that of the time of the Apostles, which by the very confession of our adversaries, pray to none but God, with the language of the Popes of the last times, who when they canonize a Saint, command that he be prayed to. Of which one example will serve, Matthew Paris, in the year of the Lord, 1173. pag. 122. saith, that in the Council of Westminster, Letters of Pope Alexander were read in the presence of the Bishops and Barons, by which Letters the canonization of Thomas of Canterbury, was signified in these words, We ad­monish your Ʋniversality, and straitly command you in the authority which we ex­ercise, that you solemnly celebrate every year, the birth day of the glorious Martyr, Thomas late Archbishop of Canterbury, that is, the day of his Passion; and that by prayers to him, you endeavour to merit the remission of your sins. Note that this Thomas is called a Martyr, for dying, not for the faith of Christ, nor for the do­ctrine of the Gospel, but for the quarrel between the King and the Pope, about money matters, and for the collation of benefices, being killed by some of the Kings servants, who gave him no time, either to change his mind, or to persevere in his opinion.

CHAP. 7. What was the opinion of the Fathers of the three first ages, and till the midst of the fourth, about the invocation of Saints and Angels.

THis question among equitable and pious men is superfluous. For after the will of God is known, in vain should one enquire of the opioion of men. Be­sides, the Cardinal did acknowledge before, that even in Austins time, that is 420. years after the Lords birth, the Church had decided nothing yet about that point, whether the Saints behold the face of God before the resurrection; which by con­sequent draweth with it a doubt about the invocation of Saints.

Nevertheless, we owe to the Doctors of the first ages, a just defence against those that attribute unto them things contrary to the purity of the faith, and their own intention.

We must know then, that in the three first ages, and above the half of the fourth, the invocation of Saints was a thing unknown in the Christian Church, and God alone was invocated. All the testimonies that the Cardinal could gather from those ages, speak of the intercession of Saints, nothing of the in­vocation.

In the fourth Book of the History of Eusebius, chap. 15. we have the history of the Martyrdom of Polycarpus Bishop of Smyrna, a Disciple of Saint John, near the time of the Apostles: There it is related, that this holy Martyr being dead, some by the suggestion of the Jews, desired the Governour of Smyrna that the [Page 407] body of Polycarpus should not be given to the Christians for fear (said they) that they should come to worship him. But the Church of Smyrna which set down this history in writing said upon that. [...]. They know not that we can never leave Christ, who suffered for the salvation of all them that are saved in all the world, nor serve any other but him. For as for Jesus Christ who is the Son of God, we wor­ship him. But as for the Martyrs, we love them deservedly, as the Disciples and followers of the Lord. This is an excellent testimony, and of the first Christian an­tiquity.

Ignatius who lived in the 140. year of the Lord, in the Epistle to the Philadel­phians speaks thus, [...]. You Virgins have none but Jesus Christ alone before your eyes in your prayers, and the Father of Jesus Christ.

Clemens Alexandrinus in the seventh book Stromaton, [...]. Therefore with rea­son there being but one only truly good, which is God, both we and the Angels pray to him alone, that of good things he would give us some, and that some may remain with us.

Irenaeus who writ about the year of the Lord 220. in the second book,Ecclesia nec inrocati­onibus Ange­licis facit ali­quid, nec in­cantationibus, nec aliqua prava curiosi­tate, sed mundè & purè & mani­festè, orationes dirigens ad Dominum, qui omnia fecit, & nomen Domini nostri Jesu Christi invo­cans, &c. The Church doth nothing neither by invocation of Angels, nor by inchantments, nor by any ill curiosity; but purely, simply and openly she addresseth her prayers unto God who made all things, and calling upon the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, who hath made Vertues according to mens utility, not to seduce them.

Tertullian that lived in the same time, in chap. 30. of his Apologeticus,Haec ab alio orare non possum, quàm à quo me scio consecuturum, quoniam & ipse solus est qui praestat, et ego sum cui impetrare debetur, famulus ejus qui eum solum observo. I cannot (saith he) ask these things of any but of him, of whom I know that I shall obtain them, because he is the only that performs them, and I am he for whom they must be obtained, even his servant that reverence him alone. The same in the thirty third chapter of the book of Prescriptions calls the service of Angels idolatry.

Novatianus, whose book of the Trinity is added to the works of Tertullian, chap. 14. proveth the Godhead of Christ by the invocation, which is deferred unto him.Si homo tan­tummodo Christus, cur homo in orationibus Mediator invocatur, cum invocatio hominis ad praestandam salutem inefficax judicetur? If Christ (saith he) is but a man, why is a man invocated as a Mediatour, seeing that the invocation of a man is judged of no efficacy for salvation?

Origen that writ about the year 250. Tom. 8. against Celsus, [...]. We must pray to him alone, who is God above all things. To him also we must pray, who is the Word, the only Son of God, the first born of all creatures.

And in the fifth Tome disputing against the invocation of Angels. The know­ledge [of Angels] representing unto us their nature, and the condition in which they are established, [...]. will not permit us to be so bold as to call upon any other but him who is God above all things, all-sufficient, by our Lord Jesus Christ the Son of God. And in the same book, We hold that they that pray, must not be prayed to: As also themselves like it better, that we address our prayers to him whom they pray to.

Neither doth he only impugne the invocation of Saints, but in some places he doubteth of their intercession, as in his second book and chap. 2. upon the Epi­stle to the Romans, Jam vero si etiam extra corpus positi vel sancti qui cum Christo sunt agunt aliquid & laborant pro nobis ad simi­litudinem Angelorum, &c. habeatur & hoc quoque inter occulta Dei, nec chartulae committenda mysteria. If the Saints that have put off their bodies and are with Christ, do any thing, and labour for us like the Angels that exercise the mysteries of their salvation, &c. Let that also be put among the secret mysteries of God, which must not be committed to paper. Note these words, If they labour for us; that M. du Perron may not say, that Origen doubts, whether the deceased Saints do yet meritorious works. For he speaks not of the labour of the Saints for themselves, but for us. What the Cardinal answereth Origen, will be seen in the following chapter.

Athanasius especially insisteth upon this point, and thereby fights against the [Page 408] Arrians, who prayed to Christ, and yet said that he was a creature. And he maintaineth, that if he be created, he must not be invocated. [...] In the third Oration against the Arrians he speaks thus; That we may not fall into the folly of the Arrians and Grecians who serve the creature instead of God the Creator of all things. There is in the Greek [...], that yield dulia unto the crea­ture, rejecting those expresly that yield the cult of dulia unto the creature, and condemning those who taking Christ for a creature, yet yielded dulia unto him.

In the same Oration, [...], &c. To God alone it belongeth to be worshipped: and the Angels themselves know so much. For although they excell in glory, some of them being above the others, yet they are all creatures, and are none of those that are wor­shipped, but of those that worship the Lord. And in the fourth Oration, It is ma­nifest, that the Patriarch Jacob in his prayer joyned none with God, but him only who is the Word, whom for this cause he called Angel, because it is he alone who mani­festeth the Father unto us.

By that chiefly he proveth the Godhead of Christ, because he must be invocated and adored. [...], &c. [...]. Though the Arrians (saith he) should burst Jesus Christ ought not to be worshipped, if in any respect he had been a creature. But now because he is not a creature, but is engendred of the very substance of the Father who is wor­shipped, and by nature is Son of God, therefore is he worshipped. the Arrians had a broad gate open to escape by answering, We do not worship Christ with any soveraign adoration, nor with a cult of latria, but with an inferiour kind of worship. But that distinction was not yet invented, because it was a constant opinion among all Christians, that none must be invocated but God.

Among the works of that Father by a notorious falsification a book was in­serted of the Virgin Mother of God, where she is invocated and called our Lady and Queen. It is a book much of the style of Dionysius the Author of the cele­stial Hierarchy, from whom it borroweth the terms of Thearchia and Hierarchia, and the nine orders of Angels, and he makes ridiculous clinches between [...] and [...]. The Author falsly saith that Salathiel and his son Josedec have been High Priests since the captivity of Babylon. The same saith, that in God there are three hypostases, which is contrary to the opinion of Athanasius, who acknow­ledgeth but one hypostasis in God, because he holds that hypostasis signifieth es­sence, not person.Editionis Commelia­nae p. 450. & 719. [...]. That may be seen in the Epistle to the Antiochians, and in the Epistle to the Africans, where he saith, hypostasis is essence, and signifies no­thing else. In effect, that book is full of absurdities, and hath nothing of Athanasius. Bellarmin himself in the book of Ecclesiastical writers, and Baronius, an. 48. acknow­ledgeth that falsification.

The Canon of Laodicea, Can. 35. [...]. Christians must not leave the Church of God, and go and call upon Angels, and make assemblies, which are forbidden things. And if any be found giving themselves to that secret idolatry, let him be accursed, because he hath forsaken the Lord Jesus Christ, and hath applyed himself to idolatry. This Canon is manifestly made against some Christians (for Synods make no prohibi­tions to Pagans or Jews) who besides common Congregations had secret con­venticles, in which they called upon the Angels: And this is that, which the Coun­cil calls leaving the Church of God, and leaving Christ. Of which Canon, and the interpretation which Theodoret gives to it, it was spoken in the precedent chapter.

Lactantius in the second book of divine institutions, chap. 17. Angels have nothing else to do but to obey. Nec est in Angelis nisi parendi necessitas. Itaque nullum sibi honorem tribui volunt, quorum bonor in Deo est. Et cap. 18. Qui supplicant mortuis, rationem hominum non tenent. Therefore they will not have any honour bestowed upon them: For their honour is in God. Again, let us worship nothing, and let us serve nothing, but the only Godhead of our Maker and Father.

All these testimonies are taken from the Fathers, that lived in the three first Ages after Christ, and till half of the fourth. In all that time no trace is found of the invocation of Saints. In vain M. du Perron answereth that those Fathers [Page 409] speak of the absolute adoration due to God alone, not of the relative adoration which is deferred unto Saints and Angels: For he ought to bring some testimony out of their writings, that speak of that relative adoration or invocation; or of that religious service which our Adversaries call dulia. But of that not one word was spoken in so many Ages. That distinction was forged a long time af­ter. We have shewed already that all adoration is relative, and that the invoca­tion and adoration which is deferred unto God, is relative unto God.

The Cardinal in the fourteenth chapter of the Treatise of the Invocation of Saints, promiseth to prove that even before the four first Councils, that is, in the three first ages, the invocation of Saints was in use. But he abuseth the Reader, for well nigh all the texts which he brings are from Authors that have written a long time after the first Council. Those by whom he begins, are Basil and Gregory Nazianzen, who wrote about the year of the Lord 375. both which lived in Cappadocia, where that superstition first sprung in all likelyhood, and thence spred abroad. This is a notorious fraud, to promise in the title of the Chapter, to shew the general practise of the invocation of Saints used in the Church before the four first Councils, but in that chapter to bring none but Authors that have written since the first Council. It is true, that among a multitude of testi­monies of the posteriour Ages he alledgeth some of the three first Ages. But those texts speak not of the invocation, but only of the intercession of Saints.

These testimonies then the Cardinal alledgeth of the three first Ages.Pag. 1008. He al­ledgeth Gregory Nazianzen, who in the Oration upon Cyprian saith, that St. Justina sollicited to wantonness by the magical arts of Cyprian, before he was converted to the Christian faith, had recourse to the intercession of the Virgin Mary. But as that narrative is fabulous and injurious against Cyprian, so is Gr [...]gories belief, that in Cyprians time the Saints were invocated. He that in one point gives fables for histories, will not stick to do the like in another. Baronius in his Marty­rology upon Sept. 26. speaks of another Cyprian that was of Antioch, and was martyrized at Nicomedia. But what he saith of him, he draws out of Legends, which have little authority. Besides, this doth not excuse Gregory Nazianzen, who relates this of Cyprian of Carthage.

The Cardinal alledgeth also Eusebius, who in the twelfth book of the Evange­lical preparation, chap. 1. saith, that Plato had got among the Hebrews his opini­on, that the souls of the deceased take care of humane things, and that the He­brews hold, that Jeremiah was seen praying for the people after his decease. But though we should receive Plato among the Prophets, and the things related of Jeremiah in the Maccabees as true, yet that place is unfit to prove, that the Saints must be prayed to. That example, like the other, may be used to prove that the Saints pray for us, not that we ought to pray to them. The same I say of the words of Origen upon the thirty second chapter of Numbers, Hom. 26. where he saith, Who doubts but that every one of the Holy Fathers helps us by his prayers? The same also may be said of all the testimonies of Origen and Cyprian, which M. du Perron alledgeth after, pag. 1010. who all speak of the intercession of Saints, not of the invocation to be deferred unto them.

Wherefore in page 1009. being prest by the truth, he pleads guilty, and saith, that in the Authors that lived nearer the Apostles times, no footsteps are found of that custom of calling upon the Saints. And in vain he alledgeth, that most of their writings are lost. For we have the works of Justin, Ignatius, Irenaeus, Clemens Alexandrinus, Origen, Tertullian, Cyprian, Arnobius, Lactantius, Athana­sius, Eusebius and others, who both in number and bulk are more then sufficient to shew us the belief of the antient Church.

Certainly if the writings of the Fathers were the soveraign rule of our faith, there would be no reason why we should receive a doctrine, not received in the three first ages, and which began to spring in the end of the fourth.

We cannot pass by the Cardinals notorious falsification in the same place,Ch. 14. p. 1000. where he alledgeth Eusebius. He makes Eusebius to say, that Plato taught, that vertuous men must be honoured, and that their monuments must be venerated [Page 410] or adored. Thats false. Eusebius never attributed that doctrine to Plato, and the first chapter of the twelfth book of the Evangelical preparation which M. du Perron quoteth in the Margin, speaks not a word of that. Indeed Eusebius chap. 3. alledgeth the book of Maccabees, saying that Jeremiah after his death was seen praying for the people, as taking care of men that are on earth; but he speaks not of worshipping the monuments of vertuous men, as the Cardinal saith, who not understanding Greek, hath translated [...], humane things. For our part we would not deny, that the Saints are praying for Gods people in general: but the question is, Whether they pray for every particular man; and whether they understand their prayers.

The place that followeth, which he alledgeth out of Eusebius, speaks no more then the other of the invocation of Martyrs, but of prayers unto God by their sepulchres, and of the honour deferred unto their memory. In the same place he alledgeth Eusebius again, in the sixth Book of his History, chap. 5. where Saint Potamina speaks thus to one of the guards that led her to execution, and de­fended her against the fury of the people, [...]. That after her departure she would pray to her Lord, and that he would shortly pay him the recompence of that he had done for her. The Cardinal having but little Greek, thus translateth that place, That presently after her death, she would pray to God for him, and obtain for him grace and pardon from the Lord. He trusted (it seems) some other mans interpretation, whom he employed to understand Greek for him. That passage indeed may prove that Potamiana believed, that the Saints deceased, pray for the living whom they have known on earth, but proves not that the Saints must be invocated. And that guard, called Basilides, being turned Christian a little after, and a Martyr also, did not pray to Potamiana, though he believed that he had been assisted by her inter­cession.

Bellarmine in the 3. Book of the service of the Saints, chap. 9. alleadgeth§. verum­tamen. Euse­bius, Book 13. of Evangelical preparation, chap. 7. Honouring the Champions of true piety as Gods friends, and drawing near to their monuments, we make vows unto them as to holy men, by whose intercession we profess that we get no little help towards God. But that place is altogether false. Eusebius saith only,Eusebii verba sunt, [...]. That the custom was to stand by their tombs, and to pray by them, and to honour the blessed souls. Bellarmine adds these words of his own, We make vows unto them, and profess that we get no little help by their intercession.

CHAP. 8. A Vindication of Origen upon the point of the invocation of one only God, against the accusations of Cardinal du Perron.

THe Cardinal bearing himself for judge of antiquity, deals very unworthily with many antient Doctors, because they are not favourable enough unto the Roman Church. It is usual with him to call Socrates and Sozomenus Novatians, to derogate from the authority of their history, even in things that concern not at all the doctrine of Novatus. He revileth Eusebius, and calls him an Arrian, al­though Socrates, Sozomenus, and Theodoret clear him of that accusation, as we haveBefore Book 3. ch. 2. proved. The reason of that hatred, is, because that excellent Author being the only Historian of the three first ages of the Church, speaks no other­wise of the Bishop of Rome, then of another Bishop, and giveth him no prehemi­nence: and because he condemneth images as a Pagan custom, and calls very often the Sacrament of the Eucharist, the figure of Christs body. But the Father whom he hates above all is Origen, not for the causes, for which he hath been con­demned by the antient Church, but for saying that the thing that we receive in the holy Communion, as for the matter, goeth to the draught, and that it is a symbo­licall [Page 411] and figurative body. Also because he condemneth images, and rejecteth them from the service of God. Also because in all his writings, which are two great volumes, he never speaks of the Primacy of the Bishop of Rome, but calls Paul the greatest of all the Apostles. And because he fights with so much stoutness against the invocation of Angels and creatures, and teacheth that prayers must be addrest to none but God.

The Cardinal chap. 13. of the 5. Book, labours to defend himself against a testimony of Origen alleadged by his Majesty of great Brittain in these words, God alone was worshipped, God alone was invocated through his only Son, mediatour between God and men, alone, only, most only. To which he could have added these Texts of the fifth Tome against Celsus, [...]. That science which represents unto us the nature of Angels, and that for which every one of them is ordained, will not give us leave to put our trust, or address our prayers to any other, but him who is God over all things, who is sufficient for all things, by the Son of God our Saviour, who is the Word, the Wisdom and the Truth. And in the same Book he maintains against Celsus, that the Jews did not adore the Angels of heaven, [...]. because (saith he) they that did so, did it against the Law. And shortly after, speaking of the Sun, and the Moon, and the Stars, of whom he speaks as of animate creatures, and Angelical Spirits (which was the opinion of many Antients, of Austin among the rest) [...]. We judge (saith he) that we must not pray to those that pray, since they rather would send us to God whom they pray to, then to bring us down unto them, and divide our vertue from God to themselves. And in the same place, [...] We worship not those that worship, nor Moses, nor those that came after him, and prophesied from God: And in the same Book, speaking of Moses and the Prophets, he saith, that [...] they studied to pray to the only Soveraign god. Again, [...]. We must rather worship God, who is only announced by the Angels, then his Heraulds and Angels.

The eighth and last Tome of Origen against Celsus, is full of such sentences. For he answereth Celsus, who blamed the Christians for adoring none but God alone through Jesus Christ: [...], &c. We serve one only God, and his only Son, his Word, and his image by prayers and honours, according to our power. And there again, [...], &c. We must pray to God alone, who is above all things. We must also pray to his only Son.

This taken out of the same Book will serve for all. [...], &c. We ought to make the only Soveraign God propitious unto us, and pray to him that he be favourable to us, seeking to get his love by piety and by all vertue. If Celsus will make some others pro­pitious unto him after the Soveraign God, let him learn, that as the shadow is moved after the bodies motion, so when one hath made the Soveraign God propitious unto him, hence it follows that he hath all the beloved Angels and the [blessed] souls and spirits propitious unto him.

The Cardinal answereth two things; The one, that Origens authority is not an authentical Warrant for the decisions of Religion, seeing that in the same Book he de­stroyeth the Godhead of Christ. The other, that Books written against the Pagans, are not fit to teach the exact belief and practise of antiquity.

I answer, that in this point the authority of Origen is nothing inferiour to any of the Fathers. For Origen having in his life time been honoured as an incompa­rable man, and praised by Saint Gregory the maker of miracles (who lived in his time) by an express Book, hath also after his death, won by his writings the ad­miration of most men. Ambrose and Hierom borrow from him, and imitate his allegories and intepretations of Scripture. Eusebius hath written an Apology for him, and spent most part of the sixth Book of his history about his praise. Ruffinus also, Priest of Aquileia, hath written a Book for his vindication.

But Hierom, in his old age, being faln out with Ruffinus and John of Jerusalem, [Page 412] great admirers of Origen, that he might have an occasion of invectives against them, began to write against Origen, and to mark his errours: Being angry that Ruffinus said that Hierom was an Origenist as well as he, and that if he was an Origenist, he had learned it of Hierom.

In the same time lived Epiphanius Bishop of Salamin in Cyprus, who also was at odds with John of Jerusalem. That John accused Epiphanius, that he was an Anthropomorphite; and Epiphanius accused John, that he was an Origenist. This was the cause, why Epiphanius leaving out the Anthropomorphites in his Catalogue of Hereticks, put Origens in that list; describing him as a monster and a plague in the Church. And after an exact examination of his errours, he chargeth him to have burnt incense unto idols in his old age; which yetBaron. An. 253. §. 17. & 20. Baronius affirmeth to be a calumny, and cleareth him of that imputation.

The truth is, that Origen had extravagant opinions and many errours, and that by his Allegories he hath altered the purity of Scripture. But it must be acknow­ledged also, that never was a man more narrowly, and with more animosity, exa­mined by posterity. Which is very considerable. For if there had been a just subject of reproving Origen, because he did absolutely condemn images, and be­lieved that God alone ought to be invocated, and that the bread of the holy Com­munion, is bread still after the consecration; we may be sure that Epiphanius and Hierom, who have bent all their wits to pick faults in the doctrine of Origen, would not have forgotten to condemn him upon these points. It will not be sound, that any of those antients that writ against him, found fault with him about the point of images,Note. or about real presence, or about the invocation of creatures. So that the silence of his enemies upon those points, is a manifest approbation of his doctrine. The same I say of Austin, of Theodoret, and of Philastrius, who have made an enumeration of Origens errours. ‘It is so far then that these sentences for being Origens should have less authority, that rather because they are Origens, we have the consent and approbation of all antiquity.’

To weaken the authority of Origens Books against Celsus, Cardinal du Perron saith, that in those Books Origen denyeth the God-head of Christ. Yet in the first Tome of those Books these words are found, [...]. The Mages [or Wise men] pre­sented unto Christ significative gifts, gold as to a King, myrrh as to him that was to die, and Frankincense as to him that was God. And a little after he calls him a God superiour to Angels, Saviour of mankind. And in the same Book, [...], &c. We believe Jesus himself saying concerning his Godhead, I am the way, the truth and the life. And there again [...]. He was properly the Son of God, God, the Word, the Power and the Wisdom of God, he that is called Christ. And in the second Tome, [...]. Celsus is silent concerning those things which concern the Godhead of Jesus. And in the third Tome he calleth Christ [...]. the Son of God, and God that came with an humane soul and body. And in the fourth Tome he calleth Christ [...], he that is the Word it self, the Wisdom it self, and the Righteousness it self. Titles not proper to any but the Soveraign God. It is true, that in the same Books some places are found, where he makes the Son inferiour unto the Father, and that because Christ said, The Father is greater then I. But it must not be found strange, that the Fathers that were before the time of Arrius, have spoken of this matter in hard and improper terms, and with less perspicuity and certainty. For before Arrius; that question was not well cleared: Neither is there any reason, why Origen should have harder dealing then the other Fathers of the former ages; asJustin. Dialog. cum Tryphone. pag. 2 [...]9 Justin Martyr, who affirmeth in his Dialogue against Tryphon, that whensoever it is said in the Old Testament, that God descended or ascended, that cannot be proper to the Father, but must be understood of the Son, because that is repug­nant to the nature of the Father, who is every where, and is unmoveable: As if the nature of the Father were another then that of the Son, or as if the Father alone were infinite, and not the Son. So Divines will bear with Epiphanius, who saithEpipha­nius in An­coratu. that these words; My Father is greater then I, are true even in respect of the divine nature of Christ. The Council of Antioch assembled against Paulus Samosatenus, rejecteth the word [...], or Consubstantial. Yet we give a fa­vourable interpretation to their sentence.

The same equity we use withClem. Alex. l. 2. Stromat. p. 173. Clemens Alexandrinus, who puts in the Godhead a fourth hypostasis. For we consider the time in which he writ. We bear also inIren. l. 4▪ c. 1. Irenaeus that which might be ill taken, his saying that none is called God in Scripture, but the Father and the Son, and such as he hath adopt­ed; making no mention of the Holy Ghost: Of whose Godhead he never speaketh. Thus in the eighth chapter of his fifth book, three times he presseth, that we should believe in the Father and in the Son, saying nothing of the Holy Ghost. Hilary himself, though posteriour in time unto Arrius, and exercised in the con­troversies of the Arrians, how improperly (to say no more) doth he speak of the nature of Christ? In the Treatise upon Psal. 138. he saith, that in ChristNon con­fundenda per­sona divini­tatis & cor­poris est. we must no confound the person of the Godhead with that of the body; as though the person of his Godhead were another from that of his manhood. The same Father in many places denyeth that Christ suffered any pain in his body, and holds that it was a shew of passion and pain, not a real pain. If any spake now as Chrysostom did in the third Homily upon the first chapter to the Hebrews, should be held a Nestorian. [...]. & paulo post [...]. The Apostle (saith he) appeaseth the Jews, shewing that there are [in Christ] two persons, a God and a man. And in the same place, There are two persons in Christ of different hypostasis.

Truly I dare affirm, that the books of Origen against Celsus are an excellent work, and that all Antiquity affords not a book made for the defence of Christian Religion, comparable to it, whether it be for various learning, or solidity, or elegancy. Neither the Apologeticks of Justin and Tertullian, nor the exhorta­tion of Clemens Alexandrinus to the Gentiles, nor his Paedagogue: Nor even Austins books of the City of God, are comparable at all to these books of Origen.

The Cardinals second answer to that testimony of Origen is, that it is not out of the books written against the Pagans, that we can or ought to learn the be­lief or practise of Antiquity; because disputing against the Pagans, they speak not their sense, but what they are constrained to say. And that they discover­ed as little as they could of the Christian practise: as Hierom saith in his book to Pammachius against Jovinian. If that be true, why do our Adversaries, and Cardinal du Perron among the rest alledge frequently testimonies out of the Apo­logeticks of Justin and Tertullian, and out of Lactantius, and out of Austin of the City of God? For they are books written against the Pagans. But those Fa­thers (if one may believe our Cardinal) speak against their sense, and dissemble their belief. Then the same (by that reason) may be said of the writings of the Fathers against the Manicheans, the Marcionites, the Arrians, and the Do­natists; Which writings make up at least two thirds of the works of the Fathers. In effect the Cardinal by that shift revileth the Fathers, and useth them like Athe­ists, charging them with notorious hypocrisie, by his saying that they speak against their own sense, and disguise their belief, altering their doctrine in the points of faith according to the persons they had to do with, speaking now one thing, now another, so that there is nothing certain in their doctrine.

To give some colour to his exception, he alledgeth the text of the Mass, where the Priest saith, Command that our sacrifice be carried by the hands of thy Holy Angel to thy Heavenly Altar. Truly, though there were nothing amiss in that prayer, yet it is nothing to the purpose; for it is not a prayer to Angels, but to God, that he command the Angel. But that prayer is most evil and injurious against Christ. For whereas in the Mass by that sacrifice the body of Christ is understood, is it not an evident impiety to beseech God, that his Angel take Christ to carry him up to heaven, and present him unto God? as though Christ had need of the intervention of Angels to be presented to his Fa­ther: or as though he caused himself to be carried by Angels, now that he hath attained the height of his glory.

But the superlative absurdity lyeth, in that the Priest having prayed that the Angel may carry the consecrated Host to heaven, falls to it bodily, and eats it up immediately after that prayer, to prevent the Angel, as fearing lest the Angel carry the Host away. Having called for the Angel, he should in manners stay a [Page 414] little for him. But perhaps the cause why the Angel never yet carried the host away, is, that the Priest never gives him time enough for it.

The Cardinal also to fence himself against Origens blows, saith that when Ori­gen denyeth, that any but God ought to be invocated and adored, he understands if of the invocation and adoration which Celsus and other Pagans bestowed upon their false Gods, that is, the soveraign and absolute invocation and adoration of Latria, not the subaltern and relative adoration and invocation. But the Cardinal is deceived if he think that the Pagans adored all their Gods with a soveraign adoration, and that theyHorat. Carm. l. 1. Od. 12. Ʋnde nil ma­jus generatur ipso, Nec viget quicquam simile aut secundum; Proximos illi tamen occu­pavit Pallas hono­res. worshipped Mercury or the Nymphs, or the houshold Gods, and those whom they called Deos minorum gentium, with the like adoration as Jupiter; for they prayed to them as to Servants and Messengers of the Soveraign God. Wherefore Celsus speaking of the adoration of many Gods, could not mean the soveraign adoration only. Besides, it is an unreasonable conceit, to imagine an adoration which is not relative. For the soveraign worship is relative to him that is worshipped, even to God. This Prelat hath but an unlucky hand in handling the terms of Philosophy.

As for Origen, it is certain, that he speaks of the soveraign adoration, for he knew none other. And as for invocation, he saith absolutely and without ex­ception, that none must be prayed to, but God alone: Of relative, or inferiour adoration and invocation, he speaks neither there nor any where else. For as for that clause which is found in the version of the Homilies upon Ezekiel; Re­ceive, O Angel, the man converted from his antient error, (if these Homilies be of Origen) that clause is but a rhetorical Apostrophe, whereby Orators in their Homilies or Orations use to address their speech unto absent persons, as if they were present, and to the dead, as if they were yet alive. Note, that the place which the Cardinal alledgeth out of Origen speaks only of Angels, not of de­ceased Saints, of whom it is a question, especially in this controversie. And that the words which he takes out of the eighth book against Celsus speak not of the in­vocation of Angels, but of their intercession. Now our difference is only about the invocation. That place deserveth a chapter apart, because the Cardinal doth strangely falsifie it.

CHAP. 9. A place of Origens eighth book against Celsus falsified by Cardinal du Perron.

TO prove by Origen that Angels ought to be invocated (for as for the in­vocation of Saints, he brings nothing at all for it)Book 1. c. 13. p. 984. He makes a flourish with a place of Origen in book 8. against Celsus, which he alledgeth in these words, When a man hath God propitious, thence it results that he hath also all the Angels, Souls and Spirits belonging to God for his friends. For they acknowledge those, that are worthy of the heavenly favour and Godhead; yea and labour to get Gods good will for those that will serve him, and jointly pray with us: So that we all that serve him make bold to say, that unto men of good will, infinite thousands of holy Angels freely joyn themselves, and interced [...] for our mortal kind. The Rea­der may observe, that the question being, whether Angels and Saints ought to be prayed to? The Cardinal to prove that, brings a text which saith that the Angels in­tercede for us; a thing about which we dispute not. That is not the question. Observe also, that the Cardinal hath clipt that place of Origen, and cut off the head of it by a notorious malice. Origen saith, We must make the Soveraign God alone propitious, and beseech him to be favourable unto us, making him propitious [Page 415] by piety and by all vertue. But if [Celsus] will make others after God propi­tious unto him, let him learn, that as the shadow is moved after the bodies motion, likewise when one hath obtained the favour▪ of the Soveraign God, thence it follow­eth, that one hath also the favour of all the beloved Angels, and of the souls and Spirits that are his. Out of all that discourse the Cardinal makes use only of the two last lines, intending thereby to prove the invocation or intercession of the Angels and Saints. But the lines that go next before, shew that by these very words which he alledgeth, Origen intends to prove that to pray to Angels is a superfluous thing, since by praying to God alone, and getting his favour, we have by consequent all the Angels favourable unto us.

To that clipping, he adds a depravation of that place full of falshood and foul dealing. This is the true place translated word by word, For they know them that are worthy of Gods favour, [...]. and are not only propitious to them that are worthy, but even help those that will serve the God who is above all things, and make him propitious, and pray with them, and petition with them. So that we dare say that to the men who with choice propound to themselves that which is best, and pray to God, millions of sacred powers joyn with their prayers, not called upon. Besides many corruptions of the Greek words, which shew that this Prelat had little skill in the Greek tongue, there is this notable falsification, that he hath left out these words, that the Angels pray for us, [...] non invocati, not being invocated or called upon for help. For these words resisted the Cardinals purpose, which was to prove the invocation of Saints out of Origen. And whether out of malice or ig­norance, instead of [...] he put in the Margin [...], which signifieth nothing. But in his French he hath left it out quite, putting instead of not being called upon, the word volontairement, that is, voluntarily or freely. The other faults, as translating [...], men of good will, are faults of petty Gram­mar-schollers, and proceed out of ignorance in Greek: But in the omission of the word [...], the fraud is evident.

CHAP. 10. Reasons why Hierom said that the Fathers writing against the Pagans, often writ against their own sense.

HIerom among many vertues, had this defect, that when he writ against one that displeased him, the vehemency of choller would often carry him away beyond limits, and made him come out with things that got him blame, which afterwards he sought to mollifie and dawb with some interpretation. This Do­ctor who in some placesHier. Apol. ad Pammachi­um, Tom. 2. Virginitatem in coelum fero non quia ha­beam, sed quia magis miror quod non habeo. confesseth that he had not kept his virginity,Epist. ad Eustochi­um de custo­dia virgini­tatis. Pallebant ora jejuniis & mens desideriis aestuabat, in frigido corpore & ante hominem suum jam c [...]rne praemortua sola libidinum incendia bulliebant, &c. and freely acknowledgeth that in the midst of his fasts and austerities, he burnt with incontinence, yet hath been so excessive in commending virginity, as to blame marriage as an evil thing, displeasing unto God, and a hinderance to sal­vation. Upon such discourses the most part of the two books against Jovinian is spent. These are some of his expressions, in the first book, It is good for a man (saith St. Paul) not to touch a woman; Si bonum est mulierem non tangere, malum e [...]go est tan­gere. If it be good not to touch a woman, it is then evil to touch a woman; For nothing is contrary to good but evil. Now St. Paul speaks of marriage. And a little afterJubet idem Apostolus ut semper oremus. Si semper orandum nunquam ergo conjugio serviendum. The Apostle will have us to pray continually: If we must pray continually, we must never serve mar­riage. In the same book he personates Christ speaking that to his Apostles,Rectè sentitis quod non expediat homini ad coelorum regna tendenti accipere uxorem. You [Page 416] do well to believe that it is not expedient for a man tending towards the kingdom of heaven, to marry. In the same place, by them that made themselves Eunuchs for the kingdom of heaven, he understands those that abstain from marriage. Then he addeth,Si castrati mercedem ha­bent regni coelorum, ergo qui non se castraverunt, locum▪ non possunt acci­pere castrato­rum. If they that made themselves Eunuchs, have the salary of the kingdom of heaven, they that made not themselves Eunuchs, cannot take place among the Eunuchs. AgainNuptiae replent ter­ram, Virgini­tas Paradi­sum. Marriage replenisheth the earth, Virginity re­plenisheth Paradise. In the same place he observeth, that upon every day of the creation God saw that all that he had done was very good, but only upon the second day, because that number of two represented marriage. And that all the unclean beasts entred into the Ark by couples. And that Moses before he drew near God, untyed his shoe-strings, that is, the bond of marriage. And that when Joshua came to Jordan, the waters of marriage, which had been flowing under the Law, were drained. And that the Angel, Prince of the Mi­litia, came to meet Joshua, holding a sword to cut the bond of marriage. And that Moses who was married, was buried near Phegor, which signifies ignominy: But that Joshua who was not married, was buried in the mountain of Ephraim: Whence he concludes thus against marriage,Contem­nimus Phegor & omnem ignominiam ejus, scintes quod qui in carne▪ sunt Deo placere non possunt. We despise Phegor and all his ignominy, knowing that they that are in the flesh cannot please God. He addeth, that Moses was lamented in his death: But Joshua was not lamented, as he that was to attain unto life:Nuptiae enim finiun­tur in morte, virginitas post mortem incipil coro­nari. For (saith he) marriage endeth in death, but vir­ginity begins to be crowned after death. If one believeth him, Moses, because he was married, could not attain unto life. He saith that the Apostle John was a Virgin, and therefore that his Gospel goeth far above other Gospels, and that he flyeth aloft like an Eagle:Exposuit virginitas quod nuptiae scire non poterant. Virginity (saith he) hath expounded that which married persons could not know: acknowledging by the way, that St. Matthew, Saint Mark, and St. Luke were married, and therefore he hath a lower esteem of them. He adds, that St. Paul saith indeed, that a woman shall be saved by bearing of children, yet upon condition that her children shall persevere in virginity: But Paul saith, If she abide in the faith, and in charity, and san­ctification, with modesty, not if her children abide in virginity. Thus that Father playeth with Scripture, and corrupts it with great licentiousness. And a little after he saith, thatPuto quod & nuptiarum finis mors sit, fructus autem sanctificatio­nis qui vel ad virginita­tem vel ad continentiam pertinet vita pensatur aeterna. The fruit of matrimony is death, but the fruit of san­ctification which belongeth to virginity, or continence, is rewarded with eternal life. In the same place, he turneth these sentences of Scripture against Matrimony, Walk not after the flesh, but after the spirit, And the carnal mind is enmity against God. AndQui in carne sunt Deo placere non possunt, arbitror eos qui serviunt officio conju­gali quod prudentiam carnis dili­gunt & in carne sunt. they that are in the flesh cannot please God. For (saith he) I be­lieve that they that serve to the duty of marriage, love the carnal mind, and that they are in the flesh. Wherefore also he calls married persons Vasa in contumeli­am, Vessels to dishonour or shame. And saith, that a woman that marrieth the second time, must have no part in the alms of the Church, and must be deprived of the Communion of the body of Christ.

These books being published, were but ill received by many, as made to the disgrace of marriage instituted by God, and in so many places commended in his word. Of which being advertised by Pammachius, he directed an Apology to him to mollifie the hardness of those expressions, saying that he never intend­ed to disgrace marriage nor married persons, which nevertheless in that very Apology he continueth to call vessels to dishonour, and maintains that it is ill done to touch a woman.

Among the excuses which he brings for the harsh language which he had given to matrimony, he saith there are two wayes of writing, the one gymnasti­cal the other dogmatical; that is, the one that is done for exercise only, the other doctrinal, and plainly setting forth the true doctrine, without contestati­on. He saith that he had written against Jovinian in the first way; and that such a manner of disputing is loose, acknowledging that his custom is to say one thing and do another, to shew bread and hold a stone, that is, to use slie tricks and dissembling. Then he adds the words alledged by the Cardinal, Origen, Me­thodius, Eusebius, Apollinaris, have written many thousands of lines against Celsus [Page 417] and Porphyry. Consider what their arguments are, and how slippery the questions, whereby they go about to overthrow that which the spirit of the Devil hath woven. Et quia interdum co­guntur loqui non quod sentiunt sed quod necesse est. And because sometimes they are forced to say, not what they believe, but that which is necessary; they contradict that which the Gentiles say. By these words Cardinal du Perron would perswade us that Origen when he said so many times that none but God ought to be invocated, spake against his own sense.

But all that we have said before of Hierom, and what shift he was put to when he said this, sheweth, that he is not to be believed, and that he doth unjustly put that disgrace upon the Antients, that they spake against their belief. Hierom having reviled matrimony, and wrested Scripture by a licentiousness hardly to be paralelled, and seeing himself justly blamed for it, he saith for excuse, that he used legerdemain, and dissembling in his words. Then to hide himself in the crowd, he covereth himself with the examples of Origen and others, who (saith he) in their books against the Pagans are constrained to disguise their belief, and speak against their sense. A thing which a good man should never do, choos­ing rather to dye, then to use hypocrisie in such a sacred thing, and to defend the truth with lying. As Job was saying chap. 13. v. 7. Will you speak wicked­ly for God, and talk deceitfully for him? God having no need of our true words to maintain his glory, should he stand in need of our lyes to defend his cause? Must the heavenly truth borrow the Devils weapons? Must we lye to please the God of truth?

But here is worse, for Hierom did not content himself to involve the Fathers more antient then himself in his fault, but he draweth the Apostle Paul into the same crime, speaking of him as of a crafty companion, and a dissembler.Paulum Apostolum proseram quem quoti­escunque lego, videor mihi non au­dire verba sed tonitrua. Le­gite epistolas ejus, & maxi­mè ad Roma­nos, ad Gala­tas, ad Ephe­sius in quibus totus in certa­mine positus est, & vide­ [...]itis cum in testimoniis quae sum [...]t de veteri Testa­mento, quam artifex, quam prudens quam dissimulator sit ejus quod agit Videntur quidem verba simplicia & quasi inno­centis hominis & rusticani, & qui nec facere nec declinare no­verit insidias; sed quocun (que) respexeris fulmina: sunt. Haeret in cau­sa, capit om­ne quod teti­gerit, tergum vertit ut su­peret, fugam simulat ut occidat. I will bring (saith he) the Apostle Paul for an example, whom whensoever I hear, it seems to me, that I hear not words, but thunders. Read his Epistles, especially those that are written to the Romans, to the Galatians, and to the Ephesians, in which he is altogether imployed in disputing; and you shall see how artificial he is, how crafty in the texts which he brings out of the Old Testament: how prudent, how dissembling of those things which he tends to. They seem to be plain words, and of an innocent and rude man, that knows neither how to lay wiles, nor how to avoid them. But which way soever you look, they are thunderbolts. He stands stiff to the cause: He layeth hold of all that he toucheth. He turns his back to overcome. He maketh a shew to flye, that he may kill. Can a godly admirer of this holy Apostle, that excellent organ of Gods spirit, hear him so fouly abused, and not be moved with a just anger? Was it not enough for Hierom to profess openly, that in his books against Jovinian he had spoken otherwise then he thought, and to cover himself with the example of other Fathers, whom he makes fel­lows of his disembling, without inwraping Paul also in the same guilt? Must he under a shadow of praises, charge him with craft and dissembling, saying that he is a counterfeit, that turns his back that he may overcome, and flyeth that he may kill? Shall we wonder now if the Cardinal who defends himself with such examples, and covers himself with Hieroms authority, makes no conscience to use fraud, and speak against his sense? Austin before us complained of Hierom about this. For in his Epistles to Hierom he reproveth him, because in his Com­ment upon the Epistle to the Galatians he undertook the defense of untruth, and would make the Apostle Paul a lyar, as if the Apostle had used dissembling and officious lyes in that Epistle. I have read (saith he) some writings which go for yours, upon the Epistles of the Apostles. When I would have expounded one of them, which is to the Galatians, that place came to my hands, where you say that the Apostle St. Peter was converted [by St. Paul] from his pernicious dissembling. I confess unto you that I am very sorry that such a man as your self, or any other (if another hath writ it) should undertake the defense of untruth, till the reasons that move me, be confuted, if yet they may be confuted. For this seems to me a most pernicious belief, that any untruth can be found in the holy Scriptures; That is, that those men by whom that Scripture was delivered and written unto us, spake lyes in their writings, &c. For if in a book of such eminent authority, an officious [Page 418] lye be acknowledged, no part of those books shall remain, that may not be turned which way soever every man will, &c. Hierom was offended at this, and taking Austins reprehension in ill part, answered him, that he [Austin] would take upon him to be wise; and that being yonger, he ought not to provoke an old man, as Dares did Entellus: And that bos lassus fortiùs figit pedem, that is, a weary Ox sets his foot more steadily. Austins mildness put an end to that difference, neither of them altering his opinion. Yet Austin had the truth on his side. I wonder why he did not call upon Hierom about many other expressions of his, that speak of the Apostle with contempt, and blame him openly. As in the Epistle to Salvina, where he saith, that the Apostle giving leave to wanton Widows to marry, had given them, praecepta non bona & justificationes pessimas, Ill precepts and most wicked justifications. And in the questions to Algasia, qu. 10. where expounding the ninth chapter to the Romans, in which it is spoken of election and reprobation, he sath, that St. Paul going about to clear that matter, had rather intangled it. Is it with modesty, that in the first book against Jovinian he ask­eth the Apostle, O Paule cur veretrum gestas? How falsly and unjustly doth he rebuke Paul, as if he had made a false relation, Act. 17. of the Inscription to the unknown God: saying in his Comment upon the Epistle to Titus, that the inscription of the Altar was not such as Paul affirmeth, to the unknown God, but to the Gods of Asia, Africk, and Europe, Gods unknown and strangers. And upon the Epistle to the Ephesians, This man that speaks incongruities, and cannot clear an intangled speech. And upon the Epistle to Titus, It was not humbly, but truly that St. Paul said, that he was ignorant in words. The same he saith in the fore-alleadged question to Al­gasia. And upon the Epistle to the Galatians, Apostolus Galatis, quos stultos dixe­rat, factus est stultus. The Apostle having called the Galatians, fools, himself was made a fool unto them.

All this will shew that the Cardinal is like those flyes that sit only upon scabs and ulcers, for he seeks that which is vicious in the Fathers, and adorneth himself with their ordure.

CHAP. 11. Of the opinion of those that condemn not invocation of Saints, but think it unnecessary.

THere are some who seeing that God in his word commands not the invoca­tion of Saints, and that under the Old Testament, and many Ages after the Apostles, neither example nor trace is found of any adoration or invocation of religious service deferred unto the creatures, take a middle way; saying, that one may content himself to pray to God alone by Jesus Christ, and let the in­vocation of Saints alone, so that he condemn not them that call upon them, but joyn with the publick order of the Church meekly, and without contestation, every one doing in private what seemeth him good.

They that speak thus, forge to themselves a religion apart, and directly oppose the Roman Church, which obligeth every particular person to call upon Saints. It is the decision of Pope Innocent the third in the ninth chapter of the third book of the mysteries of the Mass,Neceessa­rium nobis est in via san­ctorum suf­fragium ut meritis eorum & precibus divinae prote­ctionis muni­amur auxilio. The suffrage of Saints is necessary to us while we are in the way, that by their merits and prayers we may be fenced with the divine protection.

We have shewed before how that after the Pope hath canonized a Saint, he gives a command to all people to invocate him, and address their prayers unto him. From which command, who so will exempt himself, disobeyeth him that calls himself Head of the Church, and boasteth that he cannot err in the faith. Besides, the invocation of Saints is inserted in the publick service of the [Page 419] Roman Church, and makes a part of the most solemn Masses, as the Mass of Easter Eve where the Letanies of Saints are said; Which prayers oblige the people to say Amen, either with the mouth or with the heart, unto all that the Priest saith.

Should the Priests or Bishops be obliged to pray to the Saints, and the people exempted from that obligation? Or should the people be obliged to pray to the Saints in publick, not in private?

Truly if it be lawfull for one to dispense himself from joining with the Priest when he prayeth to the Saints in the Mass, it will be lawfull for him also to re­ject that prayer in the Canon of the Mass, whereby the Priest asketh the grace of God by the merits of the Saints, and to despise the satisfactions of the Saints, which the Pope distributeth by his Indulgences.

And whereas the first ground of the Roman Church is not the Holy Scripture, but the authority of the Roman Church; who so professeth the Roman Reli­gion, and yet dispenseth himself in a point ruled and established by the Roman Church; believeth that the Roman Church can err, and makes himself Judge of that Church, and having no more the authority of the Church for a founda­tion, and for an infallible rule, and together not grounding himself upon Scrip­ture, he hath no more ground for his religion but his fancy and his own will.

CHAP. 12. The opinion of the Fathers about invocation of Saints, from the year of the Lord 365. unto the IV. Council.

THis question is ended already, since the Cardinal confesseth that in Austins time, who dyed in the year 430. or thereabout it was a thing yet dubious, and not decided whether the Saints enjoy heavenly glory before the resurrecti­on; Which doubt maketh (of necessity) the invocation of Saints dubious. We have seen also that Hierom who was a disciple of Gregory Nazianzen, be­lieved that the Saints hear not what we say to them, and have no knowledge of humane things: And that Austin saith the same in many places: Also that Gregory Nazianzen, who of all the Fathers is the first that called upon the de­ceased Saints, makes a doubt whether those whom he called upon, heard him. For these causes it is unnecessary to examine all the testimonies of the Fathers of the latter Ages, of which the Cardinal is pouring a thick hail upon us, since the former Ages are contrary to that doctrine, and the posteriour Ages speak of it with so much uncertainty.

It is also to be noted, that although since the year 375. some private persons, especially in Cappadocia, were carried away by that error, yet the invocation of Saints was not therefore received in the publick service.

In the Fathers of the fourth and fifth ages many places are found contrary to the invocation of Saints. Ambrose in the Oration upon the death of Theodosius, saith,Tu solus Domine invo­candus es, & tu rogandus. Thou alone O Lord must be invocated and prayed to. Which must be taken as a correction of that he had said in the first Tome in the book of Widows, where he saith, that we must pray to Angels and Martyrs. For when he writ that book of Widows, he was but a new Christian: It was but three years after his Baptism. But his Oration upon Theodosius was made long after, and a little before his death. For Theodosius dyed in the year of the Lord 395. Ambrose having already continued Bishop of Milan about fifteen years.

Himself in the third book of the Holy Ghost, chap. 12. speaks thus,Maria erat Templum Dei, non Deus Templi. Ergo Deus ille so­lus adorandus qui operaba­tur in Templo. Mary was the Temple of God, but she was not God. Wherefore that God alone must be adored, who wrought in that Temple. And a little before,Neque adorandum quenquam praeter Deum legimus, quia scriptum est, Dominum Deum adora­bis & ei soli servies. We read not that any must be adored but God. For it is written, Thou shalt worship the Lord thy [Page 420] God, and him only shalt thou serve. There or no where he should have used the distinction of dulia and latria, and of superiour and inferiour religious worship, that the Virgin Mary should not be excluded from all adoration: But he knew no such distinction.

Among the works of Ambrose there is a Comment upon the Epistle to the Romans, of which Comment the Cardinal goeth about to invalid the authority, but with weak proofs. But it is all one to us who is the Author of that Com­ment, since our Adversaries have put it among Ambrose his works, and make use of it. There the Author, upon the first chapter to the Romans, disputing against the Pagans who by the creatures, and by the stars especially, pretended to go to God, as they go to the King by his Officers and Governours calls thatSolent pu­dorem passi neglecti Dei misera utì excusatione, dicentes per istos posse iri ad Deum sicut per Co­mites perve­nitur ad Re­gem. a miserable excuse. Then he addsNam & ideo ad Regem per Tribunos aut Comites itur quia ho­mo utique est Rex. & nes­cit quibus debeat Remp. credere. Ad Deum autem quem utique nihil latet (omnium enim merita novit) pro­merendum, sussragatore non opus est sed mente devota. Ubi­cunque enim talis locutus fuerit ei, respondebit illi. For this cause they go to the King by his Colonels and Governours, because the King is a man, and knows not to whom he ought to commit the government of the Commonwealth. But to get Gods favour to whom nothing is hidden (for he knows that which all men deserve) there is no need of any that help you with his suffrage, but of a devout spirit, for wheresoever such a man shall speak to God, God will answer him. There is in the Latin, suf­fragatore non opus est, to which word the Cardinal giveth an absurd interpreta­tion, saying that it signifieth a Counsellor. Every one that hath some taste of the Latin tongue will smile at this, knowing that this word was never taken in that sense. The votes of every Roman Citizen in the comitia or City meetings were called suffragia; and he who helped or favoured any with his vote, was called his suffragatour. Now it is clear, that the Author of this book speaks of Colonels and Governours or Comites, which are used as Intercessors, not as Counsellors.

In the same Father in the eighty fifth Epistle, which is the last, it is spoken of the bodies of St. Gernasius, and St. Protasius which were found. Of these the Author of the book speaks, as of the Patrons of the Church and City where they rested. But besides that in that Epistle there is not a word of invocation of Saints, it is evident that this Epistle is supposititious, and written long after Ambrose's time. For it is said in the same place, that these bodies were trans­ported in Basilicam Ambrosianam, that is, as they speak in our dayes, into the Church of St. Ambrose. Du Per­ron p. 1022. Or if by Basilica Ambrosiana some Church built by Ambrose is understood, it is certain that Ambrose would never have called it so. In Ambrose his life, and a long time after, there was no Church bearing the name of St. Ambrose. The ninty first Sermon is of the same Author that writ that Epistle, and no less supposititious, as many other Sermons and Books attributed to Saint Ambrose, for that holy mans works are strangely falsified.

We have brought before some places of Chrysostome, in which he saith that the souls of the deceased Saints do not yet enjoy the heavenly felicity, and shall not receive the crown before the resurrection. A certain proof that he did not call upon the Saints, since he doubted of their happy state.

The same Father in the fourth Sermon of penitence speaks thus, When we have a suit to a man, we must address our selves first to the Porters, and sollicite the Para­sites, [...], &c. and flatterers, and take a long way about. But with God there is no such thing; For he is intreated without an intercessor, without money, and without expense, he enclineth to the petition: It is sufficient to pray to him with the heart, and to offer tears to him, &c.

The same [...]: God is alwayes near hand. If thou wilt petition to a man, Thou askest what he doth? They say unto thee, he is asleep, he is busie. A servant an­swereth thee nothing. With God there is no such thing. Wheresoever you go and call, he hears. There is neither business, nor intercessor, nor servant that stop thy way. Say only Have mercy upon me, and presently God comes near.

In the same place [...]. Homil. de di­miss. Chanan. Tom. 5. edit. Savil. p. 195. See the Philosophy of that woman, She prayeth not to James, she is not a supplicant to John, she applyeth not her self to Peter, but she breaks thorough the crowd. I need no intercessor (saith she) but taking penitence for mine advocate, I come to the very spring, because for that is he come down, for that hath he taken flesh, that I also may speak with him, &c. I need no intercessor, have mercy upon me.

The same upon the first chapter of the Epistle to the Hebrews, Hom. 3, [...]. Why do you gape after Angels? They are servants to the son of God, and are sent to divers places for our sakes.

The same Chrysostome upon Gen. 19. Hom. 44. speaking of the Canaanitish wo­man, to which the intercession of the Apostles availed nothing, and which made her address unto Christ himself. We were constrained (saith he) to bring this whole sto­ry, [...]. that we might learn that we speed not so well praying by others, as when we pray our selves; so that we aproach with zeal, and with an erected mind. Behold how this woman having the Disciples interceding for her, sped not the better for that, untill her own self persevering with patience, drew the benignity of the Master. Those Saints of whose intercession he speaks are the living, not the dead Saints.

Himself upon Matth. 15. Hom. 52. Consider how the Apostles being turned back, and having not prevailed, she obtained it, so powerfull is obstinacy in prayer. For God delights more to be prayed to for our necessities by our selves that are guilty, then by others that pray for us.

But he is most express especially in the eighteenth Homily upon the Epistle to the Romans, [...], &c. Ʋnto whom shalt thou flye? Whom wilt thou call upon to fight for thy cause, and help thee? Shall it be to Abraham? But he shall not hear thee: Shall it be to these Virgins? But they also shall impart none of their oyl unto thee. Shalt thou call upon thy Father or thy Grand-father? But none of them, how holy soever, hath the power to alter that judgement. These things being considered, wor­ship and pray to him alone, who hath the power to blot out thine obligation, and quench that flame.

And in another placeChrysost. serm in Phil. 18. de profectu Evang. Tom. 5. Edit. Savil. pag. 416. [...]. Thou hast no need of intercessors with God, nor of much running about, nor of flattering others. But though thou be alone and without a Patron, by praying to God by thy self, thou shalt obtain [thy request] altogether. He useth not to grant so, being called upon for us by others, as being intreated by our selves, though we be filled with a thousand adversities. And the same words he repeats six or seven times in that Homily.

I will add one testimony again of that Father in the ninth Homily upon the Epistle to the Colossians, where he saith that the Devil envying the honour we have to address our selves, hath brought in the service of the Angels. [...]; For this cause (saith he) the Devil envying us hath brought in Angels. Such are the in­chantments [of Devils:] Though it were an Angel, though it were an Arch-angel, though they were Cherubims, Do not suffer it. For neither will those powers receive [that honour:] but will reject it, when they see their Master dishonoured thereby. I have honoured thee (saith God) and have said call, upon me, and dost thou dishonour him?

After so many express declarations, it is hard to believe that this holy man called upon Saints and Angels: seeing that he sheweth in other places his not be­lieving that the deceased do yet enjoy the glory of God. But some Organ of Satan the Father of lying hath thrust in some false writings that commend the invocation of Saints among this Fathers works. Such is Chrysostoms Liturgie; a piece so evidently false, that in it there is [...], &c. mention of Chrysostom among the deceased Saints. There also another prayer is found ill suiting with that, set down in these words, We offer unto thee this reasonable sacrifice for our Ancestors, who are resting in the faith, for the Fathers, Patriarchs, Prophets, Apostles, &c. and even for the Virgin Mary: for all which, our Adversaries hold that one ought not to pray. I easily believe that Chrysostom framed a Liturgy. But it is of that as of Calepins Dictionary, which suffers a perpetual addition, and yet retain­eth still its first name.

In the same Fathers works, there is one false piece inserted, of such gross and evident falshood, that it can hardly deceive. It is in the end of the twenty sixth Homily upon the second Epistle to the Corinthians, where it is said, that the Emperour himself comes to the sepulchers of the Saints, and kisseth them, and laying down pride, beseecheth them to be his helpers before God: So that he that weareth the crown prayeth to a tentmaker and to a fisherman, both of them dead, that they would be his Advocates towards God. If the curious Reader will take the pains to consult the book, and to read the three last pages of that Homily, he shall find that besides the diversity of the style, and the doctrine (contrary to that of Chrysostom) full of absurdity and ignorance, there is no connexion at all with the precedent discourse, and nothing common with the matter in hand, like stones thrown at randome, which stuck there by chance. That place which I affirm to be false, begins at the top of the nine hundred twenty eighth page of Commelins Edition, with these words, [...], &c. And in the Latin Sic enim etiam idolorum cultus. In the lines before Chrysostom exhorteth the godly to suffer for Christ, saying that God will by sufferings bring us to heavenly glory. Then begins this absurd discourse abruptly. For thus Idola­try got strength, by too much admiring men, as when the Roman Senat decreed that Alexander should be the thirteenth God. For they had the power to make Gods by their suffrage, and to put them in the list of the Gods. For when all the things done by Christ, were announced at Rome, he that governed the Nation of the Jews, sent to Rome to ask counsell, whether it pleased them to make Christ God also. Which they refused, being angry and incensed, because without expecting their decree, the power of the crucifix shining every where, had drawn all the world to the venera­tion of the same. Hath any man so little freedom of judgement left, as not to see the silliness of that discourse, which hangs not upon that which went before, and is stuft with absurdities unworthy of so great a man? For who ever heard that by the decree of the Roman Senat King Alexander was put among the Gods? or that he had a Temple at Rome, and religious service deferred unto him? or that a Grecian scarce known at Rome, but by hear-say in his life time, should be put among the Gods by the Romans many ages after his death? But what can be more absurd, then to say that Alexander was made the thirteenth God by the Senat? As though the Senat did keep a set number of Gods, and each God in his order. But who is that Prince or Governour of the Jewish Nation, who in­formed the Senate of the vertues of Jesus Christ, and required that he should be put among the Gods? It could not be Pilate, for in that place it is said, that the power of Christ had in that time drawn all the earth to his obedience. And it could be none else but Pilate, for when the Gospel began to spread over the world, the Nation of the Jews had neither Governour nor Prince, seeing that they were fugitive and scattered over all the earth; And the Emperour and Se­nat were so far from deliberating whether they should make Christ a God, that they persecuted the Christians with all their power. The rest of the discourse is filled with the like absurdities: As when the Author proveth the resurrection of the dead, because Alexander never thought of it: And his affirming that none [Page 423] can shew Alexanders sepulchre, and that no body knoweth where he lyeth: seeing that it is a common thing in the books of Historiographers, that the body and tomb of Alexander were in Alexandria of Aegypt. By that Quintus Curtius ended his History, and Suetonius in the life of Octavius Augustus saith the same.

Of the like stuff is that which he addeth, that the Emperour Constantine af­ter his death, is a porter of the Fisher-mens Temple. Whence he inferreth, that the enemies of Christian Religion, must learn that Fisher-men shall have a greater dignity then Emperours in the day of the resurrection, seeing that Em­perours in their sepulchres are in the place of servants, and Fisher-men in the place of Masters. Can any thing be more remote from the wit and learning of Chrysostom, then that ridiculous piece of work, which is contrary to so many true works of that holy man? Who doubts but that many the like pieces of base mettal were put among the writings of the Fathers, and go for true mettall, because the falshood is not easie to be known? For we have the mos part of their books from the hands of our Adversaries, out of the manuscripts of Fryers, and out of their Libraries.

In the sixth Homily upon the first chapter of Matthew, he saith, that we are much sooner heard by our prayers, then by the intercession of others: And he proveth it by the example of the Canaanitish woman, and of the repenting Thief crucified with Christ, and of the Adulteress, who made their address unto Christ without any mans intercession. Then he adds, And this we say, not because we ought not to call upon the Saints. But there it is clear that he speaks of the living Saints, not of the deceased, for he commendeth the Canaanitish woman for not imploring the intercession of the Apostles, who were living. But as for the de­ceased Saints, Chrysostom in Hom. 18. upon the Epistle to the Romans saith, that they hear not our prayers.

Bellarmin in the fourth chapter of the book of Relicks falsly alleadgeth Chryso­stoms Homily upon Juventius and Maximus, making him say Tumulos martyrum adoremus. Let us adore the sepulchres of the Martyrs. There is in the Greek [...]. Let us touch their tomb, and embrace their relicks with confidence. Of Ado­ration he speaks not at all: and the confidence that he speaks of, is confidence [...]n God.

I deny not but that in the same time that errour of the invocation of Saints began to creep into some Churches, in Cappadocia especially, where that superstition seemeth to have sprung first. That is seen in Basils writings, who about the year 375. in the Homily of the forty Martyrs, saith, that the people had their recourse unto them: Which is a place falsified in all the versions of our Adver­saries; for they say ad hos confugiat & hos or [...], instead of ad hos confugit & hos orat. For Basil saith only that which was done in some place of Cappadocia, not that which ought to be done.

At the same time, and in the same Countrey Gregory Nazianzen was writing. In whose books prayers are extant to St. Basil, and St. Athanasius. But we have seen also that he speaks to deceased Saints, doubting whether they hear what he saith to them, and whether they have any knowledge of things done here below. But the same Athanasius whomIn the Oration to Athanasius he speaks dubiously, saying [...] ut puto. he prayeth to, had powerfully impugned the in­vocation of Saints, as we have proved it by many of his expressions. To which these must be added, which are found in the fourth Oration against the Arrians, where he condemneth those who in their prayers join the Angels, or some other creature with God.Pag. 259. [...]. &c. [...]. There is none (saith he) that would ask by prayers to receive something of the Father, and of the Angels, or of any other creature. None would say, God and the Angel give thee. But he shall ask of the Father and the Son, because they are but one. And a little after, David did not call for his deliverance upon any other but God. In our dayes we hear nothing else among the Romanists but praying to God, and his Mother, asking of God and St. Rock: Such speeches would have been very odious among the Antients.

Some places in St. Austin seem to assert the invocation of Saints. In the book [Page 424] of the Spirit and of the Soul, there is a prayer to the Saints. But that book is supposititious. For in it Boetius is alleadged, who was not born when Austin dyed. The book of heremitical life speaks of the service of the Virgin Mary, and calls her the Queen of heaven. But that book also is not of Austin, for it speaks of the rule of St. Benedict, which was made about fourscore years after Austins death.

In chap. 24. of the book of Meditations, which is in the ninth Tome of Austin, there is a prayer to the Saints. But that book is spurious. Posidonius who writ Austins life, hath made a Catalogue of his works, where that book is not found. The style of it is far more concise then that of Austin, and hath many barbarisms, as chap. 4. Deus praestabilis super malitiam: and chap. 12. Hono­rifico te pro scire & posse. And in the prayer to the Saints, he calls the Saints festivos, that is, pleasant and merry. Wherefore Bellarmin in the book of Eccle­siastical Writers, put these Meditations among the uncertain books, and dares not father them upon Austin. These visibly false pieces make us doubt of the truth of some others. For if these marks of falshood were not found in these books, they would go for good and lawfull.

The Cardinal begins his Treatise of [...]nvocation of Saints by a text of Austin, which he sets in the front of his book as most pregnant. The Christian people (saith Austin in book 20. against Faustus Manichean, chap. 21.) celebrate by a reli­gious solemnity the memory of Martyrs, to be associated to their merits.

That place may be employed for the commemoration of Martyrs, to shew that they pray for us, but not at all to shew that they must be prayed to. He speaks of the memory of Martyrs, and of their imitation, and of the interces­sion whereby they pray for us, but not at all of the invocacion, which is or should be deferred unto them. So much is evident in the following words, which the Cardinal according to his custom, to clip the tongue of the Fathers, would not al­leadge. For Austin having said, that no offering was made to Peter, or Paul, or Cyprian, he adds, Colimus Martyres eo cultu dilectionis & societatis quo & in hac vita coluntur homines sancti Dei. We honour the Martyrs with the same service of love and society as the Saints of God are honoured in this life. This must be observed. For none calls upon a Saint, or deferreth a religious service unto him while he is in this life. Austin saith indeed, that this service of love and society is yielded unto Martyrs with more certainty and affection. But he saith that it is the same kind of honour and reverence.

We have brought many testimonies out of Austins books, some shewing that he held that the Saints see not our actions, some that he believed not that they enjoy as yet the heavenly glory.

In the twenty second book of th [...] City of God, chap. 10. after he hath said that no Temples are built unto Martyrs, that no Altars are erected unto them, and that no sacrifices are offered unto them; he adds that in the publike service, suo loco & ordine nominantur, non tamen à sacerdote qui sacrificat invocantur. They are named in their place and rank, yet the Priest that sacrificeth doth not in­vocate them. The Roman Church doth the contrary; for in some Masses the Letany is said, in which a long list of Saints is invocated, especially the Mass of the Saturday before Easter. Also Temples are edified and consecrated unto Saints. In great Cities you shall see a multitude of Churches, that bear the name of the Saints, in whose honour they were built, as that of St. Nicasius, St. Anthony, St. Gervas, &c. Altars likewise are dedicated and consecrated unto Saints, whose relicks are under the table of the Altar. That is expresly set down in the Roman Pontifical, in the chapter of the dedication or consecration of Churches, where it is constituted, that on the day of the dedication, the Bishop shall put the relicks under the Altar with three grains of frankincense, and put in a note, with these words.MDCXI die N. mensis N. Ego N. Episcopus N. consecravi Ecclesiam & Altare hoc in honorem san­cti N. & re­liquias san­ctorum▪ Mar­tyrum N. & N. in eo inclusi, &c. In the year 1611. upon such a day of the moneth. I N. Bishop of N, have consecrated thi [...] Church and Altar to the honour of such or such a Saint, and have inclosed in it the relicks of such or such Martyrs, and have this day given a year of true Indulgence unto all the faithfull [servants] of Christ, and upon the anni­versary [Page 425] day of the consecration, forty dayes of indulgence unto all that visit the same. These are new coined fopperies, of which no trace is found in all Antiquity. The Antient Church was so far from invocating the Sains at the Altar, that they did not suffer that Christ should be expresly invocated there. The twenty third Ca­non of the third Council of Carthage, held in the year 399. is express upon that,Cùm ad Altare assisti­tur, semper ad Patrem dirigatur Oratio. When one stands by the Altar, let his prayer be alwayes directed to the Father.

The same Austin in the one hundred and fourteenth chapter of his Manual,Non nisi à Domino deo petere d [...]be­mus quicquid speramus nos vel benè ope­raturos vel probonis operi­bus adepturos. We must ask of none but God alone, the good which we hope to do, or that which we hope to attain unto by our good works.

The same in the book of the quantity of the soul,Deus solus ei co­lendus est qui solus ejus est Author. Homo autem quislibet alius quanquam sa­pientissimus & perfectis­simus, &c. God alone must be served by the soul, for he alone is the Creator of the same. But every man, how wise and perfect soever he be, and generally every glorified rational creature Amanda tantummodo & imitanda est. must be only loved and imitated. Mark these words must be only loved and imitated, for to yield unto the Saints a religious service, which they now call dulia, and to in­vocate them, is more then loving and imitating them.

The same in the last chapter of the book of true Religion, Let us not apply our Religion, to yield service unto the dead. For if they have led a holy life, we have no such opinion of them, that they seek such an honour. But they will have us to serve him, by whose illumination they rejoyce that we are fellows of their merit. Honorandi sunt propter imitationem non adorandi propter reli­gionem. They must then be honoured for imitation, not worshipped for Religion.

Himself in the book of heresies, ad Quod vult Deum, puts the Angelicks among the hereticks: And the heresie that he chargeth them with, is, that they were addicted to the service of Angels.

And in chap. 10. of the confessions, chap. 42. He speaks thus unto God,Quem invenirem qui me reconcilia­ret tibi? An eundum mihi fuit ad Ange­los? qua pre­ce? quibus sacramentis? Multi conan­tes ad te redi­re, neque per seipsos va­lentes, sicut audio, tenta­verunt haec, & incidereunt in desiderium curiosarum visionum & digni habiti sunt illusioni­bus. Whom could I find that should make my peace with thee? Should I have gone to the Angels? By what prayers? By what Sacraments? Many endeavouring to return unto thee, and not being able to do it of themselves, have (as I hear) tryed those wayes, and are fallen into a desire of curious visions, and were thought worthy to be deceived with illusions.

In chap. 5. & 6. he sheweth that the true sacrifices are the inward, even those of a contrite and humbled heart, also praises and prayers; and so defineth the sacrifice, That it is every kind of good work whereby we adhere unto God, and tend unto blessedness. Whence he inferreth in the seventh chapterNolunt nos sibi sacri­ficare sed ei cujus & ipsi nobiscum sacrificium esse noverunt. that we must not offer sacrifices unto Angels, and that themselves will have no such service as a sacrifice: for hence it followeth, that they will not be invocated, since invocation is a sacrifice. And in the sixteenth chapter,Angeli hunc omnem cultum uni Deo creatori omnium deberi dicunt. The Angels say, that all that service is due to one God only. And in chap. 17.In Lege unus Deus Deorum religione sacrorum jussus est coli. In the Law it is commanded to serve the only God of Gods with a religious service. And in the twenty sixth chapter,Num igitur Angelos, quorum ministerium est declarare voluntatem Patris, credendum est velle nos subjici nisi ei cujus nobis enunciant voluntatem. Is it credible that the Angels whose ministery it is to declare the will of the Father, will have us to subject our selves to any but to him, whose will they announce?

Epiphanius in the heresie of the Collyridians, which is the seventy ninth, doth severely rebuke some women that offered Cakes unto the Virgin Mary calling her Queen of heaven, the same title which the idolatrous Jews gave to an Idol (as we read Jer. 44.) and which the Roman Church giveth to the Vir­gin Mary. The Cardinal, page 1017. saith that those women worshipped the Vir­gin Mary with the adoration of latria, which is the honour due to God alone, and offered her sacrifices, which the Roman Church doth not. Although it be not like, that Christians ever believed that a woman whom they knew to have been both born and dead, was the soveraign God, or equal unto God. Nevertheless supposing a thing so unlike to be true, yet Epiphanius chiding those women, takes thence occasion to say such things as evidently condemn that which is done in these dayes in the Roman Church: for by teaching how, and how far it is lawful to honour the holy Virgin, he condemneth all them that transgress those limits. These are his words, [...], &c. [...]. &c. Certainly the body of Mary was holy, but she was not [Page 426] God: Certainly the Virgin was a Virgin, and honourable; but she was not given to be worshipped, but she worshippeth him that was begotten of her flesh. And a little after, Let Mary be honoured, but let the Father, and the Son, and the Holy Ghost be worshipped. Let no body adore Mary, I say not a woman, but not a man neither. Ʋnto God that mysterie is due, the Angels themselves are not capable of that honour; placing the Angels above the holy Virgin. Yea, he goeth so far, that to repress that abuse, he speaks of the holy Virgin in terms which border upon contempt. [...]; &c. [...]. If (saith he) God permitteth not the very Angels to be worshipped, h [...]w much less should he have permitted, that such an honour should have been deferred to Anne's daughter, which was given by Joakim to Anne, but was not otherwise begotten, but after the nature of men? He doth especially condemn that title o [...] Queen of hea­ven. [...]. Let Jeremiah (saith he) repress those simple women. Let them trouble the earth no more, Let them say no more, We honour the Queen of heaven.

As for Hierom, we have brought many very express testimonies out of his books, whereby he declareth his opinion, that the Saints, neither hear nor see humane things.

In his fourth book upon the Prophet Ezekiel, chap. 14. he speaks thus,Quod si in aliquo fiducia est, in solo Deo confidamus: Maledictus enim homo qui spem habet in homine, quamvis sancti sint, quamvis Prophetae. If there be confidence [to be put] in any▪ let us put our confidence in God, for cursed is the man that puts his trust in man, though they be Saints, though they be Prophets. And in the Comment upon the Proverbs, which is put among his works, lib. 1. cap. 2.Nullum invocare id est in nos orando voca­re, nisi unum Deū debemus. We ought not to invocate, that is, call any towards us by pray­ers but God alone.

Vigilantius accused some superstitious persons, who in his time worshipped the Martyrs and their relicks. Against him Hierom writes thus, according to his wont­ed meekness, Thou mad-headed fellow, who ever worshipped the Martyrs? who ever believed that a man was God? And in his Epistle to Riparius, Nos autem non dico Martyrum reliquias, sed ne Solem quidem & Lunam, non Angelos & Archangelos, &c. omne nomen quod nominatur in praesenti sae­culo & in futuro coli­mus & ado­ramus. As for us, we neither serve nor worship, I say not the relicks of the Martyrs, but not the Sun himself, nor the Moon, nor the Angels, and Archangels, nor the Cherubims and Seraphims, nor any name which is named in this present age, and in that which is to come. For fear that we should rather serve the creature then the Creator, who is blessed for evermore. It is observable, that according to Hieroms opinion, if the Martyrs and their relicks were to be adored, the Sun much rather ought to be adored, which nevertheless the Roman Church worshippeth not, but adoreth the bones and relicks of the Saints, with a furious devotion.

There is a place of Hierom towards the end of the Epitaph of Paula, which the Cardinal hath never done alleadging. Where he speaks thus to Paula, Vale O Paula, & cultoris tui extremam senectutem orationibus juva. Fides & opera tua te Christo consociant. Praesens facilius quod postu­las impetrabis. Fare well Paula! help with thy prayers the extream old age of thine honourer. Thy faith and thy works associate thee with Christ. Being present thou shalt more easily ob­tain what thou askest. But it is easie to see that it is a rhetorical Apostrophe, whereby he speaks to Paula, and commends himself to her, as if she were liv­ing still, and near death, for we bid not them farewell that are already in Paradise, but them that are near their departure, and these words in the future, thou shalt obtain what thou askest, shew that he speaks of the prayer which Paula was not yet in case to make, but which she should make afterwards.

M. du Perron in chap. 4. of the Treatise of the invocation of Saints, falsifies a place of Gregory Nazianzen in the funeral Oration upon Basil, and he makes Gregory to speak thus to Basil. But thou, O divine head, look upon us yet from heaven, and command that Satans sting which was given us to afflict us may be re­moved. There is in the Greek [...], &c. Stop by thine intercession that thorn in the flesh, which was given us by God. He giveth not to Basil the power of command­ing, as the Cardinal translateth.

We must also remember, that this Gregory was the first of the Fathers, in whose writings some prayers to the Saints are found, yet mingled with doubting whe­ther the Saints hear them, as we shewed before. Now he writ about the year of the Lord 380.

The Cardinal musters up with great noise, testimonies out of Theodoret in the book of the affections of the Grecians, and out of Gregory of Nyssa in the Ora­tion upon the Martyr Theodorus, and out of Cyrillus in his mystagogical Ca­techeses, and some verses of Prudentius and Paulinus. I might answer, that it is doubtfull whether that book be Theodorets, seeing that Photius in his Library, and Nicephorus in the Ecclesiastical history, book 14. chap. 54. making the enu­meration of the works of Theodoret, speak not of that book.

I might say also, that the loose and lank style of the Oration upon the Mar­tyr Theodorus, differs very much from that of Gregory of Nyssa, which is nervous and elaborate; and that the narrative of the martyrdom of Theodorus is mani­festly fabulous. There it is said, that this Theodorus was Jobs countrey-man, that is, an Arabian, or Idumean, and was a common souldier in Dioclesians time. Being accused of being a Christian, he answereth with words of contempt, com­paring the Goddess which the Judges worshipped, to a Hare or a Sowe. That was enough to send him to the execution, in a time when whole Cities were extermined for religion, and thousands of people were massacred without any form of justice. Yet the Judges flatter him, and send him back, and allow him time to think up­on it. He instead of withdrawing himself, sets the Temple of the mother of Gods on fire. Being brought back to the judgement seat, The Judges instead of punish­ing him for a crime, among the Pagans unpardonable, give him fair words, and promise that common souldier to make him an High Priest. He upon that, falls to loud laughter, and begins to abuse the Emperours, who took upon them the title and the purple of High Priests. The Angels sing melodiously with him in prison, and make processions with torches over all the Town. All that looks like a fable, and hath much of the style of Legends.

I could say also that the five mystagogical Catecheses, ascribed to Cyrillus of Je­rusalem, are none of his. Their style is far more concise then that of the eigh­teen other Catecheses. In the first Catechesis the Author disswadeth the people from frequenting the Hippodrom; but there was no Hippodrom in Jerusalem. In the whole Roman Empire there was none but in the capital Cities of the Em­pire, as Rome, Constantinople, Antioch, Alexandria, and some few Towns where the Roman Legions wintered. In the same place he dehorteth the people from be­holding the hunting and killing of beasts in the Amphitheatre. But there was no Amphitheatre at Jerusalem.

I could say also that Poets are no good Judges in points of faith, that they al­low much license to themselves, and that if they were not lyars, they should not be Poets. But let us grant that all these books are true and none spurious, and that these Poets have used no fiction. Yet these Authors were men subject to fail, and though we had no word of God, which is the only rule of our faith, yet the Fathers of the three first Ages, and of the greatest part of the fourth, are of contrary opinion, and those Fathers that came since contradict one another, and speak doubtfully, and will unsay what they have said, as we have fully proved.

I will add to that I said before, an observation upon a place of Epiphanius, haeres. 75. which the Cardinal corrupteth with a notorious depravation. He makes Epiphanius to say, that in the commemoration which we make of the dead, we mention the just, to distinguish them from Christ. And these just he will have to be those Saints that are invocated and desired to pray for us; Which is not done unto Christ, for the Roman Church prayeth not to Christ to pray for us; Their Letany of the Saints saith, Sancte Petre ora pro nobis, Sancte Gregori ora pro nobis: But to Christ it saith, Christe audi nos. Fili Redemptor miserere no­bis, as devesting him of the Office of intercessor making request for us. The Jesuite Salmeron saith this plainly in the eighth Dispute upon the second chap­ter of the first Epistle to Timothy, §. deinde non dicunt Christe ora pro nobis, ne videantur cum Nestorio duas in Chri­sto constituere personas. The Catholicks say not, Christ pray for us, lest they should seem to put two persons in Christ, as Nestorius doth. Again,Invoca­mus eum ut Deum & non ut hominem. We invocate Christ as God, not as man: that is, as Judge, not as Mediatour. For the Roman Church holds that he is not Mediator, as he is man.

But to return to the Cardinal, I say that he is mistaken, if he think that by those just, Epiphanius understands the Saints, that are invocated, for he speaks of the just and faithfull which are prayed for, as it appears by these words which fol­low, [...], the prayer made for them doth them good. And that which M. du Perron presupposeth in this place is false, that in the time of Epiphanius the Saints were invocated in the publike service.

I will conclude by the confessions of our Adversaries. Martin Perez, a famous Doctor among them, speaks thus,Martin. Perez. part. 3. Consid. 7. de cultu Sanctorum. Quod ante Cornelium Martyrem nulla extat mentio (quod ego viderim) invocationis & interces­sionis sancto­rum in causa fortè fuit mo­destia & hu­militas Apo­stolica. Quid enim dicerent qui eos haec dicentes audi­rent nisi quod de se magna pollicerentur, & se quasi Deos face­rent. That before the Martyr Cornelius no mention is found of the invocation and intercession of Saints (at least for any thing that I could see) perhaps the humility and modesty of the Apostles hath been the cause of it. For what might have been the conceit of those that heard them say so much, (namely that the Saints must be invocated) but that they did promise great things of themselves, and made almost Gods of themselves? Then he addeth,Ibid. Eos intentos fuisse praedi­cationi Evan­gelii & alia­rum rerum quae magis ad substantiam salutis atti­nebant. They were diligently imployed about the preaching of the Gospel, and about other things which concern more the substance of salvation. This Cornelius dyed the 250. year of the Lord. Wherefore this Doctor might have added 125. or 130. years more. For we have shewed that before the year of the Lord 375. no trace of the invo­cation of Saints is found in the Fathers. Which M. du Perron hath freely ac­knowledged.

The Jesuite Salmeron in the seventh Dispute upon 1 Tim. 2.Sect. Sed cum. finding no abettours in Scripture for the invocation of Saints, defends himself thus, Seeing that before Christs coming, the entry into heaven was not yet open, and the godly were detained in the Limbus, and were not perfect in holiness or felicity; hence it comes that few testimonies of just truth are found. The Gospels also describe the life and passion of Christ, and because in that time they were not yet happy, therefore nothing express to that purpose is found, as also nothing about that is found in Pauls Epistles, nor in the Canonical Epistles, which have been written for other ends. Only he goeth about to prove by the Revelation, that the Saints pray for us: A thing which we do not deny.

In the same place,Sect. Nec obstat. In the Old Law, and in the New Testament no command is found of calling upon the Saints.

The Jesuite Peter Cotton in the first book of the Catholick institution, chap. 16. As for a command of praying and invocating the Saints, the Church never taught that there was any, but as far as we are all commanded to obey the Church. He acknow­ledgeth that God did not command the invocation of Saints, but that the Roman Church commands it, which must be obeyed. But God hath not commanded us to obey the Roman Church more then the Greek or Syrian. And these words, Tell it unto the Church, &c. Matthew 18. speak not of the judgement of the Uni­versal Church about the doctrine: but of the authority of the Pastors of a parti­cular Church, to compound quarrels between two brothers.

CHAP. 13. What honour is due to Angels and deceased Saints, and of the worship of du­lia and latria.

THE ordinary distinctions of our Adversaries in this point are, that the Saints are Mediatours of intercession, not of redemption; and that unto them we must not defer the worship of latria, which they affirm to belong unto God alone; but that they must be worshipped with the worship of dulia, which is an inferi­our worship, and a relative religion, as the Cardinal calls it. In all his Treatise of the Invocation of Saints, he deferreth no other service of religion to the Saints, but to beseech them that they would pray for us; Wherein he seems to be ashamed of the belief of his Church, which goes far beyond that: For they ask salvation of God, not only by the intercession of the Saints, but also by their merits. It is the ordinary prayer in the Mass,Quorum meritis preci­busque roga­mus ut in omnibus pro­tectionis tuae muniamur auxilio. where the Priest asketh Gods help and protection by the prayers and merits of the Saints, as if the Saints by their good works had merited salvation for us. And which is more, the Roman Church believeth that the sufferings of the Saints are satisfactory for others, and that the Pope layeth up the overplus of their satisfactions and labours unto the Chur­ches Treasure (whereof himself keeps the keyes,) and distributes it into others by his Indulgences. Being thus made to pay for us, they are made in some sort our Redeemers, asNon erit absurdum si sancti viri redemptores nostri aliquo modo, id est, secundùm aliquid, non simpliciter, & largo modo, non in rigore verborum, esse dicantur. Bellarmin doth acknowledge it in the fourth chapter of the first book of Indulgences. Wherefore they that pray to the Saints, content not themselves to beseech them to pray for us, but they ask of them to be healed from sicknesses. Vows and offerings are made unto them, to obtain of them the suc­cess of some voyage, or important business. The Hymn of the Virgin Mary which is commonly and publikely used, hath these words,Maria mater gratiae, Mater miseri­cordiae, Tu nos ab ho­ste protege, Et horâ mor­tis suscipe. Mary Mother of grace, Mother of mercy, be thou our protection against the enemy, and receive us in the hour of death. That is not praying, that she pray for us.

The Offices attributed to the Saints testifie the same. For one that believeth that the Saints do us no other good, but to pray for us, will not address him­self to St. Nicholas, rather then to another Saint, to have a good wind upon the Sea, seeing that any other Saint might ask that of God as well as he. But they be­lieve that St. Nicholas can appease the Sea, and give a happy navigation. And the title of Queen of heaven, attributed to the Virgin Mary, ascribes to her the power of commanding which is much more then praying for us▪ The Antients recom­mended the reading of the Psalms unto the people. And Hierom in the Epistle to Laeta, adviseth her to make her daughter Paula to read them. But now in­stead of the Psalms, they give to simple women the Hours of the Virgin Mary, of which no mention is made in Antiquity. Then the adoration of the relicks of the Saints is performed with so much fervour by the people, that the service done to God, is cold in comparison. Of which Ludovicus Vives complaineth in his Annotations upon book 8. of the City of God, chap. 27.Multi Christiani in re bona ple­rumque pec­cant quod Divos Divas (que) non aliter ve­nerantur quam Deum: Nec video in multis quod sit discrimen inter eorum opinionem de sanctis & id quod Gentiles putabant de suis Diis. Many Christi­ans do often sin in a good thing, venerating Saints of both sexes, no otherwise then they serve God himself. Neither do I see in many of them, what difference there is between their opinion concerning the Saints, and that which the Pagans held of their Gods. It is clear, that they that vow themselves unto Saints, or make unto them vowes and promises to make pilgrimages to their shrines, or to pay them of­ferings, do more then to pray to the Saints, that they would pray to God for them.

Then to come to that title of Mediatours of intercession, which is given to the Saints, the Apostle Paul, 1 Tim. 2.5. acknowledgeth but one Mediatour between God and men, [...]. There is one God, and one Meditour between God and men, the man Christ Jesus. If upon the word Mediatour it is lawfull to make distinctions between one Mediatour of Redemption, and the other of Intercession, one may [Page 430] use the same license upon the name of God, and so make many Gods. But that distinction of two sorts of Mediatour, ought to be found in the word of God, not forged in ones brains: And it is forged without reason: For we call him a Media­tour of intercession, that receiveth our requests, and presents them unto God. To do so much, he must hear our prayers, and know our heart: Which we have shewed to be impossible unto the deceased Saints.

Some petty Sophists will have it translated, there is one God, not there is one only God, as the French Geneva Bible hath it; and there is one Mediatour, not there is one only Mediatour. But that man is deeply ignorant, that knows not that [...] in Greek and unus in Latin signifie unicus, one only, and not many. The French versi­on of the Doctors of Lovain, approved by the Jesuites, expound it so, 1 Tim. 3.2. there is in the vulgar version Oportet Episcopum esse unius uxoris virum: The Lovain Doctors expound, Il faut que l' Euesque soit mari dune seule femme, The Bishop must be the husband of one only wife. And 1 Cor. 12.11. There is in the vul­gar version, Haec omnia operatur unus atque idem spiritus, where the same Do­ctors translate [...]. One only and the same spirit doth all these things. And Eph. 4.5. these words unum corpus, unus Spiritus, unus Dominus, una fides, unum baptisma, are thus translated in the same version. There is but one body, and one Spirit, There is but one Lord, one faith, one Baptism: We may then translate here in the same manner, There is but one God, and but one Mediatour.

The words of the Apostle are very considerable, for he saith, there is one only God, and one only Mediatour betwteen God and men. This word between sheweth evidently that he speaks of a Mediatour of intercession. For it would be improperly spoken to say, that Christ is Redeemer between God and men. Yet that one might not think that Christ intercedeth only by prayer for us towards his Father, the Apostle addeth, that he gave himself a ransome for all.

Which two sorts of being a Mediatour towards God, who so will seriously consider, shall find that in Christ they are one and the same thing: For even in this Christ intercedes for us that he satisfieth for us, and that God in consideration of his death receiveth us to mercy, and accepteth our prayers. So much we learn of St. John, 1 John 2.1. & 2. We have an Advocate with the Father, Jesus Christ the righteous, This word Advocate is as good as a Mediatour of inter­cession. But that one may know wherein that intercession consisteth, he ad­deth, And he is the propitiation for our sins: Then his mediation of intercessi­on consisteth in his being the propitiation for our sins, which is the mediation of redemption.

The Mosaiel Law brings us to that; For under the Law the High Priest, a figure of Christ, was typically a Mediatour both of intercession and redemption, and there was no other ordinary Mediatour of intercession.

The whole Gospel brings us to that; Christ saith John 14. I am the way, the truth and the life; None cometh to the Father, but by me. And Rom. 5.17. They shall reign in life by one Jesus Christ. It is the priviledge of children, that they need no Mediatour to speak to their Father. Having the Son of God for our Mediatour of intercession (for St. Paul saith, Rom. 8.34. that he makes inter­cession for us) we have no need of any other recommendation with God. Though thou shouldst be the unworthiest man of the world, yet when God calleth thee, thou must go straight to him: Now God calls us, saying, Come unto me all that labour and are heavy laden, and I will give you rest, Matth. 11.28. Call upon me in the day of trouble, I will deliver thee, Psal. 50.15.

It will not serve to say, that God in his word, will have the living to pray for one another, and that God sends Jobs friends to his intercession to obtain their pardon: For the prayer of the living for us, hath nothing common with the invocation of the deceased Saints. When we commend our selves to the prayers of our friends, we yield no religious service to them, and bow not the knee before them in the Church: We acknowledge them not as searchers of hearts, or Mediatours between God and men; And that prayer is a mutual and reciprocal office between us, which is not between us and the Saints. In a word [Page 431] God commanded us to pray for one another, but commanded us not to pray to the Saints. To them who instead of addressing themselves to the living, call upon the dead, the reprehension of Isaiah belongeth; whereby▪ he rebuketh those that goIsa. 8.19 for the living to the dead.

Some texts are found in Scripture, where God declareth that he bestoweth some grace upon his Church, or upon some private persons in consideration of Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, David, &c. But the Church did not therefore call upon Abraham, or Isaac, &c. Neither must we believe, that God granted these graces by reason of Abrahams merits, but in consideration of his promise, and of his Covenant con­tracted with Abraham or David, as it is said, 2 Chron. 21.7. The Lord because of the Covenant which he had made with David, would not destroy the house of David. See Luke 1.55. & 72, & 73. and Deut. 7.8 So Austin in the book of questions upon Exod. in the one hundred and fifty question. God said that he accomplished that which he had sworn unto their Fathers; Thereby shewing that he doth it, because he promist it to those righteous Fathers; not because these were worthy of it.

That Father is very pregnant upon that matter in the twenty second Treatise upon John. It is that which thy Saviour saith, Non est quo eas nisi ad me, non est qua eas nisi per me. Thou knowest not whither to go but to me, thou canst not go but by me. We must then neither go to the Saints, nor by the Saints: And in the last chapter of the ninth book of the City of God,Medios non esse ad immortalita­tem beatudi­nemque per­ducendis mortalibus. Knowing that these immortal and blessed persons, who yet are made and created, are not means to bring mortal men to immortality and blessedness. And in the eighth chapter of the second book against the Epistle of Parmenian, Homines omnes Christi­ani invicem se commen­dant oratio­nibus suis. Pro quo autem nullus interpellat, sed ipse pro omnibus, hic unus verus (que) Mediator est, &c. Nam si esset Mediator Paulus, essent utique & caeteri coapo­stoli ejus, &c. All Christians recommend themselves mutually unto God by their prayers, but he for whom no body prayeth, but who prayeth for all, he is the only and true Mediatour. And a little after, If Paul were Mediatour, so should also the other Apostles be. And St. Paul himself had been mistaken when he said, that there was but one God, and one Mediatour. Note, that he speaks formally of a Mediatour of intercession, without speaking of redemption, for he is disputing against Parmenian, who had called the Bishop the Mediatour between God and men. And upon Psal. 108.Oratio quae non sit per Christum, non solùm non potest delere pecca­tum sed etiam ipsa fit peccatum. The prayer which is not made by Jesus Christ, not only cannot blot out sin, but it self also is sin. See also Austins first Treatise upon the first Epistle of St. John.

It remains that we say something of that distinction of dulia and latria. The Cardinal saith, that latria belongs to God alone. He leaveth then dulia to the Saints. They are Greek words which the people understand not. And that di­stinction is used by Austin in book 20. against Faustus Manichean, ch. 21. and in the questions upon Genesis, book 1. ch. 61.

But now they take that distinction in another sense then that of Austin. For these two words both latria and dulia are sometimes taken in a religious sense, and signifie a religious service: sometimes in a civil sense, and signifie that civil service, honour and obedience which we owe to our superiours on earth, to which Gods ordinance hath subjected us. The word latria is taken in a civil sense, Deut. 28.48. [...], Thou shalt serve [or do latria] to thine enemies. And so in Phocylides Phocyl. [...]. [...] signifieth serving the time. Whence also [...] signifieth a maid-servant. On the contrary dulia signifieth often the service that is due to God alone. As 1 Sam. 7.3. [...], Prepare your hearts unto the Lord, and serve him [or render dulia to him] only. And Judg. 2.7. [...], and the people yielded dulia unto the Lord, that is, they served the Lord. And Rom. 12.11. [...]; yielding dulia to the Lord, that is, serving the Lord. And Matth. 6.24. [...], You cannot do dulia, or service unto God, and unto Mammon. See Acts 20.19. Rom. 7.25. Eph. 6.7. Col. 3.14. 1 Thess. 1.9. By all these it appears, that the word Dulia which our Adversaries reserve for the service, which is done to the Saints, is the word used in Scripture, for the service and adoration which is due unto God.

The Apostle Gal. 4.8. representing to the Galatians their condition, before they were converted unto God, tells them [...]. Ye did dulia, [Page 432] or service to them, which by nature are no Gods. Where although he speaks of the Gods of the Pagans, yet by speaking thus, he gives it for a rule, that dulia must be yielded to none but God.

Suidas an excellent Greek Grammarian expounds thus the word Latria, [...], latria is a dulia or service for wages, making latria to be a kind of dulia.

The Arrians worshipping Christ, whom yet they said to be a created God, were called Idolaters by the Orthodox Christians. They might have used that shift to say, We worship Christ with the service of dulia only, but as for latria we reserve it to the soveraign God. But that distinction in matter of divine ser­vice and adoration was not yet invented. For as the antient Church had but one sort of religion, they had also but one sort of adoration and religious service.

Austin from whom that distinction is borrowed, is clear on our side: For he calls dulia, the service done to God. In the book of questions upon Exodus, qu. 94.Dulia debetur Deo tanquam Do­mino, Latria verò non nisi Deo tanquam Deo. Dulia (saith he) is due unto God, as to our Master, and latria is due unto God, as to our God. But when dulia is taken for a civil service, or for a reverence or subjection of a servant to his Master without a religious service,August. Qu. 66. in Leviticum. Servire ho­minibus [ser­vitute] qua servi serviūt, quod non [...], Scriptura non prohibet. then Austin holds that dulia is deferred unto living men, and to Masters to whom we owe honour, as also to the deceased Saints whose memory we honour. But he saith not, that this dulia consisteth in the invocation of the Saints, or in de­ferring any religious service unto them. Besides, if that distinction must have place, it must be taken from the Greek Authors, not from Austin, who in many places confesseth his little knowledge of the Greek tongue: As in the second book against the letters of Petilianus, chap. 38.Ego qui­dem Graecae linguae per­parum asse­cutus sum & prope nihil. I have (saith he) got very little skill in the Greek tongue, and almost none at all.

Theodoret in the Epitome of the divine doctrines in the chapter of the Holy Ghost, proveth that the Holy Ghost is not a creature, because dulia is deferred unto him. Christ (saith he) having abolished the adoration of the creature, did not command again that a created nature should be adored. [...]. For it would be one of the most absurd things of the world, to draw men away from them that are no Gods, and to bring them to yield dulia to the creature.

Yea whosoever hath some reasonable measure of knowledge in the Greek tongue, knoweth that dulia is a greater service then latria; For latria is a service of reverence and obedience, but dulia imports a subjection of slaves.

As for that relative religion which is deferred unto the Saints by the Cardinal, besides the impiety of forging two Religions in the Christian Religion, the one ab­solute, the other relative; there is want of common sense in it, for the religion towards God is also relative, and relates unto God. Let any equitable per­son judge whether the people worshipping the Virgin Mary, and the Saints, and their relicks, understand these distinctions of latria, dulia, and hyperdulia, which are dust cast into the eyes of the ignorant multitude to blind them. For what's the reason that those Gentlemen will not speak to the people in their mothers tongue.

CHAP. 14. Of the Legends of Saints.

THE antient Church made an anniversary commemoration of the sufferings of Martyrs. That laudable custom gave occasion to the compiling of the Legends of Saints, which is stuffed with ridiculous fables. Of which when his Majesty of Great Brittain complaineth,Pag. 972. M. du Perron instead of excusing these Legends, doth expatiate his eloquence upon the praise of the antient Lessons of the Martyrs, which lessons were in nothing like to the Legends of the Roman Church. He was not bold enough to excuse those Legends so superlative in ab­surdity. Only he saith that the Roman Church believeth not those lessons with a Theological faith, like the Scripture. For who can bear with the Legends that say, that St. Macarius did penance six moneths together, for killing a gnat? That St. Mary the Egyptian having no money to pay the Watermens fare, offered to pay it with her body? That St. Francis preacht unto the Birds, took up Lice fallen from his garment, and made to himself a wife of snow? That an Ass wor­shipped the Host presented to him by St. Anthony of Padua? And that Bees built a Chappel of wax to that Host? And a thousand of the like course fables wherewith the windows and walls of Churches are painted all over, and which have been for many ages, and are still the subject of Sermons. These tales are so unsavoury, thatL. 11. c. 6. Dolenter dico potius quàm contumeliose: multo hon [...]sti­ùs à Laer, [...]o vitas Philoso­phorum scrip­tas quàm à Christianis vitus sancto­rum. Melchior Canus, a Spanish Bishop saith, that the lives of Philosophers were written with more gravity by Diogenes Laertius, then the lives of Saints by the Christians.

The Cardinal slideth smoothly upon this foul matter, and chuseth rather not to answer, then to undertake the defense of suh a gross abuse.

But that it may appear that we are not they only that complain of this abuse, let us hear how Cassander a famous Doctor among our Adversaries, expostulates about it. Some men of great note have affirmed that the promise of Ahasuerus to Hester to give her the half of his kingdom was fulfilled in Mary, to which God (say they) hath transferred the half of his kingdom, which is made up of justice and mercy, having retained the one half for himself. Hence come these titles commonly given to the Virgin, of Queen of heaven, Mother of mercy, our life, our hope, &c. What shall I say, that a whole Psalter is found, from which the name of God was put out, and the Virgins name put in the place? Yea, they are come so far, that Christ who now reigneth in heaven, is subjected unto his Mother, as it is sung in some Churches.

Ora patrem, jube natum:
Again,
O felix puerpera,
Nostra pians scelera,
Jure Matris impera
Redemptori

that is,

Pray to the Father, command the Son:
Again,
O bessed Mother,
Which dost expiate our crimes,
Command by right of Mother,
our Redeemer.

Observe by the way the language of this Cardinal, who will have us to believe those Legends with a faith not theological. He gave us above an absolute faith, and a relative faith: Now he coyneth a Theological faith, and a faith not Theological, whereby one believeth without Theology, that is without religion, and without thinking of God. But the Apostle tells us, that there is but one faith. Eph. 4.5.

CHAP. 15. Of the Psalter attributed to Saint Bonaventure.

HIS Majesty of Great Brittain could not dissemble the injury done unto God by a Psalter made at the imitation of Davids Psalms, where the name of God is taken away, and the name of the Virgin put in his place. The 131. Psalm be­gins thus,Memento Domina David, & omnium in­vocantium nomen tuum. O our Lady remember David, and all that call upon thy name. As if David had called upon the Virgin Mary. In Psal. 109. The Lord said un­to our Lady, sit thou at my right hand, &c. In Psal. 90. (which with us is the 91.) instead of the first words, He that dwelleth in the secret place of the most high, they have put, He that dwelleth in the secret place of the Mother of God, &c. And in the one hundred twenty ninth Psalm, Out of the depths I have cryed unto thee our Lady, Lady hear my voice.

Pag. 974.M. du Perron answereth three things; first that St. Bonaventure is not the Author of that Psalter: Yet Bellarmin in his Apology against his Majesty, acknow­ledgeth that Psalter to be of Bonaventure, as indeed it never had any other title:An. 1601. a Paris chez Claude Chappelet. ruë S. Jaques à la Licorne. Of late it was printed at Paris with that name, and translated into French, with approbation of the Sorbon.

In the seond place he saith, that the Church is not obliged to answer for all that private persons do. But because he seeth this Psalter to be universally re­cieved and approved in the Roman Church, and that Cardinal Bellarmin hath written in the defence of the same,Pag. 975. he excuseth it, and saith, that the transporting of the Psalms to the Virgin, may have a sense conformable to ma­ny places of Scripture, where God ascribeth unto his Saints, that which is said of him.

I answer, that Scripture expounds it self whensoever it speaks so, either in the same place, or somewhere else, so that one cannot be deceived in it. Christs disciples are called by himself the light of the world, Matth. 5. But he teacheth us why they are so called, saying of John the Baptist, He was not the light, but he was come to bear witness unto the light, John 1. David, Psal. 82. saith unto the Judges and Magistrates, I have said you are Gods: But in the same place he saith, but you shall dye like men. Such expositions are not found in that Psalter of Bonaventure. Besides, God speaks as it pleaseth him, and we may speak after him. But hence it followeth not, that by our own authority without any war­rant from the word of God, we may transport unto the creature the prayers which are addressed unto God in his word. And our Adversaries acknowledge that Davids Psalms are a service of Latria, and a soveraign adoration, which David presented unto God, and which by consequent is incommunicable unto the creature. Who could abide him that would transport the Lords Prayer unto the creature: saying, Our Lady which art in heaven, Hallowed be thy name, &c.

The like Psalter divided into fifteen Questions was printed at Paris, with ap­probation of the Faculty of Divinity, in the year 1601. and many times since, sold by Nicholas du Fosse in St. James street at the sign of the golden plate.Ruë S. Jaques au rase d'or. There the Virgin is called the inventrix of grace, the first cause of our salvation, who hath made the King of heaven in love with her, and she that must in the day of judgement moderate the sentence of the Judge. She is called in the Hours, Rosaries, and Le­tanies, the Mother of mercy, the Lady of the world, the gate of Paradise. And a Hymn, which is sung upon All-Saints day, saith thatChriste redemptor gentium, Conserva tuos famulos, Beatae semper Virginis, Placatus san­ctis precibus. she appeaseth the wrath of Christ.

How abominable are the words of Gabriel Biel in the eight lesson upon the Ca­non of the Mass, where he saith that God hath divided his Kingdom equally with the Virgin Mary, having reserved justice to himself, and left mercy unto her. And those of the JesuiteBarrad. in Concordiam Evangel. Tom. 1. l. 6. cap. 11. Fortassis Domine ne tuae coelesti Curia veniret in dubium cui potius occurreret, tibi Domino suo an ipsi Domina suae. Barradius who (after Anselmus) makes this que­stion [Page 435] unto Christ, why, when he went up to heaven, he did not carry up his Mo­ther with him? And he frameth this answer for Christ; Perhaps, Lord, thou didst fear, lest the Court of heaven should doubt which of the two they should first meet, either thee as their Lord, or her as their Lady.

Such also are the words of Martinus Perezius, Martin. Perez. par. 3. Consil. 7. de cultu Sanctorum. that the Blessed Virgin being ascended up on high, gave gifts unto men.

And those of the Jesuite Salmeron, who in the seventh disputation upon the second chapter of the first Epistle to Timothy, upon the question,Sect. Si autem. whether it b [...] better done to pray to God by Christ alone, or to pray to him by the Saints! answereth, Oratio fusa per sanctos melior est. The prayer made by the Saints is the best.

In the same placeQui dice­ret, Pater noster, ad san­ctorum hono­rem bene faceret. he approveth, saying, Our Father which art in heaven, in the honour of the Saints: As also the Council of Trent, in the chapter of pray­er approveth those that say before the image of St. Barbara, Our Father which art in heaven.

The ordinary excuse is, that the Virgin Mary is called the Mother of mercy, she that hath bruised the Serpents head, the gate of Paradise, and the like ex­pressions, because she bore him in her womb who is the cause of our salvation, who hath bruised the Serpents head, and who hath opened unto us the gate of Paradise. If that excuse be good, by the same reason one may say, that the Holy Virgin is dead for our redemption, because she hath born him who is dead for our demption. By the same reason Sara may be called Isaac, because she bore Isaac: and Eve may be called Abel, because she bore Abel.

These men play with religion, and believe not what themselves say.

Second Controversie, OF THE SEVENTH BOOK. OF IMAGES.

CHAP. I. Of Gods Images.

HOly Scripture teacheth us, that God made man in his image and likeness. Men would do as much for God, making God after their image and likeness; changing the glory of the in­corruptible God, into an image made like to corruptible man, saith the Apostle, Rom. 1.23. They would represent in stone, and wood, and colours, an infinite and incomprehensible spirit, not only in Churches, but in the signs of Taverns; with less reason then if they represented an Angel in the shape of a Mouse, or Alexander the great in the form of a pumpion. For be­tween these things, though most unequal, there is some proportion: But between God who is infinite, and the figure of a man, there is no proportion: As the Pro­phet Isaiah saith,Isa. 40.18. To whom will ye liken God, or what likeness will ye compare unto him?

The wisest among the Pagans have acknowledged so much.Lib. 1. Stromaton. Clemens Alex­andrinus, andDe Ci­vitate Dei, Lib. 4. cap. 31. Dicit Varro antiquos Ro­manos plusquam annos 170. Deos sine simulachro coluisse. Quod si (inquit) adhuc mansisset, castiùs Dii observa­rentur. Cujus sententiae suae testem adhibet inter caetera etiam gentem Judaeam. Nec dubitat eum locum ita concludere, ut dicat qui primi simulachra Deorum populis posuerunt eos civitatibus suis & metum dempsisse & errorem addidisse. Austin alleadge Varro the most learned of the Romans, who affirmeth that the Antient Romans for the space of 170. years served the Gods with­out images, and that if that custom had remained, the Gods should be honoured with more purity. Of which opinion of his, he brings, among other things, the Jewish Na­tion for a witness, and makes no difficulty to make this conclusion, That they that first [Page 437] gave unto the people the images of the Gods, had taken the fear [of God] away, and had encreased errour in their Cities; prudently esteeming, that the silly use of images might easily bring the contempt of the Gods. Clem. Alex. pro­treptico. Clemens addeth that Numa had expresly prohibited images, and that the Romans had no other image of Mars but a spear. Origen in the 7. book against Celsus saith the same of the Persians and Lydians, and of many other Nations.Initio libri [...]. Lucian in the Book of the Syrian Goddess, saith, that in old time the Temples of the Egyptians were without images. And Herodotus in the first Book, saith that the Persians have neither statues nor temples. Bardesanes saith that among the Seres, Indians, and Bactrians, they yield no service unto statues, as Eusebius relateth in the sixth Book of Evangelical pre­paration, chap 10. Strabo in the sixteenth Book of Geography, saith that Moses forbad the Jews to make images of any thing. Cornelius Tacitus in the Book of the manners of the Germans, saith thatNec co­hibent parie­tibus Deos nec in ullam humani oris speciem assi­milare ex magnitudine coelestium arbitrantur. the Germans do not shut up the gods within walls, and think it not convenient unto the greatness of the heavenly, to represent them with any likeness of humane face.

Upon this we have Gods commandment very express, Deut. 5.8. even accord­ing to the vulgar version, the only authorised by the Council of Trent, Non facies tibi sculptile nec similitudinem omnium quae sunt in coelo, &c. And according to the French version of the Doctors of Lovaine, Tu ne feras repre­sentation taillee ne semblance, &c. approved by the Jesuites, Thou shalt not make to thy self a graven representation, or any likeness of that which is in heaven above, nor of that which is in earth beneath. These Doctors forced by the truth, have acknowledged, that if Idol signifie the representation of a thing which is not (as our Adversaries will have it) they must not translate, Thou shalt not make a graven idol, for that precept prohibits to make a representation of things that are, not of those that are not. And after they have been cavilling about the words of image and idol, yet the word of likeness which is added, takes away all difficulty. And that one may not doubt of the sense of this precept, God himself expounds it in the fourth Chapter of the same Book, in the fifteenth verse. The foresaid version of our Adversaries justifieth so much, You did not see any likeness on the day that the Lord your God spake to you in Horeb, from the midst of the fire; lest that perhaps, being deceived, you make to your selves a graven resemblance, the image of male or female. Whereupon it will be good to hear the Exposition which Theodoret gives to this commandment in his Questions upon Deuteronomy, in the first Question, [...]. God saith that, teaching them not to make any image, neither to go about to make any image of God, seeing that they had never seen the likeness of the Original. And a little after, He teacheth them to make no image of the invisible God. Eusebius extends himself much upon that, in the third Book of Evangeli­call preparation, chap. 10. [...], &c. [...]. How could one (saith he) frame an image for God? for what likeness hath the humane body with the divine mind? Nay I think not that mans body is any thing like his spirit, since his spirit is incorporeal, uncom­pounded, and without parts. And a little after, Who would be so mad as to affirm that a statue made after the likeness of man, can bear the form and the image of the Sove­raign God?

That errour of effigiating God, is not very antient in the Roman Church. For Baronius upon the year 726. of his Annals, relateth an Epistle of Pope Gre­gory the II. where the said Pope saith,Cur tandem Patrem Domini Jesu non oculis subjicimus ac pingimus? Quoniam quis sit non novimus Deique natura spectanti pro­poni non potest ac pingi. that in the Church God is not repre­sented before mens eyes, and that the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ is not drawn in colours, because Gods nature cannot be painted out, or put in sight. But Baro­nius correcteth that Popes saying, and puts in the margent, that the Churches practise is otherwise now, and that the Church thought it good to set pictures of God in Churches.

Nicephorus a new Author, for he writ about the year of Christ 1300. speaks thus in the 18. book, chap. 53. The Armenian Hereticks make the image of God, [Page 438] Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, which is a most absurd thing. Long before him, Origen in the seventh book against Celsus was saying, [...]. We hold not any statues to be images of God: for we do not represent the figure of God, who is invisible and incorporeal.

Here, as in many other points, the Fathers are wanting to our Adversaries, as well as the Word of God. Instead of proofs, they bring excuses only, and say that Scripture ascribes unto God hands and feet, eyes and mouth. As good as saying, Since Scripture speaking of God useth metaphors, let us make statues. Since Scri­pture speaks of God in figurate speeches, let us make the figure of God in wood and stone: This is not speaking as men, or to men. They say also, that God appeared unto Daniel in mans shape. But Gods actions are not rules of Religion, but his commandments. God doth what he pleaseth, but we must do what he command­eth. Wherefore neither Daniel, nor the Church of his time, or since his time, ever made any image of God in consequence of that apparition. It is a new in­vention, of which the Romanists bethought themselves some fifteen hundred years after Daniel.

It is to no purpose to say, that by the images of God they pretend not to repre­sent his essence; for no more can they with pictures represent a mans being, no not the being of a worm: And that excuse doth not dispense them from Gods commandment, which no doubt but the Roman Church would have razed out of the Bible, if the Hebrew Originals and the Greek Version had been in their power, since they have put it out of the Hours and Offices which are put in the peoples hands. For as for the Bible, it is a Book which they are forbidden to read, as we have shewed.

The shape in which they represent God the Father, is that of a Pope. They put a Papal mantle about him, and a triple Crown upon his head, whereby the end appeareth for which that abuse was coyned; it is plain, that it is not to honour God, but to honour the Pope; That the people seeing God Almighty set out in that dress, may imagine some Godhead in the Pope. Some may be found stupid enough to have a better opinion of God, because of his Papal attire.

CHAP. 2. Of the images of Saints.

THe same commandment of God, which forbids making any graven image, or any likeness of things that are in heaven above, and in the earth beneath; forbids us also to make images of creatures for a Religious use, or for the service of God. The first table of the Law, contains the rules of Gods service: Whoso then for Gods service, and for a Religious use makes images of creatures, goeth against this commandment of God, Thou shalt not make unto thee any graven image, or any likeness of any thing that is in heaven above, or in the earth beneath, or in the waters under the earth; Thou shalt not bow down thy self to them, nor serve them. There God forbids two things, the one to make images for the use of Re­ligion; the other to bow down before them, and defer unto them a Religious service. The same prohibition is repeated, and more expresly set down, Levit. 26.1. Ye shall make you no idols, nor graven image, neither rear you up a standing image; neither shall ye set up any image of stone in your Land, to bow down unto it, for I am the Lord your God.

Vasquez lib. 2. de Adoratione Imaginum. Disput. 3. cap. 4. & Disp. 4. c. 3. & in 3am partem Thomae Qu. 25. Disp. 104. c. 2. Vasquez one of the prime Jesuites prest with the evidence of the words of the Law of God, which forbid not only to worship images, but even to make any for the use of Religon, makes a free acknowledgement, that by this Precept God doth absolutely forbid to make any images, and to make any use of them. But he saith that the Church is not bound to keep that commandment, and that the said prohibition is made in particular to the people of the Jews, because they were more given to idolatry then any other Nation.

But it is an act of the highest rashness, to give unto God an intention which he did not declare. The whole moral Law, contained in the two Tables (excepting only part of the fourth Commandment touching the Sabbath) is nothing else, but the Law of nature, to which all men are naturally obliged, as Irenaeus teach­eth in the fourth Book, chap. 3. Wherefore also Tertullian in the Book of Idola­try, chap. 5. and Cyprian in the third Book to Quirinus, chap. 59. alleadge this Precept as made to the Christians no less then to the Jews. We learn, Col. 2.16. that Christians are no more obliged to observe Sabbaths. But as for the Precept of making no image, to defer unto them a Religious service, we see not that Christ or his Apostles, made any alteration in it.

It is false, that the Jews were more prone to idolatry then their neighbours, by whom they were seduced to the service of idols, or then the Egyptians that wor­shipped Onions and Beasts. And who would affirm that those Nations did not sin against that Precept?

Or if that Commandment is only for those Nations that are most given to ido­latry, then the Jews after their return from the captivity of Babylon were no more subject to that Precept, for ever since that time they had images in execra­tion. And by that reason the Roman Church shall be more subject to that Precept then any other Church, because that Church is come to that excess of idolatry, that they speak unto wood, and that the Doctors teach that images must be adored with the service of latria, as we shall see hereafter.

Also if that Precept was made only for the Jews, it will follow, that when a Jew turned Christian in the time of Christ and his Apostles, he shoke off the yoke of that Precept, and that the Law had but nine Commandments for him.

That the Church of the Old Testament believed, that by this Precept they were forbidden all use of images in Religion, it is evident, because there was no image of any of the Patriarcks or Prophets, or of any Angel in the Temple, and in the Synagogues. For the Cherubims set over the Ark, were no images of certain An­gels, but Symbols and Characters of the Angelical Office, such as the pictures of Vertues and Vices. Besides, they were put out of the peoples sight, so that there was no fear that the people should abuse them to idolatry. Thus the brazen Serpent was not an image of Jesus Christ; but the saving vertue which God set forth in that Serpent, for the healing of persons bitten by the Serpents, was a figure of the saving vertue of Christ towards the souls infected by the antient Serpent, the De­vil. Also God had commanded the making of that brazen Serpent, and of those Cherubims, but he did not command the setting up of Saints images in Temples, much less did he command that they should be worshipped. Then the Cherubims were not images of any particular Angel, and were not named by any proper name. Our adversaries would not suffer in their Churches an image without a name, and the representation of an unknown Saint.

The Jews since the captivity of Babylon, have been most Religious observers of this Precept. Neither threatnings nor tortures could make them bow to idolatry. Some few private men excepted, who in the time of Antiochus Epiphanes turned Pagans. The Jews had images in such execration, that being become subject unto the Romans, they could not so much as suffer the Roman Eagles in their Countrey. In Christs time, King Herod being faln sick of the sickness, of which he dyed, the Jews beat down all the Eagles which Herod had set up; thatJoseph. lib. 17. An­tiq. c. 8. Eagle among others, which was over the great gate of the Temple. The same people raised a sedition against Pilate, because he had brought to Jerusalem the images of the Emperour, which were joyned with the military standards; For (saith Jo­sephus)Joseph. Origin. lib. 18. c. 4. [...]. the Law hath forbidden us to make images. And Pilate moved with compassion towards that people, which held out their throats, to be slain rather then to live and see images, commanded them to be carried away. The same Au­thor observeth that Vitellius Governor of Syria, made his Army to pass about Judea, not through it, for fear that the sight of those Eagles and of Caesars images should offend the people; which could not suffer those images, not only to be set up in Towns, but not so much as to pass through the Countrey. Wherefore [Page 440] also Josephus, who was a Pharisee, and professed an exact observation of the Law, reproveth Solomon for putting brazen bulls under the molten Sea in the Temple, and Lyons upon the stairs of his Throne,Joseph. lib. 18. c. 7. & Antiq. l. 8. c. 2. [...]. for (saith he) it was not lawful to do those things.

Tertullians words are worthy of an especial notice, in the fourth Book against Marcion, chap. 22.Quo­modo Petrus Heliam, & Mosem cog­novisset nisi in spiritu? Neque enim imagines eorum vel statuas po­pulus habu­isset lege prohibente. How could Peter know Elijah and Moses, but in the Spi­rit? For the people could not have their images and statues, seeing that the Law of God prohibits them. Baronius An. 31. Sect. 74. maintains that the woman whom Christ had healed of her bloody flux, which set up an image unto Christ, was not Martha, Cùm non liceret ullo pacto Judaeis simu­lachrum cu­jusvis quavis occasione formare. For (saith he) it was not permitted to the Jews to make images of any person, or for any occasion whatsoever.

That hatred of images passed from the Jewish Church to the Christian, by the means of the Apostles and their disciples. So far that not only they were not per­mitted to yield a Religious service unto images, but they were not permitted to have them. So that the trades of Picture-drawers and Statuaries were unlawful among the primitive Christians. Whereby the Fable about our Lady of Lauretta, and other images which are said to have been drawn by Saint Luke, appeareth to be a fable indeed. For Saint Luke being a Jew, it was not lawful for him to exer­cise the Trade of Painting. And no more would the Christians have suffered it then the Jews.

Pag. 18. [...], &c. Clemens Alexandrinus in the exhortatory Oration to the Gentiles, speaks thus, We are openly forbidden to exercise that deceitful Trade, &c. The same saith, that God hath prohibited the making of any image or statue,Lib. 5. Stromaton. [...]. for (saith he) that disparageth the venerable Majesty of God. Justin Martyr in the Dia­logue against Tryphon saith the same; [...]. Was it not God that commanded by Mo­ses not to make any image at all, nor any likeness of the things that are in heaven above, or in the earth beneath?

Hermogenes, against whom Tertullian writ, maintained that second marriages were lawful, and he was a Painter by his Trade. For these two reasons Tertullian inveigheth against him, and thus he handleth him in the very beginning of his Book,Praeterea pingit licitè, nubit assiduè, legem Dei in libidinem defendit, in artem contemnit, bis falsarius, & cauterio & stylo. Hermogenes giveth to himself the Licence of Painting and of Marrying continually. He defends the Law of God in favour of lasciviousness, and despiseth it in favour of his Trade, being twice a false man, by his pencill and by his stile. Himself in the Book of idolatry, chap. 3.Artifices statuarum & imaginum & omnis generis similitudinis diabolus saeculo intulit. The Devil hath brought the makers of Statues and Images, and all kinds of representations into the world. And in chap. 4. God adding, Thou shalt not make any likeness of the things that are in heaven, or in the earth, or in the sea, Toto mundo ejusmodi artibus interdixit. hath interdicted those trades over all the world unto his servants.

In those Texts, and in many more, he doth not only condemn the service of Pagan idols, but he maintains that it is not allowed by Gods Law to make any picture or representation, and condemneth the trades of Painter and Statuary, as forbidden in Gods Law.

In the time of the Apostles Simon Magus did rise; Whose Disciples made images both of him, and of his wife Selene, and worshipped them, asImaginem Simonis habent Simoniani factam ad figuram Jovis, & Selenae in figuram Minervae. Ire­naeus saith in his first Book, chap. 20. and Austin in the Book of Heresies, chap. 1.

Shortly after came the Carpocratians, otherwise called Gnosticks, of whom the same Irenaeus in the same Book speaks thus,Etiam imagines quasdam depictas, quasdam autem de reliqùa materia fabricatas habent, dicentes formam Christi factam à Pilato. They have some painted images, some also made with other matter, saying that it is the figure of Christ made by Pilate. And Austin in the Book of Heresies, chap. 7. They say that a certain Marcellina [Page 441] was of the sect of Carpocrates, and served the images of Jesus, and Paul, and Pytha­goras, worshipping them, and burning incense to them. Epiphanius in the Heresie of the Carpocratians saith the same, Sect. 6.

About the year of Christ, 132. the Emperour Adrian willing to gratifie the Christians, caused Temples without images to be built for them in several Cities; which Temples since that time were called Adrians Temples. Alexander Severus would do the same, but he was disswaded from it. These are the words of Lam­pridius in the life of Alexander Severus, Alex­ander Christo templum fa­cere voluit; eumque inter Deos recipere, Quod & A­drianus cogi­tasse fertur qui templa in omnibus civitatibus sine simula­cris jusserat fieri, quae hodie id­circo, quia non habent numina, di­cuntur Adri­ani. Alexander would make a Temple unto Christ, and receive him among the Gods. Which also Adrian thought to have done, as it is reported of him: Who had commanded that in all towns, Temples with­out images should be made; which Temples for that reason are called Adrians Temples, because there are no Gods in them. A certain proof that Christians in that age had no imagss, since thereby their Temples were discerned from other Temples. Of those Temples that bore [...]. Adrians name, mention is made by Epiphanius in the Heresie of the Ebionites, and in that of Arrius, where he saith that in Alexandria there was a Church called Caesareana, which before had been a Temple of Adrian, and since had been a place for wrastling and bodily exercise under the Emperour Licinius.

Origen in the seventh Book against Celsus, answereth to Celsus, who objected unto Christians, that [...]. they could not abide to see either Altars or Statues; and saith that Christians abstained from those things because it is said, Thou shalt fear the Lord thy God, and serve him alone, and thou shalt make unto thee neither image nor likeness of things that are in heaven. And in the eighth Book, [...]. Celsus saith that we avoid the setting up of Altars, and Images, and Temples. To which Origen answereth, [...]. True images, and that which is fit to consecrate unto God, are not images made by sordid Tradesmen, but those that are enlightened by Gods Word, and are formed within us, which are Vertues.

Thus in the Dialogue of Minutius Felix, the Pagan Octavius askethCur nullas aras habent templa nulla, nulla nota simulacra? Why Christians have no Altars, no Temples, no Images that appear? And in the same placeQuod simulacrum Deo fingam, cum si recte existimes sit Dei homo ipse si­mulacrum? What image shall I make unto God, seeing that man is the image of God?

Lactantius came soon after, who in the first Book of his institutions, saith thatHi daemones sunt qui fingere imagines & simulacra docuerunt, qui ut hominum mentes à cultu veri Dei averterent, fictos mortuorum Regum vultus & ornatos exquisita pulchritudine statui consecrarique fecerunt. Devils have taught to make images and statues, and that to turn men away from the service of the true God, they caused faces of dead Kings well adorned and set out with excellent beauty to be set up and consecrated. And in chap. 18. It is a perverse and ill beseeming thing that the image of man be served by the image of God. And in chap. 19. It is a thing without doubt, that there is no Religion where there is an image.

For these causes the Eliberin Council about the year 300. of Christ, made this order in the 36. Canon,Placuit in Ecclesiis picturas esse non debere, ne quod colitur aut adoratur in parietibus pingatur. It is decreed that there must be no pictures in Churches, lest that the thing which is served and adored be painted on the walls. At which Canon the famous Melchior Canus is chafing, and it is good sport to see how he is storm­ing about it, saying,Melch. Canus loc. Theol. l. 5. cap. 4. Non imprudenter modo ve­rum etiam impiè à Concilio Eliberino lata est lex de tollendis imaginibus. The law of taking images away was established by the Eliberin Council, not only imprudently, but impiously also. Observe these words of the Council, It is decreed that there must be no pictures in Churches, that one may not say that the Council permitteth images and pictures, that may be removed from place to place, and that the Fathers of the Council forbid only the drawing of pictures upon walls, as the Jesuit Vasquez esteemeth in the second book of the adoration, Disp. 5. cap. 6. Sixtus Senensis in the fifth book of his Library, in the 247. Annotation, acknowledgeth that this Council hath absolutely prohibited Non est dubium quin religio nulla sit ubicunque simulacrum est. [Page 442] the images in Churches: But he excuseth it, saying, that this Council hath done it, because they had found no better remedy against idolatry, then to prohibit images; which is a notable confession.

In the time of that Council, that excellent man Eusebius of Cesarea lived, of whom all the Fathers that followed are Disciples and Prentices. In the seventh Book of his Ecclesiastical History, chap. 18. speaking of Christs statue in the City of Cesarea Philippi, [...]. set up by a Pagan woman whom Christ had healed of a bloody flux, saith, that it is no wonder that Gentiles, that had received some benefit from the Lord did such things. As we have seen also the images of his Apostles Peter and Paul, and of Christ himself, preserved in pictures of colours, seeing that the antients did constantly use by an heathenish custom so to honour those whom they held for their Saviours. Note that he saith, that making images is an heathenish custom, and by consequent, not received in the Christian Church.

The same Eusebius being desired by the Empress Constantia to send her Christs picture, answereth, as not understanding what image she meant: Whether she would have the immutable image of Christ, which is his Divine nature, or the image and form of a servant, which he took for us. And he saith, that neither the one nor the other way, the image of Christ can be represented with dead and in­animate colours, and by a shadowed picture. This is related more at large in the seventh Universal Council assembled at Constantinople, in the year of Christ, 754.

Amphilochius Bishop of Iconium, [...]. We care not to represent the carnal faces of Saints with colours in pictures, for we have no need of that, but to imitate their conversation with vertue. That testimony with many more, is found in the second Council of Nice.

Soon after those three famous men came, Epiphanius, Ambrose and Hierom. The first of them is alleadged by the second Council of Nice, in these words,Estote memores di­lectissimi filii, ne in Ecclesiam imagines inferatis, neque in Sanctorum coemeteriis eas statuatis. Sed perpetuò circumferte Deum in cordibus vestris. Quinetaim neque in domo communi tolerentur. Be mindful, dear children, that you bring no images into the Churches, and that you set up none in the burying places of the Saints; but bear God in your hearts con­tinually: Yea let them not be suffered in your ordinary houses.

The same Epiphanius passing through a Borough of Palestina, called Anablata, and seeing at the Church door a painted vail hanging, where the image of Christ or some Saint was represented, he did that which himself relateh in an Epistle of his to John of Jerusalem, Inveni ibi velum pendens in foribus ejusdem Ecclesiae tinctum atque depictum, & habens imaginem quasi Christi vel Sancti cujusdam, non enim satis memini cujus imago fuerit, cum ergo hoc vidissem in Eccle­sia Christi, contra authoritatem Scripturarum, hominis pendere imaginem, scidi illud & magis dedi consilium custodibus ejusdem loci ut pauperem mortuum eo obvolverent, &c. That Epistle is found among Hierom's Epistle, and was translated by Hierom. I found (saith he) a painted vail hanging at the Church door, having the image as it were of Christ, or of some Saint, for I remem­ber not very well whose image it was. I then seeing a mans image hanging in Christs Church, against the authority of Scripture, tore that vail, and gave counsel to the keepers of the place, that they should rather make it a winding-sheet for the corpse of some poor man. And a little after he desireth the same John, that for the future a pro­hibition should be made against hanging such vails in the Church of Christ, as are contrary to Religion.

Sixtus Senensis in the fifth book of his Library, in the 247. Annotation, saith that Epiphanius did that to prevent abuse.

Vasquez in the second Book of Adoration,Disput. 5. cap. 4. saith that Epiphanius tore that vail, because the image painted in it, was the image of some prophane man. But Epiphanius declareth the contrary, saying that it was the image of Christ, or of some Saint. Alfonsus de Castro a Franciscan Fryer, deals more roundly, for he puts Epiphanius among the destroyers of images, who are declared Hereticks by the judgement of the Church of Rome.

The same Father in the 79. Heresie, which is that of the Collyridians, speaks [Page 443] thus, [...]. The Devil alwayes insinuating into mens minds with the pretence of righte­ousness, deifying the mortal nature of man before the eyes of men, hath represented images made after the humane shape by several trades. They that are worshipped are dead, but their statues which never had life, are brought to be worshipped. He speaks against the Collyridians, who had images of the Virgin Mary, and made offerings of cakes unto her; which he calls idolatry.

What Hierom's opinion was about images, he shewed it sufficiently by the pains he took to translate the forementioned Epistle of Epiphanius into Latine. Upon the first of Daniel he speaks thus,Deos coli imagi­nem adorari dicunt, quod utrumque servis Dei non convenit. They say that they serve the Gods, but adore their images, neither of which is fit for Gods servants to do.

And so Ambrose, Am­bros. Epist. ad Valenti­nianum Impe­ratorem. Non vult se Deus in la­pidibus coli. God will not be served in stones; so he calleth images or statues.

Austin is excellent and pregnant upon this subject: In the first Book of the manners of the Catholick Church, he complains of the creeping in of that super­stition among some in Africa. I know Novi multos esse sepulchro­rum & pi­cturarum adoratores, multos qui super mortuos luxuriosis­simè bibunt. (saith he) that many are worshippers of tombes and pictures: I know that many will drink with excess over the dead.

And in the first Book of the consent of the Evangelists, chap. 10.Sic omnino er­rare meren­tur qui Christum & Apostolos ejus non in sanctis codicibus sed in pictis parietibus quaesierunt. So they deserve to fall into errour, that would seek Christ and his Apostles, not in the holy Scriptures, but on painted walls.

And in the 119. Epistle to Januarius, Non quia non habet imaginem Deus, sed quia nulla ejus imago coli debet, nisi illa quae hoc est quod est ipse. We must not serve any image of God, but that image which is that which himself is; meaning Christ, who is one God with him.

The same upon the 113. Psal. in the second Sermon, speaking of that which is said in the Psalm, that the images of the Gentiles have eyes and see not, saith, that the Church indeed hath vessels, but it may not be said of them that they have eyes and see not. Then he addeth,Illa causa est maxima impietatis insanae quod plus valet in af­fectibus miserorum similis viventi forma quae sibi efficit supplicari, quam quod jam manifestum est non esse viventem ut debeat à vivente contemni. Plus enim valent simulacra ad curvandam infelicem animam, quod os habent oculos, &c. quàm ad corrigendam quod non loquentur non videbunt, &c. The principal cause of that frantick impiety is, that the figure like to a living man, which makes the people to bow the knee to it, hath more strength over the affections of miserable men, then the evident certainty that it is not living, is powerful to make it contemned by the living. For images have more force to bow a miserable soul, because they have a mouth, eyes, ears, nostrils, hands and feet; then they have to correct her, because they speak not, they see not, they hear not, and smell not. How ill would it have become Austin to upbraid the Pagans, that their images have eyes and ears without either seeing or hearing, if Christians had had images, of which the Pagans could have said as much? Can any deny but that one may say of the images of the Saints, that which David saith of the images of Pagans, They have eyes and see not, they have a mouth and speak not: But Au­stin found nothing in the Christian Church, that the Pagans might object unto him, but the vessels of the Church, as the tables, cups, plates, books: of which Austin saith, that one needs not fear that they be abused to idolatry, because they have neither eyes nor ears, nor any likeness of humane shape.

The same Doctor in the 49. Epistle to Deo gratias, Et idola quidem omni sensu carere quis dubitat? Verumtamen cum his locantur sedibus honorabili sublimitate ut à precantibus immolantibusque attendantur, ipsa simili­tudine animatorum membrorum atque sensuum quamvis insensata atque exanima afficiunt infirmos animos, ut vivere ac spirare videantur accedente praesertim veneratione multitudinis. Who makes a doubt (saith he) that idols are destitute of sense? Yet when they are set up in such places, in an honourable height, that they may be lookt upon by those that pray and sacrifice; by the resemblance of animate members and senses, though they have neither soul nor sense, they work upon the souls of the infirm, so that it seems to them that they are both living and breathing, especially when one seeth the multitude to yield veneration unto them. Particularly, of the images of God the Father, who is represented sitting in a chair, he speaks thus in the seventh Chapter of the Book of the Faith, and of the Symbol, Tale simulacrum Deo nefas est in templo collocare. It is not lawful for a Christian to set up such an image in the Church: For (saith he) it is falling into the [Page 444] sacriledge of those whom the Apostle hath in execration, who have changed the glory of the incorruptible God, into the likeness of a corruptible man.

The second Council of Nice alleadgeth a testimony of Theodorus Bishop of Ancyra, who lived in the 400. year of Christ,Sancto­rum formas & species in materialibus coloribus formari minimè decorum putamus. Horum autem virtutes quae per scripta traditae sunt veluti vinas quasdam imagines reficere sub­inde oportet. Ex his enim ad similium imitationem & zelum pervenire possumus. Dicant enim nobis qui illas erigunt statuas quae­nam utilitas ex illis ad se redit? An quod qualiscunque recordatio eos habet ex tali speciali con­templatione? Sed mani­festum est quod vana sit ejusmodi contemplatio & diaboli deceptionis inventum. We hold it not convenient (saith he) to form images of Saints with material colours, but to refresh from time to time, the vertues that are written of them, as so many lively images: For there­by we may attain to their imitation. Let those men that set up images to the Saints, tell us, what utility ariseth unto themselves out of that? Is it only to get some in­different remembrance of them by such a special contemplation? But it is manifest that such a contemplation is vain, and an invention of Satans deceit.

In these places it is considerable, that the Fathers spake not only against the images of the Pagans, but also against the images of God and the Saints; and that many of them absolutely condemn the trades of Painters and Statuaries, as unlaw­ful and wicked; and that the things which they say of the images of the Pagans, may also be fitted unto the images of the Saints; when they say that the images of the Pagans have no sense, that they have eyes and see not, that they have ears and hear not, that being set up in high places, they bow the minds of the igno­rant and draw reverence; That they are great puppets, as Lactantius saith in the second Book of his Institutions, chap. 4. As in effect, images are mens puppets, just as puppets are childrens idols. The same Fathers deride the custom of the Pa­gans, who cloathed their images, burnt incense unto them, and set them out with various attires, tools and weapons. Thus Lactantius in the fore-alleadged place,Ergo his ludicris ornatis & grandibus puppis, & unguenta & thura, & odores inferunt. Then to these great puppets well adorned, they offer sweet perfumes, incense and odours. Arnobius in the seventh book, despiseth that custom of burning incense before images of the Gods.Si tem­poribus priscis neque homi­nes neque Dii hujus thuris ex­petivere materiam, comprobatur & hodie illud frustra inaniterque praestari quod neque antiquitas necessarium credidit, & sine ullis novitas rationibus appetivit, &c. Habent Dii nares quibus ducant aerios spiritus, ut penetrare illas possint nidorum differentium quali­tates? If in the antient times (saith he) neither men nor Gods desired that drug of incense, it followeth that nowadayes also the same is vainly and unreasonably done, which Antiquity believed not to be necessary, and the modern age hath desired without reason, &c. And in the same place he asketh, Whether the gods have nostrils to draw in the respiration of the air, and to smell the difference of odours. And as for the equipage of images, the same Author makes a sport with the key of Janus, and with the horns of Jupiter Ammon. With what countenance could chese Authors have reproached the Pagans with such things, if in the Chri­stian Churches there had been images with clothes, shifted according to the several Holy-dayes, and with incense burning before them? Or if the Christians had had then Saint Peters image with a key like Janus? Or the image of Moses with horns like Juppiter Ammon? Or that of St. George with a spear like Mars? Or that of St. Eustach, with a stag like Diana? Or that of St. Paul, with a sword? Or of Saint Laurence, with a Gridiron? Had not the Pagans had just matter of recrimination and reproaching the Christians, that the images of their Saints, set up in Churches and Church-yards, had no more sense then the images of their gods? that they had eyes and saw not? that they were set up in eminent places? that in­cense was burnt to them? and that they had several and various attires bestowed upon them? Which yet they do not, and never use that recrimination against the Christians.

Here truth is so strong, that it draws many confessions from our Adversaries. George Cassander, a Divine of Collen, in his consultation, in the Chapter De Imagi­nibus & simulachris, thus begins the Chapter,Ad imagines vero Sanctorum quod attinet certum est initio praedicati Evangelii aliquanto tempore inter Christianos, praesertim in Ecclesiis, imaginum usum non fuisse, ut ex Clemente & Arnobio patet. As for the images of the Saints, it is certain that in the beginning of the preaching of the Gospel, for some space of time, images were not in use among Christians, especially in Churches, as it appears by Clemens and Arnobius. And a little after, Truly it is manifest by Austin, that in his time the use of images was not in Churches; especially by that which he writ upon the 113. Psalm.

If the first Christians had no images, and suffered none in the Church, what would they have said of those that not only have their Churches full of images of Saints of both sexes, some of them wantonly set out, and some that never were in the world; but also bestow upon them a religious service, kiss them, and worship them?

The second Council of Nice held in the year 788. commands above thirty times the adoration of images. These words are found in the second Action, We hold that the images of the impolluted Virgin Mother of God, and of the glorious Angels, and of all the Saints, ought to be adored and saluted. And if any hath another sense; and doubts about the adoration of the venerable images, our holy and venerable Synod, doth anathematize him. And that none may take the word adoring for a veneration only, the same Council in the fourth Action speaks thus, All those that confess that they venerate images, and yet refuse to adore them, are reproved by Father Anastasius as hypocrites. In the same Action it is said that images are of the same price as the Gospel. And that major est imago quam ora­tio. The image is greater then the word.

Then lived Pope Adrian, who writing to Tharasius Patriarch of Constantinople, President of that Council, saith to him,Imagines omnium Sanctorum Beatitas ve­stra colere & adorare pergat. Let your blessedness continue to serve and adore the images of all the Saints. Yea he writ a book purposely for the defence of that abominable Council, which was condemned a little after by the Council of Franckford held under Charls the Great, as Ado testifieth in his Chronicle, and Hinckmar in the book of the fifty five chapters, chap. 20. Where also he saith that in his youthTempore Caroli Magni Imperatoris jussione Apo­stolicae sedis generalis est Synodus in Francia con­vocante prae­fato Impera­tore celebrata & secundum Scripturarum tramitem tra­ditionem que majorum ipsa Graecorum pseudo-Syno­dus destructa & penitus abdicata. De cujus destru­ctione non modicum volumen quod in palatio adolescentu­lus legi ab eodem Imperatore per quosdam Episcopos missum. he read a book written against that false Synod (for he calls it so) sent by the Emperour Charls the Great unto the Pope, which is the book of Charls the Great against images remaining to this day. These two witnesses Ado and Hinckmar are of the same age as the Synod of Franckford, and speak of things that happened in their time.

Under Lewis the Meek, son to Charls the Great, another Synod was assem­bled at Paris against images. Of which we have all the Acts well preserved▪ in the beginning of his reign Claud. Bishop of Turin broke all the images he found in his Bishoprick, strongly opposing the Bishop of Rome, who stood for the adorati­on of images; yea, and he writ a book agianst Images. The Pope durst not do any thing against him, because he was maintained by the Emperours authority, who then had the chief rule in Italy.

Zonoras Annal. l. 3. Cedrenus Ammonius Monachus Hist. Franc. lib. 5. cap. 27. Sigebertus An. 755.A little before, a Council of three hundred thirty eight Bishops had been assembled at Constantinople, where images were condemned. Of that Council we have the fragments in the second Council of Nice.

Bellarmin in the second book of Images, chap. 22. saith, that a Council of Mentz chargeth Preachers carefully to admonish the people to beware of worshipping images. Which is also the Counsel that Pope Gregory the first gave to Serenus Bishop of Marseille, who had broken the Images of Marseille. For whereas he approved not that violence, yet he praiseth him for hindering the people to adore them. Now it is not like, that any of that people was so besotted with the love of images, as to bestow a soveraign adoration upon them. For so he had adored the images of the Saints with a higher adoration then the Saints themselves.

Upon this Austin is pregnant, Epist. 119. chap. 11.Prohibetur coli aliqua in figmentis hominum Dei similitudo; Non quia non habet imagi­nem Deus sed quia nulla imago ejus coli debet nisi quae hoc est quod ipse. It is forbidden in the Law to serve any image of God made by men. Not because God hath no image, but because no image of God must be served, but that which is the same as himself, mean­ing Christ.

But in the end God angry with the hardness of men, suffered the worshippers of images to prevail. About which the Popes did powerfully labour. For tak­ing away the holy Scripture from the people, they had need to give them some­thing instead of it; Depriving them of instruction, they must give them recre­ation, and amuse their eyes with pictures, statues, and variety of ceremonies. All is full of images in the Roman Church; There you shall see a people made of stones, and the people that have soul and life are kneeling before the people that have none. Man who is the image of God, adoreth the images of men, [Page 446] whereas these images, if they had knowledge, would rather worship man. The very image-makers worship their own work. And the evil is gone so far, that most part of the Romish Doctors assert, that images must be adored with the same adoration as the thing represented; and that the image of the Crucifix must be adored with the worship of latria, that is, with the soveraign adoration w [...]ich is due unto God. Thomas the head and the chief ornament of the School.Thom. Sum. part. 3. qu. 25. Art 3. Sequitur quod eadem reverentia exhibeatur imaginibus Christi & ipsi Christo. Cum ergo Christus ado­retur adora­tione latriae, consequens est quod ejus imago sit adoratione latriae ado­randa. It followeth (saith he) that the same reverence is given un­to the image of Christ, as unto Christ himself: Seeing then that Christ is adored with the adoration of latria, it followeth that his image must be adored with the adoration of latria. And Azorius, Joh. Azor. Instit. Moral. Tom. 1. lib. 9. cap. 6. Constans est Theologorum sententia imaginem eodem honore & cultu ho [...]o­rari & coli quo colitur id cujus est imago. This is a constant opinion among Divines, that the image is honoured and served with the same honour and service, that the thing whereof it is an image is served. And Gabriel Biel in the forty ninth lesson upon the Canon of the Mass,Si fuerint imagines Christi, ado­rantur eadem specie qua Christus, id est, adoratione latriae. Si beatissimae Virginis, hyperduliae, &c. If they be images of Christ, they are adored with the same kind of adoration as Christ, that is, with the adoration of latria. If they be images of the most blessed Virgin Mary, they are worshipped with the service of hyperdulia: If of St. Peter or some other Saint, of dulia.

The Jesuite Vasquez in the third book of the adoration,Vasquez lib. 3. de Adorat. Ima­ginum Disp. 4. cap. 4. Res inanima jure naturae adorari potest. sheweth at large that this is the belief of the Doctors, of whom he alleadgeth above thirty. To which multitude he joyneth himself, and it is no wonder that he will have images to be adored with the service of latria, seeing he maintaineth that inanimate things may be lawfully worshipped with the worship of latria, as hea­ven and earth,Idem l. 3. Disp. 1. c. 2. and a beam of light in which the Devil lyeth hidden; yea, even a straw. The Jesuite Gretzer affirmeth the same in the book of the Cross, chap. 57.

Cardinal Bellarmin in chap. 21. of the book of images, will have images adored, not only because of that which they represent, but because of themselves,Imagines Christi & sanctorum venerandae sunt, non solùm per accidens vel impropriè, sed etiam per se & propriè, ita ut ipsae ter­minent vene­rationem ut inse considerantur, & non solùm ut vicem gerunt exemplaris. Images (saith he) must be served in themselves, and properly. And in the same chapter he layeth this for a fundamental maxim, That the images of Christ and of the Saints must be venerated, not only by accident, and improperly, but in themselves and properly, so that the veneration is terminated in the image, considered in it self, and not only in that it represents.

And in the Roman Church they speak with images, as if they understood; and such things are said unto them, as cannot be said to the thing represented by the image. Such is the prayer said to that holy cloth upon which the face of Christ is printed, Salve sancta facies nostri Redemptoris, Impressa panniculo nivei splendoris, Data Veronicae in signum amoris. Salve vultus Domini imago beata, &c. Hail holy face of our Redeemer, printed upon a snow-bright cloth, Given to Vero­nica in sign of love: Hail thou face of the Lord, blessed image, &c. Thus also they speak to the wood of the cross,Ave lignum triumphale. I salute thee triumphal wood, &c. It cannot be said, that by a figure which is called Metonymia, by the image of Christ, Christ himself is understood, seeing that in that prayer the image of the face of Christ is expresly distinguished from Christ, for they pray to that paint­ed face,Deduc nos O fe­lix figura ad videndum faciem quae est Christi pura. that it make them see the true face of Christ. Can there be a great­er absurdity then to speak to an inanimate thing that understands not? They say of Diogenes, that he would beg alms of statues to accustom himself to be denyed: For indeed whosoever comes to pray to an image, must come resolved to obtain nothing,

Here I know not which are worse troubled to justifie their doctrine, they that will have the image worshipped with the same adoration as the thing represented by the image, or they that will have it worshipped with an inferiour adoration. For the first, that are worshipping a wooden crucifix with the same adoration as Christ, and with a soveraign adoration, which they call latria, they are idolaters in the highest degree, since they put the creature and the creator in the same rank. And they are condemned by the second Council of Nice in the first, third and sixth Action, where it is expresly said, that images ought not be adored with the service of latria. But if (as they say) the adoration of the image is relative, [Page 447] and respective to another thing, it cannot be worshipped with the same adora­tion as God.

On the other side, they that will have the adoration of the image to be an in­feriour, and another kind of adoration, plunge themselves into insoluble difficul­ties. For they call the adoration deferred unto creatures dulia. If then the images of Saints must be adored with a lesser adoration then the Saints, then that adoration is lesser then dulia, and there is no name as yet found for it. And whereas the word dulia signifies the service yielded unto one, as to a Master (as Austin saith in the book of Questions upon Exodus, qu. 94. Dulia is due unto God, as unto him that is Master) if we must defer an adoration of dulia unto images, we must say that images are our Masters or Mistresses.

And since the Dulia due to God, must be of another and greater nature then that which our Adversaries defer unto Saints, and that of the Saints great­er then that which is deferred unto their images; behold three sorts of diffe­rent dulia: To which if you add the dulia which is deferred unto the images of God and of Christ, which must be greater then that which is deferred unto the images of Saints; We shall have four sorts of dulia, which neither the people, nor the very Doctors are able to discern. So that they must come to th [...]s that God, and a wooden crucifix, and the image of St. Francis, are equally worship­ped with Dulia, and that the same service is yielded unto them.

Especially in the adoration of the image of the Cross, the error is palpable. For in the Roman Church upon Passion-Sunday, they speak thus to the image of the wood of the Cross,O Crux ave spes unica, Hoc passionis tempore. Auge pus justitiam. Reisque dona veniam. I salute thee O Cross our only hope, In this time of the passion, Increase righteousness to the godly, and give pardon to the guilty. And that it may not be said that by a Metonymy that which is spoken to the image of the Cross must be understood as said unto Christ, such things are added as cannot be said unto Christ,Sola dignata fuisti ferre saecli pretium. Crux fidelis inter omnes arbor una nobilis. Thou hast been alone worthy to bear the price of the world. And a little after, Thou faithfull Cross, the only noble among trees. And in another hymn,Beata cu­jus brachiis Saecli pepen­dit pretium. Thou blessed Cross, out of whose arms the price of the world did hang. Can one without impiety speak unto wood, and call it our hope and ask of it increase of grace, and remission of sins?

This is such a gross abuse, that many of our Adversaries complain of it; and wish it amended with moderation. Cassander in his consultation in the chapter of images. It is too evident (saith he) that the service of images is too much in­creased, and that too much [licence] was granted to the affection, or rather super­stition of the people. So that it seems that our men are not at all behind the Pagans as for the soveraign adoration which they were wont to yield unto their images. Wherefore the most prudent of the Catholick Church have long ago desired that some moderation were used about it, and that the current of the superstition were stopt. Whereupon he alleadgeth William Durand, John Billet a Divine of Paris, Gerson, and Gabriel Biel; and complains of the ignorant simplicity of the people that worship handsome images with more devotion then the ugly, and the new then the old, and those that are clad and well adorned then the naked and ill in clothes; and vow pilgrimages to certain Churches in consideration of certain images that are there, believing that they have more vertue and holiness, then other images of the same Saint which are in other places. He saith also, that they that should correct that abuse feed the people in it, that themselues may be fed. Then he makes this ingenuous conclusion, that Christ in the day of judgement will not tell them, What you have done unto these images you have done it unto me, but What you have done unto these little ones, that is, these poor ones, you have done it unto me; Silently taxing the stupidity of those that clothe images, and leave the poor naked: Persons, whose superstition choaketh their charity, and who are cruell, because they are devout.

Herein their folly is evident, that if the image of our Lady lyeth down upon the Churches floor, no body worships it: But if it stand, and is set up in a high place, it receives many salutations and bowings: Also that in the same Church you may see the image of the Trinity dusty and neglected, and that of the Vir­gin [Page 448] Mary curiously attired. The images of that good Virgin are a thousand times richer in clothes, then ever she was in her life time. Those ornaments are given to her images which her self despised. Silver images are made for the Apostles, who in their life time said, Gold and Silver I have none. Acts 3.6. When a Prince dyeth, the images of Saints are clad in mourning, while these Saints are in the highest degree of joy. Near the image of a Saint they set that of a Dog or a Hog: And those beasts have equal part of the incense, and of the light of Tapers.

CHAP. 3. Reasons of the Adversaries for the adoration of images.

THE falshood of this doctrine which commands the adoration of images, appears by the reasons that are brought for it; They say that Jacob worship­ed the end of Josephs staff. That grounded upon a text of Heb. 11. falsified in the version of the Roman Church, Jacob adoravit fastigium virgae ejus. But there is in the Greek, [...], He worshiped upon the end of his staff. So the second Council of Nice alleadgeth that text in the se­cond Action, and Austin in the book of questions upon Genesis, quest. 162. Hierom in the Hebrew traditions upon Genesis confuteth that version, Some in vain would make us believe that Jacob worshiped the end of Josephs staff, but it is quite otherwise in the Hebrew.

With the like untruth Cardinal du Perron affirmeth, that Joshuah worshipped the Ark, Jos. 7.6. For in that text it is written, that Joshuah fell to the earth upon his face, before the Ark of the Lord. And so Psal. 99.5. Worship at his foot­stool. It is one thing to bow down before the Ark, and another thing to bow down to the Ark. It is one thing to worship his footstool, another thing to wor­ship at his footstool.

They that say, that the honour deferred to the images of God and his Saints returns unto God and his Saints, thereby alleadge their own reason, not the word of God. They should have enquired before, whether God will be so honour­ed, and should have told us how they are sure that the Saints accept of that ser­vice; For all adoration must be made in faith: now faith is founded upon the word of God. Besides I think not that the Saints are the warmer, when their images are well clad, or that they see better when wax-lights are burning before them, or that they are the richer by the offerings given to their images, but taken by the Priests. Or that Christ is more honoured, when one speaks to a face painted in a cloth. Hail thou holy face of the Redeemer, painted on a white cloth, O bles­sed image, &c. A King would take it for an abuse offered to his person, if one spake to his picture.

It is false, that the contempt of the image reflects alwayes upon him that is represented by the image. For the false coyn that bears the Kings image is bro­ken and melted in obedience to the King. Had the King forbidden, that any should erect to him a statue, he that should break statues made for him against his will, should not despise the King, but obey his command. Epiphanius and Serenus Bishop of Marseille had no intention to despise Christ and the Saints, when they brake their images. And if the Saints must not be adored, much less their images of wood and stone.

The texts of Scripture, which the second Council of Nice useth for the adora­tion of images, are these in the sixth Action: Shew me thy face, and let me hear thy voyce, Cant. 2. And, as we have heard, so we have seen, Psal. 48. And in the second Action there is an Epistle of Adrian Bishop of Rome, whereby he approv­eth images, because God made man after his image. He alleadgeth also Psal. 27. Thy face Lord will I seek. And Psal. 4. Lift up the light of thy countenance upon [Page 449] us, instead of which the vulgar saith, Signatum est super nos lumen vultus tui. Whence he inferreth, Quam ob causam historias imaginum illorum honoro & palam adoro, falsly ascribing that sentence unto Basil, For this cause I honour and publick­ly adore the stories of their images. The same Pope made a Book in the defence of the second Council of Nice, where speaking of the Fathers of that Council, he praiseth them for saying, that despisers of images have laid the candle under the bushell. It must be a very ill cause that is put to such ridiculous proofs.

CHAP. 4. That the excuses and reasons which our Adversaries bring for the defence of their Images, are the same which the Pagans alleadged against the antient Christians.

THe Holy Scripture calling idolatry adultery sheweth that it is no more lawful to use idolatry towards Saints, then towards Devils; for a wife is as disloyal by prostituting her self to her husbands friends, as to his enemies. If those Saints that are glorified with God, had a clear knowledge of things done below, they would be angry with those that transform them into idols, and cloath them with perfections belonging to none but God. And Paul and Barnabas, who tore their garments when the Lycaonians would offer them sacrifices; if they saw the men of our age, consecrating Altars and Temples unto them, acknowledging them as searchers of the hearts, and chusing them for their Patrons and Mediatours; no doubt but they would be no less offended at such an abomination, as they were then: For the more they love God, the more are they jealous of his honour. Yea, I say, that as poisons are more active in the most delicate meats, so the more the memory of the Saints is sacred and venerable, the more is the idolatry per­nicious which creeps under the name of true Saints, and turneth the helps to piety, into stumbling blocks. This hath been Satans work for many ages, and is now still. For when he saw the Pagan idols beaten down by the preaching of the Gospel, and Jupiter, Apollo and Mercury out of credit, he endeavoured to raise idolatry again under a more specious title, and to make use even of Christian Religion, which is a sworn enemy to idols, to set up idols: Under a pretence of honouring God in his Saints, he hath sought to dishonour God by his Saints; transporting unto them part of that honour which belongeth unto God alone; attributing unto them the vertue of seeing all things, and knowing mens hearts, and the power of hearing our prayers; to that end, setting up statues unto them in the Church, deferring a Religious service unto them, and worshipping their images.

Now as when two sick persons faln into the like symptoms, use the same reme­dies, we judge they are both sick of the same sickness: Likewise when we see Chri­stians deferring the same honours to their images, and with the same gestures as the Pagans did to theirs, burning wax-lights and incense before them, kissing them, giving them changes of rayment, and honouring them with most devotion that are best in clothes; and when they are taxed of such a gross abuse, cloaking their actions with the same reasons and excuses which the Pagans used; then I say, we may and ought to say assuredly, that the sickness is the same, and that both are smitten with the like spirit of stumbling.

By the controversies of the antient Christians with the Pagans, and some idola­trous Christians, it is evident, that as the faithful Christians used the same reasons as we do, saying that God forbids in his Law to make any image or likeness of things that are in heaven above, and that God will be adored alone, and that God who is an infinite Spirit, cannot be represented by images, and that the Church of Israel had not any image of Saints, or Patriarcks, or Prophets in the Temple; likewise [Page 450] the answers of the Pagans and of the idolatrous Christians were the very same which the Roman Church of our age useth.

They would say, that they were not so stupid as to believe that these images were Gods, or that they had sense; but that by the image, they adored him that was represented in the image. And that images were Scriptures unto the ignorant, and were the Books of ideots. Also that Moses set up an image in the Wilderness, which was the brazen Serpent.

Thus Origen in the seventh Book against the Pagan Celsus, [...]. Celsus saith that he holds not those statues to be Gods, but things consecrated unto the Gods. And the Pagans answer thus to Arnobius, Arnob. lib. 6. Erras, inqui­tis, & la­b [...]ris, nam neque nos aera neque auri argen­tique mate­rias neque alias quibus signa con­fiunt eas esse per se Deo [...] & religeosa decernimus numina: sed eos in his colimus cosque vene­ramur, quos dedicatio refert sacra. Thou errest and failest, for we hold neither brass, nor gold, nor silver, nor other materials of the images to be Gods of their nature, or divinities to which a Religious service is due. But in these images we serve the Gods, and venerate those whom the sacred dedication represents unto us. Thus also in the Preface of the fourth Book of Eusebius of Evangelical preparation. Euse­bius saith that [...]. it is an evident thing to the very Pagans, that the inanimate statues are no Gods. And the Pagans make the same answer, in the second Book of Lactantius, chap. 2.Non ipsa (in­quiunt) timemus sed eos ad quorum imaginem ficta & quorum nominbus consecrata sunt. We fear not these things (say they) but those after whose image they are made and to whose names they are consecrated. And Austin up­on the 113. Psalm, personateth an idolater, speaking thus,Nec simulacrum nec daemonem colo, sed per effigiem corpo­ralem ejus rei signum intueor quam colere debeo. I worship nei­ther the image nor a demon, but in this bodily representation I see the sign of the thing which I must worship.

It was also the excuse of the idolaters, that images were the books of ideots, and served the ignorant instead of Scripture. Porphyrie, the capitall enemy of Christs name would speak so, as Eusebius relateth in the third Book of the Evan­gelicall preparation, [...]. Men have represented obscure things by manifest repre­sentations, to them who by the statues, as by books, have learned to gather that which is written of the gods. And Athanasius, in the Oration against the Gentiles, saith, that they excuse themselves, saying, that [...]. Images are unto men like Scriptures, which men meeting and conversing with, may comprehend something of Gods know­ledge. And in the same place, [...]. If these images be to you like Scriptures, to contem­plate God, as you untruly say, &c. Where observe by the way, that our Adversaries by saying that images are the books of ideots, say by consequent that they must not be worshipped. For themselves would not worship the holy Scripture, though it be a thousand times better then images. The books of the ignorant are good, when they are remedies against ignorance: But images maintain ignorance, and breed in mens minds gross and unworthy conceits of the Deity.

Tertullian, in the Book of Idolatry, chap. 5. saith,Cur ergo Moses in Eremo simulacrum ex aere fecit. That the image-makers alleadged the example of Moses, who made a brazen Serpent in the Desart. In effect it is the same style, as that of the Adversaries. By the same language one may know that they were bred in the same School, and taught by the same spirit.

CHAP. 5. When the images of Saints were first brought into the Latine or Occidental Church, and of the progress of that abuse.

WE have shewed in the first Chapter of this Controversie, that in the time of Pope Gregory the II. who lived in the year of the Lord, 720. The Roman Church had not yet received the images of God. And that Nicephorus, who lived about the year 1300. doth detest the pictures of God as most absurd things.

As for the images of Christ or the Saints, who so will run over the whole histo­ry of the three first ages of the Church, and more then half of the fourth, shall not find any trace in it, of images or statues set up in Churches. The antient­est Latine Author, that mentioneth images in Churches of Christians, is the Poet Prudentius, who according to the vein of Poets, delighteth to describe pictures, in which the sufferings of the two Martyrs, Cassianus and Hippolytus were repre­sented. There was a crowd of people painted, and executioners, and horses drag­ing Hippolytus: That only for a memorial, and only in a flat picture, without any Religious service. Let us suppose that Prudentius made no use of the License fa­miliar unto Poets, who should not be Poets, if they said the truth alwayes.

Horat. de Arte Poetica. Pictoribus atque Poe [...]is, q [...]odl [...]bet audendi semper fuit aequa potestas.
Painters and Poets in all times retain
Equal priviledge to devise and fain.

But the Reader may consider, that Prudentius writ about the year of Christ 395. and that he speaks not of statues, nor of that which is called an image in our dayes, but only of histories drawn with the pencill; and of that he hath seen in some place of Italy, not of the custom of the Universal Church; and that these pictures were not venerated with any Religious service, or with any adoration; and that this can have no force against the custom of the four first ages, much less against the Word of God, to establish, by vertue of the testimony of a Poet, the service of images in the Christian Church.

A little after, that is, about the year 425. Paulinus Bishop of Nola in Italy, caused the histories both of the Old, and of the New Testament, to be painted on the walls of the Church of Nola, to stay the eyes of those that sate at the Table ofThese Agapes, or Feasts of Charity were kept in the Church after the Communi­on: And be­cause of the abuses that were com­mitted in them, they were put down by the Coun­cils. Agapes, or Feasts of Charity, where many times they licensed themselves to speak frivolous things, and many times also to drink till they were drunk.

At the same rime, that custom being come over into some parts of Africk, Austin complains of it in a place lately alleadged, chap. 34. of the first Book of the manners of the Christian Church,Novi mulios esse sepulchrorum & picturarum adoratores: Novi multos qui super mortuos luxuriosissimè bibunt. I know (saith he) that there are many worshippers of sepulchers and pictures, I know many that drink most riotously over the dead. Which he saith, because the tombs of the Martyrs, were the Tables used for those Feasts of Charity.

The unruly devotion of the people, and mans natural inclination to love pi­ctures better then doctrines, and the recreation of the sight, then the instruction of the soul, made this evil so to encrease, that from flat pictures, they came to statues, and from representation to adoration, so that about the year 590. Serenus Bishop of Marseille, seeing his people falling to the adoration of statues, brake them, and cast them out of the Church. About whichGregor. Epist. li. 7. Epistola 109. Zelum vos ne quid manu factum adorari possit habuisse laudamus, sed frangere easdem imagines non de­buisse judicamus. Idcirco enim pictura in Ecclesiis adhibetur, ut hi qui literas nesciunt saltem in parietibus videndo le­gant quae legere in codicibus non valent. Pope Gregory the first re­proveth him in two Epistles, saying, that images indeed ought not to be worshipped, [Page 452] but that they ought not to be broken neither, because they are instead of books unto the ignorant.

But it was not long before the Popes became the great Patrons of the adoration of images, and made it a means of their rising; for when the Greek Emperours fell to the breaking of images, Gregory the II. took thence occasion to shake off the yoke of the Emperours, as enemies of the Saints, and made Rome and part of Italy to revolt from the obedience of their Soveraign: And he made himself a temporal Prince, under that colour of defending images, asSigon. lib. 3. Ita Roma Ro­manusque Ducatus à Graecis ad Romanum Pontificem propter ne­fandam eo­rum haeresim impietatem (que) pervenit. Sigonius calls the enemies of images here­ticks. Sigonius, after many others, relateth in the third book of the Kingdom of Italy. See also Anasta­sius in the life of Gregory the II.

Another reason moved the Popes to maintain images. They were labouring to suppress Scripture, which they felt to be contrary to their Empire. Therefore to divert the people from it, they gave them images instead of books, and stones for their teachers, being sure that such books could not serve to dispute against the Popes. Thus while they amused the peoples eyes, they did insensibly steal the Word of God from them. Yet those images they hide in Lent, which is the time of Preaching, as acknowledging that images must hide themselves before the Word of God, and that they must not appear in the time of devotion.

All that is brought out of Latine Authors before Prudentius, in favour of images, is either fabulous, or taken from such Authors as are not receivable. Damasus, whom they say to have lived in the year 376. saith in his Pontifical, in the life of Sylvester, that Constantine built a Temple, where he set up the images of Christ and his Apostles. ButBellarm. de Scripto 116. Eccle­siastico in Damaso. Tribuitur sancto Da­maso liber de vitis Pon­tificum sed liber ille est Anastasii Bibliothecarii non Damasi ut notum est. Bellarmine doth freely acknowledge, that the book is not of Damasus, but of Anastasius the Library-keeper. That Anastasius writ in the year 858. when the Popes were fighting for images. So it is no wonder if a Library-keeper of the Pope, would lie in his masters behalf; or if he being a man of shallow learning, was easily mistaken about things so remote from his time.

The same I say of aSermo de Gervasio & Protasio Tomo 3. Surii. Sermon concerning Gervasius and Protasius, attributed to Ambrose, where it is spoken of the image of Saint Paul. For the finding of the bodies of Gervasius and Protasius, upon which that Sermon was made, was long after Ambrose, as we proved before.In this same Book, I. Controv. chap. 11. Besides in that Sermon, there is no mention of images in Churches, nor of any service deferred unto them.

CHAP. 6. Of the Originall and progress of Images in the Greek and Oriental Churches.

THe Greek and Orientall Churches have been for many ages without images in their Temples. The Fathers of the three, yea of the four first ages, unani­mously reject them, as I have fully proved.

For, as for Christs image Printed in a linnen cloth, given by himself to Veronica, and of another image made by Nicodemus, they are blind tales, no more believed by the learned among our Adversaries. Neither do we need to disprove them, for (as they are described) they were not images set up in Churches, or given to re­ceive any Religious service.

Eusebius in the seventh Book of his History, chap. 14. speaks of a statue of Christ at Cesarea Philippi, erected in the street before the door of the Canaanitish woman, healed by Christ of a bloody flux, in memory of that miraculous cure. And in chap. 9. of the fifth book of Evangelicall demonstration, he speaks of a Terebinth, (a tree known enough) under which Abraham entertained the three men that appeared unto him, near unto which tree, the inhabitants of the Coun­trey had set up the picture of those three men. But besides, that these examples speak not of images set up in Churches, we heard the same Eusebius before, say­ing, that such images were made by a Pagan custom: As in effect, in the same [Page 453] places the people committed idolatry, as the same Eusebius relateth in the third book of Constantines life, chap. 51. In the thirtieth book of his History, chap. 4. he punctually describeth the Temple of Tyre, forgetting not so much as the forms and tables, but speaks not of images.

The same Author in the life of Constantine relates, that the same Emperour built Churches in Jerusalem and in Bethlehem, of which he describes the form, the seeling, the pillars, the ornaments, but of images he makes no mention. He saith indeed in the third book, chap. 38. that Constantine set up the signs or marks of a good Shepherd in the market-place, and Daniel with the Lyons in the den, the whole work made of brass over-laid with gold. But he speaks of no images in Churches.

Athanasius lived in the same time: A testimony of his is alleadged for images out of the Questions to Antiochus, Qu. 39. But that book cannot be of Athana­sius, seeing that (Qu. 3.) Epiphanius is alleadged, who writ many years after the death of Athanasius. It is the same of all the Questions attributed to Athana­sius: For in the thirtieth Question, upon the sayings and parables of Scripture, the Author saith, that the Judge mentioned Luke 18. who neither feared God, nor respected men, and yet doth right to a widdow, to be rid of her importunity, is God himself, who feareth not himself. In the tenth Question he saith, that Peter the Apostle was crucified; herein contradicting the true Athanasius, who saith that he was strangled.Editionis Paris. an. 1627. p. 416. In the 76. Question, the Author saith, that the Ro­mans are of the race of the French, that crucified Christ. It were hard to say more absurdities in so few words. Such a great man as Athanasius, could never come out with such impertinencies. In the 86. Question Gregory is alleadged, what Gregory soever he meaneth, he cannot have been but since Athanasius.

About the year of the Lord 370. flourished Basil Bishop of Cesarea in Cappa­docia. That Doctor in the Sermon upon the Martyr Barlaam, having commended the constancy of the Martyr, exhorteth Painters to paint out to the life his ver­tuous actions, which he could not represent with words. If that be only a passage of oratory, or whether it may be thence inferred that images were set up in the Churches of Cappadocia, let the Reader judge. At least this remains, that he speaks only of historical representations in pictures, not of statues, nor of any Religious service deferred unto images.

Then also lived Gregory of Nyssa, to the end of whose works a false piece was sowed up, the Oration about the Martyr Theodorus, where it is spoken of pictures representing the sufferings of that Martyr; but we shewedIn the I. Controv. of this 7. Book, ch. 11. before the fals­hood of that piece. But though it were true, in that place there is mention only of historicall pictures, and that only in a corner of Cappadocia, not in the Universal Church.

Of the like stuff is the pretended testimony of Basil, alleadged by the second Council of Nice, where Basil exhorteth to the adoration of images. But of that nothing is found in all the works of Basil, nor any thing near it. That Council, stuffed with impiety, commanding the adoration of images upon pain of anathe­ma, affirming that the Angels are corporeal, saying that images are as good as the Gospel, and are better then prayer, and alleadging many Texts of Scripture for images in a ridiculous manner, deserveth not to be believed.

So I give this for a certain truth, that from the Apostles time, unto the fourth Council, which falls in the year of the Lord 451. no formal example shall be found of statues set up in the Greek and Oriental Churches, nor of any service deferred to any representation. We might come down lower yet, but it is enough for us to keep within the term set by Cardinal du Perron.

In the sixth, seventh and eighth ages, images did multiply exceedingly, and the Greek Churches began to venerate them with a Religious service. And this gave occasion to a great encrease of the Mahumetan Religion, which professeth a mor­tall hatred against images. For that reason, the Emperours of Constantinople, especially Leo, in the year 725. and his son Constantine after him, brake images, [Page 454] and persecuted the worshippers of them; and that trouble and bloody strife lasted till the year 788. when the Empress Irene and her son Constantine (whose eyes she put out soon after) called the second Council of Nice, where the adoration of images was established. The Popes have been striving with great fervour for the reception of that Council: And the French were a long time striving against it. But in the end, the power of the Popes encreasing, and with their power the ignorance of the people, the errour did overcome, and images took the place of Holy Scripture; and such as would not bow their knee to wood and stone, and adore inanimate things, were persecuted with fire and sword.

That the people might not know the will of God upon this point, the second Precept of the Law was put out of the Hours and Offices, which are put in thepeoples hands. And because that Precept could not be put out of the Bible, the Pope hath forbidden the reading of it.

Third Controversie, OF THE SEVENTH BOOK. In Answer to the third instance of the fourth Book of Cardinal DU PERRON. Of PRAYER for the DEAD.

CHAP. 1. Of Prayer for the dead, and of Purgatory. What Scripture saith of it. And of the Purgatory of the Primitive Church.

WHosoever is a little versed in Antiquity, knows that pray­er for the dead hath been many ages used in the Christian Church, therefore the great labour ofPag. 931: Cardinal du Per­ron to gather testimonies to prove that, is more then need­ed, and a superfluous diligence about a vulgar thing.De coro­na militis cap. 3. (b) Ter­tullian who writ in the end of the second age, is the antientest Author that speaks of it; We make (saith he) anniversary offerings for the dead, and for the natalitia, that is, for the com­memoration of the sufferings of Martyrs.

But upon that we say two things, The one, that this custom sprung from the un­written tradition, and that in Gods word there is neither command nor example for it: But rather that in the Scripture there are many testimonies that the souls [Page 456] of the godly after this life, are presently transported into the heavenly rest. Bles­sed are they which dye in the Lord; from henceforth [ [...], from this very time, if they dye now] saith the Spirit they rest from their labours, and their works fol­low them, Rev. 14.13. Christ tells us Luke 16.9. Make to your selves friends of the Mammon of unrighteousness, that when ye fail, they may receive you into everlasting habitations: that is, that when you dye, they may receive you into heaven. He tells us also John 5.24. Verily, verily I say unto you, He that hear­eth my word, and believeth on him that s [...]nt me, hath everlasting life, and shall not come into condemnation, but is passed from death unto life. How should that man be sent into a burning flame, who in this very life hath eternal life, and is past from death to life? Isa. 57.1. & 2. saith, that the righteous dying, is taken away from the evil to come, and enters into peace. Wherefore Simeon being near his death, was saying, Lord now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace. And Christ said to the repenting thief crucifyed with him, This day thou shalt be with me in Paradise. Yet that thief according to the doctrine of the Roman Church stood in great need of purgation. And the Apostle Paul preparing himself for death, and laying his hand already upon the crown, was saying 2 Tim. 4.7. I have fought a good fight, I have finished my course, I have kept the faith. Henceforth there is laid up for me a crown of righteousness. For there is no condemnation for them that are in Christ Jesus. Rom. 8.1. If no condemnation, then neither eternal in Hell, nor temporal in Purgatory. The blood of Jesus Christ cleanseth us from all sin, 1 John 1.7. And of other purgation there is no need; for Christ having fully satisfied for us unto Gods justice, there is no need of any other satisfaction. God will not take two payments for one debt, when the first payment is sufficient. By Christ God hath forgiven us [ [...], freely and gratis] all our trespasses, Col. 2.13. God being our Father and having given his Son for us, would he de­light to burn his children in a vehement fire, for sins already pardoned? Should not that Father be altogether wicked and unnatural that would torment his children with punishments of no use for their amendment; only to content him­self, and to satisfie his own wrath and revenge? Now such is the punishment of Purgatory, where they hold that the souls amend not, and are never the better for their sufferings.

Note.It is very considerable that in the Law of Moses there are sacrifices and pro­pitiations for all kinds of sin and pollution, even for leprosie, and for the touching of a dead body; but that the Law prescribes no sacrifice or propitiation for the dead, nor any service for their ease or release. Which M. du Perron freely acknow­ledgeth,Pag. 939. & 943. in the eighth chapter of the third instance of the fourth book, where he groundeth the prayer for the dead upon the unwritten word only.

The other point is, that our Adversaries cannot accuse us of despising the custom received in the antient Church, since themselves also in this point oppose themselves to the antient Church, and reject that praying for the dead, practised by the old Christians: For it was of another nature, and for another end then that which is used in these dayes. And if one would now pray for the dead after the manner of the antients, he should no less be accounted an heretick then Aerius who did absolutely reject all prayers for the dead.

All the prayers which the Roman Church makes for the dead, are intended for the ease of the souls which are thought to be in Purgatory. For although in the publick forms of prayers, in the Masses for the dead, no mention is made of Purgatory, because those prayers are more antient then the invention of Purgatory, yet the intention of all that pray for the dead, is to release their souls from Pur­gatory, according to the instruction which the people receive from their Pastors.

That then the Cardinal may not here object Antiquity to us, it is expedient to shew how the Roman Church in this point is departed from the opinion of the Antients, and hath forsaken the antient customs, forging a new sort of pray­er for the dead, which all Antiquity never thought on, making the prayers for the dead which then were used, not only useless, but also wicked and erroneous.

I say then that the Church of the third and fourth ages after Christ prayed [Page 457] for the Saints departed, even for the Prophets, Apostles, and Martyrs,Etiam offerimus tibi pro omnibus qui à saeculo placuerunt tibi Sanctis, Patriarchis, Prophetis, Justis Apo­stolis, Marty­ribus, &c. which is no more done in our dayes. The form of those Prayers is found in the eighth book of the Apostolical Constitutions of Clement, chap. 18. We offer unto thee for all the Saints that have been pleasant unto thee from the beginning of the world, for the Patriarchs, the Prophets, the Righteous, the Apostles, the Martyrs, &c. The like prayers are found in the Liturgies attributed to St. James, to Basil, and to Chrysostom.

Epiphanius in the heresie of Aerius, which is the seventy fifth, puts this among his errours that he approved not the commemoration of the dead, which was done in the celebration of the Eucharist. Against that Aerius, Epiphanius di­sputeth thus, [...]; As for relating the names of the departed, what is to better pur­pose or more seasonable and admirable then to make them that are present to believe that they that are gone, are alive still, and are not brought to nothing, but that they are and live with the Lord? Observe, that Epiphanius believed that the dead, of which commemoration was made in the Eucharist, enjoyed life and were with God. He addeth, [...]. Also that the venerable preaching be expounded, that there is hope for them that pray for their brethren as being in a pilgrimage. In all this there is nothing whence one may gather, that they prayed in those dayes for the dead to ease them of their torment in the fire of Purgatory. Those whom he saith to be in a pilgrimage are not the dead, but the living that pray for the dead. [...]. Epiphanius goeth on, The prayer thus made for them profiteth, though it do not cut off all the sins, but to signifie a greater perfection, because often while we are in this world, we offend both willingly and unwillingly. He holds that prayer made for the dead, serveth to shew that in their life time they did not at­tain unto perfection, and that having many times offended in their lives, they had need to attain after this life to a greater perfection. His next words are these, [...], &c. [...], &c. For we make mention both of righteous and of sinners: For sinners looking to the mercy of God; And for the righteous, Fathers, Patriarchs, Prophets, Apostles, Evangelists, Martyrs, &c. that we may seperate Christ from the rank of men by the honour that is deferred unto him, and that we may defer veneration un­to him, meditating in our selves that the Lord is not equalled unto any of men. In all that discourse is there any thing favourable unto Purgatory? For as for the Saints, Apostles, Prophets, and Martyrs for whom they prayed, Epiphanius saith not, that they prayed to fetch them out of Purgatory, but to put Christ out of their rank, because he is the only one for whom, &c. they prayed not. As for others, he saith that they prayed for them looking to the mercy of God, that is, either to the mercy which God had shewed to them, or to the mercy which God would shew them in the day of judgement, as St. Paul speaketh, 2 Tim. 1.16. & 18. The Lord grant to Onesiphorus, that he may find mercy of the Lord in that day.

To the same purpose we have such another discourse of Dionysius the Author of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, in the third chapter, where he giveth a reason why in the sacred mysteries, the Church made commemoration of the dead. These are his words [...], &c. [...]. After the kiss of peace comes the reading of the holy [Ec­clesiastical] tables, wherein the names of those that have led a holy life, and are gone to the perfection of a vertuous immutable life, are pronounced with a loud voyce, exhorting and conducting us to the beatifical habit which is acquired by re­sembling them, and to an end growing to a divine likeness; and celebrating those as living, not as dead, as Theology saith, but as past from death to a most divine life, &c. For as Scripture saith, God knoweth them that are his, and the death of Saints is precious before him, [In which text] the death of Saints is put for the perfection which is in holiness. Also consider holily, that when the venerable signs whereby Christ is signified and communicated, have been laid upon the sacred Altar, imme­diately [Page 458] after comes the description of the Saints, whereby the inseparable bond of their supernatural and sacred union with him is declared. This Author though he entangle his style with terms borrowed out of Plato's school, yet is antient, and may be read with profit. His description of the publick service of his time, sheweth that the Christian Church did then live in peace, and had Temples and publick ornaments with splendour. It is like enough that he lived about the year 400. of Christ. All this discourse sheweth that the prayer which was then made for the dead, was only for persons whom they held to be happy and holy; not to draw them out of the fire of Purgatory.

Austin who writ about the year 420. was the first that said thatAugust. de verbis Apostoli Serm. 17. & de 8. qu. Dulc. qu. 2. Martyrs must not be prayed for; That he doth injury to a Martyr, that prayeth for a Martyr. And that the usual prayers when they are named at the Altar, are ra­ther thanksgivings.

The same appears, in that the Antients prayed for the souls that rested in a quiet sleep, and that consequently were held not to be in torment. Which form of prayer remaineth in the Canon of the Mass, where the Priest saith every day,Memento Domine fa­mulorum & famularum tuarum quae nos praecesse­runt in signo fidei, & dormiunt in somno pacis. Lord remember the souls of thy servants and haindmaids which went before us in the sign of the faith, and now are steeping in the sleep of peace. Whilest that prayer is said by the Priest, the names of the deceased for whom his friends have paid, are said with a low voyce, requesting that their souls tormented in Purgato­ry may be relieved by that Mass. But that old clause by Gods permission re­maineth in the Mass to condemn Purgatory: For there is no reason why one should give money to awake his friends soul which is sleeping quietly, or why we should believe that souls tormented in a burning fire, which they say to be se­ven times hotter then our ordinary fire, can sleep in the sleep of peace whilest they are thus tormented.

Pag. 950.The Cardinal in the second chapter of the fore-alleadged instance is sore trou­bled to make that prayer agree with Purgatory, and saith things so unreason­able, that it is not like that he had any hope to be believed. First he saith, that the souls of the dead which are in that torment are said to rest in peace, because they departed in the peace of the communion of the Church. It is true, that such as are received into the communion of the Church, are said to be in the peace of the Church; But that peace of the Church is not called a sleep; Now the Mass prayeth for those that sleep in peace. The intention of the Church receiving a man into her communion, is not to lay him asleep, and that peace of the Church may happen and be given to many who are damned nevertheless.

This shift not contenting him, he brings another, saying that these souls tor­mented in Purgatory are said to be resting and sleeping in peace, not in respect of themselves, but of the Church. This conceit is somewhat extravagant. For it is hard to comprehend, how a man who is burnt and tormented in a fire can sleep in peace, not in respect of himself, but of another; For every one that sleep­eth, sleepeth for himself, not in respect of another. If they that are burning in the fire of Purgatory sleep peaceably in respect of the Church, the Church hath a sense contrary to the truth, and to Gods will. And truly when the Church prayeth for one that is tormented, she considereth him as being in torment, not as sleeping in peace. Would it not be a jolly reasoning, if one said, that Philip is dead or blind in respect of himself, but living and clear sighted in respect of his friends? Truly in that conceit of the Cardinal there is either jesting, or want of common sense.

All that was said before, sheweth sufficiently that the Antient Christians pray­ed for the dead, whom they believed not to be in any place of torment. This is confirmed by the prayer of Ambrose for the soul of Theodosius. For he speaks of Theodosius as certain that he was enjoying heavenly felicity. Being free from the doubtfull combat, he enjoyeth the heavenly light. Again,Ambros. Orat. de obi­tu Theodosii. Et ille quidem abiit sibi regnumque non deposuit, sed mutavit in tabernacu­la Christi, jure pietatis ascitus in illam Jerusa­lem supernam. He was received into Christs tabernacles because of his piety, and into Jerusalem which is above. Again, Theodosius dwelleth in light, and glorieth in the brightness of the Saints: And for all that he prayeth for him.

But upon that it may be demanded, What good then did the antient Chri­stians hope to procure unto their departed friends by their prayers for them? I answer that their prayers ended to these ends. First, they prayed to God that the departed might one day rise again to salvation; Such was the prayer of Judas Mac­cabee, 2 Mac. 12.42. For (saith the Author) Judas did very well and honestly, in that he was mindfull of the resurrection. For if he had not hoped that they that were slain should have risen again, it had been superfluous and vain to pray for the dead.

To that prayer many prayers are conformable which are said in the Mass, for the dead; As this,Absolve quaesumus Domine ani­mas famulo­rum tuorum ab omni vinculo deli­ctorum, ut in resurrectionis gloria inter sanctos & electos tuos resuscitati respirent. We beseech thee, Lord, that thou absolve the souls of thy servants from every bond of sin, that being risen in the glory of the resurrection, they may breath among thy Saints and elect.

Also that was a constant belief among many of the Antients, that the dead should not all rise again at the same hour, but some sooner, some later; and that sins were expiated by the delay of the resurrection; Modicum quodque delictum mora resurrectionis luendo, suffering the pains, even of the least sins by the delay of their resurrection, Lib de anima cap. ult. as Tertullian saith, who will have a wife to pray for her departed husband, andIdem l. de Monogam. cap. 10. Re­frigerium ei adpostulet & in prima resurrectione consortium. to beg refreshing for him, and that she may bear him company in the first resurrection. Which is Ambroses prayer for Gratian and Valentinian; Te quaeso summe Deus ut charissimos juvenes ma­tura resurre­ctione suscites & resuscites. I beseech thee, Soveraign God, that thou raise and bring up again these most dear young men with a timely resurrection. They pray­ed then for the hastening of their resurrection.

Then the solicitous care which the antient Christians had for their dead friends was increased by a belief received among many, that the Saints were not re­ceived into the heavenly glory presently after their death, but remained in un­derground receptacles, which they called Abrahams bosome, unto the day of the resurrection: Which Cardinal du Perron acknowledgeth pag. 994. saying, that then some persons believed that the souls of the godly enjoyed not the sight of God before the final judgement, and that in Austins time the Church had not yet pronounced any decision upon that. For that reason then the old Christi­ans thought it to be their duty to pray for the dead. That such was the opi­nion of most part of the Antients concerning the state of departed souls, we have shewed it in the third chapter of our Treatise of the Invocation of Saints.

We find also in the writings of the Fathers, that they stood in fear of the fire of the day of judgement, through which they believed that all must pass and be burnt more or less, according as every one had more or less sinned, not ex­cepting the Prophets, and Apostles, nor the Virgin Mary. Ambrose in the twen­tieth Sermon upon Psal. 118.Omnes oportet trans­ire per flam­mas sive ille Johannes Evangelista sive ille Petrus, &c. All must pass through the flames, though it be John the Evangelist whom the Lord loved, though it be Peter, &c. And in the third Sermon upon Psal. 36.Igne pur­gabuntur silii Levi, igne Daniel, &c. The sons of Levi shall be purged by fire; Ezekiel, Daniel, and these having been tried by the fire, shall say, We have past through fire and through water. Hilary upon Psal. 118. in the letter Gimel, Emundatio puritatis etiam post Baptismi aquas reposita quae nos spiritus san­cti sanctisicet adventu judi­cii igne nos decoquat. That purification which is reserved to us after the Baptism of water, may sanctifie us by the coming of the Holy Ghost, and perfect us by the fire of the judgement. In the same placeAn cum ex omni­otioso verbo rationem scimus prae­stituri diem judicii con­cupiscimus, in quo nobis est iudefessus ig­nis obeun­dus? &c. Do we desire (saith he) that day of judgement in which we must go through the unwearied fire? in which we must undergo those grievous pains to expiate the souls from their sins? And a little afterSi in judicii severitatem capax illa Dei virgo ventura est, desiderare quis audebit à Deo judicari? If that Virgin that con­ceived God must undergo the severity of that judgement, who is so bold as to desire to be judged by God? And in the second Canon upon Matthew, Baptisatis in Spiritu reliquum fit consummari igne judicii. To them that are baptized by the Holy Ghost it remaineth yet to be perfected by the fire of the judge­ment. Irenaeus saith the same in the fourth book chap. 9. And Lactantius in the seventh book chap. 21.Justos cum judicaverit Deus, igne eos examinabit, tunc quorum pec­cata vel pondere vel numero praevaluerint perstringentur atque amburentur. When God shall have judged the righteous, he will ex­amine them by fire. Then they whose sins shall prevail, either in weight or number, shall be singed and lightly burnt. Origen in the third Homily upon Psalm 36.Ʋt ego arbitror omnes nos venire necess [...] est ad illum ignem, Etiam si Paulus aliquis vel Petrus, veniet tamen ad ignem. I think that we must all come to that fire, though it were a Paul or a Peter, yet [Page 460] shall he come to that fire. And in the fourteenth Homily upon Luke, Ego puto quod & post resurre­ctionem à mortuis indi­geamus sa­cramento eluente nos atque pur­gante; Ne­que enim absque sor­dibus resur­gere quis­quam pote­rit. I think that after the resurrection we shall have need of a washing and purging Sacrament, for none can rise again without pollution.

Of that fire speaks Gregory Nazianzen, in the 42. Sermon, where he saith, [...]. Who can warrant that the judgement shall not overtake us, as being yet indebted, and needing the fire that shall be there? And Ambrose in the book of widows saith, thatAurum quod judicii die nequeat ignis exurere. God requireth of us gold, which the fire of the judgement is not able to burn. And Basil, in chap. 26. of the book of the Holy Ghost, speaks of one Arthenogenes, who [...]. tended to that perfection which shall be made by fire; and in chap. 15. he interpreteth that Baptism of fire of which John the Baptist speaks, [...], the tryal that shall be made in the judgement.

That fire is meant in the Texts whichPag. 990. M. du Perron alleadgeth, not the fire of Purgatory, which the Roman Church believeth. He alleadgeth Gregory of Nyssa, who saith in the book of the sleepers, that man is purged after this life by the fur­nace of purging fire. And Hierom upon Isa. 66. saying, Of those whose works must be purged by fire, we hold the Judges sentence to be moderate, and mingled with clemency. And Austin saying,Lib. 1. de dulcit. quaest. & de vera & falsa penitentia, cap. 18. that the fire whereby they shall be saved, shall be more grievous, then any thing we can suffer in this life.

I answer, that these Fathers speak not of a fire where the souls be burnt when they come out of the body, but of the fire of the day of judgement, which must (after the opinion of the Fathers) purge the elect after the Resurrection. Austin is express to that purpose, in chap. 34. of Book 16. of the City God.Signifi­catur isto igne dies judicii di­rimens car­nales per ignem sal­vandos & igne damnan­dos. By this fire is meant the day of judgement, which shall separate the carnal that must be saved by fire, and those that must be damned by fire. And in chap. 25. of book 20.Ex his quae dicta sunt videtur evidenter apparere in illo judiciò, quasdam quorundam poenas pur­gatorias futuras. Out of the things that were said, it seemeth evidently to appear, that in that judgement, some pains of some persons shall be purging pains. The title of the Chapter declareth that he speaks of the fire of the last judgement. So the fear of that fire was a reason why they prayed for the dead. Neither doth Austin contradict this, in Book 21. of the City of God, chap. 16. when he saith, thatPurgato­rias poenas nullas futu­ras opinatur nisi ante illud ultimum tremendum­que judicium. none is of opinion that there shall be any purging pains, but before that last and fearfull judge­ment: For by the judgement, he understands only the pronouncing of the last sentence, before which he holds that the purgation shall be made by fire. By these words he condemneth Origen's purgation, who extended it till after the last judgement.

I could also bring places out of antient Authors, to shew that in their time the damned souls also were prayed for, at least to ease their torments; and of late Authors, which say that the Emperour Trajan was fetcht out of Hell at Saint Gregories prayer. The answer to the 34th Question to Adriochus, which is put among the works of Athanasius, saith, that [...]. sinners (so he calls the damned) receive some benefit and ease by the prayers of the Church. And we shall see hereafter, that Chrysostom in the third Homily upon the Epistle to the Philippians, is of the same opinion.

Note by the way, that M. du Perron sheweth sufficiently, that he believeth not the fire of Purgatory,Pag. 950. when he doubteth whether it be a real or a metaphori­call fire. I think not that he durst speak so at Rome.

Out of all that was said, it is made manifest, that the prayers of the Antients for the dead, were not to fetch souls out of Purgatory, but that they might rise to sal­vation, or that they might rise soon, or that in their peaceable sleep they might receive some greater refreshing, or that they might be but lightly burnt by the fire of the last judgement, or that the damned might receive some diminution of their pains in hell. And that the Cardinal doth wrongfully challenge the protection of Antiquity, since the Roman Church hath long since rejected these antient prayers, and altogether changed their use and their end.

Of that imaginary fire, into which the Roman Church sends the souls presently after death, and whence the Pope fetcheth them by indulgence, loosing under the [Page 461] earth, where he cannot bind, and extending the power of the Keyes, even to the dead, which are none of his flock, we may affirm that there is nothing more re­mote from the belief of the Antients. For many of them hold, that the souls while they are out of the body, can suffer nothing. Tertullian in chap. 48. of his Apologetick,Neque pati quic­quam potest anima sola sine stabili materia, id est carne. The soul alone cannot suffer any thing without a solid matter, that is, without the flesh. The same he saith in chap. 4. of the book of the testimony of the soul. Gregory of Nyssa is of the same mind, in the III. Oration of the Re­surrection of Christ. That fire can never touch the separated soul; neither can dark­ness be troublesom to her, seeing that she wanteth eyes: By these probable reasons, we are moved to believe the Resurrection of the dead. Animam per se scparatam ignis nun­quam at [...]i­gerit, nec te [...]ebrae quid [...]m ei molestae fue­rint, utpore quae oculis caret. And so Ambrose in the book of Penitence, chap. 17.Neque animam sine carne, neque carnem sine anima, cum sint sibi gestorum operum consortiis copulatae, sine consortio vel poenae esse vel praemii. Vide & orationem de fide resur­rect [...]onis. The soul without the body, and the body without the soul, cannot be partakers of punishment and reward. And Chrysostom in the 39. Homily upon the first Epistle to the Corinthians, [...]. The soul without the flesh, shall not receive these hidden goods, as also it shall not be punished. And Arnobius, in the second book, speaking of the soul separated from the body, maintaineth,Quis non videt quod sit immortale, quo [...] simplex, nullum posse dolorem admittere? That a simple [substance] cannot feel pain, and that all that can feel pain, cannot be im­mortall.

It would be an endless labour to gather all the places of Fathers, contrary to the Purgatory of the Roman Church: We have produced a great number of them in another place,In the Buckler of the Faith. Read Cyprians book against Demetrian, and his book of Mortality. And Ambrose, in the book of the good of death. This sentence of Austin, in the 232. Sermon, which is the second against drunkenness, may serve in­stead of all.Nemo se decipiat, fratres, duo enim loca sunt, & tertius non est ullus. Qui cum Christo regnare non meruerit, cum diabolo abs (que) dubitatione ulla peribit. Let none deceive himself, Brethren, for there are two places, and there is no third. He that shall not merit to raign with Christ, shall without doubt perish with the Devil. Observe by the way, that meriting in Austins style; signifieth only acquiring. For that Father denyeth merits in many places, attributing all the merit of our salvation to Gods grace.

In the Dialogues of Gregory the I. who writ in the end of the sixth age, it is evident, that the Purgatory which is believed by the Roman Church, was not yet forged. For that Pope puts the purgation of souls in bathes, in the wind, and in rivers. And yet the same Pope in his thirteenth book upon Job, chap. 20. speaks thus,Quia authoris nostri gratia redempti sumus, hoc jam coelestis muneris habemus, ut cum à carnis nostrae habitatione subtrahimur, mox ad coelestia praemia ducamur. Because we are redeemed by the grace of our Creator, so much we have of heavenly gift, that when we are withdrawn from the habitation of our flesh, we are presently brought to the heavenly recompence.

The Greek Churches of our time, pray for the dead, but deny Purgatory; herein conforming themselves to the example of the Antients.

The Cardinals false dealing, pag. 588:Here I must not forgive a notorious falsification of the Cardinal. He al­leadgeth a place of Chrysostom, but quoteth not the Book or the Homily whence he takes it, lest that his false dealing should be perceived. That place is found in the third Homily of the Epistle to the Philippians. The words are these, [...]. It is not in vain that the Apostles have constituted, that in the dreadfull mysteries commemo­ration be made of the departed, for they knew that much benefit ariseth unto them from that. The Cardinal corrupteth that place, putting offering sacrifice for the dead, instead of making commemoration of them. For he translateth thus, It is not in vain that the Apostles have given by tradition, the offering of a sacrifice for the dead; They knew how much profit they get by it. Note that Chrysostom had said a little before, that the help that can be given to the dead is very small, and that the dead for whom we should weep and give alms, are the infidels, and they that are dead without Baptism. So that the Cardinal corrupteth this place, both in the sense and the words.

Observe also, that Gregory the I. in the 63. Epistle of the seventh book, con­tradicteth [Page 402] Chrysostom. For, he saith that the Apostles consecrated with the Lords Prayer only, and that the other prayers were added since at several times. Besides, Chrysostom in this place speaks only of the commemoration of the dead, not of praying for them.

The same Father did not believe that one can repent after death, or that after this life one may satisfie for his sins. For so he speaks in the second Sermon upon Lazarus, [...]. Pay all here, that thou may without trouble see that judicial seat; For while we are here we have good hopes, but when we are gone thither, it is no more in our power to repent, or to be purged from sins committed. Cyprian speaks the same language towards the end of his Book to Demetrian. Quando istinc exces­sum fuerit nullas jam penitentiae locus est, nullus satis­factionis effectus, hîc vita aut amittitur aut tenetur. When one is gone hence, penitence hath no more place, and satisfaction is without effect. Here life is either had or obtained. And a little after, When one is yet in this world, no penitence is too late: The access to Gods mercy is open, and the access is easie to them that seek and under­stand the truth. Tu sub ipso licet exitu & vitae temporalis occasu pro delictis roges, & Deum qui unus & verus est confessione & fide agnitionis implores, venia con­fitenti datur, & credenti indulgentia salutaris de divina pietate conceditur, & ad im­mortalitatem sub ipsa morte tran­situr. If thou pray for thy sins, though upon the point of thy departing, and of the end of temporal life, and implore the only true God by confession, and with an acknowledging faith, the pardon is given to the confessing [sinner] and the saving indulgence is granted to the Believer by the divine compassion, and in death it self, one passeth to immortality. Of a third place, where penance is made after death, the Fathers speak not,August. de peccato­rum merito & remissione, cap. 28. Nec est ullus ulli medius locus ut possit esse nisi cum Diabolo qui non est cum Christo. There is no middle place (saith Austin) for any person; so that he that is not in Christ, could not be any where else but with the Devil. And in another place,Quin­to Hypognosticon. Tertium penitus ignoramus, nec esse in Scripturis sanctus invenimus. We are totally ignorant of a third place, and find none at all in the holy Scriptures.

The Fathers indeed speak often of a purging fire, both in this life and after. But by the purging fire in this life, they understand the afflictions, of this present life, or the length of the penance, which Penitents make publickly in the Church.August. De Civitate Dei, l. 22. c. 13. Nos quidem in hac vita esse quasdam poenas purgatorias confitemur. We confess (saith Austin) that in this mortal life there are purgatory pains. And a little after, he reckons among the pains of that purgative fire, the loss of friends, and the calamities of this life.Lib. 22. c. 16. Aliud est pro peccatis longo dolore cruciatum emendari, & purgari diu igne, aliud peccata omnia passione purgasse. Thus Cyprian Epist. 52. comparing Martyr­dom, with the publick penance which sinners do in the Church, calls that penance a purgation by fire.

The same Fathers speak also of a purging fire after this life, through which they make all Saints, and even the Virgin Mary to pass. By which fire they understand that of the last day of judgement, and in that fire, they believed that both bo­dies and souls must be purged, according as they have more or less sinned, as we proved before. They commonly call that purging fire of the day of Judgement, the Baptism by fire, and the flaming sword at the entry of Paradise. But as for a fire, into which the souls of the faithful enter immediately after death, and the way to deliver those souls out of that fire by Indulgences or Masses, no trace of that is found in Antiquity.

Pope Gregory the I. in his Dialogues, about the year 595. began to speak of the purgation of souls in bathes, in rivers, and in the wind. Whence by degrees that Purgatory was formed, which is now believed, and which feeds so many idle bellies, who as far as in them lieth, diminish the benefit of Christs merit for their temporal encrease.

I will add here, the prayers used for the soul of a Cardinal, in his Obsequies and Funeral, as they are set down in the first Book of the Sacred Ceremonies, in the XV. Section, chap. 1. that the Reader may judge, whether those prayers may help to fetch their souls out of Purgatory.

Deus cui omnia vi­vunt & cui non pereunt moriendo nostra corpora, sed mutantur in melius, te supplices deprecamur ut suscipi jubeas ani­mam famuli tui per manus sanctorum Angelorum deducendam in sinum amici tui Abrahae Patriarchae, resuscitandam in novissimo judicii magni die, & quicquid fallente diabolo vitiorum contraxit, tu pius & misericors abluas indulgendo, per Christum, &c. O God to whom all things live, and to whom our bodies perish not when they die, but are changed to a better condition, we humbly beseech thee to command that [Page 463] thy servants soul be led by the hands of thy holy Angels into the bosom of the Pa­triarch Abraham thy friend, to be raised up in the last day of the great judgement; and that thou who art meek and mercifull blot out all the vices which he had got by the Devils deceit. And a little after,Domine quando vene­ris judicare terram, ubi me abscondam à vultu irae tuae? Quia peccavi nimis in vita mea, commissa mea pavesco & ante te erubesco, dum veneris judi­care, noli me condemnare, &c. Lord, when thou comest to judge the earth, where shall I hide my self from the face of thy wrath? For I have offended thee very much in my life. I am frighted with mine offenses, and am confounded before thee. When thou comest to judge, do not condemn me. And a little after,Absolve quaesumus animam fa­muli tui ab omni vinculo delictorum ut in resurrecti­onis gloria inter sanctos & electos tuos resuscitatus respiret. We beseech thee, Lord, absolve the soul of thy servants from every bond of sins, that being risen again in the glory of the resurrection, he may be refresht among thy Saints and Elect. Then the quire singing, answereth,Libera Domine de morte aeterna in die illa tremenda. Quando coeli mo­vendi sunt & terra, dum veneris judicare saeculum per ignem. Tremens factus sum ego & timeo dum discussio venerit atque ventura ira, Quando coeli, &c. Dies illa, dies calamitatis & miseriae dies magna & amara valde. Deliver, Lord, from eternal death, in that dreadfull day, when heaven and earth shall be moved, when thou wilt come to judge the world by fire. I am become trembling, and dread the coming of the examination, and of the wrath to come. When the heavens shall be shaken, that day, that day of calamity and misery, that great and very bitter day.

All these prayers are but words of a soul frighted with the fear of hell and eternal death, and they are requests that the departed person may not be eter­nally damned, and that he may rise to salvation. Of release from Purgatory, not one word. For these prayers are more antient then the invention of Purgato­ry. Indeed as the Cardinal doubteth whether the fire of Purgatory be real or metaphorical, which is as much as doubting whether it be true or imaginary; so I believe not that half the people of the Roman Church believe it. No doubt but most of them laugh at it in their heart.

CHAP. 2. Of Indulgences given unto the dead, and generally of Indulgences.

IF the Fathers of the first ages of the Church had made any mention of the Popes power to fetch souls out of Purgatory, and of the Indulgences, which the Pope scattereth abroad, not ony upon the living, but upon the dead, we may be sure that the Cardinal would not have omitted it in his Treatise of the prayer for the dead: For the principal end of his book is, to exalt the Popes power. But he durst not stir that matter, knowing that it is a sink, which the more it is stirred, the more it stinks; and that no mention of the Roman Indul­gences is found in all Antiquity. It is a noli me tangere, a sore fistula, which they dare not touch. This was it that gave occasion to Luthers preaching. It was the first means that God used to discover the abuse, the tyranny, and the shame­full traffick of the Roman Prelat. Whereupon it will be to good purpose to hear that famous President Thuanus in the first book of his history.Leo cum alioquiad om­nem licentiam sponte sua ferretur, Lau­rent [...]i Puccii Cardinalis hominis tur­bidi cui nimi­um tribuebat impulsu, ut pecuniam ad immensos sumptus undique corrogaret, missis per omnia Christiani orbis regna diplomatis omnium delictorum expiationem ac vitam aeternam pollicitus est, constituto pretio quod quisque pro gravitate peccati dependeret. In eamque rem per provincias quaestores & aeraria ordinavit, quibus additi praecones qui tanti benificii magnitudinem apud populos commendarent, &c. Quod licentiose nimis a Pontificiis Ministris passim atque in Germania praecipue fiebat. Ʋbi qui redimendam pecuniam Romae à Pontifice conduxerant per lustra & per popinas quotidie sine pudore in alea usum usus (que) turpissimos potestatem extrahendi animas functorum ex igne expiatorio profundebant. Pope Leo, a man of himself given to all licentiousness, by the instigation of Cardinal Laurentio Puccio, a turbulent man, to whom he deferred too much; that he might scrape up from all parts money to maintain his infinite expenses, sent Bulls over all the Kingdoms of Christendome, promising the expiation of all sins and eternal life, and taxing the rate which every one was to pay, according to the grievousness of the [Page 464] sin. To which end he sent receivers of money, and established places of receipt in all Provinces. And to the receivers Preachers were joyned, which recommended the greatness of that high benefit unto the people, and by Sermons composed with much art, and by the publishing of certain Pamphlets excessively exalted the effica­cy of these Bulls. Which was executed too licentiously in many places by the Popes Ministers, especially in Germany, where those that had taken the farm of those profits from the Pope did lavish out the benefit of that power they had from the Pope to fetch souls out of Purgatory, spending it every day without shame, in bawdy-houses, and Taverns, upon dycing and most filthy uses. Then arose Martin Luther. Pollydorius Virgilius in the eighth book of the inventours of things giveth the same account of that business.

To know out of what stock the Popes bring forth that spiritual liberality, we must know that the Pope boasteth that he keeps the keyes of the Churches treasure, wherein are laid up the supererogatory satisfactions of Christ, of the Saints, and of the Monks. By that account Christ suffered more then needed for our redemption. And the Saints and Monks have suffered and done more then was requisite for satisfaction for their own sins. Pope Clement the sixthExtra­vagante Unigenitus. Ad cujus quidem thesauri cumulum beatoe Dei genitricis & omnium electorum à primo justo ad ultimum merita adminiculum proestare noscuntur. saith, the dispensation of that treasure is committed unto him, and that the merits of the blessed Mother of God, and of all the elect from the first to the last, serve to heap up that treasure, and that one must not fear that ever it be consumed or diminished.

That Pope makes Christs merit to serve to make up a stricken measure, and the merits of the Saints to make it a heaped measure, which is not a small augmentation of the treasure, and addition to Christs benefit. Christ then is very much in debt. Is he not?

In that treasure the Pope turns his hand, and dispenseth these superabounding satisfactions of Christ and his Saints, when, and to whom, and in what measure he thinks fit. And this is called pardons and indulgences, which are very lucrative to his Holiness, and to the Clergy. Of which pardons the Pope takes what part he pleaseth for himself, as the Jesuite Emanuel Sa Eman. Sa Aphorismis in verbo Indulgentiae. Indulgentia utitur etiam qui eam concessit. Soto Navarr. Bellarm. saith after Soto, Navar­rus, and Bellarmin, so that the Pope pardoneth himself. And whether these in­dulgences be given upon just or unjust cause, one must not enquire, as the same Jesuite saith, Some say that the indulgence given without cause is valid. Others say that the cause must be just and proportionate to the indulgence. For my part, I hold that one must not at all doubt of the Indulgence given by the Pope. And these indulgences are of such force, that he that commits a reserved sin (which sort of sin is held to be most horrible) in hope that the Jubilee will come, may be absolved by the Jubilee; as the same Jesuite saithId. ibid. Reservatum crimen pa­trans, spe Jubilaei, potest per Jubilaeum absolvi. after Navarrus and Bellarmin, That is, a man that hath set a Church on fire, or killed a Priest, trusting upon the approaching Jubilee, Id. ibid. Ego de indul­gentia à Papa data non censeo quicquam dubitandum. in which he shall have plenary indulgence, shall not be disappointed of his expectation, and shall be absolved, so that he may be wicked without danger. Cardinal Tolet a Jesuite defineth thus a plenary in­dulgence.Tolet. Instruct. sacerd. lib. 6. cap. 24. §. 3. Indulgentia plena remittit totam poenam & culpam. It is that which remitteth all the pain and all the fault.

To proceed with order, every five and twentieth year the Pope celebrates a Jubilee, in which he opens that treasure, and nameth certain Churches of the City of Rome, where he placeth those pardons and plenary indulgences, upon condition of making certain devotions upon certain dayes in the said Churches. He that should do the same devotions in other Churches nearer to him, or lying more conveniently for him, yea though he should do ten times more devotions, yet should have no part in those indulgences, for being so simple as to seek the re­mission of sins in a place where it is not to be found. That year the inhabitants of Rome have two great advantages; The one, that they have the remission of sins at their door and near home, whereas those that live in Poland, in Ireland, or in Portugal, come from very far to seek it. The other, that they grow fat by receiv­ing pilgrims, whose blood and marrow they suck, and that the Churches of Rome are inrinched with the offerings of strangers.

The next year, if it be his Holinesses pleasure, he transports the Jubilee into the remote Provinces, and puts it in one or two Cities of France for the conve­niency [Page 465] of the French. They that live near, or that have good legs or good hor­ses, and money to travell, get that plenary pardon at an easie rate, but the poor, and the lame, and they that want horses are deprived of that spiritual liberality.

The Pope doth more, for he giveth indulgences to the dead, and appoints certain Altars, upon which whosoever gets a Mass sung on certain dayes, draws a soul out of Purgatory, such as he will chuse; which is not done without paying.

And that one may not doubt of the certainty of the pardon, the Pope gives pardons to several Churches,Tolet. de Instruct. Sacerd. lib. 6. cap. 24. Sect. Secund. Cum concedi­tur limitata indulgentia temporis ut mille anno­rum & bis mille & plurium. with an exact reckoning of years and dayes, as if they had cast account with God. For example, the book of Roman indul­gences saith, that at the Church of St. Eusebius of Rome there is for every day seventy eight thousand years of free pardon, and as many forties. Here is another out of the same book, of singular vertue for recreation.Nel mese de Febraro, la Domenica delle Sertua­gesima é statione à S. Lorenzo fuori d'elle mura é indulgentia plenaria é undieci milla anni d'indulgentia é quaranta, ot­to quarentene é la remissione d'ella terza parte di tutti peccati, é si libera una anima d'elle pene del purgatorio. In the moneth of February upon Septuagesima Sunday, there is a station at St. Laurence out of the walls, and plenary indulgence, and eleven thousand years of indulgence, and forty eight forties, and the remission of the third part of all sins: and there a soul is delivered from the pains of Purgatory. I cannot comprehend what good it doth to a man who hath got full pardon of all sins, to grant him over and above the pardon of the third part of his sins.

There is a book well knownPrinted at Paris chez Abraham Saugrain rue S. Jaques aax deuz vi­peres. 1604. of the Indulgences of St. Francis his coard, to which the indulgences of Rome are added. There among many the like absurdities, this is found page 251. Every day (of the moneth of August, untill the Nativity of our Lady) there are eight hundred threescore thousand two hun­dred threescore and two years, and a hundred dayes of indulgence, and the remission of the third part of sins, granted in many Churches; He that needs but a hun­dred thousand years of pardon, what shall he do with the seven hundred thou­sand that remain to him? And to what purpose those hundred dayes added to the eight hundred thousand years?

Here is worse, for the Pope distributes indulgences at random, throwing them among the multitude, as if one cast a handfull of farthings among a company of beggars. The Pope doth this on the day of his coronation, sitting upon throne a set upon the top of the stairs of St. Peters Church; There he scattereth upon the people standing in the place of St. Peter, a plenary indulgence, that is, a full and whole pardon, as it is written in the first book of the sacred ceremonies, in the last chapter of the last Section, in these words,Diaconus à dextris tia­ram quod regnum appel­lant triplici corona ornatū Pontificis ca­piti imponit. Populo accla­mante Kyrie eleison Dia­conus àdextris Latine, à sim­stris vero vulgariter publicant plenarias indulgentias. The Deacon that stands on the right hand, sets upon the Popes head the tiaera, which is called the reigne, adorned with a triple crown; And the people crying, Kyrie eleison, the Deacon which stands at the right hand, in Latin, and the Deacon standing at the left, in the vulgar tongue, publish full indulgences. That being done, a banket is brought for the refection of his Holiness. That spreading of Indulgences, is an imitation of Kings, who in the day of their coronation scatter some handful [...]s of money upon the multitude. As Kings take that liberality out of their temporal treasure, so doth the Pope take that gift of indulgences out of his spiritual treasure. And that scramble of Indulgences being thrown upon the crowd, every one catcheth what he can.

Observe what advantage the Pope giveth to himself over other Bishops in the power of Indulgences. For whereas the Pope distributes Indulgences, by hun­dred thousands, Bishops cannot give above forty dayes pardon ordinarily, and one years pardon in the dedication of a Church. Then there are many sins, of which the absolution is reserved unto the Pope, although Christ said unto all the Apostles, and consequently unto all their successors,Matth. 18. John 21. Whatsoever you loose on earth, shall be loosed in heaven, reserving no particular advantage unto St. Peter.

The Lord Cardinal du Perron hath been imployed for the distribution of that kind of wares. For when he was yet but Bishop of Eureux, being Embassadour at Rome to Clement the VIII. and having born the penance and satisfactions en­joyned unto his King by the Pope, as representing the Kings person; the Pope to appease the King (who might have taken that usage unkindly, as one who had never yet learned that lesson to be beaten by Atturney) gave to M. du Per­ron some bags full of little crosses, and blessed grains to bestow among the peo­ple of France, with this indulgence, that every Frenchman that should have [Page 466] some of these grains in his beads, should get a hundred years of pardon every time that he should kiss them.

At the same time that M. du Perron was venting abroad those light wares▪ and that these Indulgences were set in the streets, and publick places of Paris, I was Chapplain in Ordinary toCatherine de Bourbon. Madam the Kings sister, who being then at Fon­tainebleau, I had some speech with M. du Perron about that subject, and told him, that it was not credible that a man of such an excellent wit as he, should believe that by kissing those grains, he might get a hundred years of pardon, and that he had little care of his [...]eputation, when he brought such wares out of Italy. Upon this he grew angry, saying that I accused him of Atheism: Then he alleadged the example of Christ, who sent the leprous to the pool of Siloam to make them clean, although he could have cleansed them without that; That the Pope also without these means could forgive sins, but it pleased him to make use of these means. But up­on further conference, I could not get from him any command of God, for that pra­ctise, nor any example of the Apostles, nor of their Disciples, nor of any antient Do­ctor. It is not found, that the High Priests of the Old Testament laid up in their trea­sure the merits or satisfactions of Noah, or Abraham, or Moses; or that they gave any Indulgences. Yea, the Pope exerciseth a power, which Christ did never ex­ercise. Neither the Apostles nor their Disciples gave any indulgence. There was no speech then of pardons of a hundred thousand years, nor of priviledged Altars to deliver souls out of Purgatory. Neither is it like, that the Apostles having taught the Church, that the blood of Christ cleanseth us from all sin, believed that the Bishop of Rome ought or might gather the overplus of the merits or satisfactions of the Saints, thereby to purchase the remission of sins. For who gave him commission to gather that overplus of their satisfactions, and lay it up in his treasure? Who hath instituted that treasure? Who hath intrusted him with the dispensation of the same? When did that dispensation begin?

Let us hear, what the most famous of our Adversaries say of this point.

Cardinal Cajetan chap. 2. of the Treatise of Indulgences,De ortu ind [...]lg [...]ntia­rum si cert [...] ­tudo hab [...]ri posset veritati indagendae opem ferret, rerum quia nulla Sacrae Scripturae nulla prisco­rum Docto­rum Graecorū aut Latinorum authoritas scripta haec ad nostram dedaxit notitiam, sed hoc solum à trecentis annis Scripturae commendatum est de vetustis patribus, quod Beatus Gregorius indulgentias stationum instituit. If one might have some certainty of the origin of Indulgences, it would help us to the search of the truth; but we have not any written authority, either of the holy Scripture, or of the Antient Greek or Latin Authors, that bring us the knowledge of it. Only, since these three hundred years it was written concerning the antient Fathers, that St. Gregory instituted the Indulgences of the stations. He saith, that some, as Thomas Thomas in 4tum Sen­tentiarum. have written that of Gregory, yet in Gregories writings no such thing is found. And for many ages after that Gregory, who writ in the year 595. no mention of it is found.

Navarrus in the Comment of the year of the Jubilee pag. 545. speaks thus, That most holy man John of Rochester, reverend for his dignity of Bishop and Car­dinal, taught us why the Antients speak so seldom of Indulgences, and the modern Authors so often. And these are his reasonsMulta de Evangeliis & aliis Scripturis sunt excusa luculentius, & intellecta perspicacius quam fuerant olim. Quod nemo jam dubitat or­thodoxus an Purgatorium sit, de quo tamen apud priscos illos nulla vel quā rarissima fiebat mentio. Many things of the Gospels and other Scriptures are now more splendidly printed, and more clearly understood then they were in old time. No Orthodox man doubteth now whether there be a Pur­gatory, of which yet the Antients speak not at all or very seldom, &c. For when they made no mention of Purgatory, no body sought for indulgences.

Biel speaks to the same purpose,Gabriel Biel Lectione 57. in Cano­nem missae. Dicendum quod ante tempora beati Gregorii mo­dicus vel nullus fuit usus Indul­gentiarum. Nunc autem cr [...]brescit earum usus, quia sine dubio Ecclesia habet Spiritum Sponsi sui Christi, & ideo non errat. It must be confest, that before Gregories time the use of Indulgences was very little or none at all. But now the use of them grows frequent, because without doubt the Church hath the Spirit of her Bridegroom and therefore erreth not. Upon this the Cardinal of Rochester is very express, whose words are alleadged by Polydorus Virgilius chap. 1. of the eighth book of the Inventors of things,Multos fortasse movet indulgentiis istis non us (que) adeo fidere, quod earum usus in Ecclesia videtur esse recen [...]ior, & admodum sero apud Christianos repertus. Quibus ego respondeo non admodum certum esse à q [...]o primum tradi coeperint, &c. De Purgatorio apud priscos vel nulla vel rarissima fiebat mentio. Sed & Groecis ad hunc usque diem non est creditum esse. Quandiu enim nulla fuerat de Purgatorio cura, nemo curabat Indulgentias. Perhaps that which moveth many persons not to put much trust in Indulgences, is that the use of them in the Church seems to be new, and very lately found among Christians. To which I answer, that it is not very certainly known by whom they began first to be given. Then he addeth, No Ortho­dox [Page 467] man makes a doubt whether there be a Purgatory, of which yet there is either no mention or very little among the Antients: And to this day the Grecians do not believe it. For as long as no man cared for Purgatory, no man also cared for Indulgences: For hence depends all the value put upon Indulgences. Take away Purgatory, what need of Indulgences? At that time then began Indulgences when men began to be afraid of the torments of Purgatory.

Bellarmin doth not contradict this, but saithBellarm. lib. 2. de Indulgentiis cap. 1. Sect. Quarta. If we had nothing certain about the treasure of Indulgences (which yet we do not grant) before Clements constitution: Yet we might be certain enough of the truth of that treasure, by the de­claration of the High Priest Clement: For we know that God gave him to be a Master, and a Doctor. Now that Clement lived but three hundred years ago.

Navarrus goeth further, for although he was the Popes Penitentiary, yet when he writ for Indulgences he could not abstain from speaking ill of them, saying thatNavarrus de Jubilaeo pag. 548. A [...]otat. Glos­sa ea ratione quod quaesto­res non quaerunt commodum animarum sed pecuniarum. the grant of them is odious, because the Collectors seek not the good of the souls, but the profit of money, as the Gloss of the rules of Chancery observeth in the fifty sixth rule. He saith also thatPer eam multum enerva [...]ur satisfactio poenitentia [...]is. by Indulgences the penitential satisfacti­on is much enervated. Concedens ind [...]lgentiam, de alieno soluit alterius debita, & indecorum esse id fusius facere signifi­cat illud barb [...]rum proverbium, De alieno co­rio corrigias longas. Yea, he snibs the Pope his Master very smartly, saying that he that giveth Indulgences payeth the debts of the one with the estate of another, according to the Provorb; It is cutting large thongs out of another mans leather. Which he saith, because the Pope by his Indulgences turneth the merits and sa­tisfactions of Saints and Monks into a payment for others.

It is true that the word Indulgence is often found in the Fathers, but taken in another sense, for the remission of sins, and for the ease from penances imposed upon penitents by the Ecclesiastical Canons.

Especially of Indulgences given to the dead, we have seen above, that Pope Gelasius Gelas. Commonitorio ad Faustum Leg [...]tum. who lived towards the end of the fifth age doth formally con­demn them, and denyeth that the Bishop of Rome can give any absolution to the dead, because it is written, All that thou shalt loose upon earth, not under the earth. And how can the Pope pretend to be the Pastor of them that are no more in the world, seeing that they are no more of his flock, and that no charge of them is committed unto him? For the power of binding and the power of loosing were given together unto the Apostles, and these two things are inseparable. Yet the Pope useth not the power of binding towards the dead. Of which the reason is evident.Note. Even that none would give money to bind the souls of his departed friends, and to increase their torment, or condemnation. Navar. Comment, de Indulg. & Jubil. pag. 570. I [...]f rior Papa non [...]otest indulgentiam intendere ad mortuos Purgatorii. The Pope then hath reserved that which is lucratiVe unto himself, for he gets an incredible revenue that way. Observe, that this is the most important point of religion, namely the remission of sins. Wherefore Satan was most busie about it, and into such a holy matter, brought such an horrible corruption.

About this point there is a dissent among the Doctors, some say that the Pope draws souls out of Purgatory by a power of jurisdiction. Others say, that he doth it by way of suffrage; But all agree, that souls come out of Purgatory by vertue of the Indulgence. The first sort hath reason to mock the second. For he that intercedes for a sinner, doth not forgive him. To pardon by intercession is an expression that contradicts it self. Now every indulgence is a pardon.

Observe also that the Pope being able (if we may believe him) to deliver as many souls as he pleaseth out of Purgatory, yet leaveth them by millions, and for so many ages in that burning torture, which is an unmercifull and most cruel part.

I will add for a corollary some expressions of Bellarmin, which will shew how Indulgences derogate from the merit of Christ, and clip the benefit of the same. That Cardinal Jesuite speaks thus,Bellarm. l. 2 de Indul. cap. 1. Sect. Tertiâ, Me­rita Christi partim sunt omnibus necessaria partim non necessaria, sed utilia, atque hoc modo ad fundamentum indulgentiarū pertinent, &c. Ac si quis post gratiam reconciliationis adeptam adhuc sit reus luendae poenae temporalis, is non necessario eget meritis Christi ut per ea reatus illi simpliciter condonetur, &c. Christs merits are partly necessary to all, partly not necessary, but usefull; and in that second respect they belong to the ground of Indulgences. Now to shew how the merits of Christ are only usefull, not ne­cessary, he addeth, If any after he hath obtained the grace of reconciliation is yet in guilt and debt, as for the temporal pain, that person hath no need of the merits [Page 468] of Christ, that by them that obligation to the pain be absolutely remitted. Not that without the merits of Christ that obligation to the pain can be absolutely remitted, but because he may perhaps not ask of God so great a liberality, and be content to make himself the satisfaction by his own labours and pains, either in this life, or in Pur­gatory, the merit of Christ alwayes working together. Of which he giveth the rea­son in the third chapter, because it is a thing more honourable to us, and more usefull, that the second causes be not idle, but contributing with the first cause. That Jesuite seems to personate a sinner speaking thus unto God, It pleaseth thee to give me an absolute pardon by Christ, and remit the whole pain, both the eternal and the spiritual: But I will not accept such a great liberality. I chuse rather to be burnt for some hundredths of years, and to satisfie thee my self. For it is honourable for me to sa­tisfie in person. Is not that a magnanimous part, to send back unto God his gift, and refuse to be too much obliged unto him? Upon that account the Devils who make the whole satisfaction unto God by their punishment, are the most honou­rable. And it is not credible that a man who hath taken that generous resolution, will desire the Popes indulgences to shorten his sufferings, unless he choose rather to be obliged to the Pope, then to God.

Fourth Controversie, OF THE SEVENTH BOOK. OF THE Celibat of Clarks & Monks.

CHAP. 1. A comparison of continent Virginity with Matrimony. That many Prophets and Apostles were married. That the high Priests under the Law were mar­ried. Examination of the Cardinals shifts.

ALthough chast and holy matrimony hath God for the Author, who did institute it in Paradise, even before mans Fall: And though Christ himself did honour it with his presence, and the woman was given to man for the propagation of man­kind, for help and mutuall comfort, and for a remedy against incontinence: Yet it must be acknowledged, that continent Virginity, not tempted with any carnal desires, but posses­sing integrity of mind, no less then of body, hath many ad­vantages above matrimony. For a continent man who leads a single life, is not distracted with the care of his family: He hath fewer bonds to tye him unto the world; He hath more time to employ in study and meditation, and being less loaden with other burthens, he is the fitter to bear the Cross. When it is put on any to take a forced or voluntary exile for the Gospel, a single man will flie with more ease, then he that is clogged with wife and children.

But that gift of continence untempted with concupiscences, is given but unto few persons. And God giveth it not sooner to a Pastor of the Church, then to one of the people, and they that ask it of God by prayers, have no promise to be heard in that point: For God hath promised to hear us in things necessary to salvation; but that gift, to be able to be without a woman, and without any tempta­tion [Page 470] in that kind, is not necessary for that end. Yea many that made that vow of a single life, before they had well measured their strength, have cast themselves into ruine, and intangled themselves in the Devils nets. In that, as in all other things, God sheweth his wisdom: For having created man for society, not for solitude, and taking care of the preservation of mankind, he hath bestowed that gift upon few persons, and hath planted in man a natural desire of marriage. Which desire, whosoever out of an affectation of greater perfection will resist with obstinacy, or with a rash vow, shall find in the end, that he hath drawn a great deal of sorrow upon himself, and insnared himself into many sins, and that to his own harm he would make himself wiser then God. For this cause the Apostle Paul, to whom God by an especiall priviledge had given the gift of continence, said to the Co­rinthians, 1 Cor. 7.7. I would that all men were, even as I my self: But acknowledging that it is beyond humane strength, and that it is a gift which God bestoweth upon few persons, he addeth, but every man hath his proper gift of God, one after this manner, and another after that. Next, he chargeth all to whom God hath not imparted that gift, to marry. If they cannot contain (saith he) let them marry, for it is better to marry then to burn. It is to be noted, that in all that Chapter in which he speaks at large, both of marriage and virginity, and of the conveniencies of a single life, especially in time of persecution; he speaks not of the Pastors of the Church, but of all the godly in generall: Knowing that God giveth the gift of continence, not accoording to the charges that a man hath in the Church, but according to his own will, and distributeth his gifts as he thinks best: And that where that gift of continence is wanting, he will have all persons to marry, making no exception either of Ecclesiastical charges, or of a Monastical vow, which then was not in use.

In this point, as in all others, we must consult the Lords mouth, and take his Word for our rule. In that Word, we fi [...]d that the most excellent servants of God were married: That Moses, Samuel, Isaiah, &c. had wives: In Isaiah especially it is observable, that even when he had those excellent revelations, and when God had filled him with the Prophetical Spirit, he begot a son on his wife by Gods com­mand, as is to be seen in the eighth chapter of his Prophecy, ver. 3.

Thus the high Priests and other Priests under the Old Testament, who continual­ly attended the service of the Temple, yet were married, and that in a time when God tyed his people unto many outward purifications, and to a bodily cleanness, far more strictly then under the Gospel. Sure, if there had been some pollution in matrimony, or something derogating unto the holiness of the sacred Ministry, God would have provided for the Priesthood by some other means, then by the lineal succession.

Mark 1.30. Christ healeth Peters wives mother. Our Adversaries deny it not, but they say, that such as were married among the Apostles, abstained from their wives, since the time that they were called unto the Apostleship. But that is said without proof, and against the sentence of the Apostle Paul, 1 Cor. 7.34. The husband hath not power of his own body, but the wife. And in the same place, Defraud not one another, except it be for a time. And against Christs prohibition, Matth. 19.6. A man shall cleave to his wife, and both shall be one flesh, so they are no more two, but one flesh: What therefore God hath put together, let no man put asun­der. Now Christ speaks there of the separation of the bed, and of the conjunction which makes husband and wife to be one body and one flesh. Had Christ taken from his Disciples the use of their wives, the Pharisees that spied his life and actions narrowly, would have been sure to defame him for it, and make his doctrine odious.

It must not be omitted, that the Roman Church puts Saint Peters daughter among the Saints, and calls her Petronilla, by her Fathers name. Whence it fol­lows, that Peter begot her in the time of his Apostleship, for before he was an Apostle, his name was not Peter.

The text of the same chap. Matth. 19. where the Apostle Peter saith to Christ, behold we have left all things and followed thee. Whence our Adversaries inferr, that he had left his wife, shall be examined hereafter.

Not only St. Peter was married, but many others among the Apostles, if we believe Ignatius in the Epistle to the Philadelphians, [...]. Peter and Paul, and the other Apostles did marry. And Clemens Alexandrinus, speaking against those that despised matrimony,Clem. Alex. 3. Stromat. [...], Do they reject the Apostles? for Peter and Philip got chil­dren: Philip married his daughters to husbands. Ambrose upon 2 Cor. 11.Omnes Apostoli ex­cepto Jo­hanne & Paulo uxores habuerunt. All the Apostles, John and Paul only excepted, had wives.

Acts 21.9. it is written, that Philip the Evangelist had four daughters.

Platina in the life of Cletus, saith that St. Luke had his wife in Bithynia.

Wherefore also the Apostle Paul, who was not married, declareth that he had power to carry along with him a sister that should be his wife, as well as the other Apostles, 1 Cor. 9.5. Have we not power to lead about [...], a sister, a wife, as well as other Apostles, and the brethren of the Lord and Cephas? It is true, that the Greek word for a wife, signifieth also any other woman.Note that bo [...]h in Greek and in French, th [...] same word serveth for a wife and any wo­man But in vain to the word sister, had he added the word woman, seeing that every sister is a woman, if by the word woman, he had not understood a wife. That this might not be perceived, thePag. 698, 699. Cardinal alleadging this text, saith, a woman sister, instead of a sister, woman or wife, making that word sister, added to the word woman, to di­stinguish her (saith he) from a married woman, whereas in Greek, the word [...], woman or wife, is added to the word [...], sister, to distingush her from all other Christian women, which generally were called sisters. Tertullian in the book of Pudicity, chap. 8. confirmeth that explication, saying, It was lawful for the Apostles to marry, and to lead their wives along with them. And Clemens Alex­andrinus, Clem. Alex. Strom. l. 3. p. 192. [...]; &c. Paul makes no difficulty in a certain Epistle to name his wife, which which he led not along with him, that he might be served with less trouble. He saith then in a certain Epistle, Have we not power to lead about a sister, a wife, &c. Which I alleadge not because I believe that St. Paul was married, but to shew how Clemens understood that sister woman, and that he took it, as we do, for a wife. I am content to presuppose, that these Apostles who led their wives about, used them only for houshold businesses, not out of any vow, or any prohibition from Christ, or because they held that contrary to their Ministry; but because minds transported unto divine things, will easily forget humane things.Leo IX. Distinct. 3. Can. Omnino. Omnino confitemur non licere Episcopo Presbytero diacono propriam uxorem causa religionie abjicero à cura sua; sed ut ei victum & vestitum largiatur, sed non ut cum illa carnaliter ex more jaceat. Sicut & san­ctos Apostolos legimus egisse, beato Paulo dicente, Nunquid non habemus potestatem mulierem sororem circumducendi? Pope Leo the IX. though an adversary to the marriage of the Clergy, understood that text of women married with the Apostles.

I am not ignorant that some of the Antients, as Hierom and Austin, understand these Texts of some women that followed the Apostles for their houshold service, like those women that followed Christ, ministring unto him of their substance, Luk. 8.2, 3. not considering that in the Greek there is not a woman sister, that is a Christian wife, as St. Austin saith, but a sister woman, or wife. Truly it would have been unbeseeming for an Apostle, that bad a lawful wife, to leave her at home, and carry another about to use her about houshold businesses; or if he had been a single man, to carry a woman about, especially in journeys of a thousand or twelve hun­dred leagues. For although the Apostles had vertue enough to overcome that temptation, yet they could not tye the tongues of the people, or avoid distraction. Certainly such a service had been performed with more decency by a man then by a woman, and by many women, more decently then by one. The example of Christ, whom many women followed, is nothing to this purpose: For these women that St. Luke speaks of, followed him in great number, and their farthest journey was twenty five or thirty leagues, which is the distance from Galilee to Jerusalem. But here St. Paul speaks of a woman that followeth an Apostle travelling from East to West, and making journeys of above two thousand leagues.

CHAP. 2. That the Apostle Paul, 1 Cor. 7. obligeth incontinent Clarks to marry. Con­futation of the Cardinals reasons.

THis advantage we have in this point, that our Adversaries confess that the Celibat of Priests and other Ecclesiasticall men, is not commanded in the Word of God. It is then a tradition, and a Law taken from the unwritten Word. I would charitably believe, that the Pope and his Clergy maintain that doctrine and practise with so much eagerness, because they will tend Gods service with less distraction, but that I see the great profits which the Pope reaps by it, the Celibat being very fit for the preservation of the Patrimony of the Church, and for keeping the Clergy in subjection under the power of his Holiness: Also that I see how the same that forbids marriage, permits fornication, and that by barring the Clergy from marriage, both natural and unnatural vices have overflown the Cler­gy.2a 2ae Qu. 88. Art. 11. Thomas the Angelical Doctor acknowledgeth, that the Celibat of Clarks is but of humane right, not of divine institution.Bell l. de Clericis c. 18. sect. At B. Thom. Nunc solum breviter probandum est non jure divino, sed hamano duntaxat prohibitum esse conju­gium. Bellarmine doth the like after him.

Since then marriage is of divine institution, but the Celibat of humane institution, it is a wonder that humane institution prevails over the command­ment of God; and that the fornication of a Priest, is held to be a far lighter sin, then if he had taken a lawful wife. But let us hear what the Word of God saith of this.

1 Cor. 7.2. To avoid fornication, let every man have his own wife, and let every woman have her own husband. Note, that the Apostle saith every man, that one may not except Priests and Fryars; and that he saith, to avoid fornication; Then a Priest subject to fornication is obliged to marry.

The same Apostle in the ninth verse of the same Chapter, saith, If they cannot contain, let them marry, for it is better to marry then to burn. Then if a Priest can­not contain, he is obliged by the Apostles command to marry. Cyprian practised that rule. For in his time, about the year 250. of Christ, when Monasteries were not yet, some Virgins living in their Fathers house, made a vow of perpetual Vir­ginity, which afterwards were found in bed with men, yet protesting that they did no harm with them. Of those women, Cyprian makes this judgement, in the 62. Epistle to Pomponius, Quod si ex fide se Christo dedi­caverunt pudice & caste sine ulla fabula perseverent, &c. Si autem perseverare nolunt vel non possunt, melius est nubant quàm in ignem deliciis suis cadant. If they have dedicated themselves unto Christ, let them continue to live chastly and honestly, without raising tales about themselves; and being thus strong and firm, let them expect the reward of Virginity. But if they will not, or cannot persevere, it is better for them to marry, then to fall into the fire by their voluptuousness. He will have such women, that will not or cannot contain, to break their vow and marry. Now I cannot conceive, why a vow made unto God by a young woman, in her fathers house, by her parents consent, must be less binding, then if she had been vailed by a Bishop. For the strength of the vow lyeth not in that Ceremony, but in the obligation not to lie unto God.

Pag. 688, 689.To this Cardinal du Perron gives three answers.

First he affirmeth, that when the Apostle saith, If they contain not, let them marry, for it is better to marry then to burn; he giveth that order by way of counsel, not by way of precept. Sure, when the Cardinal writ this, his mind was somewhere else, for he considered not that counsel, when it is distinguished from precept, is not an order, so that by saying that St. Paul gave an order by way of counsel, he speaks things contradictory. Besides, one might that way elude all the Commandments of God, and dispense himself from them; saying, God commands me not to be­lieve in Christ, or to obey my father, or not to be a murtherer, only he counselleth me so. When the words of God are imperative, as in this place, If they contain not, let them marry; then to take his words for counsels, is a manifest impiety. [Page 473] Also this Prelate ought not to have been ignorant, that Gods counsels ought to be taken for commands by those that fear him. Thus Prov. 1. Heavenly Wisdom de­nounceth Gods judgements to the prophane, that set at nought his counsel. And Luk. 7.30. the Pharisees are condemned for rejecting the counsel of God. Rev. 3.18. Christ saith to the Church of Laodicea, I counsel thee to buy of me gold tryed by the fire. A counsel which the Church of Laodicea could not reject, but to their perdition.

The Cardinal useth another shift:Pag. 697, 698. He saith that this counsel is given only to those that had made no vow of Celibat, and that were free. Of which vow he produceth an example (and repeats it often) of the widows that had dedicated themselves to the service of the Church in the Office of Deaconesses, and then married, breaking their vow. Of these widows St. Paul saith, 1 Tim. 5.12. that they had damnation, because they had cast off their first faith. But the Cardinal is much mistaken, if he think that the faith mentioned in this place, is the vow of a single life; for the Apostle speaks of the vow given by those women to conse­crate their whole life to the service of the Church, in the Office of Deaconesses. It is so far then, that the Apostle would oblige them never to marry after that pro­mise, that on the contrary he commands them, if they be yet young, to marry notwithstanding their promise: For speaking of the same widows, he saith, v. 14. I will that the younger women marry, bear children, &c. But that for the time to come, they should not be constrained to abandon their Church-service for marry­ing, and to violate their faith and service, he forbids that any woman be received into that charge, or (as our Adversaries speak) to make that vow, before she be threescore years old. Let us suppose then, that these widows Deaconesses, had made a vow never to marry, how comes it that the Apostle will have those of their number that were young to marry, and not to keep their vow? Why doth he forbid that any be admitted to make that vow, if she be under threescore years of age? Why doth the Roman Church go directly against that command, ad­mitting young Girls to make that vow, before they can know the desires of nature? Why do they condemn the Apostle, who forbids young widows to keep that pre­tended vow? But the plain truth is, that the Apostle speaks not here of the vow of a single life, for at threescore years of age that vow would be ridiculous.

Here the Cardinal pronounceth a sentence both severe and rash, absolutely af­firming that those widdows, that had violated their faith, were damned. Saint Paul saith not that he saith only, that they had [that]The Translator craves leave to say here, that our English ver­sion, Having damnation, needs a mild construction, [...] may here signifie judgement, as Mat. 7.2. and the sense of the text may be, that these widows are con­demned in the judge­ment of godly per­sons, for breaking their faith and promise. condemnation, that they had cast off their first faith. He condemneth them as guilty, but pronounceth not an abso­lute sentence of eternal damnation against them. He takes not the hope of pardon from them that repent.

What then, may one say? do you teach men to break their vows? are you preachers of disloyalty? Before I answer, I would wish our Adversaries to answer their own Canons, which say,C. 22. qu. 4. cap. in malis. In malis pro­missionibus frange fidem. In voto in­honesto frange consilium. In ill promises break thy faith. Perform not what thou hast imprudently vowed. That promise is impious, which is fulfilled by sin. For things ill, to vow, are worse yet to perform. He that vowed to be unfaithful, must he keep his vow that he may be faithful? He that vowed to kill his father, must he be a Parricide for fear of offending God? Or if one promiseth that which is not in his power, as to take the Moon; or a thing ridiculous, as never to walk abroad, but with a green cap and a mealy face, or a thing to him unknown, as they that from their childhood vow things which they know not; or that make a vow grounded upon a perswasion, that God will give them that which he hath pro­mised to none: Must all such vows be performed?

Then especially the vow is evil, when one cannot fulfill it, without breaking another vow which was good, necessary to salvation, and to which all are natural­ly bound. Then vows must be kept, when they are of good and righteous things, not dishonest, not absurd, not harmful to others, not hurtful to our salvation, and such as are within the compass of our power.

If the vow of single life be examined upon these rules, it will appear that it is a vow which ought not to be made, and to which those that consecrate themselves [Page 474] to the holy Ministry, ought not to be tyed. Also that many who have made that vow, are obliged by Gods commandment to break it. For they that wanting the gift of continence, make a vow not to marry, go against Gods command by his Apostle, If they contain not, let them marry; and to avoid fornication, let every one have his wife. That vow also is contrary to a precedent vow, to which we are bound by our birth, by our Baptism, and by our ordinary prayers; even to the vow which every Christian makes to obey God.

Then it is a rash part to vow that which is not in our power. Now the conti­nence, not only of body, but of spirit, free from all desires and carnal concupi­scences, is a gift which is not in our power, and which God giveth but to few persons: Neither hath he promised to give it to those that ask it, because it is not necessary to salvation. Whosoever voweth continence, doth rashly presuppose, that God will give it him, and will bestow a grace upon him, which he did not be­stow upon many Saints, Prophets, Apostles, and Martyrs. He doth, as if he vowed never to be sick, and never to have the desires which are natural unto all men. A man burning with incontinence, who voweth unto God never to marry, is like a sick man that voweth never to use the remedies which God presents unto him. He saith to God silently, Lord I promise thee to disobey thy Word. And yet he will have that disobedience allowed him as a work of superarragation, and a greater perfection then to fulfill the Law of God. If then he hath made that vow without know­ledge, as those that are cast into Monasteries, before they be acquainted with the stings of concupiscence, when he comes by age to see himself engaged in a dan­gerous vow, which kindleth his lust, and barreth him from the means to quench it, he must break that vow which he made ignorantly, and get out of Satans snares. Hierom, the great enemy of marriage, found it so; for in his Epistle to Eusto­chium, he confesseth, that among the austerities and fasts, he had his heart among fair maids, and burnt with incontinence. Bernard confesseth the same, in the Book of the inward house, chap. 29. & 36. In Cassian, in Collation 12. chap. 9. and in Collation 2. chap. 23. and in Collation 22. chap. 2. the Monks, Moses, German, and Theonas confess, that after their fasts and prayers they had nocturnall pollu­tions: And to allay their heat, they permit in their rules things dishonest to relate.

Pag. 688.The Cardinals third answer is, that the gift of continence which the Apostle Paul speaks of, is not the possibility of containing, belonging to the general grace, which the School-men call sufficient. Otherwise the acts of incontinence should not be so inex­cusable, and should not be sins, being committed by persons that had not the power not to commit them. But he understands by the gift of continence, the act of containing, belonging to the efficacious grace, which not only enableth to do, but causeth to do. What a deal of dark gibrish in a clear matter? But it is this Prelates custom, when truth presseth him, to hide himself in darkness. I let alone for the present that School distinction, truly ridiculous, which forgeth a grace to be able to do without doing; a grace to be able to contain, but not to contain, which is an useless grace. Then a sufficient grace, which yet hath no efficacy; for therefore it is insufficient, because it hath no efficacy. And that false maxime which he sets down, that sins are no sins, when they are committed by persons that have not the power not to commit them. Upon that score the Devil should never sin, for he is altogether uncapable and unable to do any good. And drunkards, who by a long habit cannot leave their intemperance, should not sin by their excess in drinking. In him that by his fault hath brought himself to the unableness of doing good, and to the necessi­ty of sinning, that very necessity encreaseth the sin, as Aristotle Aristot. Ethic. l. 3. c. 7. [...]. teacheth, That those persons are damnable, and wilfully vicious, who by custom have brought upon themselves the necessity of doing ill.

But to fetch M. du Perron out of his dark hiding place, the summ of his discourse is, that when Paul saith, If they contain not, let them marry; by not containing, he understands, not being incontinent in their desire and lust, but committing the act of fornication. And to the same purpose when Paul saith, It is better to marry then to burn; by burning, he understands not being tempted with fervent concu­piscence, [Page 475] but bringing that temptation to act. This man cuts his throat with his own sword; for if not containing, signifieth here fornicating: And if the Apostle commandeth them that contain not, to marry, all fornicating Priests and Fryars are of necessity bound to marry, and (as the same Apostle saith) to avoid forni­cation, every one ought to have his wife. By the way, how can burning be interpret­ed fornicating, seeing that by fornicating, men seek to quench their burning? Who knows not that in all languages, unchast love is called burning, Forme­sum pastor Coridon ardebat Alexin. especially when one cannot compass the end of his desire.

To conclude, If he to whom God hath given continence, makes a vow not to marry, as long as he hath that gift, and is not tempted with carnal desires, he doth wisely and righteously to keep his vow, and not to marry. But if he fall into ill desires, and see himself in danger of falling; that man not being able to quench his lust without marriage, ought to marry to obey Gods command. Wherefore it is more expedient not to make that vow. A wise man will mistrust his strength, and not put himself in danger to break his vow. And they that will oblige all those to that vow, that will consecrate themselves unto the service of the Church, are the causes of many evils, and oppose Gods Ordinance.

I pass by the abuse of the Franciscans and other Monks, who when they enter into the Monasticall life, make the vow of perpetual continence, not to God alone, but also to the Patron of their Order, as Saint Francis and Saint Dominick, When a Dominican Novice becomes Profess, he makes the vow in these words, I make a vow to God, and to the Blessed Virgin Mary, and to all the Saints, to yield obe­dience to such or such a Prelate, &c. Against the Word of God, Psalm 50.14. Offer unto God thanksgiving, and pay thy vows unto the most High. For vowing is an action of latria, and of the highest Religious service, asTho­mas 2a 2ae Qu. 88. Art. 5. Thomas teacheth. AndCaje­tan. in notis in illum lo­cum Tho­mae. Cajetan after him; who to excuse those vows made unto the Saints, saith, that the Saints are Gods by participation. Bellar. de Cultu. Sanctor. l. 3. c. 9. §. Praeterea Cum scriberentur Scripturae, nondum coeperat usus vovendi Sanctis. Et §. secundâ, Votum non convenit Sanctis nisi quatenus Dii sunt per participationem. At sanctos cum Christo regnantes certò scimus esse tales. Bellarmine saith the same; and freely acknowledgeth, that when holy Scriptures were written, it was not yet the custom to make vows unto the Saints. For the Apostles had not attained yet that measure of instruction.

CHAP. 3. Another text of the Apostle Paul, 1 Tim. 4. against the prohibition of mar­rying. Examination of the Cardinals answers.

THe Apostle Paul speaks thus, 1 Tim. 4.1. The Spirit speaks expresly, that in the latter dayes some shall depart from the faith, giving heed to seducing spirits and doctrines of Devils; speaking lies in hypocrisie, having their conscience seared with a hot iron: Forbidding to marry. That holy Apostle saith, that forbidding to marry is a doctrine of Devils.

Cardinal du Perron answers,Pag. 699, 700. that Saint Paul speaks there historically of the Le­galists, that would have the Law observed with the Gospel, and forbad the use of meats forbidden by the Law, and the use of marriages forbidden by the Law, that is of marriages contracted with other persons, but such as were descended from Abrahams family.

Those Legalists, who were also called Nazarenes, of whom the Cardinal speaks, were in the Apostles time. Against them, Saint Paul writ the Epistle to the Gala­tians, and part of that to the Colossians. That sect did vanish a little after the Apostles time. Whence it is evident, that it is not of them that Saint Paul speaks in this text. For he speaks of some seducing spirits that should come in the latter dayes, and that were not yet come when he was writing. In the latter dayes (saith [Page 476] he) some shall depart from the faith, &c. speaking in the future. He that saith that some persons are to come thereby, signifieth that they are not yet come. Where­fore the Cardinal mistrusting that answer, hath recourse to the ordinary shift, that Paul speaks of those that condemned marriage in it self, as the Eneratites and Mani­cheans, who dogmatized that marriage was an institution of the Devil.

It is true, that they that maintain marriage to be evil of its nature, do wickedly, and are condemned by the Apostle. But therefore they that condemn marriage out of scruple or superstition, or out of an opinion of superarrogation, are not excuseable, but have part in the same condemnation. For Paul calls generally and without distinction, all that forbid marriage, seducing spirits, teaching doctrines of Devils. Whosoever brings exceptions to the general rules of Gods Word, must draw them out of the same Word of God, not forge them in his brains. Did the Word of God except the Clergy from that rule, or those that forbid marriage for exercise, or out of affectation of greater holiness, or to make works of super­arrogation; it were well done to alleadge that exception. But these men bring nothing out of the Word of God, and themselves confess that their Celibat is not of divine institution. So, as by divers wayes, several persons may come to the same precipice, likewise by divers wayes and for divers ends and considerations, several persons may transgress the same Commandment, and come to the same condemnation.

The Cardinal is mistaken, when he saith that the Manicheans did absolutely con­demn marriage in it self, as evil by its nature, and an institution of the Devil. Austin freeth them of that blame,August. Epist. 74. Auduores qui appellan­tur apud eos & car­nibus vescun­tur, & agros colunt, & si volu­erint uxores habent, quorum ni­hil faciunt qui vocantur Electi. They that are called Auditours, among the Manicheans, eat flesh, plow the land, and have wives if they list; of which things nothing is done by those that are called Elect. Those Auditours were the people; and those Elect were a few persons, who among the Manicheans, by austerity of life, affected a greater holiness. Themselves complained, that they were wronged in the report and opinion of men, as Austin saith,Idem lib. 2. de moribus Ecclesiae & Maniche­orum, chap. 18. Hic non dubito vos esse clama­turos invi­diamque facturos, capitatem perfectam vos vehe­menter com­mendare at­que laudare, non tamen nuptias pro­hibere, quando­quidem Auditores vestri quorum apud vos secundus est gradus, ducere atque habere non-prohibentur uxores. Here I make no doubt (speaking to them) that you will exclaim, to make us odious, that you greatly com­mend and praise perfect chastity, but yet forbid not marriage, seeing that your Audi­tours, which are in a second degree amongst you, are not forbidden to marry, and to have wives. That is very far from believing, that marriage was of the Devils insti­tution. Thus in the Council of Gangra, Eustach Bishop of Sebastia was condemn­ed, because he prohibited eating of flesh, and contemned married Priests; al­though he protested that he did it,Sozom. Book 3. ch. 13. [...]. not out of disdain, but out of a pious exer­cise, according to God, as we learn of Sozomenus.

I will say more. That whoso will take the pains to read the Decrees of the Popes Syricius andIn­nocent. Dist. 82. Can. Proposuisti. Innocent, shall find that the Hereticks that condemned matri­mony, as evil and polluted by its nature, have not spoken of it in such odious terms as the Popes have done: For they not only forbid the habitation of Clergy­men with their wives, as a thing contrary to their vow; but also forbid to admit unto holy Offices, those that dwell with their wives, because it is written, Be ye holy, for I am holy, as though there were no holiness in marriage, and because it is written, unto the pure all things are pure, but unto them that are defiled and unbe­lieving nothing is pure; and they that are in the flesh cannot please God; as if mar­ried persons were impure, unbelieving, and debarred from the possibility to please God; wickedly wresting that which in the Word of God, is said against the pro­phane in general, to use it against the marriage of Clergy-men. And the same Pope Syricius Ibid. Can. Plurimos. calls the habitation of a Clark with his wife a crime, & turpem coitum: And married Priests, sectatores libidinum & praeceptores vitiorum, followers of whoredom and teachers of vices. To these expressions the practise is suitable. For why do they exact of a man the vow of perpetual Celibat, before they admit him into the Clergy? Why is a married man excluded from all Orders [Page 477] of the Church, but that they hold the marriage of a Clark unlawfull of its na­ture, and incompatible with the holiness of Ecclesiastical ministery? They are the very words of Pope Innocent, That it is not lawfull to receive into the sa­cred Offices those that use carnal acquaintance with their wives, because it is written, Be ye holy, for I am holy, saith the Lord. This sentence is of the Old Te­stament, when Priests were married by Gods commandment, and is not said to the Priests only; but to all the people.

The Cardinal giveth a third answer,Ibid. Can. Proposuisti. Neque eos fas sit ad officia sacra admitti qui exercent etiam cum uxore car­nale consorti­um, quia Scriptum est Sancti estote quoniam sanctus sum, dixit Domi­nus. Ch. 28. pag. 700. that the Roman Church doth not forbid marriage, because it is in every mans liberty to choose celibat or matri­mony, and that no body is constrained to the ministery of the Church or to mona­stical profession.

I answer, that in the Roman Church there is a constraint to the celibat three wayes, 1. He that finding not himself fit for civil businesses, nor capable of a great labour, sees no other way to pass his life with some honour and com­modity then by serving the Church, is constrained to make that vow, which he takes half willing, and half unwilling, and he will do it because necessity lyeth up­on him to have that will. 2. Then many are cast into Monasteries, not by their choyce, but by the will of their parents, or from their infancy have mitres set on their head, and great Church-livings bestowed upon them, so that they have not their free choyce when they come to the age of choosing, and when nature is most prone to corruption. 3. But the greatest constraint is in them, that have vow­ed and acknowledging themselves incapable to keep their vow, and being un­able to contain, yet are kept against their will under the yoke of that vow against the Apostles command, if they do not contain, let them marry; For humane institu­tion hath prevailed over Gods commandment.

CHAP. 4. Another text of the same Epistle, chap. 3.

ONe text more remains, which more then any puts our Adversaries to the rack. The Apostle Paul, 1 Tim. 3.1. speaks thus, A Bishop must be blame­less the husband of one wife; &c. one that ruleth well his own house, having his children in subjection with all gravity, for if a man knows not how to rule his own house, how shall he take care of the Church of God. And the like order he giveth for the choosing of a Bishop, Tit. 1.6. If any be blameless, the husband of one wife, having faithfull children, not accused of riot, or unruly, For a Bishop must be blameless, &c. Observe that the Apostle saith that the Bishop must be (not that he hath been) the husband of one wife. For if the Apostle said, the Bishop must have been blameless the husband of one wife, vigilant, sober, &c. he should make Episco­pacy a cessation of vertues, and a dispensation from doing good. And when the Apostle will have the wives of Bishops and Deacons to be grave, not slanderers, sober, &c. it is evident that he instructeth them that are wives of Bishops and Deacons, not them that are their wives no more.

Pope Leo the first understands it so,Leo Epist. 85. in quibusd. codicibus est Epist. 87. saying, The Apostle bids that such a man be made a Bishop, which is known to have been or to be the husband of one wife.

And Chrysostom upon Tit. 1.Hom. 2. [...], St. Paul sheweth that marriage is so honou­rable, that with it one may get up into the holy See, so he calls Episcopacy. He saith [...] with it, not [...] after it, as all that have some little skill in Greek understand well. Here admire the Cardinals ignorance in Greek; For whereas he reads [...] (instead of [...]) he joyns [...] with [...], the neuter with the masculin, as if one said negotium ille pro illud, which is a gross incongruity.

To know how and in what sense the Apostle will have the Bishop to be the husband of one wife, it must be known that a man may have two wives together, [Page 478] two several wayes, Either having two wives together in one house, Or one at home, another divorced without cause of adultery. In this manner a woman may have two husbands, for it was in fashion then, both amongJoseph. Origin. l. 11. c. 11. Salome soror Herodio Costobarum virum suum repudiat. Jews, andCoelii Epist. 8. Ep. 7. apud Cicero­nem. Seneca de Benef. l. 3. c. 16. Pagans, that wives would give the b [...]ll of divorce to their husbands. Of which we might bring a great number of examples. The same custom was pra­ctised of old among the Christians. Justin Mar [...]yr in the beginning of the first Apology speaketh of a Christian woman that put away her husband [...]. giving him the bill of divorce. Which is condemned by the Eliberin Council in the eighth and ninth Canon; And in a Council of Carthage, which is the one hun­dred and second Canon in the Code of the Canons of theApud Bal­samonem. Church of Africa. Hierom in the eighty fourth chapter to Oceanus, saith, that Fabiola put away her husband. And in the Epitaph of Marcella he saith, that it was the custom of the rich women to marry poor husbands to put them away. For which cause the Apostle giveth order, that the widows that had been wives of more then one husband, should not be admitted into the office of Deaconesses, that is, if at the same time they had a husband at home, and another divorced. Chrysostom under­stands it so, and saith that the Apostle forbids the Bishop to have two wives at the same time, saying thatChry­sost. in 1 Tim. 3. cap 3. Hom. 3. [...]. the Apostle forbiddeth the excess, because among the Jews the association of a second marriage was lawfull, and to have two wives to­gether. Here the truth is so evident that Cardinal du Perron, and with himBaron. an. 58. Sect. 14. Salmeron Comment. in 1 Cor. 16. Disp. 30. Sect Septimâ. Estius Com. in hunc lo­cum. Cardinal Baronius, and Salmeron, and Estius, acknowledge that in St. Pauls time married men were received to be Bishops. But they say it was only for a time, by reason of the variety of unmarried persons in the time of the birth of the Church, when the Jews cursed the Ministers, and the Pagans punisht them; But that after the Emperour Constantin had given priviledges to them that did lead a single life, the Church began to make use only of persons that lived in celibat.

This is a remarkable confession, that in the Apostles time Bishops were mar­ried. For God would not have permitted in the Apostles time a thing evil of its nature in a matter of so high importance as the Ministery of his Gospel. Al­so it is a great concession, that the celibat of Clarks began in Constantins time, that is, above three hundred years after Christs birth: As in effect all the Canons and testimonies of Antiquity, which Cardinal du Perron brings upon that subject are since that time. We have then for us in this cause by the confession of our Adversaries the whole Church of the old Testament, and the three first ages of the Christian Church. We may safely believe that the Apostles were at the least, as wise as the Bishop of Rome, when they commanded that the Bishop should be blameless, the husband of one wife, without declaring that it was a command­ment only for a time, or saying how long it must be observed in the Church.

For indeed St. Paul spake not of toleration, but gave a rule without excepti­on. Else we should say, that as the command of being husband of one wife was given to the Bishop by toleration and for a time, so the command which obligeth the Bishop to be blameless, sober and vigilant, is but a command for a time. And it will follow, that the Apostle suffers ad tempus, and provisionally, that the Bishop be of a holy and blameless life, for these things are tyed together by the Apostle, and equally recommended to the Bishop. But who seeth not that when St. Paul saith, Let the Bishop be blameless, the husband of one wife, he gives us to under­stand, that the Bishop must be the husband of one wife, that is, he must not have two together, that he may be blameless. For that was an ordinary thing in those dayes to have two wives, the one at home, the other divorced. Yea, wives would put away their husbands to take other husbands, as we have proved. Hierom in the Epistle to Oceanus confuteth those, that by one wife understand the Church.

CHAP. 5. Vindication of the assertion of his Majesty of Great Brittain, that the Cano­nists teach, that fornication is more tolerable in the Ministers of the Church, then lawfull Matrimony.

THis doctrine of the Canonists and other Doctors of the Church of Rome, who hold that whoredom is more tolerable in Priests, then lawfull marriage, seemed very harsh and prophane to his Majesty. To which the Cardinal answe­reth, I have read no such thing in the Latin Canonists, as having little applyed my self to turn over their writings. This Prelat makes himself an ignorant when he pleaseth, and will not take notice of a thing known to all. Who knows not that at Rome marriage is forbidden to the Clarks, but that Brothel-houses are there publickly licensed? Who knows not, thatEman. Sa Aphorism in verbo Epis­copus, mere­tricium est jure permis­sum. if a Priest keeps a concubine, or commits whoredom, it is made a laughing matter, but if he had a wife lawfully married, he should be held a monster, and should by no means be suffered? Doth not Cardinal du Perron call the marriage of one that hath vowed conti­nence a sacriledge? Who ever gave that odious name unto whoredom? Hath not Pope Innocent the third pronounced his judgement upon that? For this being a rule without exception in the Roman Church, that a bigame that is, one that was marri­ed the second time is irregular, that is, incapable to atttain unto the order of Priest­hood, as being in a condition incompatible with the holiness of the Order; yet he that keeps many concubines may be admitted to that Order, and is capable of the Priesthood; and that by the judgement of Pope Innocent the second in these wordsExtra de Bigam. cap. Quia circa. Postulasti per sedem Apostolicam edoceri si Presbyteri plures concu­binas habentes bigami cense­antur. Ad quod duximus respondendū, quod cum irregularita­tem non incurrerint bigamiae, cum eis tanquam simplici fornicatione nota [...]is, quod ad executio­nem sacerdo­talis officii poteris di­spensare. Thou hast desired to be taught by the Apostolick See, whether Priests that have many concubines ought to be accounted bigames. To which we have thought good to answer, that since they have not incurred the irregularity of bigamy, thou maist dispense with them, as for the exercise of the Office of Priesthood, as with persons that are noted but with simple fornication. That Pope held, that a second marri­age leaveth a stain which is for ever incompatible with the Order of Priesthood: but as for whoredom with a multitude of harlots, he holds it compatible with the holiness of the Order, and saith that it is but a simple fornication. To that De­cree of Pope Innocent the Gloss of the Canon Maximianus Dist. 81. Communiter dicitur, quod pro simplici fornicatione quis deponi non debet, cum pauci sine illo vitio inveni­antur. Vide Dist. 82. Can. Presbyter, in Glossa. is consonant, which speaks thus, It is commonly said, that a Priest ought not to be deposed for simple fornication, seeing that very few persons are found without that vice.

Cardinal du Perron himself joins with them in that opinion, calling (withBellarm. de Monachis cap. 19. Sect. Jam vero. Non solum conjugium sacerdotum, quod sacrilegium est non conjugium, sed etiam sanctorum matrimonium sine pollutione quadam & turpitudine non exerceri. Bellarmin) the marriage after the vow of continence, a manifest sacriledge, speaking thus, Besides that the infraction of the vow is against the precepts of the first Table, and imports a manifest sacriledge; other sins are but acts of sin, not resolutions and habits of sin, Whereas the violation of the vow by marrying, is not a simple act of sin, but a continuance, an habit, a perpetual resolution of sin, and a breach of the vow made, not by a simple contrary action as fornication, but by a con­tract, and as it were by a vow of persevering in the breach of the vow. This Prelat casteth dust into the eyes of the ignorant, speaking against his conscience. For he knew that a great multitude of Priests and Bishops commit whoredom, not by one only action, but by a continued habit. He knew that by so doing, they sin against the vow which they have made unto God to obey his law, which vow every man is obliged to fulfill. He knew also that a Priest having a concubine, or many, goeth against the vow which he made, when he took upon him the order of Priesthood, that he would live honestly and continently. He knew al­so that a vow made against God, and against his word, ought not to bee kept; and by consequent that a Clark subject unto whoredom ought to marry, because God saith by his Apostle, If they contain not, let them marry, for it is better to marry then to burn. So that whereas Holy Scripture saith, If they contain not, [Page 480] let them marry; the Roman Church saith, If Clarks contain not, let them not mar­ry for that. And whereas St. Paul saith, It is better to marry then to burn, the Roman Church saith, It is better for Priests and Monks to burn then to marry. And whereas St. Paul saith, To avoid fornication let every man have his wife, the Roman Church saith, Let not Priests given to whoredom have any lawfull wife. And whereas St. Paul saith, Let the Bishop and the Deacon be husbands of one wife, and let them instruct their children in all gravity, The Roman Church saith, Let neither Bishop, nor Priest, nor Deacon have a wife, and let them not be­get children.

So many texts of Scripture are so many thunderbolts, which the Cardinal thinks to turn away with blowing, bringing testimonies of Fathers against them, that is, men against God. To those testimonies of Fathers we will give a chap­ter apart.

But how can the marriage of Clarks be but odious in the Roman Church, and held worse then fornication, since Sodomy is held among them more tolerable then marriage? For whereas marriage is judged altogether incompatible with sacred Orders, the like judgement is not made of Sodomy. For by the rules of the Roman Church, a Sodomist may exercise the Priesthood, and by that abomi­nable vice doth not run into irregularity. Navarrus the Popes Penitentiary teach­eth that, saying,Navarr. in Caput in inferenda 23. Q. 3. De defensione proximi. The crime of Sodomy is not comprehended among the crimes that bring irregularity. First, because a man incurreth not irregularity but by the cases exprest by the Law, in which number that crime is not. Secondly, because such are the words of Pope Innocent. Thirdly, because it matters not if that crime be foul and detestable, seeing that mental heresie is worse, as Thomas saith; which yet brings no irregularity.

CHAP. 6. Answer to the reasons and testimonies which the Cardinal brings against the marriage of Clarks.

THE Cardinal having confest that the action of matrimony, which hath no other end but to get issue,Pag. 695. is free from sin, saith nevertheless, that in that action there is much imperfection, and that it works a total subversion and sink­ing down of reason. To which I answer, that how great soever mans imper­fection be in that point, yet Gods institution, and his especial command covers that defect; God regarding more his ordinance, then our imperfection. If he that drinks in his burning thirst hath all his senses so diverted from all other thoughts, that it is impossible for him to pray to God at that time, or to attend any holy meditation, it followeth not that such a diversion is vicious, or that Clarks must be forbidden to drink when they are dry.

The Cardinal addeth, that by that action original sin is communicated. It is true, that without that action original sin would not pass to posterity, for man­kind should perish, and there would be no posterity. But that doth nothing against matrimony, which is more antient then sin; And by the same reason they that attend Gods service ought not to eat, because by meat the life of the wicked, and the sin which is in the world, is maintained.

He saith next, that God did alwayes put off those that exercised the act of matrimony from dealing and partaking with his mysteries, unless they were purifi­ed before.

That is altogether false, and no such thing is to be found in Gods word. If it were true, God would have commanded the Pastors of the Christian Church to abstain altogether from their wives, because they ought continually to attend Gods service. And God would have forbidden those that are married among his people to be partakers of the Lords holy table, unless they had purified them­selves [Page 481] before by some especial ceremonies; For as for the purity of the con­science, it ought to be continual. Of purification after the marriage bed Christ and his Apostle spake not a word. Wherefore the Cardinal alleadgeth no ex­amples but out of the ceremonial Law, though he knew it to be abolisht by the preaching of the Gospel. He ought by the same reason to have spoken of the touching of a dead man, and of the like pollutions which by the Law of Moses hindered a man from administring holy things. Yet let us see what examples he brings.

All the time (saith he) that the Priests of the Law attended the service of the Temple, they abstained from the use of their own wives. This is altogether false.

Of such a constitution there is not one word in the Old Testament. Yea, the contrary is clearly proved by several texts. The High Priest every day burnt the incense, and ordered the lamps in the Holy place, as it is commanded, Exod. 27.21. & 30.7.Aug. Qu. in Leviti­cum. qu. 31. In tabernacu­lum necesse erat quotidie introire & accedere ad altare prop­ter continuam servitutem, The same High Priest made the continual morning and evening sacrifice in the Temple. And the ordinary food of the Priests was the shoulder and the breast of the sacred victims, and the offerings of the people, and the shew bread. By the Cardinals rule Aaron and his successors till David ought not, and could not be married. It is true, that David instituted four and twenty courses of Priests serving by turns, every one a fortnight in a year. Of that order was Zachariah father to John the Baptist, who, because he lived far from Jerusalem was constrained to leave his family all the time of his service. But the High Priest with his wife and children were lodged in the very Temple (as it may be seen 2 Chron. 22.11, 12.) and absented not himself from his wife.

The Cardinals next allegation is, that when God would give his Law to his people of Israel, he commanded them to abstain from their wives. But is the abstinence of three dayes to any purpose to prove the perpetual Celibat? By the same reason if God had commanded in his Law to abstain from eating, certain dayes, one might infer that the Clergy must not eat all. Legal abstinences are no rules under the Gospel. Note also, that the alleadged abstinence for three dayes from the use of women, was not for the Priests only, but for all the peo­ple. Wherefore we might with more probability infer, that God requireth no greater abstinence in that point from the Clergy, then from the people.

The Cardinal alleadgeth also that when David and his followers desired to eat the shew-bread, Abimelech the Priest asked them whether they were pure from women, that is (as the Cardinal expounds it) from touching their lawfull wives.

The absurdity of this exposition is evident. For if for lying with his own wife a man was made uncapable or unworthy of eating the shew-bread, the Priests were to abstain for ever from their wives, seeing that the shew-bread was their ordinary bread. Either then by those women, other women then lawfull wives are understood, or the Priest Abimelech asking David 1 Sam. 21.4. whether his men had kept themselves at least from women, meant the abstinence from the marriage bed in the time of their separation, in which women were declared polluted according to the Law: and so may Hierom be understood, who upon the twelfth chapter of Matthew, understands that question of the Priest to Davids men of the use of their lawfull wives.

But in this point Hieroms authority is of no weight, seeing that he was a mor­tal enemy to matrimony. For if we must be ruled by him, we must say, that marriage is ashame, that married persons are vessels to dishonour, and that the fruit of marriage is death, but that the fruit of virginity is eternal life, and that they that are in the flesh, that is, the married persons (for so he expounds it) cannot please God. Yet let us receive the Cardinals interpretation; For what strength can there be in that argument? The shew-bread was not to be given to those who a day or two before had lien with their wives: Ergo, Monks, Deacons, and Priests must never marry. Will any man that is in his right sense approve that consequence?

This is all that the Cardinal could find in the Old Testament for the perpetual ce­libat. For he was ashamed to use Bellarmins proofs, who proveth that the Clarks of the Christian Church must never marry, because the Priests of the Old Testament had a girdle about their loyns, and wore drawers.

Pag. 695.The Cardinal having alleadged texts of Scripture with so little reason, to amend the matter, he alleadgeth fables and Pagan histories, saying, that Hippolitus sa­luted Venus afar off, and that Alexander in that act acknowledged that he was no God but man, and that the Kings of Taprobana were deposed whensoever they married. If thence it may be gathered that God in his word prohibited the Clarks to marry, let any man judge. May it not rather be hence gathered, that a mans cause is weak, when he is brought to use fables, and Pagan stories.

Pag. 695.From the Old Testament the Cardinal passeth to the New, and saith, that marriage turneth away the affection of Ministers from the love which they owe unto the Church, and divides and transfers it to the love of their children and family, as St. Paul saith, 1 Cor. 7.32. He that is unmarried, careth for the things that belong to the Lord, how he may please the Lord, But he that is married, careth for the things that are of the world, how he may please his wife, and is di­vided.

I answer, that if the care of children distracteth the care which a Pastor ought to have of the Church, the burning lust of those that live in an incontinent Celibat doth far more distract them. If in the one there be distraction, in the other there is profanatian of the Ministery, and rebellion against God. That distra­ction did not hinder the Apostle Paul from commanding a Bishop to instruct and breed his children in the fear of God. The Prophet Isaiah who begot children in the time of his prophesie and divine revelations, was no less carefull of the Church for that. The same I say of Moses, of Samuel, of St. Peter, and of so ma­ny faithfull Pastors of whom we will speak hereafter. This also will serve for an answer to the Cardinals allegation of Rom. 12.8. where the Apostle command­eth, that he that ruleth, should do it with diligence. Note also, that Paul speak­ing of the distraction from Gods service through the care of wife and children, speaks not of Pastors only, but of the people in general.

To that reason he addeth an evident untruth: That St. Peter, Matth. 19. saith to Christ upon a discourse about women, Behold, we have forsaken all and followed thee, thereby inferring, that Peter had forsaken his wife to follow Christ. But it is most false, that Peter said that unto Christ upon a discourse about wo­men. These words of Peter are in verse 27. now from verse 13, to ver. 27. there is not a word of women and marriage. It is true, that in ver. 29. Christ addeth Every one that hath forsaken Houses, or Brethren, or Sisters, or Father, or Mother, or Wife, or Children, or Lands, for my names sake, shall receive an hundredfold, and shall inherit eternal life. Christ took occasion of saying that upon Peters words, Behold we have forsaken all, and followed thee: But Peter did not say that upon the subject of women. Besides, it is wresting Christs words, to limit to the Clergy only that which Christ said unto all; for all without exception are obliged to forsake Houses, Lands, Wives, Children, Fathers, Mothers, yea, and their own life, when they cannot keep it without breaking their faith unto Christ, and re­nouncing the profession of the Gospel. Wherefore Houses, Lands, Fathers, Mothers, Wives, and Children are here put in the same rank. Whence it is made plain, that as Pastors are not obliged by their charge to forsake their fields, their houses, and their children, no more are they obliged to forake their wives. On­ly in case of persecution, and when a man must either lose these things, or for­sake Christ, he must lose all these things to follow Christ. So doth Austin ex­pound it in the Epistle to Hilary, which is the eighty ninth,Occurrit aliquando necessitatis articulus, ut aut uxor dimittatur, aut Christus. Sometimes there happens a point of necessity, that one must leave either his wife or Christ. And Basil in the eighth interrogation of the more general rules, expounding that text, saith, that God commandeth [...]. to leave these things, when they oppose his commandments.

The Cardinal shuts up his proof by a text out of Matth. 19. where Christ [Page 483] speaks of those that made themselves Eunuchs for the Kingdom of heaven. But he abuseth the Readers, going about to perswade them, that these words are said only of Monks and Clarks who have vowed virginity or perpetual celibat, seeing that Christ speaks of every godly man that leads a chaste life, and abstains from the lust of women, to serve God with more liberty. But every one that makes the vow of celibat is not of those Eunuchs, seeing that many with that vow lead an unchaste life. And Christ speaks not there of a vow, but of a separation from bodily pleasures, which is commendable in Lay-men that have the gift of continence, as well as in Clergy-men.

In vain doth he go about to second that text with another, Isa. 56.4. Thus saith the Lord, unto the Eunuchs that keep my Sabbaths, and choose the things that please me, &c. Even unto them will I give in my house, and within my walls a place and a name better then of sons and of daughters. Our Adversaries, and Cardinal du Perron after others, wrest this text to an Allegory. These Eunuchs (if we may believe them) are those that have vowed never to marry. And that name better then of sons and daughters, is the glory given in Paradise unto works of superarrogation, that is, a degree above the vulgar souls, and the plebeian Saints. But there is no need of an Allegory, where the literal sense is plain. The strangers and the Eunuchs by the Law of Moses were excluded from entring into the house of God. The Prophet Isaiah foretells, that these distinctions shall be taken away by the vocation of the Gentiles, and by the preaching of the Gospel; and that neither Nation, nor bodily imperfection shall be a hinderance to any man from entring into Gods Church. And the Spirit of God declareth, that by that reception into the Church, their condition shall be better then of those that are sons and daughters, and natural children, that is, then the Is­raelites.

Of the Canon of Neocesarea which the Cardinal addeth out of order, as if it were a text of Scripture, we shall speak hereafter.

CHAP. 7. What was the belief of the Antient Church about the marriage of the Mini­sters of the Church. The reasons and allegations of Cardinal du Perron are examined, and some of his falsifications observed.

THE question about the Celibat of Ecclesiastical men is the point about which the Fathers dissent most, not only the one from the other, but each one from himself. Canons of Councils are found pointed one against another; and the same Fathers that commend the Celibat, yet acknowledge that it was not practised by many. Then the customs of Countreys were diverse; The Greek and Oriental Churches commonly receiving married persons into the sa­cred Orders, and not separating them from their wives after their Ordination. And as humane Laws brought in without authority of Gods word, will get strength and take root by the length of time; So we find that in the end of the fourth age, and in the fifth, the Laws of the celibat were strengthened in some places, and that from other places also God raised oppositions against them. And that as the Popes power increased, that yoke grew heavier upon the Clergy of the West, whence great troubles and tumults arose in Christendom.

We deny not, that in the writings of the Fathers virginity is much exalted, and that they exhort them that have vowed virginity to keep their vow. But in the three first ages, and very far within the fourth, none was constrained to make that vow before he was received to the sacred Orders, and commonly Priests were married and dwelt with their wives, although they that lived in celibat were held by many to go beyond others in holiness. We find also that other Churches [Page 484] condemned the example and the Laws of the Roman Church, when they began to take wives from Priests, and to impose the yoke of celibat upon them. Of this it is easie to bring a multitude of instances. I will bring but some of the most preg­nant.

Among the Canons of the Apostles, or those that are so called, The fifth is this, [...]. Let not the Bishop or the Priest put away his wife under pretence of pi­ety. If he put her away, let him be excommunicated; If he persist, let him be deposed.

The Council of Ancyra assembled about the year of the Lord 308. speaks thus in the tenth Canon, [...]. All Deacons that are establisht in their charges, if they have declared in their reception, and said that they have need to marry, and cannot re­main as they are, Let them continue in their service after they are married, because they had permission from the Bishop; But they that have said nothing of that [intent] and have undertaken in their ordination to remain so, (that is, unmar­ried) if they come after that to marry, let them be deprived of their Deaconship. The Cardinal hath translated [...] having been received, not knowing that [...] hath an active signification, and hath no other active but the verbum medium. The Canon saith not, that they were received upon condition of not marrying, but that themselves undertook it, and bound themselves to it. Observe, that this Council believed, that a Deacon after his ordination could marry, so that he had permission from the Bishop.

In the Council of Nice held in the year 325. some made a motion, that wives should be taken from Priests and Bishops; and that they should not be allowed to lye together. To which Paphnutius Bishop of Thebaid in Aegypt, who had one eye put out, and the ham-strings of one of his legs cut off, for the testimony of the Gospel, did vigorously oppose himself, as Sozomenus relates,Sozom. book 1. chap. 23. [...], &c. Others (saith he) thought that Laws ought to be brought in to forbid Bishops and Priests, Deacons, and Sub-deacons to lye with their wives, whom they had mar­ried before they were consecrated. But Paphnutius the Confessor arose and opposed it, calling marriage precious, and habitation with their own wives chastity. And gave counsell to the Synod not to establish that Law, because it was a thing hard to bear, which might cause both them and their wives to live incontinently. Socrates saith the like; that when the motion was made of removing wives from Bishops, Priests, and Deacons.Socrat. lib. 1. cap. 11. [...], &c. Paphnutius rising in the midst of the Assembly, cryed out that they should not lay a heavy burden upon sacred men, saying that the very bed is honourable, and the unpolluted marriage, lest that by an excess of rigor they should rather do harm to the Church, for all cannot bear that discipline, and be un­toucht from all desires. Only he was of that opinion, that he that had taken the sacred Orders being unmarried, should remain as he was according to the anti­ent tradition, and that he said being not married. His advice was followed by the Council.

Suidas in the word Paphnutius relates the same history in the same words, [...]. and addeth with Socrates, that the whole Assembly of Bishops believed the words of Paphnutius, and left it to every ones liberty to do what he would in that point.

Gelasius Cyzicenus who writ the Acts of the Council of Nice makes a relation altogether conformable to that of the alleadged Authors, and addeth in chap. 33.Nemo, ut opinor, in castitate servabitur, si mariti singuli suis privantur uxoribus. Virovum cum suis uxoribus consuetudinem ego praeclaram continentiam esse dico, nec posse separari eam quam Deus conjunxit, & quam semel cum lector aut cantor aut laicus esset, uxorem duxit. None I think shall be saved in chastity (said Paphnutius) if every husband be deprived of his wife: for I say that the habitation of husbands with their wives [Page 485] is an excellent continence, and that a woman which God hath conjoyned [with a husband] cannot be separated, when a man hath married her when he was a Rea­der, a Chaunter, or a Lay-man. Wherefore he saith that the Council left it to the will of the Clarks to abstain if they would from their wives by mutual consent.

See also Cassiodorus Cassiod, hist. tripar­titae lib. 2. cap. 14. and Nicephorus Calistus Niceph. Callist. l. 8. cap. 9. Synodum rogavit ut eam legem non perferret. Gravem enim utrisque sacerdotibus scilicet & conjugibus eorum, atque etiam fortasse vitae parum pudicae cau­sam fore. Vide Poly­dorum Virgi­gilium lib. 5. de Invento­ribus rerum cap. 4. ubi hanc histori­am confir­mat. who observeth that Paphnutius said, that if sacred persons were forbidden the use of their wives, that Law should cause both the Priests and their wives to lead an unchaste life. But because then some Bishops and Priests to get the reputation of a more exact holiness were not married, but instead of a lawfull wife, kept at home a wo­man whom they called [...]. De Agapetis Hier. ad Eust ochium. a well beloved, or Associate, which was covered with the title of holy love, or of some alliance (a thing subject to obloquy and sinister interpretation) the Synod made a Canon whereby it was forbidden to Ecclesiastical persons to keep those Associates in their houses, and command to have no other women about them, but such as were unsuspected, as a Mother, a Sister, and an Aunt. The words of the Canon are, [...]. The great Synod hath wholly forbidden, that it be permitted to any Bishop, Priest, or Deacon, or any of the Clergy, to have an associate; but only his Mother, or Sister, or Aunt, or those only persons that are out of all suspition.

To answer that history of Paphnutius, and fence himself against the authority of the Council of Nice, Chap. 20. of the third Obser­vation pag. 705. the Cardinal laboureth and sweateth hard. He accuseth that history of untruth, as invented by Socrates, not considering that so he accuseth the Roman Decree of falshood wherein the same history is in­serted,Dist. 31. Can. Nicena. and that he giveth the lye to so many witnesses, which we have produced. He saith then that there are six recusations against that History, but he brings but five.

The first is, that Socrates was a Novatian, and by consequent not to be believ­ed. Which I have shewed to be a calumny, and brought diverse testimonies of Socrates, whereby he accuseth the Novatians of schism, and reckons them among hereticks. That objection of the Cardinal is against him, for the Novatians profest a preciser holiness then the Orthodox, and therefore would rather have been contrary to Paphnutius who disallowed the rigour of that yoke. Yet let us suppose that Sacrates was an heretick, for since in the point of the Celibat of Clarks the Novatians dissented not from the Orthodox, a Novatian historian cannot be suspected in this history. Besides, it is with little reason that he falls out with Socrates and medleth not with so many other witnesses which we have brought, who say the same as Socrates. It seems that the Cardinal had read none but Socrates upon that question.

He saith in the second place, that the Grecians unanimously hold the relation of Socrates to be false as for Episcopacy; but he alleadgeth no Author for that but Cedrenus a new Writer, who saith that Paphnutius hindred the Council of Nice who would forbid to the Clarks the conjugal acquaintance with their wives, and decreed that Bishops only should observe it. But we shall hereafter see an Au­thor of far greater authority then Cedrenus evenBalsamon. in Can. 5. Apostolorum. [...]. Balsamon, of all the Gre­cians the most versed in Councils, and Ecclesiastical Canons, who saith that be­fore the Council of Trull held in the year 692. Bishops also might keep their wives. Justinian and the Council of Trull, which du Perron alleadgeth after to invalid the relation of Socrates, are to no purpose, for they speak not of Paphnutius, nor of the Council of Nice.

In the third place, the Cardinal saith that Socrates is manifestly convinced of false­shood by the act of the Council of Nice which (designing what sort of women the Council alloweth to lodge in the Bishops house, as the Mother, the Sister, the Aunt) excludeth the wife from that number; and thereby will perswade us that the Council for­bids the Bishop to have his wife at home. This is an extream ignorance to [Page 486] have so ill understood the word [...] which signifieth an Associate. This Cardinal believed, that when the Canon of the Council of Nice, which I have here produced, forbids the Bishop to keep an Associate at his house, by that Associate the Bishops wife must be understood. One must be very little versed in Antiquity to be ignorant, that these women which they called [...] were strangers not wives. Ruffinus in the first book of his history chap. 6. so trans­lateth this Canon of the Council of Nice, Ne quis Episcoporum caeterorumque Clericorum cum extraneis mulieribus habitet, prae­terquam cum matre, &c. Let none of the Bishops or other Clarks dwell with strange women, saving only his Mother, his Sister, or his Aunt, which are very near persons, where he termeth strangers those which in Greek are called [...] or Associates. The first Council of Carthage speaketh the same language in chap. 3.Nullis lic. at ab affectu absti­nentibus carnali apud extraneas pa­riter commo­rari. Let it not be lawfull [to them that have a pasto­ral charge] who abstain from carnal affection, to dwell with strange women; For the occasions of sin must be cut off. And the fourth Council of Toledo, Can. 42.Quidam Clirici legiti­mum non habentes conjugium, extranearum mulierum interdicta sibi consortia appetunt. Some Clarks being not married, seek the company of strange women, or of their maids, which is forbidden unto them. Hierom in Epist. 22. to Eustocheum shews plainly enough that those women were no wives.Ʋnde in Ecclesias pestis Agape­tarum in—troiit? Unde sine nuptiis aliud nomen uxorum? Ʋnde novum concubinarum genus? Which way (saith he) is that plague of Agapets [or well beloved women] crept into the Church? Whence came that other new name of wives without marriage? Yea, whence came that new kind of concubines? And Epiphanius in the sixty third heresie,Epiph. haer. 63. num. 2. [...]. Vide Peta­vium in Epiph. pag. 331. We call Agapets the Associate women. Eusebius in the seventh book of his history chap. 22. puts that among the crimes of Paulus Samosatenus, that he had about him a company of unmarried women, not without suspition of lying with them. The Law of the Emperours Honorius and Theodosius is formall to this purpose,Cod. de Episc. & Clericis lege 19. Quicunque & cujuscun­que gradus sacerdotio fulciuntur vel clericatus honore censentur, extranearum sibi mulierum interdicta consortia hac tantum eis facultate concessa, ut matres filias atque Germanas intra domorum septa contineant. All that are promoted to any degree of Priesthood, or honoured with Ecclesia­stical Office must know, that the association of strange women is interdicted unto them, being only permitted to have their Mothers, Daughters and Sisters within their houses. Wherefore Justinian in the 123. Novell chap. 29. alleadging the words of that Canon of Nice, instead of [...], and in the Latin superindu­ctam, hath put [...] that is, brought in, or crept in from abroad. Among the verses of Gregory Nazianzen there is an Epigram against these [...], Asso­ciates, [...]. where he saith that he knows not whether the persons so associated be married or not married. In a word, who so will believe that those Agapets or associate women were married women, sheweth himself very ignorant in An­tiquity.

Out of all this it is made evident, that this Canon of the Council of Nice, is made only against unmarried Bishops who kept Associates instead of Wives. Photius teacheth that very expresly in his Nomocanon, setting down this Canon in these words.Photius Nomocanone Tit. 8. de Paroch. cap. 14. [...]. Apud Balsamonem pag. 99. Let no Clark that hath no wife, keep an associate at home, saving on­ly his Mother, his Sister. &c. The second Council of Tours hath the like Canon,Cap. 14. Episcopum Episcopam non habentem nulla sequatur turba mulierum. Let no troop of women follow a Bishop that hath not a Bishoppess.

Also the Cardinal goeth about to convince Socrates of untruth for saying, that the Council of Nice being perswaded by Paphnutius made no new order about that point. If (saith he) that dissuasion had been true, the Council neither could nor ought to abstain from it: For that Law which he saith to have been op­posed by Paphnutius had been made already by many particular Councils, as by the Eliberin Council where the same Osius, that presided in the Council of Nice, had been present. Nay, the clean contrary followeth. For since Socrates, Sozomenus, Gelasius, Cassiodorus, Nicephorus, and Suidas, of whom the first four are antient witnesses that Paphnutius spake of that Law of Celibat as of a new Law and a yoke which had not been before, we may certainly affirm that as yet there was no such Law. Neither could the Cardinal produce any Council more antient then that of Nice for that Law: for the Eliberin Council which he alleadgeth prescribes the [Page 487] contrary. The words of the Canon are,Placuit in totum p [...]ohibere Episcopis Presbyteris Diaconibus & Subdiaco­nibus positis in Ministerio abstinere sese à conjugibus & non gene­nerare filios, &c. We thought it good to forbid alto­gether Bishops, Priests, Deacons, and Subdeacons establisht in the Ministery to ab­stain from their wives and from begetting children. Can more express terms be devised to condemn Clarks that make conscience to come near their wives, and to beget children? Truly, if that Canon ought to be taken in a quite contrary sense, as the Cardinal will have it, and if thereby the marriage of Clarks had been forbidden, Hosius who was both present and President in the Council of Nice, and who had been before one of the Eliberin Council would have con­tradicted Paphnutius. Would he not have told him, You erre saying that this Law of Celibat is a new Law, and not established before, seeing that it was established in the Eliberin Council, where I was present? This is then the difference: The Eliberin Council saith, It is ordained that prohibition be made to Bishops to abstain from their wives, but Cardinal du Perron maintains that prohibere signifieth com­manding or enjoyning to abstain, which is an horrible licentiousness.Pag. 703. Yet he de­fends himself with a text of St. Paul, 1 Tim. 4.3. prohibentes abstinere à cibis, which (saith he) signifieth commanding to abstain from meats: But that's false. For there is in the text prohibentium nubere, abstinere à cibis: The word prohi­bentium, belongs to the precedent clause. And better it is, in the second clause, abstinere a cibis, to supply a convenient word to the Apostles intention, and translate commanding to abstain from meats, as also the Doctors of Lovain have done in their French version. Thus when Virgil saith, thatIpse Quirinali lituo parva­que sedebat Succinctus trabea. Evander sate clad with a short robe, and with a crookod staff, he means not that Evander was clad with a staff.

Note also, that this Eliberin Council was held in Spain, and that in Spain since that Council Bishops were married, and begot children in the time of their Episcopacy, as we shall see hereafter by the example of Carterius.

The Cardinals fourth answer whereby he labours to weaken the authority of that history of Paphnutius, is, that the constitution made in the Eliberin Council, before the Council of Nice was repeated again after the Council of Nice in many subsequent Councils. This Cardinal having said, That the Law of the Celibat had been already made by many particular Councils before the Council of Nice, could not bring any Council but that of Eliberis which commands the clean contrary, as we have shewed. Now he brings Councils much later then that of Nice, wherein he saith that this Law was confirmed, which against truth he pretends to have been constituted in the Eliberin Council; But what doth that for the weakning of the relation of Socrates about the dissuasion of Paphnutius? Who knows not, that in points of discipline and Ecclesiastical order ages will alter, and customs will vary? He alleadgeth then the second Council of Carthage, held about the year of our Lord 390. that is, sixty five years after the Council of Nice, and but a particular Council of some Provinces of Africa. But in the same time, both in Greece, and in all the East, Priests were married, and kept their wives which they had married before their ordination. The same I say of the first Council of Toledo, and ofThe Car­dinal hath quoted in the margent the first Council of Arles instead of the second. the second Council of Arles, if the Acts that are extant be true: For we have them only in the Latin Tomes of the Coun­cils, the first of which hath almost nothing certain but the Canons which the Greek Church hath preserved for us. Neither is it like that those petty Councils which are put a little after the Council of Nice, would have opposed themselves unto that venerable Universal Council which had rejected those that would bring in that Law of the Celibat, and had left that to every mans liberty.

In the Roman Decree Dist. 28.Can. Assumi. a Canon of the third Council of Arles is alleadged, saying that a married Priest must not be admitted, unless he pro­mise conversion. Which is not found in that Council of Arles in the Tomes of Collen of the year 1567. But in the elder Editions of the year 1538. at Collen, and of 1551. and in that of Bartholomew Caranza, there is the clean contrary. For the Canon speaks thus, Assumi aliquem ad sacerdotium non posse in conjugii vinculo constitutum non oportet, nisi fuerit promissa conversio. That is, It is a thing that must not be, that a man being in the bond of matrimony should not be re­ceived [Page 488] to the Priesthood, unless he promise conversion before. So little trust there is to be put in those Latin Canons of Councils which are not found in the Greek.

It is very considerable, that a few years after the Council of Nice a Council was held at Gangra, whose Canons (though but of a provincial Council) were of so much authority that they were inserted in the Code of the Universal Church, and approved by the Universal Councils that followed, especially by the sixth Council assembled again in the Palace of Trull to make Canons. For such is the second Canon,Concil. in Trullo Can. 2. [...]. We ratifie all the sacred Canons of the holy Fa­thers, &c. those of Neocesarea, as also those of Gangra. Now of that Council this is the fourth Canon, [...]. If any make a difference of a married Priest, as if none ought to partake of the oblation when he doth the service, let him be anathema. There is in the Greek [...], which signifieth a married Priest, not one that hath been married. So doth the Apostle speak 1 Cor. 7.10. [...], to them that are married, not to them that have been, as our Cardinal (after Bellarmin) would perswade us pag. 708. And Theodoret saith,Libro [...], cap de matri­monio. that St. Peter was called to the Apostleship [...] out of the company of married persons, not of those that had been married.

The Roman DecreeDist. 28. Can. Si quis. translateth this Canon, presbyterum conjugatum, a married Priest. And Socrates in book 2. cap. 33. speaking of the condemnation of this Eustathius by the same Council saith, He commanded that the communion of a Priest, [...], that had a wife, should be avoided like a crime. Truly although the Greek tongue should suffer that interpretation, yet the occasion upon which that Canon was made, doth not admit it. For the Preface of that Council sheweth, that this Council was assembled against Eustathius Bishop of Sebastia in Armenia, who among many errors taught wives to forsake their hus­bands, and to shave themselves, and commanded fasting upon the Lords day, and forbad eating of flesh, [...]. The Latin translateth in domibus conjugatorum. and dissuaded Christians from praying in the houses of married persons, [...]. despising married Priests, and teaching men not to be partakers of the holy mysteries touched by their hand. Which errors the Council condemning, addeth in the end, We admire virginity when it is with humility, and honour the honest cohabitation of matrimony. Where it is clear, that per­sons that live in matrimony, are understood, not they that sometimes lived in that state.

The Cardinal adds places of Eusebius, and Epiphanius which he hath falsified as we shall hereafter see. And those places speak neither of the Council of Nice, nor of Paphnutius, of whom it is in question in this place; We shall see what authority those Fathers may have whom he alleadgeth.

About the time of the same Council the Emperour Constantin made a Law which is the second in the title de Episcopis & Clericis, and speaks thusClerici ad paranga­riam praestati­onem non vocentur, nec eorundem facultates atque substan­tiae. Omnibus Clericis haec praerogativa succurrat, ut & conjugia clericorum & liberi immu­nes semper ab hujusmodi muneribus perseverent. Let not Clarks be obliged to the expenses of publick messengers or posts, nor their goods and estates. Let this prerogative serve for all the Clarks that their wives and chil­dren, both sons and daughters be exempted from such charges.

The eighth Canon of the Council of Neocesarea commands a Clark [...]. to send his wife away, if she hath committed adultery after his ordination. For that Coun­cil which forbidsCan. 1. Priests to marry after their ordination, permits them to keep their wives which they had married before their ordination. Which custom the Greek Church hath alwayes observed, and observeth to this day.

The Council of Chalcedon in the fourteenth Canon [...]. forbiddeth Readers and Singers to marry with wives of diverse religion. And in the sixteenth Ca­non power is given to the Bishop to give permission to marry to persons that have vowed virginity.

Pope Syricius Can. Quisquis, in the eighty fourth Distinction speaks thus,Quisquis clericus aut viduam vel secundam daxerit uxorem, omnis Ecclesiasticae dignitatis privilegio mox denudetur. Let any Clark that shall marry a widdow or a second wife be immediately deprived of all priviledges of Ecclesiastical dignity. That Canon permits not only married [Page 489] persons to be Clarks, but the Clarks also to marry. This agreeth with the Council of Tela or Tellene, where there is a Decretal Epistle of that Syricius, containing nine Canons, of which this is the fourth,Ʋt mulierem id est viduam clericus non ducat uxorem. Let not a Clark marry a widow. The twelfth Canon of the third Council of Carthage saith,Ʋt filii vel filiae Episcoporum vel quorum­libet clerico­rum gentili­bus vel haereticis aut schisma­ticis matri­monio non conjungantur. Let not the sons or daughters of Bishops, or other Clarks whatsoever, be joyned in matrimony with Pa­gans, or Hereticks, or Schismaticks. And in the Epistle of Innocent the I. to Victri­cius, Let not the Clark marry a widow.

Socrates in the fifth book, chap. 22. speaks thus, I have observed another custom in Thessalia, That one that is made a Clark is degraded, if after he was made Clark, he lye with the wife which he had married before he was a Clark. Whereas in the East, they that are famous [...]. and the Bishops themselves, abstain altogether [from their wives] if they will, but they do it not being constrained by any Law: For many among them in the time of their Episcopacy have begot children of their lawful wives. He addeth that Theodorus or Heliodorus, Clark of Triba or Trixa, the same that writ the love-book called Ethiopica, brought that custom into Thessalia.

The Cardinal in the same twentieth Chapter, brings many Texts of Hierom against marriage. Which is not fair dealing, for he knoweth how much Hierom was blamed for that, as himself confesseth in his Apology to Pammachius. We need not repeat the slanderous and reviling words of that Father against marriage, of which we brought some before: Wherefore his words in this question are of no weight. But that which is most observable, is, that himself in the first Book against Jovinian, where he dealeth so unworthily with matrimony, acknowledgeth never­theless that in his time Bishops were married. If (saith he) Samuel brought up in the Tabernacle did marry, what doth that to the prejudice of Virginity? Quasi non hodie plurimi sacer­dotes habeant matrimonia, & Episco­pum Aposto­lus describat unius uxoris virum haben­tem liberos cum omni castitate. As though many Bishops in our dayes were not married. Seeing that the Apostle describes the Bishop, the husband of one wife, having children with all chastity. And in the same place, Married men are chosen, I deny it not. Again,Fre­quenter in ordinatione sacerdotali virgo negli­gitur, maritus assumitur. Many times in the Ordination of a Priest, a Virgin is neglected, a married man is taken.

Yea the same Hierom in the Epistle to Oceanus praiseth Carterius a Bishop in Spain, that being a Bishop, he begot children of a second wife. Carterius (saith he)Ille in uxore optavit liberos, tu in meretrice sobolem per­didisti; il­lum naturae & benedi­ctioni Dei servientem dicenti crescite, &c. cubiculorum secreta texerunt, te subantem ad coitum publica facies execrata est. Ille quod licebat verecundo pudore celavit, tu quod non licebat impudenter oculis omnium ingessisti. Illi scriptum est, honorabiles nuptiae, &c. desired to have children by his wife, but thou applying thy self to an harlot, hast lost thy race. He was hid in the secret of his chamber, whilest he served nature and the blessing of God, who saith, Increase and multiply, and fill the earth: But thou in thy libidinous heat wast detested by the looks of the people. He did cover with an in­genuous shamefac'tness that which was lawful, but thou hast impudently exposed unto the eyes of all, that which was unlawful. For him it is written, that marriage is ho­nourable, and the bed undefiled: But for thee it is said, that Whoremongers and Adul­terers God shall judge.

In the same place speaking of married Bishops,Episcopos sigillatim si voluero nominare, tantus numerus congregabitur ut Ariminensis Synodi multitudo supe­retur. If I would name all the Bishops one by one, I might assemble so great a number, that it would go beyond the number of the Synod of Ariminum. In which Council there was above six hun­dred Bishops.

The same Doctor in the same Epistle, expounding the Text of Saint Paul, Let the Bishop be the husband of one wife; saith,Apostolus praecepit ne eandem licentiam Ecclesiae sibi vindicent sacerdotes, ne bina pariter & trina conjugia sortiantur, sed ut singulas uno tempore uxores habeant. the Apostle commands that the Bishops of the Church take that licence no more, and forbids them to have two or three marriages together, but will have them to keep but one wife at once.

Epiphanius, in the Heresie of the Novatians, which is the 59. saith, that where the Ecclesiastical Canons are exact and strict, a man begetting children, is not re­ceived into Ecclesiastical Orders. But in the same place he acknowledgeth that these Orders were not practised every where. [...]. Thou wilt tell me (saith he) that yet in some places, Priests, Deacons, and sub-Deacons beget children. To which he answereth, that this is done, not by the rules, but by the loosness of men; [...]. and [Page 490] because they found not persons enough that might fill up the charges, because of the great number. The Cardinal alleadgeth this place according to his wonted faithful­ness,Falsification of the Car­dinal. for he falsifies it, and clips from it what displeaseth him. He translateth for his own conveniency [...], sincere, whereas it signifieth exact and strict, and clips this clause, Thou wilt tell me, that yet in some places Priests and Deacons, &c. beget children; Also that which Epiphanius saith, that for want of others, Priests that beget children are chosen.

The same Epiphanius in the Heresie of the Apostolicks, which is the 61. praiseth those that vow perpetual Virginity, yet acknowledging that such a vow hath no ground in Scripture, but in tradition. He saith that a Virgin that breaks her vow, sinneth grievously: Yet he declareth, that it is better for her to break that vow, and to marry, then to fall into fornication. [...], &c. It is better (saith he) to have one sin then many. It is better if a man be faln off from his course, to take a wife openly, according to the Law, and being decayed from Virginity, after a long pennance, be brought in again into the Church, &c. then every day to be wounded with secret ar­rows, and by the vice suggested by the Devil.

And now since we speak of falsifications, the Cardinal in the same twentieth Chapter, bringing his fifth recusation against the History of Paphnutius, quoteth a Text of Eusebius, which is found in the seventh Chapter of the first Book of Evangelical demonstration. There is according to the Greek, [...]. The Heralds of the word of piety, for the present, necessarily study to keep themselves retired from matrimony, because they tend better things, employing themselves to the divine, and not carnal generation of children. The Cardinal contented not himself to omit these words, for the present, whereby Eusebius signifies, that they that abstained from matrimony, did it in consideration of the present time: But he hath trans­lated also [...], dissolution, to perswade that they that consecrated themselves to the holy Ministry, forsook their wives, and made a dissolution of Matrimony: A thing forbidden by Christ, Matth. 19.6. & 9. And by Paul, 1 Cor. 7.11. In­deed [...], signifies not dissolution, but retirement from society, in the same sense as the Hermites are called in Greek Anachorets, that is, living a retired life far from society, but that word signifieth not makers of dissolution; in the same sense as in the first Book of Herodian, [...], signifieth, a place of retirement, far from communication; but that doth not import any dissolution. Eusebius then saith, that in his time many Christians, the Pastors of the Church especially, did not marry, that they might tend their office with more liberty. Which is very commendable in them that have the gift of continence. And it is credible, that God at that time gave it to more persons then he doth now. But they did it by a voluntary abstinence, without any binding Law: For of that Law or Rule, Eusebius speaks not. If there had been such a Law, Paphnutius would not have spoken in full Council against that Law (that some would have brought in) as new and intolerable. And the Synod would not have followed his advice.

But in the same time lived Athanasius, who in the Epistle to Dracontius hath these words, [...]. Many Bishops never were married, but there are Monks that are Fathers of children. As on the other side, we have known Bishops that were Fathers of children, and Monks altogether without issue, and Clarks that fasted, and Monks that drunk. [...]. For it is permitted so to do, and it is not forbidden to do otherwise.

Theodoret speaks thus,Theodoret. summa divinorum dogmatum, cap. de Virginitate, [...], &c. [...]. The Lord God made no Laws about Virginity, for he knew that to be above nature. And in the same place, The divine Apostle saith of Vir­ginity, I have no commandment of the Lord, for the Lord gave no Law about Virgi­nity. [...]. And in the following Chapter, The first of the Apostles was called out of the company of married persons.

Austin in the book of Heresies, in the Heresie of the Apostolicks,In suam com­munionem non reciper­ent untentes conjugibus, & res pro­prias possi­dentes, quales habet Ca [...]ho­lica Ecclesia monachos & Clericos quampluri­mos. They receive not into their communion, those that make use of wives, and that have proprie­ty of goods: Of which sort of men the Catholick Church hath many, both Monks and Clarks. We have heard before Chrysostom saying, in his second Homily upon the Epistle to Titus, that marriage is so honourable, that with it men may rise even to the Episcopal See.

In the twenty eighth Distinction of the Roman Decree, Can. De Syracusana, Pope Pelagius, though he followed the course of his predecessors, Syricius and Innocent, sworn enemies to the marriage of Clarks, yet the people of Saragossa, being desirous of a certain Bishop that had a wife and children, granted him unto them, upon condition that he should not bestow the goods of the Church upon his wife and children.Uxor superstes & filii per q [...]os Eccle­siastica solet p [...]riclitari substantia. For (saith he) wife and children are they, by whom the Church goods use to be endangered. Thereby shewing two things; the one, that then there were Priests married, and that the marriage of a Bishop was not held a thing of its nature unlawful, since it was permitted to some. The other, that the true reason which moved the Popes to make that constitution in the Roman Church (for the Greek Church never received it) was the preservation of Ecclesiastical goods.

Isidorus in the beginning of the second Book of Ecclesiastical Offices, brings this rule of the antient Fathers,Contu­bernia extra­nearum foe­minarum nullatenus appetant, Castimoniam quoque in­violati cor­poris perpetuò conservare studean [...], aut certe unius matri­monii vinculo foederentur. Let not Clarks desire to keep strange women at home. Let them study to keep the perpetual chastity of an inviolate body; or let them, at least be allyed with the bond of one marriage. It is evident, that by those strange women, those Agapets or Associates are understood, which the Council of Nice prohibited. And note, that this rule permits not only to make married men Clarks, but Clarks to marry, asTertul. lib. de pudic. c. 8. Licebat Apostolis nubere. sect. 54. Tertullian, told us before, that it was lawful for the Apostles to marry.

Baronius an. 453. brings a Synod of Anjou, which saith among other things,Non nisi unius uxoris viri, iidemque virginibus copulati, diaconi vel Presbyteri ordinentur. Let none be ordained Priests or Deacons, but such as are husbands of one only wife, and that have married Virgins. That constitution was still kept in Gauls, in the ninth age. For Hinckman in his Epistle to the Clergy, and the people of Tournay, speaks thus,p. 590, Nec unquam ordinationes praesumat illicitas, ne bigamum aut qui virginem (si de con­jugatis ag [...]ndum est) non est sortitus uxorem. Let him not presume to make unlawful Ordinations. Let him not receive a bigame to Orders, nor him that married a woman that was not a Virgin; if it be in question of married persons. And in the Epistle to the Clergy and people of Beauvais, Non recipitur ad clerum qui maritus viduae fit. That man is not received into the Clergy that marrieth a widow.

Du Haillan in the life of Charles the Simple, saith, that in that Kings reign a Council was held in France, in which it was permitted unto Priests to marry Virgin wives.

This is the 43. Canon of the Council of Toledo, The Clarks that have married without the Bishops counsel, or taken widows, or divorced women, or whores for their wives, must be separated by their own Bishop.

Pope Innocent the first, in the fourth Epistle to Felix Bishop of Nocera, speaks thus, It is forbidden in the Law unto the Priest, to have a woman that was a widow; or one of a sordid condition. The same in the Epistle to Victricius, chap. 4. Ʋt vi­duam Clericus non ducat uxorem. Let not a Clark marry one that was a widow.

Above all, the thirteenth Canon of the Council of Constantinople, reassembled at Trull, is express to this purpose, Whereas we have heard, that in the Roman Church this is given for a rule, that such as are to be honoured with the Order of Deacon or Priest, must openly promise that they shall joyn no more with their wives; We according to the antient rule of the exact Discipline and Order of the Apostles, will that here­after the co-habitation of sacred men, made according to the Laws, remain firm, not separating them in any wise from touching their wives, nor depriving them of their mutual company in convenient time; so that if any be found worthy to be Ordained sub-Deacon, or Deacon, or Priest, Clerici qui sine consultu Episcopi sui uxores duxerint, aut viduam aut repudiatam vel meretricem in conjugium receperint, separari eos à proprio Episcopo oportebit. he shall not be kept off from that degree upon pretence of [Page 492] his cohabitation with his lawful wife: And at the time of his Ordination, no pro­mise shall be required from him, that he shall abstain from the lawful habitation with his own wife, for fear that by that means we be constrained to wrong and disgrace ma­trimony, which God hath instituted, and blest with his presence, seeing that the Go­spel cryeth up, That which God hath joyned, let not man separate. The thing most to be observed in that Canon, is that the Church of Rome is by name con­demned in it.Can. sextum Dist. 3. de Conse­cratione. Sextam Sy­nodum re­cipio cum omnibus Ca­nonibus suis. Pope Adrian approveth the Canons of that Council, as doth also the second Council of Nice.

It is true, that in the same Council marriage is forbidden to Bishops. But Bal­samon Patriarch of Antioch, upon the fifth Canon of the Apostles, speaks thus, [...]. Before the VI. Council, which was held in the Palace of Trull, Bishops were permitted to keep their wives, even after they had the Episcopal dignity bestowed upon them. And he addeth, that in Africa, Lybia, and other places, they are allowed to cohabit with their wives.

That I may not amplifie this matter further, I will shut up this discourse with a place of Gregory the I. who writ in the year 595. when the Law of the Celibat of the Clergy was strengthened in those places, where the Bishop of Rome had power. In the IV. Book of his Dialogues, chap. I. he speaks of the wives of Priests, which he calls Presbyteras, Priestesses; and saith that a Priest of Nursia abstained from touching his wife.Habent quippe sancti viri hoc pro­prium. Nam ut semper ab illicitis longè sint, à se plerunque licita ab­scindunt. For (saith he) holy men have this property, to cut off themselves from lawful things, that they may alwayes be far from the un­lawful.

The same Pope in the twenty fourth Epistle of the third Book,De or­dinationibus vero vel de nuptiis cleri­corum, nullus quicquam praemii prae­sumat ac­cipere. forbids to receive money for the Ordination, or for the marriage of Clarks. These Popes, though fully bent upon planting the Law of Celibat with all their power, yet were often forced to give place unto nature; and conscience did many times put them to the rack, and made them confess the truth: So far that Pius the II. was saying, thatSacerdo­tibus magna ratione sub­latas nuptias, majori resti­tuendas videri. for great reasons marriage had been taken from Priests, but that for greater reasons it should be restored to them, as Platina saith.

The words of Polydorus Virgilius, are notable in the fifth Book of the Inven­tors of things, chap. 4. The Apostle Saint Paul hath prescribed to our Priests the manner how they ought to contract matrimony, writing thus unto Timothy, The Bishop must be blameless, the husband of one wife; And a little after, Let the Deacons be the husbands of one wife only. That which is permitted to Bishops, is also granted to Priests, seeing that upon Hieroms testimony we have said in another place, that Priests in old time were called Bishops. Of sub-Deacons he saith nothing, who in those dayes were not a sacred Order.

CHAP. 8. Examples of Clarks married, both Antient and Modern.

WE heard before Ignatius, and Clemens Alexandrinus, and Ambrose, say­ing, that most part of the Apostles had wives: And Athanasius saying, that he had known married Bishops, and others living single: And Hierom praising Bishop Carterius for begetting children on his second wife, in the time of his Episcopacy. I will bring here a few more examples.

Dionysius Alexandrinus, a man of holy life, who writ about the year 260. [...], &c. speaks of his children in an Epistle which is in the sixth Book, chap. 40. of Eusebius.

Sozomenus, book 1. chap. 11. speaks thus of Spiridion Bishop of Cyprus, [...]. That rustick man, having a wife and children, yet never the unfitter for that, for divine things. p. 709. The Cardinal, who to wrest the Fathers finds nothing too hard, saith that Sozomenus understands, that Spiridion for being a rustick man, was not the unfitter for divine things; but the Greek construction is repugnant to that, for the word [...], relates necessarily to that which is next, and the Authors [Page 493] meaning is that Spiridion was not unfitter for Gods service, for having a wife and children. Also the Cardinal would perswade the Reader, that Spiridion's wife was dead when he was made a Bishop. Which Sozomenus contradicteth, saying, That rustick man having a wife and children, not that sometimes had a wife. The Menology of the Grecians alleadged by the Cardinal, that is the Lunar Calendar which the Greek Churches use now, is of no more authority, then if he alleadged a new Almanack printed at Venice.

He is ridiculous, when he will prove that Spiridions wife was dead because his daughter served him, as though a daugher did owe no service to her Father during her mothers life.

In the ninth Epistle of the seventh book of Sidonius Bishop of Clermont in Auvergne, De Sido­nio vide Gregor: Tu­ronensem & ejus vitam scriptam à Savanarola. Sidonius puts this among the praises of Simplicius Bishop of Bourges, He hath a wife of the race of the Palladians, and two sons well and pru­dently instructed.

Sidonius himself had married a wife named Papianilla daughter to the Empe­rour Avitus, who distributed her plate unto the poor.

Gregory Nazianzen was son to Gregory Bishop of Nazianza, who during his Episcopacy lived with his wife Nonna to an extream old age in the same house; as it is seen in the said Gregories life set before his works; And in the Oration which the said Gregory made upon his father, and in the oration about his sister Gorgonia, and in that about his brother Caesarius.

The Cardinal pretends to prove,Pag. 710. that he did not touch his wife since he was a Bishop, because he dyed being a hundred years old, and was fourty years Bi­shop. He meaneth that a man hath lost his vigor at the age of threescore years. Which cannot be true in a man that liveth a hundred years. Yet sup­pose that it is so: But who knoweth not that a man then jumped not into Epis­copacy with one leap, and that this Gregory had past many years in the other Or­ders of the Church, before he was a Bishop.

St. Gregory of Nyssa brother to St. Basil was married. Nicephorus speaks thus of him book. 11. chap. 19.Et quam­vis is conju­gem habuerit, rebus tamen aliis fratri minime cessit. Although he had a wife, in other things he was not inferiour to his brother.

Liberatus in his Breviary, chap. 10.Ordinatus est Episcopus Alexandri­nus Dioscorus qui fuit quidem Archidiaconus ejusdem Cyrilli, qui neque uxorem neque filios habuit. observeth in Dioscorus Patriarch of Alexandria as a thing not ordinary, that he had neithet wife nor chil­dren.

Synesius Bishop of Cyrene being desired to take upon him the office of Bishop would not accept of it, but upon condition that he might be allowed to keep his wife, and have her with him, and beget on her as many children as he could, as himself saith, Epist. 105. As for me, I will not separate my self from her in any wise, and will not lye with her by stealth like an adulterer, but I will endeavour and wish to have by her many fine children.

This example sheweth indeed that in Africk the Law was more rigid then in other places, and that they made difficulty to admit a married Bishop. But this shews also that this rule was not generally observed. In vain the Cardinal al­leadgeth, that this Synesius did not believe the resurrection: For that is nothing to this question. It is enough that he was a Bishop dwelling with his wife, and was very much honoured. [...].

In the fifty sixth Distinction of the Roman Decree in the Canon Osius, there is a long list of Bishops, children of Clarks.

Osius Papa filius fuit Stephani subdia­coni. Bonifacius Papa fuit filius Jocundi Presbyteri, &c. Pope Osius was son of Stephen Subdeacon, Pope Boniface was son of the Priest Jocundus. And that one may not think that they were begotten by for­nication, or before their fathers were Clarks, The Canon Cenomanensem, in the same Distinction hath these words,Cum ergo ex sacerdotibus nati in summos Pon­tifices supra leguntur esse promoti, non sunt intelligendi de fornicatione sed de legitimis conjugiis nati, quae sa­cerdotibus ante prohibitionem ubique licita erant & in Orientali Ecclesia usque hodie licere probantur. When then we read before, that persons [Page 494] born of Priests were promoted to the charge of High Priests, we must not understand, that they were begotten by fornication, but in lawfull matrimony, which before the prohibition were allowed every where; and yet to this day they are permitted in the Oriental Church. In Armenia the marriage of Clarks was in such honour, [...]. that none was received to the sacred Orders unless he was of sacerdotal race. For which the Armenians are condemned by the Council of Trull Can. 33. which forbids to regard the extraction in the ordination.

Yea in the West, for all that the Bishops of Rome could do, Priests were commonly married. In Germany especially, where Pope Gregory the VII. sirnamed Hildebrand stirred up many troubles and scandals about that, as it is related by Schafnaburgensis, and Sigebertus, who speaks thus upon the year 1074.Gregorius Papa convo­cata Synodo Simoniacos anathemati­zavil, & uxoratos sacerdotes à divino officio removit, & Laicos missam eorum audire interdixit, novo exemplo, & ut multis visum est in­considerato praejudicio, contra sancto­rum Patrum sententiam. Pope Gregory having called a Synod, excommunicated the Simoniacks, and expelled married Priests from the divine Office, and forbad Lay-men to hear their Mass, by a new example, as many hold, and by an inconsiderate prejudice against the opi­nion of the Holy Fathers, &c. And so Schafnaburgensis on the same year;Contra hoc decretum quo statuitur ne quisquam ad sacros ordines admittatur, qui non perpetuam continentiam vitamque caelibem profitetur: tota Clericorum factio vehementer infremuit, hominem esse haereticum clamitans, &c. Against that Decree [of Gregory the VII.] whereby it was constituted that none should be admitted to holy Orders, but such as would profess perpetual continence and single life, the whole faction of the Clergy began to inveigh vehe­mently, crying out that the man was an heretick, who having forgotten the words of the Lord, All men cannot receive this saying [Matth. 19.11.] and those of theApostle, If they do not contain, let them marry, by a violent constraint imposed upon men an Angelical life.

In the year 1225. Innocent the third, and after him Innocent the fourth sent Legats into England, to dissolve the marriages of Priests.Westmonast. in floribus historiarum lib. 2. An. 1125. & Matth. Paris. One of these Legats called John de Cremona labouring for that separation was found in a Bawdy-house.

Theodoricus a Niem Secretary to three Popes who writ about the year one thousand four hundred and tenNemore unicrus Tractatu 6. qui inscribitur Labyrinthus cap. 35. affirmeth, that in his time in Norway, Ireland, Gascony, and Portugal, Priests were married, and that it was a shame for Priests not to be married.

CHAP. 9. Confession of the Adversaries.

AENeas Sylvius who since was Pope, and was called Pius the II. in the end of second Book of the history of the Council of Basil, saith that when it was in question of electing Felix Pope instead of Eugenius, some alleadged that it could not be because he had been married, and had children. Upon which the same Aeneas relateth the reasons propounded by others against it in a full Coun­cil, to which the Council adhered. These are the words,Illud autem quod de uxore dicitur, nihili pendo, cum non solum qui uxorem habuit, sed uxorem adhuc habens queat assumi. Cur enim disputant Doctores, an uxoratus electus in Papam uxori solvere debitum te­neatur, nisi quoniam etiam conjugatus recipi possit? Fuerintque, ut scitis, in matrimonio Pontifices. Nec Petrus Apostolorum Princeps uxore caruit. Quid ista modo objicimus? fortasse non esset pejus, ut sacerdotes quamplures uxorati essent, quoniam multi salvarentur in sacerdotio conjugato, &c. As for that which is said of his wife, I make nothing of it, seeing that not only he that had a wife, but he that hath one, maybe elected. For to what purpose do the Doctors dispute, whether a Pope that is married be bound to pay the due [benevolence] unto his wife, if a married man may not be admitted? And there have been married Popes, as you know; and St. Peter the Prince of the Apostles, was not without [Page 495] a wife. But why do we object these things? Perhaps it were never the worse if many Priests were married, because many should be saved in matrimony who are damned in a barren Priesthood. In the margent of that discourse, there is this annotation, Read the fifth Epistle of Ignatius the Martyr, and you shall see that all the Apostles had wives. Read also Baptista Mantuanus in Fastis, and you shall find that Hilary Bishop of Poitiers had a lawfull wife. This is the same Pope Pius the second who told us before, that for great reasons women were taken from Priests, but that for better reasons, they ought to be restored unto them.

The Roman Decree in the twenty third Distinction Can. His igitur, speaks thus of Clarks,Castimo­niam non vi [...]lati corpo­ris perpetuo observare studeant; aut certe unius matrimonii vinculo faederentur. Let them study to keep alwayes the holiness of an inviolate body, or at least let them be allied with the bond of one marriage only.

In the one and thirtieth Distinction Can Aliter. The tradition of the Ori­ental Church is diverse from that of this holy Roman Church. For their Priests, Deacons, and Subdeacons are married, &c.

In Cause 26. Quest. 22. Can. Sors non est. Copula sacerdotalis nec Legali nec Evangeli­ca vel Apostolica authoritate prohibetur, Ecclesiastica tamen lege penitus interdicitur. The marriage of Priests is not forbidden, neither by the authority of the Law, nor by that of the Gospel; yet by the Ecclesiastical Law it is altogether forbidden. Aliter se Orientalium traditio habet Ecclesiarum; Aliter hujus sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae: Nam eorum sacerdotes Diaconi aut Subdiaconi matrimonio copulantur. Istius autem Ecclesiae vel Occidentalium nullus sacer­dotum licenti­am habet con­jugium sor­tiendi.

Pope Leo, the first in the eighty seventh Epistle,Virginem uxorem accipiat, & alterius horum nesciat quae futura est uxor Pontificis. Let him marry a Virgin, and let that woman that must be a Bishops wife, be altogether ignorant of another hus­bandsbed.

Polydorus Virgilius in the fifth book of the inventors of things, chap. 4.Syricius circiter annum salutis 363. sedere coepit, sacerdotibus conjugio primus interdixit, nec ante Gregorium 7. an Domini 1074. conjugium Occidentalibus Sacerdotibus adimi potuit. Syricius began to sit in the year 363. He was the first that forbad Priests to marry. And a little after, Before Gregory the seventh in the year of the Lord 1074. marriage could not be taken away from the Occidental Priests. Then he addeth, that this constrained chastity was so far from overcoming the conjugal chastity, that rather the fornication of Priests was thereby so much increased, that it defamed religion more then any other evil. Wherefore he wisheth that marriage were restored unto them.

Cassander a Canon of Collen in the chapter of the Celibat of Priests,Restat ut in posterum ordinandis hoc statutum relaxetur, & more veteris Ecclesiae, & huc usque Orientalium Ecclesiarum honesti quoque mariti ad Ecclesiae ministerium admittantur. It remaineth that hereafter this statute may be relaxed for those that shall be admit­ted into Orders; and that according to the custom of the antient Church, and of the Eastern Churches untill now, honest married men be also admitted to the Mi­nistery of the Church, and that they be permitted to use familiarity with their wives according to the Canon of the sixth general Council, whereby it is determined that the marriages of Priests and Deacons ought by no means to be dissolved, and that be­fore their ordination they ought not to be constrained to profess chastity.

CHAP. 10. Of the disorders happened by the Celibat: Also of the Charthusians, and of St. Francis and his rule.

CArdinal du Perron Ch. 9. of the third Observation pag. 690. seeing that he could not deny the great disorders and the unchaste life of most of them that live in celibat, saith that the celi­bat is no cause of those disorders: That in Austins time the chastity of Clarks was exemplary, even of those that had been constrained to be Clarks, and that the cause of that disorder must be attributed to the lust and corruption of men. He propounds the Carthusians and Capuchins as examples of chastity; and saith that the most predigious examples of lust are found in married persons: Not only in such as Nero and Heliogabalus, but even in David, who had ten or twelve wives, and in Solomon, who had three hundred: Which hindred not David from defiling his bed with murther and adultery, nor Solomon from prostituting himself toThe Car­dinal hath not read Scripture well, for Solomon had 700. wives and 300. Concubines. seven hundred concu­bines.

One syllable only of Gods word is better then all that artificial discourse, which is directly contary to the Apostle, who saith1 Cor. 7. Ibid. To avoid fornication let every man have his wife and every woman her own husband, plainly teaching that marriage serveth to avoid fornication, whereas M. du Perron saith that married men are most given to lust. St. Paul saith, If they contain not, let them marry: but M. du Perron opposeth him, saying that married persons are the most incontinent.

It is true, that as there are persons that keep their health in a contagious air, and some that are sick in a pure air; And some that are warm in Winter, though they come not near the fire, and some that are cold in Summer because of the ill disposition of their bodies: Likewise some live chastly in celibat, some live unchastly in matrimony, breaking all obstacles with their unbridled lust, and being sick in the midst of remedies. But thence it follows not, that it is more easie to live chastly unmarried, or that the Apostle was mistaken when he taught that marriage is the right remedy against fornication. Onely it may be thence inferred: that he that liveth unchastely in matrimony, would do worse in that kind if he were not married, and that vices are so strong in some men, that they cannot be overcome by any remedy.

In vain he alleadgeth the Carthusians for examples of chastity. For to keep a man prisoner all his life and then praise his chastity, it is as if one put out a mans eyes, and then commended him for never looking upon women. Then continence is to be commended, when one hath the means to please his inconti­nence. Yet whosoever hath read the books of Cassian, knoweth that Monks suffer great inflammations of lust, and are disquieted with strange desires in their solitariness. St. Benedicts life, the Author of the order of the Benedictins, of whom the Carthusians are a branch, saith that he would tumble his naked body upon a sharp thornbush to allay his unchast heat: It had been better done for him to marry, and to follow the Apostles counsel.

As for the Capuchins whom the Cardinal propoundeth as examples of chasti­ty, the world speaks of them diversly, and they are not free from blame no more then others. Besides, it is no wonder if their habit frights women. And such women may be found, who being but too free otherwise would make con­science to pollute the habit of St. Francis, which many will put on when they dye, because it is held worth a second Baptism. M. du Perron saith that the Ca­puchins are restituted to their antient Discipline, that is, that they keep the whole rule of St. Francis. Of which rule it will not be amiss to produce some clauses to know whether there be much perfection in the observation of them. That [Page 497] rule prescribes thatNullo modo licebit iis de ista religione ex­ire, juxta mandatum Domini Papae, quia secun­dum Evange­lium sanctum nemo mittens manum ad aratrum & respiciens retro aptus est regno Dei. None after the year of probation have leave to come out of that religion according to the command of the Lord Pope, because according to the holy Gospel none that puts his hand to the plough and looketh behind is fitted for the kingdom of God. And a little after,Qui necessitate coguntur, pos­sunt portare calceamenta, & fratres omnes vilibus vestimentis induantur, & possunt ea repetiare de saccis & aliis peciis cum benedictione Dei. They that are forced with necessity may wear shoes. And let all the brethren be clothed with vile garments, which they may piece with sacks and other pieces, with the blessing of God. The same rule com­mands the Lay Monks of the Order of St. Francis Laici dicant 24. Pater noster pro matutinis. to say twenty four Pater­nosters at Mattens, besides the other Paters of the rest of the day, which amount to forty seven, so that they make seventy one Paters every day. To fast from All-Saints day to Christmas. To receive no money neither by themselves, nor by interposed persons. To have no proper goods, but to beg alms confidently; For (saith the rule) their deep poverty makes them heirs of the kingdom of hea­ven. Cum brevitate Sermones: quia verbum abbreviatum fecit Dominus super terram. That they be short in their Sermons, because the Lord hath shortened the word upon earth. Non curent nesci­entes literas, literas disce­re. That the brethren that cannot read, take no care to learn to read, but that they desire above all things to have the Spirit of the Lord.

Whether the Capuchins keep that whole rule, and whether these precepts to which Monks are bound by an oath without any mention of Holy Scripture or of the word of God (which in that rule is alleadged in derision) and whether such works ought to be reckoned among the works of superarrogation more perfect and more excellent then the Law of God, I leave it to the consideration of all that have some freedom of judgement, and some knowledge in the word of God. For the close of that rule, that goodly Saint speaks thus,Nulli hominum omnium liceat hanc paginam infringere, vel & ausu temerario contradicere. Si quis autem hoc attentare praesumpserit, indignationem omnipotentis Dei & beatorum Petri & Pauli Apostolorum se noverit incursurum. Let it not be lawfull for any man to transgress this page, or to contradict it by an audaci­ous rashness. And if any presume to attempt it, let him know that he shall incur the indignation of Almighty God, and of the blessed Apostles Peter and Paul. It was not enough to incur Gods indignation, unless he had added that of Pe­ter and Paul: and why not also that of John and James? And what certainty have we, that for breaking the rule of brother Francis, that is, for touching money with his hands, or for wearing shoes without necessity, or for saying fewer then twenty four Paters at Mattens, or for possessing some proper goods, a poor Monk must incur Gods indignation? and that by observing these things, not commanded by God, but invented by men, he shall obtain a degree of glory in heaven, above those that have done no more, but to fulfill the Law of God? Here indeed one may doubt, which must be most wondered at, either the blind­ness of men, or the audaciousness of these Authors of rules, or the patience of God? I refer this to the judgement of the Capuchins, who affirm that they wear a garment of three pieces in memory of the Trinity. In which garment they make holes purposely to set pieces to it, although the garment be new, whether they feel much vertue in that habit, and thatThomas 2a 2ae qu. ult. Art. 3. Idem in 4. Sentent. Dist. 4. Qu. 3. Art. 3. In vitis Patrum dicitur, quod quidam vidit eandem gratiam descendentem super eum qui habitum religionis assumit, & super eum qui baptizatur. Bellarm. l. de Monac. cap. 6. Denique Emanuel Sa verbo Religio §. 10. & 17. Bern. lib. de praecepto & disp. it serveth them instead of a second Baptism.

The life of St. Francis Patron of the Capuchins is such, that it seems that they that writ it intended to defame him, or to abuse him. I leave a thousand ridi­culous passages, as that he would be wallowing naked in the snow to beat down his libidinous heat. That he preached unto Birds and Crickets, calling them Brothers and Sisters. That he took up the lice fallen from his garment, and set them upon his garment again. That to obey Pope Honorius he wallowed in the mire among hoggs. But there are three things in his life, which seem to me very worthy of observation. 1.Legenda Jacobi de Voragine, Nocte quadam Daemones ad eum venientes eum gra­vissime verberaverunt. That he was cruelly beaten by Devils. 2. That being one day full of joy, and being asked what was the subject of his joy, he answered,Ideo me exultare noveritis, quia adhuc sanctus per totum saeculum adorabor. Know ye that I rejoyce, because being Saint, I shall be ado­red over all the world. 3. This is observable above the rest, that one time having a great longing to hear ill words, he commanded a Monk to rate him with in­jurious [Page 498] words. The Monk not daring to disobey him, told him,Praecipie­bat alicui fratri ut ver­ba vilificantia suis auribus conculcando proferret. Cum que frater ille licèt invitus eum rusticum & mercenari­um impium & inutilem diceret, exhilaratus dicebat, Bene­dicat tibi Dominus quia tu verissima loqueris. Thou art a clown, a mercenary man, an ungodly, and an idle fellow. To whom St. Francis answered, The Lord bless thee, for thou speakest most true. That was a sincere con­fession. But in my opinion all these passages are little resembling the life of the Apostles.

To shut up this question of the celibat, it is easie to discern by what spirit they that lay that yoke upon the Clergy are acted. For the Popes that made that Law, are the same that license Bawdy-houses, even at Rome, and neer the See of his holiness. Then the celibat of Clarks and Monks conduceth very much to the preservation and augmentation of the patrimony of the Church. And the Decrees of the Roman Church, as also the glosses adjoined unto them, are interlarded with dishonest and jearing clauses, which shew that those very men that preach single life delight in bawdery, and laugh at their own rules. Such is the Canon Is qui, in the thirty fourth Distinction, which hath this inscription,Qui non habet uxorem, loco illius concubinam debet habere. He that hath no wife, instead of her must have a concubine. And the Canon Dilectissimis in Cause 12. Qu. 1. which approveth Plato's opinion, and calleth him,Quidam Graecorum sapientissimus haec ita sciens esse communia, debere ait amicorum esse communia omnia; In omnibus au­tem sunt sine dubio & conjuges. The wisest of the Grecians, who said that all things ought to be common among friends. Now (saith the Canon) in that word, all things, no doubt but wives also are comprehended. Of the same stuff is the Gloss of the Canon Absit, in Cause 11. Qu. 3. which saith, thatSi ergo Clericus amplectatur mulierem, interpretatur, quod benedicendi causa hoc faciat. if a Clark embrace a woman, it must be interpreted, that he doth it to give her his blessing. And the gloss of the Canon Vidua, Distinction 34. giveth the definition of a whore, namely, that it is quae admiserit plures quam 23. mille homines, she that prostituted her self to more then three and twenty thousand men.

Out of the same spring proceed the interrogations of the 19. book of the Decrees of Burchard, and of the book of Confessions of Benedicti, and the Canons of the Roman Penitential, publisht by Austin Bishop of Tarragona, and the horrible speculations of the Jesuite Sanchez about matrimony, and all the foul stuff of the Casuists, who under a colour of searching the consciences, or im­posing penances according to the circumstances of sins, or describing the na­ture of sins to disswade men from it, teach in effect so much ribaldry, and so many abominations, that all the Pagan Authors now extant that have stretcht their wits upon lasciviousness, are modest in comparison of them. And I be­lieve that the Devil himself might be their Disciple. Any one may see that these men took great delight in such meditations. Is not this a jolly Decretal of Pope Alexander the third, As for adulteries and other lesser crimes, the Bi­shop can dispense from them after the penance ended? Where note, that he speaks of the dispensation which may be given to Clarks. And this Decretal of Cle­ment the third.Decretal. l. 4. de sponsalibus & matrimoniis, Cap. Inter. Statuimus ut omnibus qui publicas mulieres de lupanari extraxerint & duxerint in uxores, quod agunt, in remissionem proficiat peccatorum. We decree that to them that take publick whores out of the Bawdy-house, and marry them, that action shall be profitable for the remission of their sins? Decretal. lib. 2. Tit. 1. de Judiciis Cap. At si Clerici. De adulteriis vero & aliis criminibus quae sunt minora, potest Episcopus dispensare post peractam poenitentiam. Note that word We decree, for a decree of that nature can be made by none but God who is offended, and to whom it belongs to pardon. Truly that Decree shews a way to get the remission of sins at an easie rate.

CHAP. II. Of affected austerity, Reasons whereby the Cardinal maintaineth professed slovenliness. The Original of Monks.

HIs Majesty of Great Britain had commended modesty in clothes, and sobriety of dyet, in those especially that teach others, and shew them the way to live well. But he believed not that a man is holy, because he is slovenly, or that if lice get up into the Pulpit with the Preacher, his Preaching is the more effectual for that. He believed not that Scab and Vermine are meritorious before God, or that a man is the more acceptable unto God for going barefoot. He condemned those that whip themselves for themselves, and more yet, such as whip themselves for others. Only, he held that by whipping themselves they do justly, for being so sensless, as to think to satisfie God with outward gestures, not knowing that God requires not that we tear our bodies with cruel handling, but that we turn our hearts with repentance; and not considering that it is the part of a mad Judge, to release a Felon, because his neighbour hath whipt himself for him. Such Peni­tents are seen at Rome in great troops, the week before Easter, whipping them­selves in publick, with their face hid, and their back bare; others bearing a Cross of great weight in the streets, crying, Fate ben per voi; that is, Do good for your selves. Beatus Rhenanus, in his Comment upon the Book of Tertullian, Ad Martyres, saith thatIstius veteris dia­mastigoseos vestigium aliquod vi­deas apud Italos in Litaniis. in Italy in the Letanies, some resemblance or trace was seen of the old custom of the Lacedemonians to whip themselves. Of this,Lib. 7. de Inventoribus rerum, cap. 6. Poly­dorus Virgilius speaks in this manner. In publick they march in order, having most of them their face covered with linnen sacks, chastening themselves with a whip, having their back bare and torn, as it is convenient unto true penitents. Then he ad­deth,Caete­rum res ista fidem facit à Romanis Lupercis in­stitutum esse acceptum, quod illi Lupercalia ludicra cele­brantes nudi per urbem incedebant & larvati flagellis ob­vios caede­bant. This sheweth that this custom proceeded from the Luperci of the old Rome: For when they celebrated the Lupercal games, they went naked and masked through the town, and smote with whips such as they met in their way.

I am not ignorant that such an austere life, that horrour, those stripes, that slo­venliness and sordid habit, bears some shew of humility, and study to mortifie the flesh. But the Apostle, Col. 2.23. warneth us against that shew. For condemning the exteriour abstinences and austerities, he saith, Which things have indeed a shew of wisdom in will-worship, and humility, and neglecting of the body, not in any honour to the satisfying of the flesh. For pride will nestle even in dunghills, and many will bring themselves low, that they may exalt themselves. The world honours them, because they despise themselves, and by humility they get glory and reputation among men. Some out of an affected humility, weare a torn garment, but their pride is seen through the holes of their Cloak. Had they lived a life like other men, no body had spoken of them, and they had not been discerned in the mul­titude. But a man that leaveth the croud, to take a way by himself, is sooner taken notice of.

Truly it is a great mistake of holiness, to place it in things which God hath not commanded, and the Apostles have not practised, and which may be done out of hypocrisie, and wherein the Pagans have alwayes out-done the Christians. For the most austere among the Christians, come not near the1 King. 18.28. Priests of Baal that lanched their flesh with knives, for the service of the Idol. The Dervis of the Mahumetans, and the Bramenies of the East-Indies, go far beyond the austerity of Fryars.

Sure they that will pay God in such light coyn, fancy to themselves a blind God, and offer an high wrong unto Christ, when they present other satisfactions for sins unto God, then the passion of his only Son.

To these things, of which the Cardinal was not ignorant, he giveth a very super­ficial answer.In the second Ob­servation, chap. 10. & 12. pag. 663. & 665. He saith that Elijah and other holy men were clad with sheep­skins. That John the Baptist was clad with Camels hair. That Ambrose and Ter­tullian [Page 500] speak of the dirt arid nastiness of the penitent. That Saint Simeon Stelites suffered his legs to be eaten withIn La­tine Cimices, a vermine well known in Paris, and in hot Countries, but unknown in England. puneses, when he could take them away. That Saint Hierom clad himself with a sack, and that his skin was of the colour of a tawney-Moore. That he would smite his breast with a stone till the blood came. That he saith upon the 35. Psalm, that sackcloth and ashes are the weapons of penitence, and that Epiphanius saith the same. As for the madness of those that whip themselves for others, after he hath praised the Kings gallant wit, and what a grace he hath to make the Reader laugh, and having compared him, uncivilly enough, to a Stage-player, to whom it is more easie to make the beholders laugh, then to make them weep; he answereth, that he knoweth not those that thus cause themselves to be whipt, and that as they gave him no proxie to imitate them, neither did they give him any to defend them. He denyeth not that there are such men, but he saith that he knows them not, and that he would not follow their example.

For answer, I say, that we condemn not vermine and dirt, as things contrary to Gods command. Many Martyres shut up in Dungeons, have been brought to that condition: Or if Penitence and the contempt of the world, make a man so far to neglect his body, as to forget cleanliness and decency, God forbid that we should therefore condemn him. Only we condemn those that do these things, that they may be seen,Mat. 6.17. not remembring the Lords command, When thou fastest, wash thy face, that it may not appear unto men that thou fastest, but to thy Father that seeth thee in secret. We condemn also those, that put merit in these austerities, and presume thereby to satisfie God, either for theirs, or for their neighbours sins. Wherefore we can hardly be perswaded to praise Saint Batheus, Sozom. lib. 6. sect. 34. who was of such a mortified holiness, that he suffered worms to run between his teeth, as Sozomenus relateth. Or Saint Francis, who to obey Pope Honorius, wallowed in the mire. Or that Simeon Stelites, of whom the Cardinal saith, that he suffered vermine to eat his legs.

Antiquity hath much admired two Simeon Stelites, so called from stele, a pillar, because they stood upon pillars. The first of them lived under the Emperour Theo­dosius the II. who died in the year of the Lord, 449. Of that Simeon the Histo­rian, Evagrius saith, in his first Book, chap. 13. that for the space of thirty years, he stood on the top of a pillar forty cubits high, with an iron chain about his neck. The other Simeon, who came soon after, went beyond the other, for he lived 68. years at roost upon a pillar, and counterfeited himself to be mad for the love of Christ, and shut up himself many hours with a whore, as the same Eva­grius relates.Evagr. l. 4. c. 33. Solus cum sola diu commoratus est, & lib. 6. cap. 22. That is the Saint whom the Cardinal propounds for an ex­ample, who suffered his legs to be eaten by vermine, when he could hinder it. The Cardinals legs were little better, but that came not to him by austeri­ty.But by voluptuous­ness, which got him a body tor­mented with Venerean diseases, if the world saith true.

The history of that age affords many the like examples. Socrates in the fourth Book, chap. 18. saith that Saint Macarius commanded a Monk in his sore thirst to content himself with the shadow of a tree, and that he would sleep standing, leaning against a wall. His Legend saith, that he did strict penance for six Mo­neths for killing a Gnat. Sozomen in the sixth Book, chap. 28. saith the Monck Theonas was thirty years without speaking. And in chap. 29. he saith, that the Monck Pior kept his eyes shut continually, and would see no body, and could not be perswaded to open them to see his sister, which he had not seen in fifty years. The austerity of the Apostles, never came near those examples.

The first Author of those abstinences and austerities, was Anthony the Hermite, who died in the year of Christ, 358. For Paul the Hermite, dead a little before him, made no Disciples. Austin in the first Book of the Christian Doctrine, saith of that Anthony, that he had learned the Holy Scriptures only by hearing, for he could not read. Yet at Saint Anthony's Church near Paris, his image stands with a Book in his hand, and a hogg by his side. We have his life among the works of Athanasius, which saith that he was cruelly whipt by a troop of Devils. That he made grave and mild admonitions unto Asses and other beasts, that ate the herbs [Page 501] of his Garden: And that this holy man fore-told that the Heresie of Arrius should be the last, and that after it there would be no more in the world. In the same life there are many express Declarations against Invocation of Saints, and Adoration of relicks.

That Anthony left Disciples, who built with their own hands every one his own Cottage. In less then fifty years their number did so increase, that the Desarts of Syria and Egypt were full of Cottages, where those Hermites or Moncks lived, who got their living by their labour, came not to Towns but to sell their work, begged not, were not bound by any necessity of vow,Polydor. Virg. de Invent. lib. 7. cap. 1. Nullum vo­torum vin­culum, ita ut unicuique integrum soret manere aut proficisci quò terrarum vellet. asked no approbation of the Bishop of Rome of their Order, and received no Indulgences from him.

Their garment was black and course, their fasts were austere, yetCassian. lib. 5. c. 5. Super jeju­niorum modo haud potest uniformis regula custo­diri, quia nec robur unum cunctis cor­poribus inest. unequal, and according to every mans strength. They held it a great crime to fast upon aCassian. l. 3. c. 9. & 10. Condemneth the Roman Church for fasting upon Saturday. Saturday, or upon the Lords day. They wore a hood like a childs beggin, because (saith Cassian, in the first book, chap. 4.) it is written in the Psalm, I was as a child that is weaned of his Mother; and because Christ said, Ʋnless you be like little children, you shall not enter into the Kingdom of heaven. They carriedIdem. lib 1. c. 9. Baculus quo abigunt canes vitio­rum. a staff in imitation of Elisha, to beat dogs away, that is, vices. They wore stockins, but no shoes,Idem lib. 1. c. 10. for fear of touching dead things. Entring into the place of Prayer, they put off their stockins, because it is written, Put off thy shoes, for the place where thou standest is holy ground. In some places they wore long hair, as in Mesopotamia, in other places they wore it short, but not shaven round, be­cause of the prohibition, Levit. 19.27. They celebrated Christs Nativity upon the day of Epiphany, which is the sixth of January. Idem Collat. 10. cap. 2. Which was also the custom of the whole Patriarchat of Alexandria, a certain proof that they were not subject to the Bishop of Rome. Breaking an earthen pot, was held a great crime among them, or touching any mans hand. Cassian in the fourth book chap. 10. saith that they observed such a rigour of discipline, that they durst not so much as piss without leave, not take up a fruit faln from a tree, and that for letting fall three seeds of Lentills, they did publick penance. That the Monck Mucius being com­manded by his Abbot to drown his son, carried him immediately to the River, and would have drowned him, had he not been hindred,Cassian. lib. 4. c. 18. & 20. as Cassian relateth.

That Cassian, who writ about the year 440. and lived long among them, saith, that commonly they wereIdem Collat 7. beaten by Devils most horribly: And that among them, the Abbot Moses was eminent in holiness, into whose mouth the Devil would thrust humane excrements. Also,Idem Collat. 22. c. 2. & 3. & 5. & 6. that Satan by contrectation, would cause unto them nocturnal pollutions, after which they did not forbear receiving the Sacrament of the Lords Supper, because it was the Devils doing, not theirs.

The same Moncks were generally Anthropomorphites, asSozom. lib. 8. c 11. & Cassian. Collat. 10. cap. 2. & 3. Sozomenus and Cassian witness. See also about their errours, the first book of the history of Theo­doret, chap. 9. Cyrillus of Alexandria made use of them as of souldiers. He sent for five hundred of them out of the Desart of Nittia, into the City of Alexan­dria, to stand against the Emperours Lieutenant Orestes, whom they charged with stones, and wounded him in the face. Thus, scarce was that profession come into the world, but presently many errours and excesses crept into it.

About the year 380. at the instigation of Saint Hierom, a woman named Marcella, and at her imitation some noble women and virgins of Rome began to embrace the Monastical vow, not living in a Monastery, for there was none yet at Rome, but living at home, and wearing a course black habit; Which new way dis­pleased very much the Christian people of Rome, as Hierom saith in the Epitaph of Marcella, Nulla eo tempore nobilium soeminarum noverat Romae propositum Monachorum, nec audebat, propter rei novitatem, ignominiosum (ut tum putabatur) & vile in populis nomen assumere. None of the Noble-women knew yet at Rome, what the Mona­stical profession was, and durst not take that name which was vile and opprobrious among the people, because of the novelty of the thing, as they esteemed it at that time. And when it happened that Blesilla daughter to Paula dyed out of excess of [Page 502] monastical austerity, the people cryed at her funerals,Quousque genus detesta­bile manacho­rum non urbe pellitur? non lapidibus ob­ruitur? non praecipitatur in stuctus? Matronam miserabilē se­duxerunt, &c. How long shall it be before that detestable generation of Monks be expelled out of the City? why are they not stoned to death? Why are they not cast into the water? They have seduced a miserable Matron, &c. These expostulations regarded Hierom, the great pro­moter of Monastical profession at Rome, who drew as many as he could into it, rich women especially, to whom he writ most part of his Epistles. And yet himself in many Epistles detesteth the life of many Monks, and the corruption crept in­to that profession, though it was of very late birth. In the Epistle to Rusticus he speaks thus,Q [...]osdam ineptos homi­nes Monachos demonum contra se pugnantium portenta con­fingere ut apud imperi­tos & vulgi homines miraculum sui faciant & exinde lu­cra sectentur. Some foolish Monks forge prodigies of devils fighting against them, to make themselves admired of the ignorant vulgar people, and thereby to get profit. And in the same place he saith that,Sunt qui humore cellarum, im­moderatisque jejumis, taedio solitudinis ac nimia lectione vertantur in melancholiam, &c. he hath seen many, who by the dampness of their cells, and by excessive fasting, and by a long solitariness, and by too much reading, were become melancholy and mad, and had more need of the help of Hippocrates, then of his [that is, Hieroms] admonitions. And in the Epistle to Eustochium, Sunt qui ciliciis vesti­untur & cucullis fa­brefactis, ut ad infantiam redeant imi­tantur noctu­as & bubo nes, &c. Viros quoque fuge quos videris cate­natos, quibus foeminei con­tra Apostolum crines, hirco­rum barba, nigrum palli­um, &c There are some, who having made to themselves a hair cloth, and a frock [like a beggin] to return to infancy, are like owles. And that I may not seem to speak only of women, avoid those men also whom thou shalt see with chains, wearing long hair like women, against the commandment of the Apostle, a goats beard, and a black cloak, going with bare feet hardned against the cold. These are marks of the Devil.

Austin about the year 420. writ the book of the work of Monks, where he speaks to Monks as unto tradesmen labouring with their hands. And complaining of the imposture of the Monks of his time, he saith,Callidissi­mus hostis tam multos hypocritas sub habitu mona­chorum us­quequaque dispersit. the crafty enemy hath spread abroad every where so many hypocrites under the habit of Monks. Among whom he saith that there were some that carried about relicks of Martyrs, which were suspect unto him;Venditant membra Martyrum, si tamen Martyrum. Others (saith he) muster up some limbs of Martyrs, if yet they be truly of Martyrs.

By these examples it is made evident, that austerity and nastiness are not alwayes proofs of holiness. As for Hierom, who lay naked upon the hard ground, and beat his breast, as he saith in the Epistle to Eustochium, we will relate his own words, That man is held happy, who as soon as he begins to think on filthy things, killeth those thoughts, and bruiseth them against the stones. O quoties ego ipse in eremo constitutus & in illa vasta solitudine quae exusta Solis ardoribus horridum Monachis praebet habitaculum, putabam me Romanis interesse deliciis! Sedebam solus quia amaritudine repletus eram. Horrebant sacco membra deformia & squallida cutis situm. Aethiopicae carnis obduxerat. Quotidie lachrimae, quotidie gemitus, & si quando repugnantem somnus im­minens oppressisset nuda humo vix ossa haerentia collidebam, &c. Ille igitur ego qui ob gehennae metum tali me carcere ipse damnaveram, scorpionum tantum socius & ferarum, saepe choris puellarum intereram Pallebant ora jejuniis, & mens de­sideriis aestuabat; in frigido corpore, & ante hominem suum jam carne praemortua, sola libidinum incendia bulliebant. Oh how many times, my self being in the desart, in that wast solitude, which being scorched with the Suns heat, giveth an horrible habitation unto the Monks, did I imagine that I was among the dainties of Rome! I was sitting alone, because I was full of bitterness: My ugly limbs were covered with a base sackcloth, and my dirty skin had got the mouldiness of a tawny-Moors flesh. Every day I wept. Every day I groaned. And if sometimes sleep overcame me against my will, I knockt, with a hard fall, my bones, which hardly held together, against the bare ground. Then he addeth, I then who for fear of hell had condemned my self to such a prison, being compa­ny only for Scorpions and wild beasts, found my self many times among the dances of virgins. My face was pale with fasting, and yet in my cold body my spirit burnt with lust; and the flesh being dead already before the man, the only burnings of unchast desires boyled up in it. And a little after, I remember that I joyned the day with the night, crying, beating my breast without ceasing, till the Lord chi­ding me, tranquillity returned to me.

This place is oftenPag. 664. alleadged by Cardinal du Perron, not very faithfully trans­lated, to defend austerity, beating of ones self, dirt, and nastiness. And he adds something of his own: For Hierom saith not, that he beat his breast with a stone till the blood came. And as for Hierom, since he was writing to a wo­man, in my opinion he might have spared confessing to her, that among his [Page 503] austerities, his heart was burning with lust, and that his imagination transport­ed him among the dances of Virgins. But this is an evidence that one grain of the fear of God is better worth then a stone weight of monastical exercise, as St. Paul saith, 1 Tim. 4.8. that bodily exercise profiteth little, but godliness is profitable unto all things, having promise of the life that now is, and of that which is to come.

Besides, we know not whether we must receive this relation of Hierom as a true story, or for a rhetorical licence amplifying the matter. For in the same Epistle we have a narrative of the same kind; Where he saith, that it had been his custom after his fasting, watching, and weeping, to take Tully or Plautus in his hand; for which he was once carried before the throne of Christ, and that being asked, Who he was? he answered, I am a Christian: But it was an­swered him, Thou liest, thou art a Ciceronian; and that for being a Ciceronian he was soundly whipt before the throne of Christ. And that one might not think that it was an illusion, he sweareth,Testis est t [...]ibunal illud ante quod jacui; testis judicium triste quod timui (ita mihi nunquam contingat in talem incidere quaestionem) liventes habu­isse scapulas, plagas sensisse post somnum. and takes God to witness that his shoulders were black and blew after he was awake. I take to witness (saith he) that judicial throne before which I lay down, I take to witness that sad Judge­ment which I did fear (so may I never fall into the like examination again) that my shoulders were black with the stripes, and that I felt the blows after my sleep.

After that, who will not believe that Hierom spake in earnest, and that such a passage truly happened to him? Yet himself towards the end of his first Apo­logy against Ruffinus, who objected to him, that after he had been so whipt, yet he continued to be a Ciceronian, answereth thatSed tamen qui somnium criminatur, audiat pro­phetarum voces somniis non esse credendum. all that was but a dream, which must not be believed, no more then when it happened to him of­ten to dream that he was dead, or that he was flying, or when a man dreaming that he is rich, awaketh, and finds himself a beggar. In a word, he speaks of that whipping, as of a meer illusion. O God, how holy and precious is thy word, in comparison of the word of men, and the writings of those who under the name of Fathers cover great infirmities!

But to return to the Cardinal, who hath nothing but Fathers in his mouth, and leaveth the word of God, he was not bold enough to deny that in the Ro­man Church they whip themselves the one for the other. But speaking in am­biguous terms, he saith, Of men of that kind that whip themselves for others, none as yet is come to my knowledge, and as they gave me no proxie to imitate them, they gave me none to defend them. Could he have denyed that such a thing is done in his Church, he would have done it with all his heart. But the truth of that is too notorious. The Roman Church teacheth that a man can make superabounding and supererrogatory satisfactions; Of that overplus the treasure of the Church is made up, of which the Pope carrieth the keyes, and turns it into a payment for others. To that end the brotherhoods of the Cordon, and of the Rosary, and the like, are erected; Into which all that enter have part in the merits, labours, fastings, and beatings of those that belong to the same brotherhood, although they have suffered nothing in their own persons. Here is then a treasure, part whereof consisteth in lashes of whips, and the Treasurer is he that calls himself God on earth.

St. Antonine Archbishop of Florence writ the life of St. Dominick, whom he compares in holiness and miracles with Christ, and finds very little difference between them. He writ also the life of St. Catherine of Siena whom he clotheth with a holiness almost beyond all example. So that even when she was in her swadling clothes, it was not possible to make her suck upon Friday. Of these two he saith that they whipt themselves upon their bare flesh with iron chains. To say that it was for their own sins, would be too great a derogation to their holiness. It was then to satisfie for others. But as for St. Francis who when he whipt himself naked, would say, Euge frater asine, Go to thou brother asse, as his Legend saith, he did it to lay down the boyling of his lust. Of these super­abounding satisfactions Bellarmin disputeth at large,Bellar. Indulgent. lib. 1. cap. 2. & 3. Sect. Prima. Satisfactiones Christo & Sanctis super­vacuae, appl [...] ­cari possunt aliis qui rei sunt luendae poenae tempo­ralis. and maintains that [Page 504] the satisfactions of Christ and the Saints, which are superfluous unto them, may be applyed unto others that are lyable to temporal pains, among which is Purgato­ry. Also a private man may satisfie for another, by fasting and suffering cor­poral pains. As it is said in the Canon Animae, Causa 13. Quaest. 2.Animae desunctorum quatuor modis solvuntur, aut oblatio­nibus sacer­dotum, aut precibus san­ctorum, aut charorum eleemosynis, aut jejunio cognatorum. Sicut jejuni­um alicujus liberat mortu­um, multo po­tius alterius jejunium prodest vivo. Quod concedo si ille est vici­ne conjunctus illi. Vid. Dist. 7.82. Can. Presbyter in Glossa. The souls of the dead are released four wayes, By the oblations of the Priests, or by the prayers of the Saints, or by alms of friends, or by fastings of kinsmen. He that speaks this is Pope Gregory the first, who hath forgotten the intercession of Christ making request for us, sitting at the right hand of God, Rom. 8.33. It seems that the Roman Church may more easily be without that, then without other helps. The Gloss addeth (k) If the fast of a [living] man delivereth a dead man, much more shall the fast of another profit to the living man. Which I grant, if he be his neighbour.

Pope Nicolas in the sixth book of the Decretals in the twelfth Title, in the Chapter Exiit, teacheth that to live a perfect life, a man must have no proper goods. St. Francis hath observed that, and bound the Franciscans to it. Against that rule that Pope moveth an objection, which is Christs example, who had a purse, and some proper goods. To which he answereth, that Christ had his in­infirmities, Egit etiam infirma, sicut interdum & in fuga patet & in loculis. That is, Christ also had infirm actions, as it appears in that he fled away; and that he had a purse. In these things he attained not to the perfection of St. Francis. Yet I know not where that Pope found that Christ fled.

Fifth Controversie, OF THE SEVENH BOOK. OF FASTING.

CHAP. I. That in the question of Fasting, and of Lent M. du Perron doth not touch the state of the question, but discourseth about things not controverted.

CArdinal du Perron in the eighteenth chapter of the first book speaks superficially of Fasting and of Lent, but treats that question more at large in the second Observation in the eighth chapter.Pag. 655.

All his discourse is imployed, not to answer us, but to set forth his thoughts and conceits and to disguise the anti­ent customs.

Then to comprehend the nature of that question, our difference is not, whether fasting be good, or whether it be a commendable custom to fast before Easter. Would to God that we were condemned to fast all the year, and never to eat flesh, upon condition that we were agreed about the rest. One cannot prepare himself to such a holy duty as receiving the Lords Supper with too much humility. Yea, I hold that Aetius did evil to con­demn fasting before Easter, in a time when fasting was not taken for a pay­ment and satisfaction to God, and was not imposed by a single ill-grounded authority. That medling fellow ought not to have troubled the Church about a question of meats, and opposed the custom universally received, which was then observed without pride, without tyranny, and without opinion of merit. For as the Apostle saith,Rom. 14.17. The kingdom of God is not meat and drink, but righteousness, and peace, and joy in the Holy Ghost. AndRom. 14.2. & 3. one believeth that [Page 506] he may eat all things, another who is weak eateth herbs; Let not him that eateth despise him that eateth not, and let not him which eateth not, judge him that eateth. Where it is to be noted, that the Apostle calleth the abstinence of him that tyeth himself to eat nothing but herbs a weakness, because it is a scruple arising out of weakness of faith, and shortness of instruction. Whereas in our days using great abstinence from certain meats, is held to be strength, and a great perfection. And although distinction of meats was abolisht by the Gospel, as we are taught, 1 Cor. 10.25. Whatsoever is sold in the shambles, that eat, ask­ing no question, for conscience sake; For the earth is the Lords, and the fulness thereof: If any of them that believe not, bid you to a feast, and ye be disposed to go, whatsoever is set before you eat, asking no question for conscience sake. Yet the same Apostle chargeth us to use that liberty to edification, which Christ hath purchased for us: And as he will not have us to enslave our liberty to the ty­ranny of those that would lay a yoke upon our consciences, so he will have us to bear with them that are weak, and ill instructed, and rather to comply with them, then to give them offence with our meat.

Also we are very far from condemning fasting which is so many timesActs 10.30. Acts 13.3. Luke 2.37. re­commended in Scripture, and payred with prayer, that as prayer sanctifieth the fast, so the fast may add heat unto prayer, and bring down the insolency of the flesh. Sobriety is the preserver of chastity, a bridle unto lust, a help to vigilance. This life being the eve of the great and eternal rest, it must be (as much as we can) a continual fast. So if any feeling that the use of wine, or flesh, or sawces, or sweet meats, stirs up his blood, and kindleth his concupi­scence, abstains from these things without scruple, without either imposing it as a Law upon others, or thinking himself obliged to it by a Law, it were an unjust part to check him for it. Our quarrel with the Roman Church about fasting is not of that nature. But we complain, 1. That she hath changed fasting into a di­stinction of meats; 2. ThatBellar. l. 2. de bonis operibus cap. 13. Jejunium valet ad satis­faciendum pro p [...]ccatis, & ad meren­dum pro aeter­nis. she puts fasting among merits and satisfactions, making of an exercise of humility an occasion of pride. For we are so far from pretending to merit eternal life by fasting, that on the contrary by fasting we declare our selves unworthy of this corporal life. 3. That the Pope hath taken this occasion to raise his Empire, to set a rule to the markets, to the kitchens, to the bellies; reserving to himself the authority to dispense, having to that effect multiplyed fasting dayes to that number, that they are well nigh half the year, taking upon him to give Laws to the universal Church, whereas in old times Bishops gave orders every one in his Diocess without any dependance up­on the Prelat of Rome. 4. That of sins against Gods Law, as fornication, stealing, and lying, the least Priests can give the absolution; But eating a bit of flesh in the Holy Week, is a sin for which a man is sent to the Bishop, or to the Peni­tentiary. 5. That in the Roman Church he that hath eaten his belly full of fish, is accounted to have fasted, but he that for want of other meat, hath eaten a little flesh, is thought to have violated the fast. 6. That in the Roman Church one man fasteth for another, as if a Judge ought to release a fellon, because his brother hath not dined. 7.Can. Presbyter Dist. 82. Secundum feriam unum Psalterium canendo, aut unum denari­um pauperibus dando, si opus est, redimere poterit Et Glossa ibid. Denarium potest dare, ut se redimat à jejunio. Ergo multo fortius per alterius jeju­nium poterit liberari. That the penances of fasting imposed upon a sinner are redeemed with money, and that corporal pains are changed into pecuniary. 8. That this opens a wide gate unto traffick. So far that the book called the Taxation of the Apostolical Chancery puts a certain price to the Let­ters of such dispensations in these words,Quod Laicus non teneatur jeju­nare diebus quibus per Ecclesiam astrictus existit, & quod possit, &c. Caseo. Gros. 20. That a Lay-man may not be ob­liged to fast upon the dayes to which he is bound by the Church, and may eat cheese, the letter costs twenty groats.

These are the causes, that have obliged us to reject the fasts of the Roman Church, and to shut up that gate to Satan, having known by experience how many abuses have got into the Church by that way. Knowing also that Christ hath not prescribed certain fasting dayes, we fast according to necessity and occa­sion, and exhort Gods people unto sobriety. Of all these wherein consisteth the substance of the error, the Cardinal speaks not a word, and dareth not stir that sink.

CHAP. 2. That as sobriety and fasting are recommended in the word of God, so distin­ction of meats is condemned by the same.

AMong the Antient Christians we find examples of very austere fasting,Lucianus in Philopa­tride id exprobrat Christianis. so far as to be ten, yea twenty dayes without any eating. But whe­ther they fasted little or much, they did it out of a voluntary exercise, being not tyed to it by any Law. So speaks Austin Epist. 86.August. ad Casul. Epist. 86. Quibus die­bus non oporteat jeju­nare & qui­bus oporteat, praecepto Domini vel Apostolorum in jejunio non definitur. I find it not de­termined by any command of the Lord or his Apostles upon what dayes we must not fast, and upon what dayes we must. And Socrates in the fifth book chap. 22. speaking of the diversity of customs in several Churches in matter of fasting, [...]. Because (saith he) no written precept about that is found, it appeareth that the Apostles left it free that every one may do that which is good, not out of fear, or out of necessity. And Tertullian in the second book contra Psychicos, or against the spiritual (so he calls the Orthodox) saith that they affirmed thatSic & Apostolos ob­servasse nullū aliud impo­nentes jugum certorum & in commune omnibus obeundorum jejuniorum. the Apostles had imposed no yoke of certain dayes of fasting, which ought to be observed of all in common.

But as Scripture prescribes no certain fasting dayes, so it expresly forbids the distinction of meats. The Apostle St. Paul calls the prohibition of meats, a doctrine of Devils, 1 Tim. 4.1. The spirit speaks expresly that in the latter times some shall depart from the faith, giving heed to seducing Spirits and do­ctrines of Devils — Forbidding to marry, and commanding to abstain from meats which God hath created to be received with thanksgiving.

And that one may not say, that there the Apostle speaks of those only that esteemed meats to be polluted and evil by their nature, he addeth that bodily exercise profiteth little. And Rom. 14.2. he calleth that man weak that eats herbs out of abstinence. But he would rather have called him ungodly and in­jurious against God, if such a man had believed that meats created by God were evil by their nature. The same Apostle Col. 2.20. condemneth those that prohibited meats, saying Touch not, taste not, handle not, out of humilty and exercise of mortification, for St. Paul addeth, Which doctrines have indeed a shew of wisdom in will-worship and humility, and not sparing of the body, not in any honour to the fulfilling of the flesh. Such was the excuse of the Montanists in­ventors of fasts, for so they speak by the mouth of Tertullian their Advocate.Tertul. adv. Psyche­os Sp. S. praedamnans jam haereticos perpetuam abstinentiam praecepturos ad destruenda & despicienda opera Creatoris. The Apostle condemneth those that commanded to abstain from meats. For the Holy Ghost by his foresight condemneth those hereticks before they were come, that should command a perpetual abstinence to destroy and despise the Creators works. Again,Abstinentes ab eis quae non rejicimus sed differimus. We abstain from meats which we reject not, but we put off the use of them for a time. And in the same placeIta sciebat quosdam castigatores & interdictores victus incusare qui ex fastidio non qui ex officio abstinerent. The Apostle would accuse some correctors and forbidders of meats who abstained from them out of contempt, not out of office or exercise. It is plain that those hereticks spake as our Adversa­ries do. As also did Eustathius Bishop of Sebastia, Conc. Gangr. Praefat. & Sozom. lib. 3. cap. 13. [...]. who being condemned by the Council of Gangra for such observations, protested that he did not bring in these things out of pride, but out of a religious exercise, and according to God.

The same Apostle in the same chapter ver. 16 speaks thus, Let no man judge you in meat or in drink, or in respect of an holy day, or of the new moon, or of the Sabbath dayes. And 1 Cor. 10.27. If any of them that believe not bid you to a feast, and ye be disposed to go, whatsoever is set before you eat, asking no question [Page 508] for conscience sake. Now it might easily happen that one of those that believed not, inviting a Christian a sevenight or a fortnight before Easter should set flesh before him. And 1 Cor. 8.8. Meat commends us not unto God, for neither if we eat are we the better, neither if eat not are we the worse.

It is true that in the fifteenth of Acts, the Apostles being assembled at Jeru­salem, for fear of offending the Jews newly converted, prohibited eating of blood, and strangled things. Which order we should be bound to observe to this day, but that the Apostle who writ the first Epistle to the Corinthians long after the Council of Jerusalem, teacheth us, that this prohibition was taken off, saying, If any of them that believe not, bid you to a feast, whatsoever is set before you, eat, asking no question for conscience sake. Which the Roman Church acknowledging hath left that custom, and permits eating of blood and strang­led things, according to Austins counsel in chap. 13. of book 32. against Faustus the Manichean, although the most part of Christan ChurchesVid. Ter­tul. Apol. c 9. Conc. Gangr Can. 2. Conc. Trull. Can 7. Euseb. lib. 5. hist. cap. 1. Sixtum Se­nensem lib. 6. Annot. 173. for the space of eight hundred years and above, kept that Law, and carefully abstained from blood and strangled things.

In vain the example of the Rechabites is alleadged, who abstained from wine in obedience to the command of Jonadab their ancestor, Jer. 35. For in the Roman Church neither the people, nor the Clergy abstain from wine. If the example of the Rechabites must be followed, there must be neither building of houses, nor dwelling in houses. It was a prophetical warning whereby Jona­dab dying, prepared his family for persecution, which soon after came upon the land. Yet God dispensed them from that abstinence, and took off that prohi­bition by his Prophet Jeremy.

CHAP. 3. Of the custom of the Antient Church about distinction of meats.

THE first that brought in rigid fasting were the heretick Montanists, fol­lowers of Montanus, who called himself the Holy Ghost,Euseb. Hist. lib. 5. cap. 18. [...]. Euse­bius saith, that Montanus is he that made the Laws about fasting. For if that which Clemens Alexandrinus saith is true, that St. Matthew did eat nothing but seeds, and small fruits, and herbs, that Apostle did so without any Law imposed upon him, and for causes particular to himself.

Of that Sect was Tertullian, who writ about the year 200. of Christ. He made a book against the Orthodox Christians, whom he calls in scorn [...], that is spiritual. In that book in the first chapter he saith that the other Christians accused the Montanists of too much fasting, and blamed them for fasting till the evening, and for abstaining in their fasts from all moist things, as flesh, and the most humid fruits,Tertul. in Psych. cap. 1. Arguunt nos, quod jejunia propria custo­diamus, quod stationes ple­numque in vesperam producamus, quod etiam Xerophagias observemus, siccantes ci­bum ab omni carne & omni jurulen­tia, & uvidi­oribus quibus­que pomis. which fasts were called [...] by the Montanists, which the Orthodox Christians laughed at, saying that it was a new and affected name,Id. c. 2. Xerophagios quoque no­vum affectati officii nomen & proximum Ethnicae superstitioni quales castimoniae Apim & Isidem & magnam matrem certorum eduliorum exceptione purificant. relishing of Pagan superstition; That the Egyptians that worshipped the Ox Apis, and the Goddess Isis, had the like abstinences and distinctions of meats.

Ignatius more antient then Tertullian in his Epistle to Hieron the Deacon ad­viseth himVino & carnibus ne prorsus abstineas, nec enim abominandae sunt. not to abstain from wine and flesh, thereby shewing that some already laboured to introduce these observations into the Church.

But about six or sevenscore years after Tertullian, began the profession of Monks in Syria and Aegypt, which was unknown before, and went beyond the Montanists in austerity of fasting, so far that they would pass many dayes to­gether without any eating at all. These were carefull observers of those [Page 509] Xerophagies, that is, eating of dry meats, which the Ancient Christians had de­rided.

At the same time, and in imitataion of those Monks, fasts began to be more frequent; and Christians to mortifie their flesh, began to abstain from wine and flesh and all dainties upon fasting dayes. Yet the customs were very different. Chrysostome in the fourth Homily to the people of Antioch, upon image-breaking. [...]. There are some (saith he) that pass two whole dayes without eating any thing at all; Some cutting off from their table, not only wine and oyle, but also all kinds of meats, pass the whole Lent with bread and water only. And Socrates in the fifth book of his history chap. 22. [...], &c. Christians have not the same customs of abstinence of meats, for some abstain altogether from things that had life, Others of all living creatures eat nothing but fishes; Some unto fishes add fouls, &c. Others abstain from fruits of trees, and from eggs; Some live with dry bread only, others use none at all. Some will fast nine hours, and after feed upon such meat as they can get, without distinction. The customs in that point are very different. And because we find nothing written about that by the An­tients, I think that the Apostles have left it to every mans discretion. That di­versity of custom sheweth that in those dayes the Pope of Rome did not rule the Universal Church.

This sheweth also that fasts were free, and that every one fasted either ac­cording to his strength, or according to his will, not by any necessary rule im­posed upon the Church.

Tertullian in the forealleadged place disputing against sound doctrine, saith, that the Adversaries (that is, true Christians) said, thatLex & Prophetae us­que ad Johan­nem. Itaque de caetero indifferenter jejunandum ex arbitrio, non ex imperi novae disci­plinae, pro temporibus uniuscujusque. Sic Apostlos observasse, &c. The Law and the Prophets were untill John, and that after that we must fast indifferently, not by the authority of any new discipline, but according to the times and occasions of every one. That the Apostles did so practise it, having not imposed the yoke of cer­tain fast dayes, &c.Apostolo detestatore eorum qui sicut nubere prohibeant ita jubeant cibis abstinere. That as the Apostle detesteth those that hinder marriage, so he detesteth those that command abstinence from meats, &c. That the Lord said, that which entreth in at the mouth defileth not man, but that which goeth out, &c. That the Apostle said, Meat make us not acceptable unto God, that neither if we eat, are we the better, neither if we eat not, are we the worse. Thus as the true Chri­stians of those dayes used against hereticks the same reasons that we use against the Roman Church, so the answer of those hereticks speaking by the mouth of Tertullian, is the same as that of our Adversaries. That the Apostle condem­neth those hereticks that hold meats to be polluted and evil by their nature, not those that abstain out of exercise to mortifie and humble their flesh. By the same Tertullian in the third chapter of the same book it appears,Bene autem quod Episcopi universae plebi mandare jejunia assolent, &c. ex aliqua solicitudinis Ecclesiasticae causa. that in the orthodox Church Bishops prescribed fasts, according to the occasions and extraordinary necessities of the Church.

About a hundred and ten years after Tertullian, the Council of Ancyra being informed that some Clarks out of voluntary devotion abstained from flesh, made this Canon which is the fourteenth. [...]. It seemeth us good that the Clarks Priests and Deacons that abstain from flesh should eat of it. After that if they will abstain from it, let them abstain. This shews that the Greek Churches had no Ecclesiastical laws as yet to abstain from flesh. But because it was doubted whether those that abstained from it, did it out of scruple or only out of exer­cise, the Council commands them to eat flesh once or twice, to shew that they held not the use of flesh to be evil of its nature.

The like rules are found in the Asceticks of Basil, which are rules given nei­ther to the Clergy nor to the people, but to certain Hermites of the desarts of Pontus and Cappadocia whom Basil exercised with a hard abstinence. He tells [Page 510] them.Definiti­onum latio­rum Interro­gat. 18. [...]. All meats must be eaten as occasions happen, as much as it sufficeth to shew them that look upon us, that unto the pure all things are pure, and that every creature of God is good, and none of them is to be rejected. And in the nine­teenth interrogation, It is impossible to tye all persons to the same rules, conside­ring the diversity of natures, and the complexion of the bodies. And in his Asketical Constitutions chap. 25. he commands his Askets or Disciples [...]. not to make conscience to eat bread dipt in flesh-broth, which the Benedictin Fry­ars in our dayes would hold to be a great sin. But in those dayes the rigid rules of abstinence were only for the Anachorets and Askets, that is, for Her­mites and Exercisers of austerity. But as for the people, as it would have been un­beseeming not to fast at all, so of the publick fasts every one observed as much as he pleased, and there was no Law that obliged the people necessarily, as it will be seen more evidently by the following proofs, especially when we come to speak of Lent.

Theodoret in the last chapter of divine maximes, where he treats of absti­nence speaks thus: The Church embraceth abstinence of wine and flesh, and other abstinences, not as hereticks do, for they command abstinence of those things as of abominable things. But Theod. [...] Cap. [...]. the Church hath made no Laws about that, and forbiddeth not the use of these things. For this cause some enjoy lawfull pleasures without fear, others abstain from them. And none of the wise condemneth him that eateth, for both the abstinence and the use lye in the liberty of mens will. That place sheweth evidently that many Christians abstained from wine and flesh, out of a voluntary exercise; being not bound to it by any Law. The like things he saith upon Rom. 14.

Austin likewise in the thirty third chapter of the first book of the manners of the Catholick Church, speaking of the fasts of Monks, whose abstinences were far more strict and austere then those of the common people and Clergy, saith nevertheless,Atque inter haec nemo urgetur in aspera quae ferre non potest. Nulli quod recusat imponitur, nec in eo condemnatur à caereris, quod in eis imitandis se fatetur invalidum, &c. Memine­runt omnia munda mundis. None is urged to austerities which he cannot bear. None hath a burden laid upon him which he cannot carry, or is condemned by others, because he c nfesseth himself too weak to follow them; for they remember that to the clean all things are clean.

Cassianus in book 5. chap. 5. speaking of the fasts of the Monks of the wil­derness.Super jejuniorum modo haud potest facile uniformis regula custodiri, Quia nec robur unum cunctis corporibus ineft, nec sicut virtutes caeterae animi solius vigore parantur. It is not easie (saith he) to keep an uniform rule about the mea­sure of fasting; Because all have not the same strength of body, and one can­not attain to these fasts by the vigour of the mind only, as to other vertues. And in the twenty first Collation chap. 13. We read not that any were condemned only for meat, And in the fourteenth chapter he calls the use of meats an indiffe­rent thing.

Hence I infer, that if the Monks of the wilderness, whose fasts were a hundred times more austere, yet were not constrained, but had the liber­ty either to fast or not to fast, how much ought the peoples liberty to have been greater? And truly whosoever shall carefully read the antient peniten­tial Canons shall not find any Canon or rule that prescribe any pennance to him that hath eaten flesh upon a fasting day. This will be more clearly seen in the chapter where we shall treat of Lent. Neither shall it be found in all Antiquity, that any ever came to the Bishop of Rome, or to any other Bishop, to get a permission or dispensation to eat flesh on fasting dayes.

Eusebius in the third chapter of the fifth book of his history relates, that one Alcibiades mortified himself with fasting, living with bread and water. But (saith Eusebius) it was revealed to Attalas [since] a Martyr, that Alcibiades did ill to abstain from Gods creatures, and thereby to scandalize others: [...]. Alcibiades believed him, and since did eat indifferently of all [meats] and gave God thanks.

Sozomenus in the first book chap. 11. saith, that a stranger being come to Spi­ridion on a fasting day, he bad his daughter to serve before that stranger a piece of Pork, which he had in store; and that the stranger (bred doubtless in some su­perstitious Church) made a scruple to eat it, saying that he durst not eat it be­cause he was a Christian. Then Spiridion told him, But for that very reason thou must eat it, because God saith, To the pure all things are pure. He said not to him, Eat of it, for there is nothing else in the house, but he alleadged to him the word of God, which is alwayes of the like vigour, whether there was other meat, or no other meat in the house. And himself, who had purposed before not to eat all that day, did eat flesh with that stranger, to take from him all scruple.

The same Sozomenus in the third book chap. 13. And Nicephorus in the ninth book chap. 14. speaks of one Pachomius, to whom an Angel brought a writing, prescribing among other Laws, to eat, drink, labour, fast, or not fast, as every one should like best, without binding himself to any necessity.

Prosper in the second book of contemplative life, chap. 22.Sic abstinere vel jejunare debemus, ut nos non jejunandi vel abstinendi necessitati subdamus, ne jam non devoti sed inviti rem voluntariam faciamus. Si enim quoslibet [...]dvenientes jejunio inter­misso resicio, non solvo jejunium sed impleo charitatis officium. We ought so to abstain or fast, that we subject not our selves to the necessity of fasting or ab­staining; lest that we do not out of devotion, but out of constraint, a thing that ought to be voluntary. For if I intermit my fast to entertain all that come to me, I violate not my fast, but I do an office of charity.

Hierom is the most severe in this point, according to his custom, to run al­wayes to extreams, and to be hyperbolical both in counsels and words. That Fa­ther in the second book against Jovinian sets forth all his eloquence to make eating of flesh odious, and to dissuade Christians from it. He saith thatPossumus dicere bestias, pisces, oves, non ad esum sed ad medi­cinam creatas. the beasts which are commonly eaten, were created not for the use of food, but for the use of Physick. That flesh may be fit meat for sea-men or wrestlers that knock one another down with their fists, or for mine-diggers; whereas Christian Re­ligion doth not teach men to be diggers or wrestlers, but to follow wisdom and consecrate themselves unto God. And a little after,Si vis perfectus esse, bonum est vinum non bibere, & carnem non manducare. If thou wilt be per­fect, it is good not to drink wine, and not to eat flesh. And to them that eat flesh, he applyeth these words of prophane men related by St. James, Let us eat and drink, for to morrow we shall dye. And in the Epistle to Salvina, We know that the Apostle said, that every creature of God is good, and nothing to be rejected, being taken with thanksgiving: Sed idem loquitur bonum est vinum non bibere & carnem non manducare. But the same Apostle saith also, It is good not to drink wine, and not to eat flesh. And a little after,Come­dant carnes quae carni serviunt, quarum fervor dispumat in coitum. Let those wo­men eat flesh, that serve the flesh, whose heat is froathing for the works of the flesh, &c.

But St. Paul saith not absolutely, that it is good neither to drink wine, nor to eat flesh, as Hierom makes him say, but, It is good neither to eat flesh, nor to drink wine, nor any thing whereby thy brother stumbleth, or is made weak, Rom. 14.21. He will have us rather to abstain from flesh and from wine then to give scandal to a weak brother. He chuseth rather that we should abstain from lawfull things then to trouble a weak conscience for meat, which of its nature is indifferent. Thomas Thomas in cap. 14. ad Rom. ver. 21. Hoc intendit Aposto­lus dicere, quod bonum est his non uti cum scandalo proximorum, quod apparet ex hoc quod subditur. the Prince of the School expounds it so. The Apostle means that it is good not to use these things with scandal of our neighbours, and so much appears by that which follows.

Note also that Hierom holds, that to be perfect one must drink no wine, and eat no flesh, contradicting the Apostle who calls those men strong, that eat all indifferently, and those weak and infirm that out of abstinence stint their sto­mack to herbs only; and considering not that the same Apostle commands his Disciple Timothy to drink wine because of the weakness of his stomack. Cassian tells us that by such abstinences many were led into temptation. Among others he speaksCassian. Collat. 1. chap. 21. of Abbot John, who having fasted two dayes together, saw the [Page 512] Devil presenting himself to him in the shape of a little black Moor-boy, who told him, It was by my counsell that thou didst undertake this fast.

Superstition hath no end. This sickness growing in the Church of Rome came to this, that about the year of the Lord 730. Pope Gregory the second and his successor Zachary declared some meats unclean, and of a polluted nature. That Gregory in an Epistle to Boniface Bishop in Germany Agrestem caballum aliquantos adjunristi comedere, plerosque & domesticum. Hoc nequa­quam fieri, sanctissime frater, sinas, &c. Immundum enim est atque exe­crabile. prohibits eating of horses, both wild and homebred. For (saith he) that is unclean and execrable. And Zachary Zachar. Epist. ad Bonifac. Inprimis de volatilibus & graculis, & corniculis, & ciconiis, quae omnino cavendae sunt ab usu Christia­norum, & fibri atque lepores, & equi sylvatici multo amplius cavendi. forbids eating Jays, Crows, Otters, Storks, Hares, and wild horses.

In the nineteenth book of the Decrees and Canons collected by Burchard th [...]se Canons are found.Comedisti aves quas oppresseret accipiter, & non prius eas ferro ali­quo [...]ccidisti? Si fecisti, quinque dies in pane & aqua poenile­at. Hast thou eaten birds which the Hawk hath beaten down, and hast thou not killed them before with some iron tool? If thou hast done it, do penance with bread and water. Again,Comedisti aves & animalia quae in retibus strangulan­tur? &c. Hast thou eaten birds and beasts that were strangled in the net, and so were found dead? Ʋnless thou hast done it, being prest with hunger, if thou hast done it, thou must do penance sixteen dayes with bread and water.

The Church of Rome of our dayes professeth to believe, that no meat is of its nature polluted and unclean. Yet many things shew that they believe the contrary. For the Schoolmen, asDurand. Mimat. Rationali divin. Offic. l. 6. cap. 7. Cum pisces sint caro, quare hoc tempore comedantur? Resp. Deus non maledixit aquis, quoniam per aquam Baptismi futura erat remissio peccatorum. Durandus, Alensis, and others, give this reason why in fasts they allow eating of fish not of flesh, because in the flood God cursed not fishes as he did the beasts of the earth, and that because by the waters of Baptism he was to give remission of sins.

Of the same opinion, that meats are polluted by their Nature, traces are seen in so many exorcisms and conjurations which are made in the Roman Church over meats and other creatures, as it were to get them out of the Devils pos­session. For example when salt is exorcised, the Bishop or the Exorcist saith,In Missali Romano Exorciso te creatura salis, &c. I exorcise thee thou creature of salt, &c. that all fancy and wickedness and craft of the Devil may fly from the place where thou shalt be spred, and that every unclean Spirit be adjured; These words are said with many signs of the Cross; And in many places they bring cattell to the Church, to bless them be­fore they be eaten.

In this (as in all other things) the Roman Church hath changed the antient customs. For now they keep forced fasts, whereas they were free in old time, and every one observed as much as he would of them. The abstinences were made without opinion of merit or satisfaction to Gods justice, either for ones self or for another: And the observations were diverse in the several Coun­tries by the prescript of the several Bishops without expecting the decrees and ordinances of the Bishop of Rome. And we shall see hereafter, that other Churches not only were different from the Roman Church, but also condemn­ed her as contrary to the Apostolical tradition. The chief abstinence of antient ChristiansFulgent de [...]ide ad Petrum cap 42. Dei servos quia carnibus & vino abstinent, &c. Basilius Hom, 1. de jejunio. [...]. was from wine upon fasting dayes, knowing that wine is like oyle poured upon burning coals, and that it is the greatest kindler of lust. But the Roman Church permits the use of wine upon fasting dayes: And the Cele­stins and other Benedict in Fryars who never eat flesh, have in their meals of the most excellent wine, to each his portion, as much as would serve three sober men. They eat of the most exquisite fish in great plenty, and in markets they have that priviledge to take what fish they please, next after the King: Sweet meats, dryed fruits, and other dainties are permitted to them; yet after all they say, that they keep a continual fast. They take wine largely to obey the Apo­stles command to Timothy, to use a little wine for his stomacks sake. And that serveth for satisfaction to God. And when they have too much satisfied for themselves, the Pope gathers in his treasure the overplus of that satisfaction, and distributes it by indulgences. But in hunger and want to eat a little bit of [Page 513] flesh in Lent is a great sin, and a case reserved to the Bishop, or to the Peniten­tiary.

The Jesuites fast but little, and endeavour to moderate the rigor of those Laws. For that the Jesuite Emanuel Sa gives many exceptions. These are some of them.Emanuel Sa, Aphor. in verbo Jejunium. Jejunium non violant quae sumuntur per modum medicinae vulgo electu­aria; Nec cibi praegustatio ut fit a coquo & pincerna, nec gentaculum ex more vespertinum vel ex causa sumptum mane. Things that are taken for Physick as Electuaries, and the essay of meats, such as Cooks and Cup-bearers make, and a break-fast taken at night according to custom, or in the morning for some cause, do not violate a fast. Again,Excusat à jejunio aetas minor anno vigesimo primo vel major sexagesimo. Ut plurimum debilitas magna gravidam esse vel lactare, non habere sufficientem cibum ad prandium, damnum aliquod notabile, occupatio melior ut concionando, &c. Vel alioqui labor non ferens jejunium, ut artificium aut iter pedibus agentium, causa reddendi conjugi debitum, vel non ei displicendi cum haec jejunio impediuntur. Denique dispensatio Episcopi vel Parochi illo absente. A man is excused from fasting, if he be under one and twenty years of age, or above threescore. For the most part a great debility, being with child, or giving suck, or if one hath not meat enough to dinner, the fear of some notable danger, or if one be imployed about some better thing, as preaching, teaching, hearing, confessions, &c. Then a labour that will not bear fasting, as that of trades­men, or of those that travell on foot, or if one must pay the duty to his wife, or the fear of displeasing her when that duty is hindered by fasting; Finally, the dispensation of the Bishop or the Parson in his absence; All these excuse from fast­ing. Cardinal Tolet a Jesuite hath the like exceptions in the sixth book of the institution of Priests, chap. 1. & 4. To the excepted persons he adds the beggars. According to these rules, of twenty persons nineteen shall be excused from fasting.

CHAP. 4. Of ordinary fasts upon week dayes practised in the antient Church, and of Saturday fast.

THE Pharisees would fast two dayes in the week, as the Pharisee saith, Luke 18.12. I fast twice in the week, I give tithes of all that I possess. Theo­phylactus in hunc locum, [...]. Drusius quaesitis per Ep. 35. Ca­saub. in Baro. pag. 63. Those two dayes were the second and the fifth of the week, which we call Munday and Thursday. Their reason was, because (said they) Moses ascended into the mount upon the second day of the week, and came down from it upon the fifth.

The antient Christians near the Apostles time, burning with zeal, and study­ing sobriety, would not be inferiour to the Jews in that exercise, and fasted al­so twice a week, upon Wednesdayes and Fridayes.

That custom was in Tertullians Tertul. contra Psychicos cap. 2. Proinde nec stationum quae & ipsae suos quidem dies habeant quartae feriae & sextae, passive tamen currant, neque sub lege praecepti, neque ultra supremam diei. time, which was two hundred years after Christs birth: for he introduceth the Orthodox Christians speaking thus, The station dayes (so he calls the ordinary fasts) which are constant, the fourth and the sixth of the week run indifferently, not by the law of any commandment. And in the fourteenth chapter, Stationibus quartam & sextam Sabbati dicamus. We dedicate to solemn fasts the fourth and sixth day of the week. And Epiphanius in the heresie of Aerius, which is the seventy seventh, Who is he that agreeth not [with the rest of the Church] that in all climats of the habitable world the fourth day of the week, and the day before Saturday is a fast constituted in the Church? In the life of Fulgentius Bishop of Ruspa in Africa, a disciple of St. Austin, Chap. 29.Per singulas septimanas omnes Clericos ac viduas, & quicunque potuisset ex Laicis, quarta & sexta feria statuit jejunare. He gave order that every week all the Clerks, and all the Widows, [...].and [Page 514] all among the Lay-people that could do it, should fast the fourth, and the sixth day of the Week. That is, upon Wednesday and Friday. By these Widows he means the Deaconesses. Clemens Alexandrinus speaks thus,Clem. Alex. Strom. 7. [...]. The understanding man (whom he calls Gnostick) understands the Riddles of the Fast, even of the fasts of the fourth day, and of the day of the Preparation: For the one is called the day of Mercury, the other the day of Venus. See the Roman Decree in the third Distinction of the Consecration, Can. de Esu, and Can. Jejunia. And Austin Epist. 86. It is evi­dent by the Testimony of Tertullian, and by that of Fulgentius, that these fasts were ordinary, but that none of the people was bound to keep them, but that every one kept what he would or could of that custome, without the obligation of a Law. As in effect the sixty ninth Canon of the Apostles binds none but the Clerks to fast. Whence it followeth, That the Roman Church hath left the anti­ent customes, having made those two fasting-days of necessary observation; whereas in old time they were free, and none of the people was bound to keep them. And having left the fast of Wednesday,, and brought the custom of fasting upon Saturday, and upon the Lords day, against the antient constitutions which were universally received.

Such then was the custom of the antient Church in Tertullians time. But be­fore him it seems that this observation of fasting upon Wednesday and Friday was practised but some weeks before Easter. For Ignatius in the Epistle to the Philadelphians speaks thus. [...]. After Passion week neglect not to fast the fourth day of the week, and the Preparation, giving to the poor the remnant of your meat; Unless Ignatius mean that after the fast of the week before Easter one must not leave fasting, though they be dayes of joy. Which I say, because some Fa­thers affirm, that there was no fast kept neither upon Wednesdayes nor upon Frydayes from Easter to Whitsunday. Hierom in the Epistle to Marcella inti­mates so much. Not but that it is lawfull to fast all the year, but only in the Pente­cost. Cassian. Collat. 21. cap. 18. Numquid possunt filii Sponsi lugere quamdiu cum illis est spon­sus? &c. Quae verba proprie quinquagesi­mae tempus ostendunt. Of which Cassian giveth the reason in the eleventh and eighteenth chapters, because (saith he) those were the dayes in which the Bridegroom was restored, and that it is written, Can the sons of the Bridegroom fast while the Bridegroom is with them? But several ages have very much diversified the customs. And in the same age the customs of several Countryes were diverse.

CHAP. 5. Of the Fasts of Saturday, and the Lords day.

ALL the antient Church almost with one consent held the fasts of Satur­day, and of the Lords day to be unlawfull, yea to be great crimes before God.

Among the Canons which are called Apostolical, the sixty fourth is this, [...]. If a Clark be found fasting upon the Lords day or upon Saturday, one only excepted, let him be deposed; But if he be a Lay-man, let him be excommunicated; That only Saturday is Easter Eve.

Ignatius in the Epistle to the Philadelphians, [...]. If any fast upon the Lords day or upon Saturday, he is a murtherer of Christ.

In Clements Constitutions in the seventh book, chap. 24. after the order that all Saturdayes and Lords dayes be Holy dayes or Feasts, it is added,Ʋnum Sabbatum servandum vobis est in toto anno quod pertinet ad sepulturam Domini, in quo jejunare oportet, non festum agere. There is one only Saturday in the whole year which ye must observe, as belonging to the Lords burial; in that you must fast, and not keep it a Feast.

Cassian in the third book, chap. 10. disputeth against the Roman Church, which [Page 515] fasted upon Saturday, saying for excuse, that they did it after St. Peters example, who being at Rome fasted upon a Saturday, being the next day to fight with Simon Magus. Which Austin in the eighty sixth Epistle to Casulanus, saith to be held a fable by most of the Romans. But Cassian saith,Nec ta­men ex hoc canonica fu­isset jejunan­di regula promulganda, quod non generalis observatio statuerat, sed ut semel fieret, ratio necessi­tatis extorse­rat. that Peter did that out of necessity, not to give it as a rule.

Ambrose in the book of Elias and fasting,Quadra­gesimae totis praeter Sabba­tum & Dominicam jejunatur diebas. There is a fast upon all the dayes of Lent, but only upon Saturday, and the Lords day.

The Church of Milan in Ambrose's time, and many ages afer did not fast up-Saturday, keeping comformity in that point with the Churches of Asia, Greece, and Aegypt, as Ambrose said to Austin, and as Austin relates it in the one hun­dred and eighteenth Epistle to Januarius. Cum Roma venio, jejuno Sabba­to, cum hic sum non jejuno. Sic & tu ad quam forte Ecclesiam veneris, ejus morem serva. When I am at Rome, I fast upon Saturday; when I am here (that is at Milan) I do not fast. Thou also likewise, what Church soever thou come to, conform thy self to the custom of the same. The only Church of Rome opposed the general custom of the Churches. Yet Pope Innocent in the Epistle to Decentius commands very expresly fasting upon Satur­day, and saithDementis est bidui [jejunium] agere ad consuetudinem, Sabbato praetermisso. It is a folly to do the contrary.

For these causes the sixth Universal-Council assembled again at the Palace of Trull at Constantinople made an express Canon against the Roman Church in these terms,Can. 55. [...]. Because we have learned that in the City of Rome they fast up­on Saturdayes in Lent, contrary to the Order constituted by tradition in the Church. It is decreed by the holy Synod, that in the Roman Church also the rule shall im­mutably hold, which pronounceth, that if a Clark be found fasting upon the Lords dayes or upon Saturdayes, one only excepted, he must be deposed, and if he be a Lay­man, he must be excommunicated. All the Bishops of Greece, Asia, and all the East were assembled in that Council. And by speaking so, they shewed that they held not themselves subject to the Roman Church.

CHAP. 6. Examination of the proofs whereby Cardinal du-Perron goeth about to prove that Lent is of divine institution.

FOR all other fasts in general, the Cardinal brings no other proof but tra­dition, which yet we have shewed to have been altogether changed and dis­figured by the Roman Church, and that she opposeth the customs, and constitu­tions and Canons of antient Councils. Lent only he endeavours to ground up­on holy Scripture. For having said that the time before the passion of Christ is the fittest for fasting, he adds,In the second ob­servation of book 2. ch. 8. pag. 658. That God made the waters of the flood to rain forty dayes and forty nights. That the people of Israel was relegated forty years in the wilderness. That Moses, Elijah, the Ninivites, and Christ himself fasted forty dayes. That in the antient Law the chastisement of those that were [...]aten with rods exceeded not the number of forty blows. Whence St. Paul saith 2 Cor. 11. I have received forty stripes save one. That new born babes laugh not be­fore they be forty dayes old, as that number being designed by Nature it self for tears and complaints. Also that whereas we give unto God the tythe of all our other goods, we give him in Lent the tythe of our time, as Cassianus observeth. For tak­ing from Lent the Lords dayes, upon which there is no fast, the remaining thirty six dayes are the tythe of the whole year.

One should need a great deal of spare time to stay upon such absurdities. It [Page 516] rained forty dayes (saith this Prelat) therefore we must fast forty dayes be­fore Easter. Israel was forty dayes in the wilderness, then Christians must fast out the Lent. Moses and Elijah and Christ were forty dayes without eating at all, Ergo in the forty six dayes before Easter (for Lent lasteth so long) we must ab­stain from flesh, and eat fish, herbs, sweet meats, &c. Upon this let us hear Chry­sostome in the forty seventh Homily upon Matthew. [...]. Christ gave this insti­tution, Learn of me that I am meek and humble of heart. He saith not, I have fasted, although he might have spoken to them of his forty dayes; But he spake not to them of that, but learn that I am meek and humble of heart; For Christ will not have us to imitate him in his miracles, but in his vertues. And they that think to imitate the miraculous fast of Christ by eating fish, ought to be condemned not to eat at all, and to imitate him in drinking vinegar.

That which followeth is of the like absurdity. We must fast in Lent, for the Jews gave not above forty stripes: He that disputes so, deserveth fifty; But for that which comes after, twice as many. Children laugh not before the fortieth day, Ergo we must fast in Lent. What he saith of children is false; But though it were true; what doth it for Lent? And if we owe no more unto God but the tythe of our time, for whom shall the rest be? And is it impossible to conse­crate unto God a day upon which we eat a little flesh? But what is that tythe? Thirty six dayes (saith he) are the tythe of the year. Why then doth Lent last forty six dayes? We take the Lords dayes from that number saith he, as good as saying, that he will not have the Lords dayes of Lent to be consecrated unto God; But there also he misreckoneth himself, for there are but six Lords dayes in Lent, and in those Lords dayes no flesh is eaten. After the mustering of these scientifical demonstrations, who can be so dull as to make a doubt that Lent is well grounded upon the word of God?

CHAP. 7. That Cardinal du Perron was ignorant of the original of Lent, and in what sense that word was taken in the Antient Church. Diversity of antient customs in this matter.

THese words of Christ Matth. 9.15. The dayes will come when the Bridegroom shall be taken from them, and then shall they fast, gave occasion to the Christi­ans that lived next to the time of the Apostles to fast on the dayes next before Easter, because in those dayes Christ was taken from his Disciples; For having been put on the Cross upon Friday at noon, he remained in death the rest of that day, and all the following day, untill the first day of the week, about two hours before Sun-rising: All that time amounts to forty hours. Wherefore the fast before Easter, was called [...] or Quadragesima, which word in the first and most antient signification was taken for a fast of forty hours. Hence al­so it came, that the first Christians held it an unlawfull thing, yea a great sin to fast upon the Lords day, because it was the day upon which the Bridegroom was restored, that is the day upon which Christ arose from the dead. For the same reason the antient Christians did not fast in the forty dayes from Easter to Ascention day, because in those dayes the Bridegroom was restored, and th [...] Disciples enjoyed the Lords presence. Which term they made ten dayes longer, even to Pentecost or Whitsunday; All which time it had been a crime and a scandal among Christians to fast, or to sit, or to bow the knee in the Church.

Some presently after the Apostles having begun to fast before Easter forty hours, which are two whole dayes, others increased the number of the dayes, some fasting three dayes, some four, some five, according to their devotion, and [Page 517] the several customs of Churches; In which diversity the name of Quadragesima remained nevertheless every where, and they that fasted four or five dayes, would say that they had fasted the Quadragesima. Who so believeth that whensoever there is mention of Quadragesima in the Fathers, the word must alwayes be taken for a Fast of forty dayes, is very much mistaken, whereas it signifies only the Fast before Easter, which at the first was but of few dayes, and that very diversly, according to the several customs of the several Churches. Yet M. du Perron will take that word every where for a fast of forty dayes.

In the end that name of Quadragesima gave occasion to some Churches to prolong the Fast till forty dayes, which example was followed by other Churches, yet diversly, and still with some variation.

Whereupon four things are to be observed. 1. That the Pastors and Deacons, and other Ecclesiasticall persons, were far more tyed to these observations then the people: and that the people took of Lent, or Quadragesima as much as they listed, every one fasting as he thought good, some more, some less, with­out incurring for that any Ecclesiastical censure. 2. That in the places where Lent was most austere, yet they never fasted upon the Lords day, nor upon Saturday, saving only the Saturday before Easter, because it is one of the days upon which the Bridegroom was taken from his Disciples. 3. That these vari­ous constitutions were made by the Bishops of the several places without ex­pecting Decrees from Rome, or the will of the Roman Bishop: whose Decrees did not cross the Sea, and extended not beyond the limits of his Bishoprick. 4. That times as well as places have diversified the customs, which in the first and second age were much different from those of the fourth and fifth ages.

Whence it follows that M. du Perron treating of the antiquity and original of Lent, is very wide of the truth, and intangleth that matter, mustering up te­stimonies of Authors of the fourth and fifth ages; For no other testimonies doth he alleadge (unless it be Tertullian who is against him) leaving behind the true and first antiquity. All these things being unknown to the Cardinal, it is no wonder if he confounds himself and the Reader, and speaks as not seeing where he is. We look not to be believed without proofs, and will produce a good number of testimonies of Antiquity upon that subject.

Sciendum sane hanc observantiam Quadragesi­mae, quamdiu Ecclesiae illius primitivae perfectio inviolata per­mansit, penitus non fuisse.In Cassian in chapter 30. of the twenty first Collation, old Theonas, whose holiness Cassian admireth, saith, that in the beginning of the Christian Church, and when she was in her purity, there was no Lent at all, and no Law about that point. But that the custom of Lent was brought in when the Church began to be corrupted, to turn men away from covetousness and worldly cares.

The fifth book of Apostolical constitutions attributed to Clement the first Bishop of Rome in the thirteenth chapter, gives order that the Fast of Lent be­gin the Munday before Easter, and end upon Friday. Celebrate hoc jejunium ante jejunium Paschae quod incipiens à secunda Sabbati desi [...]at in Parasceven. Celebrate (saith he) that Fast before the Fast of Easter, which may begin on the second day of the week, and end upon the day of the Preparation, which is Friday. And on the twenty fourth chapter,Monemus vos ut jejune­tis per hos dies, quemad­modum nos etiam jejuna­vimus, cum nobis ipse ereptus est usque ad vesperam. We exhort you that you fast upon these dayes, as we also have fasted, when Jesus Christ was taken from us untill the evening. But upon other dayes let every one eat at the ninth hour, or in the evening, as he can. In which places we see that when these books were written, the Fast before Easter in the place where the Author lived was but of five dayes, and that the cause which moved them to fast, was because in those dayes the Bridegroom was taken away. And that of those five dayes, the three first were but half fasts, but that on the two last they fasted with austerity.

Irenaeus who was near the time of the Apostles in his Epistle to Victor Bishop of Rome, related by Eusebius, speaks thus of the diversity of customs of fasting before Easter. Euseb. hist. l. 5. cap. 23. [...], &c. Some think that they must fast but one day; some will fast two; others fast more: Others measure their fast day by forty hours of day and night. This place is observable, For it shews that then there was no certain Law common unto all Churches. Also that some fasted but one day, the day [Page 518] upon which Christ remained in the grave a whole day, which is Saturday; and that others fasted upon Friday also, because Christ dyed upon that day. But that such as used a more exact observation, precisely fasted a Lent or Quadra­gesima of hours, even the forty hours from the Lords being put on the Cross to his resurrection. The Reader may also observe, how in the time of Irenaeus Lent was short in comparison of that of our dayes.

That which Irenaeus addeth, is no less considerable, Such a diversity (saith he) among the observers [of the Paschal Fast] did not begin in our time, but long before; in the time of those (as it is credible) who having governed with­out observing an exact rule, have turned afterwards into custom that which was done in simplicity, and by a particular observation. Nevertheless all of them had peace among themselves, and we are still in peace among us. Which is the same thing, as we said, that in the beginning there was no Law about the fast be­fore Easter, but that the voluntary abstinences of some private persons by the lapse of time have been turned into customs, and from customs into Laws, and those Laws different according to the diversity of places, yet so that there was no quarrel for that diversity: So far were they from holding a Fast of forty dayes to be of an absolute necessity, as the Cardinal doth imagine, putting forty dayes where there was but one or two, or forty hours; and an absolute necessity, where there was liberty.

Tertullian in the second chapter of the book which he made against the Or­thodox, and truly faithfull, whom he calleth in scorn [...] spiritual. Certe in Evangelio illos dies jejuniis determinatos putant, in quibus abla­tus est Spon­sus, & hos esse jam solos legiti­mos Christia­norum jeju­niorum. They hold (saith he) that those dayes in the Gospel were determined for fasting, in which the Bridegroom was taken away; and that those only fasts are lawfull among the Christians. Now those dayes are but two, Friday and Saturday be­fore Easter. For before those dayes Christ was with his Disciples, and was not yet taken from them. They held then that Christians ought not to fast be­fore Friday, because before that day the Bridegroom was not yet taken from them.

In the thirteenth chapter he reproacheth the Orthodox for saying that they were not to fast but upon those dayes in which the Bridegroom was removed from them, meaning Friday and Saturday before Easter, and that to that con­stitution nothing was to be added, all innovations being unlawfull, and yet that themselves added fasts besides those dayes,Ecce convenio vos & praeter Pascha jeju­nantes citra illos dies quibus abla­tus est Sponsus, & stationum semi-jejunia interponentes, & vos in­terdum pane & aqua victitantes ut cuique visum est. Denique respondetis haec ex arbitrio agenda non imperio. interposing stations, upon which they fasted half the day, sometimes feeding upon bread and water, as every one liked best. In a word (saith he) you answer that those things ought to be done accor­ding to every mans will, not by command. A very express testimony, out of which we learn that they that fasted then above two dayes before Easter, did it not being obliged to it by any Law, some more, some less, according to their will.

It is also to be noted, that the Orthodox accused the Montanists to be exces­sive in their fasts, and to fast too many dayes in the year. Which Tertullian excuseth thus chap. 15.Quantula apud nos est interdictio ciborum! duas in anno hebdomadas Xerophagiarum, nec totas exceptis Sabbatis & Dominicis, offerimus Deo. How small is the interdiction of meats among us! We consecrate unto God two weeks in the year, in which we stint our selves to dry meats; Neither do we consecrate them whole, for we except Saturdays and Lords dayes. By that account they fasted ten dayes before Easter, and that was judge­ed excessive by the Orthodox. This was far from fasting forty dayes.

Cassian in the twenty first Collation, chap. 18. saith that he had learned the same from the Monks of the desart, namelyNumquid possunt filii sponsi lugere quamdiu cum illis est sponsus? Venient autem dies cum auferetur ab eis sponsus & tunc jejunabunt. Quae verba licet ante resurrectionem dixerit corporis sui, tamen proprie quinqua­gesimae tempus ostendunt in quo post resurrectionem 40. dies Domino cum Discipulis epulante jejunare eos quotidianae ejus praesentiae gaudium non sinebat. that the sons of the Bridegroom cannot weep while the Bridegroom is with them; But that the dayes come when he shall be taken from them, and then shall they fast. Whence he inferreth, that the Disciples during the Quinquagesima, that is, for fifty dayes after Easter [Page 519] were not to fast, because they had Christ with them; grounding the fast before Ea­ster upon this, that the Church must fast upon the days in which the Lord was ta­ken from them, that is two days only. For although in Cassians time, that is 420. years after Christs Birth, Lent was of many weeks, Christians then fasting thirty six dayes, yet he sheweth thereby the original of Lent, and that in the begin­ning they fasted only upon those two dayes in which Christ was taken from his Disciples.

Dionysius Alexandrinus who flourished in the year 260. puts but six fast days before Easter, and those diversly observed.Balsamon. in Canonib. Dionysii Alexand. pag. 881. [...]. All (saith he) do not equally distribute the six fasting dayes, nor in the same manner, but some pass them all without eating, others pass two, others three, others four, others never a one.

In Cappadocia in St. Basils time the Lenten fast was but of five dayes. For so he speaks in the first Sermon of fasting, [...]. Let the belly grant us some truce. Let that continually craving petitioner compound with us for five dayes. And in the second Sermon, [...]. This is a wicked thought, since a fast of five dayes is proclaimed unto us, let us soak our selves this day in drun­kenness.

In the sixteenth Homily of Chrysostom to the people of Antioch one may see that in his time at Antioch they fasted forty days before Easter; Yet that the people were not bound to fast the whole Lent, but that every one observed such part of it as he liked best. [...]. The custome of all (saith he) about Lent, is to ask one another, how many weeks every one hath fasted. And upon that you shall hear them say, the one that he hath fasted two weeks, the other three, the other all. But what profit do we get by it, if being without good works, we fast out the whole Lent? If another tells thee I have fasted the whole Lent, say thou to him, I had an enemy, but I am reconciled; My custom was to detract, but I have left it. He makes little account of Lent in compa­rison of amendment of life.

In that time many Churches began to extend Lent to many weeks, so that nevertheless the people were not obliged to it, and the people fasted neither upon the Lords day, nor upon Saturday, excepting only the last Saturday of Lent. So that they that had a Lent of forty dayes, yet fasted neither Sundays, nor Saturdayes, but one and the last, as we have proved: By which means Lent had but thirty fasting dayes.

Sozomenus and Socrates, antient Ecclesiastical historians, will give us more light in this matter. These are the words of Sozomenus, book 7. chap. 19. As for the Fast which goes before the Lords resurrection, and is called Lent; Some reckon it to be six weeks, as the Slavonians, and the Occidental men, all Lybia, Egypt, and Palestina; Others reckon seven, as Constantinople, and the Nations about as far as Phenicia. Others in those six or seven weeks fast some dayes here and there. Others fast three whole dayes together before Easter. This Author writ about the year of Christ 445.

Socrates who lived but a few years before him, in the twenty second chap-of the fifth book relates a great variety of customs in diverse Churches con­cerning the observation of fasts before Easter. Then he adds, [...]. An admi­ration came into my mind, how these being different about the number of the days, yet call that Fast Quadragesima, labouring to give a reason of this word, some one way, some another.

As for the Roman Church, in the Latine traduction of the Chronicle of Euse­bius made by Hierom, these words are found in the year of Christ, 136.Quadragesimale jejunium à Telesphoro per hoc idem tempus institutum ac praeceptum quidam scribunt. Some write, that in that time the Fast of Lent was instituted and commanded by Telesphorus Bishop of Rome. But that clause is not found in the Greek Copies of Eusebius. It is like enough it was added by Hierom, who meant not that Teles­phorus [Page 520] prescribed Lent to the Universal Church, but to the Church of Rome only. The Pontifical of Damasus in the life of Telesphorus saith the same.Hic constituit ut septem heb­domadas ante Pascha jeju­nium cele­braretur. He con­stituted, that for seven weeks before Easter the Fast should be celebrated. That Decree of Telesphorus, whether it be true or false, is found in the first Tome of the Coun­cils, in these words,Septem hebdomadas plenas ante sanctum Pascha om­nes Clerici in sortem Dei vocati à carne je­junent, quia sicut discreta esse debet vita Clerico­rum à Laï­corum con­versatione, ita & in jejunio debet fieri dis­cretio. That for seven whole weeks before Easter, all Clarks cal­led unto the Lords inheritance, fast from flesh; for, as the life of Clarks must be di­stinct from the conversation of Lay-men, it must be distinct also in matter of fast­ing. That constitution declareth expresly, that this fast was not prescribed but unto the Clarks, not unto the people; and that the people at that time did not ab­stain from flesh before Easter. But in effect the Decretal of Telesphorus which in­stituteth Lent, is false and forged. That is justified by the barbarousness of the style. In which these words are found, In Missarum solemniis, also Episcopi sunt obediendi non detrahendi & non insidiandi. And cavere se, for sibi, and many the like elegancies unsuitable with the time of Telesphorus, when the Latine tongue was pure still. The falshood appears also, in that Telesphorus in that Decretal styleth himself Archbishop, a name which began about the end of the fourth age, about 245. years after the death of Telesphorus. The first place where we meet with that word, is the 21. Oration of Gregory Nazianzen, who writ about the year of Christ, 375. And next in Epiphanius, in the 68. and 69. Heresies, where Peter and Alexander are styled Archbishops of Alexandria. Now Epiphanius writ about the year 400.

Whosoever will know what the state of the Christian Church was in the time of Telesphorus, and how Christians hid themselves in Caves for fear of persecutions, and the poor and persecuted Bishops of Rome were eminent only in Martyrdom, will easily acknowledge that Telesphorus could not have written the contents of that Decretal Epistle, wherein he forbids Lay-men to bring any accusation against a Bishop: An unjust Law, for if a Bishop had ravished a Lay-mans wife, or killed his son, had it not been lawful for a Lay-man to call upon the Magistrate for justice? And how could Telesphorus have hindred it?

That Epistle bears for date the Consulat of Mark, without adding any sirname, against the custom of all Dates of Consuls.

Out of all that we said, it is made evident that in vain Cardinal du Perron la­bours, in the eighth Chapter of the second Observation, to heap up many testi­monies of Fathers that speak of the Fast before Easter, and of Lent, to make the world believe, that every time that the fast before Easter or Lent are mentioned in the books of the antient writers, a fast of forty dayes must be understood, seeing that we have shewed that the fasts before Easter in the first ages were of few dayes. That some Christians would fast one day, some two, some three; and that the word Quadragesima, came first from the forty hours, in which the Bride­groom was taken from the Disciples.

Observe also, that all the testimonies which he alleadgeth, wherein it is spoken of Lent, are out of the fourth and fifth ages, and by consequent discover not the original and first observation of Lent. Note likewise, that in all the Authors of the three first ages, that word of Lent or Quadragesima is not found; neither in Justine, nor in Irenaeus, nor in Clemens Alexandrinus, nor in Tertullian, nor in Origen, nor in Cyprian, nor in Arnobius, nor in Lactantius, nor in Minutius. Which makes us doubt of the truth of the Epistles of Ignatius, where yet the word [...], signifieth not forty dayes, as we have shewed.

The 50. Canon of the Council of Laodicea, which du Perron alleadgeth, speaks indeed of Quadragesima, but saith not how many dayes it lasted. We must know also, that the Canon that follows, teacheth us that then in Lent they fasted neither on Saturday, nor on the Lords day.

Especially that which he maintains is most false, that the observation of fasting forty dayes before Easter was of absolute necessity. For we have shewed by a multitude of testimonies, that the people were not bound to it. And that great variety of customs of fasting, sheweth sufficiently, that Christians in those dayes were not ruled by the Laws and customs of the Church of Rome.

CHAP. 8. How the discipline of Fasting in the Roman Church, is full of absurdity and abuse.

THe Roman Church hath made a multitude of Laws about the discipline of fasting; to the observation whereofTolet. de Instruct. Sacerd. l. 6. c. 3. Praeceptum jejunii se­cundum om­nium Docto­rum senten­tiam obligat sub mortali. the people are so bound, that to violate them is held a mortal sin, that is, a sin that deserveth eternal damnation; although of all those distinctions of meat, in which fasting is made to consist, God hath commanded none, and they are even contrary to his Word, as we have proved; to say nothing of that rashness whereby sinners make themselves judges of the merit of crimes, a judgement that belongs to none but God.

In all fasts of the Roman Church flesh is forbidden. But in Lent, besides flesh, it is prohibited also to eat eggs, butter, and all kinds of milkiness. Yet on the first day of Lent, the people of Paris will go in procession to our Ladies Church, to get leave to eat butter in Lent.

In the Indies subject to the King of Spain, the Law of Fasts is not yet establish­ed, as Cardinal Tolet saith,Id. ibid. cap. 2. sect. 4. because (saith he) faith is yet but new there; that is, of about eightscore years standing. Yea in Spain, upon Fridayes and Saturdayes, one may eat the feet and ears of Calves and Sheep. These they call Menudillos, and take them for fish.

In the Roman Church they fast upon Fridayes and Saturdayes between Easter and Whitsuntide; which in the antient Church would have been a great crime, and likewise fasting upon the Lords day in Lent, which not to do, is now become a mortal sin in the Roman Church.

There they make fasting to consist, not in sobriety, but in distinction of meats: So that he that upon a fasting day hath but tasted flesh, is held to have violated his fast. But he that on the same day hath been drinking wine, and eating fish and sweet-meats with great excess, is accounted to have fasted, as Cardinal Tolet saith in the sixth book of the Institution of Priests, chap. 2. Quamvis aliquis multum excedat, non ob id solvit jejunium. Although one make great excess, he violates not his fast for that: In the same placeArmil­la, verbo jejunium, sect. 12. Probat colla­tiones quae fiunt Romae secundum consuetudi­nem tinelli ob consuetu­dinem, & quia Pontifex tolerat cum sciat; quam­vis isti sint abusus homi­num parum timoratorum. he saith that he dares not condemn Banquets which they use to make at Rome in Lent, Secundum consuetudinem tinelli. Accor­ding to the custom of the Tinel; which is a custom to give the one to the other the Posie, to make banqueting go from house to house. For (saith he) the Pope knoweth that, and tolerates it, although this be an excess of men that have little fear. In effect, the Pope and the Cardinals of Rome, are they that least observe Lent, for they that give dispensations to others, have reason to take as many dispensa­tions for themselves as their heart desireth. They that make Laws, are not subject unto Laws.

Upon the discipline of fasting, the Doctors made such gallant rules and jolly distinctions, that one may see they had a mind to make themselves merry. They dispute whether those persons keep the Fast, that take meat another way then by the mouth, as they that take in Lent nutritive Clysters, made with flesh broth, not for Physick, but for food and sustenance.

And because some will drink largely upon fasting dayes, even early in the mor­ning, the Doctors determine thatTolet. de Instruct. Sacerd. l. 6. c. 1. Potus quam­vis sit vinum, non solvit jejunium, sive sumatur ante prandi­um sive post. Sed lac sol­vit jejunium. drinking doth not violate the Fast, whe­ther one drink before or after dinner. By this means one may be drunk, and yet fasting. There is no danger of being drunk in drinking milk, yet milk is excepted; of which if one drink but a spoonful, he hath violated his fast. And that is the rea­son why Saint Catharine of Siena, being yet in swadling clothes, would not suck upon a Friday.

Yet these Gentlemen, by a fatherly compassion, have made exceptions for the comfort of souls, whereby they make fasts void, and make the Laws of fasts ri­diculous. We have shewed before, how they declare, that a man under one and twenty years of age is not obliged to fast,Tolet. lib. 6. c. 4. sect. 7. Excusatur à jejunio, qui non potest reddere uxori debitum je­junando. Eman: Sa idem dicit Aphor. verbo jejunium. nor he that by fasting is made less [Page 522] able to lie with his wife; nor he whose wife is not satisfied; nor Tradesmen, Plowmen, Travellers, Pilgrims, Beggars, Preachers, Women with child, &c. So that it will be found that the Law of Fasting obligeth no body.

The Jesuite Emanuel Sa, and Cardinal Tolet, after other Doctors, determineEman. Sa ibid. sect. 13. Qui semel jejunium violat non peccat postea saepe come­dendo. Tolet. l. 6. de Instruct. Sacerd. c. 3. sect. 5. that he that hath once violated the Fast, sins not afterwards by frequent eating of flesh: That is, that by once sinning, he hath got liberty of sinning for the whole Lent. As if they said, that a man by lying or stealing in the beginning of Lent, may continue the same course till Easter. And that he is never the more guilty for that.

The extremity of the disease, is, that the Roman Church placeth fasting among the works that deserve eternal life, which is purchasing the Kingdom of heaven at an easie rate. The proud Pharisee (Luke 18.) boasted of his fasting twice a week, and notwithstanding was rejected of God; although his pride was not come to that height, to presume thereby to merit eternal life. Can any doubt but that this language would delight God very much, if a man loaden with merits would tell him in the day of Judgement, Thou must give me eternal life, for I have abstained from flesh in the Eves, in the Rogation weeks, and in Lent? Only I have drunk wine somewhat largely, and filled my belly with fish and sweet-meats. Is not this enough to satisfie God? For although he hath not commanded that distincti­on of meats, yea though he hath prohibited it in his Word, yet the Pope, who can­not err in the faith, hath otherwise disposed of it.

This is not all, for they will have the Fast to serve to expiate sins that are past, and to make a payment unto Gods justice; saying, This poor sinner hath indeed committed murthers and adulteries, but in recompence he hath kept Lent, he hath eaten neither flesh, nor eggs, nor milk, upon certain dayes; that must be taken for payment, and accepted in Gods judgement for a full satisfaction. Yea it may happen that such satisfactions will be an overplus of payment, and that a man shall pay more then he oweth. In that case, the overplus shall serve for some other that hath not satisfied enough. The Pope shall lay up that overplus in his Treasure, and distribute it to others by his Indulgences, and the living fasting for the dead, shall fetch them out of Purgatory, by the grant and concession of his Holiness. Oh the height of superlative and abuse and absurdity! It must needs be acknowledged that God is very angry with men, since he hath poured upon them such an horrible spirit of stumbling.

By these things it is evident, that the Popes have constituted Fasts, not for an exercise of abstinence, but for marks of their Empire. For by these Laws they rule the Tables and Kitchens, not only of the people, but also of Kings and Prin­ces, and lay a yoak upon consciences, from which Christ hath delivered his Church. And the more the Pope multiplyeth his Prohibitions, the more suitors hath he for Dispensations.

Sixth Controversie, OF THE SEVENH BOOK. OF Auricular Confession, and Of the secrets of Confession.

CHAP. 1. Four sorts of Confession in our Churches. Answer to the Cardinal:

HIs Majesty of England had said, That Auricular Confession, as it is practised in the Roman Church, was not used in the antient Church.

To which the Cardinal answereth in these words, It is enough for us to say that the antient Church held the vocall and distinct confession of sins to the Pastor, to be necessary to obtain remission of sins. And that whereas the Church out of Indulgence, and to yield to the bashfulness of men, would be contented with the secret and Auricular Confession instead of the publick, she doth thereby not aggravate the yoak of Confession, but ease it. By this he acknowledgeth that in old time there was no Auricular Confession, but that it was introduced to spare sinners that were ashamed of confessing their sins publikely.

He addeth, that as for that vocall and distinct Confession, the Apostles themselves did institute it, and that by vertue of their authority to forgive, or retain sins, which they had received from Christ. That all the Fathers by that authority, understand the judiciary absolution of sins, not the bare Preaching of the Gospel. And that as one [Page 524] relative presupposeth another, the absolution presupposeth a precedent revealing of sins, which cannot be done but by Confession.

Pag. 643.He saith next, that both the Fathers and the Roman Church, hold not Confes­sion necessary to salvation, with an absolute necessity, but only with a necessity of means, conditionate, and in case of possibility, and that contrition supplyeth the defect of confession.

He saith further, We hold not Confession to be a Sacrament, but only a necessary and essential condition to a Sacrament, even to the penitential absolution. Which he proveth byAugust. de Bapt. contra Do­nat. l. 3. cap. 22. Austin, who puts imposition of hands among the Sacraments, and saith upon Psalm 146. that the cloth and salves about wounds are the tempo­rall Sacraments. In which places he will have us to think that Austin means Sacra­mental absolution.

Leaving for the present, that which the Cardinal saith of penance and Sacra­mental absolution, of which it will be spoken afterwards, we will receive that which he grants, that Auricular Confession hath not been in use in the antient Church. Now it is not credible, that they that brought in Auricular Confession to cover the bashfulness of sinners, were more prudent then the Apostles, and the antient Church in her primitive purity.

The Gloss of the first Canon of the fifth distinction of Penance, acknowledg­eth the same thing, and freely saith, that the confession which is made unto the Priest, is not instituted in the Word of God. These are the words,Alii dicunt quod in Novo Testamento à Jacobo dicente Con­fitemini alterutrum peccata; Sed melius dicitur eam institutam fuisse à quadam Universalis Ecclesiae traditione potius quam ex Novo vel Veteri Testa­mento au­thore. Others say that the Confession was instituted in the New Testament by Saint James, saying, Confess your sins one to another. But it is better to say that it was instituted by some tradition of the Ʋniversal Church, rather then by the authority of the New or Old Testament.

And a little after,Ne­cessaria est in mortali­bus confessio apud nos, apud Graecos non, quia non emana­vit ad illos talis traditio. Confession is necessary among us in mortal sins, but not among the Grecians, because such a tradition is not come to them. Beatus Rhenanus in the argument of Tertullians book of Penitence, acknowledgeth that se­cret Confession is no where commanded, and that the antient Church did not practise it.

The Cardinal needed not to tell us that Confession of sins is necessary: We be­lieve it, and teach it. He that covereth his transgressions shall not prosper, but he that confesseth and forsaketh them shall find mercy, Prov. 28. But of Confession of sins there are four kinds, which are not all of equal necessity. For sins are confest, either to God alone, or to the Church publikely, or to the Pastor privately, or to our neighbour whom we have offended.

Confession to God is absolutely necessary. Of that Saint John speaketh in the first Chapter of his first Epistle, If we confess our sins, God is faithful and just to forgive us our sins, and to cleanse us from all iniquity. Of that confession David felt the fruit; for he saith in Psalm 32.5. I said I will confess my transgressions unto the Lord, and thou forgavest the iniquity of my sin. For God will sooner bear with sins followed with a penitent confession, then with pretended righteousness, with pride and opinion of merit.

Publick Confession, though it be not absolutely necessary for salvation, yet the practise of it is necessary in the Church of God, to touch the sinner with repen­tance, and fright others from vice by that example, and to make those that are none of the flock to take notice, that vices are not suffered in the Church, where­by they may be invited to embrace Christian Religion. The Council of Trent in the fourteenth Session, chap. 8. approveth publick penances,Com. Trid. Sess. 14. in re­formatione. Apostolus monet publicè peccantes publicè esse corripiendos. as grounded up­on the Apostles sentence, 1 Tim. 5.20. Them that sin, rebuke before all, that others also may fear. It was the practise of the antient Church, and there was in every Church a place set apart for the penitent, that they might be remarkable and dis­cerned from the other Christians. They stood for a while in the Church-porch, and that first degree of penance was called [...]. Fore-weeping. About a year or two after they entred into the Church, standing in the Portal or entry of the Temple: But they were not permitted to assist at the prayers of the Congregati­on, and were called the Hearers, and their penance Hearing: [...]. Having past a [Page 525] year or more in that second degree of penance, according to the term assigned by the Canons, and according to the grievousness of the sin, they were permitted to draw nearer, and to assist at prayers, but not admitted to the holy Communion: These were called the Prostrate, and that third degree of penance was called [...]. Prostrating, because they were prostrated on the ground, clothed with sacks, with their hair foul, and their countenance sad. The term of that prostrating be­ing expired, they came nearer to the sacred mysteries, and might see the celebra­tion of the holy Communion, but were not admitted to it. That degree of pen­ance was called [...]. standing together. After which they were admitted unto the Lords Table.

Already in the time of the Council of Nice, those degrees of penance were practised, as it may be seen in the eleventh and twelfth Canon. And above fifty or sixty years before Geregory, Thaumaturgus had made those Constitutions which are found in Balsamon. The 59. Canon of the Epistle of Basilius to Amphilo­chius is this, [...]. The fornicator shall be seven years without communicating of the holy things. He shall be two years a Weeper, two years a Hearer, and two years Pro­strate, and one year only a Fellow-stander, and in the eighth year he shall be received to the Communion.

The place or inclosure where the Penitents stood hearing the Sermon afar off, was called [...]. Of that publick penance, mention is made in the book de dog­matibus Ecclesiasticis, ascribed to Austin, chap. 53.Quem mortalia crimina post Baptismum premunt, hortor prius publica poeni­tentia satis­facere, & ita Sacer­dotis judicio reconciliatum communioni sociari. Him that is prest with mortal sins committed since Baptism, I exhort, first to satisfie by publick penance, and after that, being reconciled by the Priests judgement, to be adjoyned unto the Communion. Where the Author speaks of reconciliation to the Church. Of that publick penance Tertullian and Ambrose speak, in the books which they have written of penance.

As for private Confession of the sinner to his Pastor in old time, if the sin was not known, the sinner that felt a load on his conscience, before he came to the publick penance, would come privately to one of the Pastors; not to ask ab­solution, or to undergo the penances and satisfactions, either corporal or pecu­niary, which his Pastor would lay upon him, as it is practised now in the Roman Church; but to receive counsel and comfort from him. Then it was the Pastors part to judge whether the crime was of such a nature as to require a publick Con­fession and penance. Upon which we have a very express testimony of Origen, Hom. 2. upon Psalm 37. where he speaks thus unto the sinner, who hath pur­posed in his heart to confess his sin privately to one of the Pastors.Circum­spice diligen­tius cui de­beas confiteri peccatum tuum. Proba prius medi­cum cui debeas cau­sam languo­ris exponere, qui sciat infirmari cum infir­mante, flere cum flente, qui condo­lendi & compatiendi noverit dis­ciplinam. Ʋt ita de­mum si quid ille dixerit, qui se eru­ditum Me­dicum ostenderit & misericordem, si quid consilii dederit, facias & sequaris. Si intellexerit & praeviderit talem esse lan­guorem tuum quò in conventu totius Ecclesiae exponi debeat & curari, & quo sortassis & caeteri aedificari poterunt, & tu ipse facile sanari, multa hoc deliberatione & satis periti medici illius consilio procurandum est. Look diligently to whom thou shouldst confess thy sin. First try the Physitian to whom thou must declare the cause of thy sickness, one that knows how to become weak with the weak, and weep with him that weepeth; one that understands the manner of fellow-mourning and fellow-feeling; That thou mayest after that follow the counsel given thee by him that will shew himself a learned and compassionate Physitian. And if he hath known and foreseen, that thy sickness is such that it needs to be declared and remedied in the Assembly of the whole Church, that others may be thereby edified, and thy self cured; that must be executed with careful deliberation, and by the coun­sel of that skilful Physitian. That counsel is both holy and wholesom, and it is that which we endeavour to practise in our Churches. For if it be a thing both commendable and profitable for an afflicted man to pour his bitterness into the bosom of a godly friend, and to shew him our wounds, to receive counsel and comfort from him: How much more when that grief is communicated unto those whom God hath set to be Heraulds of Peace, and Ministers of Reconciliation, and who are authorised by God to announce to the repenting sinner the remission of sins by Jesus Christ? Of that nature were the Confessions of those that came to John the Baptist in the desart, confessing their sins: And the confessions of [Page 526] those that are mentioned, Acts 19.18. Many that believed, came and confessed and shewed their deeds.

The last sort of Confession is that which sinners do mutually among themselves after they have offended one another. Of that kind of Confession spake Saint James, chap. 5.16. Confess your faults one to another. [...]. There is in the Greek, Confess your sins reciprocally or mutually; that is, I to you, and you to me; which cannot be referred to Auricular Confession. Note also the coupling of these two things, Confess your faults one to another, and pray one for another. For as James understands not that we must pray for the Priests only, so he under­stands not that we must confess our sins to the Priests only. So Austin understands it in the fifty fourth Epistle to Macedonius, Scriptum est confitemi­ni invicem peccata ve­stra, & orate pro vobis. Has sibi partes humanitatis, ubi potest, omnis homo apud homi­nem vindi­cat. It is written, Confess your sins one to another, and pray for you [mutually.] Every one attributes to himself that part of humanity to his neighbour when he can do it. And Cardinal Cajetan in his Comment upon Saint James Epistle.Nec hic sermo est de confessione Sacramen­tali, ut pa­tet ex eo quod dicit Confitemini invicem. Sa­cramentalis enim Con­fessio non fit invicem, sed sacerdo­tibus tantum. Sed de con­fessione qua mutuo fatemur nos peccatores ut oretur pro nobis, & de confessione hinc inde erratorum pro mutua placa­tione & reconciliatione. It is not here spoken (saith he) of the Sacramental Confession, as it appears in that he saith, Confess one to another; for Sacramental confession is not made one to another, but to the Priests only. But that confession is meant whereby we confess one to another mutually that we are sinners, that we may be prayed for, and the confession of faults which is mutually made for a mu­tual pacification and reconciliation. These four kinds of Confessions are good and holy, and practised in our Churches. But that which is made unto God is the principal, and must be done every day, and is absolutely necessary to salvation: The other sorts as time and occasions require, and according to possibility. Wherefore there was no need for the Cardinal to expatiate with his moral elo­quence upon the necessity of Confession, which we acknowledge and teach. He grounds the necessity of Sacramental Confession, upon the power which the Lord hath given to his Apostles to forgive sins: Which Confession he saith to be under­stood by the Fathers of absolution of sins, not of the meer preaching of the Go­spel. All which he saith to impose calumniously upon us, that by the power of forgiving or retaining sins, we understand no more but the Preaching of the Go­spel. For we know that Pastors exercise that power not meerly by Preaching, but also by using Censures, Suspensions, Excommunications, Relaxations, and Re­conciliations of sinners that have satisfied the Church. Of which we shall speak in the right place.

CHAP. 2. That the testimonies of the Fathers which Cardinal du Perron objecteth to us, to establish Auricular Confession, are to no purpose. Some falsifi­cations observed.

Pag. 644.CArdinal du Perron makes three sorts of Confessions practised in the antient Church. 1. Publick confession for publick sins, upon which he acknow­ledgeth that his Church and ours are agreed. 2. Secret confession for secret sins. 3. And publick confession for secret sins; upon which two last sorts of confession he brings many testimonies of the Fathers, presupposing against truth, that they are not received in our Church; but we have shewed already, that we receive and teach those two sorts of confessions, as well as the first.

He alleadgeth Basil, who in his short rules,229. rule. saith, that Confession of sins must be made only before them that can heal them. And in the fifth Chapter of the same Observation, which is the second, the Cardinal alleadgeth the same Basil, Qu, 288. saying, that sins ought to be discovered to those only to whom the dispensa­tion of mysteries is committed. These two places are falsified by the addition of the [Page 527] word only, which he puts in of his own, to exclude any other confession but that which is made to the Priest. In the first place, there is according to the Greek, [...]. Confession of sins must be made before those that can heal them, as it is written, You that are stronger, bear the infirmities of the weak; which is a text of Saint Paul, where by the strong he understands not the Pastors of the Church, but the godly that are more proficient in the faith: So that M. du Perron, besides the ad­dition of the word only, corrupts the sense of that place, attributing unto the Priests alone, that which is said of all the godly people. The second testimony is this, [...]. It is necessary to confess sins unto those to whom the administration of the holy mysteries is committed. The word only is not in the Greek.

In the same place he alleadgethLeo ad universos Episc. per Camp. Epist. 80. Leo, in the 80. Epistle, saying, it will suf­fice that the sins of consciences be shewed unto the Priest by a secret confession. This also is false, for Leo saith not sacerdoti, but sacerdotibus; that is, to the company of Priests. The Cardinal hath thus corrupted that place, because confession made to a company, did not seem to him secret enough, or having any thing common with Auricular Confession.

But when all is said, To what purpose doth he go about to prove to us private Confession made to the Pastor of the Church, since we approv [...] it? In that point he mistaketh the Fathers, thinking that when they speak of Confession made privately, they mean that Auricular or secret Confession, whereby all adult Chri­stians are obliged once a year to make an enumeration unto the Priest, of all the sins they can remember which they have committed since their last confession, that they may receive the absolution of them. Only they speak of sinners, who being grieved in their conscience with the sense of their sins, make their private address unto their Pastor, and confess unto him their sins, that the Pastor may bring the comforts, and apply the remedies which the word of God affordeth, an­nouncing them the remission of their sins through Jesus Christ. These pri­vate confessions were voluntarily done by sinners, without any obligation by Ec­clesiastical Laws. The sinner represented to his Pastor some sin that stung him most, but made not an exact enumeration of all the evil desires, words and actions of the whole year, with the circumstances of time, place and persons, as every man is required to do in the Roman Church. And if the sin was such, that it de­served or needed publick repentance, as publick scandals, then the Pastor dispo­sed the sinner to publick penance, which is called by the Fathers, a second plank after Shipwrack, and a second cure after Baptism. That penance, according to the judgement ofTertul. lib. de Poenit. c. 4, 5, & 9. Tertullian andAmbros. lib. de Poenit. c. 10. Ambrose, might not be done above once in a mans life; making thereby man more merciful then God, who will have us to pardon our brethren, not seven times only, but seventy times seven, that is, infinite times.

The same I say of the testimonies of Fathers, which the Cardinal brings after, to shew that even for secret sins they required a publick acknowledgement. What is that against us who do not contradict that? Knowing that there are some hidden sins so horrible, that no penance can be too severe or too publick to humble the sinner.

Truly in that point we differ not from the antient Church, but that the degrees of publick penance, prescribed by the antient Canons, are not practised among us, no more then in the Church of Rome, where they are altogether abolished. But instead of them, the Pope hath laid a heavier yoak upon the consciences, and esta­blished a politick tyrannie upon them, of which we shall hereafter speak.

CHAP. 3. Of the Penitentiary Priest abolished by Nectarius. How Cardinal du Perron altereth and corrupteth that history. How he disguiseth and concealeth the Doctrine of Chrysostom about Confession.

VNder Theodosius the great, about the year 388. of Christ, a memorable thing to this purpose happened at Constantinople. The Emperour Decius in the year 250. had raised a hard persecution against the Christians, which perse­cution made many to bow, and to deny the Christian profession, to save their lives. The persecution being over, they desired to be received to repentance, and sought to make their peace with the Church, which was not denyed them. But an African Bishop called Novatus, and a Roman Priest called Novatianus, made a schism upon this, saying, that such persons ought not to be received to repen­tance, and they would not communicate with them; but separating themselves from the Church, carried away great numbers with them, who made a Sect apart. For which cause, the Orthodox Bishops, being loath to fright the people, and scandalize the Church by a multitude of penitents, brought to publick penance, established in every Church a Penitentiary Priest to hear secretly the Confessions of those Christians faln to idolatry, and seeking their reconciliation. That order being established at the first, only for those that were faln to idolatry, was soon after used for all sorts of penitent sinners. For before that time, the custom had been to receive, no otherwise, sinners to the communion, but after a publick con­fession of their sin. But when the Penitentiary Priests were once established, many being ashamed to be made publick examples, began to address themselves to that Penitentiary Priest, who having heard their confession, dispensed them from the publick confession, if he judged the sin to be of that nature that the sin­ner might be dispensed from it, without doing harm to himself, or giving scandal unto the Church. But in the time of the Emperour Theodosius, Nectarius being Patriarch of Constantinople, such an accident happened at Constantinople, as caused the abolishing of that office. It is related by Socrates, in the nineteenth Chapter of the fifth Book of his History, in these words. A noble woman came to the Peni­tentiary Priest, and confessed unto him part of the sins she had committed since her Baptism: Ʋpon which the Priest enjoyned her to fast and pray with assiduity, that with the Confession she might shew works worthy of repentance. But the woman going further, accused her self of another sin, and confessed that the Deacon of the Church had lyen with her. Which being declared, was the cause that the Deacon was deposed from the Office which he had in the Church; and the multitude was stirred, being angry not only for that deed, but also for the scandal and disgrace which that action had cast upon the Church. And Ecclesiastical persons being upon that occasion reproached and reviled, a Priest called Eudemon born in Alexandria, gave counsel to Nectarius to abolish the Penitentiary Priest, and to permit every one to be partaker of the holy my­steries, according to the dictate of his own conscience: Because that was the only way to exempt the Church from scandal. I did the more boldly write this relation, be­cause I have it from Eudemon himself.

Sozomenus relates the same history in chap. 16. of the seventh book, where he saith, that Bishops judging the custom of confessing sins publikely, as upon a stage, to be too severe, appointed in every Church a Priest of good life, [...]. discreet, and no babler, to hear sinners, and to enjoyn them what satisfaction they were to make in private; and he saith, that the same custom was still in the Roman Church in his time: Of which he describes the publick penances, the tears, the fasts, and the form of reconciling the penitent. But of all that discipline, no trace now remains in the Church of Rome. Sozomenus saith further, that Nectarius abolished that Office of Penitentiary Priest in the East, and that he left to every persons conscience to participate the Sacred mysteries, as he should find himself [Page 529] disposed; whereupon the Author complains that the rigour of the discipline which already was relenting, grew thereby more loose and slack. Which we must not understand, as if at Constantinople and in the East publick confessions had been abolishtby Nectarius, but only that they became less frequent when it was left to the liberty of sinners whose faults were not known, to receive the holy Communion without making any other confession, penance, or sa­tisfaction, but such as they judged themselves in their own conscience to be bound to do.

This history being clear and easie to be understood,In the third chapter of the second Observation, pag. 647. Cardinal du Perron doth so strangely confound and disguise it, that one would say that he understood it not. He saith that the Penitentiary Priest charged that woman to confess her faults in the publick audience of the Church, and that she confessing her faults publickly, went beyond that which the Penitentiary Priest had enjoyned her, declaring in the face of the Church, the sin she had committed with the Deacon. A thing of which neither Socrates nor Sozomenus make any mention, and say not that the Penitentiary had enjoyned her any confession in publick, or forbidden her to declare in her publick confession the heaviest sin of all. Where­fore it is with good reason that the Jesuite Petavius in his Notes upon Epi­phanius, disputes against the Cardinals opinion, and maintains that it was apart and in secret that this woman confessed the crime to the Penitentiary Priest, not in publick.

Also the Cardinal being not able to concoct the words of Socrates and Sozo­menus, that it was put to every mans conscience to present himself to the Commu­nion according to the dictate of every mans conscience, by this word every man, understands the publick penitents, whereas it signifieth every person that feels his conscience prest with some sin. Again, he understands these words, as if Socrates and Sozomenus had said that Nectarius permitted every one to present himself to the Com­munion as his own conscience should indite him, after every one had undertaken the pe­nance, not before they had undertaken it: And that the words mean, that after men had embarked themselves in the course of the solemn penance, it was left to their conscience to judge when they had sufficiently performed it. That indeed is altogether false & impos­sible. For not only before Nectarius, but since also, several Councils have regulated publick penances, and prescribed unto every sin deserving publick penance, the prefixed time how long one should stay upon every degree of penance. How ridiculous would have been the Canons of Councils made since Nectarius which prescribe that the murtherer or the adulterer be so many years performing his penance, if it had been lawfull to him after he had one day begun his penance, to let it fall and end the next day? and to communicate when he would, with the Communion of the holy Sacrament? Certainly the Cardinal hath here taken his measures amiss, and quite mistaken the history.

To this Nectarius succeeded in the Bishoprick of Constantinople, John a Priest of Antioch surnamed Chrysostomus or golden mouth, because of his eloquence. He did not content himself to continue the suppression of the office of the Peni­tentiary Priest, who kept the depositum of all the secret confessions, but besides he disswaded his hearers in his Sermons to confess themselves to any man, saying, that it was enough for them to confess themselves to God alone.

In the fifth Homily of the nature of the incomprehensible God, he speaks thus, [...]. For this cause I exhort, and beseech, and require you, that you confess your sins unto God continually. For I do not bring thee forth into a stage of thy fellow-servants, I constrain thee not to discover thy sins unto men. Ʋncover thy conscience before God, and shew him thy wounds, and ask him remedies. Shew thy sins to him that upbraideth not, since although thou shouldst hold thy peace, he knoweth all things.

And in the one and thirtieth Homily upon the Epistle to the Hebrews, [Page 530] [...], &c. [...]. He that repents must not discover his sin [unto men] but let him pray to God that he may not remember it. And a little after, I say not to thee, that thou set forth thy sins publickly, nor that thou accuse thy self. But obey the Prophet that saith, Lay open thy way unto the Lord. Confess them unto God. Confess thy sins to thy Judge, praying, if not with thy tongue, yet with thy thought, and so obtain mercy.

The same upon Psal. 50. [...].Edit. Fron­tonis pag. 1004. Art thou ashamed to say that thou hast sinned? say that to him every day in thy prayer. What? Do I say thee, that thou shouldst say it to thy fellow servant that upbraideth thee? Say it to God that brings remedy to it. For though thou do not say it, yet God takes notice of it.

The same Father in the fourth Homily upon the parable of Lazarus (for he calls it alwayes a parable) speaks thus, [...], &c. [...]. Tell me why thou art ashamed, or why dost thou blush to declare thy sins? For dost thou confess them to a man that he may upbraid thee with them? or to thy follow servant, that he may set them forth? To thy Master, to the tender, to the gracious, to the Physitian, thou discover­est them. For doth he not know them though thou say nothing of them to him, he that knew them even before thou didst them?

And a little after, he personates God speaking thus to the sinner, I constrain thee not to come to the midst of a stage, nor to have many witnesses about thee. Say thy sin unto me alone privately, that I may heal thy wound.

And in the twenty eighth homily to the people of Antioch, [...]. Edit. Savil. p. 608. God doth not constrain us to declare our sins publickly, but commands us to make our apologies to him alone, and our confessions to him alone.

And in an other place,Chrysost. Hom. de Poenitentia & Confessione, Tomo 5. Edit. Latinae Colum. 901. Edit. Basil. an. 1558. Let that judgement be made without witnesses. Let none but God see thy confession. Upon which the Jesuite Petavius in his notes up­on Epiphanius pag. 244. chideth Chrysostom with an unbeseeming bitter­ness.

The CardinalChap. 3. of the second Observation pag. 648. speaking superficially of Chrysostom, takes no notice of these places, by which it is evident that not only Chrysostom did not require a publick confession from sinners, but that he did not so much as oblige his peo­ple to any particular confession, and that therefore his advice was contrary to that of the Fathers of the Council of Trent, Concil. Trid. Sess. 14. Can. 6. Si quis negaverit confessio­nem Sacramentalem vel institutam vel ad salutem necessiariam jure divino, &c. Anathema sit. Et Can. 7. Si quis dixerit in Sacramento poenitentiae ad remissionem peccatorum necessarium non esse jure divino confiteri omnia & singula peccata mortalia quorum memoria cum debita & diligenti praemeditatione habeatur, etiam occulta & quae sunt contra duo ultima praecèpta Decalogi, & circumstantias quae peccati speciem mutant, &c. ana­thema sit. who in the fourteenth Ses­sion anathematize them that say, that to have remission of sins, it is not necessary by divine right to confess in the Sacrament of penitence, all ones mortal sins that can be remembred, and all the circumstances that alter the nature of the sin; and that the confession of the Church, which is called auricular, is not instituted by God, and is not necessary to salvation, by divine right. For that holy Doctor, who was versed in Scripture as much as the Fathers of Trent, or more, did not find in it that Law which obligeth every one, before he do his Easter-devotions, to confess all his mortal sins unto a Priest, and all the circumstances of sin, upon pain of damnation.

All that the Cardinal answereth to these testimonies of Chrysostom is this, that Chrysostom taught, that it was enough for a man to confess unto God, that is, in respect of the satisfactory, not of the judiciary confession.

By the judiciary confession he understands that which is made unto the Priest: By the satisfactory, that which is done in publick. Whence the ab­surdity of that Distinction is made evident: For neither the private, nor the publick cenfession can be called judiciary, seeing that it is not the action of a Judge, but that of a sinner appearing as guilty. Wherefore the Council of Trent acknowledgeth no other judiciary action in the Sacrament of Penitence, but the absolution, calling itConc. Trid. Sess. 14. cap. 6. Sed ad instar. actus judicia­lis quo ab ipso velut à judice sententia pronunciatur. a judiciary act whereby the sentence is pronounced by the Priest, as by a Judge. Besides Chrysostom in the forealleadged places doth expresly disswade confession in that respect of confessing to a man as to a Judge, and will have it made unto God alone, because unto him it belongeth to be Judge. As in the one and thirtieth Homily upon the Epistle to the He­brews, Confess thy sins unto God, Confess them to thy Judge. And the words of that Father take away all distinction, when he personates God speaking thus, Tell thy sin unto me privately. And Let none see thy confession but God.

Wherefore the Cardinal hath cut off these last words, and clipt Chrysostoms tongue. But he alleadgeth other words of his out of the thirtieth Sermon to the people of Antiochia, It is enough for thee to confess to God alone, not to thy fellow servant that upbraideth thee with it. Again, I do not constrain thee to come up upon a stage before a great multitude of witnesses. But he suppresseth the follow­ing words, [...]. It is against me that sin is committed; Say it unto me alone in private.

Chrysostom was not alone of that opinion. Austin in the tenth book of Con­fessions, chap. 3. speaks thus,Quid mihi ergo est cum hominibus ut audiant confessiones meas quasi ipsi sanaturi sint omnes languores meos? What have I to do that men hear my confessions, as if they ought to heal all my diseases.

And Hilary upon Psalm 51.Confessionis causam addi­dit dicens, Quia fecisti authorem universitatis hujus Domi­num esse confessus, nulli alii docens confitendum quam qui fecit olivam, &c. David gives a reason of his confession, saying, because thou hast done it, acknowledging that it was God, the Author of this Ʋniverse, teaching that we must confess to none else.

Cassian in the twentieth Collation, chapter 8.Quod si verecundia retrahente revelare ea hominibus erubescis, illi quem latere non possunt confi­teri ea jugi supplicatoine non desinas. If being kept back by bash­fulness thou art ashamed to reveal thy sins unto men, cease not to confess them by continual prayers unto him to whom they cannot be hidden.

The Canon Petrus, Dict 1. Can Petrus, Lachrymas Petri lego, satisfactionem non lego. in the first distinction of penitence, alleadgeth these words of Ambrose, I read that Peter wept, but I read not that he made satisfa­ction. And the following Canon saithLachrymae lavant delictum quod pudor est confiteri. Tears wash away the sin which a man is ashamed to confess. The Gloss of those Canons saithIbid. Glossa. Fortè tunc non erat facta constitutio confessionis quomodo est. Perhaps in those dayes the custom of confession as it is now, was not yet instituted. Ibid. Glossa, Lachrymae interiores, id est, in quo habet tantam erubescentiam ut ad lachrymas veniat occultè etiam non coram sacerdote. The Gloss addeth, These tears are inward, that is, he is so ashamed that he weeps in se­cret, not before the Priest.

Yet the Cardinal to prove that Chrysostom approved auricular confession, saith that it hath persevered and persevereth still in the Church of Constanti­nople. If it were so, he would have brought us a cloud of witnesses. But he brings none but the last Canon of the sixth Council of Constantinople, which saith, that they that have received of God the power of binding and loosing must consider the quality of the sin. But he is mistaken, if he think that in that Canon auricular confes­sions are meant. The Canon speaks of the absolutions of those that did publick penance, for the publick penances, and the diverse degrees of penance were still observed at Constantinople at that time, as it may be seen in the eighty eighth Ca­non of the same Council whereby the antient Canon is confirmed, made against those that forsake their lawfull wives. That [...]. such men be Weepers a year, Hearers two years, Prostrate three years, and the seventh year be Fellow-standers with the faithful, and then be admitted to the oblation. For Nectarius had not abolisht the penitents and publick confessions, but in such faults as were not publick, he had taken away the necessity of submitting ones self to that pub­lick confession, and had left it to every mans conscience. The same I say of the Nomocanon of the Grecians which the Cardinal alleadgeth, but produceth not, [Page 532] where auricular confession is neither mentioned nor understood. Likewise that testimony is false, which he brings from the Patriarch Jeremy in his answer to the German Doctors, chap. 11. The Cardinal saith, that the German Prote­stants had said, That auricular confession is not necessary for penitence, and that Penitence is not a Sacrament; but that the Patriarch Jeremy doth censure them for these two assertions. But rather these are two untruths of the Cardinal. For I find not that in any of the three Treatises of these Germans, they do so much as speak of auricular confession, or that they deny that Penitence is a Sacra­ment, whence it followeth, that the Cardinal falsly affirmeth that the Patriarch Jeremy doth censure them about these two points. I find only that these Ger­mans say, thatPag. 12. private Confession ought to be retained in Churches, although it be not necessary in the Confession to make an enumeration of all our sins. That is no otherwise contradicted by the Patriarch Jeremy, but that he maintaineth thatPag. 87. sinners ought to confess all their sins as far as they are able. Upon that on­ly he insisteth, and I wonder how theHe cites in the 651. page the fourteenth Epistle of the fourth book in the second new Edition. Cardinal dares thus forge things that are not.In the fifth chapter of his second Observation. He useth the like false dealing with Cyprian, whom he makes to say, That penitence is done by a set time, and the confession whereby the life of him that doth penance is discovered. And [Penitents] cannot come to the com­munion unless hands be laid on them by the Priest or the Clergy. He hath taken away the word Bishop, and put or instead of and, because these words shew that Cyprian speaks of publick penitence and confession, in which the Bi­shop, not the Priest did reconcile the penitents, and which only was used in the first ages of the Church. As Beatus Rhoenanus acknowledgeth in the ar­gument of Tertullians book of penitence,Ne quis admiretur Tertullianum de clancularia ista admisso­rum confessio­ne nihil locutum, &c. Nec enim usquam prae­ceptam olim legimus. Let none wonder that Tertullian said nothing of the secret confession of sins, &c. For we read not that in old time it was commanded in any place.

The Council of Cabillonum (now Chalons upon Saone) held in the year eight hundred and thirteen in the thirty third chapter, speaks of that secret confession, as of a point not yet agreed upon,Concil. Cabillonens. Quidam solum modo Deo confiteri debere dicunt peccata, qui­dam, vero Sacerdotibus confitenda esse percen­sent. Some say that sins ought to be confest unto God alone, others say that we must confess them unto the Priests also. The judgement of the Council is, that both are done with fruit.

Yet in Lombards time, who writ about the year 1160. of Christ, auri­cular confession was not yet held necessary, many holding that it was enough to confess sins unto God alone, without any confession to the Priest. For these are his words;Lombard. Sentent l. 4. Dist. 17. litera C. Quibusdam visum est sufficere, si soli Deo confessio fiat sine judicio sacerdotali & confessione Ecclesiae; quia dixit David, Dixi confitebor Domino, &c. Non ait sacerdoti & tamen remissum sibi peccatum dicit, &c. Some are of opinion, that it is enough to confess unto God alone without the Priests judgement, and the confession of the Church; because David said, I said I will confess unto the Lord. &c. He saith not unto the Priest, & yet he saith that his sin was forgiven him, &c. He had said before.Litera A. In his enim docti diversa sentire inve­niuntur. Ʋpon that the Learned are found to be different in opinion, because upon these things the Doctors seem to have taught diverse, and welnigh contrary things.

In the same time Gratian writ, who in the first Distinction of Penitence, after he hath represented the diversity of opinions about the necessity of the con­fession made unto the Priest, concludeth thus,Dist. 1. de Poenit. c. 89. Quamvis: Quibus authoritatibus vel quibus rationum firmamentis utraque sententia initatur, in medium breviter exposuimus. Cui autem harum potius adhaerendum sit, lectoris judicio reservatur. We have briefly declared upon what authorities, and upon what reasons both the one and the other opinion is ground­ed. But which of these two opinions one should rather adhere unto, it is left to the Readers judgement, for both are maintained by wise and religious persons. Upon which the Jesuite Gregory de Valentia, in the third chapter of the neces­sity of Confession, severely rebuketh Gratian, as having erred as well in that point, as in many others. Yet, next to the Councils approved by the Pope and the Decretals of the Roman Church, there is nothing more authentical then the Decree of Gratian.

But shortly after came the Council of Lateran under Innocent the third, held in the year 1225. which hath decided that difference, and hath laid an ab­solute [Page 533] necessity, by express command upon all to make a secret Confession unto the Priest, upon pain of excommunication all their life time, and of being depri­ved of burial among Christians after their death.Concil. Later. c. 21. Omnis utri­us (que) sexus fidelis, post­quam ad annos dis­cretionis pervenerit, omnia sua solus peccata confiteatur fideliter, saltem semel in anno, proprio sacerdoti, &c. Alioqui vivens ab ingressu Ecclesiae arceatur, & moriens Christiana careat sepultura. Let every faithful person, (saith that Council) both of the one and the other sex, when he is come to years of discretion, confess all his sins alone faithfully to his own Priest, at least once in the year; and let him endeavour to fulfill with all his power, the penance that shall be laid upon him, at least when he shall reverently receive the Sacrament of the Eucharist, &c. Otherwise let him be forbidden the entry of the Church all his life, and when he dyeth, let him be denyed Christian burial. These four things we owe to that vene­rable Council. 1. That it was the first that established the Word of Transubstantia­tion by an Article of Council. 2. That it gave power to the Pope to give and take away Kingdoms. 3. That it put an absolute necessity upon Auricular Con­fession. 4. And that in it the Pope promised to the Pilgrims of Syria a degree of glory in Paradise above the common sort.

CHAP. 4. Why Cardinal du Perron contradicteth the Councils of Trent and Florence, making Confession not to be part of the Sacrament of Penitence. That Penitence cannot be called a Sacrament.

OUr Adversaries hold that the Universal Councils approved by the Pope can­not err. This goeth for a prime principle and a fundamental maxime of the Church of Rome. If any thing hath been concluded in the Universal Councils which the Pope approveth not, it is not received. Now the Popes approbation comes only after the Council is done. Whence it follows, that the Council could err while it sate, because the Pope had not yet approved it: But when it sits no more it cannot err, and becomes infallible when it is dissolved. Which is speaking against common sense.

Nevertheless, although opposing that maxime be justling against the founda­tion of Papacy, yet Cardinal du Perron made bold to contradict the Council of Trent, which is approved by so many Popes. That Council in the fourteenth Session, makes an enumeration of the parts of the Sacrament of penance. The title of the Chapter is, De partibus & fructu hujus Sacramenti: Of the parts and use of this Sacrament. These parts according to the definition of the Council are two, the form and the matter: The form consisting in the absolution, the matter consisting in contrition, confession, and satisfaction. The Catechism of the Council speaks yet more clearly in the chapter of the Sacrament of Penitence. For after they had said,In corde ejus contritio, in ore con­fessio, in opere tota humili­tas vel fru­ctifera satis­factio. Hae autem partes ex earum partium genere esse dicuntur, quae ad aliquod totum consti­tuendum ne­cessariae sunt. Contrition is in the heart of the penitent, confession in the mouth, humility or fruitful satisfaction in the work. They add; Now these parts are of that kind of parts which are necessary to compound a whole. And a little after, Let us come now to confession, which is the second part of penitence. In the end of the Council of Florence, there is a Decree directed to the Armenians, where the Pope determineth thatQuar­tum Sacra­mentum est Poenitentia, cujus quasi materia sunt actus Poeni­tentis, qui in tres distin­guuntur partes; Qua­rum prima est cordis contri­ti [...], &c. Penitence is a Sacrament whose matter hath three parts, Contrition, Confession, and Satisfaction.

But Cardinal du Perron, in the third Chapter of the second Observation, made no difficulty to oppose these Councils and Popes, teaching that Confession is only a condition both necessary and essential unto the Sacrament, namely to the Penitential Absolution, which he saith to be a true Sacrament. He makes the Sacrament to consist in the Absolution alone, and as for the Confession, he will have it only a necessary and essential condition, which may also be said of faith, and of the knowledge of God, and of his love, which are necessary and essential conditions, because without these things there can be no true contrition, nor true penitence. [Page 534] Truly, whosoever saith, that Confession is only a condition of the Sacrament, de­nyeth it to be a part of the same. That man should be very ignorant that would call the body or the soul conditions of man, or the foundation and the walls the conditions of a house.

Which I say, not to correct the Cardinal, but to commend his prudence, for ac­knowledging that neither contrition, nor confession, nor satisfaction can be Sa­craments, or parts of a Sacrament. For Sacraments, both for the matter and the form, are administred by the Pastors, not by the people: Now these three things are done by the Penitent, not by the Priest. And yet the Priest must guess or pre­suppose the sinners contrition, and presume that his confession is true, not hypo­critical, for if it be false it shall be no part of this Sacrament, it being very un­likely that lyes can be part of a Sacrament. Thus that Sacrament is a presumptive Sacrament; and the Priest knoweth not whether it be a Sacrament, but by con­jecture only. Besides, contrition being either a vertue, or an affection of the spirit, or a sorrow, there is nothing more remote from right reason, then to make a vertue or sorrow part of a Sacrament. As if one made repentance or faith part of the holy Communion. And our Adversaries say, that a Sacrament is a visible sign of an invisible grace. Now contrition is not a visible sign, seeing that it is hid in every mans heart.

By the same reason Confession cannot be part of a Sacrament, for it serveth not to signifie grace, but to ask for it: It is not a signification of Grace, but of sin. And some Absolutions are given without satisfaction, so that satisfaction is neither part of the Sacrament, nor a necessary condition to it. There are also some satisfactions of many years imposed upon sinners, and satisfactions with many pauses and intervalls, whereby the celebration and administration of a Sa­crament shall last many years. All that being a Chaos of absurdities, it is not without reason that M. du Perron opposeth in that point both Popes and Councils.

Perhaps also, he considered that in holy Scripture no Sacrament is found made up of such pieces, nor any text where satisfaction is enjoyned after confession and Sacramental absolution: Unless they think to find it in David, contrite and confessing his sin, and making satisfaction by his humiliation, to whom Nathan announceth the remission of his sin. But our Adversaries will not have that peni­tence of David to be a Sacrament; neither did Nathan lay any satisfactory pain upon him.

Yet the Cardinal did not see, that by avoiding an inconvenience, he cast himself into another far worse. For by giving the title of Sacrament to the Absolution only, he strips that pretended Sacrament naked, and leaveth nothing to it but the name: For Absolution cannot be called a Sacrament, no more then the other three parts of Penitence: Seeing that the word Penitence is fit to represent the nature of contrition and confession, but cannot be proper at all to absolution. How can the name of Penitence fit Absolution, seeing that in Absolution there is no Penitence? Absolution is no penitence, but an ease of the Penitent, and a plaister to his sore. These men give to the remedy the name of the sickness; as if one would call Rhubard a Fever, and a Diuretick potion the Gravell. They speak as if the Grace given by the King unto a Felon sorry for his offence, were called sorrow. If they say that Absolution is called Penitence, because it comes after penitence; by the same reason night may be called day, because it comes after day. And yet Absolution goeth before the penances which the Priest impo­seth, and which are not fulfilled but after the Absolution.

Besides (according to the rule of our Adversaries, borrowed from Austin) in every SacramentAugust. Tract. 80. in Joh. Accedit ver­bum ad ele­mentum & fit Sacramen­tum. the word must be joyned unto the Sacrament, that it may be made a Sacrament. Now in this absolution there is no element: For words are no element, otherwise preaching also shall be an element. Unless we will believe Bellarmine, who to avoid that objection saith, thatBell. lib. 1. de poenit. c. 10. §. nam cum. Verbum autem sig­num cor­porale ac sensibile est. the word is a corporal sign.

If these words, Absolvo te, &c. are an element, in Baptism also these words, Baptizo te, are an element.

The Council of Trent puts the form of the Sacrament in the Absolution; now in the Sacraments, the element is not the form of the Sacrament, but the matter.

The laying on of hands in the Absolution can no more be an element, since it is an action; otherwise we should say also, that the action of baptizing is an element. And Thomas proveth fully,Thom. 21. Opusc. c. 4. that the imposition of hands is not necessary in this Sacrament: But the principal reason against it, is, that elements and outward signs in Sacraments ought to be instituted by Christ; but Christ did not institute that imposition of hands, nor the words of the Absolution neither. So here is a Sacrament, where no outward sign can be produced, nor any element instituted by Christ.

It is very considerable, that the Council of Trent in the fourteenth Session, andPag. 642. Cardinal du Perron, find the institution of this Sacrament of penance in these words of Christ to his Apostles after his resurrection, John 20.22. Receive ye the holy Ghost, Whosesoever sins ye remit, they are remitted unto them, and whose­soever sins ye retain, they are retained; where it is not spoken of contrition, nor of confession, nor of satisfaction. If they say that these things are requisite to ob­tain absolution, the same I will say of the knowledge of God, and of his love, and of faith in Christ, for without these things God granteth no pardon.

But that which is most to be noted, is, that these words in which the institution of the Sacrament of penance is made to consist, were said by Christ after his re­surrection. Whence it follows, that this Sacrament was instituted since Christ rose from the dead. This being once granted, it will follow, that not only under the Old Testament Penitence was no Sacrament, but also that Penitence preached by John the Baptist, and by Christ, and by his Apostles before Christs resurrecti­on, was no Sacrament. As for our part, we cannot be blamed if we be content­ed with the Penitence which John the Baptist and Christ and his Apostles preached before Christs resurrection: For it is not likely that they preached another peni­tence after Christs resurrection then before.

Observe also, that in this text Christ giveth power to his Apostles, as to preach the Gospel, so to remit sins to persons not baptized, and to Pagans converted unto the Faith, who according to the doctrine of the Roman Church, were not capable to receive the Sacrament of Penitence.

This also is observable that of other Sacraments we have in holy Scripture, not only the institution, but also the practise. But here they forge unto us an institu­tion of a Sacrament without practise, a Sacrament, the practise whereof is not found in the Word of God.

It is true that Saint Peter, Act. 2. said to the Jews Repent, and according to the vulgar version, Agite Poenitentiam; and that the Spirit of God, Rev. 2.5. ex­horteth the Ephesians to repent, or to do penitence. But that penitence cannot be the Sacrament of the Roman Church, because that Sacrament is administred to every man privately, but these texts are exhortations unto a multitude, and give no absolution: Then that Penitence which they make a Sacrament, is administred to Baptized persons only, as Tertullian saith in the Book of Penitence, chap. 2.Praeire intinctionem Poenitentiae jussit. The Lord commanded that Baptism should go before Penitence. But these Jews to whom Saint Peter speaketh, were not baptized.

Here is then a Sacrament compounded with four parts, whereof three are re­jected by Cardinal du Perron, and the fourth hath nothing agreeing with the na­ture of a Sacrament. In a word, it is a Sacrament, of which neither the instituti­on nor the practise is found in the Word of God.

Yet to defend that imaginary Sacrament, the Cardinal brings two testimonies of Austin. The one saith,Aug. de Baptismo contra Do­nat. l. 5 c. 20. Si ad hoc valet quod dictum est in Evangelio, ut per pec­catorem Sa­cramenta non celebrentur, quomodo exaudit ho­micidam de­precantem vel super aquam Ba­ptismi vel super oleum vel super Eucharistiam vel super caput eorum quibus manus imponitur? If out of this, that God heareth not sinners, it fol­lows that the Sacraments cannot be celebrated by a sinner, how doth God hear a mur­therer praying over the water of Baptism, or over the Eucharist, or over the laying on of hands? And the same FatherAug. in Psal. 146. Qui sanat contritos corde & alligat con­tritiones illo­rum. Quae sunt ista alligamenta? Corporalia Sacramenta. expounding this text of Psalm 146.3. He healeth the broken in heart, and bindeth up their wounds, saith, What are these [Page 536] swathes? The temporal Sacraments. I answer, that Austin by the imposition of hands, understands that which is done in the Ordination of Ecclesiastical persons, which imposition is done with prayers; and God hears those prayers, although he that conferreth the Ordination be a murtherer. And as for those temporal or corporal Sacraments, who told the Cardinal that by them Austin understands ra­ther the Sacrament of Penitence, then that of Baptism and the Lords Supper? For God by them swatheth wounds, and blotteth out sins, and healeth consciences wounded with the sense of their sin. And Austin justifieth that exposition, ad­ding,Quic­quid in Ec­clesia geritur temporaliter, alligamenta sunt contri­tionum. All that is done temporally in the Church, is swathing of bruises. But though I should grant that Austin calls Penitence a Sacrament, who knows not that it is ordinary with the Fathers to call every mysterie and every sacred thing a Sacrament? They call the Ark of the Flood a Sacrament, and Christs Incarnation, and Trinity, and Redemption, Sacraments. And so the vulgar Bible calls the Do­ctrine of Piety a Sacrament, 1 Tim. 3.16. And the will of God revealed in his Word, and the benefit of Christ, and the mystical union of Christ with the Church are called Sacraments, Ephes. 1.9. & 3.3. & 5.32. And the mysterie of the se­ven Stars, Rev. 1.20. and of the great harlot, Rev. 17.7. are in the same version called Sacraments.

But when it is questioned of speaking of the sacred signs of Gods Covenant which Christ hath instituted to be administred in his Church, Austin makes them but two, as in the third Book of Christian doctrine, chap. 9.Hoc tempore post­quam resur­rectione Do­mini nostri manifestissi­mum indicium nostrae liber­tatis illuxit, ne eorum quidem signo­rum quae jam intelligimus operatione gravi onerati sumus; sed quaedam pau­ca pro multis eademque factu facil­lima, & intellectu augustissima, & observa­tione castis­sima ipse Dominus & Apostolica tradidit dis­ciplina, sicuti est Baptismi Sacramentum, & celebratio corporis & sanguinis Domini. In this time, after that a most evident sign of our liberty hath appeared by the resurrection of the Lord, we are not charged with the painful exercise of signs, not so much as of those which we understand. But the Lord, and the discipline of the Apostles, have given us a few signs instead of many, and those most easie to do, and whose intelligence is most venerable, and the observation most chast; such as is the Sacrament of Baptism, and the celebration of the body and blood of the Lord.

Tertullian made a book of Penitence, where he treateth of the publick satis­factions which the Penitents made in the Church, and of their publick Reconcilia­tion and Absolution; but he never calls Penitence nor Absolution a Sacrament. Yea in the last Chapter he brings for an example of Penitence King Nebuchadnez­zar, in whose time according to our Adversaries doctrine, that Sacrament was not yet instituted.

I find indeed in the Word of God, that Baptism is calledMark 1.4. John preached the Baptism of repentance. the Baptism of Penitence or Repentance. No other Sacrament of Penitence do I find in Scripture. I find also that repentance or penitence is often recommended in the Word of God. But that penitence is not a Sacrament, but a vertue: As for the power of remitting or retaining sins, wherein they make the form of this Sacrament to consist, we shall speak of it hereafter. Only I cannot forgivep. 642. a childish ig­norance in Philosophie unto the Cardinal, when he saith that as one relative pre­supposeth another, so the judiciary absolution presupposeth the revelation of sins, which cannot be made but with confession. He makes absolution and confession relative, which yet have no relation: For there may be a confession without absolution, and absolution without confession. It is false also that a relative presupposeth another, for relatives are together by nature. One relative affirmeth another, but doth not presuppose it. That which is presupposed goeth before both in order and nature.

CHAP. 5. What we find amiss in the Auricular Confession of the Roman Church.

IT is ordinary with our Adversaries, when we find something amiss in a do­ctrine or practice received in the Roman Church, to say that we take it quite away. But there is great difference between correcting and abolishing, between killing a man and dressing his wound. If we find fault with them for teaching that works are meritorious, thence they take occasion to say, that we abolish good works, and hold them to be superfluous. If we blame distinction of meats, and fasting with opinion of satisfaction, they inferr thence that we reject fasting altogether. Likewise because we note many abuses in Confession, as it is practised in the Roman Church, they cry out that we reject Confession utterly, and expatiate upon the praises of Confession and proofs to maintain it.

By that I said before, it is evident enough that we praise and approve the con­fession of sins, and hold it altogether necessary, and therefore that the Cardinal did in vain labour to prove unto us the necessity of the same. It was expected from him, that he should clear the aspersions laid upon Auricular Confession, whereby it is made odious, not to us only, but to great part of the Roman Church: But he durst not enter upon that matter, as being ashamed of his Re­ligion. We will make bold to enter upon it, and to give the reasons why that Au­ricular or Sacramental Confession is not practised in our Churches.

I. First, Whereas we find our selves obliged by the Word of God, to confess our sins unto him, and to our neighbours, and to the Pastors that feed the flock; we find not every Christian obliged by the Word of God to present himself (when he is come to years of discretion) at least once a year unto his Parson, and to confess unto him all his mortal sins, with all the circumstances that carry the na­ture of the sin, as much as he can remember; or that a sinner without that can­not obtain the remission of his sins. God in his Word did not lay that yoak upon the consciences, neither is there any example of it found in Scripture. He never promised to pardon the sinner upon that condition. If any discover all his sins to his Pastor, without retaining or concealing any thing, we blame him not for it, for it is a testimony that he is touched with a serious repentance: But God saith not, that without such a punctual declaration unto the Priest, a sinner cannot ob­tain pardon. Yea there be many things, the particulars whereof cannot be ho­nestly related, and which are better exprest in general. A vertuous and chast Pastor will chuse rather not to know them, then to foul his ears with them.

The Apostle exhorting the Corinthians to prepare themselves worthily for the holy Communion, will have every one to prove his own self, and examine his conscience, but sends him not to be examined by his Pastor, and obligeth him not to a punctual confession of his sins in the Priests ear.

In vain do they reply that the Priest must know all the particulars and circum­stances of sins that aggravate or diversifie them, that being well informed of the quality of the fact, he may impose upon the sinner a satisfaction proportionate unto the nature of the sin. For these satisfactions are humane inventions. God gave not to the Ministers of his Word the power of imposing corporal or pecunia­ry punishments upon the sinner, or to oblige him to the labour of a Pilgrimage, leaving his family or trade, or to bind him unto private fasts. It is a tyrannie brought in to establish a temporal domination over the people, and more yet up­on Kings and Princes, from whom the Pope by that means hath drawn great emoluments, and subjected their Crowns unto his See; so far as to cause them to be beaten and whipt, as we shall see hereafter.

II. The second cause why we reject that absolute necessity of particular Con­fession of all the mortal sins that the sinner can remember, to obtain absolution [Page 538] from them, is because sinners thereby are brought to great scruples and agonies, and engaged in a greater sin. It being certain, that many would rather suffer all extremities, then confess all that sin, of which they are conscious to them­selves, and discover to any man the dishonour of their house, or the crimes which being known would bring them to the gallows. And so they return from their Confessor with a belief that their sins are not forgiven, because they have not confest all.

III. And if it be so, thatCatech. Trid. cap. de poenit. Sacram. Neque pecca torum veniam à Domino impetramus, nisi ea poeni­tentiae Sacra­mentum per poenitentiam deleat. none can obtain of God the remission of his mortal sins without that Sacramental Confession, what will become of the con­fessing sinner, if he forget some of them? If gaming, or multitude of businesses hath put part of his actions out of his memory, Must those sins remain for ever without remission? Is it not in derision that Tolet a Jesuite and a CardinalTolet. de Instruct. Sacerd. l. 3. c. 15. Unde fit ut qui in villis & pa­gis confitentur non teneantur tam exacte scire omnia sicut in civi­talibus. Rur­sus non te­nentur Con­fessarii sim­plicium civi­um, sicut mercatorum negotiatorum, judicum. Debet igitur scientia major esse pro poeni­tentium qua­litate. will have the inhabitants of Cities to confess their sins more exactly and particu­larly then Peasants: And the Confessors that hear the simple people to be content with a lighter and less exact Confession, then when they hear the Confessions of Judges and Merchants. For (saith he) the knowledge of sins must be according to the quality of the persons.

IV. I add in the fourth place, that the Council of Trent obliging not the sinner with absolute necessity to confess venial sins, but mortal only, consciences find themselves very much perplexed upon that distinction: For, how can a simple man of the lowest sort discern venial sins from mortal? He hath in his Hours the enumeration of the seven mortal sins, among which idolatry is not compre­hended, nor heresie, nor treason, nor atheism; nor scorning, nor the life of a juggler or tumbler. Neither is reviling put in that list, although Saint Paul saith, 1 Cor. 6.10. that revilers shall not inherit the Kingdom of God. Nor the ordinary ill words that railing neighbours bestow one upon another, as calling their brother a fool, of which Christ, Matth. 5.22. saith that whosoever shall say to his brother thou fool, shall be in danger of hell fire. In that judgement of discerning mortal sins from venial, if it be put to the conscience of confessing sinners, it may easily happen, that he that committed a mortal sin, will flatter himself, and imagine that his sin is venial. Truly, if it belong to any to define how many mortal sins there be, it belongs not to men who are all guilty, but unto God who is the judge of sins. It belongs not to Felons to prescribe unto Judges what sins they ought to punish with death. Seeing then that the Word of God defineth not what sins are mortal and what sins are venial, it belongs not to the Roman Church to define the number of them, and to give Laws unto God.

One thing makes that distinction harder between mortal and venial sins, that by repentance mortal sins become venial, that is pardonable, and by impenitence venial sins become mortal, because the sinner persevereth in them till death, and dying impenitent, is punished with eternal death. And still any sin, whatsoever it be, makes the sinner to fall from the perfection of this rule, Cursed be he that con­tinueth not in all the words written in this Law to do them. Yea, I find by the rules of the Roman Church, thatEma­nuel Sa in verbo Abso­lutio ab excommuni­catione. Ab excommuni­catione minori quam quis in­currit ob peccatum veniale. a man can be excommunicated for a venial sin, that one may not think that a venial sin is such a light thing. So the poor simple people are put to an impossibility, when their Doctors bind them to discern venial sins from mortal, since by the Laws of the Roman Church, the people are bound only to confess mortal sins.

V. And sinceSynod. Trid. Sess. VII. Can. 2. Si quis dixerit in Ministris dum Sacramenta conficiunt & conferunt non requiri intentionem saltem conficiendi quod facit Ecclesia, Anathema sit. by the Laws of the Council of Trent, the Sacraments are void and are not conferred, unless he that administreth them hath intention to con­ferr them, and that especially concerning the Sacrament of Penitence, the same CouncilEt Sess. XIV. c. 6. Non debet poenitens adeo sibi de sua ipsius fide blandiri ut etiam si multa ipsi adsit contritio, aut sacerdoti animus serio agendi & vere absolvendi desit, putet tamen se propter suam solum fidem verè & coram Deo esse absolutum. Nec enim fides sine poenitentia remissionem ullam praestaret. declareth that the sinner, what faith or contrition soever he may have, ought not to perswade himself that God hath pardoned him, unless the [Page 539] Priest who hath given him the absolution, had intention so to do, seeing that (saith the Council) by Faith without Penitence (meaning the Sacrament of Pe­nitence) one cannot have the remission of sins: how can a Penitent be certain of the Priests intention, without which the absolution is void? Is not that do­ctrine injurious against God, seeing that it subjecteth God to a wicked mans in­tention? teaching that a prophane Priest whose mind is wandring abroad, can hinder the grace of God towards a sinner that hath a serious repentance. True it is, that by faith without repentance one cannot get the remission of sins. But that God will not pardon without the Sacrament of Penitence, as the Council of Trent will have it, that is, without Auricular Confession, and without the Priests ab­solution, it is more then Scripture saith. It is a tyrannie and impiety which tyeth the Grace of God to the ministry of man; as if God could not pardon, unless the Priest put his hand to the work. For these causes and othersPela­gius Alvarez de planctu Ecclesiae, l. 2. Art. 78. Vix aut ra­rissimè aliquis talium con­fitetur, nisi per verba generalia & vix unquam aliquid grave specificant. Quod dicunt una die, di­cunt & al­tera, ac si in omni die aequaliter offendant. Pelagius Al­varez, a famous Doctor among our Adversaries, saith; that many in the Roman Church content themselves with a general Confession, without a particular speci­fication of sins, and will not say their greater sins; and confess themselves al­wayes much in the same manner, as if they had led alwayes the same kind of life, and sinned alike every day.

VI. One of the main abuses of Auricular Confession, is that we see by the books of Confessions and of cases of Conscience, the multitude whereof is in­finite, what that Law tends to, which obligeth sinners to confess to the Priest all the circumstances of mortal sins which diversifie the nature of sin. For by this means, Confessors will search into the secrets of the marriage bed, and enquire of things which ought not to be named: And under colour of examining the con­sciences, they play with libidinous interrogations, and teach all kinds of vices, even the most horrible and extravagant. You shall find there a thousand sorts of charms, philters, vices against nature, and meretricious tricks, under colour of awaking benummed consciences, and bringng them to confession. Whoso will learn some of that impure science, let him read the book of Benedict's Confes­sions, Cardinal Tolet of the Institution of Priests, Navarrus, Sanchez, the Roman Penitential, and the Decree ofBur­chard. lib. 39. sic interrog. mulierem. Fecisti quod quaedam mu­lieres facere solent? Tol­lunt piscem vivum & eum mittunt in puerpe­rium suum, & tamdiu ibi detinent donec mortuus fuerit, & decocto pisce vel assato maritis suis ad comedendum tradunt. Ideo faciunt ut plus in amorem earum exardescant: si fecisti, duos annos per legitimas ferias poeniteas. Idem Ibid. Fecisti quod quaedam mulieres facer [...] solent? Prosternunt se in faciem, & discoopertis natibus jubent ut super nudas nates conficiatur panis, & eo d [...]cocto tradunt maritis suis ad comedendum. Hoc faciunt ut plus in amorem earum exardescant. Si fecisti, duos annos per legitimas ferias poeniteas. Idem ibid. Concubuisti cum u [...]ore tua vel cum alia aliqua retro canino more? Si fecisti, decem dies in pane & aqua poeniteas. Idem ibid. Concubuisti cum uxore tua die Dominica? Quatuor dies in pane & aqua poenitere debes. Idem ibid. Fecisti fornicationem cum matre tua? &c. Idem ibid. Si cum masculo inter co [...]as, &c Ibid. Fecisti fornicationem ut quidam facere solent? ita dico, ut tu in manum tuam veretrum alteri­us acciperes, & alter tuum in suam, &c. Ibid. Fecisti fornicationem in lignum perforatum? &c. Comedisti scabiem corporalem & pediculos? &c. Idem ibid. Fecisti quod quaedam mulieres facere solent, ut faceres quoddam molimen aut machinamentum in modum virilis membri ad mensuram tuae voluntatis? &c. Idem ibid. Fecisti quod quaedam mulieres facere solent; quando libidinem se vexantem extinguere volunt, quae conjungunt invicem puerperia sua? &c. Si fecisti, tres quadragenas per legitimas ferias debes poenitere. Idem, Fecisti quod quaedam mulieres facere solent, ut succumberes jumento? &c. Idem, Gustâsti de semine viri tui? &c. Idem, Fecisti quod quaedam mulieres facere solent ut cum filiolo tuo parvulo fornicationem faceres, ita dico ut filium tuum supra turpitudinem tuam poneres? &c. Tolet de Instruct. Sacerd. lib. 5. c. 13. Peccatum est inordinatus concubitus, cum nempe foemina in copula est desuper aut cum mas retro accedit vase non mutato. Hoc autem peccatum ex se non est mortale. Navarrus Consiliorum, lib. 5. Consil. 6. de Poenit. & remiss. peccatorum. Maritus qui antequam naturali in sexu uxoris seminet prius membrum in vase non naturali ad delectationem citra animum sodomiam complendi immittit, peccat peccatum tactus illiciti. Burchard Bishop of Worms. I will not bring that sink of odious ordure into the text of this Book, and will not translate any part of it into our natural tongue. Only that I may not be thought to slander them, I have put some passages of their books in the margin, as scantlings of the whole pieces. Benedicti who made a great volume of the doctrine of Con­fessions, was not ashamed to publish them in French, that women might learn that doctrine. The Jesuite Sanchez hath made a great Book of Questions upon matrimony, with a wicked subtilty and an abominable curiosity. He disputeth whether for lying with a woman over the roof of the Church, the Church be [Page 540] polluted▪ and whether it ought to be newly consecrated, and many things far worse, and not to be spoken. All that discipline could not be forged but upon Satans anvill. And I cannot conceal that some vertuous women of the Roman Church are come to me, declaring that they could live no longer in the Roman Church, being offended with the licentious and filthy interrogations made to them in Confession.

To these Laws and Rules of interrogations the Doctors have added others for the Confessors themselves, because of the accidents and pollutions that happen to them, while they are confessing women; which Laws are to be seenTolet. Instr. Sac. l. 5. cap. 13. Confessarius si forte dum audit confessi­ones, in tales incidit polluti­ones, non ob id tenetur non audire alios, nisi sit pericu­lum compla­centiae in pol­lutione, &c. in book 5. of Cardinal Tolets instruction of Priests.

VII. By the same Confessions Priests make themselves formidable unto Kings, and Princes, and Princesses, whose secrets they discover by that means, and know their weaknesses, and learn their intentions, of which they will be sure to in­form the Pope. Scire volunt secreta domus atque inde timeri. Did not that Spanish Confessor understand himself, who hearing the King confessing his sins on his knees, said that such a man is not to be despised who hath God in his hands, and a King at his feet?

VIII. The tumults of the League which brought France into a wofull con­dition in the time of two Kings, Henry the third, and Henry the fourth, have made the world to know what powerfull means Confessions are to make a Na­tion rise against their King. For Parish Priests by Confessions would pour blood and rebellion into the spirits of the people, and the heads of that rising made those Priests their confiding friends, and by them knew how many, and what men they had on their side in the Kingdom. No wonder that Confessions were imployed for that, since the keyes of his Holiness were imployed for the same end. For over all the Kingdom Indulgences were seen set against the Church-doors, granting nine years pardon to every one that would side with the League against the King.

IX. By the same Confessions the Popes have usurped a power over the temporals of Kings, and over their persons, imposing satisfactory penances upon them after confession, and not granting them absolution but upon conditi­ons burdensom to their Crowns, and ignominious to their persons. Of which we will give instances hereafter.

X. I pass by the sordid traffick of taking ten or twelve pence for a confession. It seems they hold it unreasonable that a man should forgive sins for nothing; or foul his ears with all the ordure of a Town, and get nothing by it.

XI. One of the great abuses in this point, is, that our Adversaries put Con­fession among meritorious works, as if a murtherer deserved recompences for freely confessing his crime. By that reckoning it will prove an usefull and a salutary course to commit a multitude of sins; to get multitudes of merits by confessing them.

XII. I leave out a thousand rules given by the Doctors and Casuists who have written of Confession. Cardinal Tolet hath made a Collection of them in his third book of the instruction of Priests.Tolet. lib. 3. de Instruct. Sacerd. c. 5. Contritionem non esse necessariam venialium, haec enim absque contritione remitti posse, &c. Quorum homo putat se habuisse contritionem & confessionem, non est necessaria contritio nova. He saith that contrition for venial sins is not necessary, and that a man may have the remission of sins without that. And that it is not necessary for a man to have new contrition for sins, which he thinks he hath already been contrite for. Id. Ibid. Probabilius dico cum aliis, quod non teneatur statim conteri, etiamsi recordetur saepius commissi peccati. Solum eorum tenetur tunc in ipso non complacere, tamen non tenetur tunc poenitere, sed potest mentem alio divertere. (k) That a man is not obliged to be contrite for his sins presently after he hath sinned, although he remember that he hath often committed that sin, and that it is enough at that time to take no delight in it; but that he is not obliged to repent at that time, but may divert his mind about something else. And Contritio vera licet remissa potest delere quod­cunque peccatum quamvis gravissimum, nec homo tenetur magis conteri de uno peccato quam de alio, dummodo conteratur. that contrition, though slack, can blot out any sin, though never so grievous. That a man needs not to have more contrition for one sin then for another, if only he may have contrition. [Page 541] Si etiam est in statu peccandi, suf­ficit exprime­re tempus, videlicet si meretrix est, se per duos aut tres annos fuisse exposi­tam cuique accedenti. That he that confesseth, must say how many times he hath sinned, but yet for a person which is in the state of sin, it is enough to express the time. As if it be an harlot, it is enough for her to say that since two or three years she was exposed unto all comers. But the Jesuite Emanuel Sa Em. Sa voce Confes­sio speaks against that, saying, Ego vero non essem tam generali confessione contentus. As for me, I would not be content with such a general confession. This is of the same vein, and of the same Cardinal, in the seventh chapter: Isti qui peccatum mollitei patiuntur propriis se polluentes manibus, tenentur exprimere personam quam mente concipiebant si aliquam tenebant mente mulieris speciem, & tenentur etiam exprimere in uno actu successive si plures intendebant, & Confessarius debet ista exigere. And in the eighth chapter,Si quis occidit fra­trem Confes­sarii & timet, &c. non tenetur tale confiteri, sed dissim [...]lare. If any hath killed his Confessors bro­ther, &c. he is not bound to confess such a fact, but must conceal it. And in the same place he saithSi est foemina quae confitetur. (quia nimirum Confessarius illam sollici­tabit) debet dissimulare tale peccatum. that if a woman hath sinned carnally, she must con­ceal that in her confession, when it is likely that the Confessor will sollicite her. And in the ninth chapterMentiri in confessione grave pecca­tum est, quamvis non semper sit mortale. Lying in the Confession is a great sin, yet it is not alwayes a mortal sin. In the same place he rejects Cardinal Cajetans Cajetanus tenet, quod potest poenitens non acceptare poenitentiam à Confessario & dicere se velle eam in Purgatorio à Deo accipere. opinion who saith that the Penitent that confesseth himself may refuse to ac­cept the penance imposed upon him by the Priest, saying I chuse rather to satisfie in Purgatory. The same tenth chapterIteranda est confessio, si fuit tam igna­rus, Confessa­rius ut debi­tam absolutio­nis formam ignorarit, quod superio­ribus diebus de quodam audivimus qui absolvendo dicebat Pater Noster. will have the Confession to be reite­rated when the Confessor is an ignorant, as I have heard (saith he) of one but lately who when he gave the absolution, said Pater Noster.

The Jesuite Emanuel Sa in his Aphorisms in the words Confessio and Confessor giveth us some no less gallant rules,Mentiri in confessione de peccatis venialibus aut de alias confessis mortalibus veniale tantum peccatum est. Lying in the Confession about venial sins, or about mortal sins already confessed, is but a venial sin. Again,Mutum teneri ad perficiendam confessionem nutibus putat Navarrus & Angles, ex communi Theologorum sententia, Thomas, Soto. A dumb man is obliged to confess himself by signs, according to the common opinion of Di­vines. That rule seems to be made to make the Readers merry: For there are some sins which must not be represented by gestures, for such gestures might be more contrary to good manners, then words. Again, A woman though she be a Virgin, must confess a mental fornication. And a little after,Cum quis in necessitate plures simul audit, potest simul absolvere dicendo, Ego vos absolvo, &c. A Con­fessor who in case of necessity hears many together, may absolve them together, saying, Ego vos absolvo, &c.Meretrices non comprehenduntur Sta­tutis Synodalibus excommunicantibus non confitentes aut non communicantes in Pascha, itaque tales nunqaum denunti­antur. The same Jesuite tells us in the same place, Harlots are not comprehended within the statutes of Synods, whereby those that confess not themselves, and receive not the Sacrament at Easter, are excommuni­cated; wherefore they are never denounced. He saith that, because in places where the inquisition reigneth, and where Brothel-houses are set up by the Popes or the Princes authority, as at Rome, Venice, Sevil, &c. every man that goeth neither to the Confession, nor to the communion at Easter, makes himself sus­spect of heresie, and is presently denounced to the Inquisition. Publick harlots only have that priviledge, that they are not obnoxious to the Inquisition, nor to excommunication, though they neither confess nor receive at Easter; because they exercise that trade, by the permission of his Holiness. I have searcht and inquired whether when those harlots go to Confession, their Confessors forbid them to continue that sin, and I could not find that they forbid it. For should they be so bold as to forbid that which the Pope permits, who (as Bellarmin Bell. in Barckl. cap. 31. In bono sensu Christus dedit potestatem Petro faciendi de peccato non peccatum, & de non peccato peccatum. saith) can make sin to be no sin, and no sin to be sin?

It is also a rule of these Doctors,Eman. Sa verbo Absolutio. Potest per partes absolvi, &c. & partem uni partem alteri explicare & partem omittere. Corona p. 4. & p. 156. that a sinner may confess part of his sins to one Confessor, and part to another, and so have from each of them a demi-absolution.

These considerations made Cassander a Divine of Collen to speak these words [Page 542] in the eleventh Article of his Consultation.Equidem credo de hac re controver­siam nullam fuisse futura, si non saluta­ris haec confitendi medicina ab importunis & imperitis medicis multis inutilibus traditiunculis infecta & contaminata fuisset, quibus conscientiis quas extricare & levare debebant la­queum injecc­runt, & tanquam tormentis quibusdam excarnificâ­runt. I believe that there would be no controversie about this matter, if this wholesome medicine of Confession had not been infected and polluted by many troublesome and ignorant Physitians with many petty useless traditions: whereby they have insnared the consciences, and wracked them with cruel torments, whereas they should rather have untangled and eased them.

Beatus Rhenanus in his Preface before Tertullians book of Penitence, saith thatThomas & Scotus homines nimium arguti confessionem talem reddiderunt, ut Johannes ille Gilerius gravis ac sanctus Theologus testatus sit juxta illorum deuteroses impossibile esse confiteri, &c. Erat Carthusianus qui­dam qui propter confessionem quae ei semper ob inexplicabilem circumstantiarum vim imperfecta videbatur, sed ipse perfectissimam esse f [...]ustra contendebat, huc miseriarum venerat ut omnem salutem desponderet, & apocar­teresim cogitaret. Thomas and Scotus by their subtilties have made Confession to become an impossible thing in our dayes. Then he describes the wracks whereby they torture consciences in Confession. He saith that both the Monks and the the Nuns complain of it, and speaks of a certain Carthusian, who by Confessions was fallen into despair, and into a purpose of eating no more.

This matter might be extended to an endless discourse, for the abuses are numberless. But that I may not tyre the Reader I will stay only upon that which Cardinal du Perron brings us to, namely to the secret or secrecy of Con­fession, whereby the life of Kings hath been exposed to destruction, as France hath found it by experience not long since, and England was thereby brought to the brink of an horrible ruine, when the King, and all the Royal house, and the Parliament should have been blown up with Gunpowder. Which plot had been revealed in Confession to some Confessors that were Jesuits. This is justified by the process of the conspirators, and by their own Confession.

CHAP. 6. Examination of the sixth and the seventh Chapters of the second Observati­on, wherein Cardinal du Perron treats of the secret of Confession, and of the danger thereby created unto the life of Kings.

HIS Majesty of Great Britain having had an experience in his own per­son, what danger is created unto the life of Kings by the secret of auri­cular confessions, puts this among the fruits of secret Confession, as it is practised in the Roman Church in our dayes, that this doctrine is gone so far, that in our age killing Kings, and suffering them to be killed, seems to be nothing in comparison of revealing the seal of Confession. In the same place, the famous Casaubon, who sent his pen unto the King, witnesseth that the Jesuit Binet affirmed to him at Paris, that it was better that all Kings should be killed, then to reveal one Confession, because the institution of Kings was but of humane right, but Confession was of divine right. The same Casau­bon in the Epistle to the Jesuit Fronto, saith that the said Jesuite Binet main­tained that doctrine to him in the Kings Library. The Jesuite Eudemonojohannes saith the same in chap. 13. of his Apology for Garnet. Nullum tantum ma­lum esse potest, cujus vitandi causa confessionem prodere liceat. No evil can be so great, that to avoid it, it should be lawfull to reveal a Confession, that is, although the danger were no less then to suffer our own Father, or our King to be slain. The Jesuite Emanuel Sa in his AphorismsVoce Confessor. Neque ad probationem matrimonii (ut indocti quidam dixere) neque ad vitandam gravissimam Reip. perniciem frangi potest sacrum sigillum peccatore prodito. saith, that the holy seal of Confes­sion cannot be broken by discovering the sinner, no not to prove a marriage (as some unlearned have said) or to avoid the most grievous ruine that can happen unto a State. And he addeth, that this is according to the common opinion of Divines. And be­cause [Page 543] upon suspicion a Confessor may be apprehended, and urged to reveal the Confession, to avert the danger of the Kings life, the same Jesuite in the same place sets down this rule,Potest Confessor jurare se nihil scire, imò nihil se audivisse tale in confes­sione, subin­telligendo, sic ut dicere teneatur. Eodemque modo potest poenitens ju­rare se nihil aut nihil tale dixisse in Confessione. Gabriel Biel in 4. Dist. 21. saith that the Priest may confi­dently swear that he knows no­thing of it, because he knows it as God, not as man. The Confessor may swear that he knows nothing of it, yea that he heard no such thing in Confession, secretly meaning so that he be bound to tell. The Penitent likewise may swear that he said nothing, or no such thing, in Confession. And he defends that doctrine with the authority of Navar­rus, and of the Jesuite Gregorius de Valentia. By that reason it shall be lawfull to deny Christian Religion in judgement, saying, I am no Christian, but mean­ing reservedly, to tell it you. According to that goodly doctrine and discipline of parricide, Cardinal Bellarmin in his Confutation of the Kings book of the Oath of Allegiance, commendeth the Jesuite Garnet, because having known the conspiracy against the Kings life, and against the States of the Kingdom, he would not reveal it. For this cause was Garnet put in the list of Martyrs. Which opinion Cardinal du Perron also defendeth, returning that recompence for the great benefits which he had received from the King his Master.

His Majesty of Great Britain addeth, that another Jesuite in France, but lately had the confidence to say, that if our Lord Jesus Christ was yet living upon earth, passible and subject unto death, and one had revealed to the same Jesuite in con­fession that he intended to kill Jesus Christ, rather then he would reveal the Confes­sion, he would suffer Jesus Christ to be slain.

Here our Cardinal is miserably put to his shifts, yet so, that under pretence of providing for the safety of Kings, he leads them straight to the slaughter. He would perswade us that it is for the safety of Kings that the Confession of a parricide be not revealed, because no man shall ever confess such an enter­prise to his Confessor, when he knows that it is lawfull to reveal his confession. That Kings get this benefit thereby, that Priests disswade their secret enemies from undertaking any thing against the Soveraign, and give to the King a ge­neral warning that he look to himself, yet without naming the person or reveal­ing the Confession. That if Ravaillac had not believed that his confession should have been revealed, he would have confest himself about his design, and had heen diswaded from it by his Confessors, and the King had had a warning to stand upon his guards. That Barriere having undertaken to kill King Henry the IV. of glorious memory revealed it to a Jesuite, who laboured to diswade him from it. He would not add, for fear of offending the Jesuits, that the Jesuite that heard that confession, gave no warning about it; But he saith, that Barriere having addrest himself since to a Dominican to confer with him about it by way of consultation,Note that the Cardinal calls that conference a consultation not a Confes­sion, because it shall not be said that any of the Roman Clergy hath revealed or might reveal a confession. the said Dominican presently gave ad­vice of the same to an Italian Gentleman named Brancaleon. But still this Prelat stands stiff upon that assertion, that for nothing in the world, whether it be to procure some good, or to avoid some evil (by that evil, understanding the Kings death, for that is the thing in question) a confession ought to be re­vealed. He saith that it is a mortal sin to reveal it, and a crime against the Law of Nations, and against the right of nature, and that evil must not be done that good may come. He approveth that Jesuits saying, who maintained that rather he would suffer Christ to be killed, then to reveal a confession, and saith that Christ would not have any of his Disciples to commit that sin to preserve him from death. He addeth (to what purpose I know not) that Chrysostom affirmeth that such as make schisms, and divide the mystical body of Christ, which is the Church, are more guilty, I say not then they that suffered Christ to be slain, but then those very men that slew him. Yet he saith that such rumours ought not to be lightly believed, and that Casaubon having told him how the Sorbon held, that in case of High Treason those that confess themselves may be revealed, he had since learned the contrary from the chief Doctors of that Faculty.

I could have wisht that the Cardinal, having spoken of Kings, and of Christ himself, and declared his opinion that a Confession must not be revealed, though the Kings life, or Christs life should hang upon it, would also have told us his [Page 544] opinion about the Popes life: For the Doctors avoid that question, whether it be because they will exempt the Pope from the common rule, or because they are afraid of offending and disparaging his Holiness, by putting his life in the same rank as that of Kings, or that of the Son of God. Matthew Paris in the life of Henry the third of England pag. 702. speaks of a Confessor who having learned in confession a conspiracy against the Popes life, did presently re­veal it.

In all this discourse the Cardinal doth as he did in the full Assembly of States at Paris the fifteenth of January 1615. The third State [that is, the House of Commons] did remember the parricide committed on the person of Henry the third by James Clement a Dominican, and how John Castel a Disciple of the Je­suits had stabbed Henry the IV. and how the same King was tragically murthe­red by the hands of a monster. By whose interrogatories it was made evident that he was instructed in the cases of conscience, and in the Disci­pline of the Jesuits, and that he had confest himself to Father d' Aubigni a Jesuite.

Emanu­el Sa Apho­rism. in verbo Tyrannus. Tyrannicè gub [...]rnans justè acquisi­tum dominium non potest spoliari sine publico judi­cio. Lata vero sententia po­test quisque fieri executor. Potest autem deponi à populo. Bellarm in Barklaium cap. 21. Pontifex po­test dispensare in votis & juramentis, quae Deus ipse jussit reddi, & quorum solu­tio de jure divino est. Idem cap. 7. Papa Consuererunt subditos eorum à juramento fidelitatis absolvere, & authoritate regia si opus est privare. executio ad alios pertinet. Suarez lib. 6. lib. in Reg. Jacob. cap. 4. Si Papa Regem deponat, ab illis tantùm pote­rit expelli vel interfici quibus ipse id commiserit. Papa Urbanus Causa 23. qu. 5. Can. Excommunicatorum. Non enim eos homicidas arbitramur, quos adversus excommunicatos zelo matris Ecclesiae ardentes aliquos eorum trucidâsse contigerit. Toletus lib. 1. de Institut. Sacerdotis cap. 13. Excommunicatus non potest exercere actum jurisdictionis absque peccato. Imò si publica excommunicatio est facta, sententiae nullae sunt. Idem. lib. 3. cap. 16. Obligatio sigilli est tanta, ut nulla prorsus causa, neque etiam propter salvandam vitam propriam nec propter salutem totius. Reip. possit Consessarius peccatum poenitentis revelare, &c. Quod si aliquando contigerit Confessarium ab iniquo judice compelli ut revelet, & sub juramento, po [...]est Confessarius dicere se nescire tale peccatum, quamvis enim sciat, non ta­men scit ut revelet. Mariana lib. 1. de Rege & Regis institutione cap. 6. agens de Jacobo Clemente. Supra ve­s [...]cam altum vulnus inflixit, insignem animi confidentiam, facinus memorabile. &c. Coeso Rege ingens sibi nomen fecit: caede caedes expiata, ac manibus Guisii Ducis perfidè perempti regio sanguine est parentatum. Ibid. Tyrannicidae si eva­serint, instar magnorum heroum in omni vita suspiciuntur. Si secus accidat, grata Superis, grata hominibus hostia cadunt, nobili conatu ad omnem posteritatis memoriam illustrati. Eman. Sa in verbo Clericus in Edit. Antwerp. Clerici rebellio in Regem non est crimen laesae Majestatis, quia non est subditus Regi. Becanus lib. de Controv. Angli­cana p. 123. Jojada Pontifex priùs privavit Athaliam regno, deinde vita. Itaque privavit eam regno, ut Reginam & publicam personam: Privavit autem vita ut privatam personam. Et pag. 125. Quicquid potestatis & jurisdictionis permissum fuit Pontifici in Veteri Testamento, hoc etiam in Novo permissum est. Bellarm. lib. de Clericis cap. 28. Summus Pontifex Cicricos exemit à subjectione Principum; Non sunt amplius Reges Clericorum superiores. Antonius Santarelli Jesuita Tractatu de haeresi, schismate, &c. Papa sine consilio deponit Imperatorem, quia Papae & Christi unum est tribunal. Idem. Papa potest Reges movere & mortis poena punire, &c.They remembred also so many books publisht by the Jesuite Mariana, Francis Verona, Bellarmin, Ribadenera, Becanus, Gretser, Emanuel Sa, Eude­monojohannes all Jesuits, and by many others; In which books the execrable par­ricide of Henry the third committed by the Dominican James Clement is exalt­ed and praised as an heroick action, and maxims fatal unto the life of Kings are taught; That the Pope hath power of deposing Kings, and causing them to be killed (as Jehojadah the High Priest caused Queen Athaliah to be put to death) and to transfer their crowns unto others. That the Pope hath power either direct or indirect over the whole temporal of Kings. That the rebellion of a Clark against the King is no Treason, because he is not the Kings subject. That killing a King deposed by the Pope, is not properly killing a King, but a pri­vate man. That the sentences, writs, and judgements of a secular Judge ex­communicated by the Ecclesiastical Judge, are void, and without authority. That it is better to suffer a King to be killed, then to reveal a confession. That a man being taken when he is about such an attempt, may use equivocations in justice, to save himself. That he is no murtherer, that kills an excommuni­cate person, being moved with zeal towards the Catholick Church. That the Pope can absolve subjects from the Oath of Allegiance made to their King, and give Commission to some one to kill the King, and give his Kngdom to another or to put an interdict upon it, and expose it as a prey to the next Conque­rour. Which books were indeed condemned by the Court of Parliament of Paris, and publickly burnt by the hand of the hang-man, yet without doing any harm to the Authors of the books, or to the approvers of the Maximes.

The same third State knew that Pope Gregory the VII. had made bold to de­grade the Emperour Henry the IV. That in the year 1212. Innocent the III. had degraded John King of England, and given his kingdom to Philip August King of France for the remission of his sins, upon condition that he should con­quer it with his own danger and cost. And after the said Philip had raised a mighty army with great cost, the same Pope gave absolution to King John, upon condition that he should become the Popes vassall, and his crown tribu­tary; And that England and Ireland from that time forward should be fees of the Roman Church, paying for his homage a thousand marks of silver for an acknowledgement of subjection. Which was punctually executed. But of that more hereafter.

The same third State knew that in the year 1225. the same Pope assembled a Council at Lateran, in whichSignifice­tur hoc summo Ponti­fici ut vassal­los ab ejus fidelitate denuncies absolutos & terram expo­nat occupan­dam. power was given to the Pope to absolve subjects from the Oath of Allegiance sworn to their Lord, and to give their lands to other Catholick Lords. And that his Successor Innocent the IV. in the year 1245. in full Council at Lyons, declared the Emperour Frederick the se­cond deprived of the Empire. And that in the year 1302. Pope Boniface the VIII. (because Philip the Fair of France retained the right of investitures and collations of benefices as his predecessors had done) excommunicated the said King, and gave France to the Emperour Albert, if he could get it. And that in the year 1511. Pope Julius the second deposed John d' Albert King of Na­varra, and gave his Kingdom to Ferdinand King of Castilia, and that at the same time the good King Lewis the XII. was excommunicated by Julius the second, and his kindgdom exposed to conquest, because he would defend himself against the invasions of Julius, who from a Pope was become a Captain. And that of late Henry the third of France had been deposed by Sixtus the fifth and excom­municated, whence followed afterwards the murther of that King, and the de­solation of that Kingdom. And that in the year 1592. Monitorial Bulls of Pope Gregory the fourteenth came from Rome, whereby Henry the fourth was de­clared uncapable of the Crown of France. Which Bulls by the authority of the Court of Parliament then residing at Tours were publickly torn and burnt, the fifth of August, by the hand of the hang-man.

For these causes, the said third State the representative of all the people of France being frighted still with the late parricide of their good King Henry the fourth of glorious memory, and acknowledging that all these funest disasters proceeded from these maximes fatal unto Kings, and tending unto the subversion of Kingdoms; and from the secret of confession, and from that doctrine of perjury, required that in the States then sitting, a course should be taken for the securing of the Kings life, and setting his Crown free. And that it might be declared by an express Act that in temporal things the King is subject to none but God alone; That his life and Crown are independent from any man, and that it is not in any mans power, whosoever he be, to dispose of it, for any cause whatsoever. That proposition of the third State tended to no other end, but that the King might be acknowledged to be truly King, and Soveraign in his kingdom. To that proposition, as directly regarding the Pope, the Clergy of France made a vigorous opposition, speaking by Cardinal du Perrons mouth, who since publisht his speech, the summ whereof is this.

That it belongs not to the third State, to make Laws against the murtherers of Kings, because they are Laws of conscience. That the Council of Constance hath sufficiently provided for that, having made a Decree against murtherers of Kings; but that it must not be laid for an undoubted maxime, that a King vio­lating the oath made unto God, may not be deposed; thereby acknowledging a power above the King. That the doctrine which makes the King not subject to be deposed, is a doctrine that causeth schism, and opens the gate unto all here­sies; And that thence it would follow, that since many ages there hath been no Church in the world, and that the Pope is the Antichrist. He exhorteth the hearers to hold at least that doctrine as problematick, not necessary; and in the [Page 546] mean while to submit themselves to the Popes judgement. He offers to suffer martyrdom rather then to subscribe that doctrine, which makes Kings not ob­noxious to be deposed by the Pope, which doctrine yet he saith that the Pope suffereth the French to hold as problematick. He denounceth anathema and curse to the murtherers of Kings; But in the same speech he saith that he speaks of Kings while they are Kings, and before their deposition.

Whence it followeth, that James Clement by killing Henry the third, did not kill a King, because the Pope had deposed him. He likes not indeed that any should kill a King; but he would have him stript of his Royal dignity, that he may not defend himself when his enemies will have a mind to kill him. He approves not the stabbing of a King, least that his soul be lost with his body, but he ap­proveth that he be killed in battell, when he will maintain himself in the king­dom after his deposition. He saith that a deposed King retains still an habit to the Royal dignity, and a politick character, which (when he comes to amendment) brings him again to the lawfull use of his Royal power. For he presupposeth that he to whom the Pope shall transfer the kingdom will suffer the deposed King to live, and that if he seeth repentance in him, he will leave him the room, and quietly restore him the Royal Throne. He acknowledgeth no other cause of the deposition of a King but heresie, apostasie, and infidelity. Yet to prove that, he brings examples of Emperours and Kings excommunicated or deposed, not for heresie, but for incapacity, or for matrimonial causes.

With the like untruth he alleadgeth Scripture, saying that Samuel deposed Saul. That the Prophet Ahija deposed Rehoboam from his royal right over the ten tribes. That Azariah the Priest expelled King Ʋzziah from the conversati­on of the people, whereby the administration of the kingdom was taken from him. All which allegations in great number out of Scripture and Histories were convinced of falshood by the late King James, in his answer to the said speech. The quality of a great King, and the importance of the matter deserved that the Cardinal should reply. But the case was so clear, and the Cardinals soul dealing so evident, and his ungratefulness to the King his Master, so odious, that he chose rather not to answer, and to swallow that affront without noise, although he lived five years after the publishng of the Kings book.

Other considerations then the strength of the Cardinals reasons made his opinion to prevail. So that the third State got no other provision for the safety of the life of Kings then the order of the Council of Constance, a Coun­cil which the Popes approve not. And after all, when one looks into that Council, it is clear that he speaks not of Kings, and of securing their life: But only that the Council rejecteth the propositions of John Petit, who maintained that it was lawfull for a private man, either by wiles or by strength, to kill a subject that riseth against his King, which subject he calls a Tyrant. For the said John Petit by his propositions went about to justifie the murther committed by John Duke of Burgundy on the person of Lewis Duke of Orleans, who in those pro­positions is unjustly called a Tyrant. The Council rejected those propositions, holding it unjust that a private man should stab one of the Kings subjects with­out any form of Law, under colour that some call him a Tyrant, or because he goeth about to trouble the State, and is disobedient to the King. So that the Council instead of providing for the safety of Kings, diminisheth their safety, forbidding private men to kill a subject that would attempt against his Kings life, or trouble his State. So did the Cardinal secure the Kings life, openly abusing the Assembly of States, when he turned them over to a Council which the Pope approveth not; and to a Decree of that Council, where nothing is found of that he saith, yea, to a Decree that puts the life of Kings in greater danger.

That heroical act having been successfull to the Cardinal, it is no wonder that he goeth on in the same strain in his book, maintaining that it is better to suffer the King to be killed, then to reveal a Confession. In an age in which the crowns of Kings should not be in bondage, as they are now, and where some [Page 547] breathings of liberty should remain, any Priest made Secretary of such a con­fession that would not reveal it, and all men speaking as the Cardinal doth, should be proceeded against as guilty of high treason, and conscious, and partakers of the parricide. But in our dayes the Majesty of Kings being become contemp­tible to Clergy-men, who deny themselves to be subject unto Kings, and Popes ascribing to themselves the power of disposing of their crowns and their lives, these propositions are impunedly maintained, although the death of so ma­ny Kings lately slain by Clergy-men, oblige Kings to think on their own pre­servation.

How plainly doth our Cardinal abuse Kings? saying that a Confessor to whom some enterprise against the Kings life was discovered, must give warning to the King that there is an enterprise against his life, but must not name the person, nor reveal his confession. Certainly by speaking thus, he forgeth to himself á King wanting common sense, or weary of his life: For in that case should not a King prove himself to be out of his wits, or angry against his own safety, if he did not cause that Confessor to be apprehended, and put to such a tryal as would make him confess the name of the conspirator against his life, and in case of obstinacy in silence use him as a conspirator? It is enough (saith the Cardinal) to advertise the King to stand upon his guard. But what must be done, if he that will kill the King is one of his guards, and liveth near his person? Who knows not, that he that despiseth his life, is Master of any mans life? and that a King may be stabbed in the midst of an Army?

But (saith the Cardinal) it is a mortal sin, and a crime against the right of Nations, and against nature, to violate the publick faith which the Church giveth unto all penitents that come to Confession. I answer, that the Church never made that promise to penitents to keep any confession secret, and that though the Church had made such a promise, it ought not to be kept, when it cannot be kept without violating the faith due unto God, and disobeying his word. No promise ought to be kept, which derogates to a promise made be­fore, which is just, and holy, and conformable unto the word of God. Obey­ing our parents and the Princes to whom God hath subjected us, are obligations which lye on us from our birth grounded upon the word of God, and not to be broken by any promise made since. Now for a man to suffer his Father, or his King to be slain when he may save his life, is not only disobedience, but parricide, prodigious treason, and unnatural disloyalty. All promises that ob­lige us to violate Gods commandment are void. It is a disloyal and cruel fideli­ty, which for fear of breaking promise to a penitent, breaks the faith due to God, and violates the natural obligation, more antient, not only then that pre­tended promise made unto penitents, but also then the Roman Church. That man cannot but be very wicked, into whose bosome counsels of treason, and enterprises of parricide are safely poured and deposed: Who that he may be faithfull to a villain and a traitor, himself becomes a traitor to his Father or his King. That man is very cruel, who by a pertinacious silence suffers ruine to fall upon a countrey, and the destruction of whole Provinces, and his own Father to be killed, rather then reveal a confession. Why doth not the Confes­sor in that occasion use at least the Jesuitish flight, saying, I have revealed that confession, because I took it not for a confession, but for a consultation? Which was the language of the Jesuite Garnet conscious and partaker of the Gun-powder-treason to blow up King, Prince, Counsel, Parliament, and an innumerable quan­tity of men, women and children.

One thing clearly discovereth the wickedness. For these Gentlemen that keep to the rule so strictly when the question is of the Kings life, or of the life of the Confessors Father, and will not have the confession revealed in those cases; yet will abate of that strictness in far lesser things. For this is one of the Aphorisms of the Jesuite Emanul Sa. Si neque­as tuum cri­men confiteri sine revelati­one auditi criminis in confessione, dubium est an id explican­dum. Probabi­lius quod sit. Navar. Soto. If thou canst not confess thy crime without discovering the crime which thou hast heard in confession, some doubt is made whether it must be discovered. It is more probable that it must. See in [Page 548] Navarrus many casesNavar. in cap. pen. Sacerdos de poenit. Dist. 6. pag. 577. Quaero an sit aliquis casus in quo liceat Confessario auditam confessionem revelare, & videntur multi esse, primus quando crimen haere­seos det [...]gi tur &c. in which the Doctors hold that confession ought to be revealed, the case of heresie especially, of which he affirmeth that the com­mon saying is, Haeresis est drimen quod nec confessio celat.

The last refuge of these Doctors of parricide, is to say that Confession is instituted by God, and of divine institution, but the Royal power is but an humane institution, and is but of humane right; and therefore it is better that a King should be killed, then to reveal a Confession. I answer, that although Confession were of divine institution, yet it would not follow, that the secret of Confession is also of divine institution. But the clean contrary of that they say is true. For auricular Confession, and the secret of that Confession are humane institutions, of which the word of God saith nothing: Whereas the power of Kings and Princes is instituted by God, and recommended in his word. Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers, for there is no power but of God, the powers that be are ordained of God. Whosoever therefore resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God, and they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation. Rom. 13.1. And a little after He (meaning the Prince) beareth not the sword in vain, for he is the Mi­nister of God, a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doth evil; Wherefore ye must needs be subject not only for wrath, but also for conscience sake, that is, not only for fear of drawing upon you the wrath of the Prince, but for fear of offending God. And 1 Pet. 2.17. Fear God, Honour the King, joyning the ho­nour due to the King with the fear of God. Moses and Joshuah were the two first Princes of Gods people, both established by name by the ordinance of God. And the three first Kings in Israel, Saul, David, and Solomon were promoted to the kingdom by an oracle, and by express declaration of Gods will. The Prophet Daniel, chap. 2. speaks thus to Nebucadnezzar, though a persecutor of the Church, Thou King art the King of Kings, for the God of heaven hath given thee a kingdom, power, and strength, and glory. Christ himself appearing before Pilats judicial seat ac­knowledged that Pilate had received that power from God, saying to him John 19.11. Thou couldst have no power at all against me except it were given thee from above.

This is not contradicted by St. Peter when he saith 1 Pet. 2.13. Submit your selves to every ordinance of man for the Lords sake, whether it be to the King as supream, or to the Governours, &c. For he calls the power of Kings and Magi­strates an ordinance of man, because that order is received among all Nations by a natural instinct, and is not an ordinance proper unto the Church of God, such as the ordinance of the Ministery of the Gospel. Also because ma­ny Kings attain to the Kingdom by humane means, as by conquest or by election, and because they establish Laws about things civil and humane, which concern not the service of God, as the prohibition of hunting in a certain season of the year, or to go in the streets in the night without a light, or to walk near the walls of a Citadell. But all this proveth not but that the people is obliged by Gods commandment to obey the King. Yea, if God command us to obey some ordinance of man, the obedience to that humane right is of divine insti­tution. Wherefore Peter will have us to submit our selves to that ordinance of man for the Lords sake, that is, because God will have it to.

In vain it is answered, that there is no commandment of God that injoyns us to obey Lewis or Henry. For they that hold that the Popes power is of divine right, cannot find a commandment in Gods word that obliges us to obey Ʋrban or Boniface, whom (though promoted to the Papal dignity by factions, and wayes worse then humane) they hold to be establisht by divine right. By the same reason it would follow that neither William nor Anthony, nor any private man, is obliged to believe in Jesus Christ, for there is no text in Scripture that obliges them to it by name. But it is enough that they are comprehended under the general rule, which obligeth every private person without naming. Thus then Gods command to obey the King, binds us to obey Lewis and Henry, because they are Kings. Neither is the question here of the means whereby a Prince attains to the Crown, but whether God will have him obeyed, when he hath got [Page 549] it, and when he is settled in the throne. We obey not Lewis because he is Lewis, but because he is King.

All that the Cardinal addeth, deserveth no answer. He tells us stories, which if the world will believe, it will never trouble us, although we know the contra­ry to be true. It is nothing to us whether the Dominican that accused Barri­ere, had heard the said Barriere in consultation or in confession. Nor whether the Jesuite that heard him, laboured to disswade him. Nor whether the Sorbonists agree among themselves about the secret of confession. Who so will examine them severally, shall find them of different tenents in that point. But when they all speak in a body, it is no wonder that the power of the Jesuites and the servitude which other Clergy-men are brought to, makes them speak against their own sense.

Against that fraudulent shift whereby a Jesuite questioned by the Magistrate whether he hath learned any thing in confession about a plot against the Kings death, answereth swearing, that he knows nothing of it, and that he heard no­thing of it, with this reserved meaning, to say it to you; we have the Law of God saying, Thou shalt not bear false testimony: For the thought is no part of the testimony. There being nothing then that bears testimony but the mouth, it follows that such a testimony is false. Yea, the forgers of such a perjury con­fess that by that proceeding the Judge that examineth them is deceived, and that it is done purposely to deceive.

Seventh Controversie, OF THE SEVENTH BOOK. OF The Authority and Power of the Pastors of the Church to par­don Sins. And of Sacramen­tall Absolution.

CHAP. 1. How negligently M. du Perron treats of Sacramental Absolution. A summa­ry answer to that he saith of that subject. Many falsifications are observed.

OF all the Articles of Christian faith, that of remission of our sins by Jesus Christ is the most necessary, and the most comfortable. In the chain of Gods Graces that Article is the first ring, from which depends Justification, Sanctificati­on and Eternal Life. That happiness which conscience seeks before all things, is to have peace with God. No wonder then that Satan hath used all his strength and policy to corrupt by the depravation of that one Article, the whole Christian Religion.

Wherefore it is much to be wondered at, why the Cardinal, who in his book makes so many long digressions, so far as to employ (in chap. 48. of his first book) forty one pages to dispute against Baronius about a thing of no use, passeth so slightly over the most important point of Christian Religion, as be­ing afraid to meddle with it, contenting himself to bestow upon it little above half a page.

They that have conversed with this Prelate or perused his books, may have [Page 551] observed that he did carefully abstain from some Controversies, and avoided them as dangerous shelves. He was willing enough to dispute of prayer for the dead, by the Fathers, but he fled from the dispute of Purgatory and Indulgences. He would be large upon the real presence of Christs body, but medled as little as he could with the transubstantiation of the bread, and with the denying of the cup in the Communion unto the people, and with Masses without communicants. He would discourse of the images of Saints, but never of the images of God and the Trinity. He spake of the representation of Saints by images, but forbare speaking of the adoration of those images. He would heap up many testimo­nies of Fathers of the first age, about the intercession of Saints, but past light­ly over the invocation of Saints. He extended himself much upon the Popes primacy over the Bishops of the Roman Empire, but medled not with the di­vine institution, whereby the Pope pretends to be Peters successor in the quality of Apostle or Head of the Universal Church. Neither did he ever take the pains to bring any example or any action whereby it appeared that the Pope governed the Churches without the Roman Empire. In the same rank I put the Sacramental Absolution whereby Priests give the absolution of sins, which the penitents have confessed. Of which he would have said never a word, had not the words of his Majesty of Great Britain extorted from him some few words about it by the way.

The King had said, that to the confession followed with the absolution, the Roman Church attributed a vertue well nigh equal unto that of Christs blood, and that men were subjected to it upon unavoidable necessity.

To that the Cardinal gives an answer, which may be reduced to very few words. He saith, that as to the iron of the cautere, the same effect is attributed as to the fire; and to the water where the drug was infused, the same vertue as to the drug; and that as Scripture ascribeth the same vertue to Baptism, as to the blood of Christ, saying that Christ hathEphes. 5.26. cleansed his Church by the washing of water by the word, and that BaptismTit. 3.5. is the washing of regeneration; by the same reason one may attribute the remission of sins to penitential absolution: Of which the same that washeth our sins in his blood said, Receive the Holy Ghost, whose sins soever you remit, they are remitted. And thatAmbros. l. 1. de poenit. cap. 7. Ambrose and Hierom disputing against the Novatians (who believed not that men could remit sins) say that both in Baptism and in Penitence Priests forgive sins. He denyeth also that the Roman Church holds the Sacrament of penitence to be of absolute necessity, that being proper to the Baptism of children.

I pass by his comparisons, for similes prove nothing. The texts which he alleadgeth out of St. Pauls Epistles are false in some part, and are even contra­ry to him. For there St. Paul saith not that the washing of water cleanseth the Church, but that Christ purgeth his Church by the washing of water, by the word. Would to God that the Doctors of the Roman Church would tye them­selves to speak so, and would say only that Christ forgiveth sins by the Pastors of the Church, that is, by their Ministery. Besides, he takes it for granted that by the washing of water, St. Paul understands Baptism, not knowing that Scrip­ture calls so remission of sins and regeneration, even before Baptism was insti­tuted. As Psalm 51.4. David saith, Wash me throughly from mine iniquity, and cleanse me from my sin. And Isa. 1.16. Wash ye, make ye clean, put away the evil of your doings from before mine eyes. And Zechariah chap. 13.1. prophe­cieth of a fountain that should be opened to the house of David, and to the inha­bitants of Jerusalem, for sin and for uncleanness, meaning the saving grace by Christ. Yea, in the new Testament, as 1 Cor. 6.11. after a long enumeration of vices, the Apostle addeth, But you are washed, but you are sanctified in the name of the Lord Jesus, and by the Spirit of your God. And Rev. 1.5. Ʋnto him that loved us, and washed us from our sins in his own blood. In which places it is not at all spoken of the Sacrament of Baptism. Whereas when the text meaneth that grace of God figured and conferred by Baptism, the Apostle Peter in chap. 3. of the second Epistle, ver. 21. saith expresly, that these graces are [Page 552] not conferred upon us by the bodily Baptism, for having spoken of Noahs flood, he saith, The like figure whereunto even Baptism doth also now save us, not the putting away of the filth of the flesh, but the answer of a good conscience towards God, by the resurrection of Jesus Christ.

Hereby the fraud committed by the Cardinal is discovered in the allegation of his second text. He makes St. Paul to say, Tit. 5.5.Not by works of righteousness which we have done, but accord­ing to his mercy he saved us by the washing of regenera­tion and re­newing of the Holy Ghost. that Baptism is the washing of regeneration; But in that text there is never a word of Baptism. The whole contexture of the place speaks of other things, and that word washing signifieth only cleansing, according to the style of Scripture, as we have justified it by many texts. It is certain that the Apostle speaks there of a wash­ing necessary to salvation; Now our Adversaries confess that without the Bap­tism of water many are saved.

Neither is the text of John 20.23. any more to his purpose to prove the sa­cramental absolution. Christ after his resurrection said to his Apostles, Receive ye the Holy Ghost, Whosesoever sins ye remit, they are remitted, and whosesoever sins ye retain, they are retained. That text gives indeed to his Apostles, and to his successors, all faithfull Pastors of the Church, power to pardon sins, we have no controversie about that. Retaining sins is exempting sinners from punishment. Whence it followeth, that as much as the Pastors can punish, so much can they pardon. For, asAmbros. de poenit. l. 1. cap. 2. Dominus par jus & fol­vendi esse voluit & li­gandi, qui utrumque pari conditione permisit. Ergo qui solvendi jus non habet, nec ligandi habet, &c. Quomodo potest alterum licere alterum non licere? Ambrose saith, the power of binding, and the power of loos­ing are of equal extent. The Pastors then can remit those punishments of sins which they can lay upon the sinner. Now they can punish the sinner with Ecclesiastical pains, censures, suspensions and excommunications, of which pains they may release the repenting sinner, restoring him to the communion of the Church. It may be said also, that they forgive sins, even as for the eternal pain, in the same manner that Scripture saith, that they save souls, as James 5.20. He which converteth the sinner from the error of his way, shall save a soul from death, and shall hide a multitude of sins. And 1 Cor. 9.22. I am made all things to all men, that by all means I might save some. And 1 Tim. 4.16. In doing this thou shalt both save thy self, and them that hear thee. Not that to speak properly, the Pastors be able to save souls, or ought to be called Sa­viours, but because God conferreth remission of sins unto penitent sinners by their ministery. It is a metonymie, a tropical expression, whereby that which is proper unto the efficient cause is attributed unto the instrument. As if a rich man having sent a summ of money by another to redeem a prisoner, we said that the bearer of that money hath delivered the prisoner. Thus although to speak properly, it be meat that hath the feeding vertue, yet we say that our hands feed our body. Our Adversaries do not understand it so, but their sense is, that Priests pardon a sinner, not only by remitting unto him the Ecclesiasti­cal censures, but also by absolving him by authority of Judges in Gods judicial seat; pardoning (as they speak) not only at the outward bar, but at the bar of conscience, so far as to say, that for sins committed after Baptism none can be reconciled unto God, but by the judgement and absolution of Priests, as Bellarmin saith,Bellarm. de poenit. l. 3. cap. 7. §. Propositio. Christus con­stituit sacer­dotes judices super terram cum ea pote­state ut sine ipsorum sen­tentia post Baptismum lapsus recon­ciliari non possit. Et Sect. Qu [...]re. Nemo cui coelum ob cul­pam sit clausum, in illud ingredi poterit, nisi Sacerdotum Ministerio aperiatur. Christ hath constituted the Priests to be Judges upon earth, with that power, that none that hath sinned after Baptism can be reconciled with­out their sentence. And that none to whom heaven is shut for his sin can enter in­to heaven, unless it be opened unto him by the Ministery of Priests. Wherefore also M. du Perron calleth Sacramentall Absolution, a judicial act; as the Council of Trent saith Sess. 14. cap. 6. That the absolution by the Priest is as a judicial act whereby sentence is pronounced by the Priest as by a Judge. AndBellar. l. 3. de poenit. c. 2. Sect. Sed haec: Pec [...]a omnia causae sunt quas cum Deo ipso habemus, & ideo cum Deus judicium de peccatis Sacerdotibus permiserit in Ecclesia sua, non possunt qui in Ecclesia sunt, si ejusmodi causas habeant, sine Sacerdotum judicio cum Deo reconciliari. Cardinal Bellarmin makes no difficulty to say, that there being a suit depending, or a difference between God and man who hath sinned, the Priest is Judge in the cause of God. Whence it follows, that the Priest in that regard is above God, because the Priest is Judge, and God is a party. The issue of the suit is, that God is [Page 553] condemned to forgive man. But it is pity that the Priest who pronounceth that judgement is himself a sinner and guilty, and he must plead his own cause before some other Priest, who many times is more guilty then he: And all must in the end appear together before God to be judged about all their words, actions, and thoughts; yea, for that very Absolution especially they must give account; whereby (as our Adversaries acknowledge) they judge many times against Right and Justice, and bind themselves while they are binding others.

Truly, on what side soever you turn that Text of John 20.23. you shall find no trace in it of the institution of that pretended Sacrament, and no mention of Auricular Confession, or of Satisfaction, or of remission of sins which exempt­eth a man from Gods judgement; but only of that remission of sins which may be administred by a man, of which we spake before. Whoso will consider the text and context of Matth. 18.18. where Christ giveth the binding and loosing power unto his Apostles, will easily acknowledge that he speaks of Ecclesiastical censures, and of the power of binding the refractories to the Church, and loosing those that return to their duty. And why shall we not take the power of forgiving and retaining sins given to the Apostles, John 20.23. in the same sense?

If we understand it, as Cyrillus upon John 20. that Christ gives there a power to his Disciples, which they were to use both towards those of the houshold of faith, and towards the infidels and not baptized, whensoever they should be converted to God, this Sacrament of Penitence vanisheth away. For our Adver­saries hold that this Sacrament of Penitence cannot be administred, but un­to baptized persons, not to those that turn Christians, being out of the Church before.

The testimonies of Ambrose and Hierom are such, that the Cardinal could not have pickt any more express to condemn himself. Hierom saithHier. adv. Pela­gium, lib. 2. That which is written, that the blood of Christ cleanseth us from all sin, must be understood both in the Confession of Baptism, and in the clemency of Penitence. And Ambrose, Ambros. lib. 1. de poenit. c. 7. Why do you baptize, if men have not the power to forgive sins? For in Baptism the remission of sins is. Is it any whit material, Whether Priests challenge that power given to them, either by Baptism or by Penitence? For in both it is the same Mini­stery. These Fathers put the remission of sins both in Baptism and in Penitence, and make the power given to Pastors of forgiving sins, to consist in that they baptize and reconcile sinners after Penitence. As then in Baptism, Pastors forgive not as Judges, and do no judiciary act whereby sins be blotted out before God, but that Grace is conferred by God through Baptism; likewise when after Peni­tence is done, Pastors receive sinners to the Communion and forgive sins, they absolve not the sinner in Gods judicial seat, but God makes use of their Mini­stry to assure the sinners conscience that his sins are forgiven him. Wherefore Ambrose saith, that in both (that is, in Baptism and in Penitence) it is the same Ministry. He speaks of a Ministry or Service, not of a judicial power.

The worst legerdemain of the Cardinal in this allegation, is that he would make the world believe, that both Hierom and Ambrose when they speak of Pe­nitence, mean that pretended Sacrament of Penitence of the Roman Church, whereby the Priest after a secret and punctual Confession, giveth Absolution, and imposeth satisfactions. For that Penitence of which those Fathers speak, is publick Penitence, whereby the sinner after he hath past through all the degrees of Penitence, was reconciled unto the Church publikely, and received to the Com­munion. Of Absolution given in secret to a sinner after Confession, the Fa­thers of the first ages make no mention. In those dayes, if a sinner had confessed his sin privately to his Pastor, the Pastor, if he judged it expedient, disposed him to satisfie by publick Penitence. But of secret absolution, after a secret confes­sion, no mention or trace is found in Antiquity. The custom was to fulfill the Satisfaction before Absolution: For the sinner was to satisfie the Church by Penitence, before he could be reconciled to the Church. But in the Roman Church of this age, the Priest giving absolution, imposeth satisfactory pains, which are fulfilled after absolution. He looseth the Penitent by absolution, [Page 554] and at the same time binds him, obliging him to satisfactory pains, either corpo­ral or pecuniary, which were altogether unknown among the antients. In a word, all the antient practice is overthrown and contradicted in the Roman Church. Of that publike penance all those testimonies speak, which the Cardinal brings in the following ChapterChap. 2. pag. 651.. Such is that ofLactant. de vera Sa­pient. l. 4. c. 30. Lactantius, Because the Congrega­tions of Hereticks hold themselves all of them to be principally Christian, and think their Church to be the Catholick Church, we must know that the true Church is that where there is Confession and Penitence, &c. And the second Canon of the Coun­cil of Laodicea, which the Cardinal calls an Oracle. To those that are run into divers sins, and give themselves to prayer, shewing a perfect conversion from their faults, a time must be prescribed according to the quality of the sin. Such is also the testimony which he alleadgeth in the same place out of Cyprian, Cypr. Ep. 4. l. 4. according to the Cardi­nals allega­tion, p. 651. For the least sins that are committed, yea such as are not against the Lord, Penitence is done by a set time, and the confession whereby the life of him that doth the Penitence is dis­covered: And they cannot come to the Communion, unless hands be laid upon them by the Priest or the Clergy.

In this place of Cyprian, it is evident that Cyprian speaks of publick Confes­sion, whereby the life of the Penitent is discovered, and that he speaks not of the Sacramental absolution which is given in the Roman Church, but of the re­conciliation of the sinner excluded from the Communion of the Church, which reconciliation was done in publick, with the laying on of hands of the Bishop and of the Clergy there present. Which that the Reader might not perceive, the Cardinal hath falsified that place, putting by the Priest or the Clergy, instead of by the Bishop and the Clergy.

With the like fraud, he alleadgeth in the same place a testimony of Ambrose. That Father speaks thus,Ambros. l. 1. de poenit. c. 16. Si quis occul­ta crimina habens, prop­ter Christum tamen studiesè poenitentiam egerit, quo­modo istic recipit, si ei communio non rependitur? Volo veniam reus speret, petat eam lachrymis, petat gomiti­bus, petat populi totius fletibus, &c. If any having secret crimes, yet doth Penitence carefully for Christ his sake, how shall he receive here [an hundred-fold] if the Communion be not restored unto him? There the Cardinal stops, and suppresseth the rest, which shews that Ambrose speaks of publick Penitence and Confession, and of receiving the sinner again to the Communion, which also was publikely done. Ambrose then addeth, I will have the guilty to hope for pardon, let him ask it with tears and groanings, and with the tears of all the people, &c. He adds also, that he hath seen some who in their Penance caused themselves to be trodden un­der the peoples feet. So this hath nothing common with Auricular Confession, or with Sacramental Absolution which is done in secret; & the Cardinal is found guil­ty of forgery, corrupting the Fathers with a License almost beyond all examples.

Of the same kind is another allegation of his out of Ambrose in the Treatise of exhortation to Penitence. For that place speaks only of publike Penitence, which the Roman Church holds not to be a Sacrament. Besides that TreatisePosse­vinus in re­censione operum Ambrosii. Exhortatio ad poeniten­tiam agen­dam extat [...]omo primo Editionis Romanae, & rejicitur inter opus­cula Am­brosio ascri­pta quae non sunt ejus. is not of Ambrose. To which if two places be added out of Basil, and one out of Leo, alleadged by the Cardinal in the same place, and falsified, as we shewed be­fore; eight testimonies of Fathers will be found in one page of his, all wrested and taken in a contrary sense, and five of them falsified in the words, or pared and clipt with notorious fraud.

Whereas then in the writings of the Antients, the Confession which sinners made in private is often mentioned, it is no where found, that in that private con­fession Priests gave the judiciary absolution, saying, Absolvo te, &c. Or that the said action was put among the Sacraments of the Church. Austin is express upon that,August. de dogm. Eccl. c. 53. Nam quem mortalia cri­mina post Baptismum commissa pre­munt, hortor priùs publica poenitentia satisfacere & ita sacerdotis judicio re­conciliatum communioni sociari. Those (saith he) that are pressed with mortal crimes, I exhort to satisfie before by publike penance, and so being reconciled by the Priests judgement, to be as­sociated unto the Communion. It is then a great abuse of the Readers, which all our Adversaries that write of this matter are guilty of; to bring expressions of the Fathers which speak of private confessions made to the Priest, to inferr from thence, that a private absolution was given after that private confession; yea a judicial absolution belonging to the Sacrament of Penitence. For of sins also that were confessed in private, a publick penitence was made, as the Bishop judg­ed it expedient, or as the sinner was disposed. But of that secret absolution, and [Page 555] of the Sacrament of Penitence, the Fathers speak not. It appears also by the al­leadged place of Austin, that he exhorted those that were guilty of great sins to publike penance, but did not constrain them to it.

It remains that we say something of the necessity of that Sacramental absolu­tion, which the Cardinal saith to be necessary in case of necessity; that is, he that having opportunity to confess himself, and to receive absolution from the Priest, doth it not, cannot be saved, and shall not obtain of God the remission of his sins. This Bellarmine saith in the third book of Penitence, in the second Chap­ter.Christus instituit sa­cerdotes ju­dices super terram cum ea potestate ut sine ipso­rum sententia nemo post Baptismum lapsus recon­ciliari possit: Christ instituted Priests to be Judges upon earth with that power, that without their sentence none that is faln after Baptism can be reconciled. This he sai [...]h according to the doctrine of the Council of Trent, which holds the absolution by the Priest to be so necessary to salvation, thatConc. Trid. Sess. 14. c. 6. Atque ideo non debet poenitens ad. ŏ sibi de sua ipsius fide blandiri, ut etiam si multa illi adsit con­tritio aut sa­cerdoti ani­mus serio agendi & verè absol­vendi detur, putet tamen se propter suam fiedm verè & co­ram Deo esse absolutum. even when a sinner hath con­fessed himself with a serious contrition, yet if the Priest gave him the absolution without an intention to give it, the Council forbids that man to believe that his sins are forgiven him. So necessary is (if we must believe them) not only the absolution of the Priest, but his very intention to absolve, to obtain forgiveness of sins before God. And the Catechism of the Council of Trent, Catech. Trid. c. de Sacram. poe­nitentiae. Neque veniam peccatorum à Domino impe­tramus, nisi ea Poenitentiae Sacramentum per confessio­nem deleat. We obtain not of God the Remission of our sins, unless the Sacrament of Penitence blot them out by confession. And Bellarmine in the third book of penitence, chap. 2.Bell. l. 3. de Poenit. c. 2. Negatur re­missio illis, quibus nolue­rint sacerdo­tes remittere. Re­mission is refused to those to whom the Priests will not remit. He means that remis­sion is denyed them by God. And in the same place,Ʋt flatus extinguit ig­nem & dis­sipat neb [...]las, &c. As the wind puts out the fire and scattereth the mist, so the absolution of the Priest scattereth sins and makes them vanish. And he told us before, that none that sinned after Baptism, is recon­ciled without that, and that heaven is not opened to him without the Priests sen­tence. In a word, by their reckoning, in case of possibility, unless a man go through the hands of the Priest, unless he punctually confess all his sins to the Priest, unless he receive absolution from the Priest, he cannot be saved. That yoak was laid upon the Consciences without any Word of God to make the super­stition of the people tributary to the covetousness of the Clergy, and to raise their power. For we find not that the Apostles ever said, Ʋnless we forgive you your sins, you cannot be saved; but they said,Act 10.43. Whosoever believeth in him shall receive remission of sins through his name. He then that hath a true faith in Christ, before he confess his sins to a Priest, hath already remission of sins. Yea the Coun­cil of Trent, compelled by the force of truth, declareth thatConc. Sess. 14. c. 4. Et si contriti­onem hanc aliquando charitate perfectam esse contingat hominemque Deo reconciliare priusquam hoc Sacramentum actu suscipiatur. contrition, when it is perfected with Charity, reconcileth a man with God, before he receive the Sacrament of Penitence. Only the Council will have the vow of the Sacrament joyned with that contrition. And the Catechism of that Council is yet more ex­press to that purpose, Contrition cannot but be acceptable unto God, for (saith the Prophet) a broken and a contrite heart, O God thou wilt not despise. Moreover, these words of the same Prophet declare, that as soon as we have conceived contrition in our spirits, the remission of sins is granted to us of God. I have said, I will confess mine iniquity against my self, and thou hast forgiven the iniquity of my sin. And of that we see a figure in the ten leprous men, who being sent by Christ unto the Priests, were delivered from the leprosie before they came to them. Whereby one may perceive that the vertue of true contrition is such, that thereby we presently or im­mediately receive the remission of all our sins. So then, when the truly contrite sin­ner comes to a Priest, his sins are already forgiven: And if that Priest giveth him Absolution, that Priest shall do a thing already done, and shall give a sentence in authority of a Judge, about a thing that God hath judged already. And if a man truly contrite, and whom God hath already pardoned, come to confess himself to a Priest that saith to him, Absolvo te, &c. but without an intention of giving absolution, what will become of the sentence of the Council of Trent, whereby such a man is forbidden to believe that God hath forgiven him his sins? For God having already forgiven the sinner before he confest himself to the Priest, shall the impiety and prophane spirit of that Priest alter the will of God, or make God to revoke the pardon which he had granted before? Shall Gods [Page 556] goodness be made subject unto the wickedness of men? Can his grace already granted to a faithful soul, be made void by the perversness of a wicked Confessor?

In vain to establish the necessity of that penitential absolution, these words are alleadged, Whose soever sins ye remit, they shall be remitted: For hence it follows not, that all the sins which Priests shall not forgive, shall not be forgiven. If I say, that all those whom the King hath condemned to death are dead, doth it follow that none of those whom he did not condemn are dead? Besides, we have proved, that the pardon of which Christ speaks in that text is not the Sacramen­tal absolution, nor a judicial act or sentence of a Judge absolving sinners before Gods judicial seat: That belongeth to none but God, for the reasons which we will shew in the following Chapter.

CHAP. 2. What is that pardon of sin which the Pastors of the Church grant, and how far their power to forgive sin extends. And of the power of the Keyes.

OUR Saviour Jesus having given to his Disciples the power to forgive sins, who so teacheth that this grace is dead with the Apostles, thereby deprives the Church of the following ages (as far as in him lyeth) of a great comfort, and enervates altogether the Ministry of the Gospel. God indeed gave to his Apostles the gift of Miracles, and an universal power not restrained to a particular Church, in which power they had no successors. But as for the graces which serve to give peace unto the Conscience, and to reconcile sinners with God, and to maintain the Church in good order, they ought to be perpetual, and the Apo­stles did not receive them but to transmit them unto posterity. For God intends no less in this time, then in the Apostles time, the salvation and conversion of his Elect: And God put not the Keyes of the Kingdom of heaven in the hands of the Pastors of his Church, to take them out of their hands soon after. The miracles made by the Apostles in the birth of the Church, serve us yet to this day, and are so many confirmations of the doctrine of the Gospel; Therefore it is not necessary that the Apostles should have successors in that vertue. But as for the power of forgiving sins, if the Apostles alone had had that power, the Church of the following ages should thereby receive no benefit, because the par­don of sins is a personal grace, which every private person hath need to apply unto himself, and which comes not by succession: It being certain, that by the remission of sins which the Apostles granted to men of their time, the sins of men of our time are not pardoned.

But as we ought to be careful keepers and good husbands of the graces of God, which he would have to be perpetual unto his Church, so ought we to take heed that they be not abused in our keeping, and that this power be not changed into tyrannie, or into an occasion of pride and dishonest gain. Lest then we fall into that contrary extremity, it is necessary to know what the power of Pastors is to forgive sins, and what limits God hath set to it in his Word.

Christ said unto Peter, and in his person to all the Apostles, Matth. 16.19. I will give unto thee the Keyes of the Kingdom of Heaven. Of which promise ex­prest in the future-tense, the fulfilling is found in the fore-alleadged Text, John 20.23. where Christ gives to his Disciples the power of remitting and retaining sins. In which power the use of the Keyes, about which we now dispute, con­sisteth. What those Keyes are, and what their nature is, the Word of God teacheth us.

Scripture speaks of two sorts of Keyes, the one the Key of knowledge, the [Page 557] other the Key of Authority or Government. Of the Key of Knowledge, Christ speeaketh, Luke 11.52. saying, Wo unto you Lawyers, for ye have taken away the Key of Knowledge; meaning that they had taken away that Key of Knowledge from the people, challenging to themselves the office of opening the intelligence of Scriptures, and to bring others into it. Of the Key of Authority, God speaks, Isa. 22.22. where God promiseth to Eliakim to lay the Key of the house of David upon his shoulder, that is, to charge him with the Government of the Kings house. Which is applyed to Christ, Rev. 3.17. where himself saith, that he hath the Key of David, and it is he that openeth and no man shutteth, and shutteth and no man openeth; because he hath in his hand the Government of the Church of God.

According to these two significations of the word Key, Christ hath given to his Apostles two sorts of Keyes, the Key of Knowledge to open the entry of Scri­ptures, and bring the people into the true knowledge of God: And the Key of Authority to govern the Church, which in the New Testament is commonly calledMatth. 3.2. And 11.32. & 13.11.24.31.33.32. & 20.43. & 23.13. and in many other places. the Kingdom of God, and the Kingdom of heaven; for it were unreasonable thereby to understand the heavenly Paradice, whose government belongs not to the Pastors of the Church, although the last Council of Lateran in the X. Session, say by the mouth of an Archbishop, thatQua­propter Ber­nardus ad Eugenium tanquam ad summum Hierarchicum in coelo Ec­clesiae virum, in quo erat omnis potestas supra omnes potestas tam coeli quam terrae, recte scripserat; Tibi data est omnis po­testas, in qua qui totum dicit nihil excludit. the Pope hath all power over all the powers of heaven and earth; and that Bernard said very well, speaking to Pope Eugenius, All power is given thee in heaven and in earth: For (saith he) he that saith all, excludeth nothing.

It doth not belong to the Pastors of the Church to bring souls into Paradice, or to exclude them from it. This belongs to God only, who before we were born, yea before the Creation of the world, defined in his counsel who are those whom he will save by pardoning their sins, and who are those whom he will not pardon. They shall be judged in the last day, as they shall be found written in the Book of life, not according to the sentences and judgements of Absolution that have been pronounced by the Priest. He that will bring those sentences for his Apology in Gods judgement, saying, I have indeed committed such and such sins, but my Parson hath absolved me, and although I be none of thine elect, I must be saved never­theless, for my Parson hath given me Absolution; such a man, I say, shall find himself ill grounded. And the Parson himself who hath forgiven another, giving Absolution in quality of a Judge, shall have enough to do to get Absolution for himself in Gods judgement.

These words then, whereby Christ promiseth to his Apostles the Keyes of the Kingdom of heaven, are as much as if he said to them, I will give you the Go­vernment of my Church. Which government Pastors exercise two wayes; By the preaching of the Gospel, the Scepter of that Spiritual Kingdom, which is the Church of God; and by Ecclesiastical discipline.

These two wayes they remit and retain sins. For, as for the preaching of the Word, they announce unto the penitent sinners the remission of their sins, and to the unbelievers and impenitent, condemnation; not as a private person should do, but as persons purposely sent by Christ to announce the good news of Gods reconciliation with authority, as Heraulds of Grace, and as2 Cor. 5.20. Embassadors for Christ, to whose word Christ himself giveth efficacy, using them to touch the hearts with repentance, and powerfully to print in their soul the sense of their reconciliation, and the certainty of the remission of their sins. In that sense they do not pronounce sentences in authority of Judges, but are Heraulds of peace, and Ministers of reconciliation. Wherefore also their charge is called by the Apostle the ministry of reconciliation. 2 Cor. 5.18. All things are of God, who hath reconciled us to himself in Christ, and hath given unto us the Ministry of re­conciliation. In that respect then their charge is a Ministry, not a Judicature to judge the causes depending between God and men, in authority of Judges. Their Office is a Ministry of reconciliation, not a Judicature of absolution. Wherefore the next verse, their word is called, a word of reconciliation; and the bearers of that word are called, not Judges in Christs cause, but Embassadors for Christ, that exhort and beseech men to receive the reconciliation with God by Jesus [Page 558] Christ. We are (saith the Apostle) Embassadors for Christ, as if God did beseech you by us, we beseech you in Christs stead, be ye reconciled to God.

But that Embassie is addrest as well to the Infidels and not baptized persons, as to the faithful, seeing that unto all alike the Apostles propound the remission of their sins, that remission cannot be a Sacrament of Penitence, which the Roman Church conferreth only upon baptized persons, nor an act of Judicature, but is a Ministry of reconciliation. Yet as the Word of God saith, that faithful Mini­sters save souls, (as we have proved) because God makes use of their Ministry to save them, so they pardon sins, in as much as God employeth them, and makes use of them to announce and conferr pardon upon sinners. Make no doubt but that when a faithful Pastor having heard the confession of a repenting sinner, or comforted a sick person, saith to him, I announce thee the remission of thy sins by Jesus Christ; or, I declare unto thee that thy sins are forgiven thee; these words are very effectual towards a repenting sinner, and are powerful to strengthen his faith in the assurance of the remission of his sins, although these words be no sentence of absolution.

The like cannot be said of the second point, wherein the power of the Keyes consisteth, which is the government of the Church by Ecclesiastical discipline, whereby they punish sins in quality of Judges, by censures, suspensions, and ex­communications, and remit sins by releasing those pains, and reconciling the sin­ner unto the Church, and receiving him to the Communion. It is easie to com­prehend how far that Judicature extends. For every Judge pronounceth judge­ments, imposeth punishments, granteth graces, according to the nature of his charge. A Judge that sits upon life and death, judgeth not causes that are meer­ly civil. A secular Judge judgeth not of spiritual causes, nor of the decisions of faith. A Judge meerly spiritual, ought not to judge of pecuniary or criminal causes. In a word, every Judge, unless he be Soveraign, hath certain limits which his Judicature must not exceed. Now the Office of Pastors is to govern the Church in this world. Whence it follows, that the judgements which they pronounce, and the punishments which they impose upon the sinner in quality of Judges, are punishments which go not beyond the present life; and reach not so far as to give order that he be either in Paradice or in Hell after this life. They cannot give sentence that mens sins be pardoned in the day of Judgement. That would be giving Laws to God. It is true that God punisheth, even after this life, such as despise the judgement of the Pastors of the Church, and shake off the yoak of Discipline: But that punishment after this life, is done, not by the judgement or sentence of Pastors, but by the Judgement of God avenging the contempt of the order which he constituted in his Church.

Besides, a Judge cannot remit any pains, but such as he can impose. For the saying of Ambrose in the first book of Penitence is most true,Amb. de poenit. l. 1. c. 2. Dominus par jus & sol­vendi esse voluit & li­gandi, qui utrumque pari conditi­one permisit, ergo qui sol­vendi jus non habet, & ligandi non habet. that the power of binding and the power of loosing are equal, and extend the one as far as the other. God would have the right of loosing and that of binding to be equal. He per­mitted both upon the like condition. That man then who hath not the right of loosing hath not the right of binding, &c. Since then Pastors cannot impose the pain of damnation upon any man, but only pains of Ecclesiastical censures, it appears also, that the pardon of sins which they may grant as Judges, exceeds not the release or remission of pains, and Ecclesiastical censures. It is so that Pastors as far as in them lyeth, and as much as sins and sinners are in their jurisdiction, par­don sins. For pardoning sins, is nothing else then not to punish them, when he that pardoneth hath the power to punish. The Judge cannot exempt the guilty from any punishment, but that which he may inflict by vertue of his Office. It is in that sense that Saint Paul adviseth the Corinthians to forgive the incestuous man whom they had cut off from the Communion of the Church, and himself joyning with them, forgiveth him also, 2 Cor. 2.7. & 10. Which he doth not to absolve him before Gods judicial seat, but presupposing that God had accepted his repentance, and had pardoned him, he voteth that the Church also forgive him the Ecclesiastical punishment, receiving him to the Communion. Yea private [Page 559] persons will forgive offences one to another, not meaning thereby to prejudicate the judgement of God, but only remitting the revenge, and declaring that they will not return any punishment for it. Such remissions of sins done by the Pastors, and the opposite retentions when they are just, are approved of God, and ratified in his Counsel; Which is Christs meaning when he saith, that, Whatsoever shall be bound in earth by the Pastors of the Church, shall be bound in heaven; that is, the suspensions and excommunications wherewith Pastors shall justly bind sinners, shall be ratified in heaven, and such men shall be held justly bound with Ecclesia­stical bonds and censures. And though the Ecclesiastical censure were unjust, and not hurtful at all to the excommunicated person as for the conscience, yet the Lord will have him to undergo that Ecclesiastical punishment, rather then to run into contumacy, and to thrust himself by force or tumult to the holy Com­munion.

The summary of this discourse is, that as for the announcing of grace by the Gospel, either propounded in publike, or applyed to some particularly, Pastors do not forgive sins as Judges, and exercise no Judicature, but pardon, in as much as God announceth and conferreth remission of sins by their means, and printeth in their hearts the certainty of pardon through their word. But as for the Ec­clesiastical censures, whereby they remit or retain sins, they are truly Judges, and truly pardon sins, with a pardon which extends but as far as the punishments do which they can impose. They pardon sins as Judges, as for the Ecclesiastical pains: For God alone is the Judge of Consciences, and no man can by judicial absolution exempt a soul from answering at the Bar of Gods judgement, or by vertue of his judicial absolution, blot out his sins before God. Which will yet more clearly appear by the following proofs.

CHAP. 3. That the Pastors of the Church cannot blot out sins before God. And cannot by pardoning sins exempt sinners from Gods judgement. And that unto God alone, as the only Judge of souls and consciences, it belongeth to for­give sins. And that the absolution of the Priests of the Roman Church is void and of no vertue.

IN this question we take remission of sins not for the remission of Ecclesiastical censures and penances, but in the sense that remission of sins is taken in the Creed, and in the sense that it is commonly taken in the Gospel, whichIsa. 43.25. Jer. 31.34. Mal. 3.17. Mic. 7.18. pro­miseth remission of sins to them that believe in Christ, so that God holds them for acquitted, there being no condemnation for them that are in Christ Jesus. In that sense we affirm and maintain, that none but God alone can forgive our sins with judicial authority. I say not only that he is the only Soveraign Judge, but absolutely that he is the only Judge, and that to forgive sins by authority of a Judge, there is no Judge neither with him nor under him, and that the Pastors of the Church are not inferiour Judges subordinated unto God to pardon sins by a judicial absolution. In a word, that the judgement concerning remission of sins whereby we are absolved in Gods judicial seat, doth not belong to them in any respect. And we reject the doctrine of the Roman Church,Bell. l. 3. de poenit. cap. 2. Christus in­stituit Sacer­dotes judices super terram cum ea po­testate ut sine ipsorum sententia nemo post Baptismum lapsus possit reconciliari. that God doth not forgive sins committed after Baptism, unless the Priest forgive them,Et eodem capite. Nemo cui coelum ob culpam sit clausum, in illud ingredi poterit, nisi Sacerdotum ministerio aperiatur. and that they to whom heaven is shut up by reason of their sin, cannot enter into it, unless the Priest open heaven unto them:Et paulo post. Negatur re­missio illis, quibus noluerint Sacerdotes remittere. And that God forgiveth not those whom the Priest will not forgive.

[Page 560]I. The Pharisees not believing that the Lord Jesus was God, were offended because he forgave sins, Mark 2.7. Luke 7.21. Psalm 51.6. saying, Why doth this man thus speak blasphemies? Who can forgive sins but God only? Whereupon Christ doth not find fault with them for believing that it belonged to God alone to forgive sins, but presently by an excellent miracle he sets forth his divine vertue before them, that they might acknowledge that by the same vertue he could also forgive sins.

II. To God alone God commanded us to say, Pardon us our trespasses. To God David said, Against thee, thee only have I sinned, acknowledging that to God alone he ought to address himself to obtain pardon. It belongs to the offended party to pardon, not to him against whom the offence was not done. Of him speaks Micah, chap. 7.18. Who is a God like unto thee, that pardoneth iniquity, and passeth by transgression? God himself speaks thus by Isaiah, ch. 43.25. I, even I, am he that blotteth out thy transgressions for mine own sake, and will not remember thy sins. He is that heavenly and mercifull Father, who exalted Jesus by his right hand to be a Prince, and a Saviour, for to give repentance to Israel, and forgiveness of sins, Acts 5.31. Which Son of God hath the key of Da­vid, he openeth and no man shutteth, he shutteth and no man openeth, Rev. 3.7. that none may take upon himself to open with him, or without him the door of the kingdom of heaven.

III. Our AdversariesBellarm. l. 1. de poenit. cap. 11. Non fuit in Testamento Veteri postetas remittendi peccata. acknowledge that under the old Testament, and for the space of four thousand years before Christs coming, the power of forgiving sins was not in the Church, yet the godly without that were saved. Whence it follows that this judicial remission by the Priest was not necessary, and that by the doctrine of the Roman Church the condition of the Church of the New Testament is grown worse, since in those dayes God did immediately forgive, but now the remission of sins must pass through the hands of the Priests, and they are made Judges between God and man. Of these Judges the judgements many times are unjust, as our Adversaries acknowledge. Shall we say that remission of sins is now better, because it depends no more from God alone?

IV. This practice is so evidently unjust, that even in the Roman Church, where the people is used to go to the Priests and ask them Absolution, if they that speak so, spake in right French or English terms, and said to them, Father for­give me my sins, that would be odious, and intolerable.

V. Who knows not, that it belongs to the only soveraign Judge, to for­give crimes? and that the Highest Courts of Justice (though they judge without appeal) give no letters of grace or abolition to a fellon, because it belongs only to the Royal power? How comes it to pass then, that the Priests, who are in­finitely more under God then the Highest Courts are under the King, make bold to attribute to themselves the power of forgiving sins, and give absolution to traitors against God? and to grant pardons which cannot be given but by the Judge of souls, which is the Soveraign Judge?

VI. Neither is it for subjects to pardon sins committed against the Soveraign. It belongs not to a domestick servant to forgive his fellow servant, the offences against their common Master.

VII. Much less yet ought a traitor in the Gaol to pardon the offences of his fellow-traitor against the King. How can then a sinner, who stands in need of pardon, yea, who often is a greater sinner then the man to whom he giveth abso­lution, forgive the sins committed against the eternal God?

VIII. And whereas Gods decrees are eternal, and Gods Counsel-order for the remitting of such a mans sins, as well as the Decree about his election, is before the foundation of the world, can a Priest retaining a mans sins and de­nying to give him absolution, alter the order of Gods Counsel? Or if he give him absolution, to what purpose doth he give a judicial sentence upon a case decided before all ages? And how doth the Priest know whether his judge­ment be conformable unto Gods decree? and whether he absolveth a man whom God hath reprobated? Especially seeing that the Priest himself doubteth [Page 561] of his own salvation? Why doth the Priest require of the penitent firmly to believe that he hath pardoned him his sins, whereas himself knows not whether God hath forgiven him?

IX. Above all things it is considerable, that pardoning sins like a Judge, can­not belong but to him that is Judge of consciences, and knoweth the secrets of thoughts, intentions, and private affections, and the nature and grievousness of the fact. For to give right judgement of a crime, the Judge ought to know the nature and the greatness of the same. Now the things that aggravate o [...] diminish sin are the thoughts, and intentions, and secret desires. The princi­pal part of the sin is in the will and thought. Yea, very often the whole sin is in the thought, and in the evil desire, as when want of strength and confidence keeps the intention from coming forth into action. Since then the Priest seeth nothing in all these, and knoweth not the hearts, it is plain that he is incapable of judging of sins, or to know the grievousness or the nature of sin. And it is certain, that if God had establisht some Judge on earth to forgive sins, he would also have given him the knowledge of the hearts of those that ask par­don. For God who decreeth the end, gives also just and necessary means to attain it.

X. It is necessary also that he that hath authority to forgive sins be Judge of souls, and have them in his power, and be able to punish souls, which are spi­ritual and immottal, with punishments conformable unto their nature, that is, with spiritual and eternal pains, and to give graces and absolutions according­ly. That being not in the Priests or the Popes power, it is evident that they cannot pronounce a sentence either for or against souls, by pardoning or re­taining their sins. Which appeareth by the nature of the pains which they impose, as pilgrimages, fasts, whipping, and pecuniary mulcts. By these pains do they not confess that they have souls in their power? for all these are cor­poral pains. Why then in matter of grace and remission do they pretend to give spiritual graces?Note. Why doth their power of loosing extend further then their power of binding? seeing that those two things must be equal, and have the same limits, as St. Ambrose told us before.

XI. As granting letters of grace to a fellon guilty of death, is giving him his life, likewise pardoning a man his sins, for which he deserveth to be damned, is giving him salvation. If then the Priest give absolution to a man, and the par­don of all his sins, he gives him life and salvation, especially when he gives him absolution on his death bed. And Bellarmin makes bold to say, thatBell. 2. l. de Indulg. c. 11. §. Quin­ta. Pontifex remittit cul­pam & poenam aeternam. the Pope remitteth both the fault and the eternal pain. Now is it not manifest im­piety to think that a Priest can give salvation, and pronounce a judgement whereby a man may be exempted from going into Hell? And how can one give sal­vation to another, being not certain of his own? Why do we not rather give glory to God, saying, that the Pastor announceth unto the dying sinner the re­mission of his sins by Jesus Christ? and that if the repenting sinner believeth that, God will forgive him for Christs sake? and that there is no need that the Priest pronounce a judgement, and by a judicial power give a sentence of ab­solution, to free the sinner from Gods judgement? It being certain that God can forgive without the Priest, and that the Priest cannot forgive without God, who is not bound to follow the Priests sentence, and make his own sentence void.

XII. I know that Priests giving absolution, pretend to use the authority which they affirm they have from God. But every man knoweth how easily one may incroach upon Gods authority under that colour. They that usurp the Kings rights use to shelter themselves under the Kings authority, and doing things contrary to the Kings interest, and displeasing to him, say nevertheless that all they do is for his service. Must we absolutely believe the Priests with­out enquiring further, seeing that the pardon of sins, is so lucrative unto them, and raiseth their authority so high?

XIII. Wherefore also it shall not be found that any Apostle, or any Pa­stor [Page 562] of the Church in the time of the Apostles ever used that power, or that ever they said to a sinner not suspended or excommunicated, I pardon thee thy sins. It is a new abuse and a corruption of which no example is found in all Antiquity. For as for the suspended and excommunicated sinners, the Pastors forgive them in quality of Judges, only as for the remission of Ecclesiastical pain, as Saint Paul, and the Corinthians did to the incestuous excommuni­cated man.

XIV. To this add that the power of Pastors extends only unto their flock, and by consequent both the graces and pardons which they grant, and the pains which they impose upon sinners, can last no longer then the said sinners belong unto their flock. Now the Priest giving absolution to a dying man pre­tends to give him a grace, not for this life, but for the future, for it as if he pronounced a sentence that such a man be happy after his death. And indeed the Pope pardons sins after death, forgiving the souls that are in Purgatory, yea reconciling excommunicated persons after their death, as we shall see hereaf­ter. By this means he exerciseth the power of the keyes over those whom God hath not committed to his keeping, and that are not of his flock. He loos­eth those whom he cannot bind.

XV. The worst is, that by this doctrine men are set above God. For sin is that which puts a discord between God and man. In which discord the par­ties are God and man. In that suit, Priests bear themselves as Judges, as Car­dinal Bellarmin saith,Bellar. l. 3. de poenit. c. 2. Peccata omnia causae sunt, quas cum Deo ipso habemus. Et ideo cum Deus judicium de peccatis Sacerdotibus permiserit in Ecclesia sua, non possunt qui in Ecclesia sunt, sine sacerdotum judicio cum Deo reconcili­ari. Sins are suits which we have with God, and there­fore since God hath permitted the judgement of sins in the Church unto Priests, they that are in the Church, if they have such suits, cannot be reconciled unto God without the judgement of Priests. These men make God their suitor in a manner, since the Priest is a Judge in Gods cause, and that God and man are parties in a suit, whereof the Priest is Judge. Truly whoso will look near hand into that judicial absolution, shall find it a sentence deciding how God ought to behave himself with the sinner; As if the Priest said to the sinner, I give order that God forgive thee. For his absolution cannot otherwise be the sentence of a Judge, nor a Judicial act, as M. du Perron calls it. I wish that our Adversa­ries would tell us whether the Priest giving absolution giveth a sentence that God should pardon, or declareth only that God hath forgiven? For if he en­joyneth God to pardon, he is above God, and giveth him Laws. But if he on­ly declareth that God hath pardoned, his absolution is not an action of a Judge, nor a Judicial sentence. He that saith God forgive thee▪ by these words giveth no pardon, or absolution. And he that declareth to a sinner that God hath forgiven him, must be certain of Gods intention, and of the sinners repentance, and must exactly know the nature of the sin; Things which the Priest know­eth not.

XVI. It must not be omitted that God never pardoneth sin, unless the sinner have a true repentance and contrition of heart, and a true faith in Christ. Things which the Priests know not, and by consequent, know not whether their absolution be valid. And the Priest must speak thus to the sin­ner, if not in word, at least in thought; I absolve thee as much as it lyeth in me, and if thou be worthy of it, and if thou hast a true faith, and a serious re­pentance. But because I know not whether these vertues be in thee, I know not whether I absolve thee, and whether my absolution be valid. So much theMaldon. Tom. 2. de poen. par. 3. thes. 5. Quantum in me est, ego te absolvo. Je­suite Maldonat freely acknowledgeth, saying that the Priest must say within himself, I absolve thee as much as it lyeth in me, or asSuarez. in Thom. tom. 4. disput. 19. sect. 2. n. 20. Suarez saith, that the Priest pardoneth, unless he that receiveth absolution, put an impediment to it, in which impediment coming out of want of faith and repentance the Priest knoweth nothing.

Tolet. l. 3. de instruct. sacerdotum cap. 12. Triplex condi­tio potest apponi absolu­tioni, una est de praeterito, ut si fecisti hoc, ego te absolvo. Alte­ra est de praesenti, ut si ita est, ego te absolvo. Tertia de futuro, ut ego te absolvo, si hoc seteris.Cardinal Tolet saith, that three conditions may be added to the absolution. The one is for the time past, saying, If thou hast done this, I absolve thee. The second is for the present time, If it be so, I absolve thee. The third is for the time to come, If thou do this, I absolve thee. He addeth a fourth if, when that [Page 563] depends on a third person, I absolve thee, if the Bishop consent to it. If one of these ifs fail, the sinner must know that there is no absolution for him. Reason ought to put in another if for God, saying, I absolve thee, if God will have it, and if he know thee to be worthy of absolution, or if God approve thy repentance. But thes [...] Gentlemen presuppose that God will like whatso­ever they like, and will acquiesce in their judgement. Is not a judgement thereby made ridiculous, and the judicial power imaginary, if the Judge must not know whether his judgement be valid, and if he pardon with an if, and with a condition upon which his judgement is suspended? as if he said, I for­give thee if thou art not an hypocrite, but if thou art an hypocrite, I forgive thee not: But whether thou art an hypocrite or no, I cannot discern. This is acknow­ledged by Hierom, Hier. in c. 4. Danielis. R [...]m temera­riam faciunt qui audacter peccatoribus [...]ndulgentiam pollicentur. saying, It is rashly done of them that boldly promise par­don unto sinners. And by Basil, Basil. regular. breviorum Interrog. 15. [...]. The power of forgiving is not given abso­lutely. And by Cyprian, Cypr. Ep. ad Anto­nianum Sect. 11. Si vero nos aliquis poeni­tentiae simu­latione deluserit, Deus. qui non deridetur, & qui cor homi­nis intuetur de his quae nos minus perspeximus judicet, & servorum sententiam Dominus emendet. If any deceive us by a false shew of repentance, let God who cannot be mockt, and looks into the heart of man, be pleased to judge of those things which we did not perceive, and let the Master be pleased to correct the sentence of his servants. In these places Basil and Cyprian speak of the reconciliation of sinners with the Church after publick penitence. For of a Sacrament of Pe­nitence, and of a judicial absolution given in secret unto a sinner, there was no mention made in those dayes, neither was it known as yet.

Whereupon the words of the Treatise of exhortation to penitence in the first Tome of Ambrose, are observable. There the Author speaks thus of those that being in a mortal sickness do repent, and are reconciled, that is, admitted to the Communion.Tract. de exhort. ad poen. Tom. 1. operum Amb. Qui positus in ultima necessitate agritudinis suae acceperit poenitentiam, & mox reconciliatus fuerit, & va­dit id est exit de corpo­re, fateor vobis non illi negamus quod petit, sed non praesumo dicere quia bene hinc exit. Non praesumo, non polliceor, non vos fallo, non vos decipio, non vobis promitto. Fidelis bene vivens securus hinc exit. He that being put to an extream necessity of sickness hath received penitence, and was presently reconciled, and so goeth away, that is, goeth out of this body, I confess that we deny him not what he asketh, but together I do not presume to say, that he goeth hence well and happily. I presume not so far, I say it not, I will not deceive you or cosen you. I will promise you no such thing. The faithfull that liveth well, is he that goeth out of this life with assurance. The effect of that discourse is, that he doubts very much whether he that being sick calls his Pastor, protesting of his contrition and confesseth his sins, and up­on that is reconciled (his Pastor announcing to him the remission of his sins) and is received to the Communion of the holy Sacrament, he doubts (saith he) whether such a one is saved, and whether his sins be pardoned: Whence the Author draweth an exhortation to live well betimes, rather then to trust in such a reconciliation. But the Priests of the Roman Church in our dayes, speak quite another language; If in a mans sickness a Priest being called, heareth the sick mans confession, and giveth him absolution of all his sins, giving him the host to eat: It is presumed that such a mans sins are truly pardon­ed, and that he is going, not into Hell, but to Purgatory, or to Paradice.

XVII. If the sinner be truly penitent, God in his word promiseth to pardon him. But unless he repent, God will not pardon him. So then, if the sinner repent and be converted with all his heart, God will forgive him, though the Priest, yea, though the Pope himself would obstinately deny him pardon. But if he have no true repentance, God will not forgive him, though he had received a thousand absolutions. Wherefore I see not what good that ju­dicial absolution doth, since God forgiveth without it, and punisheth and damn­eth with it.

XVIII. It is certain as we have proved it, and as the Council of Trent, and the Catechism of the same Council heretofore alleadged do acknowledge it, that the man who is truly contrite hath already obtained of God the remission of his sins, before he receive sacramental absolution. So that the Priest giving absolution, forgiveth sins already pardoned, and giveth judgement in a suit already judged. Hereby Cardinal Bellarmins errorBellar. lib. 3. de poenit. cap. 2. is laid open, when he saith that the Priest giving absolution, judgeh a suit between God and the sinner, for if God before [Page 564] that sacramental absolution, hath already pardoned, and received the sinner into grace, there is no more difference, and no more suit to Judge.

XIX. As then under the Law the leprous being healed and clean, were sent to the Priest to be declared clean, not to be cleansed: Likewise the sinner already reconciled unto God by faith in Christ, and by true contrition, comes not to his Pastor to receive pardon, nor to be reconciled unto God, but that his re­conciliation and repentance may be made known unto the Church, and that he may be confirmed, in confidence that God hath forgiven him. And as Christ raised Lazarus from the dead before he said, Loose him and let him go, likewise God regenerateth and quickneth sinners, before they be loosed by the Pastors from the bonds of Ecclesiastical censures.

XX. In vain it is replyed that God forgiveth a contrite sinner before he hath the absolution of the Priest, and that this hinders not but that the contrite sinner must have a vow in his heart to ask the Priests absolution. For he that makes that vow should offend God, if he did it with an intention to re­ceive the pardon of sins which God hath already forgiven. A man that seri­ously repents, and believeth that God hath forgiven him, may and must make a vow to obey God, to hear his word, and to be partaker of his Sacraments, but must not make a vow to ask of the Priest pardon of those sins which he believeth that God hath already forgiven him. If for his sins he was excluded from the communion of the Church, he must seek his reconciliation with the Church, that he may glorifie God, and edifie his neighbours, although he be fully perswad­ed that God is reconciled with him. But whoso believeth that God hath forgiv­en him all his sins, and looks besides for an absolution from the same sins by the judicial sentence of a man, brings the grace of God in question, and asketh for a sentence in a suit already judged. He expects of the Priest a judgement which is not in the Priests power, and attributes unto him a power which he hath not received of God.

XXI. But how shall the penitent that receiveth the Priests absolution, be sure that by this Sacramental absolution his sins are forgiven, since the Roman Church believeth that the Sacraments are void, and confer no grace, unless the Priest hath an intention to confer them, and to do that which the Church doth? That intention is probably presumed, and by a likely conjecture; so that it is a presumptive and conjectural absolution. It is an absolution that must be guest at, an absolution which is believed, because a man will believe it. Truly here there is great reason of doubting, if I understand the world, and how we live in an age swarming with Atheists, there being many Priests that believe nothing of that they do, whether they laugh in their sleeve at all Religion, or whether they know the truth of Religion and the abuses of Popery, but are kept in it by fear. Such men when they give absolution have their heart somewhere else, and detest in their soul their own actions.

XXII. Another scruple troubleth the consciences, and makes sinners uncer­tain about the absolution which they have received. For all the actions of a Priest fallen into irregularity are invalid, because by the Laws of the Roman Church they are forbidden to exercise their charge. In the Roman Church they call irregularity an inability to receive orders, or to exercise them when they have received them. By the Laws of the Roman Church a man becomes irregular for drinking no wine; for loosing one of the fingers which serve for handling the Host, and making the sign of the Cross: For killing a man, or cutting off a mans limbs. Many holdTolet. l. 2. Instruct. Sacerd. c. 63. Non est opus eum cui virilia abscissa sunt secum in pulverem redacta aut sicca portare, ut vulgares putant that a gelded man is not irregu­lar if he carry about him the parts that are wanting to him, dryed or beaten to powder. Also a Priest falls to irregularity if he marry, not if he keep con­cubines. He becomes not irregular nor unable for the Priesthood if he commit Sodomie, asNavar. Tom. 2. In caput ad inferendam. 23. qu. 3. De defensione proximi, Sect. 37. Edit. Col. p. 255. Responden­dum est, sodo­miae crimen non compre­hendi, Primo quia sicut dictum est supra, irregu­laritas nisi ob casus à [...]ure expressos non incurritur, ex quorum nu­mero hic non est, &c. Tertio quia parum refert illud crimen esse gravissi­mum spurcis­simum & maxime dete­stabile, cum majus sit haeresis menta­lis [...]a. 2ae q. 11. Art. 3. Et majus de­speratio, &c. quorum tamen nullum irre— gularitatem inducit. Navarrus a famous Doctor teacheth at large; The reason is, that be the vice never so detestable, yet the heresie conceived in the mind, and despair are more horrible crimes, which nevertheless bring no irregulari­ty; Which he proveth by the authority of Thomas. These things being so, [Page 565] how shall he that receiveth absolution know, whether the Priest that giveth it hath some defect in his body, or whether he hath committed any crime that made him irregular? for if it be so, the absolution is void and without effect.

XXIII. The Council of Trent in the fourteenth Session, chap. 6. moveth another difficulty. That it may happen that a Priest who by absolution remit­eth the mortal sins of others, is himself in a mortal sin. Yet thatDocet quoque etiam Sacerdotes, qui peccato mor­tali tenentur, per virtutem Spiritus San­cti in ordina—tione collatam tanquam Christi Mini­stros functio­nem remitten­di peccata exercere. Council declareth that such a Priest hath nevertheless the power of remitting sins, by the vertue of the Holy Ghost which was conferred upon him in his ordination. These are two propositions, which to receive without doubting, one hath need to be of a very easie belief. The one that Bishops in the ordination of Priests confer upon them the Holy Ghost; The other that this vertue of the Holy Ghost re­mains still in Priests how vicious soever they be, and that by the same vertue they have power to forgive sins. Of these two propositions, the first is full of difficulty; For although Christ said to his Apostles, Receive ye the Holy Ghost, yet we find not that he gave that power to the Bishops that came since, to give the Holy Ghost in ordination. Seeing that in the Roman Church some Bishops are yet in their swadling clothes, and children of Princes have fat Bi­shopricks bestowed upon them in their cradle. Some Bishops have no learning at all. I have seen some that could not read. Some Bishops are altogether profane in their conversation. So that one can hardly believe that God put his Spirit in such mens power to dispose of it. Hardly will any believe that a Bishop visiting his Diocess in the Rogation weeks to confer Orders, can when he returns from hunting, or comes from his wanton sports, give the Holy Ghost by the laying on of his hands, and so spread the Holy Ghost abroad through the Towns of his Diocess. And since among the Apostles there was one in the Devils possession, Is it not possible that among the Bishops some are led by the same Spirit? When that happens, is it like that a man possessed by the Devil can confer the Holy Ghost? Is there any Priest who having received the laying on of hands from a Bishop, can say truly that at the same instant he feels himself filled with the Holy Ghost?

But the chief consideration is, that by the ordination which the Bishops con­fer, they pretend to give unto the Priests a power to do things which the Ho­ly Ghost never commanded or taught. The Bishop constituteth the Priests sacrificers of the body and blood of Christ, of which Priesthood and sacrifice there is not one word in the word of God, no more then of the power of forgiving sins with authority of Judges, and of that judicial absolution which the Apostles and the antient Church never practised, and of that indelible cha­racter of Priesthood, which remains even in hell, printed by the Bishop in the ordination, by vertue whereof Priests sacrifice and give absolution. Now it is not to be believed, that by such an inordination, whereby things contrary to the Holy Ghost are injoined, the Holy Ghost can be conferred.

The second proposition is little more probable; That God approveth that an Atheist, or an incestuous man, or a blasphemer, have the power to forgive Gods children with an authority of a Judge; for to such men St. Peters sen­tence may be applied, 2 Pet. 2.19. While they promise liberty to others, they them­selves are the servants of corruption.

XXIV. Of the weakness of that power to absolve sins with authority of Judges, we have an example in the Pope himself, in whom they make the sove­raign power of forgiving sins to subsist, and who hath limitted unto Priests and Bishops the cases in which they may forgive sins, reserving to himself an un­limited power, without exception of any case. Yet we see in the first book of the sacred Ceremonies, chap. 2. of the fifteenth Section, thatPontifex petat à Con­fessore ple­nariam indul­gentiam. the Pope when he is near his death, calls for his Confessor, and begs of him a full indul­gence; and giveth (as Bellarmin Bellar. lib. 1. de Indulg. c. 6. Sect. Postre­ma. Papa potest Co fes­sario suo dare potestatem ut se à peccatis absolvat. saith) power to his Confessor to forgive him all his sins. As if he said to him, I command thee to forgive me my sins. He that pardoneth sins unto all the Church,Thom. Opusc. de regimine principum lib. 3. cap. 10. num. 20. Oportet dicere in summo Pontifice esse plenitudi­nem omnium gratiarum, quia ipse so­lus confert plenam indul­gentiam omni­um peccato­rum. Ʋt competat sibi quod de primo Principe Domino dici­mus, quia de plenitudine ejus nos omnes accepimus. from whom depend the [Page 566] keyes, and the power of absolving, so that Bishops and Priests have no pow­er of absolving, but by a dependance on the Pope. He that giveth par­dons for millions of years, and fetcheth souls out of Purgatory, yet asketh pardon of him to whom he hath given power to pardon. That Confessor who hath his part in the Popes pardons and Indulgences, forgiveth the Pope who hath forgiven him: So they forgive one another, not the offences of the one to the other, but the offences which both have committed against God. By this means they are tossing remission of sins between them like a ten­nis ball, and the world must believe that God approveth that, and ratifieth it in his Counsel. Certainly these men play a pageant among themselves, even till death.

How far the Pope may relye upon that absolution, and that plenary indul­gence which he received from his Confessor in the point of death, it appeareth by all the Masses which are sung at Rome for the Popes soul immediately after he hath given up the Ghost.Lib. 1. Cerem. Sacr. Sect. 15. In prima die exequiarum leguntur du­centae Missae. On the first day of his obsequies two hundred Masses are sung, and on the ninth day as many. And all the prayers said in those Obsequies, pray for a soul that trembleth for fear of Hell, and eternal damnation.

Now although all these proofs were as weak as they are strong and evident, and though God had given indeed power to the Pastors of the Church to for­give sins as Judges, yet the Roman Church had lost that right long ago, having altered the doctrine of the Gospel, and perverted or clipt the benefit of Christs merit, by the merits and satisfactions of men, by the sacrifice of the Mass, and by the Invocation of Saints, and overthrown the humane nature of Christ by the doctrine of transubstantiation. For the keyes given to the Pastors depend upon the Gospel, and cannot be separated from it. To what purpose these keys, if Satan hath altered the locks? To what end that remission of sins, since thereby another kind of grace is offered unto us, then that which is contained in the Gospel?

CHAP. 4. Proof of our doctrine by the Antient Fathers; And even by the Roman Church.

VPon this point the Fathers of the first age are of one mind, for they say all, that there is none but God alone that can forgive sins, and that it is for God only to blot out sins before God, and that it belongs not to Pastors to be Judges in the remission of sins.

Irenaeus speaking of the miraculous healing of the man to whom Christ forgave his sins, saith thatIren 5. l. cap. 7. Peccata re­mittens homi­nem quidem curavit semet­ipsum autem manifestè ostendit quis esset. Si enim nemo potest remittere pec­cata, nisi solus Deus, remittebat haec autem Dominus & curabat homi­nes, manife­stum est, quo­niam ipse erat Verbum Dei Filius hominis factus, &c. The Lord forgiving sins healed a man indeed, but he manifestly shewed what he was. For if no man can forgive sins but God alone, the Lord together forgave them, and healed the men, it is then evident that he was the word of God, &c.

Tertullian speaks the same language,Tertul. lib. 4. contra Marcion. Judaei solummodo hominem ejus intuentes nec dum esse Deum certi— merito retractarent non posse hominem delicta remittere sed Deum solum, &c. The Jews considering Christ as a man only, and not certain yet that he was God, and not considering him neither as son of God, did with good reason represent to him, that a man cannot remit sins, but God alone.

Again,Ut ostenderet eum & hominem qui delicta dimitteret illum scilicet filium hominis apud Danielis prophetiam consecu­tum judicandi potestatem ac per eam utique & remittendi peccata. That only Son of Man of whom it is spoken in Daniels prophecy, who obtained the power of judging, and by consequent of remitting sins.

And Novatian, Novatianus cap. 13. lib. de Trinitate, Si cum nullius sit nisi Dei cordis nosse secreta, Christus secreta conspicit cordis: Quod si cum nullius sit nisi Dei peccata dimittere idem peccata dimittit, &c. merito Deus est Christus. Seeing that it belongeth to none but God to know the se­crets [Page 567] of the hearts; if Christ seeth the secrets of the hearts, and seeing that it be­longs to none but God alone to forgive sins; If Christ forgiveth sins, &c. Christ is with good reason [called] God.

And Cyprian, Cypri. lib. de Lap­sis. Nemo se sallat, nemo decipiat, solus Dominus mi­sereri potest. Veniam pec­catis, quae in ipsum com­missa sunt, solus potest ille largiri, qui peccata nostra por­tavit, &c. Homo esse Deo non potest major, nec remittere aut donare indulgentia sua servus potest quod in Dominum delicto gra­viore com­missum est. Ne adhuc lapso & hoc accedat ad crimen, si nesciat esse praedictum, maledictus homo qui spem habet in homine. Let none cozen himself; Let none deceive himself; there is none but God that can shew mercy. He alone can forgive sins committed against him, who hath carried our sins, who hath felt sorrows for us, whom God delivered for our sins. A man cannot be greater then God, and the servant cannot by his indul­gence remit or pardon that which was committed against the Master by a greater sin, lest that this also be added unto the man faln, besides his crime, Cursed be the man that puts his hope in man.

And Hilary Hilar. Can. 8. in Matth. Nemo potest dimittere peccata, nist solus Deus, ergo qui dimittit, Deus est, quia nemo remittit nisi Deus. Deus in homine manens cura­tionem ho­mini praesta­bat. speaking of Christ, None can remit sins but God alone: Wherefore he that remitteh sins is God. God dwelling in man, bestowed healing upon that man.

And Clemens Alexandrinus, Clem. Alex. l. 1. de paedagogo c. 8. [...]. That man alone can forgive sins, who is con­stituted our instructour by the Father of all things.

And Ambrose Donaturus peccatum solus remanet Jesus, &c. Solus remanet quia non potest hoc cuiquam hominum cum Christo esse commune ut peccata condonet, solius hoc munus est Christi qui tulit pecca­tum mundi. Ambros. Ep. 76. ad studium. None remaineth but Jesus that forgiveth sins, &c. He remains alone, because this cannot be common unto Christ with any man. This is the charge of Christ alone, who hath born the sins of the world.

The same in another place,Id. l. 3. de Sp. S. cap. 29. Peccata nemo condonat nisi unus Deus, quia aequè scriptum est, Quis po [...]est peccata condonare nisi unus Deus? None is without sin but God alone. So none for­giveth sins but God alone: For it is equally written, Who can forgive sins but God only?

Theodoret speaks thus of the Hereticks Audiani, [...]. Theodoret. lib. 4. de fabulis haereticorum in Haeresi Audianorum. By a rash enterprise they give remission of sins. In the same place,Ibid. [...]. They give absolution to them that have confessed themselves; prescribing not a term for penitence, as the Laws of the Church enjoyn, but giving pardon with authority.

Chrysostom [...]. Hom. 6. upon the second Epistle to the Corinthians, None can forgive sins but God alone. And Hom. 54. upon John, [...]. It belongs to none else to forgive sins. And Hom. 40. upon the first Epistle to the Corinthians, [...]. It is a thing possible to God alone to forgive sins.

Optatus in the fifth Book against Parmenian, Sordes & maculas mentis lavare non potest, nisi qui ejusdem fabricator est mentis. He alone that formed the spirit, can wash the filth and spots of the spirit.

And in the same place,Si Deus hoc promisit, quare vos vultis reddere quod vobis nec promittere licet, nec reddere, nec habere? Ecce in Esaia promisit Deus inalbare peccatis affectos, non per hominem. If God promised that, why will ye do that which is not lawful for you to promise, or to give, or to have? Behold God promised in Isaiah, to whiten those that are stained with sin, not to do that by others.

Cyrillus Alexandrinus in the twelfth book upon John, chap. 56.Et certè solius veri Dei est ut possit à peccatis solvere. Cui enim alii praevaricatores Legis libe­rare à peccato licet nisi Legis ipsius Authori? And truly it belongeth to none but the true God to have the power to loose men from their sins. For to whom else is it lawful to deliver the prevaricators of the Law, but to the author of the Law? And in consequence he sheweth how the Apostles for­gave sins, namely, that it was the Holy-Ghost abiding in them that for­gave sins.

Austin in the twenty third Sermon of the fifty, speaks thus to them that take upon them to forgive sins to others,Nam quid es homo, nisi aeger sanandus? Vis mihi esse Medicus? Mecum quaere Medicum. What art thou O man, but a sick man that must be healed? Wilt thou be my Physitian? Seek rather a Physitian with me.

And as for that we were saying, that Pastors are said to do that which God doth by them, and that they administer the graces of God, not as Judges, but as Ministers and Proclaimers of Gods grace; this is also the language of Fathers. Chrysostom in the 86. Hom. upon John, [...]. What say I, the Priests? No, not an Angel, nor an Archangel, can do any thing in the things that are given us of God, but Father, Son, and Holy-Ghost dispenseth all. As for the Priest, he lends his tongue unto God, and giveth him his hand. And in the second Homily upon the second Epistle to Timothy, [...]. All comes from the grace of God. To him (that is to the Minister) it belongs only to open his mouth. But it is God that doth all. This doth no more but fulfill the signs.

And Ambrose in the fifth book upon Luke, upon the fifth Chapter.Quis enim peccata potest dimit­tere nisi sotus Deus? qui per eos quo­que dimittit, quibus dimit­tendi tribuit potestatem. Who is he that can forgive sins but God alone? Who also forgiveth them, by those to whom he hath given power to forgive. And as for the means whereby he forgiveth, Hierom makes an enumeration of them in the sixth book upon Isaiah, chap. 4.Funi­bus peccato­rum suorum unusquisque constringitur. Quos funes & vincula solvere pos­sint & Apo­stoli imi­tantes Ma­gistrum suum, qui eis dixit, Quaecunque solveritis, &c. Solvunt au­tem eos Apo­stoli sermone Domini & testimoniis scripturarum, & exhortatione virtutum. Every one is kept bound with the cords of his sins: Which cords and bonds the Apostles also can loose, imitating their Master who told them, Whatsoever you shall loose on earth, shall be loosed in heaven. Now the Apostles loose by the word of God, and by the testimonies of Scriptures, and by exhorting to vertue. In all this, neither he nor the other Fathers speak of Sacramental absolution, nor of the authority of Priests to forgive sins with authority of Judges. And whensoever in their Sermons (by oratory amplifications, which are familiar to Chrysostom) they ex­alt the power given to the Pastors of the Church, they speak either of their power to impose, or to release Ecclesiastical censures, and to exclude the sinner from the Church, or to reconcile him; or of their power to exhort the Nations to the grace and remission of sins which is propounded in the Gospel.

The antient Church having no other absolution, but that which was done in publick after that the penitence was fulfilled, the custom was, when the Penitent was reconciled unto the Church, and received to the Communion with the im­position of hands of the Bishop, that the whole Church joyned in prayers and humiliation to obtain the grace of God, and the remission of sins for the penitent, as Tertullian Presbyteriis advolvi, caris Dei adgeniculari, omnibus fratribus legati­ones deprecationis suae injungere. teacheth in the book of Penitence, in the ninth chapter. And Sozomenus [...]. in the seventh book, chap. 16. where he relates with how many tears and prayers, the Bishop and the people, with the Penitent, humbled them­selves before God to obtain pardon from his mercy. An evident proof that the Bishop did not pronounce any judgement about the remission of sins before God, but did the office of a suitour and suppliant before God, not that of a Judge, but only as for the measure of Ecclesiastical pains, which were regulated by the Ec­clesiastical Canons. Of which nevertheless, the shortening was in the Bishops power, and that shortning was called Indulgence. Note the old signification of the word Indulgence. A word which in our dayes is taken by a notorious abuse, for a shortening of the pains of Purgatory by the Popes grant, employing for that the superabounding satisfactions of Christ and his Saints, and of the Fryars, which he boasteth to have in his keeping in the Churches treasury, whereof he carryeth the Keyes.

Besides that publick custom, we can bring many examples, to shew that for blotting out sins before God, and reconciling the sinner unto God, the Bishops behaved themselves as suppliants, not as Judges. In Basils life, fathered upon Am­philochius, Tomo 2. Vitae Sanct. ab Aloisio Lipomanno edit. Venet. an. 1553. fol. 298. Vita Patrum ab Her. Rosweido Edit. Antwerp. an. 1615. p. 160. a woman presents her self unto Basil to obtain the remission of her sins. To which Basil speaks thus, Didst thou hear, O woman, that none can forgive sins but God? To which that woman answereth, Father I have learned it so, and therefore I made my request to you, that you would intercede unto God for me. And Austin towards the end of the 58. Treatise upon Saint Johns Gospel, speak­ing [Page 569] of the pardon of offences which we obtain of men.Nostrum est, donante ipso, mini­sterium cha­ritatis & humilitatis adhibere. Illius est, ex­audire ac nos ab omni pec­catorum co [...] ­taminatione mundare per Christum & in Christo, ut quod aliis etiam dimit­timus, hoc est, in terra sol­vimus, solva­tur & in coelo. It is our part, by his gift, to imploy the Ministry of humility and charity. And it is his part, to hear our prayers, and to cleanse us by Christ, and in Christ, from all pollution of sin, that what we release unto others, that is, what we loose on earth, may also be loosed in heaven.

Ambrose is express upon this, in the nineteenth chapter of the third book of the Holy Ghost,Isti rogant, Di­vinitas do­nat: Huma­num est obsequium, sed munifi­centia su­pernae est potentiae. They (meaning the Pastors) are praying, but the God-head is giving. Ʋnto man it belongs to obey, but liberality belongs to the heavenly power.

Leo the I. about the year of the Lord 450. speaking of the Confession which the Penitent make unto the Priests, saith thatLeo in fine Epist. 80. ad Episc. Campaniae. Confessio Deo offertur tum etiam Sacer­doti, qui prodelictis poeni­tentium pre­cator accedit. the Confession is sufficient which is first presented unto God, and then to the Priest, who presents himself as a Petitioner for the sins of Penitents.

And whoso shall look with a judicious eye, into all that is still done in the Ro­man Church, shall find many traces whereby he may discover, that the custom of saying, I absolve thee, in form of a sentence, is new, and that it is not long since Absolution was given in form of a Petition. For in the extream Unction (which from a miraculous cure for the health of the body, is turned into a Sacrament for the health of the soul) the Priest giveth not absolution otherwise then by pray­ing, and speaking thus unto the sick,Abso­lutionem & remissionem peccatorum tuorum tri­buat tibi omnipotens pius & mise [...]icors Deus. The Almighty, gracious, and merciful God, give thee the remission and absolution of all thy sins. If at any time there is need of an absolution in strong terms, and of a judicial sentence of pardon, it is especially upon the point of death: Yet when the Priest contents himself to be­seech God that he would forgive the sinner, as acknowledging that it belongs not to him to forgive. Thus when it is questioned, to reconcile an Heretick excom­municated, and to take off the excommunication, The Bishop (after that by exorcism, and by the sign of the Cross upon the Hereticks fore-head, he hath con­jured the Devil that possessed that poor Heretick) saith many prayers, whereby he prayeth to God to receive the wandring sheep, and to give absolution to the miserable strayed sinner, as it is exactly set down in the Roman Pontifical,Pontisi­cale Rom. Parisiis apud Rollinum Thierri, An. 1615. in the chapter of the reconciliation of an Apostate Schismatick or Heretick. And in the same book, in the chapter of the Solemn Office after the Mass of the dead, there are many prayers whereby the Priest prayeth that God absolve the soul of the deceased person, and blot out his sins. Which prayers in the same place are calledPag. 39 [...]. Absolutiones istas non semper in omnibus exequiis fieri. absolutions; Which is an evident trace of the custom of calling prayers absolutions, before the Priests had taken upon them the authority of Judges, pro­nouncing absolution with a judicial power.

In vain shall one reply, that these examples are taken from the absolutions that are done out of the celebration of Sacraments: For the extream Unction is put by the Roman Church among the Sacraments. And as for the reconciliation which they make of a sinner after excommunication, since it is made by vertue of the Keyes, the Prelates might speak with the like authority as in the Sacrament of Penitence. Yea they may and ought to speak with more authority in excommuni­cations, relaxations, and censures, then in the Sacraments, because in the Sacra­ments they are meer administrators. But as for the Ecclesiastical discipline, they may pretend that God hath constituted them Judges and Dispensers with power of binding and loosing.

The antient Roman order shews the same: For there the Priest giveth abso­lution in the form of a Prayer. And we find in the 21. Opuscul. of Thomas, that a Doctor of the Roman Church in the time of Thomas maintained, that absoluti­on was not to be given in absolute terms, and in the form of a judicial sentence, with an Indicative certitude, saying, I absolve thee▪ But that they ought to say, God give thee absolution and remission of thy sins; as it is said in the extream Unction. He added that the custom of saying, Absolvote, &c. was new, and but of thirty years standing, and that no example of that practice was found in all Antiquity. He alleadged for himself, Gulielmus Altissiodorensis, and Guliel­mus Parisiensis, and Hugo Cardinalis. Which opinion, Thomas confuteth so, that [Page 570] he rather confirms it. For he flyeth alwayes to that sentence, Whosesoever sins ye forgive, &c. Presupposing without proof, that Christ speaketh there of the Sacramental absolution, and of a judicial absolution, not of the power of bind­ing and loosing, which is exercised out of the Sacraments by the Ecclesiastical discipline, and by the preaching of the Gospel: Perceiving not that the said power is gven to the Apostles, not only over those that are of the Church, but also over Infidels and not baptized persons, as many as shall be converted by the Gospel, to whom our Adversaries acknowledge that this Sacramental absolution cannot be given. And still he takes the pardon whereby a publick Penitent is re­conciled unto the Church for the pardon whereby the sinner is absolved in Gods judgement. He saith indeed, that the Priest absolveth in Christs person. But if it be so, the Priest ought to produce the peculiar Commission which [...]he hath from Christ to forgive such a man. For that general Commission, Whosesoever sins ye forgive, &c. is not enough, because we know that God will not pardon hypo­crites who have neither faith nor contrition; which are things that the Priest knoweth not. Christ did not authorize him to forgive in the quality of a Judge, without a true information of those things, without the knowledge whereof a judgement cannot be just. So I believe not, that the Priests of the Roman Church will grant him that, by saying, I absolve thee, they speak in the person of Christ. They say indeed, that they forgive in the authority of Christ, but not that they speak or pardon in the person of Christ: As if a subject representing the King, spake in his person, saying to a Felon, I am your King, and I give you your grace. If it be so understood, the Priest hath no power to absolve, for then these words, I absolve thee, must be so understood. It is Christ, not I, that absolveth thee. And in the same place he saith, that the power of the Keyes absolveth from the sin, not as the principal efficient cause, but as an instrument; in the same manner (saith he) as the water of Baptism by touching the body washeth the heart, as Austin saith. Hereby Thomas doth powerfully confirm the truth: For the water of Baptism washeth not the heart, and cleanseth not sins: That praise is due to the blood of Christ, and to the merit of his death, and to the efficacy of the Spirit of sanctification. And if Austin hath in some place spoken in such Meta­phorical terms, (as the connexion of the discourse going before and after, may shew it) those Metaphorical terms have no force to establish a new doctrine in the Church.

That the Doctor against whom Thomas writeth, spake true when he said, that the power which the Priests challenge of pardoning with authority of Judges, and really to absolve the sinner with a judicial sentence, was but new, it appeareth by that which Lombard, the master of Thomas, and his senior by few years, writes of that matter in the fourth book of sentences, Dist. 4. Litera D. Filius irae esse desiit, ex quo dili­gere & poenitere coepit. Ex­hinc ergo solutus est ab ira, quae non manet super illum qui credit in Christum, sed super illum qui non credit. Non ergo postmodum per sacer­dotem, cui confitetur, ab aeterna ira liberatur, à qua jam liberatus est per Dominum, ex quo dixit Confitebor, &c. Item Am­brosius, Verbum Domini peccata dimittit, Sacerdos est judex, Sacerdos quidem officium exhibet, sed nullius potestatis jura exercet. Idem ille solus peccata dimittit, qui solus pro peccatis nostris mortuus est. These are his words, He left to be a child of wrath, ever since he began to have love and to repent. From that time then he is free from wrath, which abideth not upon him that believeth in Christ, but upon him that believeth not. After that then, he is not de­livered from the eternal wrath by the Priest to whom he confesseth, being already de­livered from it by the Lord, when he said, I will confess. For none but God can cleanse man within from the spot of sin. None delivereth him from the debt of eternal death, but he that said by the Prophet, I alone blot out the iniquities and the sins of the peo­ple: And so Ambrose, The Word of God remitteth sins, the Priest is Judge. The Priest indeed doth his Office, but he doth not exercise the right of any power. And the same, He alone forgiveth sins, who alone is dead for our sins. And Austin, None takes away sins but the only God, who is the Lamb that takes away the sins of the world.

Observe that he calls the Priest a Judge, but he adds, that the said Judge hath no right or power to Judge; that is, that in effect he is no Judge.

The same Doctor in the letters E and F, Hoc sanè dicere & senti [...]e possumus, quod solus De [...]s dimittit peccata & retinet, & tamen Eccle­siae contulit potestatem ligandi & solvendi, sed aliter ipse solvit & ligat, aliter Ecclesia. Ipse enim per se tantùm dimittit pec­catum, qui & animam mun­dat ab inte­riori macula, & à debito aeternae mortis solvit. Non autem hoc sacerdotibus concessit, qui­bus tamen tribuit pote­statem sol­vendi & ligandi, id est, ostendendi homines ligatos vel solutos. Unde Dominus leprosum sanitati priùs per se restituit, deinde ad sacerdotes misit, quorum judicio osten­deretur mua­datus. Ita etiam Laza­rum jam vivificatum obtulit dis­cipulis sol­vendum. Quia et si aliquis apud Deum sit solutus, non tamen in facie Ecclesiae solutus habe­tur, nisi per judicium sacerdotis. Truly we can say and believe that God alone forgiveth and retaineth sins, and yet he hath given power of binding and loosing unto the Church. But he and the Church do not bind in the same manner. For he alone remitteth sins by himself, who both cleanseth the soul from the inward stain, and freeth it from the debt of eternal death. Now he gave not that power to the Priests, to whom nevertheless he gave the power of binding and loosing, that is, to shew that men are bound or loosed. Wherefore the Lord first by himself restored health unto the Leper, and after that sent him to the Priests, that by their judgement he might be declared clean. Likewise also, having already quickned Lazarus, he presented him to his Disciples to be loosed. Because although a man be loosed before God, yet he is not accounted to be leosed in the face of the Church, unless he be loosed by the judgement of the Priest. He speaks with good reason, for after recon­ciliation with God, the excommunicated sinner must satisfie the Church, that he may be loosed from the bonds of Ecclesiastical discipline. The effect of his dis­course is, that the contrite sinner is already absolved, before the Priest absolve him: And that the Priest looseth the sinner, that is, he declareth that God hath loosed him. And that he proveth by Hieroms testimony upon Matth. 16. What­soever thou bindest on earth, &c. Bishops and Priests (saith Hierom) not under­standing this text, take upon them I know not what of the Pharisees pride, thinking that they can condemn the innocent and loose the guilty: Whereas with God, the Priests sentence is not requisite, but the life of the guilty. And in Leviticus a Com­mandment is made to the Lepers, to shew themselves unto the Priests, which Priests do not make them to be either clean or Lepers, but only they discern those that are clean and those that are unclean. Whereby it is made evident, that God follows not alwayes the judgement of the Church, which often judgeth by subreption or ignorance. But God judgeth alwayes according unto truth. And in matter of pardoning or retaining sins, the Priests of the Gospel have the same right and office, as the Priests of the Law had in old time under the Law, as for the cure of Lepers. And by consequent they forgive sins, in as much as they judge and shew that God hath forgiven or retain­ed sins. Lombard addeth, that besides this way of loosing (which is nothing else but declaring that such an one hath given such testimonies of his repentance, that there is reason to believe that God hath loosed him, and forgiven him) there is another way of loosing, namely by reconciling the sinner unto the Church, and restoring him to the Communion,Hier. in Matth. 16. prout citatur à Lombardo. Vide & Hier. in Levit. 14. Et Can. Omnis & Can. Convenimus Dist. 1. de Poenitentia. after he hath satisfied the Church by penitence. But he holds that if he be truly penitent before that reconciliation to the Church, he was already reconciled with God.

Alexander Hales, famous among the School-men, was of the same opinion as Lombard. These are his words,Alex. Hales Sum. Par. 4 qu. 21. memb 1. Paris po­testatis est intus baptizare & à culpa mortali absolvere. Sed Deus non debuit potestatem baptizandi interiùs communicare, ne spes poneretur in homine. Ergo pari ratione nec potestatem absolvendi ab actuali. They are things of equal power, to baptize inwardly, and to give absolution from a mortal sin. Now God ought not to commu­nicate [unto man] the power of baptizing inwardly, least that [men] should put their confidence in man. Then by the like reason he did not [impart unto man] the power of absolving from actual sin.

Let us hear what Pope Adrian the VI. saith of this. He writ about the year, 1500. being not yet Pope: For Popes spend not their time about making Books. And I make no doubt, but that when he was made Pope, he altered his opinion. For a man that brings in question the power of the Keyes to forgive sins, should not have been suffered in the Papal See, and himself should have overthrown his See. These are then his words in the fifth Quodlibetical Question,Difficultas magna est inter Doctores, an claves sacerdotii se extendant ad culpae remissionem, & certè probatissimi Theologi senserunt quod non. Magister sent. dist. 18. in 4. lib. dicit, Sacerdotibus non concessit Deus potestatem culpam dimittendi seu ligandi, sed ostendendi homines esse ligatos & solutos, &c. There is a great difficulty among the Doctors, whether the Keyes of Priesthood reach as far as the remission of the fault. And truly, the most approved Divines have been for the [Page 572] Negative. The Master of the Sentences in the eighteenth Distinction of the fourth book, saith that God hath not granted unto Priests the power of forgiving the fault, nor that of binding, but to shew that men are bound or loose. Wherefore the Ecclesi­astical, Priest, for the point of remitting or loosing sins, doth the same thing as the Priest of the Law did towards Lepers, and these are originally the words of Hierom, handling this text, Matth. 16. Whatsoever thou shalt bind, &c.

Item Doctor Irre­fragabilis, parte 4. qu. 80. Sa­cerdotis po­testas se extendit ad culpam delen­dam per mo­dum depre­cantis, sed per modum impertientis vel imperan­tis nequa­quam. Unde dicit, Sacer­dos enim nunquam tentaret absolvere eum, de quo non praesu­meret quod esset absolu­tus à Deo. Concludens potestatem clavium ad culpam de­lendam se non exten­dere, &c.Also the irrefragable Doctor, in part 4. question 8. The power of the Priest (saith he) extends it self to blot out the sin only by way of petitioning, not by way of giving or commanding. Wherefore also he saith, that the Priest would never undertake to absolve him, whom he did not presume to be absolved by God: Con­cluding, that the power of the Keyes extends not to the blotting out of sin. And as for the text of John 20. Whosesoever sins ye forgive, &c. he saith that it must be under­stood as for the true remission, or obligation to the pain, or as for the manifestation or shewing of the fault. To which the interlineary Gloss seemeth to allude, saying in the same place, That is, those whom you shall judge worthy of remission, namely by the two Keyes of power and discretion. Bonaventure seems to be of the same opinion in the eighteenth Distinction of the fourth Book. And truly that seems to be probable: For the same power was given to the Priests, both to retain and to remit sins. Now it is manifest that they cannot retain a true penitents fault. How then could they pardon the sins of a true Penitent? And how then could they pardon a mans sins that doth not repent worthily enough? Yet because other Doctors probably maintain the con­trary, saying that a Sacramental penitence, like a second plank after Shipwrack, confers sometimes the first grace, opere operato, I leave that undecided as a probable question.

I will shut up this Chapter by a place of Austin, in the 23. of the fifty Ser­mons, where that holy man speaks of that woman of ill life, Luke 7. who came to Christ when he was at the Table in a Pharisees house, and began to water the Lords feet with her tears, and wipe them with her hair, that she might obtain the pardon of her sins. Whereupon Austin speaks thus;

Tenete, quia homo non potest peccata di­mittere. Illa quae sibi à Christo pecca­ta dimitti credidit, Christum non hominem tantum sed & Deum credidit. Take this for a maxime, that man cannot forgive sins. This woman that believed that Christ did forgive her sins, believed that Christ was not only man, but God also. And a little after,Futuri erant homines, qui dicerent, ego peccata dimitto, ego justifico. Some men were to come that should say, I forgive sins, I justifie, I sanctifie, I heal all whom I Baptize, &c.Sed in eo Pharisaeus melior, quia cumputaret hominem Christum, non putabat ab homine posse dimitti peccata. Melior ergo Judaeis quam haereticis apparuit intel­lectus. Judaei dixerunt, Quis est hic qui etiam peccata dimittit? Audet sibi homo hoc usurpare? Quid contra haere­ticus? Ego dimitto, ego mundo. But in that the Pharisee was better then they, because that thinking him to be a man, he believed not that a man could remit sins. The Jews then seem to have had more understanding [in this point] then the Hereticks. The Jews said, Who is this that forgiveth sins? Dare a man usurp that [authority?] But what saith the Heretick against that? I forgive sins, I cleanse, I sanctifie, &c.Respondent & dicunt, Si non dimittunt homines peccata, falsum est quod ait Christus, Quae solveritis in terra, soluta erunt in coelo. Nescis quare hoc dictum sit? Quomodo dictum sit? Daturus erat Dominus hominibus Spiritum Sanctum, &c. The Hereticks answer and say, If men do not forgive sins, that which Christ said is false, All that you loose on earth, shall be loosed in Heaven. To that Austin answereth, Dost thou not know why that is said, and how it was said? The Lord would give the Holy Ghost unto men, and would have it understood that it is by the Holy Ghost that sins are forgiven unto the faithful, not by the merit of men. For who art thou O man, but a sick man that must be healed? Wilt thou be my Physitian? Seek a Physitian with me, &c. It is the Spirit, not you, that forgiveth. Now the Spirit is God: God then pardoneth, not you.

Behold then the substance of our belief, and the language of our Pastors to the confessing sinner, that sheweth signs of true repentance. We say not to him, I absolve thee from all thy sins; nor, I forgive thee. But since thou hast a true re­pentance of thy sins, I declare unto thee that God forgiveth thee thy sins by Jesus Christ. Believe in Jesus Christ, and thou shalt be saved; I announce unto thee the remission of thy sins for Christs sake. It belongs not unto me to absolve [Page 573] thee in Gods judgement: For Pastors are only Messengers of the Grace of God, and Ministers of reconciliation. Yea I say unto thee, that before thou camest to me, to declare unto me the contrition of thy heart, God had already forgiven thee. For, he forgiveth all them that turn to him with a true heart. Yet because thou hast given scandal to the Church, thou must be reconciled with the Church, and give her satisfaction by publick repentance, and so be received to the Chur­ches Communion. For God hath given to the Pastors of his Church the Keyes of the Kingdom of heaven, that is, the government of his Church, and the power of binding sinners by Ecclesiastical censures, and of loosing them, by taking off the said censures, and reconciling the sinner, cut off from the Communion: Which judgements God promiseth to ratifie in heaven; so that he that is bound on earth by the judgement of Pastors, is judged in Gods counsel to be tyed and bound to that Ecclesiastical punishment.

For this we receive no money, and take nothing for confessions, and neither before nor after the reconciliation, do we impose any, either corporal or pecuniary pain: Very glad that God hath made use of us to bring the sinner to the right way again.

The purity and holiness of that proceeding, grounded upon the holy Scripture, and conformable unto the practice of the antient Church (but only in the length, and the divers degrees of publick penitence) will be much more evident, when we have laid open the strange abuses wherewith the absolution and remission of sins is defiled in the Roman Church.

CHAP. 5. Of the Abuse of the Keyes, and of Absolution, both that which is called Sacramental, and that which is given without the Sacrament.

IN the building of Popery, there is scarce any place where Satan hath more powerfully laboured, and more disfigured the Doctrine of the Gospel, then in the use of the Keyes, and in the remission of sins, and in the absolutions which the Priests and the Pope confer.

It is already a great abuse, as we have proved, and a bold undertaking, that sinful men take upon them to pardon sins with authority of Judges, bearing themselves as Judges in Gods cause, and usurping a power which the Apostles never practised, and of which no example is found in the Word of God. But how many more abuses are joyned with that?

I. Let us set in the front the unlimited and Soveraign power usurped by the Pope to forgive sins: Upon which, all the power that Bishops and Priests have to forgive sins, is made to depend. That power is thus described by Thomas the Angelick Doctor whom the Pope hath Sainted.Thom. 21. Opusc. cap. 10. Cum enim summus Pon­tifex sit caput in corpore my­stico omnium fidelium Chri­sti, & à capite sit omnis motus & sensus in corpore vero, sic etiam in proposito. Propter quod oportet dicere in summo Pontifice esse plenitudinem omnium gratiarum, quia ipse solus consert plenam indulgentiam omnium peccatorum: Ut competat sibi quod de primo Principe Domino dicimus, quia de plenitudine ejus nos omnes accepimus. Seeing that the High Priest is the Head in the mystical body of all the faithful [members] of Christ, and seeing that in a true body, all the motion and sense proceeds from the head, so it is in the thing now in hand. Wherefore we must say, that in the High Priest there is fulness of all graces, because he alone conferreth a full indulgence of all sins. So that to him is convenient, that which we say of the first Prince who is the Lord, that of his fulness we have all received, John 1.16. Which Papal power he stretcheth even over the temporal of Kingdoms. And hereupon he accuseth Christ of importunity, saying, thatUnde Dominus utitur in Johanne quadam importuna interrogatione, ter quaerens à successore suo beato Petro, quod si ipsum diligit, gregem pascat. in the Gospel according to Saint John, the Lord makes a troublesom inter­rogation, [Page 574] asking of his successor Saint Peter, that if he love him he would feed his sheep. If we must believe this Doctor, Christ ought to have abstained from that importunity, and given more respect to his successor. The Pope then having (according to Thomas) fulness of grace and power to give full pardon of all sins, so that of his fulness we all receive; no wonder that in the distribution of that fulness of graces he keeps some for himself. So far, that he is judge in his own cause, and dispensing himself from the vows which he made unto God, as the JesuiteEman. Sa, Aphor. Confess. in verbo Papa. Papa potest esse judex in causa propria, & absolvere ab obligatione, qua quis homini tene­tur, & secum ut volet dispensare. Emanuel Sa teacheth, in his Aphorisms. Yea, as Bellarmine saith against Barcklay, He can in good sense make sin to be no sin, and no sin to be sin. Having (as the last Council of Laterane saith)Ult. Conc. Later. Sess. 10. all power both in heaven and earth.

II. Having then reserved unto himself the power of remitting sins without any reservation or exception, he hath limited the power of Bishops and Priests to cer­tain cases, which they cannot overpass, but upon the point of the penitents death. Murther, perjury, sacriledge, blasphemy, witchcraft, invocation of Devils, and eating flesh on the week before Easter, are cases reserved to the Bishop or his Penitentiary, and are above the power of Priests. Yet the Pope hath granted so many priviledges to some Confessors, to the Jesuites especially, that the Bi­shops have almost nothing reserved to themselves. And the Doctors are not agreed about these cases. It is not yet decided, Whether playing at Dice over ones own fathers grave, or cutting a Priests purse while he is lifting up the Host, or pissing in the Holy-water, or cutting the staff of Saint Francis into a game of nine-pins, be cases reserved to the Bishop.

III. But besides the sins of which Priests and Bishops can absolve, there are crimes of an higher nature reserved unto the Pope alone, and passing the power of the Bishops. These cases are numbred in the Bull de Coena Domini, where we find the form of Excommunication, that the Pope thundereth out every year upon the Thursday before Easter, which he ratifieth by casting down a burning candle. There all, that are guilty of the cases reserved unto the Pope, are excommunicated. Among others, they that appeal from the Pope to the future Council. The Pirates that rob the Sea-coasts of the Popes territories from mount Argentario to Terra­cina. The forgers of Apostolical Letters. They that carry arms to Hereticks. They that stop the Victualers bringing provision to the Popes Court. They that kill a Prelate. They that raise tenths upon the Clergy, or usurp the rights of the Church, as Kings and their Chancellors, and their Courts of Parliament, for they are specified by these names in the Bull. They that oppose the reception of the Council of Trent. They that stay or molest the Romipets, that is, the Pilgrims, going to Rome to get pardons. These are the horrible crimes, the absolution whereof is reserved unto his Holiness. For of the less crimes, as Murther, Sodo­my, Incest, Witchcraft, Bishops give Absolution. Priests will commonly give the absolution of fornication and theft, but not of eating flesh in the holy Week, which yet is the Week in which Christ ate a Lamb with his Disciples.

IV. Here words are wanting to describe the grievousness of the disease. Sup­pose that the Pope is Peters successor, in the quality of Apostle, and Head of the Church, as if we presupposed that a circle hath angles: Yet it is not found that Peter reserved certain cases unto himself, of which the other Apostles could not absolve: Nor that he reserved to the Apostles certain cases, of which ordinary Pastors could not give absolution. For Peter knew that Christ had spoken to all the Apostles alike, when he said, Whatsoever you shall bind on earth, shall be bound in heaven, Matth. 18.18. And whose soever sins you forgive, they shall be forgiven, Joh. 20.23. And if the power of the Apostles had no limitation in this point, why should their successors have a limited power: Why must the charge which Christ gave them without exception, be restrained in their respect. Why shall the Bishop of Rome be successor of Peters illimited power, and the successors of other Apostles, shall not be successors of the power which the Apostles had without limi­tation, and without cases reserved unto Saint Peter?

V. Hence also it is made evident, that the power given unto the Apostles to forgive sins, depended not on that of Saint Peter; and that Saint James and [Page 575] Saint Paul did not forgive sins by Saint Peters concession, or by dependance on his authority, since Christ gave to them all immediately the like authority to forgive: as Paul calls himself an Apostle not of men, neither by man, but by Je­sus Christ, Gal. 1.1.

VI. It is true that the Fathers of the Council of Trent in the fourteenth Ses­sion, chap. 7. ground that reservation of certain cases upon a text of Rom. 13. where they make the Apostle say, Quae à Deo sunt, ordinata sunt: The things that are of God, are ordered or set in order; Whence they infer, that the higher powers must reserve to themselves something above the inferiour powers. But that text is falsly alleadged, and corrupted both in words and sense. In the words, for there is according to the Greek, [...]. The powers that are in being, are established or ordained by God. And so the French Bible of the Doctors of Lovain translates it. In the sense, for in this place Paul speaks of Princes, and of the civil or secular power which beareth the sword; and speaks not of order or rank among Princes or highers powers, but saith only, that God hath esta­blished and ordained them. And though the text said that among higher powers there must be order or dependance the one on the other, it would not thence follow that the power of forgiving sins in the Sacrament of penitence must be greater in some then in others; For the Sacraments change not nature according to the quality of persons, no more then the preaching of the Gospel, as it is seen in Baptism.

VII. The Pope was not contented with that. For of the satisfactions which Priests impose before or after absolution, he may release what he pleaseth, and dispense from them by Indulgence. The Priest will impose to a penitent for a satisfactory pain, to say so many prayers, to fast so many dayes, to go to such a place on pilgrimage, to give so much alms to Monks. If these penances are ill, the Priest ought not to have enjoyned them; if they be good, the Pope ought not to dispense with them. It belongs not to him to exempt the sinner from doing penance, since our Adversaries ground the necessity of those penances upon Gods command.Bellar. l. 4. de poen. cap. 13. Indulgentiae faciunt, ut pro poenis quae nobis per indulgentiam condonantur, non teneamur praecepto illo de faciendis dignis poeni­tentiae fructi­bus. Bellarmin fears not to say, that, Indulgences make, that as for the pains which are remitted to us by the Indulgences, we are not obliged to obey that commandment of God, [...]o do fruits worthy of repentance. By the same in­dulgence the sinner ceaseth to be obliged to fulfill the rule that saith, Verily I say unto thee, thou shalt not come out thence, untill thou hast paid the utmost farthing. For our Adversaries understand that text of the satisfactory pain in Purgatory.

VIII. The terms used by the Priests in absolution, are considerable. The Je­suit Emanuel Sa in the word Absolutio sets down all the solemn words, and the whole form, saying that the wise speak thus when they give absolution. Our Lord Jesus Christ absolve thee, and I in his authority absolve thee, first from the sentence of excommunication, as far as I can, and thou needest. Next I absolve thee from thy sins, in the name of the Father, of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, Amen.Passio Domini nostri Jesu Christi, & merita B. Mariae & omnium sanctorum, & quicquid boni feceris, & mali patienter sustinueris, sint tibi in remissionem peccatorum, & in aug­mentum gra­tiae & prae­mium vitae aeternae. The passion of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the merits of the Blessed Mary, and of all the Saints, and all the good that thou shalt do, and all the evil which thou shalt patiently suffer, be unto thee for remission of sins, and augmentation of grace, and for the reward of eternal life, Amen. The same words are related by Cardinal Tolet in the third book of the Instruction of Priests chap. 11. This way of absolution is but new, and the Gospel saith no­thing of it. The Gospel speaks of the remission of our sins by Jesus Christ; saying that, Whosoever believeth on him shall receive remission of sins through his name; And that God hath quickened us together with Christ, having freely for­given given us all our offences. But that our sins are forgiven us by the merit of the Saints, the Word of God saith not. Neither doth that Holy Word speak of attaining to the reward of eternal life by the merits of Saints, or by our own. That absolution cannot be done in faith, since it is not grounded on the word of God. If the passion of Christ be sufficient to purchase for me the remission of my sins; What need I to add unto it the merit of men, who stood in need that their sins should be forgiven them by Jesus Christ?

[Page 576]IX. To make the abuse more gross, the Priest giving the absolution, imposeth penances or satisfactory pains which the Council of Trent callsSess. 14. cap. 8. Ad praeteritorum peccatorum vindictam. revenges. So the Priest doth wholly forgive the sin, and yet at the same instant he im­poseth punishments of the same sin. He takes revenge of sins forgiven: As if he said, I forgive thee, but thou shalt be punisht, for I have forgiven thee thy sin, but not the pain of sin. By this means Priests loose the sinner by the absolu­tion, and send him back bound by the obligation to a satisfactory pain; which pain if the penitent bears not, and subjects not himself to it, he eludeth (as much as in him lyeth) the sentence of the Priest, and being more crafty then his Confessor, makes use of the absolution, and rejects the conditions under which he received it. All that without authority of Gods word, who gives not that power to Pastors to lay corporal or pecuniary pains upon the sinner. And against the Lords example, who sending back the woman taken in adul­tery, said to her only, Go and sin no more. John 8.11. without imposing any penance upon her. And against the example of the Apostle St. Paul who re­ceiving the incestuous man to the peace of the Church of Corinth, 2 Cor. 2.7. & 10. layeth no corporal or pecuniary penance upon him: And against the example of all the antient Church, which had no other absolution but the pub­lick, and made with good reason the fulfilling of the satisfaction to the Church to march before the absolution and reconciliation with the Church, But in our dayes the Confessors give the absolution before the sinner hath fulfilled the in­joyned penances, because they are paid presently after the absolution; for if the sinner were to fulfill the penances before the absolution, that would keep back the payment. If this were in fashion, I make no doubt but that Con­fessors would impose short satisfactions, that they might be quickly paid.

X. Here is worse yet; For sometimes Priests will give absolution before they know whether the penitent will accept of the satisfactory pain that shall be im­posed upon him. As Cardinal Tolet saith in the third book of the instruction of Priests chap. 12. Observe that the absolution must not be given but after the pe­nance imposed and accepted. Cum tamen probabile scit Confessarius poenitentem accepturum, non est incon­veniens praecedere absolutionem. Yet when the Confessor probably knows that the penitent shall accept the satisfaction, there is no inconvenience to make the absolu­tion go before.

Here it were good to know whether the absolution be valid, when the peni­tent having received absolution, and coming afterwards to consider the nature of the satisfaction imposed on him, declareth to the Priest, that he can­not accept of it, and will not fulfill those penances, nor subject himself to them in any wise.

XI. Sometimes also Priests give absolution without enjoining any satsfaction, asBellar. l. [...]. Indulg. c. 7. Paluda­nus testatur à Bonifaci [...] VIII. suisse prohibitum poenitentia­rium, ne con­sitentibus peccata anno illo Jubilei satisfactiones injungeret. Acts 10. John 3. Bellarmin saith. Which is another abuse, For so the Sacrament of Penitence is administred without penitence, and a reconciliation is made without satisfaction, which satisfaction according to natural order, and the antient custom, ought to go before absolution. For even among men satisfaction must be made to the offend­ed party before he can obtain pardon. But these Gentlemen will perswade themselves that God will approve of a pardon without penitence, and without satisfaction. Or that he shall like, that sins be pardoned to a sinner before he hath satisfied.

XII. There is no less abuse in that doctrine of theirs, that the absolution which the penitent hath received from the Priest is void, if the Priest that confer­red it had no intention to confer it. A doctrine which makes of absolution an il­lusion, and fills the penitents mind with uncertainty, since it depends on a conjectural condition, upon which the repenting soul can fix no assurance.

But that doctrine is directly opposite to the doctrine of the Gospel. For it makes the benefit of Christs merit and the remission of sins purchased by his death to depend upon a Priests intention. For this maxime of the Gospel is true of any man that hath true repentance and seeks salvation in Christ, that believing in Christ he hath remission of sins and eternal life. Shall the want of intention in a Priest make the grace of Christ to the sinner of none effect? Or shall the hypocrisie of a confessor who believeth not what he does, and hath a [Page 577] prophane intention to deride Religion, make the promise of the Gospel void? Christ knew the hypocrisie of Judas, yet he sent him to announce remission of sins by the Gospel; Which Christ would not have done, had he known that the hypocrisie of Judas would have made the Sacraments which he administred of no use. Truly the Word of God, and the promise of absolution of sins are effectual, not according to the intention of the man that propounds it, but according to the disposition of the person that receiveth it. The Word of God saith, that the man that believeth is saved, not he that is absolved by one that believeth, or by one that hath an intention to effect what he saith. Yea I dare say, that if Satan being changed into an Angel of light, should preach the truth of the Gospel, and administer the Sacraments, the condition of a man that should believe in Christ by his word, should be better then of him that out of unbelief should reject the word of an Apostle.

XIII. To make the abuse worse, they separate the power of giving Absolu­tion from the preaching of the Gospel. For the true Office of Priests is to preach the Gospel, and administer the Sacraments. But in the Roman Church, a Priest cannot absolve, unless he have an especial priviledge, and some Priests give abso­lution that preach not: Bishops that preach not, and the Pope among others, give absolution. For they hold that the power of absolving, is a point of Ecclesiasti­call jurisdiction, which depends not on the order of Priesthood,Note. nor on the nature of Episcopacy, but on the Popes power, who imparteth to such as he pleaseth, such part of that power as he thinks good. Hence it is, that even a Lay-man, yea a woman can bolt out excommunications by the Popes Com­mission.

XIV. Likewise there is a great abuse in this assertion of their Doctors, that by vertue of the Keyes, attrition becomes contrition. They call attrition a sorrow for sin, proceeding only from the fear of punishment, but contrition, a sorrow for sin, proceeding from the love of God. The one is a servile grief, the other is a filial sorrow. Is it credible, that the Keyes have the vertue to make vices to become vertues? For the grief for sinning, moved only by the apprehension of the pu­nishment that attends it, is evil, and proceeds not from the Spirit of adoption. A man must repent for such a repentance. It is a forced, not a willing obedience. God is merciful to such a Penitent, if he forgive his penitence, and punish him not for his obedience.

XV. The abuse also is evident, in that absolutions are given by others, and by subdelegate persons, as if sins could be forgiven by Atturney. As the Jesuite Emanuel Sa Eman. Sa, Apho. 4. Confess. in Verbo Ab­solutio, Art. 4. Absolvere potest Episco­pus per se vel per alium. Idem in verbo Epis­copus. Oportet Epis­copum esse Doctorem, id est, populum suum docere. Quod si non praedicat, ipse dabit suis sumptibus praedicato­rem. saith, the Bishop can absolve, either by himself, or by others, them that are subject unto him by right, &c.

Bishops do for the Sacrament of Penitence, what they do for preaching the Gospel. For every Bishop is obliged to preach, either by himself or by another. Some Bishops being incapable to preach, because they are yet children, or because they are without learning, they preach by others. It is well for them if in the day of Judgement they may be admitted to give account by others, and to appear by Atturney. How should they like it, if they were condemned to dine by others, and to fast in their own person? But why could not a Priest giving abso­lution by the Bishops Commission, give it of himself, and in his name, without borrowing another mans name?

XVI. What shall we say of the dishonest gain, which the Clergy sets up under colour of confessions and absolutions? It is one of the prime revenues of ordi­nary Parsons. As if they said, Pay me, for I have forgiven thee thy sins. Is it not a reasonable demand? But all that the Priests do, is nothing compared to that the Pope doth, and to the gain which he reapeth from the remission of sins. As his hands are longer, he sweeps far more, and his rapines are answerable to his greatness. Would one insist upon that matter, he might make a great book of it. The Book of the Apostolick Chancery sheweth so much. That book made by a Dotary, Receiver of the casual revenues of the Pope, hath made a great disco­very of the mysterie of iniquity. Among other Articles, there is the Chapter of [Page 578] Absolutions,Taxa Cancel. Apostolicae excusa Pa­risiis in vico sancti Jacobi ad crucem ligneam prope Sacel­lum Divi Juonis apud Tossanum Denis 1520. cum privi­legio. Absolutio pro eo qui in Ecclesia cognovit mulierem, & alia mala commisit, gros. 6. Absolutio pro eo qui matrem, soro­rem, &c. carnaliter cognovit, gros. 5. Absolutio pro eo qui defloravit virginem, gros. 6. Absolutio pro perjurio, gros. 6. Absolutio pro eo qui revelavit confessionem alterius, gros. 7. Absolutio pro eo qui falsificavit literas Apostolicas, gros. 17. vel. 18. Absolutio & dispen­satio super homicidia, &c. gros. 18. Absolutio pro eo qui interfecit patrem, matrem, &c. gros. 5. where these words are found, The Absolution for him that hath known a woman in the Church, and committed other evils, costs six groats. The ab­solution for him that hath carnally known his mother, his sister, or another kinswoman of his, five groats. The absolution for him that hath defloured a Virgin, six groats. The absolution for a perjury, six groats. The absolution for him that hath revealed the Confession of another, seven groats. The absolution for him that hath falsified Apo­stolical letters, seventeen or eighteen groats. The absolution for a man and a woman who during the time of the Interdict, have carried away some dead bodies to bury them, nine groats. And in the 38. leaf, The absolution for him that hath killed his father or his mother, &c. costs five or seven groats. Those groats are worth four pence, like our English groats. But in the end of the Book the taxes are raised, and groats are turned into Ducates. In the 32. leaf mention is made of a kind of letters called Confessional, whereby the Pope grants leave to a man to chuse in the hour of death a Confessor, that gives full pardon of all sins. But the Author saith that this is granted but to Princes, and with great difficulty. Every one knoweth that in Spain, none can have absolution at Easter without buying the Papal Bull, which costs two Realls for every man. Many example, I could bring to the same purpose. But the example of Pope Boniface the IX. whose life is written by his Secretary Theodoricus a Niem will serve for all. In the first Book of schism, chap. 68. he saithAd diversa regna misit quaestuarios vendendo dictam Indulgentiam offerentibus tantum quantum essent expensuri in via, si propterea irssent ad urbem, &c. Omnia peccata etiam sine poenitentia ipsis confitentibus relaxarunt; Super quibusdam irregularitatibus dispensarunt interventu pecuniae, dicentes se omnem potesta­tem habere super hoc, quam Christus Petro ligandi & solvendi contulisset in terris. that the said Boniface sent Collectors to several Kingdoms, who fold the Indulgences, taking from the buyers as much money, as they should have spent to fetch them at Rome. And he saith that the same Collectors remitted all sins to all that confessed themselves without penitence; and dispensed with some irregularities for money, saying, that for that they had the same power of bind­ing and loosing on earth, as Christ had given to Peter. This Pope is the Inventor of Annates; Th [...] same Pope (as the same Theodorick his Secretary relateth) being at the point of death,Lib. 2. Schism. c. 11. Cui­dam interroganti ab eo in ultimo constituto qualiter se haberet aut sentiret? respondens ait si pecunias haberem, bene sta­rem. and being demanded how he did, answered, I should be well if I had money.

Antonine Archbishop of Florence, whom the Pope hath Sainted, in the third part of his Chronicles 22. Title, upon the year 1388. speaks thus of that Pope,Tempore hujus Bonifacii infamis curia habebatur de labe Simoniae, ut beneficia non tam meritis conferrentur quam plures pecunias offerentibus. Et replevit orbem terrarum Indulgentiis plenariis ita ut parvae Ecclesiae in suis festivi­tatibus parvo pretio eas obtinerent. In his time the Roman Court was very infamous for Simony. Benefices were conferred, not so much according to merits, as according to the greater summs of money that were offered. He filled the world with plenary Indulgences. So that small Churches in their feasts obtained them for little money. That Pope dyed in the year 1404.

About four and fifty years after him, Aeneas Sylvius of Siena was chosen Pope, and was called Pius the II. That Pope in the 66. Epistle to John Peregal speaks thus,Nihil est quod absque argento Romana curia dedat, ipsa manuum impositio & Spiritus Sancti dona venduntur, nec peccatorum venia nisi nummatis impenditur. The Roman Court giveth nothing without money, even the laying on of hands and the gifts of the Holy Ghost are sold, and the remission of sins is not imparted but to them that have money. If this witness may not be believed, I know not who may. And truly to make of a Bishop who at the first had no revenue at all, a Prince that hath above thirty thousand Ducates a day to spend, there was need of ravening lustily, of making great prizes with Saint Peters net, and using the Keyes of the Kingdom of heaven to open many chests. For this the Cardinal and Jesuite Tollet gives a gallant excuse. In the fifth Book of the Instruction of Priests, in chap. 89. he speaks thus of the gain which the Pope gathers from absolutions and dispensations,Dico non esse murmurandum contra Papam, quod exigit pro his pecunias, non per modum pretii, nam ista ad sustentationem dantur, qua multum indiget tanta in Ecclesia dignitas. I say, that we must not murmure against the Pope, who ex­acteth [Page 579] money for these things, not in form of price of salary; for these things are gi­ven for his entertainment: Of which such a great dignity in the Church hath great need. Indeed, he that raiseth armies, who hath guards of Switzers, and of Troops of horse, is obliged to make a great expence, which among other profits, is maintained by the remission of sins. See Navarrus, in the title of Penitence and Remission, in the 18. Council, where he maintains that the Pope hath well done to grant the remission of all sins, even of reserved cases, for one Giulio, which is the tenth part of a Ducate. His reason is,Papa non puri hominis sed veri Dei vicem gerit i [...] terris ut est in Can. Quan [...]o, adeo quod Glossa ejus a [...], non potest dici ei, c [...]r ita facis? because the Pope holds the place on earth, not of a man simply, but of the true God, and that none can say to him, Why dost thou that? He should have said, What will become of the poor that is not worth a Giulio? Shall he have that punishment of his poverty (as if it were a crime) to be deprived of that Spiritual grace?

XVII. That power of absolving extends even to the dead: Whereof we have an instance in the letters of homage and subjection of John King of England, which we shall hereafter produce: whereby, to obtain of Innocent the III. the remission of sins both for himself and his deceased friends, he subjecteth his King­dom unto him, and promiseth to pay a thousand marks of silver to his Holiness. The Book of the Apostolick Chancery sheweth the same. The title of the Chapter is, De absolutionibus mortuorum. Of the absolutions of the dead. In the forty one leaf these words are found,Pro mortuo ex­communicato, pro quo supplicant consanguinei, litera abso­lutionis ve­nit, Duc. 1. Carol. 9. For a dead man excommunicated, for whom his friends are petitioning, the letter of absolution is sold for one Ducate nine pence. Pro muliere quae se suspendit, sive pro viro, ut possit Ecclesiasticae tradi sepul­turae, Duc. 1. Carol. 9. For a woman that hath hanged her self, or for a man, that they may be commit­ted to Church burial, one Ducate nine pence. Tolet de Instruct. Sacerd. l. 1. c. 7. Potest ab ex­communica­tione con­tracta in vita absolvi post mortem. And Cardinal Tolet affirmeth, that a man may be absolved after his death of an excommunication which he in­curred in his life time. And how many Indulgences are given after death? How many priviledged Altars, upon which whosoever saith a Mass, draws a soul out of Purgatory at his own choice? By the Book of Roman Indulgences, it appears that there are few Churches at Rome without such priviledges. Navarrus in the Commentary about the Jubilee and Indulgences in the 22. Observation, hath these words,Dico convenire debere inter omnes mea sententia, quod inferior Papa non potest in­dulgentiam extendere ad mortuos Purgatorii. Tum quod nunquam id videtur hactenus factum; Tum quod etiam non parum dubitatum extitit, an Papa id efficere possit juxta latissimè congesta per Felicem. I say that all with one consent ought, in my opinion, hold this truth, that no man inferiour to the Pope, can extend Indulgences unto the dead of Purgatory, both because we see not that ever it was done hitherto, and because no small doubt was made, whether the Pope can do it.

XVIII. It is true that some Doctors begin of late to doubt, whether the Pope giveth pardons to the dead with authority of a Judge, or whether he give them only by way of suffrage or intercession; for, say they, the dead are none of his flock. He hath no charge to feed them. It was said unto Peter, Whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth, not under the earth. And since the Pope hath no more the power to bind the dead, why doth he keep the power to absolve them? But these men speak without warrant, and the Pope gave them no charge to speak so. And truly they speak against reason and against experience; for this expression of pardoning, or giving pardons by way of intercession, hath no sense. Praying for one, is not forgiving him. Now when the Pope giveth letters of absolution for the dead, he speaks as a Judge. If he prayed for them only, that power ought not to be reserved to him alone, for every one can make the same prayer. This appears evidently, in that the Pope giveth Indulgences by Letters Patents in Parch­ment sealed with Lead, as Bellarmine acknowledgeth in the second Book of Indul­gences, chap. 5. For such pardons are given in the form of a sentence: The world never heard of prayers and intercessions to God, sealed and signed in an authentical form, nor or supplications to God in the form of Ordinances. Wherefore also Bellarmine in the same placeBell. lib. 2. Indulg. cap. 5. Literae Pontificis suis legitimis sigillis munitae signa sunt, ita plumbum & mem­brana signa sunt remissionis quam Pontifex pro potestate à Deo accepta concedit, &c. saith, that the Pope by these Letters thus sealed, declareth his will, and the power which he received of God. And to assign to an Altar eighteen thousand years of pardon, and so many forties of dayes, and the deliverance of a soul out of Purgatory, is not praying, [Page 580] but decreeing and speaking, as having exactly calculated with God. But which way soever the Pope give Indulgences to the dead, he will have us to believe that these souls come out of Purgatory by that pardon. So that it is the same power under another title. And we should have the declaration of some Pope of the last ages, whereby he should declare, that he pretends no jurisdiction over the dead, and that the power of his Keyes extends not to them.

XIX. Of that power of giving Indulgences and Absolutions to the dead, there is not one word neither in Scripture nor in all Antiquity. We have produced before the testimony of Cardinal Cajetan, and that of Gabriel Biel, who say, that in all the writings of the Fathers, there is no mention of Indulgences, nor of the treasure of the Church made up of the overplus of the satisfactions of Christ, and of the Saints, of which the Pope takes upon himself the distribution. And Bellarmine in the second book of Indulgences, chap. 10. acknowledgeth that Du­randus, Roffensis, Antoninus, and Sylvester, say that Scripture makes no express mention of Indulgences. To which I will add the testimony of Navarrus the most famous Doctor of the Canonists of the Roman Church; as also the title of his works giveth him that commendation, and one that was the Popes Penitenti­ary. These are his words, What the cause is, that among the Antients so little men­tion is made of Indulgences, but among the late Authors the mention of them is so frequent: That most holy man Johan­nes Roffen­sis. John of Rochester, reverend by his dignity of Bishop and Cardinal, hath taught it: Of whose discourse about that point, this is the summary. That it is not certain by whom Indulgences were first given, and that some use of them, as they say, is very antient among the Romans. Navarr. Tom. 3. Com. de Jubil. & Indulg. septimo Notabili Art. 5. & 6. Quod multa de Evange­liis & aliis Scripturis sunt nunc excusa Incu­lentius & intellectu perspicacius quam fuerunt olim. Quod nemo jam dubitat Or­thodoxus, an Purgatorium si [...], de quo tamen apud priscos illos nullo vel quàm raris­sima fiebat mentio. Quod non fuit tam necessaria sive Purga­torii sive Indulgenti­arum fides e [...]plicita in primitiva Ecclesia atque nunc est, &c. Quod dum nulla erat de Purgatorio cura, nemo quaesivit indulgentias, quia ex eo pendet omne indulgentiarum pretium. That many things of the Gospels and Scriptures are now more eminently printed, and more clear­ly understood, then they were in old time. That now no Orthodox man doubts whether there be a Purgatory, of which among the Antients no mention was made, or very in­frequent. That the explicite belief, both of Purgatory and Indulgences, was not so necessary in the Primitive Church, as it is now. And soon after: While men cared not for Purgatory, men cared not for Indulgences, because all the price of Indulgen­ces depends on that. Sure the strength of truth must needs be very great, since it fetcheth such confessions from the strongest of our Adversaries. And I wonder how that language could be suffered in such a famous man, one of the Roman Penitentiaries under Cardinal Borromeo, Great Penitentiary. And in the same Treatise he speaks thus of the Concession of Indulgences.Quaestores non quaerunt commodum animarum sed pecuniarum, &c. Per eam multum enervatur satisfactio poenitentialis quae tantopere est nobis utilis, &c. Adjuncto item illo quarto, quo [...] concedens indulgentiam de alieno solvit alterius debita, & indecorum esse id fusius efficere significat illud barbarum proverbium, D [...]corio alterius corrigiae longae. The Questors (so he calls the Collectors of the money that is got by pardons) seek not to gain souls, but to gain money. He adds that by that concession of Indulgences, the Peni­tential satisfaction, which is so useful to us is much weakened, &c. That he that grants Indulgences, payeth one mans debts with the estate of another, and that to practise that too largely is unbecoming. It is (as the barbarous proverb saith) cutting large thongs out of another mans leather. He saith, that because the Pope employ­eth the superabounding satisfactions of Saints which he hath in his treasure for the payment of others, it is credible that the Pope takes some also for himself, as the Jesuite Emanuel Sa saith,Eman. Sa, Aphor. in verbo Indulgentia. Indulgentia utitur etiam qui eam concessit. He that granted the Indulgence, makes use of it for himself also: So that he for­giveth his own self. He should have added, that they that have no money to pay the two Reals or the Giulio, to which the Indulgence or the Bull of Absolution is taxed, have not the remission of sins. And that he that wants money, or good legs, or a horse to go to Rome to the Jubilee, or to the places where the Pope hath transported the Jubilee, hath no share in that spiritual grace.

XX. Out of the same abuse of the Keyes, and the power of absolving, came that intolerable Tyrannie, and depravation of Christs words, Whatsoever you [Page 581] shall bind on earth, &c. whereby the Pope maketh himself judge of all things, and Lord either direct or indirect, of all the estates of the world. If we ask by what power the Pope looseth the obligation of Oathes made unto God, and the bond of allegiance of subjects to their Prince, and upon what ground he takes the au­thority of loosing and dissolving marriages lawfully contracted, and dispensing children from their obedience to their parents, as likewise of exempting those that have made vows, from the obligation of keeping them, and of giving and taking away Kingdoms; and by what power he puts an Interdict upon Cities and upon whole Countries, exposing them for a prey to the next Conqueror, and de­livereth souls from the power of Purgatory: They give us this answer, that Christ said unto Peter, Whatsoever thou loosest on earth, &c. Let us suppose that the Pope is successor of Peters Apostleship: Let us suppose that this was said to Peter alone, although Matth. 18.18. this was said to all the Apostles. What prophana­tion is this of the Word of God, that the power of loosing the bonds of sin by Church-discipline, and by the preaching of the Gospel, be transported to the loosing of vows, of marriages, of the fidelity of subjects, of the obedience of children to their parents, yea of souls after death? Where is one word of that, I say not in the Gospel (which they alleadge to abuse it) but in all Antiquity? A prodigious thing, that in the light of the Gospel, after so many ruines and bloody wars, which that doctrine hath brought, these things are said, yea and be­lieved! And that in places where the Inquisition reigneth, to make but a shew of doubting of these things, is a crime punishable with fire, and a case of Inquisition!

XXI. Would one search all the abuses of these absolutions, both the Peniten­tial, and those that are without the pretended Sacrament of Penitence, one might make a great volume of them. I will put here, some out of the rules of Emanuel Sa, and Cardinal Tolet, both Jesuites.

Eman. Sa, Aphor. in verbo Absolutio. Absolvere potest Sacer­dos quivis à peccatis ve­nialibus & à mortalibus etiam, à quibus poeni­tens est alias absolutus. Every Priest can absolve from venial sins, and from mortal sins also, of which the Penitent was absolved already before. This rule giveth power to a Priest to do that which is already done, and to loose a man that is not bound. By this means a man payeth twice for the absolution of the same sin. Besides, when the Priest giveth absolution of mortal sins, he sheweth thereby that they are venial, that is, pardonable.

Ibid. Absolvi posse morien­tem qui nihil potest confi­teri, sed tantum osten­dit signa contritionis, alii aiunt, alii negant, cum quibus ego sensi. Sed jam placet ut absolvatur sub conditi­one etiam amens, &c. A dying man that speaks not, but giveth signs of contrition, and a man out of his wits, who hath before given signs of contrition, may be absolved.

Ibid. Absolvi potest qui ex rationabili & justa causa non vult omittere peccandi occasionem: Modò proponat firmiter non peccare, etiamsi aliquoiles sit relapsus. That man may be absolved, who for a reasonable and just cause, will not lose the occasion of sinning, so that he have a stedfast purpose not to sin any more, although he be often relapsed. I cannot conceive what occasion of sinning can be so just, but that one must lose it.

Ibid. Absolvi potest qui non confitetur, aut negat peccatum quod Confessor ex alterius confessione intellexit illum commisisse. A man may be absolved, that will not confess, or that denyeth a sin, which the Confessor hath learned by the Confession of another, that he hath committed.

Idem Cap. Absolutio ab excommunicatione. Qui habet ordinariam facultatem absolvendi in soro interiori, potest absolvere etiam extra confessionem. He that hath the ordinary power of absolving in the inward barr, can absolve without confession.

Ibid. Potest absolvi quis non solum sine dolore fed etiam invitus, & ab una excommunicatione, relicta altera. Absolution may be given to a man, not only without sorrow [for his sin] but also against his will, and may be absolved of one excommunication, another re­maining. Of which we have a notable example in the sixth book of the Epistles of Cardinal d'Ossat, Epist. 221. to the King, pag. 485. This is a strange way of absolution, to say to a man, Thou wilt not be absolved from thy sins, but thou shalt be, in spight of thy heart. And thou art excommunicated with two excom­munications; I absolve thee from one of them, and receive thee into the Church, but thou art excommunicated with another excommunication, and so thou re­mainest [Page 582] out of the Church. By these rules an impenitent man may be absolved with a valid absolution, and one that is truly penitent and contrite, with an in­valid absolution, namely, when the Confessor hath no intention to absolve.

Ibid. Absolutus simpliciter sed praestita cautione de satisfaciendo, si non satis­faciat non reincidit. He that is plainly absolved, but upon security that he will satisfie, if after that he do not satisfie, he falls not again into excommunication. Note, that here it is questioned of satisfying God for the punishment of sins. When there is reason to instruct one who hath promised to satisfie, he is required to give security. God (belike) will have sufficient security, and if the Priest accept of the security, God will accept of it also. And if God cannot get satisfaction from the party, he will sue the security. Is not all that contrived with singular prudence, and with mature consideration? And how meek is that dealing, that a man who after he hath re­ceived absolution, scorns to make satisfaction, should nevertheless, be suffered to enjoy the benefit of his absolution? Why? the man hath outwitted God, and hath given him the slip, and now if God will be paid, he must strain upon the security.

An absolution made for an unjust cause yet is valid: So say,Bellar. l. 1. de Indulg. c. 12. Cum summus Pont [...]sex dispensat in jure Eccle­siastico, di­spensatio est rata, etiamsi non adsit causa justa. Satis est enim, si con­stet eum voluisse dispensare, cum id totum ab ejus ar­bitrio depen­deat. Bellarmine, Eman. Sa, loco superiori. Absolutio ex causa falsa valet, etsi id qui­dam negant. Emanuel Sa, andTolet. lib. 1. de Instruct. Sacerd. cap. 14. Absolutio injusta valet, ut habetur cap. de Vene­rabilibus §. Ubi de sent. excom. in 6. Tolet.

Nec foemina, nec Laicus, nec simplex Sa­cerdos ab­solvere pos­sant, nisi ex privilegio aliquo. Tolet de Instr. Sacerd. l. 1. c. 16. Neither a woman, nor a Lay-man, nor a common Priest can absolve, but by some priviledge. For absolving is a point of Ecclesiastical jurisdiction. Here ob­serve, that even a woman can excommunicate, and absolve by the Popes per­mission.

Cardinal Tolet in the first book of the Instruction of Priests, in the fourteenth Chapter, gives many very considerable rules. He saith, that Quilibet habens jus excommunicandi potest absolvere, etiamsi nec presbyter nec diaconus nec subdiaconus sit. one who hath no orders in the Church, can give absolution in the outward barr. So that a Cobler having the Popes Commission, may both excommunicate and absolve.

Again,Ad illam priorem non est necessaria voluntas excommuni­cati. Nam etiam invitus potest absolvi, sicut potuit invitus excommunicari, &c. Potest absolvi ignarus & inscius ab­solutionis, &c. Potest etiam illa prior dari per literas, &c. Potest etiam illa fieri per procuratorem, &c. Cui de jure competit, potest alteri deligare vel demandare absolutionem. To be absolved at the outward barr, it is not necessary that the ex­communicate person have a will to be absolved. As he was excommunicated against his will, he may also be absolved against his will. Also one may be absolved without his knowledge. Tolet saith in the same place, that absolution may be done by Let­ters, by Atturney, by Commissaries, and by Subdelegacy.

Facultates quae per Romanum Pontificem dantur, per Jubilaeum aut Bullas Confessariis absolvendi à quibusvis censuris non concernunt forum exterius, sed tantum ea quae ad poenitentiae forum & conscientiae purgationem. Ut notat Paris. Consil. 67. num. 20. lib. 4. Et Covarr. [...]bi supra ver. quinto attestantes hunc esse stylum Romanae Curiae ut revera est. The faculties which the Pope giveth by the Jubilee, or by Bulls unto Con­fessors to absolve all censures whatsoever they be, concern not the outward Barr, but only that which regards the Barr of Penitence, and the purgation of the conscience. That is, they absolve sinners before God only, not before men; and reconcile sinners unto God, not unto the Church, nor to the Pope. So that the Pope having reconciled a sinner unto God, hath not therefore reconciled that sinner unto the Pope himself. That poor sinner is acquitted towards God, by the pardon which the Pope gave him, but is not therefore acquitted towards the Pope, who by the Jubilee, intended to remit Gods interests, not his own. There is need of another absolution again. And the said Cardinal, after he hath alleadged many Doctors, saith that it is the style of the Court of Rome. Absolvetur cum Psalmo, & oratione Dominica, verberibus, & aliis consuetis. Ut dicit Sylv. absolutio 3. num. 4. In the same place he saith that the absolution of excommunicated persons must be done with a Psalm, and the Lords Prayer, and whipping, and other customary things. No wonder if those that have usurped the power of whipping penitents, make bold with their purse. Through that whipping many Kings have passed; of which we will bring examples in the next Controversie.

Absolutio injusta valet, ut habetur cap. de Ve­nerabilibus §. Ubi de Sent. Excom. in 6. Si Episcopus absolvat non praemissa satisfactione, tenet absolutio Episcopus tamen malesacit & debet corrigi.And in the same Chapter, An unjust absolution is valid. Again, If the [Page 583] Bishop absolveth without imposing any saisfaction before, the absolution holds, and yet the Bishop doth evil, and must be corrected.

That I may not stir that sink of abuse further, Whoso will seriously consider the whole structure of Popery, will easily perceive that the whole bulk of the doctrine tends to give authority to the Clergy, and to perswade the people that God doth not impart unto men either remission of sins, or salvation, or any spiritual grace, but by the Sacraments which Clergy-men administer, and by the intervention of their Ministry: As if God had tyed his own hands, to shew no grace to his peo­ple, unless they pass through their hands before.

Hence is sprung the opinion of the efficacy of Sacraments, by the only and bare action which they call in their canting, ex opere operato. That is, the Sacraments which they administer, confer grace, although they were administred to one that sleeps, or hath his mind somewhere else: And that the attention is not requisite, it being sufficient that he that receives them, resist not purposely the grace, and set not his mind to hinder it. Hence came the doctrine, that the Sacraments are void and without effect, if the Priest that administred them had no intention, so that we must believe that the grace of God conferred by the Sacraments, depends on the Priests intention, though he be never so wicked. Hence also came that doctrine, that God doth not forgive sins, but upon condition of receiving the Priests abso­lution in case of possibility; That God forgiveth not those sins, which the Priest would not forgive; That Priests are Judges, and pronounce judicial sentences which absolve in Gods judgement. Hence also the power which the Bishops chal­lenge to give the Holy Ghost by the laying on of their hands, and by ordina­tion, to print in the soul a Character which remaineth even in Hell. Hence the priviledge of Clarks and Kings to be partakers of the cup in the Communion, thereby to make Clarks to become fellows to Kings. Hence that terrible power of Priests, which goeth beyond all Angelical power, to create the Creator, and to make God with words, and holding him locked up, to be able to boast that they have Christ in their power, yea though the Priest were a Sodomist: For we have seen before, that for that crime a Priest falls not into irregularity, no more then for keeping Concubines. Wherefore these Gentlemen boast in their Books, that they have a power equal unto Gods. These are the words of Besse a Doctor, and Preacher of the Prince of Conde, in the first book of the Royal Priesthood, chap. 3. Joshua did only make the Sun to stay where he was before, but Priests stay Christ being in heaven, to bring him to an Altar, where he had no abode before. The creature obeyed him, but the Creator obeyeth these. The Sun obeyed him, God obeyes these, whensoever they pronounce the sacred words. The remission of sins is of a divine jurisdiction. It is the work of a Soveraign, an effect for the Almighty, a strain beyond humane merits and capacities. Yet it is a power imparted unto Priests, Quorum remiseritis, &c. A sign that the Godhead and the Priesthood have I know not what common among them, and that they have almost the same greatness, since they have the same power. How high doth this man raise Priests! There wanted no more but to call them Gods. And that he doth in the same strain. For having ap­plyed unto Priests, that which God saith of Princes, he addeth, That which God is in heaven, the Priest is upon earth; And a little after, Priesthood marcheth even with the God-head, and all Priests are Gods. A goodly doctrine; according to which, when you see a whoring and a drunken Priest, one that can hardly read his Mass (and of such the world is full) you must say, Here is a God; This man marcheth even with the Godhead, and hath the same power. Yea God obeyeth him, as this Doctor saith, and he hath God in his power, when he hath him lockt up in his box. And if that Priest dyeth impenitent, (which our Adversaries de­ny not to be possible) here is a God carryed away by the Devil. This evil floweth from a higher spring, from the Head of the Papal Hierarchy, who could not raise his Empire, without raising together the props and pillars upon which his Monarchy stands. It is he who the first of Bishops suffered himself to beConc. Lat. ult. Sess. 3. & 10. Ʋniversis populis ado­randus & Deo similli­mus, & ado­rabunt eum omnes Reges Terrae adored and to be called God,Glossa Extravag. Cum inter. Credere Do­minum Deum nostrum Pa­pam, &c. Dist. 96. Can. satis. Po [...]tificem constat à pio Principe Constantino Deum esse appellatum. and the DivineConc. Later. ult. Sess. 9. Divinae Ma­jestatis tuae conspectus. Liber. 2. Sacr. Cerem. sect. 7. c. 6. Sedes Dei, id est, Sedes Apostolica. Bell. in Barcklayum. cap. 16. Potestas Papae est similis potestati Dei, cujus Ponti­fex vicem gerit in terris. Majestie, and theExtrav. de Immunit. Eccles. Tit. 22. sup. Qu [...]i [...]n in 6. Bellar. l. 1. de Pontific. c. 9. sect. Ac ne fortè. Bride­groom [Page 584] of the Universul Church, and his Holiness exclusively to all others. It is he alone, who hath challenged to himself alone, and of late ages, the Apostles sentence,Extrav. Unam San­ctam de Mi­noritate & Obedientia. The spiritual man judgeth all things, but himself is judged of no man; as if all men of the world were carnal in comparison of him. It is he who of late ages and without president, hath attributed unto himself infallibility in the faith,De Constituti­onibus Tit. 2. in cap. 6. Licet ubi Bonifacius VIII. sic loquitur. Licet Rom. Pontifex qui jura omnia in scrinio pectoris sui censetur ha­bere, &c. and to have all the right [or Law] within the closet of his breast, and to be able to add to the Symbol, and to change that which God hath commanded in Scripture, and to make new Articles of Faith, and to be a Sove­raign Judge above Scripture: Likewise, to dispense from vows and oaths made to God, to promise a degree of glory in Paradice above the ordinary sort, to un­throne Kings, to put down Emperours, to give his feet to kiss to great Monarchs, to dispense subjects from allegiance to their Soveraign, to put such as he will in the number of Saints, commanding that they be prayed to, to give pardons for many thousands of years, to give Indulgences to the dead, and to deliver souls out of Purgatory. It is he, who reserving full power to himself to forgive sins, hath limited the power of Priests and Bishops [...]o certain cases, granting them such a portion of the Keyes as he would. That the world may think, since the autho­rity of Priests goes so far, as to pardon sins with authority of Judges, and to ab­solve them before Gods, judicial seat, what may the power be of him that hath an unlimited authority, and in whom God put fulness of graces, that of his fulness we may all receive, as we heard Thomas saying before; That great man to whom he gave the title of Saint, and of Angelical Doctor.

Eighth Controversie, OF THE SEVENTH BOOK. OF Penitential Satisfaction. Where also it is spoken of Satisfa­ctions in general.

CHAP. 1. The Doctrine of the Roman Church, about Penitential Satisfaction.

AFter that the Penitent hath confessed his sins, the Priest layeth penances upon him, that is, satisfactory pains, enjoyning him, either to fast so many dayes, or to undertake such a pil­grimage, or to visit barefoot the relicks of such a Saint, and there to do his devotions for nine dayes, or to get himself whipt,Eman. Sa, Aphor. in verbo Satisfactio. Potest quis per alium satisfacere de licentia Confessoris. Tolet, de Instruct. Sa­cerd. l. 3. c. 11. Ʋnus satis­facere potest pro altero, &c. Potest Con­fessarius im­ponere poeni­tentiam vel per se, vel per alium explen­dam. or to find another that will whip himself for him; or to give so much money to such Fryars, and that is called alms, though the Fryars be rich, and the Penitent poor. Or to say for so many dayes, the seven Penitential Psalms in Latine. To say so many Ave's, interlaced with Pater's. Sometimes Confessors will delight to enjoyn extravagant penances. Nicol. Gyles, Secretary to King Lewis the XII. in the year 768. of his Annals, speaks of a Penance imposed to Robert the Normand, sirnamed the Devil, by reason of many excesses by him committed. That for seven years he should abstain from speaking. And the Penitent lay at a stairs foot, and ate nothing but the remnant of bones gnawed by a Greyhound. The Decree of Burchard Bishop of Worms, in the nineteenth book, prescribes many the like penances. He condemneth one who hath killed his father or his mother, never to [Page 586] ride in a coach, never to marry, and never to eat flesh.Occi­disti seniorem tuum, &c. Vinum & medonem & mellitam cervisiam nunquam bibas, nisi in illis praedictis tribus dicbus. Uxorem ne ducas. Con­cubinam non habeas, &c. Nunquam te laves in [...]aluco. Equum non ascendas. Causam tuam & alterius in conventu fidelium non agas. In conviviis laetantium nunquam sedeas. In Ecclesia se­gregatus ab aliis Christia­nis post ostium humiliter stes. To him that hath killed his Lord, he gives for penance, never to drink Wine, or Mead, or Beer with honey in it, but three dayes in the year: Never to marry: To keep no Con­cubine: Never to bathe himself: Never to ride on horse-back: Never to plead his cause, or that of another: Never to be at a feast; and in the Church, to stand behind the door.

To him that hath killed a thief, he enjoyns for a penance, not to enter into the Church for forty dayes: All those dayes to be clad with wooll: To wear no sword: To ride no horse: Not to lye with his wife, (which is punishing two for one): Upon Tuesdayes, Thursdayes, and Saturdayes, to eat nothing but pulse, herbs, apples, and small fishes, as Sprats, Smelts, small Trouts, but no Poor John. And on the same dayes to drink nothing but small stale Beer. Most part of all that is taken from the Roman Penitential, and from Theodorets Peni­tential.

It is an usual penance from the time of Petrus Damianus Cardinal, and which is yet practised; to whip ones self, and together to sing Psalms. Baronius in the 1055. year, relates these words of the said Cardinal,Ʋt tria scoparum millia unum poenitentiae anaum ex­ [...]leant cum modulatione Psalmorum. Decem Psal­morum modu­latio mille scopas ad­mittit. Cum­q [...]e Psalte­rium constet ex 150. Psalmis, in quoque Psal­terto quinque annorum poenitentia expletur. With three thousand lashes, singing Psalms melodiously, they fulfilled a year of penitence. Now one must give a thousand lashes, singing ten Psalms. And whereas the Psalter hath one hun­dred and fifty Psalms, with every Psalter five years of penance are fulfilled: I think he put five for fifteen. Cardinal Tolet in the first Book of the Instruction of Priests, chap. 14. speaks thus, Let him be absolved with a Psalm, and the Lords Prayer, and whipping. Matth. Paris in Henrico II. An. 1174. Caru [...]n suam disciplinae virgarum supponeus, à singulis viris religiosis, quorum multitudo magna convenerat, ictus ternos vel qui­nos accepit. King Henry the II. of England, was so whipt at Canterbury by a multitude of Fryars, some of which gave him five lashes, and others gave three. I could bring many examples of Princes whipt by way of pe­nance in our dayes. At Rome in the holy week, there is a publick whipping. But they that march thus through the Town whipping themselves, have their faces masked and their back bare, and for a lenitive of their wounds, some cause Vine­gar to be squirted into them.

But because these are hard penances, and a fast of many years is grievous and troublesom, these Doctors have bethought themselves to use clemency, permit­ting the sinner to redeem these penances with money, and to exchange corporal into pecuniary pains. In the nineteenth Book of Burchards Decree, the nine­teenth Chapter is this,Si quis fortè non potuerit jejunare, & habuerit unde possit redimere, si dives fuerit, pro septem heb­domadibus det solidos viginti. Si non habuerit unde tantum dare possit, det solidos decem. Si autem multum pauper fuerit, det solidos tres, &c. If perhaps a man cannot fast, and hath wherewith to redeem [his fast]: If he be rich, for seven weeks [of fast] let him pay twenty sous. If he cannot give so much, let him give ten sous. If he be very poor, let him pay three. He adds, that the said money must be employed for the ransom of pri­soners, or given at the Altar, and to Gods servants (so he calls Priests and Monks) or else given in alms, for also that which is given to the Church is called alms.Laïcus blasphemans, si nobilis fuerit, poena 25. ducatorum multetur, & pro secunda vice 50. fabricae basilicae principis Apostolorum de urbe applicandis. Th [...] last Council of Laterane, Section IX. enjoyneth a Gentleman who hath blasphemed, to pay five and twenty Ducates for the first time, and fifty for the second time, which are employed for the building of Saint Peters Church at Rome.

The Roman Church was very much enriched that way, and is grown fat with the sins of the people. So much Baronius acknowledgeth in the year, 1055. where he alleadgeth Petrus Damianus Cardinal,Baron. an. 1055. sect. 9. Non ignoras, quia cum à poenitentibus terras, possessiones agrorum videlicet, accipimus, juxta mensuram muneris eis de quantitate poenitentiae relaxa­mus. Quibus plane ostendit Damianus bona Ecclesiastica ejusmodi fieri, solita redemptione aucta crevisse. Thou art not ignorant, that when we receive from Penitents, Lands, that is possessions of fields, we release of the quan­tity of the penance, according to the measure of the gift. To which Baronius addeth. By these words Damianus evidently sheweth, that the goods of the Church [Page 587] are increased by that redemption which useth to be done. Thus sins are redeemed with money, and the rich have here a great advantage. Can one blame these Gentlemen, that take so much pains to dispose of remission of sins, and by consequent of salvation, if they think it not reasonable to pardon sins for nothing?

But if there be any man that cannot fast, and that will not or cannot give mo­ney, they have devised to make him burst with singing, enterlarding lashes with the singing of a multitude of Psalms. The Roman Penitential enjoyns, that such a manBur­chard. l. 19. c. 23. ex Poenitentiali Romano. Duodecim triduanae sin­gulae cum Psalteriis tribus imple­tis & cum palmatis tre­centis per singula Psal­teria excusant unius anni poenitentiam. sing three times the whole Psalter, in twelve times three dayes, with three hundred blows for every Psalter, and that thereby he be discharged of a year of penance.

To the Penitents whom they will use kindly, they impose no penance or satis­faction, as we learn of the Jesuite Emanuel Sa, Etsi accipienti indulgentiam plenariam potest dari absolutio sine poenitentia, expedit tamen aliquam sem­per impo­nere. To him that receiveth plena­ry Indulgence, absolution may be given without penance, yet it is expedient alwayes to impose some. Or they enjoyn the Penitents to do some work by way of penance, which the sinner was obliged to do, though the Priest had not enjoyned it, as the same Jesuite saith,Eman. Sa, ibid. Potest in poenitentiam imponi epus alias debi­tum. Tolet De Valentia, Navarrus, Cajetan, Soto, Palud. Ca­preol. Sylvest. One may impose for a penance, a work which otherwise was due, and he alleadgeth many Doctors that say the same. Cardinal Tolet is of the same mind,Tolet lib. 3. de Instr. Sa­cerd. c. 3. Possit Con­fessarius pro poeniten­tia imponere opera aliàs debita, ut quod jejunet tres dies quadragesi­mae, quos tamen tenebatur aliàs jejunare poenitens. The Confessor may impose for a penance, works that were due with­out that, as to fast three dayes in Lent, which the Penitent was bound to fast howso­ever. By the same reason, the Confessor may enjoyn as a penance to the sinner to believe in God. And if the Confessor enjoyns for a penance to do some good work, to which every Christian is obliged, it must be presupposed, that when the Penitent doth that work, he doth two things: For by that work, he doth what he ought to do for the present, and yet by the same work he satisfieth and recom­penceth God for the time past. And the same work is meritorious for the future, and satisfactory for the sins done before.

It is also a gentle kind of satisfaction, when the Confessor imposeth to the Pe­nitent for satisfaction,Ibid. Alia via juvatur poenitentia & satisfactio scilicet imponendo illi omnia quae facturus est bona & quae passurus est mala loco poenitentiae. Est enim sciendum, quod opera alias debita Deo, si imponantur à Confessario, valent ultra obligationem, &c. Ʋnde optimo consilio in forma absolvendi adjungitur illud. Quicquid boni feceris, & mali sustinueris, sit tibi in remissionem peccatorum. all the good works which he shall do afterwards, and all the evils which he shall suffer. That is, he declares unto the sinner that all the prayers and alms which he shall do (yet without specifying to him any kind of good works) and the sicknesses that he shall suffer, and all the law-suits that he shall have, must serve him hereafter as payments and satisfactions to God. This is expresly set down in the ordinary form of absolution, to which Tolet saith, that it was very prudently added, All the good that thou shalt do, and all the evil that thou shalt suffer, may serve thee for remission of sins, and encrease of grace, and re­ward of everlasting life. For, (saith this Cardinal) good works which other­wise are due, when the Priest imposeth them by way of penitence, become of a value above the obligation; so that the Priest can alter the nature of the work.

The gentlest satisfaction of all, is when the Priest imposeth for a penance to a man, to find one that will be whipt for him, or that will fast for him. As the same Cardinal saith,Ibid. Unus satisfacere potest pro altero, &c. Potest Confessarius imponere poenitentiam, vel per se, vel per alium implendam. One may satisfie for another. And, The Confessor can lay a penance, which the Penitent shall be obliged to fulfill, either by himself or by another. And the Jesuite Emanuel Sa, Eman. Sa, Aphor. in verbo Satisfactio. Potest quis per alium satisfacere de licentia Confessoris. One may satisfie by another, by the Con­fessors leave.

The worst penance or satisfaction of all, is when remission of sins is given to a sinner upon condition of committing some murther, or treason, or disloyal act.De Paschali & Leodiensibus vide Bochelli decretum, lib. 5. cap. 6. As when Paschal the II. in the year 1107. commanded Robert Earl of Flan­ders [Page 588] to destroy and slay the Clergy of Cambray and Liege, because they adhered to the Emperour Henry the V. & he was to do that for the remission of all his sins.Matth. Paris, & Westmona­steriensis in Johan. And when Innocent the III. gave to Philip August of France the remis­sion of all his sins, upon condition of invading and wasting all England, where he had no right. And when in our time the French Priests gave absolution, and the Pope set forth Indulgences, upon condition of taking part with the League and rebelling against the King. For it is as if one said, Wilt thou have me to forgive thee thy sins? Be a Traytor and a Murtherer, for it is the true way to make thy peace with God: Or, Because thou art a wicked thief, thou shalt have eter­nal life.

By fulfilling of these penances imposed by the Priest, our Adversaries hold that the Penitent satisfieth unto the justice of God, and that they serve for ex­piation of sins as for the temporal pain, which whosoever shall not fulfill in this life, he must fulfill what is wanting of the whole satisfaction in Purgatory, a fire far hotter then our ordinary fire,Bellar. lib. 1. de In­dulg. c. 9. Peccatis mortiferis singulis de­betur secun­dum Canones poenientiae trium vel septem an­norum. where souls must suffer seven years for every mortal sin, or three years at least: unless the Pope graciously fetch them out of it by his Indulgences, or unless the friends of the deceased found Masses and Dirges for them. But none comes out without money: For these men industri­ous in the most superlative manner, have found the way to dig money out of the graves, and death is tributary to them. If a man hath deserved to be twenty thousand years in Purgatory,Gerson. lib. de abso­lutione Sa­cramentali. Fatuae sunt & supersti­tiosae quaedam intitulationes de Indulgen­tiis viginti mille anno­rum, ei qui dixerit quin­que Pater noster ante talem ima­ginem, &c. Et esset per Praelatos pro­videndum, quia cedit hoc in con­temptum & irrisionem indulgentia­rum. let him obtain ten thousand years of pardon, he is discharged of the half of the satisfaction, and the pain which he deserveth in Purgatory is shortened by one half. But if he hath deserved to be but two thousand years in Purgatory, and hath obtained twenty thousand years of pardon, what becomes of the eighteen thousand years of pardon more then he needed? The Doctors dispute about it.

This is then constant among our Adversaries, that when the Priest hath imposed satisfactory pains upon the Penitent, which are called penitences or penances,Bellar. l. 4. de poe­nit. c. 13. Indulgentiae faciunt ut pro iis quae per indulgentias condonant [...]r, non teneamur praecepto illo de faciendis dignis poenitentia fructibus. the Pope can dispence from them, and exempt the sinner from obeying God, who saith, Act. 2.3. Do penitence; or, Repent.

But because the Gospel teacheth us that Christ is the propitiation for our sins, and that he gave himself a ransom for us, 1 Tim. 2.6. Which ransom being most perfect and of an infinite price, it seems that looking for other satisfactions or ex­piatory pains is more then needs, and going about to satisfie for a debt which is fully paid already, or derogating from the perfection of the ransom and satisfaction which Christ had paid, and calling the vertue thereof in question, and accusing God of envy, because he will not receive the satisfaction and ransom paid by his Son, for so much as it is worth. To daube that, and to get a shelter against the doctrine of the Gospel, they sow up a piece to the Gospel, and a new Article of faith, which is one of the main buttresses of Popery, and a fundamental maxime of his tyrannie, and a great gate open unto traffique.Bell. l. 2. de Indulg. c. 6. In secunda re­conciliatione, quae fit per Sacramentum poenitentiae, Evangelium dicit Christum offerri poenitenti cum affluentia bonorum quidem coelestium, sed non tanta ut remittatur omnis reatus culpae, sed ut post remissam omnem culpam & poenam sempi­ternam remaneat poenitentia & satisfactio peragenda, pro temporaria poena expianda. They say that in the absolution or reconciliation which is done by the Sacrament of Penitence, Christ is not offered with such affluence of good, that thereby the whole pain of our sins be altogether forgiven.Id. l. 1. de Purg. c. 14. Di­cimus in Sacramento absolutionis Deum contrahere nonnihil manum; & applicare Christi meritum ad tollendam culpam & poenam aeternam, tamen adhuc requirere opera poenitentiae quibus redimamus temporales poenas. But that God withdraws his hand a little, and makes himself somewhat sparing to pardon. For, (say they) the fault of sins since Baptism, and the eternal pain, is so remitted unto us, that there remains an obligation to the temporal pain, both in this life and in Purgatory. Which pain is called satisfactory, because by bearing it, we satisfie the justice of God, and bear the expiation of our sins. Which satisfactory pain the Council of Trent de­clares to be not onlyConc. Trid. Sess. 14. Satisfactio, quam imponunt non, sit tantum ad novae vitae custodiam, & infirmitatis medicamentum, sed etiam ad praeteritorum peccatorum vindictam & castigationem. an instruction to learn to live with a new life, and a [Page 589] remedy to our infirmities; but also a revenge for sins done, as if God would have a revenge for sins pardoned, or took a delight to avenge himself of his chil­dren whom he hath pardoned, and for whom Christ is dead.

Sess. 14. Can. 12. Si quis dixe­rit totam poenam simul cum culpa remitti semper à Deo satis­factionemque poenitentium non esse aliam quam fidem, qua appre­hendunt Chri­stum pro eis satisfecisse, Anathema sit.The same Council thundreth out an Anathema against those that say, that God never remits the fault, without remitting the pain also, and that there is no other satisfaction to God for us, but Christs satisfaction apprehended by faith.Dum satisfaciendo patimur pro peccatis, Christo Jesu qui pro pec­catis nostris satisfecit, ex quo omnis nostra suffi­cientia est, conformes efficimur. The same Council addeth, that by our satisfying for our sins, by the pains which we suffer, we are made conformable unto Christ who satisfied for us: For these Fathers will, that as Christ by his sufferings hath paid and satisfied for us unto God, so we by our sufferings pay and satisfie for our selves, that we may be made conformable unto Christ.

They say also, that our satisfactions are valid and receivable before God by vertue of Christs satisfaction. For such is their Doctrine, that the payment which Christ hath made of our debts, serveth to make us pay the same debts; and that the ransom which he paid for us, serveth to make us pay a ransom for our selves: And that the satisfaction whereby Christ fully satisfied unto the justice of God for us, gives us this vertue, that by the torment which we bear in a burning fire, we satisfie the justice of God for the obligation to the temporal pain. Yea they make no difficulty to say, that to speak properly there is no other satisfaction but our own.Tertius modus mihi videtur mul­to probabi­lior, quod una tantum sit actualis satisfactio, & ea sit nostra. Bellarmine saith so much in chap. 14. of the first book of Purga­tory, That there is but one actual satisfaction (that is, one satisfaction in effect) which is our own. For, as for Christs satisfaction, they will have it to serve to make ours good, as Christ having not paid to exempt us from the torments and pains of Purgatory, but serving only for to give value to our torments, and to make them satisfactory.

Yea, they go so far as to say, that in respect of that temporal pain, whereby we are to satisfie God, the merit of Christ is useful indeed, but not necessary, and that all men stand not in need of it.Merita Christi partim sunt omnibus necessaria, partim non necessaria, sed utilia. Atque hoc posteriore modo ad fundamentum Indulgentia­rum perti­nent. Let the attentive reader weigh these words of Bellarmine, in the first Chapter of the second book of Indulgences, The merits of Christ are partly necessary to all, partly not necessary but useful, and in this last manner they belong to the ground of Indulgences. He declareth that the merits of Christ are the ground of Indulgences, in that they are not necessary, but only useful. So that if the merits of Christ were alwayes considered as necessa­ry; Indulgences should have no ground. To explain his meaning further he add­eth,Si quis post gratiam reconciliati­onis adeptam adhuc sit reus luendae poenae tempo­ralis, is non necessario eget meritis Christi, ut per ea reatus illi simpliciter condonetur. Non quod sine meritis Christi possit reatus illi simpliciter condonari, sed quia ipse poterit non requirere tantam liberalitatem, contentus ipse suis laboribus & poenis vel in hac vita vel in purgatorio satisfacere Deo, co-operante semper Christi merito. If any after he hath got the grace of reconciliation, is yet guilty of the temporal pain, he doth not of necessity need the merits of Christ to get an absolute pardon of that guilt. Not that without the merits of Christ, the guilt or obligation to the pain can be absolutely forgiven him, but because he may forbear requiring of God such a great liberality, being content to give satisfaction to God, by his labours and pains, either in this life, or in Purgatory, the merit of Christ alwayes co-ope­rating. According to the doctrine of that Cardinal Jesuite, a soul in Purgatory may speak thus to God, O God, I know that the merits of thy Son Jesus Christ are so great, that I may be exempted from this torment by his merits: But I beg not such a great liberality at thy hands, and am content to be burnt in this fire, and to satisfie thy justice by temporal pain. Being thus resolved, the merits of thy Son are not necessary to me, and I stand in no need of them. Only they are useful to me, to make the pain whereby I satisfie thy justice to be acceptable. Thus a couragious soul may send back unto God his present, and will not be so much obliged unto him. And see what that generosity is grounded upon.Non quod Christi merita non sufficiant, sed quia id nobis utilius, & Christo gloriosius est, quemadmodum etiam idem Deus instituit, ut secundae causae non sint otiosae, sed cum ipsa prima causa adres producendas conveniant. It is not (saith the same Doctor) because Christs merits are not sufficient, but because it is more profitable for us, and more honourable for Christ (as God also hath instituted it) that the second causes be not idle, but that they concurr with the first cause to bring forth effects.

Is not that a very pregnant consideration, and sufficient to make a soul willing to be burnt some thousands of years? For, belike, there is both profit and ho­nour in contributing to the payment, and presenting to God ones own pains and satisfactions, to attain to the Kingdom of God when the term of the torment is expired, rather then to be presently transported into Paradise, like an idle man and of small courage, contributing nothing of his own. These are gallant and couragious spirits indeed, whom God will torment and burn to gratifie them. Yet to my thinking, since some action must be attributed to second causes, if these souls had been presently put in possession of the heavenly glory, their actions would have been more noble and excellent, then those which they do in that un­derground fire, far from the sight of God, and from the company of his Saints, and they had glorified God in a far better way.

And that one may not think that these satisfactions are such small things, the Roman Church holds, that theBell. id prolixè probat lib. Indulg. c. 2. Sancti plus passi sunt, quam eorum peccata re­quirunt. Saints, Monks, and Martyrs, do more then needs for the expiation of their sins, so that there is an overplus which the Pope reserveth in his treasure. How he gathers it, and layeth it up, and by what text of Scripture he is constituted the Keeper and Distributor of the same, it is not said, but is left to be piously presumed. As the same Bellarmine saith,Idem l. 2. de In­dulg. c. 8. Fidere san­ctorum me­ritis est Filio Dei perbono­risicum & gloriosum. That trusting in the merits of the Saints, is honourable and glorious unto Christ. For it is an Article of Faith, drawn from the unwritten word. O excellent Apostle, who was wrapt up to the third heaven, and there didst learn unutterable things; if all that doctrine be true, how ignorant wert thou in the doctrine of the Gospel! For in all thine Epistles where thou magnifiest so excellently, and expoundest so clearly the benefit of our Saviour Jesus, we find not one word of all this doctrine. Here let us give glory to God, on the one side acknowledging the depths of Sa­tan, and on the other side the just wrath of God, who hath smitten these last ages with the spirit of stumbling. Indeed, when after the reading of Evangelists and Apostles, I come to revolve in my mind this horrible sink of prodigious abuse, I find my self as it were transported into a new world, as if from the reading of the holy Oracles, I past to the reading of Alcoran.

CHAP. 2. Of the word Satisfaction. State of the Question.

BEsides the general significaion of the word Satisfie, which signifieth, to give content, there are two kinds of satisfaction in the civil society, which belong to the present question. For either satisfaction is made for injuries and offences, or for debts. For injuries, satisfaction is madeTerent. Adelph. Nolim sa­ctum, jus­jurandum dabitur te esse indignam injuria hac. when a man protesteth that he is sorry for it, excuseth himself with humility, and craveth pardon. The Ro­man Civil Law had forms of satisfactions for offences. But as for debts, satisfacti­on is made by paying, either personally, or by another.

Our Adversaries and we are agreed upon this, That since we have offended God, we ought to humble our selves before him, repent, amend, and crave his pardon. If that be called satisfying, we willingly acknowledge and approve that satisfaction. But because our sins in the Lords Prayer are called debts, whose pay­ment is nothing else but the punishment due to Gods justice, the question is, Whether the faithful children of God are able to pay that debt? and, Whether God exacts of them satisfactory pains to satisfie his justice? and, Whether they be obliged to bear penances or pains, which serve for expiation or satisfaction to God?

It is the doctrine of the Roman Church, that by absolution, which the Priest giveth in the Sacrament of Penitence, the whole fault of the sins committed since Baptism, is remitted and put out, but not the whole pain: And that by the vertue [Page 591] of the Keyes, eternal pain is changed into temporal, by which we must satisfie and bear it, both in this life and in Purgatory. Which is the reason why the Priest imposeth satisfactory pains upon the sinner, which he must bear and fulfill to sa­tisfie the justice of God. And if the Penitent doth not wholly satisfie in this life, and dyeth before he hath fulfilled the satisfaction, he must bear those pains which remain yet to bear, in Purgatory, to fulfill the satisfaction.

According to that doctrine, our Adversaries take the word Satisfaction for a compensation payed to God for the offence. As Cardinal Tolet saith,Tolet. Instruct. Sacerd. l. 3. cap. 11. Est autem satisfactio, ut in praesenti sumitur, of­fensae poenae quoad poenam recompensa­tio. Saisfaction is a recompence of the offence past, as for the pain. And the Catechism of the Council of Trent, in the Chapter of the Sacrament of Penitence,Satis­factio est rei debitae inte­gra solutio. Est compen­satio, cum homo pro peccatis commissis aliquid sol­vit. Satis­faction is an entire payment of the thing due, and a compensation which a man payeth unto God for his sins. According to that doctrine, when a man hath born the pains enjoyned by a Priest, we must say that God is wholly paid and well recompenced, and believe that God will be contented with that payment: And that the Priest knoweth exactly how much God must have, that he may be wholly paid, and call for no more. Bellarmine in the first Book of Indulgences, Chapter 2. makes no difficulty to say, that the remission of the pain is due to the satisfactory work by commutative justice. That commutative justice, is a justice that payeth so much for so much, so that God being thus paid by the Penitent, ought in reason to be contented, and according to that Cardinals rule, God must pardon, and should be unjust, if he accepted not for payment those satisfactory pains, which the Pe­nitent fulfilleth by the Priests injunction.Bellar. lib. 1. In­dulg. cap. 9. Justificatus potest ex con­digno satis­facere Deo pro debito poenae tempo­ralis. The same Doctor saith, that the justified man can satisfie God for the debt of the temporal pain, Ex condigno, that is, by an equipollent satisfaction. And Cardinal Tolet, As near as can be, one must im­pose a just and equal satisfaction; that is, according to the grievousness of the sin.

By all that was said, it appears that the satisfactions of the Roman Church, are not only humiliations and requests for pardon, but are pretended to be payments and recompences to satisfie Gods justice. As indeed the chief of all these satis­factions is the pain of Purgatory, which is a punishment inflicted by a Judge, who draweth satisfaction from the sinner, and a revenge, as the Council of Trent told us before. For in Purgatory, the amendment, and the correction, or warn­ing for the future hath no more place. The same appeareth, because the Pope dispenseth and dischargeth such as he pleaseth from those satisfactions;Tolet. de Instruct. Sacerdotali, l. 3. c, 11. Quantum fieri potest, satisfactio justa & aequalis im­poni debet. for he would not discharge a sinner from being contrite, and from craving pardon of God. Also because the Roman Church in the Sacrament of Penitence, puts Con­trition and Confession, as things different from satisfaction, so that satisfying is another thing then being contrite, and asking pardon of God, by confessing sin unto him. So then satisfying in the style and sense of the Roman Church, is paying God, it is giving compensation to God, it is contenting his justice by suffering the punishment.

Our language is far from that, for we speak after the Word of God. Among the sufferings and the disgraces which we bear for the doctrine of the Gospel, we have that honour, that we maintain the perfection of the merit of our Saviour Jesus, and that we are Advocates among men of the honour of him, who is our Advocate with God. For knowing the misery of our nature, and how guilty we are before God, we humble our selves before him, and to him make Confession of our sins, believing that the best, yea the only Penitence which God requireth at our hands, is to be sorry that we have offended God, and that keeping our selves from evil, we apply our selves unto good works, and advance in the fear of God. For as the book of Ecclesiastical maximes attributed unto Saint Austin, saith,De dogmatibus Ecclesiasti­cis, cap. 34. Poenitentia vera est poenitenda non admittere, & admissa deflere. Satisfactio poenitentiae est causas peccatorum excindere nec earum suggestioni­bus aditum praebere. True penitence is not to do things which we should repent for afterwards, and to weep for sins committed, satisfaction of penitence is to cut off the occasions of sin, and to give no access to their suggestion. But as for satisfying God by saisfactory pains, we acknowledge no other satisfaction but the sufferings of our Saviour Jesus, who gave himself a ransom for us, and who is the Lamb of God that taketh away the sins of the world. This satisfaction being most sufficient, we look for no other, [Page 592] and renouncing our own satisfactions, we repose our consciences upon the only satisfaction which Christ offered unto God.

We borrow not the satisfactions of Saints or Monks, knowing that the best of them was saved by Christs satisfaction, not by the merit of their sufferings. We are not so rash as to enjoyn a sinner to pay God, or give him some compensation, knowing that God will not be paid with such light coyn, as mens works or suffer­ings; we advise consciences not to build their faith upon such a weak foundation. We are not so injurious to Gods goodness and mercy, as to believe that he giveth us but half a pardon, or that he receives not Christs satisfaction for as much as it is worth, seeing that it is sufficient to acquit us both from temporal and eternal pain. We will not wrong his justice so much, as to believe that he punisheth with satisfactory pains, those that have no more sin, and that by con­sequent are no more guilty; or that he will take two payments for one debt, and two satisfactions for one sin, seeing that one, which is that of Christ, is most per­fect and sufficient. We are confirmed in this belief, because we see that those very men that impose these satisfactions, dispense from them afterwards, as ac­knowledging them not necessary, and sometimes they give absolution without any satisfaction. Also because we see that these humane satisfactions are very gainful to them that maintain them, and that the benefit of Christs merit was pared purposely, to make room for gain. For if no other satisfaction but that of Christ were acknowledged, Priests should have no authority to impose corporal or pecuniary penances, and none should have recourse to the Pope to be deli­vered from those pains by Indulgences, which are so beneficial unto him: He hath invented torments for souls, that he might release them for their money. He hath built a burning prison for souls, that he might be the Jaylor, and that the living should pay for the deliverance of the dead. But this accusation must be justified with proofs, and requires a Chapter apart.

But before we bring our proofs, the Reader is desired to remember, that to have a clear understanding of this difference,Gellius, lib. 6. c. 14. Puniendis peccatis tres esse debere causas existi­matum est. Una est, quae [...] vel [...]. Altera, quae [...]. Tertia, quae [...], à Graecis no­minatur. the ends for which God af­flicteth sinners, ought to be carefully distinguished. 1. Some pains are called Castigatory, which serve to amend and correct the sinner, turn him away from vice, and teach him to fear God. So doth a father chastise his children, and a good Master his Disciples. 2. There are Satisfactory pains, which serve not to amend the sinner, nor to turn him away from vices, but to satisfie justice, and pay unto God a compensation for the pain due to our sins. Such is (if we believe our Ad­versaries) the torment of Purgatory fire, where amendment hath no more place. 3. There are also some pains which are called Exemplary, and are inflicted to be an example and a warning to others. Such are the pains of malefactors, which are publikely punished or executed, that others may be refrained by their examples.

These ends, though different, may sometimes meet in one punishment. As when a thief is whipt in publick, he satisfieth justice, he giveth example to others, and by his punishment he is taught to amend.

CHAP. 3. That the Holy Scripture makes Christ and the merit of his death, to be the ground of remission of sins, as his death being the only ransom and pro­pitiation for our sins. And that the Roman Church feigning to acknow­ledge the sufficiency and perfection of that satisfaction, debaseth and weakeneth it with all her power.

HOly Scripture attributeth the remission of our sins to Jesus Christ. 1 John 2.1, 2. We have an Advocate with the Father, Jesus Christ the righteous, and he is the propitiation for our sins, and not for ours only, but also for the sins of the whole world. 1 John 1.1. The blood of Jesus Christ cleanseth us from all sin. Acts 10.43. To him give all the Prophets witness, that through his name whosoever believeth in him shall receive remission of sins. Col. 1.19, 20. It pleased the Fa­ther — having made peace through the blood of his Cross, by him to reconcile all things unto himself. Isa. 53.5, 6. He was wounded for our transgressions — and the Lord hath laid on him the iniquity of us all. John 1.29. He is the Lamb of God which taketh away the sins of the world. 1 Tim. 2.5. There is one God, and one Mediatour between God and men, the man Christ Jesus, who gave himself a ransom for all. Col. 2.13. God hath quickened us, together with Christ, having [...]. See Acts 5.31. Luk. 24.47. Heb. 1.3. forgiven us all our offences. In a word, it is the substance of the Gospel; it is that we pro­fess to believe in the Symbol. It is that we ask in our prayers, the remission of our sins by Jesus Christ.

Now as in our prayers we intend to ask of God an entire remission of our sins, so we must believe that the ransom which he paid for us, is not an imperfect ran­som. As in the Symbol, when we say, I believe the resurrection of the flesh, and everlasting life, we mean not that we believe half a resurrection, or an imperfect eternal life, but we profess that we believe a full and whole remission of our sins by Jesus Christ. As the Lord said unto his servant, Matth. 18.32. I forgave thee all that debt. And the texts alleadged before say, that all our sins are forgiven, and that freely. And the Apostle to the Hebrews 7.25. He is able to save to the uttermost, them that come unto God by him. It would be an impious opinion, tending to the abolishing of the Gospel, to think that when the Apostle said, that Christ gave himself a ransom for us, he spake of an imperfect ransom, after which we are still obliged to pay our ransom or redemption, and to satisfie Gods justice by satisfactory pains, such as those of Purgatory. Of which it cannot be said that they are inflicted for example, for no body seeth them: Or that they are for correction or amendment, for they hold that the souls in Purgatory are alto­gether just, and are no more subject to sin.

The same is made evident by the death of those whom Scripture affirmeth to be entred into rest, and into the glory of the Saints, as the thief carried into Para­dise the very day of his death, and that Lazarus mentioned, Luke 16.22, 23, 25. whose soul departed from his body, is carried by Angels into Abrahams bosom, where he is comforted. And Simeon received into peace, as God had promised him, Luke 2.19. And the merciful and righteous, of whom we read, Isa. 57.1, 2. that they are taken away from the evil to come, and enter into peace: And those of whom it is proclaimed in heaven, that being dead in the Lord they rest from their labours, and they are blessed. For upon such it is evident, that after their mortal race done, God laid no satisfactory pain. Upon this Cardinal Bel­larmine is sore gravelled, and not knowing in what rank to put the souls lying in Purgatory, he saith thatBellar. lib. 1. de Purgat. c. 12. §. Respon­deo. Qui dece­dunt cum peccatis ve­nialibus aut cum debito poenae alicu­jus tempora­lis, ii simpli­citer non mo­riuntur in Domino, sed partim in Domino, &c. partim non in Domine. they partly die in the Lord, partly not in the Lord. This doctrine is so evidently set down in Scripture, that the Doctors of the Ro­man Church seem to embrace it, whensoever they go about to amplifie the price, and efficacy of Christs sufferings with excessive terms and Hyperbolical words, so [Page 592] [...] [Page 593] [...] [Page 594] far as to say that one drop of Christs blood was sufficient to redeem a thousand worlds, so that by their reckoning his death was not necessary to save us. Which is accusing God upon the by, and taxing him of cruelty, for laying such horrible torments upon his beloved Son without necessity, when one drop of his blood could have served to his end. But these high expressions are used purposely to amuse the simple, and to insinuate with more plausibility, those Articles where­by they pare the merit of Christs death, and derogate from the perfection of the same. For Cardinal Bellarmine in the fourteenth Chapter of the first Book of Purgatory,§. Tertius. makes no difficulty to say that heTertius modus videtur probabilior, quòd una tantùm sit actualis sa­tisfactio, & ea sit nostra. thinks it more probable that there is but one actual satisfaction which is our own. He holds not Christs satisfaction to be an actual satisfaction. Only he will have it to serve to make our satisfactions of a sufficient value for our redemption. Wherefore also he teachethBellar. lib. de In­dulgentiis, cap. 4. §. sexta. that the Saints who suffered more then needed to satisfie for their own sins, are in some sort our Redeemers, because their sufferings become payments for our redempti­on. Whence it follows that every one of us, when he satisfies for himself, is the Redeemer of himself.

This is also the Doctrine of the Jesuite Vasquez, Cap. 9. pag. 597. in the 132. dispute upon the first part of the second of Thomas, in the 82. question, where he stiffly main­tains that the next cause that gets us a right to the Kingdom of heaven, is not the righteousness of Christ, but the righteousness which by the merit of Christ is derived into us. So he calls the inherent justice, and the habitual vertues which are within us, the chief whereof is Charity.

To the same purpose our Adversaries bring texts of Scripture depraved after their manner, which command us to redeem our souls our own selves. They say that we satisfie ex condigno, and by equipollency, so that God is wholly paid: That to satisfie God for temporal pain, such as that of Purgatory, the merit of Christ is not necessary: And that we may very well forbear asking of God such a great liberality, contenting our selves with our own satisfaction: As we shall hereafter more exactly shew.

The same appears in that belief of the Roman Church, that the torments and labours which the Saints have suffered, serve to others for payments and satisfa­ctions to the justice of God. For example, Saint Antonine Archbishop of Flo­rence, who was Sainted by the will, statute and mandate, (for these are the terms of the Bull of canonization) of Clement the VII. relates of Saint Dominick, Antonin. de sancto Dominico Tit. 23. c. 1. sect. 2. Trinam disci­plinam quasi quotidie de manu propria, non chordula sed catena serrea usque ad sanguinis effusionem capiebat: Pro suis cul­pis unam, quae minimae erant, pro in Purgatorio existentibus aliam, tertiam pro iis qui versantur in mundo. That he gave to himself three disciplines, that is, he whipt himself three times almost every day, not with a whip-cord, but with an iron chain, even to effusion of blood; one for his sins, which were very small, another for them that are in Pur­gatory, and the third for those that dwell in the world. Thus that venerable Saint paid and satisfied for others. The Pope hath received the two last disciplines of that Saint into his treasure, and converts them into cempensation, payment and satisfaction for others. Not but that Christs satisfaction is sufficient to exempt from Purgatory, but because it is not Gods pleasure to make it serve so far, or because it was not Christs intention when he dyed for us, to satisfie for the pain of Purgatory. For (saithBellar. lib. 1. de Purg. c. 20. Si Christus satisfecit pro omni culpa & poena, cur post re­missam culpam adhuc tam multa mala patimur? Bellarmine) if Christ satisfied for all our fault and for all our pain, why after the fault is forgiven do we suffer so many sorrows? This is declaring plainly enough, that Christ did not satisfie for the whole pain, although the whole fault be forgiven us.

This is the fundamental maxime upon which all that abuse is grounded, that by Baptism all the fault is forgiven, and together all the pain of sins committed before Baptism. But as for sins committed after Baptism, the fault is wholly for­given and remitted by the Sacrament of Penitence, but not the whole pain, but we are to satisfie for that pain, both in this life by penances enjoyned by the Priest, and by those that are voluntarily undertaken, and after this life in the fire of Pur­gatory, out of which nevertheless the Pope may deliver souls by his Indulgences.

That maxime being a new Gospel, taken from the unwritten word, deserveth a Chapter by it self.

CHAP. 4. Where this Maxime of the Roman Church is examined, that God having forgiven the whole fault, doth not alwayes forgive the whole pain.

OUR Adversaries lay this as a ground, that in sin there are two things, the fault and the pain, that is, the offence and the punishment, and that God forgiving the whole fault, doth not alwayes forgive the whole satisfactory pain due to the fault.

In this doctrine I find four notable absurdities, which before all things must be laid open.

I. The first is, that in sin there are two things, the fault and the punishment: A great absurdity. For how can they say that fault is in sin, seeing that fault and sin are all one? When the Priest saith, Mea culpa, he confesseth his sin. See Genes. 31.36.Numb. 15.26. Quoniam culpa est om­nis populi. Numb. 15.26. He that saith that the sickness is in the body, presupposeth with good reason that the sickness and the body are two things. But these men say without reason, that the fault is in the sin, as if they were dif­ferent things.

II. The absurdity is much alike, in their saying, that these two things are in sin, the fault and the pain, whereby they say by consequent, that the pain is in the sin. Which is not true. For the pain is not in the sin, and is neither part, nor accident, nor circumstance of sin. Sin is truly sin, though it remain unpunished. There are sins without pains, and pains without sin. How should the pain be in the sin, since the pain is of a nature contrary to the sin? The sin is unjust, but the pain is just. The sin comes from man, but the pain comes from God. The pain is made to cor­rect the sin, and is by consequent contrary to the sin.

III. The third absurdity is in their saying, that God forgiving the sin, doth not alwayes forgive the pain. They presuppose that God sometimes forgives the pain, which is false. For the pain is never forgiven, there is nothing that can be pardoned but the sin, or the fault, which is all one. Themselves would laugh at him that should say, that the Prince hath pardoned whipping or the gallows to a malefactour. It is the fault that is pardoned, because it is unjust. But pains are just, therefore they need no pardon.

IV. This discovereth a fourth absurdity, the grossest of all. For by speaking thus, they make two pardons where there is but one. If a Malefactour receiveth grace from the King, no body hath lost common sense so much as to say, that the King hath forgiven him, not his crime only, but also the punishment. The felon will be contented at all times that his crime be wholly pardoned; Which pardon when he hath once obtained, after that he will never be such an idiot as to pe­tition, that the punishment be forgiven him: For he knows that by the absolute pardon of his crime, the prison-gates are open unto him, and that he is free from all the punishment which he might have feared from the Kings Justice. Hence it appears how ridiculous and imaginary the Popes pardons are. For nothing can be forgiven but the fault. Now by these pardons, the Roman Church holds that nothing is pardoned but the pain, because it is already wholly remitted by Jesus Christ. According to the imagination of these Gentlemen, when a father hath wholly pardoned his sons fault, his son needs to get another pardon, that he may not be whipt. No other way did they find to set up their errour, but by over­throwing reason. Having forsaken the Word of God, they have by his just judge­ment lost common sense.

V. Absurdities might be sleighted, if impiety did not go along with them. But by this doctrine a high wrong is offered unto God. It is casting injustice upon God, to teach that God forgiveth the fault, and yet burns a poor soul for faults wholly pardoned. He that wholly pardoneth, looks for no more vengeance or [Page 596] or satisfaction to justice. Let them tell us whether these souls that are burning in Purgatory be guilty or not guilty. If they be guilty still, they affirm untruly that all their fault is remitted and pardoned, for it is the fault that makes a man guil­ty. If they be not guilty, it is unjust to burn and torment souls that are not guilty. Where there is no fault, there is no sin, and by consequent no satisfactory pain for sin. And would God behave himself so towards the souls of his children, for whom Christ dyed? Is there any father so unnatural, as to burn his children for offences absolutely pardoned? Yea to punish them with pains, which serve not to mend them, but to content himself, and to satisfie his justice?

The cause being taken away, which only can make the satisfactory pain just be­fore God, the pain also is taken away. Now the only cause that can justifie the torment of souls burning in a fire, is the fault. Otherwise the sinner frying in that fire, might justly complain of God, and say to him, Why dost thou punish me with satisfactory pains, after thou hast absolutely forgiven me my sin? Why dost thou use me as guilty, when I have no more fault? And whereas thy son Jesus hath paid both for the fault and the pain, and hath sufficiently satisfied to exempt me from this torment of Purgatory? Why dost thou not receive the ransom which he paid for me, for so much as it is worth? Why dost thou abate of the price and vertue of my ransom? If it be for thy glory, thy goodness shall be much more exalted by par­doning me. If it be to satisfie thy justice, Christ hath entirely satisfied for it. Our Adversaries have not yet bethought themselves to frame answers for God unto this expostulation: For they will be burnt for many ages, although God hath given a full pardon to the repenting and believing sinner.

VII. Sins being debts, the payment whereof is the satisfactory pain, he that saith that God wholly forgiveth the sin, and yet exacteth satisfactory pains after full pardon, maketh God to say, I forgive thee the whole debt, but yet thou shalt pay: I do wholly forgive thee, but thou shalt be burnt and punished for the sin which I have forgiven thee. As if one hang'd a man with his Kings Letters of par­don hanging at his neck, in contempt of the Kings authority. So these men frame us a God that abuseth men, and his own Graces, fetching satisfaction for debts fully acquitted, punishing sins pardoned with satisfactory pains.

VIII. But how did Christ bear all our sins? Was it not by bearing all the satisfactory pains due to our sins? And if Christ bare all our pain, it was to ac­quit us from it. Si tulit abstulit. No man loads himself with another mans debt, but to discharge him of it. So speaketh Saint Austin, thatAugust. Serm. 141. de Tempore. Communican­do nobiscum sine culpa poenam, & culpam sol­vit & poe­nam. Idem lib. 1. de peccato­rum meritis & remissione cap. 32. Ʋt esset in similitudine carnis peccati poena sine culpa, unde in carne peccati & culpa solve­retur & poena. Christ by taking part with us of the pain, hath abolished both the fault and the pain. Here the que­stion is not of the means of applying that grace, whereby Christ hath born all our pain, of which we shall speak hereafter, but only to know whether Christ hath born all our pain, and whether he did not bear it to discharge us from it. The grace of God is not applyed unto us, by means contrary to that grace, and such are our torments. Our Adversaries themselves make these means superflu­ous by the Popes Indulgences, who exempteth such as he will from Purgatory. For thereby they declare that it is not a thing repugnant unto the justice of God, or to the Gospel, that God remit unto men the whole pain, as well as the fault, and exact no satisfactory pain from them.

IX. Let them tell us why they will have God, at certain times, and to certain persons, to remit wholly both the pain and the fault; but at other times, and to other persons, though less stained with sin, to use rigour, and punish and tor­ment them many ages in a vehement fire? For example, all the faithful that shall be alive in the world when Christ cometh to judge the quick and the dead, though they have run never so far on the score, as for the debt of satisfactions, they shall have all that score discharged, and shall not enter into Purgatory. And the Car­melite Fryars have that priviledge, to be no longer in Purgatory then till the next Saturday after their death; so that if they die upon Friday night, they are but lightly singed, and enter into Purgatory only to come out, and to tell news of it. Whereas there are many persons, dead many ages ago, held to have been very devout in their lives, for whom nevertheless Masses are said still, upon a presup­position [Page 597] that they are in Purgatory still. Is it not because they have paid and made large gifts unto the Church? For a man that hath given nothing, so many services should not be said. It is lucre that brought in these satisfactions. By a new Pyrotechny that imaginary fire was kindled, that souls might be drawn from it with profit to the Pope and his Clergy.

X. That Commandement of God so often iterated, that we forgive those that offend us, as God forgiveth those that offend him, and that prayer which Christ hath indited to us, Forgive us our trespasses, as we forgive them that trespass against us, gives us here a great light. Saint Paul, Eph. 4.32. gives us the same charge, Be ye kind one to another, tender-hearted, forgiving one another, even as God for Christs sake hath forgiven you. We ought to know then, how God would have us to for­give those that have offended us. Doth he mean that a private man offended by another private man (for of such the Apostle speaketh) ought to forgive the whole offence so, that he reserve to himself a resolution to make him bear the whole pain of it? Doth he mean that we avenge our selves after we have forgiven? Would not that be a base and treacherous part? Would not the world call it a fraudulent and hypocritical pardon? Since then God will have our forgiving of our neighbours, to be framed after the example of Gods pardon to us, and since when we forgive the whole offence, we forgive also the whole pain, it follows that God forgives us in the same manner, and that by forgiving the whole offence, he forgives also the whole satisfactory pain. Yea it is far more reason­able and likely that God should do so then man, because God is infinitely more merciful then man.

XI. God saith, Ezek. 18.21, 22. If the wicked will turn from all his sins— All his transgressions that he hath committed, shall not be mentioned unto him. Then he layeth no satisfactory pain upon him, such as the fire of Purgatory: For punishing a converted sinner in that manner, would be mentioning his sins unto him.

XII. According to the doctrine of the Roman Church, he that after a total pardon of an offence, will punish him whom he hath forgiven, cannot be justly reprehended. For he will say, Doth not God do the same? Doth he not punish those in a fire, to whom he hath given a full pardon? Will ye have me to be more merciful then God? Certainly man is of himself but too prone to evil, and given to fraud and revenge, and needs not to be seduced to it by Gods example, whom these men make Author of vices, and a Teacher of Revenge and Disloyaltie.

For these causes Tertullian Tertul. lib. de Bapt. cap. 5. Ex­empto reatu remittitur & poena. speaking of Baptism, saith that the guiltiness being taken away, the pain also is remitted. He gives a reason why in Baptism the pain is remitted unto us, even because the fault is pardoned.Aug. Serm. 141. de Tempore. As Austin told us before, that Christ taking part with us of the pain without the fault, hath abolished both the fault and the pain.

CHAP. 5. Proofs of our Adversaries, whereby they pretend to prove that God, after all the fault is forgiven, inflicteth the satisfactory pain.

AGainst that truth so evident, our Adversaries bring some small reasons; and whereas they pretend to make a great building, they bring straws to it instead of timber and stone.

I. They say that God having forgiven Davids sin, yet punished it, and sent affliction on his family, 2 Sam. 12.13.

I answer, that the question being of satisfactory pains, they bring us exam­ples of castigatory and exemplary pains, which served only to correct and amend David, and make him an example; not to satisfie Gods justice, or to pay any recompence to him. Of that David himself is a good example, thus speaking of himself, Psalm 119.71. It is good for me that I have been afflicted, that I might learn thy statutes. And the Apostle, Heb. 12.10. God chasteneth us for our profit, that we might be partakers of his Holiness. The chastening of a Father, and the punishment of a Judge are different things. There is great difference between bearing the corrections of our God, and satisfying his justice. Medicines are not satisfactions or payments. They that strike a man in a fit of falling sickness, do it not to be avenged of him, or to draw satisfactions from him, but for the ease of the patient. David never intended by the afflictions which he suffered to satisfie Gods Justice; that would have been an intolerable burden, but he comforted himself in that confidence, that God chastened him as a father his son. Chrysostom in the Homily of Penitence and Confession, saith that God imposeth pains upon us, not to punish us for sins past, but to mend us for the time to come. And Austin in the second Book of the merit of sins, and of remission, chap. 34. Pains before the remission of the fault are punishments of sin, but after the remission they are com­bates and exercises of the righteous. And so Ambrose in the first Book of Penitence, chap. 4. speaking of the chastenings wherewith God visiteth his children, His in­dignation is not an execution of revenge, but rather an effect of pardon. And as for Davids case, Austin in the fore-alleadged place saith, that he was punished after the pardon, Ʋt pietas hominis in illa humilitate exerceretur & probaretur; that the piety of that man might be exercised and tried in that humiliation. It was not then out of revenge, or to draw satisfaction from him to the justice of God. The castigatory pains of Gods children, which serve to mend them, are very unrea­sonably alleadged to establish the torment of Purgatory, where souls are burning without mending, and where they hold that God tormenteth the souls of his chil­dren to content himself, and satisfie his justice, not to mend them: As if, because a father makes his son to take Physick to heal him, one would inferr that he will hang him to content himself.

II. To this Bellarmine opposeth the words of God himself, 2 Sam. 12.14. Because by this deed thou hast given great occasion to the enemies of the Lord to blas­pheme, the child also that is born unto thee shall surely die. Whence he gathers, that God sent him that punishment for his sins past. But this Cardinal labours in vain to prove that which we grant. We know that David was punished for his sins past, and that his murther, and adultery, were the meritorious causes of that punishment; but the question between us is about the final cause, and the end which God purposed when he chastened him; whether God punished Da­vids sins to satisfie his justice, and to draw from him recompence and satisfaction, as our Adversaries will have it; or, whether he chastised him to amend him, and make him wiser for the future, as we affirm, and as David himself doth acknow­ledge. For since God had fully pardoned him, the pains that followed must be compatible with that first pardon: Now they are things compatible and very well agreeing together, that a father forgive his son, and yet keep him to a Physical [Page 599] diet or abstinence. He may forgive him an excess committed by drunkenness, and yet forbid him the use of wine for a time. But the Doctors of the Roman Church teach, that God tormenteth souls after he hath fully forgiven them.

IV. Hereby also their example is confuted of the damned, whose father God is, as he is their Creator, and yet he maketh them satisfie his justice in Hell. For God doth not punish the damned, after he hath fully pardoned them. But here the question is of the pain which God inflicteth upon his children after re­mission, not of that which he makes his enemies to suffer whom he never pardoned.

V. The tears, the fast, and the humiliation of David, were not to satisfie Gods justice, nor to pay him any recompence, as Bellarmine imagineth, but they were effects of his sorrow, signs and helps of his repentance, and a lesson to others to teach them how much they ought to hate sin. It would have been an aggrava­tion of sin in David, if he had been sensless at Gods rods, and had not bowed under his mighty hand, or had given himself to mirth, when Gods judgements or threatnings invited him to repentance.

VI. Bellarmine saith, that God, after he had pardoned Davids fault about the numbring of the people; did nevertheless punish him.2 Sam. 24. But of that pardon after the punishment, the sacred history saith nothing. And the punishment that followed, was not laid upon David especially, but upon the people, who for other reasons had deserved that punishment: But God took occasion of Davids fault in numbring the people, to punish the people which he was numbring. Yet nothing happened to David, that may not be taken rather for a chastisement then a satisfaction. Now the wholesom chastisements whereby God exerciseth and in­structeth his children, agree very well with their pardon.

VII. They alleadge to us also the example of David, forgiving Shimei who had cursed and reviled him to his face, and yet Shimei was since put to death for the same crime that was forgiven him. In which passage they find, to their think­ing, that David forgave him the fault, but not the pain. So that, by their reckon­ing, when Shimei was put to death, it was not because of the fault which he had committed since it was forgiven him. They should have told us then for what fault he was put to death. These men put out their own eyes, and study to speak absurd things. Read the history, and you shall find that David had not forgiven Shimei; but that when Abishai required that he should be put to death, David answered, Shall there any man be put to death this day in Israel?2 Sam. 19.22. for do I not know that I am this day King over Israel? David seeing himself that day re­stored to the Kingdom, would not trouble the publick joy, by spilling the blood of any man, wherefore he said to Shimei, Thou shalt not die; but he did not tell him whether that promise was for ever, or for that time only, reserving to him­self the intelligence of that which might be diversly understood. Besides it is evident by the second Chapter of the first Book of the Kings, that Shimei was put to death, not for his curses, but because he was gone out of Jerusalem against the express prohibition of Solomon. The remembrance of the first fault,1 King. 2.16. and the fol­lowing ver­ses. made him to be punished for the second. Truly, if a King having fully pardoned a mans crime, should afterwards put him to death for the same crime, he should cast a great blur upon his reputation, and hardly would any man trust his word after that, although he should use the distinction of the Roman Church, that he hath pardoned the fault, not the pain.

VIII. Bellarmine brings the example of those that were slain by Gods com­mandment for worshipping the golden calf, and saith that God had forgiven them: But he saith that without proof. For Scripture saith not that God had forgiven them. And though he had, the punishment which happened since the pardon, ought to be considered, not as inflicted to give satisfaction to justice after the remission of the fault, but to give example unto others.

IX. The same I say of Moses and Aaron, who were punished for not glorifying God in the waters of Meriba. For it was an example to all the people to trust in the Word of God. And the same of the Corinthians punished with death and [Page 600] sickness, for the prophanation of the holy Communion. In all these God took no satisfaction after the fault remitted, but did chastise sins by an exemplary pu­nishment.

X. To the same purpose they object, Numb. 14.20. where God saith that he hath pardoned the people, yet two verses after, God denounceth to the most part of that people, that they should never see the Countrey which God had promised them.

I answer, First that it is a great licentiousness to bring examples of the par­don granted to a great people, when the question is about the pardon of sins, which God granteth to every particular person. For among a great multitude, there being some good some evil, it is not possible that the pardon granted to a Nation, be understood to be alike effectual to all the particulars. Neither ought we to believe that in a Nation, the impenitent have the same benefit of a pardon as the penitent, that become new men.

Secondly, They are mistaken, if they believe that God pardoned the sin of that Nation, with the pardon whereby salvation is obtained. For of that very people the Apostle to the Hebrews saith,Heb. 3.11. Heb. 4.5, 6, 7. that God sware in his wrath that they should not enter into his rest; by which rest, the same Apostle declareth a little af­ter, that the heavenly rest must be understood. The sense of that text, Numb. 14.20. is clear. In the twelfth verse God had spoken as if he would have exter­mined that people in an instant, and made Moses to grow to a great Nation, but at the request of Moses he executes not that threatning. Yet the fault of that people was not blotted out, as for the eternal salvation, as the Apostle teach­eth us.

XI. They think they have some reason to alleadge unto us the example of Adam, whom God pardoned, and yet punished. I answer, that if Adam was saved, as we presume, the pains which he suffered in his life were not satisfactory, nor laid on him to satisfie Gods justice, but were chastenings and profitable ex­ercises for his salvation and amendment.

XII. They say also, that the godly whose fault God hath fully pardoned, die nevertheless: And that little children, to whom God hath forgiven original sin, yet bear the pain of that original sin, which is death, and that death is not a castigatory pain that may serve to amend a sinner, or to instruct and warn him for the time to come: And by consequent (say they) it is a satisfactory pain to content the Justice of God.

This argument is very injurious against the death of Gods children, putting it among the Judgements of God, and the satisfactory pains to satisfie his justice. Our Adversaries call with good reason, the death of Martyrs a triumph and a crown, because for them death, which by nature is evil, changeth nature, be­cometh honourable, and is put among Gods blessings, as having a conformity with the Cross of Christ. Why shall we not say the same of the death of the godly, that yield their souls unto God with joy, and by that death are exempted from sin, and put in possession of life? And that because Christ by his death hath taken away the curse of ours, and made death which by nature is the gate of hell, to become the gate of heaven, bringing to us under the hideous face of death, the gift of everlasting life. Is it material, whether we yield our soul unto God by the mouth, or by the wound? By a burning fire, or by a burning Fever? by a com­motion of humours, or by a popular commotion, since both the wayes we go to God alike? and that many without Martyrdom die, having the zeal and the vertue of Martyrs? Was it to satisfie Gods justice by torments, that Lazarus dying, yielded his soul unto God, which was carried into Abrahams bosom? Was it to satisfie by punishment,Gen. 49.18. that Jacob departing in peace was saying, I have waited for thy salvation O Lord? Certainly they that put death among satisfactory pains, make the death of the Saints very bitter. It is a cold comfort to a godly person dying, to tell him, that he must take his death as a punishment from God: that he must bear it to content his justice; and that God having forgiven the fault, yet will be paid and satisfied for the pain.

The same I say of the death of little children, whose sin is blotted out by the blood of Christ, being sealed with the seal of Gods Covenant by Baptism. To these God grants a great priviledge to hasten their rest, and to bring them be­times out of the combat, to exempt them from temptations, and give them the reward of workmen, before the heat of the day. If they feel pain in death, it is because the passage is troublesom, but a strait and troublesom passage is not a payment nor a satisfaction. Do our Adversaries believe that the Virgin Mary dyed without pain? And yet they would not say that her death was a satisfaction or a punishment of her sin.

Besides, it is without reason that the evils that are general unto all mankind, are here alleadged, seeing here the question is of those evils only, which are proper unto Gods children, to whom the fault is altogether remitted. Sick­nesses and death happen to Gods children, not as they are Gods children, but as they are men; but God makes those evils to change their nature; he makes evils to become remedies, sicknesses medicines, and death an entry into life.

XIII. Our Adversaries finding no help in Scripture, try the help of Reason, to no better purpose: They say that we acknowledge as well as they, that the re­generation of the godly is done by degrees, not in an instant: Whence they in­ferr, that we ought not to find it strange, if by the same reason the remission of sins is not done all at once, but by degrees and progresses, God forgiving first the sault, and then the pain. This reasoning will help to clear the Truth; For re­generation and the amendment of the godly is done by degrees, and by little and little. We advance in it by labour, by the exercise of good works, and by continuing instant in prayers: And that because it is an habit which is contracted, and a quality which is formed in us. But the remission of sins is a decree of Gods Counsel, which changeth not, and advanceth not by encrease or addition. Thus the King giveth pardon to a felon in an instant, not by degrees. Besides in the progress of regeneration and amendment of life, the last degrees are not repug­nant unto the first. But here they will have God to forgive the whole fault, without forgiving the whole pain, which are things repugnant. For he that remits not the whole pain, shews thereby that he hath not forgiven the whole fault, else it would be a pain without fault, and a punishment for a sin fully par­doned.

XIV. They alleadge, that after the King hath granted to a guilty man his life, yet he layeth heavy Fines upon him. I said in another place, that in that case the pardon which the King granted was not a full pardon, but a diminution of pain: but that God doth not give half pardons. He doth wholly forgive his children for whom Christ is dead, for he is infinitely merciful, and Christ hath fully satisfied for them. The blood of Jesus Christ the Son of God cleanseth us from all sin, 1 John 1.7.

XV. Others say, thatThis Rule belongs to the Civil Law, and to the munici­pal Laws of France. after that the King hath given to a felon his grace, he must satisfie his Adversary; whence they inferr, that after that the King hath pardoned the whole fault, he must yet satisfie, and bear the pain. This is a reason without reason. For the King cannot justly exempt a man from paying his debts, nor give leave to a Robber to with-hold his neighbours goods. But God may without injustice remit the whole pain, as well as the fault, as our Adversaries acknowledge. Here it is especially to be noted, that a felon after he hath obtain­ed the Kings grace, yet is obliged to satisfie the offended party, because the King and the adverse party are two, and that the right of the offended party is not in the Kings power: But here God who is the King, is also the offended party; who when he hath remitted all his interest, there remains no more party to be satis­fied. So these Doctors, by that example of the King condemn themselves. For should not that felon be mad, who having obtained the Kings grace, would come and ask his Majesty, Sir, You have forgiven me the fault only, do you mean to for­give me the pain also? These men study to paint Gods Temple with Chimera's, and those conceits which in all other things would be ridiculous, they find reasonable in matter of Religion.

[Page 602]XVI. No more reason have they to say, that in all Gods actions mercy and justice must shine together. Now Gods mercy (say they) shines by pardoning us the whole fault, and his justice by making us bear the satisfactory pain. By thus reasoning they condemn the Popes plenary indulgences, whereby the sinner after the remission of the fault, is exempted also from all the pain, whereby they think to satisfie Gods justice. Thereby also they condemn the absolutions which are given without expecting any satisfaction. And their maxime is false, for towards De­vils, God useth Soveraign justice without mercy. The Apostle James Jam. 2.13. tells us, That he shall have judgement without mercy, that hath shewed no mercy. So we must not find it strange, if God useth mercy to some without execution of his justice, ac­cording to that sentence,Rom. 8.1. that there is no condemnation for them that are in Christ Jesus. Yet towards the sins of the godly, God hath used his whole justice by punishing them in Christ wholly and fully; and receiving from his son a perfect satisfaction to his own justice: But together, he hath set forth his mercy, im­puting unto them that satisfaction. As for the means of applying that satisfacti­on, we shall speak of them afterwards. If any being moved with compassion towards the Devil and the damned souls, will affirm that God useth some mercy towards them, he speaks without any authority of Gods Word, and tells us news of that Countrey, as having intelligences there, or as newly returned from thence.

We have shewed why the remission of the fault excludes not castigatory pains, but excludeth satisfactory punishments. If remission of sins exempted us from chastening, it would serve to corrupt us, and so remission of sins would be a kind of punishment. In this life there is no worse pain then impunity, for thereby a man becomes insolent and abandoned to all evil. It would be an ill priviledge of a father to one of his children, to exempt him from taking Physick when he is sick. The like cannot be said of satisfactory pains, as they make the pain of Purgatory, which serveth not to amend the sinner, for there they hold that souls sin no more. Our Adversaries will not deny, that to be exempted from that torment, would be a great benefit.

CHAP. 6. That the Satisfactions of the Roman Church, derogate from Christs satisfa­faction, and are injurious against Gods Justice.

CArdinal Bellarmine Bellar. lib. 1. de Purgat. c. 14. §. Respon­deo si. Homo sui ipsius redem­ptor & sal­vator appel­latur, &c. Respondeo tres esse modos di­cendi, Primus quorundam est, qui asse­runt unam tantum & illam Christi esse, ac nos propriè non satisfacere, &c. quae sententia erronea mihi videtur, nam Scriptura & Patres passim vocant nostra opera satisfactiones & redemptiones. disputing of the wayes to satisfie Gods justice for our sins, saith that upon that point there are three diverse opinions. The first is of those that say, that there is but one satisfaction to Gods justice for our sins, which is that of Christ. Which opinion he saith to be erroneous, affirming that the good works that we do, are satisfactions and redemptions for our sins, and makes no difficulty to say, that in Scripture the faithful man is called the Saviour and Redeemer of himself.

The second opinion is of those that say, that there are two satisfactions, the one that of Christ, the other our own, yet so, that ours depends on that of Christ, which opinion he saith to be probable, and yet he rejects it, and follow­eth the third.

He saith then,Tertius tamen modus videtur probabilior, quòd una tan­tum sit actualis satisfactio & ea sit nostra. The third way seems to me more probable, that there is but one actual [or real] satisfaction, and that the same is our own. He acknow­ledgeth no satisfaction indeed, but our works or sufferings: and acknowledging [Page 603] that Christ hath satisfied, he holds not his satisfaction to be actual, but that it serveth only to give a value to our satisfactions, and that by it we come to have the grace to satisfie. As if he said, that Christs death is not actually and indeed the ransom for our sins, but that it gives us vertue to pay our ransom: Or that it is not a payment, but that it is like the Philosophical stone, which by her touch maketh our payment, that we our selves furnish, to become good money, and that by vertue of the same, the pains of Purgatory are accepted for redemption, from the pain due for the sins committed after Baptism. For this cause he main­tains that, homo sui ipsius Redemptor & salvator appellatur; man is called the Re­deemer and Saviour of himself. This is not mincing, it is roundly and openly blas­pheming against the Son of God.

If this doctrine be true, we must say that the Apostle spake but inconsiderately,1 Tim. 2.5, 6. when he said, that the Lord Jesus is the only Mediator, who gave himself a ran­som for us; for to speak the language of these Gentlemen, he should have said, that Christ gave not himself actually a ransom for us, but that he gives us the grace to pay our ransom our selves, and that there is no other actual satisfaction to Gods justice, but that which we do our selves. And the Apostle to the He­brews, chap. 1. v. 3. ought not to have said that Christ had by himself purged our sins, that is, in his own person. For to speak as the Roman Church doth, he should have said, that he gives us the grace to purge our sins our own selves by the torment that we bear in Purgatory.

The question is then of the nature and efficacy of Christs satisfaction, who his own self bore our sins in his own body upon the tree, and by whose stripes we are healed. 1 Pet. 2.24. Isa. 53.5. And as Isaiah saith, He was wounded for our transgressions, he was bruised for our iniquities, the chastisement of our peace was upon him; where the word chastise­ment signifieth satisfaction. He is the propitiation for our sins, and not for ours only, 1 Joh. 2.2. but also for the sins of the whole world, saith Saint John. Col. 1.19, 20. For it pleased the Father that in him should all fulness dwell. And having made peace through the blood of his Cross, by him to reconcile all things unto himself, saith Saint Paul. Neither is there salvation in any other, for there is none other name under heaven given among men whereby we must be saved, saith Saint Peter. Acts 4.12.

I. Here then I ask these Doctors that would be Saviours and Redeemers of themselves, whether Christ by his death and sufferings hath paid and satisfied Gods justice for all the pain, both eternal and temporal due to our sins? And to speak more plainly, I ask, Whether Christ payed and satisfied for the pain of Purgatory? If he did not satisfie for the pain of Purgatory, he did not satisfie for the whole satisfactory pain which is due to us, and there will be need of some addition to the ransom and satisfaction which Christ paid for us. And it will be hard enough for them to find in any man that which is deficient in Christ, and to find where or how to supply what they find wanting in the death of Christ. But if Christ hath satisfied for all the satisfactory pain of sins, both eternal and temporal, and both for Hell and for Purgatory, it is certain that his end in satisfying for the pain due in Purgatory, was to exempt us from it. If he paid the debt, it was to acquit us. Why should God demand two satisfactions for the same sins? Why should he take two payments for the same debt, when the first payment is suffici­ent? Why should he not receive Christs satisfaction for so much as it is worth? Or why should he abate of the value and efficacy of the same? As if in a pay­ment one would take angels only for crowns; or having received the whole Co­venanted summ for a Prisoners ransom, would take it for half the ransom only. May not here poor souls frying and tormented in Purgatory now many ages, just­ly ask of God why he punisheth them, when they are without fault? Why doth he make his children to bear the punishment of a sin fully pardoned, yea of a sin for which Christ hath fully satisfied? Truly, should that be done to a stranger, yea to an enemy, it would be unjust dealing. How much more when a father doth that usage to his children? Where is that Soveraign bounty of the heaven­ly Father? Where are those tender compassions? that infinite mercy whereby he delivered his Son unto death to save his enemies, and make them heirs of his King­dom?

[Page 604]II. And since they acknowledge that there is a residue of the merit of Christ above that we need for our salvation, yea so much above, that one onely drop of his blood (if our Adversaries may be believed) was sufficient to redeem many worlds, and both from Hell and Purgatory; why, since the payment is greater then needs, is it not imployed by God for so great a need?

III. Do they not contradict themselves, when they say that Christ hath re­deemed us from the eternal pain, not from the temporal? For it is as if they said, Christ hath redeemed us for ever, but not for two or three hundred years. That he hath satisfied for all, but not for this or for that. For the pain of Purgatory (if there be any) is comprehended within eternity.

IV. Ask them proofs of their assertion by the Word of God, they will an­swer as if you made them another question. They will bring Texts of Scripture that exhort to good works, and to penitence, and to sufferings for Christs sake, and they accuse us of a dastard mind, because we refuse to satisfie in our own per­son. But they could not yet bring one Text of Gods Word to prove that by Ba­ptism the pain indeed, and the fault of the precedent sins is blotted out, but that for the sins committed since our Baptism, it lyeth upon us to satisfie for the pain thereof, both in this life and in Purgatory. And that in that respect the godly are Redeemers of themselves, and satisfie Gods justice. That doctrine is a new Gospel unknown to the Apostles, and a fundamental Article of the Roman faith taken from the unwritten word.

V. Holy Scripture sets forth Christ unto us, as sent into the world to remedy the evil which the sin of Adam hath brought into the world. To that the most part of the fifth Chapter of the Epistle to the Romans is employed. Now it is an inconvenient doctrine, that Adam should have more strength to make us debtors to Gods justice, then Christ to acquit us of that debt, and give satisfaction to Gods justice. But Adam by his sin hath made all his posterity subject to satisfie Gods justice, both by temporal and by eternal pains. Christ therefore was sent into the world to satisfie for us, so that by his satisfaction we are discharged from the obligation of satisfying Gods justice, either by temporal or eter­nal pains.

VI. Against that doctrine of the Roman Church, Cardinal Bellarmine moveth an objection in these words,Bellar. lib. 1. de Purgat. c. 14. Sect. Quarta. If Christs satisfaction be applyed unto us by our [satisfactory] works, either they are two satisfactions joyned together, the one of Christ, the other our own; or it is but one satisfaction. If they are two, then the same fault is twice punished, and two punishments answer one fault. Or if there is but one satisfaction, either it is that of Christ, and so it is not we that satisfie; or it is our own, and so Christ shall be excluded. Or else we shall share that honour with Christ, he paying for the fault, we for the pain.

To that objection the Cardinal answereth nothing, but only propounds three several opinions, of which he chuseth the worst, saying, that in effect there is but one satisfaction, which is ours, and that our works are the redemption of our sins.

VII. One reason seems to me very strong against these satisfactions and penal works, whereby they pretend to satisfie Gods justice by the punishment, after the full pardon of the sin. That whosoever will pay or satisfie, he must do it with his own, not with another mans estate. Much less can a debt be paid, by giving to the Creditor that which belongs to him already: For then the Creditor will say, you pay me with mine own goods: You take money out of my purse to pay me, and thereby pretend to be quit. Our Adversaries do the very same: They pay and satisfie God with his own; for we cannot offer any work which may be acceptable unto him, unless it proceed from his grace; And after all, they say that God is satisfied according to the Laws of commutative justice, which payeth so much for so much, and they say themselves to be Redeemers of themselves.

VIII. Of this argument the strength groweth, when we come to consider what God is, and what we are. For the distance being infinite, and the inequality [Page 605] between God and man without measure, all that we do to satisfie his justice can­not have any, I say not equality (although our Adversaries speak that language) but not so much as any proportion. It is of this, as of the Suns beams beating upon a looking glass, whose reflexion doth not reach to the Sun again, who is extream far from the sphere of activity of the glass. Thus David speaking of all the good that he could do, said to God, My goodness extendeth not to thee, Psalm 16.2. That holy servant of God, did not aim to pay unto God a satisfaction ex condigno, by equality of recompence. If a company of Pismires did present a rich man with the fourth part of a corn of Wheat, stoln out of the same mans barn, what satisfaction could that present give him? Yet between Ants and the greatest Kings there is some proportion, for both are finite things. But between the infinite God, and man who is finite, yea and wicked, poor, weak, and infinite­ly in Gods debt, there is no proportion.

IX. This will be more evident yet, when we consider that a servant that must serve his Master every day, cannot by yielding to day the service that he oweth, satisfie thereby for his disobedience of the dayes before. He that oweth a crowns rent every Moneth, cannot by paying the crown this Moneth satisfie for the ar­rears of the Moneth before, nor for other debts of many years that are behind. Now there is never a day but is wholly due unto God, and all our labour is his due. How can a sinner then by fasting, praying, and giving alms, satisfie Gods justice for sins past, as the Roman Church will have it, seeing that the service which he doth to day, is due for this very day? What more? for that very ser­vice which we owe him at this present time, we shall never render unto God all that we ought to pay, whatsoever we do: So far are we from satisfying by our present works for our sins past. For we owe unto God all that we can, yea we owe our own selves. And among our best works there is alwayes some imperfection, and matter for craving pardon.

X. To shew here the wrastling of truth against untruth in a prejudicate mind, and obstinately set upon errour, I will bring here Cardinal Bellarmine's words,Bellar. lib. 4. de Poeniten­tia, cap. 8. Illud antea praemitten­dum putamus, nos hoc loco de satisfa­ctione illa verba facere, quae (ut nostri loquun­tur) ex con­digno quidem poenam tem­poralem ex­plets non tamen ex rigore justi­tiae. Satis­factio enim ex rigore justitiae duo requirit, ut satisfiat ex propriis, & ad aequalita­tem, nulla videlicet praeveniente aut intercedente gratia ejus, cui debetur satisfactio. Nos autem neque aliquid habemus, quod Dei non sit, neque possumus ullo genere honoris adaequare injuriam quam Deo fecimus, cum injuriae mensura aestimetur ex dignitate Dei quae infinita est, mensura honoris quem illi impendimus, aestimetur ex infirmitate nostra quae est finita & perexigua. We must (saith he) give this warning before-hand, that we speak in this place of that satisfaction, which (as our Doctors speak) expiates the temporal pain by a condigne (that is equipollent) satisfaction, yet not according to the rigour of Justice. For satisfaction in the rigour of justice requireth two things, that we satisfie with our own proper goods and with equality, no grace of him to whom the satisfacti­on is due prevening or intervening. But we have nothing that belongs not unto God, and we cannot by any kind of honour equal the injury which we have done to God, seeing that the measure of the injury is esteemed by the dignity of God which is infinite, and the measure of the honour which we yield unto him, is esteemed according to our dignity, which is finite and very small.

This is evidently the language of a man set upon the rack, who having said be­fore, things that directly oppose the Word of God, and where untruth is evi­dent, namely, that we can expiate the temporal pain by condigne or equipollent satis­faction, endeavours to return to the good way, and to give glory to God, but soon after the spirit of errour giveth him a stop, and makes him turn about again: For he adds,Nihilominus tamen accedente Dei gratia eaque multiplici, verè possumus, aliquo modo, ex propriis, & ad aequalitatem, ac per hoc justè & ex condigno satisfacere. Nevertheless the grace of God intervening, and that grace being of many sorts, we can truly, in some sort, give satisfaction of our own, and with equality, and by consequent justly satisfie, and with condignity, that is, with equipoellncy. Truly he had clearly proved, that we cannot satisfie God with any thing of our own, nor present any satisfaction unto God, but that there will be an infinite distance between that satisfaction, and that which is due by the rigour of justice. But now overthrowing all that he had said, he coyneth a grace [Page 606] of God, which makes us to give unto God a satisfaction of our own, & with equa­lity and condignity. Truly, if it be the grace of God that we satisfie, the satis­faction is not of our own. And if it be infinitely under the rigour of justice, it is not with equality and equipollency. Besides, that doctrine puts our satisfactions and torments among the graces of God. And so we must believe that to be burnt in a vehement fire for many ages, is a grace of God, and one of his blessings. But I should rather think, that to be free from that torment is a grace of God. And if to be delivered from that torment by Indulgences is a grace of God, here is one grace of God that destroyeth another, and a blessing of God, that keeps God from doing us so much grace as to torment us.

XI. The force of truth giveth another stretch to our Adversaries, and extorts this confession from them, That it followeth from their doctrine, that God takes a greater payment then needeth, according to the rigour of justice, and a greater satisfaction then justice requireth, because Christ having sufficiently paid both for all the pain and for all the fault, yet he requireth from us another satisfaction for the same pain, for which Christ hath fully satisfied. These are the words of Grego­rius de Valentia, Gregor. de Valent. lib. de Satis. c. 3. sect. Hoc tamen. Hoc tamen ex hac re consequi ne­gandum non est nempe, compensati­onem pro offensa per aliquid am­plius Deo fieri, quam alioqui secun­dum rigorem justitiae opor­tuisset. Si­quidem abs­que nostra satisfactione potuisset sola Christi satis­factio abun­dantissime sufficere. We must not deny that hence it followeth, that the compensati­on for the offence is done to God by some thing more then otherwise it needed, according to the rigour of Justice; for the satisfaction of Christ alone might have been most abundantly sufficient, without our satisfaction. And a little after,Neque vero injustum est, quod plus in offensae compensati­onem Deus ex pacto exi­git, quam alioqui satis esse potu­isset, &c. God by paction exacteth more for the compensation of the offence, then might have been suffi­cient, &c. which he maintaineth to be just.Quo fit, ut secundum justitiae nor­mam satisfiat Patri aeterno in proposito, etiamsi ali­quid amplius, quàm alioqui ad aequalita­tem oportu­isset, ipsi offeratur. Whence (saith he) it happens that satisfaction is made to the eternal Father, according to the rule of justice, and as he had purposed it, although something more be presented to him, then needed to satisfie with equality. Could one disgrace more the justice of God, or offer a greater wrong to his Mercy? For not only Fathers, but equitable Judges use to remit somewhat of the rigour of Justice towards Delinquents by the vertue of [...]. equity, which for considerable causes abates something of [...]. the rigour of the Law, giving a favourable interpretation to the Law, according to that rule that summum jus very often is summa injuria. But these men will have God to exact more satisfaction then is due to him by the rigour of justice, and to take a greater payment then he should; Yea that he exceeds the rigour of Justice in punishing his own children.

XII. Also it ought to be considered in what state that doctrine puts consci­ences. For holy Scripture teacheth us to glory in our afflictions, and to be well pleased with the chastisements wherewith God visits us, taking them for wholsom remedies and testimonies of his love. But these men study to aggravate afflicti­ons, and dip them in gall; teaching Gods children to believe that God afflicts them to content his justice, not chastising them as a father doth his children, but punishing them as a Judge doth felons to get satisfaction from them. It is but a poor glory for one to pay his debts by torments. It is a cold comfort to yield to necessity, saying, God justly torments me, for he executeth his judgements against me, and his Justice takes satisfaction from me. But alas! when shall I have satis­fied enough? When shall his justice be fully satisfied? What do I know how much I owe? or what God will allow me for every lash, and every fast? Truly it is hard to know that, seeing that Bellarmine in his Book De gemitu columbae, saith that Pope Innocent the III. is condemned to be in Purgatory till the day of judge­ment, although he be reckoned among the most excellent Popes, who made more Decrees then any, and deprest the Crowns of Kings under the Papal See, more then any other Pope. Masses are still said at Saint Denis for the soul of King Dagobert, dead above a thousand years ago, although he was a very devout King, and he that made the greatest gathering of relicks. What may then the condition be of a Gentleman or a Merchant, who in his life-time contented him­self to believe in Christ, and never troubled himself to buy the satisfactions of other men; and obeying Gods Commandments to his power, never pretended to works of supererrogation? For the relief of such a mans soul, perhaps his surviving friends may think it their best course to go to some priviledged Altar, to [Page 607] which the Pope hath granted, that who so gets a Mass to be sung upon it, fetch­eth a soul out of Purgatory, such as he will call for; and where the Pope hath given seven or eight hundred thousand years of true pardon, that there may be enough to spare, and more then one needs. For to hope that Christ sitting at the right hand of God, and there interceding for us, will without help deliver a soul out of Purgatory, these Gentlemen hold it an ill-grounded hope, and a self-flattery. There is (belike) in his Holinesses power a more certain relief, which may be had with a little money.

XIII. I add, that as sins were voluntary, the satisfactions for sins must also be voluntary. Now the satisfaction that souls are said to make in Hell, is not volun­tary, for there is none but would exempt himself from Purgatory if it were in his power, and chuse rather to be in Paradise. Thus these souls pay unto God a satisfaction, which though they endure with patience, yet they are not come to it with their good will. God receiveth no such payments, or compensations, or satisfactions to his justice. The propitiatory offerings under the Law were to be voluntary, Deut. 16.10. Christ laid down his life willingly for us, John 10.17, 18. Gods people is a willing people, Psalm 110.3. A forced punishment, though born with patience, is not a satisfaction to Gods justice. For willing faults, God will have willing satisfactions, and none shall be found such, but that of the Son of God.

XIV. Gods most perfect justice receiveth none but a most perfect satisfaction. Now in our sufferings there is alwayes some infirmity of faith, and some impati­ence. Wherefore we repose our consciences altogether upon that satisfaction which Christ hath paid for us, because it is that only that hath no imperfection, and in which God finds matter enough to satisfie his justice. We then relying altoge­ther upon Christs satisfaction, who satisfied for all our sins, and for all the pain, both eternal and temporal, bear the afflictions which God sends us, not as satis­factions to his justice (for we should sink under that burthen, God being infi­nitely great, and infinitely just, and we small, weak, guilty, and defective in our best works) but as Fatherly chastenings, tryals of our faith, and bridles to our worldly desires.

XV. Truly the pardons which the Pope giveth, whereby a man is exempted from satisfying, shew sufficiently that in the Roman Church satisfactions are not held necessary, but that they hold rather, that without satisfying Gods justice with torments, a man may be saved.

XVI. And the profit that the Clergy gets thereby, by particular Masses, which are sung to deliver those souls from Purgatory, that have given to the Church (for they are never sung for one that hath given nothing) and the traffick of Indulgences, so lucrative to his Holiness, make us sufficiently know the end of their so eager fighting for humane satisfactions. God having received from his beloved Son Jesus Christ a full payment for our sins, these Gentlemen will give him a second payment, that themselves may have the third payment.

XVII. Here the injury offered unto God is notorious, for they are not con­tented to add unto the satisfaction of the eternal Son of God other satisfactions, of which the Word of God saith nothing, but they present unto God satisfacti­ons, of which some are vain, as self-whipping, wearing a rope for a girdle, going bare-foot to visit relicks, mumbling up seven Psalms in Latine, not knowing the language; some are wicked and unjust.

XVIII. I call that an unjust satisfaction, when a sinner gets another to whip himself for him, or to fast in his room. For it is charging God with blindness, and making him an unreasonable Judge, that will relase a felon because his neigh­bour whipt himself for him. A goodly excuse for a sinner, endited before Gods judgement of several crimes, to say, Lord all that is true, but I have made satis­faction for it, for such a friend of mine hath whipt himself for me, and hath fasted so many dayes for me, which I pretend to be allowed for me, though all that while I was feasting. And Saint Dominick whom I have chosen for my Patron, suffered much [Page 608] more then he needed for his own sins, and whipt himself three times a day, almost every day, with an iron chain, till the blood came, to expiate the sins of others. But the language of Gods Spirit agreeth not with that. For the Apostle saith, Gal. 6.5. that every man shall bear his own burden; and 2 Cor. 5.10. We must all ap­pear before the Judgement seat of Christ, that every one may receive the things done in his body, according to that he hath done, whether it be good or bad. And David, Psalm 49.7. None can by any means redeem his brother, nor give to God a ransom for him. That Royal Prophet had not learned this doctrine, that the Saints are in some sort our Redeemers, asBellar. lib. 1. In­dulg. cap. 4. Bellarmine saith, since by the Law it was for­biddenDeut. 24.16. to put the fathers to death for the children, or the children for the fathers, should God do a thing which himself declareth to be unjust? Should the great and just Judge accept in his judgement my pain for the sin of another? If one saith, Such a man indeed hath whipt himself for me, and fasted for me, but I have paid him for it, and he hath taken my money in the nature of Alms to satisfie for me; he abuseth God two wayes, 1. The one by supposing, that for the pain which Charles should pay in Purgatory, God be contented that Philip whip him­self. 2. The other, by thinking that God will accept money instead of whip­ping. No Judge in the world is such an idiot, as to behave himself so. And after all, we must return to the Word of God, and see what declaration God hath made of his will upon that subject, and what assurance we have that he will accept of the sufferings and fasts of another man, for satisfaction for our sins.

XIX. I call also those satisfactions unjust, whereby a sinner is enjoyned to do those things which he is bound to do without that injunction, and to which he is obliged, though there were no satisfaction for him to make. A man that hath committed murther or adultery, will come to a Priest and confess himself, and re­ceive absolution; But upon condition that he shall say so many prayers, and give so much in alms, and that is called satisfaction or recompence for the pain due to that sin. It is well done, to enjoyn good works to the sinner, but the sinner must do those good works, though he had committed neither murther nor adul­tery. It is an ordinary duty which we owe unto God, and we shall never do so much as we owe. Wherefore these good works cannot be instead of satisfactory pains for sins past; both because we owe them without that, and because good works are not punishments or satisfactory pains. Yea, I would hold it a great punishment, if I were hindred to do them.Gregor. de Valentia, lib. de satis­fact. cap. 4. §. Porro. Ex parte operum, per quae satisfieri debet Deo, asserendum est duo debere inesse illis; Alterum ut placeant & sint gratae Deo; Alte­rum ut habe­ant quandam difficultatem seu molestiam. A work must be troublesom and full of pain, that it may be satisfactory, saith Gregorius de Valentia. So that by his reckoning, it is a trouble to serve God. It is a foul art of Satan to put good works among pains, and satisfactory fines, to make them odious, and that men may do them against their heart. As if one said to a sinner, To punish thee for thy sin, I condemn thee to be a good man. When such a man shall give alms, he will say in his heart, This is a penance which I must bear for the pain of my sin. As when the Court of Parliament (that is, the high Court of Justice) besides other punishments of a felon,An usual course in the Court of Parlia­ment of Paris. fines him in so much alms to the poor, such an alms must not be put among good works, it is a punishment. Likewise prayers cease to be good works, when one is punished with praying. As indeed those to whom that punishment is imposed, to read the seven Penitential Psalms many times over, make as much haste as they can, biting their nails as they read, and when they begin, they wish they had done. In the same manner as they that are whipt while the Psalm is read, wish that the Psalm were shorter, and the favour­able Reader makes haste to come quickly to vitulos.

XX. Hence ariseth another absurdity, in which God is manifestly derided. For if one fast for another, the Doctors hold that in respect of him that fasteth, that work is meritorious of salvation, but in respect of him for whom he fasteth, the work is satisfactory. Truly, if he that fasteth purchaseth eternal life by the merit of his fast, I must think that his fast is sufficiently recompensed, and yet they will have the same work to serve to pay for another, and to satisfie before God for his neighbour, and that the work be meritorious in one regard, and satis­factory [Page 609] in another. As if one would have a thousand pounds which he bestoweth upon the buying of an house, to serve also to acquit another of the debt of a thousand pounds; so dividing the money, that cross should purchase the house, and pyle should pay the debt. A Judge that should pronounce such a sentence would be accounted mad: And yet these Doctors will have God to judge so. But if this being done by men, be unreasonable, and unjust, why shall the same be thought just and equitable for God to do, in that high matter of doing justice unto men? And if the same work can be meritorious for one that doth it, and satisfactory for another that doth it not, much more shall it be satisfactory for him that doth it: And so the same fast may serve unto the same man, to satisfie for Purgatory, and to deserve eternal life. For these men have prescribed that Law unto God, without knowing his will.

XXI. The like may be said of the exchange of corporal into pecuniary Laws: For besides the foulness of the traffick, it is selling Gods right, and imposing a Law upon God himself; as if they told him, We have condemned such a man to satisfie thee with fasting and beating of himself, but now our mind is that thou content thy self with a little money, which shall not be for thee, but for the Church, that is, for our selves.

The VI. Roman Council held under Pope Symmachus in the year, 504. shew­eth, that even then the Roman Church did already exercise that foul traffick, and got money from the people for the remission of sins. For there we find these words.Quoni­am nonnulli memores sui pro remissione peccatorum suorum & pro aeternae vitae merca­tione de fa­cultatibus suis tam re­rum mobilium quàm immo­bilium quae­dam per Scripturas Ecclesus tra­diderunt, & Deo Creatori perpetualiter habenda de­derunt. Some being mindful of themselves, have left unto the Churches by their writings [or deeds] some of their goods, both moveable and unmoveable for the remission of their sins, and to buy eternal life, and have given them unto God their Creator to have and to hold for ever. These men speak, as if those that have given money for the remission of their sins, and to buy eternal life, had enriched God. But these false Priests have enriched themselves with that which was given to God. For upon further consideration they have found that God had no need of it.

XXII. Those penances are little better, whereby a Penitent is condemned to say the same Prayer many times over by a precise number, in a tongue which he understands not. The Lord Jesus condemneth the Pharisees for using vain repe­titions in their Prayers, Matth. 6.7. And yet they understood what they said, and did not tye the vertue of the prayer unto the number. The Spaniards while they are speaking of other things, will say their beads. In France the good wives say them as they go to Market. The Italians as they go to the baudy-house: These are the satisfactions. They satisfie God while they offend him. If God demanded of us satisfactions, they should use other satisfactions to expiate such a satisfaction.

XXIII. But the most unjust satisfactions are those that oblige a sinner to be wicked, pretending to satisfie for a sin, by a greater sin, and to expiate theft by murther or treason. As when the Pope commands a Prince to invade his neigh­bours Countrey to obtain the remission of his sins. And when he sets forth in­dulgences, whereby absolution is given to all that will rebell against their King. Of which we have brought several examples, and will bring more in this work. Thus salvation and remission of sins are propounded as rewards of cruelty and disloyaltie. And after all, as if they had purposed to disgrace the doctrine of the Gospel, they say, that the blood of Christ gives vertue to these satisfactions, that is, that by wicked actions the merit of the Son of God is applyed to a mans conscience.

XXIV. Of all these satisfactions, so much in general. If they be evil, they must not be enjoyned: If they be good, the Pope ought not to dispense from them, nor to exempt men from the obedience to this Commandment, Do penitence, since our Adversaries hold that by that command men are enjoyned to bear satis­factory pains for their sins.

CHAP. 7. Causes why we especially reject the Satisfactions of the pretended Sacrament of Penitence.

THe Sacramental satisfactions, imposed by Priests, require a chapter by them­selves.

I. Here we demand of the Priests Confessors, who hath given them that autho­rity to impose corporal or pecuniary punishments upon sinners, for thereby they take upon themselves a dominion over the bodies and goods of persons? Their answer is that Christ gave them that power when he said to his Disciples, What­soever you shall bind on earth, shall be bound in heaven, and whatsoever you shall loose on earth, shall be loosed in heaven. As the Pope thereby pretends to have the power of dissolving contracts, marriages and obligations of vowes and oaths, and to loose subjects from the bonds of allegiance due to their Soveraign Prince, and children from their subjection to their parents, and to deliver souls out of Purga­tory; So the Priests extend the power of binding so far as to impose corporal and pecuniary pains, which is indeed a bold interpretation, very advantageous and lucrative for them. Now the interpretations of Scripture must be taken from Scripture it self, not from the Glosses of them that interpret Scripture for their profit, and assign to it a sense which is lucrative unto the interpreters.

II. I say then that our Adversaries acknowledge with us that the power of binding and loosing given to the Apostles, Matth. 18.18. is the same as that of remitting and retaining sinnes, given them, John. 20.23. Thus we expound Scripture by Scripture, when by binding and loosing we understand retaining or remitting sins, not imposing corporal or pecuniary pains to satisfie Gods justice; For of that power Scripture speaks not at all. Nothing of that is found in the Old Testament, for our Adversaries say that then the power of forgiving sins was not in the Church. Nothing of that is found in the New Testa­ment, where we find that Christ sending back the woman taken in adultery told her only, Go and sin no more, without imposing any satisfactory pain upon her. And Christ in the 5 of John speaks thus to the sick man whom he had healed, Behold thou hast been made whole, sin no more lest a worse thing come unto thee. Of corporal pain, pecuniary fine, reading of the seven Psalms, self-whipping, or pilgrimage, he speaks never a word to him. And St. Paul, 2 Cor. 2.7, 10. ad­viseth the Church of Corinth to forgive the incestuous man, and himself forgives him for his part, that is, he will have him released from the Ecclesiastical Cen­sures and pains. But he imposeth no penance or satisfactory pains upon the man, which he ought to perform after the pardon and reconciliation to the Church.

III. It is true that in the fifth ch. of the first Epistle he delivereth that incestu­ous man unto Satan to afflict his body, but that was done before the pardon; not as the Roman Church doth, in which satisfactions are fulfilled after the absoluti­on. Besides they are deceived if they think that the incestuous man bore that pain to satisfie Gods justice after the remission of the fault, or that he paid any recompence unto God for his sin. For that punishment served to amend him, to heal him of that vice, and to give example unto others. The same Apostle teacheth us this doctrine, 1 Tim. 1.20. where he brings the example of Hy­menaeus and Alexander, whom (saith he) I have delivered unto Satan that they may learn not to blaspheme: It was a chastisement not a satifaction. A chastisement which served to make them hate blasphemy, not to pay unto God any recompence or satisfaction.

IV. The antient Church did the same. Then the Pastors imposed austere penan­ces of many years upon sinners. But these penances were fulfilled before the absolution. And as these penitences were publick, so the reconciliation of the [Page 611] sinner was done in publick. And these penitences were neither pilgrimages, nor whipping, nor making another to fast for the sinner, nor any pecuniary fine. All the pain consisted in being kept from the communion, in fasting, and in publick shame. All that, not to satisfie Gods justice, or to pay him any recom­pence or expiation: but to humble the sinner, and mend him, and make his pe­nitence an example to others. Also to shew to them that were none of the Church, that vices were not approved or tolerated in the Church of God. And the pardon and absolution of the sinner was only as for Ecclesiastical pains, for the Pastors took not upon them to absolve in Gods judiciall seat.

V. When the Priest imposeth satisfactions upon sinners, as fasting whipping and pilgrimages, we would fain know how he is sure that God will accept of that payment, and hold himself satisfied with that kind of satisfaction. Do they know the counsel of God about that? Do they know how much satisfaction he requireth for every sin? Who hath given them the power to dispose of Gods right? Who told them that God would submit himself unto their laws, and do even as they prescribe? Is it not a rash presumption to impose such pains as they list, and perswade themselves that God will be content with that satisfacti­on? For as for the exercise of abstinence and other exercises, which are used only to mortifie the flesh, and humble the sinner, there is no need of equality be­tween those exercises of humiliation, and the greatness of the sin, because they are not intended as payments to Gods Justice. But whoso either of his own motion, or by the Priests injunction undertakes to satisfie Gods justice by penal works, must exactly know what number and measure of them is requisite to sa­tisfie Gods justice, and how far, and with what, and how great payment he will be paid.

VI. If then for theft, murther, or sacriledge a Confessor imposeth on a penitent for a penance to receive two hundred lashes of a whip, singing psalms melodiously; or to say a thousand Ave's interlaced with Pater's, turn­ing his beads; or to say seventy seven times the seven Psalms in a tongue unknown to the Penitent; or to contribute so much towards the building of a Monastery; or to go in pilgrimage to St. James in Gallicia: all which are humane inventions and rather sins then satisfactions for sin, must the sinner repose his conscience upon these? must he without any declaration of Gods word, hold himself fully discharged before God? But what if of the thousand Ave's ten be wanting? What if while he is reading the seven Psalms he runs over them somewhat too fast, or skips over a page because he is prest with businesses? What if of the two hundred lashes he hath mist some, or if the last hit not so hard as the first, shall he lose his labour, or shall God notwithstanding these defects receive that satisfa­ction?Domini­cus à Soto In 4 Dist. 20. qu. 2. Sect. 3. Dominicus à Soto, and after himGreg. de Valent. lib. de Satisf. cap. 5. § Duo ta­men. Etiamsi quis injunctam à Confessario poenitentiam adimpleat, quandoque tamen contin­gere, ut pro iisdem peccatis maneat obnoxius alicui poenae, solvendae postea in Purgatorio, si videlicet spectata imbecillitate poeniten­tis & aliis circumstantiis oportuit illi leniorem poenitentiam imponere, quam ut per eam tota poena devinctus alioqui pro peccatis illis constituta redimi possit. Gregorius de Valentia acknowledge the weakness and uncertainty of those satisfactions, when they say that it happens sometimes that the penitent is obliged to satisfie in Purgatory for the same sins for which the Confessor hath imposed satisfactions upon him, although he hath fulfil­led them.

VII. Herein appeareth besides the uncertainty of those payments, the rash­ness of those that impose them. For not only a Priest after he hath injoyned these satisfactions, may diminish or exchange them, but also a second Confessor may change that which the first hath done, and clip or alter the penances which the first hath injoyned, asEman. Sa. Aphoris. in verbo Satisfactio. Secundus Confessor ex ratio­nabili causa potest à priori impositam poenitentiam in aliam commutare, etiamsi priora peccata non audiat, & etiamsi prior fuisset Episcopus aut Papa. Gregor. de Valentia lib. de Satisf. c. 5. §. Alterum quod. the Jesuits Gregory de Valentia and Emanuel Sa affirm. A second Confessor may for a reasonable cause change the penance imposed by the first confessor into another, although he heard not the precedent sins, yea though the first Confessor were a Bishop, yea though it were the Pope. Between these two [Page 612] divers judgements, whereof the one altereth the other, the penitent must guess which of the two is the most pleasant unto God. For if the se­cond think himself grounded in a reasonable cause, the first thought the same.

VIII. That which increaseth the uncertainty is, thatTolet. de instruct. Sacerd. l. 3. cap. 11. Quamvis autem, quan­tum fieri po­test, satisfa­ctio justa & aequalis impo­ni debet. Cardinal Tolet saith that the Confessor must, as much as it lyeth in him, impose an equal pe­nance, that is, such as may equal the grievousness of the sin. A thing not only im­possible to fulfil, for the causes represented in the precedent chapter, but also impossible to know. For how could the Priest or the sinner know what and how great the pain must be to equal the grievousness of the sin?

IX. Such considerations made CardinalEman. Sa, Aphoris. in verbo Satisfactio. Cajetanus qu. 2. de Satisfa­ctione dicit, neque susci­pere neque susceptam persolvere teneri peni­tentem ex precepto. Ibid. Scot. 4. d. 18. Gabr. dist. 16. q. 2. Navar. c. 26. num. 20. Johan. Medina 41. de poenit. Improbabiliter dicunt peniten­tem posse recusare poenitentiam, si velit in Purgatorii igne satisfacere. Cajetan to say, that the penitent is not obliged by Gods commandment to receive the penance, or to accomplish it after he hath received it. And it is like that Scotus, Gabriel Biel, Navarrus, and John de Medina alleadged by the Jesuit Emanuel Sa, slighted penitential satisfa­ction, when they said that the penitent may say to the Priest, I will have none of thy penance, for I will satisfie in Purgatory. Besides, I find no reason why a sin­ner, without danger, and without obliging himself to go into Purgatory, may not dispense himself from fulfilling the penance imposed upon him by the Priest. For he may go to a priviledged Altar, where he may gain a hundred thousand years of pardon, and easily obtain plenary indulgences, whereby he shall be exempted from all satisfaction. Bellarmin goeth far beyond that, For he told us before that a man to whom God would fully remit the temporal pain, such as is the fire of Purgatory, can send back unto God his present, and not accept of that libe­rality; chusing rather to satisfie God with his own Torment.

CHAP. 8. Reasons of the Adversaries for humane Satisfactions. Of the application of the merit of Christ. And of humane merits.

AGainst the light of such an evident truth our Adversaries cover themselves with darkness. Their custom is to alleadge texts out of the question, and prove things which we deny not. They maintain against us that we must do works of repentance. That we must suffer with Christ, and be conformable to him. That we must mortifie our flesh. That fasting and prayer are acceptable unto God. Things which we willingly grant, and he must be altogether prophane that doubts of these things. But these are not the points in question between us. The question about which we differ is, whether our sufferings be satisfactory to Gods justice, and whether besides Christs satisfaction we need another satisfa­ction? They finding themselves prest with our reasons, instead of answering, pro­pound their opinion, as if their bare saying was a proof. And when they find themselves gravelled and short of reason, they fall to invectives, taxing us to be enemies of satisfactions, to reject prayers, fasting, and alms, and to shake off all yoke of discipline.

I. The most ordinary defense, and principal refuge of our Adversaries, is, to say that Christs satisfaction is sufficient, but that it hath need to be applyed unto us. As if one said that although a medicine be sufficient, yet one must drink it. And although a plaister be sufficient to heal a wound, yet it must be applyed: Which is true, but nothing to the purpose, as we shall see.

The question then is, to know how this application is done, and by what means Christs merit must be applyed or appropriated unto us?

[Page 613]1. The holy Writt which sets forth Christs merit, teacheth us also the means of applying the same unto us, and we cannot learn it from any other. The first means is the Spirit of God, which sealeth and printeth the promises of God through Christ in our hearts. That seal is nothing else but a strong impression and firm application of the promise of God, whereby the faithful Christian ap­plyeth and appropriates unto himself the grace of God in Jesus Christ. Also holy Scripture saith that Christ dwelleth in our hearts by faith▪ Ephes. 3.17. for faith apprehendeth Christ, and makes the faithful Christian to repose his conscience upon Christs death. The same I say of the preaching of the Go­spel, in which Christ is announced unto us, that we may have fellowship with him, 1 John 1.3. Baptism also is a means to apply Christ unto us, Gal. 3.27. As many of you as have been baptized into Christ, have put on Christ, where that term of putting on, implyeth an application. And so of the Lords Supper St. Paul saith, 1 Cor. 10.15. The bread which we break is it not the communion of the body of Christ? These are the ways to apply or appropriate the satisfaction of Christ unto us, and to make us feel the vertue of the same. No other wayes do we find in the word of God.

2. But our Adversaries have devised another way, of which the word of God saith nothing, and that way is our own satisfactions, of which the chief and the hardest is the fire of Purgatory. Scripture indeed exhorts us to suffer with Christ and for Christ, but saith not that these sufferings are payments and satisfactions to Gods justice, or that Christs merit is applyed unto us by a burning fire. Besides, the exhortations to suffer for Christ, and to subdue our lusts by abstinence, are of no use but in this life, not after. God exhorts us to amend, not to be burnt. If God exhorted us to be burnt; such an exhortation would rather be a condemnation.

3. Note also that here the question is of the payment which Christ hath laid down for us. That payment cannot be applyed by making us pay. If any bring to a prisoner his ransome, enough to make full satisfaction, there needs no other application, but to receive it, and take it. Christ is he that hath fully satisfied for us by his death; And that ransom is presented unto us by the Gospel, and we take hold of it by faith; not by whipping our selves, or by giving money to the Church, or by a torment of some thousands of years in a fire.

4. It is evident, that as a plaister is not applyed by another plaister, nor a medi­cine by a medicine, likewise a payment is not applyed by another payment, nor Christs satisfaction by another satisfaction. Is it not in derision that they will have the torments which Christ hath suffered to be applyed to us by our tor­ments in a fire, seeing that he suffered those torments for that very end, that we might not be tormented? Must the pain which he suffered to be applyed to us by punishing us, seeing that for that very end he bore a satisfactory pain for us; to exempt us from satisfying for our selves?

5. We must take heed above all things, that the means of applying the grace of God unto us, be not contrary to that grace. For that would be the overthrow­ing of the nature of things, to seek to apply the Suns light unto us by putting out our eyes, or to apply a medicine unto us by poyson. Yet it is the doctrine of these Doctors, who will have our pardon in Christ to be applyed to us by punishing us, and his grace by burning us, and Gods mercy by the execution of his justice. As if God spake thus to his faithful ones, whom to redeem he hath delivered his own son to the death of the Cross. Come, my dear children, I will apply my grace unto you by burning you so many ages, and applying the pardon unto you by punishing you in a burning fire; not to mend you, but to content my self, and to fetch a recom­pence and satisfaction from you, although I have received at Christs hands, a most en­tire and full satisfaction for you. This doctrine is prodigious; This appli­cation is an implication of contradictions, whereby God is manifestly mocked.

6. The example which our Adversaries bring to give some colour to that do­ctrine, is clearly against them, and helpeth to set forth the truth. They bring the [Page 614] example of Kings, who when they will shew grace to a felon, will change the pain of death into fines, and pecuniary pains. For can one deny that these pecu­niary pains are a diminution of the Royal pardon? and that the Kings grace would have been far greater, if he had exempted the felon from fines, and paid with his own money all that might be due by the felon, as Christ did, who paid all our debt, having satisfied both for the fault and the pain? If upon that they bring reasons why it is useful and honourable to a man to be burnt, and to satisfie in his own person by his torment, they do no more thereby, but to shew why it was expedient that Christs satisfaction should be applyed unto us by means con­trary to the perfection of that satisfaction.

7. One thing seems to me very considerable. That of the other means of ap­plying to us Christs satisfaction, the Pope gives no dispensation by his Indulgen­ces. With satisfactory pains only he dispenseth. Scripture teacheth us the wayes whereby Christ is applyed unto us: Which are the holy Ghost, the Preaching of the Word, Faith, &c. From these means the Pope exempteth not, and his Indul­gences go not so far: For this were saying to a man, I exempt thee from having the holy Ghost: I dispense thee from believing in Christ. The Pope and his Clergy would be ashamed to speak so. But as for the satisfactions, and the torment of Purgatory, the Pope exempteth whom he will by his Indulgences. Whence com­eth that difference? Is it not because he acknowledgeth these means contained in Gods Word to be necessary, but the Penitential satisfactions to be unnecessary, and that one may be without them? Why do these subtile Doctors go about to establish their satisfactions by the Word of God, to dispense with them after­wards, and pull down what they have built up? The cause is not hard to know. It is because to dispense men from having the holy Ghost, and believing in Christ, would yield little profit to the Pope and the Clergy, and but few men would buy such Indulgences. But as for exempting the souls from satisfying in Purgatory, the people are crowding to get a share of that grace. To obtain it, many run a great way after pardons, many strip their children to enrich Fryars.

8. Note, that towards the souls of Purgatory, the Pope hath left the power of binding, and retained only the power of loosing and delivering from torment, because no body would give money to be bound. Thus he looseth those whom he cannot bind, and for the dead he hath cut off one half of his Keyes.

II. That application being thus examined, let us see by what reasons the Do­ctors of the Roman Church defend humane satisfactions. Bellarmine alleadgeth the first Chapter of Isaiah, where God promiseth the remission of sins to them, that make themselves clean, that cease to do evil, and give themselves to works of mercy. Whereby they justifie what I said before, that they labour to prove that which we deny not. We know that God forgiveth none but those that re­pent, and ceasing to do evil, by a serious conversion apply themselves to the study of good works. But the question is, Whether that conversion be satisfactory be­fore God? That is, Whether God will receive it for a recompence and payment to his justice, for the punishment of sins after the fault is remitted. The Text alleadged toucheth that question, neither far nor near. And although they had proved, that by such an abstinence from evil, the merit of Christ is ap­plyed unto us, yet they should not prove thereby that it is satisfactory.

III. Bellarmine alleadgeth also Dan. 4.27. where Daniel speaks thus unto King Nebucadnezzar, Break off thy sins by righteousness, and thine iniquities by shewing mercy unto the poor, if it may be a lengthening of thy prosperity. And Prov. 16.6. By mercy and truth iniquity is purged, and by the fear of the Lord men depart from evil; or according to the vulgar version, By mercy and truth sin is redeem­ed. That Jesuite brings these texts to prove what he had said, that a man is the Redeemer and Saviour of his own self.

But I wonder how Bellarmine did not perceive, that this example of Nebu­chadnezzar a Pagan King, is contrary to the doctrine of the Roman Church, which maintains only the satisfactions of the faithful for the temporal pain, and after the remission of the fault. The Roman Church holds that one must be in the [Page 615] state of grace to satisfie, and believes not that the Pagans and they that are out of the Church can satisfie at all, because their fault is not remitted. In vain should they satisfie for the temporal pain, seeing that they are obliged to the eternal. For it is as if one that is doomed to go to Hell, should trouble himself to satisfie for the pain of Purgatory. That King then being out of the Church, in vain Daniel had exhorted him to redeem the temporal pain, instead of exhort­ing him to avoid the eternal punishment, by coming into the fold of the Church. Besides the Roman Church believeth that we cannot satisfie for sins, but only for the pain of sins. Now Daniel saith, Redeem thy sins; not, Redeem the pain of thy sins.

Had this Cardinal known in what sense the word redeeming is commonly taken in Scripture, he might have discerned that this Text is not to his purpose. That word redeeming in Scripture, doth not signifie alwayes paying, nor satisfying, nor giving a ransom. As when God saith so often, That God hath redeemed his people out of Egypt, he understands not that he hath paid a ransom to deliver them, but only he understands that he hath delivered them out of Egypt. And when he saith, Isa. 52.3. Ye have sold your selves for nought, and you shall be redeemed without money. There the word redeeming signifieth not paying any price, seeing that the Text saith expresly, that nothing shall be paid for their redemption. Thus Ephes. 5.16. Redeem the time, because the dayes are evil; where the word redeeming signifyeth, better employing. And so in many places of Scripture, this word redeming signifieth only delivering from evil, either a mans self or another, and putting things in better order. Daniel then adviseth that King to redeem his sins, that is, to get out of them, and deliver himself from them. To that the word peruk, the word of the Text, is proper, for it signi­fieth also breaking and correcting; and this serveth to understand the fore-al­leadged text of Prov. 16.

The prudent Reader will consider, that since the way to satisfie Gods justice is far more evidently delivered in the New Testament then in the Old, our Adver­saries ought to have taken their expressions in that matter out of the New, not out of the words spoken under the Old Testament to a Pagan King. And where­as that King was out of the Church, our Adversaries must presuppose, that he had nevertheless true faith and repentance, and that the culpa or fault of his sins, and together eternal pains were remitted to him, if they will have that text to be of any force: For they hold that without that, a man is incapable of making any satisfaction. I might say also, that Alms are neither pains nor penal satisfactions, but pleasant works. Unto a wealthy King especially, Alms cannot be a punish­ment, nor a penal work serving for redemption.

IV. The same Doctor proveth the necessity of satisfactions, by these words of John the Baptist, Luke 3.8. Bring forth fruits worthy of repentance; [...]. who also said, Matth. 3.2. Repent ye, for the Kingdom of heaven is at hand. But these words of John the Baptist are exhortations to conversion, and to the exercise of good works, not to satisfie Gods justice with penal works. I wonder how the Papists can hope to defend Sacramental satisfactions with that Text, seeing that they hold that the Sacrament of Penitence was not yet instituted at that time. The Greek word [...], signifieth recalling of ones mind, or a turning of ones spirit, not a satisfaction. John the Baptist said not, Whip your selves: Make Pil­grimages: Lye upon the hard ground: Eat nothing but fish for some dayes, that you may satisfie Gods justice by the payment of the pain, after the fault remitted. But he exhorts us to repentance and amendment of life. Bellarmine replyeth, that he that doth penitence, must make restitution of that he hath taken from others, and brings some Doctors that say, that for abstaining more easily from unlawful things, it is expedient to abstain sometimes from the lawful. All that is true, but is nothing to the purpose. For to render to every one that which belongs to him, and to use abstinence, are things conducing to amendment of life, but are not satisfactions unto God, nor satisfactory pains to pay any recompence to him, or to content his justice, which hath received in Christs death a full satisfaction. It [Page 616] is ill apprehending the nature of true repentance, to think that restoring stoln goods is a satisfactory pain, and to put works of righteousnes among satisfactory pains. Rather he that seriously repents will take a great delight in that restitution. He will put ill gotten goods out of his house, as if he turned the plague out of it, or p [...]uckt out a smarting thorn from his conscience. He will be so far from put­ting that restitution among pains, that he would take it as an heavy punishment, if he were kept from it. This is then the same thing that we said, and which our Adversaries return to alwayes, that they make medicines to be payments, amend­ment of life a punishment, and the study of vertues a kind of penalty and satisfaction.

V. The same Cardinal alleadgeth, that the sacrifices of beasts under the Law, were propitiatory, or satisfactory for the guilt of the temporal pain, and that this was the cause why they offered sacrifices of greater or lesser price, according to the greatness of the sin. I answer, that it is for one that understands little in Religion, to think that the death of a beast can be a propitiation for sins, or for the pain due to sins, whether temporal or eternal. The Apostle, Heb. 10.4. saith expresly, that it is not possible that the blood of Bulls and of Goats should take away sins. Non bove mactato coelestia nu­mina gaudent. The very Pagans acknowledged so much. But these sacrifices were cal­led propitiatory, in a figurate speech usual in Scripture, where signs and Sacra­ments commonly take the name of things signified. Thus the Ark is called the Lord, Psalm 24.7, 8. And circumcision is called Gods Covenant, Gen. 17.10. And the stone that yielded water in the Wilderness is called Christ, 1 Cor. 10.4. And Christ himself calls bread his body, Luke 22.19. And the cup his Covenant, in the same place. For the same reason the sacrifices of beasts are called propitia­tions for sins, because they were figures of the sacrifice which the Redeemer was to offer on the Cross. In that sense sacrifices were not only propitiatory for the temporal pain, as Bellarmine saith, but also for the fault and for the eternal pain. And it is a beastly imagination of his, that sacrifices of great beasts were more propitiatory then sacrifices of small beasts, and that to expiate great sins, an Ox had more vertue then a Lamb. In such offerings the Law regardeth more the ability of the person, then the greatness of the sin.

VI. He concludeth all the proofs by this argument,Opera justorum eam vim habent, ut vere ac proprie mere­antur. That since good works truly and properly deserve eternal life, it cannot be denyed that they are effectual to satisfie for the guilt of temporal pain. For (saith he) eternal life is greater then the remission of the temporal pain.

Disputing so, is proving one etrour by another, building a doubt upon an un­certainty, or rather defending an errour with an impiety. For we reject merits as well as satisfactions, and they are much of the same kind; for satisfactions are a kind of merits, if by them we merit that the pain be remitted to us. And both merits and satisfactions derogate from the perfection of Christs merit, which serveth alike to purchase salvation for us, and to satisfie for the pain which we have deserved: And no need of contributing our merits, and paying another price of that saisfaction unto God. Since then we are saved by grace, it is no more by works, saith the Apostle, Rom. 11.6. For by grace are we saved through faith, and that not of your selves, it is the gift of God: Not of works, lest any man should boast. The like we have, Rom. 6.23. The gift of God is eternal life. If it be the gift of God, it is not a Purchase made by our merits. Gods election being free, as Saint Paul teacheth, the salvation also is free to which God hath predestinated us by his election, as Saint Paul teacheth us.Rom. 9.15, 16. Rom. 11.5. How should we merit before God, seeing that though we should do all that we are commanded, yet we should be but unprofitable servants? Luke 17.20. Neither can we do any good, but by his Grace, being uncapable of our selves so much as to think any thing that is good, 2 Cor. 3.5. Our good works bring no profit to God. Our goodness ex­tendeth not unto him, Psalm 16.2. In our best works there is alwayes defect, in­firmity, and matter to ask pardon. And though it were otherwise, yet between our best works and the Kingdom of heaven, there is neither equality nor propor­tion. Such a great good is not bought so cheap. The sufferings of this present [Page 617] time are not worthy to be compared with the glory which shall be revealed in us, Rom. 8.18. And though our works should be merits of condignity, as our Ad­versaries speak, and an equipollent payment for eternal life, yet in vain should we go about to pay the price of a purchase ready made, the right price thereof being sufficiently paid by Jesus Christ our Lord.

In the Word of God we are called children and heirs, not buyers or purcha­sers by our merits. Whoso pretends to get Paradise by his merits, falls into three inconveniencies: For he seeks to defraud God of his glory, and to get by the merit of his vertue, that which God giveth of his free liberality. He renoun­ceth the title of son and heir of God, to become a buyer and purchaser: And casteth his conscience into doubts and insoluble perplexities. For when shall he know that he hath merited enough? Doth he know what value is put upon each of his works in Gods counsel? Besides he will often present unto God under the notion of merits, things whereby he is offended. And God will sooner bear with sins followed with repentance, then with righteousnesses presented with pride and opinion of merit. Wherefore also these Preachers of merits make profession to doubt of their salvation; and die uncertain whether they be children of God or of the Devil. A just payment for their pride, and for trusting in their merits.

Was there no way to make good works necessary, but to raise their price so high, as to make them causes of salvation, and the price of the purchase of the Kingdom of heaven? Are they not necessary enough, when they are set forth as wayes to salvation, means to strengthen our faith, to glorifie God, and to edifie our neighbours, and when we are taught that without them it is impossible to be saved.

It is true that in the Parable of the labourers, Matth. 20.8. The Lord of the Vineyard said to his Steward, Call the labourers and give them their hire. And Saint Paul saith, 2 Tim. 4.8. Henceforth there is laid up for me a Crown of righteous­ness, which the Lord the righteous Judge shall give me at that day. Suppose that in the Parable of the labourers, by the hire eternal life must be understood: Yet that reward is a free, not a deserved reward, given in consideration of the person, not gotten by the merit of the work. As Ambrose saith,Ambros. Epist. 1. l. 1. Alia est merces libe­ralitatis & gratiae, alia virtutis sti­pendium, laboris re­muneratio. The reward which is given by grace and liberality is one thing, and that reward which is given as a stipend of vertue, and a reward of labour is another thing. And Austin, August. de Civit. Dei, lib. 21. cap. 27. Imputans mercedem secundum gratiam, non secundum debitum. God imputeth the reward as a grace, not as a debt. Now to him that worketh is the reward not reckoned of grace, but of debt, saith the Apostle, Rom. 4.4. It is so, that a loving father rewards his childs labour, giving him a fine garment for learning a sentence by heart, or for writing a line with a trembling hand. He would not do the like to another child that is none of his, for he regards the person, not the merit of the work. Wherefore in the same parable of the labourers, they that had wrought but an hour receive as great a reward, as they that had born the burden of the day. They receive then an undeserved reward. And Hos. 10.12. God saith, Sow to your selves in righteousness, reap in mercy; shewing that to a just labour, God giveth a free, not a deserved reward.

Now that reward is just, and called by the Apostle, the crown of righteousness, because it is just with God to give what he hath promised, and to give life unto the Believer for whom Christ dyed.

For these reasons, when it is questioned of the purchase of salvation, we re­ject that arrogant term of merits, which a Prince would not suffer in a subject, though his services be never so great. Why should we fear to give too much praise unto God, or to attribute too much unto his grace, or to humble our selves too much before him? Why should we make man to divide praise with God, attributing part of Gods praise unto mans merit? True Religion is that which giveth the whole praise unto God, and to man the whole benefit; hum­bling man that God may be glorified; emptying man of all trust in his own ver­tue, that he may rely altogether upon Gods promise. Planting in mans heart an humble trust, not a trembling pride. For as pride is growing, diffidence groweth [Page 618] together. And whosoever will seek in his own vertue a resting place for his conscience before God, shall find but confusion in the end of his race.

These then are Cardinal Bellarmines proofs in the eighth ch. of the first book of Penitence. In other places he brings other proofs which deserve not to be represented, and are common to all our Adversaries.

VII. They say that God having threatned the Ninivites, withheld his judge­ments because they satisfied by penitence. They should have said what the Ninivites satisfied with. For they hold that to satisfie, a man must be in the state of grace, and that satisfactions serve only to satisfie for the pain after the remission of the fault. Now we find not that before their penitence God had declared to them that their fault was remitted, or that they were in the state of grace. That which staid Gods judgement was the amendment of their life, not the merit of any satisfactory pain; Fasting and mourning with sackcloth and ashes, both in them, and in David and others that have afflicted their soul with a penitent sorrow, were not satisfactions but effects of their grief, and helps to repentance.

VIII. The Council of Trent to prove satisfactions, saith thatConc. Trid. Sess. 14. c. 8. Dum fatisfaciendo patimur pro peccatis, Chri­sto Jesu qui pro peccatis nostris satis­fecit, ex quo omnis nostra sufficientia est, conformes efficimur. we must be conformable unto Christ. Whence they infer that as Christ satisfied for us, so we must satisfie for our selves. To make the conformity with Christ compleat, these Fathers should have said that as Christ satisfied for us, we must also satisfie for Christ. But the truth is, that it is impious to affect to be conformable unto Christ in all things. He is God, he is the Wisdom of the Father, he is the Re­deemer of the world; In these things we cannot be conformable unto him. Only we must endeavour to make our selves conformable unto his sufferings, by suffering for his cause, and imitating his righteousness and holiness to our power. But our sufferings may be conformities with Christ, though they be not satisfactory and employed to make our selves to be our Redeemers, and to sa­tisfie Gods justice. We are made conformable unto Christ by sufferings, when we suffer for righteousness, and for the cause of Christ, and God makes us pass through shame to bring us to glory. As St. Paul said Rom. 8.17. We suffer with him that me may be also glorified together. We deny not but that the death and intercession of Christ makes our sufferings to be of some value, and that for his sake the death of the godly is of great price before God. But hence it followeth not that God makes them worth so much as to be payments and recompences and satisfactions unto Gods justice. That would be on the one side adding unto Christs satisfaction another satisfaction, and on the other side infinitely aggravating the afflictions of Gods children, and making them intolerable, if they must believe that their sufferings are punishments whereby they satisfie Gods justice, and that God useth them as a Judge useth felons, not as a father his children.

IX. The same Council reasoneth thus.Concil. Trid. Sess. 14. c. 8. Sane & divine justi­tiae ratio exi­gere videtur, ut aliter ab eo in gratiam recipiantur, qui ante Bap­tismum per ignorantiam deliquerint, aliter vero qui semel à peccati & daemonis ser­vitute libera­ti, & accepto Spiritus san­cti dono, sci­entes Templum Dei violare, & Spiritum sanctum contristare presumunt. The reason of divine justice seems to require that they that have sinned out of ignorance before Baptisme be otherwise received into grace, then they that once having been delivered from the servitude of sin and the Devil, that is, who having been baptized, had no fear to violate the temple of God. These Fathers hold it convenient unto Gods justice to use those more gently that have sinned out of ignorance before Baptism, then those who pur­posely, and by a profane Spirit have sinned since Baptisme. And they say only that it seems to them, not daring to define any thing about it. By speaking thus they say nothing against us, who acknowledge that the profanation of Baptism aggravates the sin very much, and that sins of ignorance are far less then those that are knowingly, and wilfully committed. But what doth that to establish that general rule, That we must satisfie for sins committed after Baptism, not for those that were committed before? For how many sins are committed out of ignorance after Baptisme? and how many sins have been committed out of malice and pro­faness before Baptism?

In old time Emperors and great part of the Christians would defer Baptisme till they saw themselves neer their end. So did the Emperor Constantine and his son Constantius. No doubt but these men committed many wilfull sins in their life. [Page 619] How many Marrahes and Jews impostors cause themselves to be baptized for gain, and to avoid the hand of justice? Is it reasonable that the impudence, the blasphemies, and the hypocrisie which they have used before Baptisme be remit­ted to them by baptisme, and that God exact no satisfaction from them, but that if after Baptisme they become true converts and new men, for the sins which they shall commit out of inadvertence and infirmity, they make satisfaction in a fire?

X. But in what text of Scripture have they found, that by Baptisme the sins committed before Baptisme be otherwise remitted unto us, then the sins com­mitted after? Who gave these Gentlemen power thus to cut and clip the benefit of Christs merit by their own authority? We must not doubt but that by Baptisme the benefit of Christs merit by their own authority? We must not doubt but that by Baptisme the benefit of Christs merit is offered unto us, such as is offered in the Gospel,1 John. 1. for Baptisme is a Sacrament and a seal of the doctrine of the Gospel. Now the Gospel tells us that the blood of Christ cleanseth us from all sin. And it is certain that by Baptisme Christ is offered unto us, as he by whom all our sins are forgiven us. As many of you as have been baptized into Christ have put on Christ, Gal. 3.27. Where the Apostle useth the word put on, to shew that Baptisme applyeth Christ unto us for the time after our Baptisme, for garments are made to serve in the time to come.

XI. The same Council in the same place saithConc. Trid. ibid. Et divinam clementiam decet, ne ita nobis absque ulla satisfa­ctione peccata dimittantur, ut occasione accepta pec­cata leviora putantes, &c. Procul dubio enim magno­pere à peccat [...] revocant. that it becometh well the divine clemency not to forgive our sins without satisfaction. And he adds a rea­son, that if God should forgive us without satisfaction, thereby we might take an occasion to fall into greater sins, accounting sins to be but light things. And that satisfactions serve to turn us away from sin. These Doctors will teach God, what it becomes him to do, not remembring that the Pope by his Indulgences dispenseth with these satisfactions, and by consequent that such indulgences are ill becoming divine clemency, and ill agreeing with it. Neither did they con­sider that this reason will not serve to establish the satisfactions of Purgatory, which are the Principal. For Purgatory doth not serve to turn from sin, those that are tormented in it. Had God exempted those souls from that torment and received them into Paradise presently after their death, there had been no reason to fear that impunity had made them fall into greater sins. The Reader may observe also, that by that reason these Fathers make the satisfactory pains to be­come castigatory, and serving to turn men from sin; They are then remedies, not satisfactions. Medicines are no payments. Chastenings are warnings for the future, not satisfactions for the time past, as Chrysostom saithChrysost. Hom. de Poenitentia & confess. Propter hoc imponit nobis poenam, non de peccatis sumens sup­plicium, sed ad futura nos corrigens.. These Fathers of Trent found no other way to defend satisfactory pains, but by making them to change nature and become castigatory. It is hard to comprehend how it suits with Gods clemency, to burn his children for many ages in a fire as hot as that of hell, and that for faults remitted, and for sins pardoned. This is repugnant to Gods clemency, and more yet to his justice.

Among satisfactions Cardinal Bellarmine approveth beating and whipping of ones self, and maintains that Paul whipt himself, because he said, 1 Cor. 9.27. I keep under my body, and bring it into subjection, and according to the vulgar ver­sion, I chastise my body. There is in the Greek [...], which signifieth morti­fying and bruising with blows. Bellarm. l. 4. de Poenit. c. 6. §. de flagellatione. I answer that though it should appear that Paul had whipt himself, it would not follow that he did it to satisfie Gods justice. He might have done it to beat down his lust, and exercise himself to patience and humility. Which appears by the example of wrestlers which he brings in the same place, who hardened their bodies with pains and abstinences, not to satisfie any offended person, but to inure themselves to labour. And the Greek word signifieth not whipping ones self, but giving hard usage to ones own body,Hieron. ad Eustoch. de custod. Vir­gin. nec à pectoris ces­sasse verberi­bus. after the manner of wrestlers that used themselves to hardness, as the same Apostle saith in the 25. verse.

XII. In vain they alleadge Hierome, whose pictures represent him beating his naked brest with stones, for which there is no testimony. Hierome [Page 620] said only that he did beat his own breast, as men use to do when they are in deep sorrow; Of satisfying Gods justice he speaks never a word.

XIII. To no better purpose the austere life of John the Baptist is alleadged by Bellarmine Bellar. l. 4. de poe­nit. c. 6. §. Insigne. of whom he saith that he had little or no need of repentance and newness of life,Id. de Indulg. l. 1. c. 5. Johan­nes plus Deo praestitit, quam sibi ad peccata expi­anda opus esset. and that he gave more to God then he needed to ex­piate his sins. So he will have that austerity to have been satisfactory, if not for him, at least for another. This doctrine belongs not to the Gospel, it is a new Article of faith. John the Baptist, and Anna of which St. Luke speaks in the second ch. by their sobriety and austere life, satisfied neither for themselves nor others. That satisfaction is sufficiently found in Christ. But they did it out of a contempt of the world which made them neglect the care of their body. A man whose spirit is altogether bent upon Gods service little cares how he is fed and clad. It is enough for him to live, and he avoids all things that can either tickle his flesh or divert him from holy imployment. But thereby he doth not presume to satisfie Gods justice, or to pay him any recompence either for his sins, or for the sins of others.

XIV. They use another reason.Id. de Indulg. l. 2. c. 3. §. Primo. Deus voluit, ut unusquis­que nostrum propriis meri­tis coronam vitae sibi ac­quirat, &c. Id. ibid. Deo gloriosi­us est, & nobis utilius, ut secundae cau­sae non sint otiosae, sed cum prima causa ad res producendas conveniant. Bellarmine speaks thus. God would have every one of us to get a crown of life unto himself by his own merits, And he gives a reason why Saints make satisfactions, even because it is more honourable unto God, and more profitable for us that the second causes be acting, and be not idle, but that they concurr with the first cause to bring forth effects. This Cardinal will have frying in Purgatory to be profitable for a soul, and that it is honoura­ble for us to satisfie God, and contribute to our own redemption. By that Do­ctrine they are most honoured that stay longest in Purgatory. And the Pope doth wrong to those souls to fetch them out of that place, and to deprive them of that honour. Yet in my opinion it would have been more honourable for them to go into Paradise presently, then to be tormented two or three thousand years in a fireGreg. de Valentia lib. de Satisf. c. 1. §. Et quidem. In Purgatorio poenae non dif­ferunt à poena sensus infer­ni, ni solum quod ad du­rationem. equal in vehemency to that of hell, where Devils are tormented, and to be for many ages deprived of Gods sight.

XV. For these and the like considerations the Jesuite Gregorius de Valentia, being prest in his conscience acknowledgeth, that it is not much necessary to labour for these satisfactions.Idem. c. 5. §. Quod autem. Cum nemo sciat, quantus poenae temporalis reatus post contritionem & alia media, quibus ille minuitur, maneat, non est ex praecepto quidem necesse admodum anxie incumbere in magnum studium satisfactionis. Seeing (saith he) that no man knoweth how much ob­ligation remains to the temporal pain after contrition and other means, whereby the said obligation is lessened, there is no command that necessarily obligeth us to labour much about satisfactions. And in the same place he disputeth against Scotus, Soto, Cajetan, Ibid. §. Quod si. Si manifeste videatur poenitentia esse injusta, extra controversiam est posse illam à poenitente repudiari. and others that hold that there is no commandment of God that obligeth us to satisfie in this life: although he dissents little from them in the main matter.

XVI. If the penance imposed by the Confessor seem unjust unto the penitent, the same Jesuit (g) holds that the penitent may reject it, and exempt himself from it. So that this depends from the judgement of the penitent. Whereby, as it appeareth to me, he fills those satisfactions with much uncertainty.

CHAP. 9. That none can satisfie Gods justice for another.

TO defend borrowed satisfactions whereby one man satisfieth for another, they reason thus.Bell. l. 1. de Indulg. cap. 2. Sect. Postremo. Potest uni eidemque ope­ri duplex merces debe­ri, altera ex justitia com­mutativa, al­tera ex distri­butiva. Atqui operi satisfactorio debetur prae­mium ex justitia com­mutativa, operi merito­rio debetur praemium ex justitia distri­butiva secun­dum substan­tiám. Thom. 1. p. q 21. Art. 1. &c. & Sect. Se­cunda. Opus bonum, qua parte merito­rium est, non potest alii ap­plicari: po­test tamen, quá satisfactori­um est &c. Nam satisfa­ctio est com­pensatio poe­nae, vel solutio debiti, potest autem unus ita pro alio poenam com­pensare. That to the same work a double reward is due, the one according to commutative justice, the other according distributive. And that to the same work the remission of the pain is due as it is satisfactory, and the reward as it is meritorious. As if one said that the payment of thirty pounds, served to pay a debt of thirty pounds, and together to buy a horse of that price. For (say they) a work connot be applyed unto another man as it is meritorious, but as it is satisfactory. Satisfaction is a compensation of the pain and a payment of the debt. Now a man may pay another mans debt. Then contradicting themselves, they ask in the Mass the grace of God by the merits of the Saints, which is asking that their merits be imputed and appplyed unto us.

These grounds being laid, they build upon them, and say thatBellarm. ibid. In du­bium revoca­ri non potest, quin ingens omnino cu­mulus passionum Johanni superfuerit, quo ipse ad expianda propria peccata non eguit &c. Prophetae fuerunt viri san­ctissimi, ita ut modica omnino pro suis culpis satisfactione opus habuerint, & tamen tot angustijs & afflictionibus oppressi fuerint, ut plurima & maxima peccata expiare potuerint &c. Constat enim martyrium tam plenam satis­factionem esse, ut expiare possit reatum contractum ex quantoris ingenti numero & magnitudine peccatorum. Saints and Monks have suffered more then they needed to expiate their own sins, and that they needed but a very small satisfaction for their faults, and yet they suffered so many sorrows that by them they might expiate a multitude of most heavy sins. And mar­tyrdome is such a full satisfaction that it may expiate the guilt got by sins, though never so great or so many.

One might think that these Doctors intended only to teach, that God in con­sideration of the pains which a Saint hath suffered remitteth the pain unto others, and receiveth their afflictions as payments for others. But this is not their chief bent. For they leave not the dispensation of these satisfactions performed by others unto Gods counsel, but send us back to the Pope,Clemens VI. Extravag. Unigenitus Tit. de poenit. & remiss. who is the distri­butor of the same, having a treasure where he layeth up all the superabounding satisfactions, and dispenseth them by his Indulgences, giving twenty thousand, or thirty thousand, or a hundred thousand years of true pardon, and sometimes full, more full, and most full indulgence, as they speak that write of this matter. So that when St. Dominick whipt himself with an iron chain for other mens sins, it must not be imagined that God presently received that satisfaction for such and such men according to his good pleasure; But that the Pope hath gathered that overplus into his treasure, and distributes it to them that come to get pardons at Rome and other places where it pleased his Holiness to place remission of sins. There the contributions are made, and a great treasure of money laid up. For it is not just that pilgrims get so many, spiritual graces for nought.

According to the same doctrine Priests will injoin satisfactions to a penitent which he must performe either by himself or by another; so that if he may find one that will fast or whip himself for him (which is not done without money) they believe that this is allowed and reckoned in Gods counsel.

I suppose that setting forth this doctrine is confuting it; And that it is of those wares that are spoiled, and smell ill as soon as they are brought to the open air. We should go beyond the terms of the present question if we examined the impiety of these expressions, that Gcdoweth a reward unto man by the rule of justice, making God a debtor unto man. Also I pass by that impiety that a man payeth [Page 622] more satisfactions to God then he needs, to expiate his own sins. And that trea­sure of the Church, unknown to the Church of the Old Testament, under which the high Priests did not gather the supererogatory labours of Noah and Abra­ham, to convert them to payment for others. Of this also the Apostles say no­thing, nor of that overplus of satisfactions, nor of that distribution committed to the Roman Prelate. As also, we have heard before the confession of two Cardinals, Cajetan and Roffensis, and of Navarrus, and Gabriel Biel, and many more, acknowledging that in all Antiquity, no mention is made of that doctrine. For Christs satisfaction being sufficient, what need to add more satisfactions to it, and such satisfactions as God did not promise to accept, and which are infinitely under the merit of Christ? As if to the light of the Sun shining in its strength, one should add the light of a candle. And what need to add to that which is in­finite? Experience sheweth, that under that borrowing of other mens satis­factions, a traffick of Indulgences is set up; and that they that have money, are thereby made more negligent in good works. For with their money they may buy Masses and Suffrages, and have part in all the penal works of the brother­hood, to which they have contributed.

But what? all that is a deep sink of errour. It will be enough for the present Question, to understand what reasons they bring to defend those borrowed satisfactions.

I. They bring the Article of the Creed, I believe the Communion of Saints. We answer, that the Articles of the Symbol are taken out of the doctrine of the Gospel. Now the Gospel speaks indeed of the Communion of Saints, whereby the godly keep the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace. For in the Church (saith the Apostle) there is one body and one spirit, Ephes. 4.3, 4, 5. even as we are called in one hope of our calling. One Lord, one Faith, one Baptism, One God and Father of all. We are brethren in Christ, fellow-members of the same spiritual body, fellow-souldiers in the warfare of Christs cause, fellow-travellers in this world, fellow-heirs of Gods Kingdom. So many bonds must make us sensible of our Brethrens afflictions, and breed in us a mutual fellow-feeling. This is the communion of Saints which we find in the Gospel. But that our labours and pains can be satis­factions for the sins of others, it is more then God teacheth us, and of that there is not one word in his Word.Gal. 6.5. 2 Cor. 5.10. Psal. 49.7. But there we learn that every man shall bear his own burden. And that every man shall receive the things done in his body, according to that he hath done, whether it be good or bad. And that none can redeem the soul of his brother. Rom. 2.6. And that God will render to every one according to his deeds, not according to the works or sufferings of others. As in the Civil society, the communion of fellow-Citizens goes not so far, as that one can eat or sleep for another; likewise the communion among Saints goeth not so far, as that one may satisfie for ano­ther, and expiate his neighbours sins, and believe in God for his brother, and answer for him in Gods judgement: For so it might happen that one should be saved for the other, and that Philip should enter into Paradise for his neigh­bour. The Spirit of God saith, Rev. 14.13. that blessed are they which die in the Lord, and that their works follow them. If their works follow them, they enter not into the Popes treasure, and are not converted into payment for others.Aug. lib. quaest. de Veteri & Novo Test. qu. 102. Ipse inveni­tur dixisse, Filia, fides tua te sal­vam fecit. Vides itaque nullius adju­torio sed unumquem­que fide sua salvari. Austin agreeth to this, We find (saith he) that Christ saith, Daughter, thy faith hath made thee whole. Thou seest then, that without the help of any one, every one is saved by his faith. Wherefore the wise Virgins had no oyl to supply the want of the foolish: And the fore-alleadged Text, Psalm 49.7. is very positive to this purpose, None can by any means redeem his brother, nor give to God a ransom for him. We seeTertul. lib. de Pu­dicitia, cap. ult. Cyprian. de lapsis. in Tertullian and Cyprian, that in their time it was the custom, to shorten the penitence prescribed unto the Penitent, at the request of Martyrs detained in Prisons. Against which custom these Fathers are declaiming, saying, that the righteousness of the one, cannot be a satisfaction for the other.

II If God hath sufficiently rewarded the sufferings of the Saints, yea infinitely more then they can deserve, though they were meritorious; with what reason [Page 623] can they be made after that, pay-masters of debts, and making satisfaction by those very works, for which they have been more then sufficiently rewarded? As if those Saints said to God, Thou hast most amply rewarded us for those works whereby we have deserved salvation, but it is just that these same works serve yet for a payment for many others. If God answered them, Your works are not meritorious, but as for those for whom you will satisfie [...] and take upon you to pay their debts, Christ who hath satisfied for you, hath also fully satisfied for them: I know not what their answer might be.

III. In vain do they reply, that we are members of the same body, which ought to help one another. For the faithful Christians may very well help one another, without taking upon them to do impossible things the one for the other, and such as God doth not require, and that are useless besides. For it is to no purpose to undertake the paying of a mans debts for whom Christ hath fully satis­fied. Here the question is of the communication of superabounding satisfacti­ons, when one hath done more then he needs to expiate his own sins. Now among the members of the body of the Church, none shall be found that have paid unto God more then he owes, and given him any thing above the reckoning.

IV. Cardinal Bellarmine in the first Book of Indulgences, chap. 3. alleadgeth these texts, 2 Cor. 12.15. I will very gladly spend and be spent for your souls. And 1 Tim. 2.10. I endure all things for the elects sake. But in these texts Saint Paul understands not that he will suffer death, to satisfie the justice of God for the Corinthians, and to be in some sort their Redeemer, as the same Cardinal saith; or that he suffers afflictions for the elect to satisfie for them. Nay, he suffered to encourage and strengthen them by his example. He chose rather to suffer all things, then to be wanting to them by fainting in his labour, and bowing under the affliction. But to pay for them, it is that he never thought on.

V. The text most insisted upon by these Gentlemen is, Col. 1.24. I rejoyce in my sufferings for you, and fill up that which is behind of the afflictions of Christ in my flesh for his bodies sake, which is the Church, whereof I am made a Minister.

But there the Apostle speaks not of the satisfactory afflictions of Christ, for to those there is nothing wanting, and no part of them behind. But he speaks of the afflictions and combates that Christ suffereth yet every day in his body, when his Church is opprest. For the holy Scripture saith, that the afflictions of the Church, are the afflictions of Christ, because the Church is one body with him. When faithful Christians who are his members are persecuted, his hands and feet are pierced with nails again: When they are stript of their goods, the lot is cast upon his coat again. As on the other side, when the head is crowned, the whole body hath a share in that honour. When Saul persecuted the Church, Christ cryed unto him from heaven, Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou me? Acts. 9.4. although he was in his glory. And in the last day he will say to them that have not clad his poor members, In as much as ye did it not to one of the least of these, Matth. 25.43. ye did it not to me. And what shall he say then to them that stript them? Wherefore 1 Cor. 12.12. Saint Paul by this word Christ, understands the whole body of the Church, which comprehends both the head and the members. These are the af­flictions of Christ that are behind, and some part of them shall be behind still, and all his sufferings not filled up, till the last day, when the combate shall be end­ed. And these afflictions are not satisfactions to Gods justice, but combates and tryals, wholesom exercises, Liveries of our war, and conformities of the members with their head, yea in their suffering for righteousness, not in sattisfy­ing Gods justice as he did.

For Saint Paul saying that he suffers for the Church, meaneth not that he suf­fers to satisfie Gods justice for the Church, or that he will be the Redeemer of the Church in any sort, or that he intends that after his death Christians shall ask salvation of God by his merits, as it is sungQuorum precibus & meritis roga­mus, ut in omnibus pro­tectionis tuae muniamur auxilio. in the Mass every day. But he suffered for the Church, that is, to edifie the Church by his constancy, and en­courage [Page 624] others by the example of his fidelity and perseverance, as himself saith, Phil. 1.12, 14. that the things which happened unto him, (meaning his suffer­ings) fell out unto the furtherance of the Gospel: So that many of the Brethren in the Lord, waxing confident by his bonds, were much more bold to speak the word without fear.

It is so, that the Antients understood that Text. Austin upon Psalm 61. ex­pounding that text, by the sufferings of Christ,Passi­ones Christi non in solo Christo, immo passiones Christi non nisi in Chri­sto, si enim Christum in­telligas, ca­put & corpus passiones Christi non nisi in Chri­sto, &c. Si enim pas­siones Christi in solo Chri­sto, immo in solo capite, unde dicit quoddam membrum ejus, Paulus Apostolus, ut suppleam quae desunt pressu­rarum Christi in carne mea. understands those that he suffered in his body, and by Christ he understands, the head and the body toge­ther. Then he addeth, If the sufferings of Christ be in Christ alone, yea in the head only, why doth one of his members, Paul the Apostle, say, that I may fill up that which is behind of the afflictions of Christ in my flesh?

And Aquinas in his Comment upon that place: The Apostle saith,Et ideo dicit, adim­pleo ea quae desunt, pas­sionum Chri­sti, id est, to­tius Ecclesiae cujus caput est Christus. I fill up that which is wanting to the sufferings of Christ, that is, of the whole Church, whose head Christ is. And a little after, expounding in what sense Saint Paul said, that he suffered for the Church.Hoc enim deerat, quod sicut Christus passus erat in corpore suo, ita pate­retur in Paulo mem­bro suo, & similiter in aliis; & pro corpore quod est Ecclesia, quae redimenda per Christum. Sic etiam omnes Sancti patiuntur propter Ecclesiam, quae eorum exemplo roboratur. This was wanting, that as Christ had suffered in his body, so he should suffer in Paul his member, and likewise in other members; and that for the body which is the Church, that was to be redeemed by Christ. Thus also all the Saints suffer for the Church, which is confirmed by their example. Note that the sufferings of the Saints serve for examples, not for satisfactions.

Lombard in his Comment upon that Epistle of Saint Paul expounding the same text,Passionibus quas sustineo pro vobis confirmandis in veritate Evangelii; & adimpleo ea passionum Christi quae desunt. Suas passiones dicit esse Christi, quia nostrae passiones, qui sumus Christi membra, Christi sunt. The afflictions which I bear to confirm you in the truth of the Gospel: And I fill up that which is wanting in the sufferings of Christ, because we are his members. Of superabounding satisfactions, to satisfie for the Church, he speaks not one word, in the exposition of that text.

Anselmus in his Comment upon that text, personates Paul speaking thus, I rejoyce in sufferings, to confirm you in the truth of the Gospel: And I fill up that which is wanting of the sufferings of Christ in my flesh, that is, the things that Christ hath not suffered in his flesh, I suffer in my flesh, for the increase of his body, which is the Church, for the sufferings of Christ are not in Christ alone.

Then having copyed out Austins words, he makes the Apostle speak thus, There is still part of Christs sufferings behind, which I suffer every day, for his universal body, which is the Church. Si enim ab eruditione fidelium cessarem, has passiones ab infidelibus non sustinerem. Sed quia semper Ecclesiae studeo prodesse, semper adversa cogor tolerare. For if I gave over teaching the faithful ones, I should not bear these sufferings by the infidels; but because I study to be use­ful to the Church alwayes, I am constrained to bear adversities alwayes. This was the end of the Apostles sufferings for the Church, the increase and instruction of the Church.

What more? Our Adversaries prest by the truth, begin to reject the inter­pretation of Bellarmine and other Advocates of humane satisfactions. Estius, a Doctor and Professor of Doway, in his Comment upon this text, expounds thus these words of the Apostle, I suffer for his body, which is the Church, that is, that the mystical body which is the Church may be gathered and perfected. He means that not only his sufferings are fruitful to the Church, but also that he aims at this in suf­fering, that his sufferings may be profitable to the Church. Hinc autem Theologi quidam putant ostendi Sanctorum passiones fidelibus prodesse ad remissionem poenarum, quae vocatur in­dulgentia. Quae quidem doctrina etsi Catholica & Apostolica sit atque aliunde satis probetur, ex hoc tamen Apostoli loco nobis non videtur admodum solidè statui posse. Non enim sermo iste quo Apostolus dicit se pati pro Ecclesia, neces­sariò sic accipiendus est, quod pro redimendis peccatorum poenis quas fideles debent patiatur. Quod fortè non nihil haberet arrogantiae. Hence some Divines hold, that it may be inferred, that the sufferings of the Saints serve to the faithful [Page 625] ones for the remission of the pains, which is called indulgence. Which doctrine, though it be Catholick and Apostolick, and be sufficiently confirmed by other proofs, yet it seems not to me to be solidly established by this text of the Apostle. For this speech whereby the Apostle saith that he suffers for the Church, must not be of necessity so understood, as if he suffered to redeem the pains of sins, which the faithful ones owe. Which perhaps could not be said without some arrogance. Note that this Doctor affirms, that this Doctrine is Catholick and Apostolick, and that nevertheless one cannot speak so without some arrogance.

CHAP. 10. Answer to the invectives of our Adversaries upon this matter. And of their reproach to this Author, that he is a Fryars son.

WHen our Adversaries see their weapons broken and made useless, their man­ner is to make amplifications of scolding and railing; as they that have no more stones to throw, will cast dirt.

They reproach us, that by abolishing satisfactions, we make men negligent in good works, and make them sink in the mire of vices. That we reject all kinds of abstinences. That we open the gate to licentiousness. That we teach Votaries to break the vow of Celibat, to wallow in carnal delights. That of that number was Du Moulin's father, whom they affirm to have been a Celestine Fryar, who chose rather to lead a licentious life, then to keep his vow.The Author of the Buckler of the Ca­tholick Faith. Wherefore they advise Du Moulin not to speak ill of a Monastical life, and to say no more that Fryars have put vices and idleness under the shadow of the Altar, and to spare his fathers memory. They attend that exhortation with a hail of foul words, calling him an Atheist, a Seducer, a profane Buffoon, &c.

I answer, that though we were as black as they make us, and our life as odi­ous as they would have it, their cause would be never the better for that, nor hu­mane satisfactions established, nor the merit of Christ made less effectual. While the perfection of that precious merit remains firm by proofs out of the Word of God, all their invectives against our persons do not touch the cause, and change not the Word of God. Yea many honourable persons in the Roman Church, to whom our life and conversation is known, will give a better testimony of us. But they that belch out such foul reproaches, are some scolding Writers, disciples to father Veron, men whom the Pope keeps tyed by the belly, whose pride and ignorant impetuosity is worthy of compassion, and whose Miter is so deep about their head, and over their eyes, that they cannot see the light.

We acknowledge indeed, that among us too many persons have a life repug­nant unto their profession. Yet we may affirm, that vices among us are not ap­proved, and that we have a great number of vertuous persons, who although they whip not themselves, yet will mortifie their lust. They observe not distin­ction of meats, but live in perpetual sobriety. They make no vow of Celibat, but live chastly, and their Conjugal bond is more holy then the Monachall vow. They undertake no Pilgrimage to visit relicks, but they live as strangers and pil­grims in the earth. They read not seven Latine Psalms to punish themselves, but their delight is continually to meditate the Word of God, and their civil employ­ments are sweetly interrupted with perpetual prayers. Their Pastors impose not upon them for a penance to give unto the Church, but themselves are freely cha­ritable to the afflicted. And by these good works they pretend not to satisfie God, knowing that Christ hath fully satisfied for all. But all the good works which they do, and all the afflictions which they bear for the Word of God, are free-will offerings, thanksgivings to God, exercises of Piety, and helps to salvation, their bruises are glorious, and their reproach honourable. It is enough for them to [Page 626] glorifie God, and serve him according to his Word, without pretending to pay him by torments, and to satisfie his justice.

As for the vices that are among us, herein they differ from the vices of the Roman Church, that among us vices are infirmities, but in the Roman Church they are Laws, and go for vertues.Eman. Sa, Aphor. in verbo Episcopus, cap. 20. Episcopus potest pro­cedere contra quemcunque ob peccatum mortale, nisi esset jure permissum ut meretricium. In no Church but the Roman, whore­dom is permitted, but there Brothel-houses are established, even by the Popes au­thority. Insomuch that the Jesuite Emanuel Sa, makes no difficulty to say, that the trade of whoredom is permitted by right.Innoc. III. De­cret. lib. 2. Tit. 24. c. Sicut no­stris. Jura­mentum con­tra utilitatem Ecclesiasticam praestitum non tenct. No Church but the Roman, teacheth that an Oath taken against the profit of the Clergy, obligeth not.Conc. Constant. Sess. 19. That a Prince is not obliged to keep faith (though sealed with an Oath) unto an Heretick. And that it is lawful to use equivocations before Courts of Justice. It is proper to the Roman Church to dispense subjects from the Oath of Allegiance sworn to their King, and to give remission of sins, upon condition of committing treason and murther; of which we have brought many examples, and will bring more. No Church but the Roman, puts alms and prayers among satisfactory pains, whereby a man is punished with serving God. No Church but the Roman, makes a publick traffick of Indulgences, Benefices, Dispensations, &c. No Church but the Roman, bestoweth Bishopricks upon little children, and Abbies upon Captains. There in the reception of Bishops, an Oath of fidelity to the Pope is exacted of them, without any mention of God, or Obligation laid upon them to preach, and to teach, according to the doctrine of the Gospel. I pass by the sale of the remission of sins, which we have represented, and shall represent again in this work. The maintaining of the rebellion of children to their parents, when they shut up themselves in a Monastery, to avoid their authority. The reading of fabulous Books, and amorous tales tolerated, whilest the reading of Scripture is forbidden.Conc. Lateran. ult. Sess. 1. Officiales ad pedes San­ctissimi Do­mini nostri tactis sacro­sanctis Scri­pturis prae­stiterant cor­porale jura­mentum. The Cross put upon the Popes slipper which he gi­veth to kiss. The Holy Scripture set at the Popes feet at the entry of Councils, as it were to testifie that the Word of God is subject to him: And many the like things infinite to number. All these things are not vices of private men, but pub­lick Laws and Rules of the Church, or customs past into nature, which have the strength of a Law.

It is true, that in the Roman Church they enjoyn satisfactions and abstinences. But Rome, whence these rules came, is the sink of prophaneness. There vices against nature, are turned into nature and custome; and all the pomp of publick devotions, is matched with contrary actions, which make the whole to appear a collusion fit to be laughed at. There on the one side, you may see the nastiness of Capucins; on the other side, the gorgeous pomp of Cardinals. In the place whence the Law for Celibat cometh, Brothel-houses are open, and whoredom is permitted. There, while Comedies are acted in houses, bands of Penitents whip themselves in the street, which is another kind of Comedy. There out of zeal to the Catholick Religion, on the one side they burn Hereticks for believing in Christ alone, on the other side the Synagogues of Jews are tolerated, which maintain that the Lord Jesus was an impostor. There you have the Jesuites, which take upon them to be learned, and together the ignorant Fryars which profess ignorance. There is the liberal alms of the Hospital of the Holy Ghost, and to­gether the traffick of Benefices, and the sale of Dispensations and Absolutions. There the humility of his Holiness, washing the feet of the poor, and giving his feet to Emperors and Kings to kiss. And while he calls himself the servant of servants, he gives and takes away Kingdoms. So that it seems that devotion there serveth to give a colour and a shelter unto vices. If any coming from that center of corruption, comes into a place where our Religion is established, he thinks himself transported into a new world, and either laughs at our simplicity for not knowing the rules of living at ease, or gives glory to God, acknowledg­ing that nothing roots out vices, but the doctrine of the Gospel.

Read the Authors that have let out their pen unto the Pope to lye in his favour, and the Popes domestick servants, as Baronius, Genebrardus, Platina, Trithemi­us, Theodoricus a Niem, Fasciculus temporum, and the like; you shall find that [Page 627] the most prodigious Heathen Emperors were sober and just in comparison of the Popes. And that for eightscore years, from the year 883. to the year 1049. none sate on the Papal See but creatures of harlots, perjured men, thieves, adulterers, and Necromancers. As the Devil taking the outward figure of a mans body is short in one point, that he cannot imitate the brightness and the life of the eye: So superstition is an Ape of true Religion, but cannot attain the purity of con­science, and the light of the truth. Wherefore these Gentlemen shall do wisely when they deal with us, to be sparing of reproaches, lest they oblige us to speak of their lives, and to turn over the skirts of the party mentioned in the seventeenth Chapter of the Revelation.

In all this discourse against the Roman Church, I mean not the people, among whom I know that many lead a civil honest life, and approve not these rules. I speak of those only, who by an express profession corrupt Religion, and hide the holy Scripture from the eyes of the people, and being tyed with a vow unto the Papal See, confine all Religion to the establishing of the Empire of the same.

As for their reproaches, that we intice Votaries to break their vow, and that Monks coming out of Convents, take Sanctuary among us to live licentiously, and shake off the yoak: I do freely acknowledge, that I have known many that are come out of Monasteries, who being of ill conditions when they were Monks, did not cast off their ill conditions with their Frock. Being bred in idleness, and loving licentiousness, they come to us to bring vices among us. Hardly of an hundred that come out of Convents, five prove good. If the character of Priest­hood be indelible, sure that of Monkhood is far more indelible. Those few that take honest and godly courses after they are come out of Monasteries, are those that have stayed there but little, or that were especially moved with the Spirit of Gods fear, and enlightened by him with a greater measure of his knowledge. If such men for their domestick businesses, or to avoid temptations, take wives, living honestly and with conjugal chastity, herein they follow the Apostles coun­sel, and obey Gods Word, which they are more obliged to obey then unjust laws, and a rash vow which ensnareth consciences, and is not approved by the Word of God.

Had my Father been of that number, I would think it no disgrace to me, or to the honour of my Ministery. But the coyners of that untruth ought at least to have stayed for my death, that they might lye with more liberty. They should have specified also of what Monasterie my Father was Monk, and when he came out of it. Which shall not be found. For he being called to Gods knowledge from his tender years, he consecrated himself to the holy Ministery, in which he served God with great fidelity for the space of three-score years, and to his lives end, His holy life, his honourable conversation, his brave mind in his continual afflictions, which he bore cheerfully for the Gospel, his fervent zeal, his vigilance in his calling, his pleasing and affable behaviour, which he seasoned with a meek gravity: These, I say, were as far from the air of the Cloyster, as heaven is from earth, and the Mass from the Gospel. His extraction and his life known at Orleans where he was born, sufficiently confute that fable, of his ever being a Monk. No wonder if they dare tell lyes of a dead man, seeing that while I lived in Paris, serving in the Ministery of the Gospel, Preaching and writing for the cause of Christ, the news of my conversion to the Roman Religion were publickly preach­ed in Paris in many pulpits, already they provided Benefices for me: Already (as it was preached) I prepared my journey to ride Poste to Rome. Already in a certain Church, the people stayed expecting to hear me make my declaration. Such tricks will astonish the people for a season, and an untruth that was believed for three dayes, hath done some effect. But the prudent will say, That a lying doctrine cannot be defended but with other lyes: And that if we must not preach the Truth to please men, much less ought we to say untruths to please God.

Leaving the persons, let us return to the doctrine, and affirm that the doctrine which rejecteth satisfactions, is so far from corrupting manners, that there is no [Page 628] shorter way to vertue. Nothing obligeth us more to love God, then the know­ledge of the love which he hath born to us, forgiving us freely by Christ, requi­ring of us no satisfactory pains, and no torments in a fire to satisfie his justice. The true motives that stir up piety, are not the fear of a fire, nor the opinion that we pay a recompence unto God, nor the ambition of being our own Re­deemers, but filial love kindled by free redemption, and the infinite love which God hath born to us in Christ. Wherefore from the commemoration of Gods grace and mercy, the holy Scripture useth to infer exhortations to an holy life. Thus the Apostle, Rom. 12.1. Exhorts us by the mercies of God, that we pre­sent our bodies a living sacrifice, holy, acceptable unto God, which is our reasonable service. And Saint Peter teacheth us, that Christ his own self bare our sins in his own body on the tree, that we being dead to sin, should live to righteousness, 1 Pet. 2.24. The Law it self by the consideration of Gods mercy, calls upon us to love him, shewing that God sheweth mercy unto them that love him. The most tender and the most powerful provocation to love God, is the sense of his love. That man corrupts Gods graces, that turneth them into occasions of deboistness, and changeth Christian liberty into licentiousness, and the peace of conscience into a carnal Lethargy, and the remission of sins into a permission to sin.

Many times indeed, it is useful to fear Gods judgements, and tremble under his hand, to turn us away from vices. But it is but a step to go higher, that after we have been retained by fear, we may use our selves by little and little to serve him out of love, and with a willing obedience. As when needles make the thred to enter into the cloth, they pass, but the thred remains; so fear of punishment serveth to bring free obedience, and filial love into the heart: Fear passeth, and love succeeding, casteth out fear, as Saint John 1 John 4.18. Luke 1.74, 75. teacheth us; but love remains, whereby we serve God without fear, in holiness and righteousness, before him all the dayes of our life.

And when the question is of keeping men from sin by the fear of punishment (as there is need of it many times) is not the fear of Hell far more sufficient for that, then the fear of Purgatory? Our Saviour Jesus made use of that fear, when he said to his Disciples, Luke 12.5. I will forewarn you whom you shall fear; Fear him which after he hath killed, hath power to cast into hell, yea I say unto you fear him; but of Purgatory and Satisfaction, he saith never a word unto them. We ought also to represent unto men the evident judgements whereby God in this very lise punisheth the contemners of his Word. And these instructions are no less effectual to awake sinners, although the pains of Gods children be not rec­koned for recompences, and satisfactions to Gods justice. God forbid that ever we come to that presumption, to produce our works or our sufferings before Gods judgement, as a payment to his justice, saying, Lord it is true that I have offended thee, but I have paid thee for it; I have made a Pilgrimage to Saint James in Gallicia; I have eaten nothing but fish so many dayes; I have given so much money to the reformed Austin-Fryars, or to the Recollect Fryars; I have whipt my self so many dayes, and when I was not in the humour to whip my self, I have got another to do so much for me. O abuse, abuse! Deplorable seduction! Let us return to Christ, and repose our selves altogether upon his satisfaction, if we will both give glory to God, and find rest for our consciences. And let us not bend our minds obstinately to pay God in spite of his heart, and to satisfie his justice, lest that he make us pay the whole debt in spite of our heart, and exact from us an entire satisfaction to his terrible justice.

CHAP. 11. What tyranny the Popes have exercised over England for some Ages under colour of absolution and satisfaction. And from what horrible bon­dage England was delivered by the light of the Gospel.

SInce the end of Cardinal du Perrons book was to shake the constancy of his Majesty of great Britain, and to induce him to submit his Crown to the Papal See, I think it expedient, yea and necessary to shew what was the conditi­on of the English, and what the ignominy and bondage of the Royal Crown un­der the Empire of the Roman Prelat. This matter of satisfactions leads us to that discourse. For it was a principal engine of the Pope to bring Kings under his feet, for him to tread upon their neeks, and to prey upon England with the highest insolency.

The Dispute about Investitures and Collation of Benefices, is that for which most blood hath been spilt in Europe, since Christian Religion was planted in it. Up­on that quarrel above an hundred battles were fought since Gregory the VII. besides sieges of towns, and wasting and ransacking of Provinces. As in the fourth and fifth Ages, the word consubstantial was the mark of the Orthodox, and in our days going to mass is the mark of Roman Catholicks; so in the eleventh and twelfth Ages, to maintain that the right of Investitures and collation of Bishopricks and Abbeys belonged not unto Kings and Princes, but to the Pope, went for the mark of a true Christian, and they that suffered for the defense of the Popes claim, were called Martyrs, and put in the list of Saints, and were sure to do miracles after their death.

In old time Popes were created by the authority of the Emperors, who also punished and deposed Popes. They employed them sometimes about Embassies and other services, as a Soveraign Prince will send his subjects and servants on his errand.

The Kings of Italy took of the Bishops of Rome three thousand crowns for their investiture; as of the Arch-bishop of Milan, and that of Ravenna, two thousand for theirs, according to the express law of King Athalaricus inCassiod. var. l. 9. ep. 13. Cas­siodorus. That law was made about the year of Christ, 533.

The Emperor Justinian having shortly after recovered Rome and Italy, conti­nued the same Law, commanding that the Patriarches should pay (and the Ro­man as well as the others) to the Emperors coffers, twenty pounds weight of gold which come to about three thousand French crowns. This is to be seen in theNovel. 123. c. 3. Jubemus bea­tissimos Ar­chiepiscopos & Patriar­chas, hoc est, seniores Ro­mae & Con­stantinopoleos & Alexan­driae & The­opolcos & Jerosolymo­rum, siquidem consuetudo habet Episco­pis aut Cleri­cis non minus quàm 20. libras auri dari, &c. one hundred twenty third Novel of Justinian, in the third ch.

But the Roman Empire being pulled down in the West, and Italy being fallen into the hands of the French, the Pope was inriched by the immense liberalities of Pepin, and Charlemagne, and Lewis the Meek, and from a Bishop was suddenly made a temporal Prince. Being thus raised he took advantage, after the death of Lewis, of the dulness of his successors, distracted with great wars, to make his keyes to clink with a great noise, and to terrifie the Princes and nations on this side of the Alpes, with the thunder of his excommunications (For as for the Gre­cians his neighbours, who at that time held still part of Italy, they never cared for the roaring of his Bulls) By little and little the Papal empire did so increase, that in the end the Popes made bold to strike at the Crowns of Emperors and Kings, and shoot anathema's against them, giving and taking away Kingdoms, putting interdicts upon their Provinces, and exposing them for a prey to the next Conqueror. Yea they came to(c) bear themselves for Lords of the whole tem­poral of the world no less then of the spiritual, because it is written Behold two swords &c, that is, the spiritual and the temporal sword.

The height of the Popes power and glory, and together the depth, and as it were the midnight of the darkest ignorance, was from the year 1073. upon which [Page 630] Gregory the VII. entred into the Papal See, and the year 1517. when Leo the X. having publisht great Pardons over all the Papal Empire began to sell heaven for ready money and put to sale remission of sins and deliverance of souls from Purgatory. This moved the people to search the Scriptures to know what ground such an infamous traffick might pretend in the word of God. In all that interval which was of 444. years, Holy Scripture was a book shut up unto the Princes and nations of the West, and their whole Religion consisted in adoration of relicks and new Saints doing miracles in pilgrimages, in service of images, in visions of souls returning from Purgatory, in running to get pardons, in founding Abbeys for satisfaction and redemption of the sins of the founders, in making Croisada's for expedition into the Holy Land, and in trembling under the Popes thunderbolts. Hardly was Christ acknowledged among the Saints. Till in the end they bethought themselves to give him his Feast which they call Gods Feast, that Christ might not be alone without a holy day.

That Gregory the VII. was the first Pope that made boldIt was in the year. 1075. to ponounce a sentence of deposition from the Empire against Henry the IV. a wise and valo­rous Emperor, transporting the Empire to Rodolphus Duke of Suaben. But that bold attempt turned to the confusion both of Gregory and of bis creature Rodol­phus: For Rodolphus was defeated and wounded to death by Henry, who also degraded Gregory as guilty of high treason, making him flie to Salerno, where soon after he died for grief. Also Henry besieged Rome and took it.Sigebert. An. 1085. Confessus est Deo & San­cto Petro & toti Eccle­siae, se valde peccasse in pastoralicura, quae ei ad regendum commissa erat, & suadente Diabolo con­tra humanum genus odium & iram con­citasse. Sige­bert who lived then, and Matthew Paris, almost his contemporary, and Cardinal Benno a domestick of that Pope, write that when he saw himself near his death he called a Cardinal, the most confiding of all his friends, to whom he confest that he had greatly offended in the pastoral charge committed unto him, and had drawne the wrath of God upon mankind by the Devils instigation.

This quarrel began, because the Emperors after the Canonical election of the Bishops and Abbots of their Empire, used to invest them with the lands and lord­ships belonging unto the Bishoprick or Abbey, putting a ring and a staffe in their hand, and to receive the oath of allegiance from them. For the said Prelates hold­ing many noble lands in the Empire by the concession of the Emperors, and ha­ving a vote in their election and in the greatest business of the Empire, the Em­perors thought it just and necessary that the said Prelats should make some ac­knowledgment of it, and should not be received into a degree so important to the State, without the states consent, and without acknowledging the Emperor to be their Lord and Master. Besides, the Emperors according to the custom of the antient Emperors which I represented before, would take some present in money from the said Prelats (which yet was a small thing in comparison of that which the Popes took since, and take still for the Annat, now that they have de­prived the Emperor of his right) And herein the Emperors thought themselves grounded in right. For besides that the Churches, Abbeyes, and Priories were founded by the liberality of Emperors and Princes of the Empire, the Emperor maintained armies for the defence and security of the said Prelates, where­fore it was reasonable that they should contribute towards the charges.

The Kings of England had the same right in their Kingdome. So at the same time that Popes disputed those investitures against Emperors, they laboured also in England to pluck that flower from the Kings Crown, and to draw the profit to themselves. The first that stirred that quarrel in England was Anselm Arch­bishop of Canterbury; for when the Kings of England needy and greedy of mo­ney borrowed of the Clergy great loans never to pay again, he to exempt him­self from the subjection of Kings, laboured to make his Arch-bishoprick to depend meerly on the Pope, not on the King, although he had got it by the free gift and concession of the King.

That Anselme then being promoted in the year 1092. to the Arch-bishoprick by King William Rufus, the King having given him freely that great and rich place, soon after would extort from him a great sum of money for the exigence of his businesses, as claiming a recompence for his gift. Anselm refused to give [Page 631] it, and stealing privately out of England, went to Pope Ʋrban the II. who at that time was violently prosecuting, against the Emperor Henry the IV. the quar­rel of investiture, begun by his predecessor Gregory the VII. This Ʋrban liking the prudence and dexterity of Anselm made use of his counsel, and gave him the Arch-bishops pall, thereby voiding the investiture which he had received from King William, and obliging him thereafter to depend on him; As also he did, so behaving himself ever since, as holding his Arch-bishoprick by the Popes ordination, not by the Kings concession. Whereby the King incensed, interdi­cted to Anselm the entry into his Kingdom, confiscated the lands and estate of the Arch-bishoprick, and declared by an express Edict that his Bishops held their places and estates meerly from him, and were not subject unto the Pope for the same; And that he had the same rights in his Kingdom, as the Emperor had in the Empire. To which all the Bishops of England subscribed. Neither did any of them contradict it, but the only Bishop of Rochester as a Suffragant to the Arch­bishop of Canterbury.

By the intervention of friends Anselm made his peace; But being returned from Rome, and keeping a strict league with the Pope, he began again soon after to disswade the Clergy from receiving investitures from the King, wherefore he was constrained to flye the second time out of the Kingdom, and his estate was again seized upon and confiscated, of which he had obtained restitution at his return.

He came then to Pope Ʋrban, who received him with honour as a confessor suffering for the cause of Christ. The year after, Ʋrban kept a Council at Cler­mont in Auvergne, where he granted full pardon of all sins to all that should contribute for the expedition into the Holy land,Matth. Paris in Gu­lielmo Rufo. Baronius. and to them that should go in person, he promised a particular degree of glory and a preheminence in Paradise above the vulgar sort of Saints. In the same Council he decreed that thenceforth it should not be lawfull, for any Prelat or Ecclesiastical person to receive the investiture or collation of a benefice or Church-dignity from the hand of any Lay-person. But the Princes laught at these Decrees and retained the possession of these investitures.

In the year 1099. King William and Pope Ʋrban dyed. Henry the I. suc­ceeded William, and Paschal the II. succeeded Ʋrban. This King Henry finding his conscience charged with many crimes, among other things, with tak­ing the Kingdome from his elder brother Robert, vowed unto God for satisfaction for his sins to found an Abbey, and together sought to be reconciled with Anselm, and called him again. But Anselm being obliged with an oath to the Pope prevailed with the King that a Council should be gathered at London, Where he declared the order he had from the Pope that no Lay-man should have the power to confer any investiture, and began to degrade the Bishops promoted by the Kings nomination, and refused to consecrate some Bishops named by the King. The King angry banisht him out of his Kingdome presently, and confis­cated his estate.

While these things past in England, Pope Paschal prosecuted the quarrel of his predecessors against the EmperorThe let­ters of that Emperor Henry the IV. to Phi­lip King of France are found in Si­gebert in the year 1106. This history is related at large by Helmodus Priest of Lu­bec in the book intitu­led Chonica Sclavorum. See also Ba­ronius in the life of Pas­chal. Henry the IV. and seeing that all the enemies whom the Pope had raised against him had been overcome ad defeat­ed, he did so work upon the Emperors own son, that he made him rebell against his father, and that son coming upon his Father at unawares, with an army surpri­sed him at Confluence, took the Crown, the Scepter, and Imperial robe from him, and degraded him from the Empire. This broke the heart of the venerable old man charged with so many victories, who dyed soon after with grief, so forsaken, that Pope Paschal would not suffer him so much as to be buried.

That new Emperor Henry the V. having slain his father past presently into Italy, where the Pope hoping to be recompensed for helping him in his conspiracy against his Father, found himself deceived; For when he prest him to renounce the rights of investiture which his ancestors (as Sigebert saith) had [Page 632] enjoyed above three hundred years, the Emperour grew very angry, and laying hold of this Pope Paschal, committed him to a close prison: Neither would he release him, till he had renounced his claim to the Investitures and Collations of Benefices, saying to him in scorn, that which Jacob said to the Angel wrestling with him, I will not let thee go, before thou hast given me thy blessing. Paschal then to redeem himself out of captivity, granted to Henry, that both he and the Popes after him, should leave unto the Emperours the peaceable enjoying of the Investitures of Ecclesiastical dignities, by the ring and the staff. Also that none could be consecrated Bishop, without an investiture by the Emperour. And to make this agreement more authentical, the Emperour and the Pope mutually ob­liged themselves by Oath upon the host of the Mass, which they received toge­ther. But because that Oath was extorted, the Pope did not think himself obli­ged to keep it. So he broke that agreement, and excommunicated Henry, and all Princes usurping Investitures.

That accident confirmed Henry the I. King of England in a resolution, to retain the Investitures of his Kingdom. And that order was kept in England for a long time. Only the Popes, that they might not wrong their pretences by a long prescription, would send the Pall to some Prelates invested by the King, confirm­ing that which they could not alter, and giving an approbation which was not de­sired of them.

In the year 1142. Pope Eugenius came to Paris, where that he might usurp the right of investiture, and deprive the King of it, he gave the Archbishoprick of Bourges to one of his domesticks, Chancellor of the Apostolical Chancery, named Peter Aimery, without the consent of King Lewis, a Prince very much given to obedience unto the Papal See.Matth. Paris in Henrico I. Yet the King was so angry at it, that he swore upon the holy relicks, that never so long as he lived, Aimery should set his foot in Bourges. But the Pope knowing the Kings timerous nature, excommunicated him, put his person in interdict, and gave order that in France, in all places where the King came, divine service should cease, and all his Court was deprived of the Communion. This lasted three whole years, till the famous Bernard Ab­bot of Cleruaux come to the King, and perswaded him to receive the said Arch­bishop. But because by so doing, the King brake his Oath made upon the holy relicks, he was enjoyned for satisfaction to take a journey to the holy Sepulchre in Syria, to fight against the Saracens. In which journey, the King miserably lost the flower of his Nobility, and returned afflicted and full of confusion.

Matth. Paris, an. 1154. p. 88. Cum Archi­episcopus di­vina celebra­ret mysteria, hausto in ipso Calice, ut aiunt, veneno obiit.About that time dyed Henry Archbishop of York, being poisoned in the Chalice of the Sacrament. And it was no small question, Whether the blood of Christ might he poisoned.

After Henry the I. of England, came Stephen, and after Stephen, Henry the II. a potent Prince, who besides England, held Normandy, Anjou, Poitou, Saintonge, and Guienne: Matth. Paris, in Henrico II. p. 91. That King so potent, was weakened with an inward combate of contrary desires; for being very superstitious and scrupulous, yet he was very ambitious, and extraordinarily eager to maintain his rights, that of investi­tures especially.

Hel­moldi Chro­nicon.In the year 1155. (the year in which Frederick Barbarossa held the Popes stirrup, the left instead of the right, to abuse him, but the next day was forced to hold the right) King Henry the II. desirous to invade Ireland, and having no just title to it, writ to Pope Adrian to desire his leave to subdue Ireland, to re­duce it into the way of salvation. Not but that the Irish were Christians, but they yielded little obedience to the Pope, who got no money from that Island. The Popes letters in answer to Henry, are related by Matthew Paris, whereby that Pope giveth him leave to make that conquest, upon condition that he should impose a Tax of a penny a year upon every house of Ireland, to the profit of the Papal See; and that he should hold that Kingdom by the Popes grant, as a fee of the Roman Church.Sanè omnes insulas, quibus Sol justitiae▪ Chri­stus illuxit & quae docu­menta fidei Christianae susceperunt, ad jus sancti Petri & sa­crosanctae Romanae Ec­clesiae non est dubium per­tinere. Ba­ron. For (saith he) there is no doubt but that the Islands upon which Christ the Son of righteousness is risen, and that have received the in­structions of the Christian faith, belong to Saint Peters right, and to the holy Ro­man [Page 633] Church. And upon that he exhorteth Henry to instruct that Nation in good manners, and in obedience to the Church.

In the same year at Argentueil near Paris, was found our Saviours coat without seams, made for him by his mother in his infancy, and grown with him. There was found some writing upon it, which made that to be known which had not been perceived in 1154. years.

Then also was burnt at Rome, one Arnould, who preached with great applause that the Pope had nothing to do to meddle with temporal things. And he was burnt by the command of Pope Adrian, who soon after was suffocated by a flie which he swallowed with his drink. A wonder, that he that was God on earth, and whom Kings worshipped, could beUsper­gensis. suffocated by a flie. Alexander the III. succeeded him, who Sainted King Edward the Confessor, dead above a hun­dred years before.

Matth. Paris, Ba­ronius.In the year 1162. King Henry the II. of England preferred his Chan­cellor Thomas Becket to the Archbishoprick of Canterbury; a prudent and in­dustrious man, and learned, as the time was, but sufficiently stored with ambiti­on. He received that preferment from the King, without any investiture or consent from the Pope. Yet the Pope not long after sent him the Archbishops Pall. This displeased the King, who soon after assembled a Council at Clarence, where all appeals to Rome were forbidden, and all the Prelates declared that they held their Offices and Benefices from the King, and from none else; to which or­ders the said Archbishop Thomas was also consenting.

But a while after this Prelate changed his opinion, and protested that he was sorry to have consented to the Kings Ordinances, and to the Conclusions of the Council, and to shew his repentance, he cut off himself from the Communion. Then he stole away into Flanders, and from thence to Rome to Pope Alexander the III. Whereupon the King renewed the same Laws, and decreed that every person, whether of the Clergy or Laity, that should appeal to the Pope, should be committed to prison, and proceeded against: The goods of Thomas he caused to be seized, and banished both him and his kindred. Clergy-men were forbid­den to go beyond the Seas without leave, and surety for their return. A strict order was made that no Mandate from the Pope, should be received into the Kingdom of England: And that Peters pence, which the Pope raised by the Poll in England every year, should be seized into the hands of his Majesties Officers.

But Thomas being come into France, excommunicated with burning Candles and ring of Bells, all that under pretence of maintaining the Kings right, did hinder the profits of his Holiness; then he retired to Saint Colomb of Sens, where King Lewis did liberally entertain him. But King Henry angry that Pope Alexander maintained Thomas, whom he called his rebellious subject,Matth. Paris, pag. 103. forbad all his subjects to yield any subjection to the Pope.

In the year 1170. King Henry caused his eldest Son Henry to be crowned King of England by the hands of the Archbishop of York. Which Thomas, though banished, took very heavily, and excommunicated the said Archbishop and all his adherents in that action, for he pretended that the right of crowning Kings belonged to him.

King Henry after the Crowning of his Son, passed into Normandy, where King Lewis by his intervention so prevailed, that King Henry and Tho­mas met and spake together. And when it was required that Thomas should kiss King Henry in sign of reconciliation, Thomas coming near the King, said to him, I kiss you for the honour of God, or for Gods sake. At which the King offended, would not receive the kiss, as if Thomas had given him to understand, that he kissed him not for his own sake. So nothing was done for that time. But soon after, King Henry Matth. Paris in Henr. II. pag. 117. Cum autem Rex & Archiepisco­pus in partem secessissent, bisque descen­dissent & bis ascendissent, his habenam Archiepiscopi Rex tenuit, cum equum ascendisset. perswaded by some Prelates, met again with Thomas at Fronceuaux, and did that which no man would have believed. For twice he held the bridle of Thomas his horse. For that Prelate was not contented to have re­ceived that honour once, but he alighted again, that the King should do him [Page 632] [...] [Page 633] [...] [Page 634] that submission once more, as also he did. Thus that Priest practised Apostolick humility.

After this triumph, Thomas returned into England full of glory. Where in­stead of bringing and keeping peace, he was the bearer and proclaimer of an ex­communication and sentence of deposition against the Archbishop of York and his Adherents, who had taken upon them to Crown the young King in his ab­sence. But the King hindred the execution of that sentence. Such was then the power of the Keyes, such was the abominable pride of the Popes slaves.

The next year after, the same Thomas excommunicated solemnly the Lord Sackvill, appointed by the King Vicar of the Church at Canterbury; because he did derogate from the rights of the Church to please the King.Matth. Paris, p. 19. Robertum quoque Brook, qui equum quendam ipsi­us Archi­eiscopi vi­ctualia defe­rentem ad dedecus ejus & ignomini­am decurta­verat, so­lenniter ex­communica­vit. He excom­municated also one Robert Brook for curtailing a horse that carryed victuals to the Archbishops house. For which reason the King being then in Normandy, sent over four of his servants to the Archbishop, to command him to absolve those whom he had unjustly excommunicated, and take off his suspensions from others. Which command when the Archbishop despised to obey, the King began to grieve very sore before his servants, and to lament his condition. This moved the same four men whom the King had sent before, to return into England to the same Archbishop, whom they found in the Church of Canterbury at three a clock in the after-noon, and calling him Traytor to the King, they slew him, and dash­ed his brains upon the floore. His last words when he dyed were, I commend my self and Gods cause unto God, and to the blessed Mary, and to the Saints, Patrons of this Church, and to Saint Denis.

Here the lightness of the peoples minds appeared. For the same men that de­tested the pride of that Thomas, began to worship him after his death, compas­sion moving them to devotion. King Henry himself shewed a deep sorrow for it, and though he protested himself innocent of that fact, yet he sent Embassadors to the Pope to make satisfaction about it, and to undergo such a penance as the Pope would impose. But the Pope would not so much as receive his Embassadors to kiss his feet, and would not see them: And in great wrath spake of excom­municating the whole Kingdom of England, and putting an Interdict upon it, which (in his account) was sending all the English into hell. As long as that King made Edicts, whereby he forbad his subjects to yield any obedience to the Pope, or to receive any Bulls or Mandates from Rome, the Pope did not trouble him, and used no threatning. But as soon as he began to humble himself, the Pope trod under his feet, the Majesty of such a great King. And he made the King to buy his absolution at a dear rate. He enjoyned him to suffer appeals from Eng­land to Rome. To quit his rights and claim against the liberties of the Church, that is, to the Investitures. To keep two hundred men of arms in pay for the Holy War: Of which pay, the Popes Assigns were to be the Receivers. And that in England they should celebrate the Feast of the glorious Martyr Saint Thomas of Canterbury. The words of the Bull are these.Districte praecipimus, ut natalem Thomae Mar­tyris gloriosi Cantuarien­sium olim Archiepiscopi, diem videli­cet passionis ejus, solen­niter sub annis singulis celebretis, & apud eum votivis ora­tionibus sa­tagatis pecca­torum veniam promereri. We strictly charge you, that you solemnly celebrate every year the birth-day of the glorious Martyr Thomas sometimes Archbishop of Canterbury, that is, the day of his Passion; and that by devout Prayers to him, you endeavour to merit the remission of your sins.

To make the satisfaction compleat, King Henry passeth from Normandy into England, stayeth at Canterbury, strips himself naked, and is whipt by a great company of Monks, of whom some gave him five lashes, some three. Of which satisfactions imposed on Henry by the Pope, Machiavel speaks thus in the first Book of the History of Florence. Le quali cose furono da Enrico accettare, & sottomesse si à quēl giudicio un tanto Re, che hoggi un homo privato si vergogna­rebbe sotto­mettersi, &c. Tanto le cose che paiono sono piu da discosto che d'appresso temute. These things were accepted by Henry, and so great a King submitted himself to that judgement, to which a private man in our dayes, would be ashamed to submit himself. Then he exclaimeth, So much things that have some shew are more feared afar off, then near hand! Which he saith, be­cause at the same time the Citizens of Rome expelled the Pope out of the City with disgrace, scorning his excommunication.

Then began the relicks of Saint Thomas to do miracles: Insomuch that King [Page 635] Lewis, who had entertained Thomas at Sens, passed over into England to wor­ship him, and made his devotions to his relicks. That with the Canonization of that Saint, and the commandment made unto the world to pray to him, put this Thomas in very great credit. Yet it is hard to say for what Article of the Chri­stian faith this Martyr suffered, seeing that his banishments were only for investi­tures, and collations of Benifices, and pecuniary matters. Thus by Gods per­mission the mysterie of iniquity was growing. KingWestm. Anno 1179. Ludovicus consummato voto peregri­nationis suae ad votum ad propria inter Doverum & Witsand navigando sine aliquo impedimento remeavit; & quia in mari nimis timidus erat & timens pericula, dicens, esse plusquàm hu­manum trans­fretare, petiit beatum Thomam ut in illo Tran­situ nullus pateretur ex illo tempore naufragium. Lewis at his return fear­ing the storm, though his passage was from Dover to Callice, and saying that to cross the Seas was but a thing more then humane, prayed to St. Thomas the Martyr, that from that time none should suffer shipwrack in that passage.

Matth. Paris, in Henrico II. Westmon.At that time Pope Alexander the III. held a Council at St. John of Lateran of Rome where they consulted about the extirpation of the Albigeois. And he gave order that the Arch-bishops visiting Churches, should content them­selves to ride with an attendance of fifty horses.

In the year 1189. King Henry the second of England dyed. Hs son Ri­chard sirnamed Coeur de Lyon succeeded him. In the sixth year of his reignWest. an. 1196. Matth. Paris, p. 175. Walter Arch-bishop of Rouen, displeased because the King was fortifying the Castle of Andeli, put whole Normandy in interdict, made divine service to cease over all the country, shut up Church-yards, and forbad all ringing of bells; and for a quarrel between the King and himself, excommunicated the whole peo­ple, so that no Norman entred into Paradise unless he would take part against the King. Then he ran away to Rome, where he was kindly received.Matth. Paris p. 175. At the same time William Bishop of Ely the Popes Legat was making a progress through England with a train of fifteen hundred horse.Matth. Paris, an. 1197. p. 184. Archiepisco­pus Rothoma­gensis in Nor­manniam sen­tentiam tule­rat interdicti. Jacebant cor­pora defuncto­rum insepulta per plateas civitatum & vicos, quae viventibus foetorem non minimum incusserunt. That interdict having lasted two years, the afflicted people were in great confusion, because they saw themselves deprived of the divine service, and cast out of the communion of the Church for a quarrel in which they had no hand, the burying places shut up, the dead bodies cast out in the streets, sending forth such a stink that the whole countrey was infected with it.

In the end King Richard was necessitated to send Embassadors to Rome to plead his cause against the Arch-bishop. The agreement was made with these conditions. That the King might fortifie the castle of Andeli, because it was a frontier near the French. But that to appease the Arch-bishop, and make him take off the interdict from the countrey, the King should give to the Arch-bishop all the mills of Rouen, to enjoy them as his own, both he and his successors; Also all the Kings demaines at Diepe, and at Louviers, and the forrest of Haliermont, with all the appurtenances of the same. That being done, they began again to sing Mass in Normandy, and by the Popes order Paradise was opened again unto the Normans. Then also the order of the Dominicans first appeared, which was approved and confirmed by Innocent the III. With that order, and that of the Franciscans, England was presently filled.

The fear of the interdict in those dayes kept Princes and Nations in such fear, that there was nothing that the Pope could not obtain of the Soveraigns, as soon as he threatned their land with an interdict.

In the year 1199. King Philip August of France Matth. Paris, in Jo­hanne Rege, p. 191. imprisoned Peter de Douay elected Bishop of Cambray. And at the same time King John of England kept the Bishop of Beauuais prisoner, whom he had taken in battle armed cap à pe. But both these Kings were constrained to release their prisoners by the threatening of Innocent the III. to put France and England in interdict. Which if he had done, from the Mediterranean sea to the border of Scotland di­vine service had ceased, Churches & Church yards, had been shut up all, the people had been excommunicated. It was that same year that breasts of flesh grew upon an image of the Virgin Mary in Damascus, as (d) Matthew Paris relateth. In the same time one Thurical an Englishman was in a rapture carried in the night to Purgatory, of which St. Nicolas is Govenor; Where also he saw the mouth of Hell, whence a stinking smoak issued out, which, as it was revealed to him,203. & 207. came out of tythes detained or ill paid, because there those men were horribly [Page 636] punisht who had ill paid the tythes due to the Church. There also he saw the souls for which no Masses were sung, put to a longer and sorer torment, and those poor souls were barefoot, and had their bellies flayed and raw. He saw also the souls that came out of that fire besprinkled by St. Michael with holy water. This is very exactly related by Matthew Paris a Monk of St. Albons, superstitious ac­cording to the age that he lived in. Then also came the Minorite Fryers into England, their Order being but lately instituted.

This King John was unfortunate in war, and ill beloved of his own subjects. King Philip August of France, took from him Normandy, Anjou, Tourain, Poitou, and part of Guienne. After these losses, being retired into England, he began to oppress the English, and tyrannically to rob the substance of the Nobles and the Clergy. Whereby he gave fair play to Pope Innocent III. a man as crafty and stirring as ever was any, for he brought that King upon his knees, and got his ends of him, at the first occasion of quarrel, which was this.

The Pope having chosen Cardinal Stephen Langton Arch-bishop of Canterbury without the Kings consent, the King angry at it, sent some souldiers to Canterbury who used the Monks of Canterbury as traytors and expelled them out of England. Matth. Paris, & Westmonast. in Johanne. He sent also reproachfull letters to the Pope, upbraiding him that the Popes got more money out of England then out of any Kingdom, & yet delighted to bring it into trouble, and to incroach upon the liberties of the Crown; threatning, that if the Pope continued in these courses, he would shut up all the passages out of his King­dom, that no money should pass out of England to Rome; saying, that he had Prelates of sufficient capacity, and needed not to ask justice of those that were far from him.

Had a victorious King, well beloved of his subjects, spoken thus, the Pope would have given him fair words, and spoken like a father, that beareth with a fatherly meekness the infirmities of his dearest son. So had his predecessors born with all threatnings and ill words of William Rufus, Henry the I. and Henry the II. before Thomas Beckets death. But with this John, a weak and ill ad­vised Prince, he behaved himself otherwise. For after Letters of admonition, he gave order to some of his most confiding Prelates in England, that if the King should continue that language, they should put an interdict upon all England. Which was speedily executed. AndWest­mon. An. 1214. Inter­dictum du­ravit sex an­nis quatuor­decim septi­manis & du­obus diebus. England remained under the interdict six years, and three moneths and a halfe. Whereby not only the King and his Court but also all the people of England, who had nothing to do with that quar­rel, were excommunicated. In that long time how many thousands of men died in the great Kingdom of England? who by the rules of the Roman Church, and by the Popes judgement, are eternally damned; and that not for heresie, nor for any crime of the People, but for a quarrel between the King and the Pope, about some investitures of Churches and collations of Benefices, and money-matters.Matth. Paris, in Jo­hanne, p. 217. Cessaverunt in Anglia omnia Eccle­siastica Sa­cramenta praeter solum­modo confessi­onem, & viaticum in ultima neces­sitate, & baptisma parvulorum. Corpora quo­que defu [...]cto­rum de civi­tatibus & villis effere­bantur, & more canum in biviis & fossatis sine orationibus & sacerdo­tum ministerio sepeliebantur. Then (saith Matthew Paris, who was an eye witness of all that disorder) all the Sacraments of the Church ceased in England, saving only the Confession and the Communion of the Host in the last necessity, and the Baptism of little children. And the dead bodies were carried out of the towns, and as if they had been the bodies of dogs, they were buried by the high wayes, and in ditches; with­out prayers and without service of Priests. By the same interdict (according to the custom of the interdict) Masses, Mattens, Vespers, all publick service and ringing of bells was forbidden, and the Kingdom was exposed to rapin and prey, and given to any that could conquer it. Only the King was not yet excommuni­cated by name, but that was done the next year after. Next, the same Innocent deposed John from the Kingdom of England, and absolved the English from the Oath of their allegiance,West­monast. an. 1211. & 1213. Matth. Par. in Jo­hanne. Ad hujus senten­tiae executio­nem scripsit Dominus Pa­pa potentissimo Regi Eranco­rum Philippo, quatenus in remissionem omnium su­orum peccato­rum hunc la­borem assume­ret, & Rege Anglorum à solio expulso, ipse & successores sui regnum Angliae perpetuo jure possiderent, &c. Statuit praeterea, ut quicunque ad expugnandum Regem illum contumacem opes impenderint vel auxilium, sicut illi qui sepulcrum Domini visitant, tam in rebus quam in personis & animarum suffragiis in pace Ecclesiae secure permaneant. Westmonast. an. 1213. Matth. Paris in Johanne. Johannes Dei Gratia Rex Angliae, &c. volentes nos ipsos humiliare pro illo qui se pro nobis humiliavit usque ad mortem, gratin Spiritus inspirante, non vi interdicti nec timore coacti, sed nostra bona spon­taneaque voluntate, ac communi consilio Baronum nostrorum, conferimus & libere concodimus Deo & sanctis ejus Aposto­lis Petro & Paulo & sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae matri nostrae ac Domino Papae Innocentio ejusque Catholicis successo­ribus totum regnum Angliae & totum regnum Hiberniae, cum omni jure ac pertinentiis suis pro remissione omni­um peccatorum nostrorum & totius generis-nostri tam pro vivis quam pro defunctis, & à modo illa ab eo & ab Ecclesia Romana tanquam secundarius recipientes & tenentes, in praesentia prudentis viri Pandulfi Domini Papae Subdiaconi & familiaris: Exinde praedicto Domino Papae Innocentio ejusque Catholicis successoribus, & Ecclesiae Romanae secundum formam subscriptam fecimus & juravimus homagium ligium in praesentia Pandulfi. Si coram Domino Papa esse pote­rimus, idem faciemus, &c. Ad indicium autem hujus nostrae perpetuae obligationis & concessionis volumus & stabili­mus, ut de propriis & specialibus reditibus nostris praedictorum regnorum pro omni servitio & consuetudine quae pro ipsis facere debemus, salvis per omnia denariis beati Petri, Ecclesia Romanam ille marcas estrelingorum percipiat annuatim, &c. and commanded Phillip August, King of France, [Page 637] that for the remission of his sins, he should invade the Kingdom of England with force of arms, giving to those that should follow the King in that conquest, the remission of all their sins, and the same graces and pardons, as to them that visit the Holy Sepulchre. Whereupon the said King Philip, partly to obtain the remission of his sins, partly to make himself master of England, raised a mighty Army whilest Innocent was labouring to make the English to rise against their King.

This moved King John to humble himself under the Pope, and to receive such conditions as were best pleasing to his holiness. The conditions were, that the King should yield unto the Pope the whole right of Patronage of all the Benefices of his Kingdom. That to obtain absolution of his sins, he should pay to the Clergy of Canterbury, and to other Prelates, the sum of eight thousand pounds sterling. That he should satisfie for the damages done to the Church, according to the judgement of the Popes Legat or Vicelegat. That the said John should resign his Crown into the Popes hands, with his Kingdoms of England and Ireland: for which letters were formed, and given to Pandulfus the Popes Legat. The words were these. I John by the grace of God King, &c. freely grant unto God and to the holy Apostles Peter and Paul, and to the holy Roman Church our mother, and to the Lord Pope Innocent, and to his Catholick successors, the whole Kingdome of Eng­land and the whole Kingdom of Ireland, with all the rights and all the appurtenan­ces of the same, for the remission of our sins, and of all our generation, both for the living and the dead; that from this time forward we may receive and hold them of him, and of the Roman Church, as second after him, &c. We have sworn, and swear unto the said Lord Pope Innocent, and to his Catholick successors, and to the Roman Church, a liege homage in the presence of Pandulfus. If we can be in the presence of the Lord Pope we will do the same, and to this we oblige our successors and heirs for ever, &c. And for the sign of this our perpetual obligation and concession, we will and ordain, that out of our proper and especial revenues from the said Kingdoms, for all our service and custom which we ought to render, the Roman Church receive a thou­sand marks Sterling yearly, without diminution of St. Peters pence; That is, five hundred marks at the feast of St. Michael, and five hundred at Easter, &c. And if we or any of our successors presume to attempt against these things, let him forfeit his right to the Kingdom, &c.

Although the King did this most unwillingly, and with a heart full of rage and anguish, yet he sware (and it is inserted in the Letters) that he did this with a good will, of his own motion, and by the inspiration of the Holy Ghost. And at the same instant he did homage to the Pope, as a vassel to his Liege Lord in the person of Pandulfus the Legat, and put at the feet of that Legat a sum of money whichMatth. Paris in Jo­hanne p. 228. Pandulfus pecuniam, quam in ar­cam subjecti­onis Rex con­tulerat, sub pede suo con­culcavit, Archiepiscopo dolente & re­clamante. the said Legat trod upon with his foot in sign of subjection. All this was done juxta quod Romae fuerat sententiatum, as it had been ordained at Rome,Id. p. 227. as Matthew Paris saith, that one may not think that King John did this with his own motion, and unconstrained, although they made him swear that he had done it of his good will, and by the inspiration of the Holy Ghost.

All that being done, yet the Legat went away without taking off the Interdict, and without absolving the King from his excommunication, which he might have removed with speaking one word. But he returned beyond the Sea, carrying with him a mass of treasure squeezed out of the purses of the poor English. And being come to the coast of Normandy, he found King Philip August with a [Page 638] great Army, and a fleet of a thousand ships, staying only for the wind to pass into England to conquer it. To whom the Legate declared from the Pope, that he should not bring his Army over, nor undertake any thing against England, because it belonged to the Pope, the King of England being now become the Popes Vassal, and England the patrimony of Saint Peter. At which Philip exprest a great indignation, seeing himself thus affronted by the Pope, who had made him spend a vast summ of money, to raise a great Army to conquer England, promising him the remission of all his sins, and now disappointed him, and after he had given him England, forbad him to enter into it. Wherefore notwithstand­ing the Legates prohibitions, the King would have continued his design, had not the Earl of Flanders forsaken him, returning with his Troops into his Countrey, because he would not offend the Pope. Whence followed a bloody war between France and Flanders.

Matth. Paris, in Johanne, p. 229.But King John full of confusion and anguish, cast himself down on his knees before the Archbishop and other English Prelates, begging with tears to be absolved from the excommunication; which in the end, out of their fatherly compassion, they granted. Yet was not the Interdict taken off.

At the same time Innocent the III. published the Croisada against those that were reproachfully called Albigeois and Vaudois, because they did not acknow­ledge the Pope, called upon none but God alone, had no images, did not go to Mass, denyed Purgatory, and read the Scripture. The Pope gave the same graces to them that should spill the blood of these poor Christians, as to them that crossed themselves to go to the holy Sepulchre and fight against the Saracens. The chief promoter of that war was Dominick, the Author of the Order of Domini­cans, who put above two hundred thousand of them to death.

In the mean while, King John was storming and eating his own heart with sor­row, seeing his Crown thus miserably enslaved. And his Barons forsook him, be­ing angry that he had subjected his Crown to a forrain power.Matth. Paris, an. 1213. p. 233. He then finding no help from any Christian, was brought to such a despair, that he sent Embassadors to a Mahumetan Prince, Amiral Murmelin or Miramolin King of Barbary and Granata, offering him the Kingdom of England, and promising to be his Vassall, if he would deliver him from his subjection to the Pope. But that barbarous King would not accept of the gift, and despised King John, who now for his last refuge had recourse to the Pope.Noverat & multiplici didicerat ex­perientia, quod Papa super omnes mortales ambitiosus erat & su­perbus pecu­niaeque sititor insatiabilis, & ad omnia scelera pro praemiis datis aut promissis cereus & proclivus. King John (saith Matthew Paris) had learned by many experiences that the Pope was above all men of the world ambitious, and proud, and insatiably thirsty of money, flexible and prone to any wic­kedness for recompences either given or promised. He sent to him then a great summ of money, beseeching him to excommunicate the Archbishop and the Barons of his Kingdom. At his request, Innocent sent into England a Legate called Nicolas Bishop of Thusculo; into whose hands John resigned his Crown, and did homage to him, as representing the Popes person, whom he acknowledged his temporal Lord, and Soveraign of the Kingdom. This was done before the great Altar of Pauls Church at London. Matth. Paris, pag. 236, 237. Exacta est & innovata illa non formosa sed famosa subjectio, quae in manum Domini Papae diademate cum regno resignato tam dominium Hiberniae quàm regnum subjicit An­glicanum. And the Deed whereby that resignation of the Kingdom was made unto the Pope, was renewed and sealed with Gold, where­as the former was sealed with lead only. And the said Legate assumed then a full power to dispose of the Ecclesiastical Offices of England, without the consent either of the Archbishop, or the Bishops of the places. Whereby (saith Mat­thew Paris) he got the indignation and curse of many, instead of the blessing. And Pandulfus sent to Rome, to exalt King Johns goodness and humility to the Pope, and to aggravate the pride and insolency of the Archbishop, Bishops, and Barons of England that opposed him.

Finally, in the year 1214. the Interdict was taken off by the Legate, the Mass restored, the Churches and Church-yards opened, and the people reconciled by the Popes concession, upon condition that the King should give to the Arch­bishop and Bishops, that had the charge of taking off the Interdict, forty thou­sand marks.

But the Barons of England, sore grieved to see the Crown of England so de­based, [Page 639] asked of the King the enjoying of some liberties and priviledges which he had sworn unto them. These demands having caused a great dissention between the King and the Barons, the King referred the whole unto the Pope, as unto his Liege, of whom he held the Crown.Idem p. 236. The Pope having heard the Kings complaints by his Embassadors, said with an angry countenance, Will the Barons of England put down from the Royal seat a crossed King, who hath put himself under the protection of the Apostolick See? Will they transfer the demain of the Roman Church to another? By Saint Peter I cannot leave that injury unpunished. Where­fore by express Bulls, he took away all the priviledges of the English Nobility, and dispensed King John from keeping his promise unto them, and threatened the said Barons with an Anathema in case of disobedience: That dealing he grounded upon this reason,Quia nobis à Do­mino dictum est in Pro­pheta, Con­stitui te super gentes & regna, ut evellas & destruas, & aedifices, & plantes. That to the Pope in the person of the Prophet God said, I have set thee over Nations and over Kingdoms, to root out, and to pull down, and to destroy, and to throw down, to build, and to plant. And by other Letters he commanded the Barons like a King, not to exact of King John the fulfilling of that he had sworn unto them.

But the Barons did not care for the Popes Mandate, wherefore they were all excommunicated by the Pope, and their Lands and Lordships put in Interdict. The Prelates of England were commanded to publish that sentence over all Eng­land with burning Candles, and ringing of Bells. At the same time, the Pope suspended Simon Langton Archbishop of York from his place, at the request of King John: And his brother Stephen Langton likewise. A worthy recompence for their helping of the Pope to make the King the Popes subject. The cause of their suspension was, that they had refused to publish the excommunication of the Barons of the Kingdom, but it was published by others appointed for that by Pan­dulfus, who was joyned in Commission with the Legate.

The next year, which was the year 1215. Pope Innocent the III. did gather a Council of the whole Papal Empire at Rome in the Church of Laterane in which there was neither deliberating, nor consulting with the Assembly,Matth. Paris, p. 262. Recitata sunt in pleno Con­cilio capitula 69. quae aliis placabilia, aliis videbantur onerosa. but only reading of threescore and nine Chapters of Ordinances made by this Pope In­nocent. By the third Chapter, power is given to the Pope to take away the lands of Princes and Lords, and to give them to others.Bulla ad liberan­dam sub finem Conc. Lateran. An. 1215. There also it was spoken of the voyage and conquest of the Holy Land, and a degree of glory in Para­dise above others, was promised unto them that should perform that journey in their own person. To them that would not go, but only contribute to the jour­ney, no more was given, but the remission of all their sins, and by consequent eternal life. These last having a smaller share, were to content themselves with the Kingdom of heaven. But as for those that would neither go, nor contribute, Innocent declared unto them, That they must answer him for it before God in the day of judgement.

Then also was the persecution doubled against the Vaudois and Albigeois. And the Clergy of York, named Walter de Gray Archbishop of York, who obtained his Investiture at Rome: Whence he parted, having first obliged himselfMatth. Paris, in Johanne, pag. 263. Episcopus memoratus rediit in Angliam, ob­ligatus in furia Romana de decem millibus li­brarum lega­lium estrelin­gorum, &c. Extorsit Papa infinitam pe­cuniam de unoquoque praelato. to pay unto the Pope ten thousand pounds sterling, which in those dayes was enough for a Kings ransom. That was the end for which the Pope had been so long de­bating about the right of Investitures. That was the fruit of the Martyrdom of Thomas Becket. By the same way the Pope extorted from the Prelates of England an incredible summ of money. The King obtained from the Pope, that the Barons of his Kingdom, who had been excommunicated only by the great, and in gene­rall, should be excommunicated by name, by a second excommunication. But the Barons and the Citizens of London laughed at that excommunication, saying,Ibid. pag. 267. Quod non pertinet ad Papam ordi­natio rerum Laicarum, &c. Proh pudor marcidi ribaldi qui de armis vel liberalitate minime no­runt, toti mundo pro­pter excom­municationes suas volunt dominari. That it belonged not to the Pope to rule secular affairs, seeing that the Lord had left no more to Peter and his successors, but the disposition of Ecclesiastical things. Why doth the mad covetousness of the Romans extend to us? What have Apostolick Bishops to do with our Knighthood? These are the successors of Constantine, not of Peter, &c. O shame! effeminate ribalds, that know not what belongs to arms or honour, will domineer over all the world by their excommunications.

But the Barons seeing the King too strong for them, sent to Lewis son to Philip August King of France, to beseech him to pass with an army into England, pro­mising to put the Crown of England upon his head. And for assurance, they sent to King Philip four and twenty of the noblest of the land for hostages.

While that Lewis made himself ready to pass into England, a Legate called Walo, came from the Pope to King Philip, to beseech him from the Pope not to suffer his son to come into England, because John was a Vassal of the Roman Church, and England was the Popes demain. That crafty Pope spake to King Philip with respect, because he saw him beloved of his subjects, and because he knew his power and his courage. And although Philip, notwithstanding the Popes desire, sent his son over with an Army to take England from the Pope, and expell the Popes Vassal from his possession, yet the Pope shot no excommunica­tion against him. Yea, when the Legate called England the patrimony of Saint Peter, Philip answered to the Legate in high scorn,West­monast. An. 1216. Regnum Angliae Patri­monium Petri vel Ecclesiae Romanae nunquam fuit, nec est, nec erit, &c. Et si Papa hunc errorem tueri allectus novae domi­nationis libi­dine contu­maciter de­creverit, exemplum omnibus regnis dabit perniciosum. That the Kingdom of England had never been, nor was, nor ever should be the patrimony of Saint Peter. And that if the Pope would arrogantly defend that errour, being drawn to it by the greedy desire of a new domination, he should give a most pernicious example unto all Kingdoms. To which all the French Lords there present added, That they would stand till death for the defence of that Article.

Yet when Lewis was come into England, and had taken from John the most part of his Kingdom, the Legate coming into England, excommunicated Lewis with Candles burning, and Bells ringing, and all his adherents. The death of King John having appeased the wrath of the Barons, and cooled their affections to Lewis, made Lewis to return into France.

John being dead, his son Henry the III. succeeded, and almost at the same time Frederick attained to the Empire, whoUsper­gensis. Cus­pinianus. Blondus. Matth. Paris. Collenutius. obliged himself by Oath unto the Pope to pass into Syria to conquer the Holy Land. Two years after his pro­mise, he embarqued himself at Brindissi in Calabria to go into Syria, but being constrained to return to Land, by reason of the indisposition of his body, Gregory the IX. excommunicated him, accusing him of perjury. Yet soon after he im­barqued himself again, and happily arrived into Syria, where he atchieved many great exploits against the Saracens, and conquered Jerusalem. But the Pope did not for all that take off the excommunication. And in the very day of the tri­umph, when thanks were given to God for that glorious conquest, and the am­plification of Christian Religion, the Clergy by the Popes order, would not ad­mit him to the Communion, but turned their backs to him as to an execrable man. But the Pope made it soon known for what reason he had been so urgent to send him away. For, as soon as the Pope saw him engaged in a difficult war, far from home, he invaded the Lands of Frederick in Puglia, and went about to take Lombardy from him: Neither did he care to free him from the excommuni­cation, although he had accomplished his vow.Matth. Paris, in Henrico III. pap. 346. Yea the Knights Templers, the Popes creatures that were sent by him into the Levant, knowing that the Em­perour would go to Jordan to wash himself, advertised the Soldan of the Saracens of it, that he might take Frederick. But the Soldan abhorring that perfidious­ness, sent the Letters of the Templers to Frederick, to warn him to look to him­self. The Pope himself hindred the auxiliary forces of the Croisada that were going to help Frederick, and would not suffer them to advance. This forced Fre­derick to abandon the holy Land, and to return into Italy to reconquer his own Countrey, which the Pope had taken from him. The Pope frighted, took off the excommunication presently, yet upon condition that the Emperour should pay him two hundred thousand ounces of Gold.

Yet he continued to set on the Princes and Commons of Germany to rebell against Frederick: And so great was his hatred against Frederick, that Cuspinian andCron­tzius in An. Chr. 1249. Crontzius write, that he sent Letters to the Sultan of the Saracens, to perswade that Mahumetan to make war against him. But God gave victory to Frederick every where, for he defeated in many combates, all the enemies which the Pope raised against him. So great was his animosity against that Emperour, [Page 641] that when forces of the Croisada came out of France, or England, or other parts, to sail into Syria, to defend Jerusalem and the Holy Sepulchre against the Saracens,Matth. Paris, in Henrico III. he stopt them, and gave them the same Graces and Indulgences, as if they had performed the journey into the Holy Land, upon condition that they should turn their arms against Frederick, whose power lay heavy upon him, be­cause he stiffly maintained the rights of the Empire. The Pope came so far, as to give the Empire to Robert Brother of Lewis the IX. King of France, upon con­dition that he should conquer it.Idem, pag. 500. But Robert sent back to the Pope his pre­sent, both because he sent him no money to furnish him for that conquest, and because he found it very strange, that the Pope would give that which was none of his: Also because he shewed himself an enemy to a great and vertuous Prince, who had done and suffered so much, bravely fighting for the cause of the Chri­stians against the Infidels. Then he added, that the Popes are lavish of the blood of others, and that their end is to tread all the Princes of the world under their feet, and to put on the horns of pride.

In the mean while, persecution grew sore against those whom they called Vau­dois and Albigeois, against whom the Pope caused the Croisada to be preached, and an infinite number of them to be massacred. Then also Saint Francis and Saint Dominick were making miracles, and preaching obedience to the Papal See.Id. Henric. III. pag. 279. And as Pope Innocent the III. at Rome, was carrying in procession the face of Christ Printed in a linnen cloth, that face turned it self with the beard up­wards, as Matthew Paris relateth. Which moved Innocent to compose a Prayer to the same image, and to give ten dayes of Indulgence to all that would adore the image, saying that Prayer. These are the words of it,Solve sancta facies nostri Re­demptoris, in qua nitet species divini splendoris; Impressa panniculo nivei splen­doris; Data­que Veronicae signum ob amoris, &c. Nos ab omni macula purga vitiorum; Atque nos consortio junge beato­rum. Salve vultus Domi­ni imago beata, &c. Nos deduc ad propria, O felix figu­ra! Ad vi­dendum fa­ciem quae est Christi pura. Haile thou holy face of the Redeemer; In which shineth the appearance of divine beauty; Printed upon a cloth of snowy whiteness, and given to Veronica as a token of love; Purge us from all spot of vices, and joyn us to the company of Saints. Haile thou face of the Lord, blessed image; Lead us to that which is thine, O happy figure! to see the pure face of Christ. The whole prayer speaks to the image, as if it heard the prayer.

But in England the Popes tyrannie grew sorer every day. For Henry the III. being come to the Crown, gave the homage of his Kingdom to the Pope, and re­newed the Oath of fidelity and subjection, and the promise of paying a thousand marks yearly to the Pope.

Innocent the III. being dead, in the year 1219. Honorius the III. succeeded him, andMatth. Paris, An. 1220. pag. 299. Sanctorum Catalogo as­cripsimus, universitatem vestram mo­nemus & ex­hortamur in Domino, quatenus ejus apud Deum patrocinia devote implo­retis. at his entry to the Papacy made an English Saint called Hugh, with a command to pray to him, and to celebrate his Feast.

In the year 1223. King Henry being yet very young, the Pope, as his Sove­raign in temporal things, declared him Major, and capable to conduct his own businesses.

In the year 1225. the Pope sent Otto his Nuntio into England, who exacted of every Conventual Church two marks of silver. The next year after, a Council was held at Westminster, where the said Nuntio read in full Assembly the Popes Letters, in which the Pope said,Matth. Paris, pag. 314, 316. That a scandal was cast upon the Roman Church: And that the antient reproach and disgrace of the Court of Rome, was the covetousness of riches, which is the root of all evils. Especially because none could get any business done in the Roman Court, but with many presents, and with greasing the Officers with money. But because the poverty of the Romans was the cause of that evil, it was the duty of the English, as natural sons, to relieve the poverty of their mother, because without their liberality, the Roman Court could not preserve her dignity. That the way to remedy that reproach, was, that the Pope should have in every Cathedral Church, and in every Abbey and Monastery of England, two Prebends, of which he should enjoy the fruits. And in the same year, the same Pope called a Council at Bourges, where he made the same motion by his Le­gat. But he found contradiction from the Clergy of France, and could not compass it.

After Honorius, Gregory the IX. was Pope. It was he that compiled the De­cretals, [Page 642] and the same whom the Romans expelled out of Rome, for the Citizens of Rome never cared much for the Popes excommunications.

This Pope needing money for his War against the Emperour Frederick, sent a Legate into England named Stephen, who exacted of the people of England the tenth part of all their moveable goods, that is, of all their flocks, rents, fruits, wares, offerings and gifts to the Church:Id. pag 349. Habuit ex iisdem literis authoritatem contradictores excommuni­candi & Ec­clesias inter­dicendi. And the said Legate had power to excommunicate all that should refuse to pay, and to put the Churches in Inter­dict. The Prelates he enjoyned upon pain of excommunication, to make that collection speedily and without delay. All that should cross such an holy work, he declared excommunicated, ipso facto. He would be paid in new coyn, and of good weight. He took the tythe, even of the corn in the first blade, that is, of the crop of the year after. In these exactions he was so urgent and so griping, that the Parishes were forced to engage the Chalices and Church plate, to satisfie his covetousness. And he had certain usurers with him, who lent money upon double use, to those that had no ready money. This caused a great clamor and lamentation over all the Countrey, but without effect. That money was employ­ed by the Pope, to invade many Towns belonging to the Emperour in Italy. And the Emperour could not defend them, because he was engaged against the Saracens in the Levant, where he took Jerusalem, and put the affairs of the Christians in a flourishing state. And he had utterly destroyed the Saracens, if the injuries which he received from the Pope had not recalled him.

Matth. Paris, pag. 358, 359.Then the Benefices of England were possessed by Italians and other crea­tures of the Pope, to the great grief of the English. To the Bishop of Rochester it was revealed in vision, that King Richard, and Stephen Archbishop of Canter­bury, with a Chaplain of his, were come out of Purgatory all in one day.

p. 386.Scarce was the collection ended, made by Stephen the Legate, when the Pope made peace with the Emperour, but the money was not restored. And another Nuntio came from Pope Gregory, who (as Matth. Paris saith) argumentosas extorsiones excogitans, inventing extorsions grounded upon fair reasons, sent Nuntio's with power of Legates, who by Sermons, Exhortations, and Excommunications,Ibid. Per regnum Angliae infi­nitos reddi­derunt ex­torres & mendicos. brought an infinite number of English men to mendicity, and turned them out of their houses. This was done under a pretence of contributing to the ex­pense of the Holy War, of which himself hindred the success, and yet he pro­mised to them that should contribute money for it, the remission of all their sins, and to them that should go in person, an augmentation of glory.

Ibid. Si qui pro­ficiscentium illuc ad prae­standas usu­ras juramen­to tenentur astricti, cre­ditores eorum per Ecclesia­rum Prae­latos ut remit­tant iis prae­stitum jura­mentum, & ab usurarum exactione disistant ea­dem praecipi­mus districti­one compelli.By the same Bulls, every man that was indebted, was exempted, and could not be arrested or sued by his Creditors, as long as he had a Cross upon his shoulders, which was the mark of those that were associated into the Croisada: And the reason given for that exemption, was, that such a man was become the Popes man, and had put himself in the protection of the Church. By the same Bulls also, power was given to the Nuntio's or Legates, to dispense with the vow for money. So that he that had crossed himself for the voyage to the Holy Land, might redeem himself from the vow, paying to the Legate, that which he should have spent in the journey, and so stay at home, and enjoy the same spiritual graces, as if he had performed the whole voyage. The Bull ended with this exhortation,Accin­gantur ergo omnes filii adoptionis divinae ad obsequium Jesu Christi, &c. Felici commercio laboribus suis, qui cito transeunt, eternam requiem mercabuutur. Come then, and let the children of divine Adoption prepare themselves to yield obedience unto Christ, changing their quarrels into bonds of love, believing that be­ing truly confessed and contrite, by an happy traffick, and by their labours, which do but pass, they shall purchase eternal rest. Given at Spoleto the third of September, the eight year of our Pontificat.

The Exactors and Collectors of that money, were the Franciscans and Do­minicans, who would to day put the Cross upon a mans shoulder, and oblige him with an Oath to the voyage,Ibid. Quibus data fuit potestas cruce signandi & votum data pecunia relaxandi, &c. Signatos hodie cras data pecunia à crucis voto absolvebant. Westmonast. an. 1240. Absolvebantur per praedicatores & minores pecunia interveniente multi cruce signati in scandalum Ecclesiae. and to morrow release him from his Oath for money.

Reason and right did require, that these great summs of money should have been employed to defray the Princes that raised Armies for the deliverance of the Holy Land. Among whom, he that most freely exposed his life, and that of his subjects, with an incredible expense, was Lewis the IX. of France, who reigned then; A Prince worthy to have been born in a better age, being a rare example of meekness and justice, and one that partly discerned the errors, and sighed un­der the Popes tyrannie. That great Prince soon after undertook that voyage, but to his great ruine, confusion of the Christians, and destruction of his King­dom. Yet the Pope never gave him any part of the money raised for that expedi­tion, nor to the Emperour, nor to any Prince, that paid Armies, and fought for that quarrel. All was poured into the Popes coffers, as into a gulf, and by him imployed to make war against Frederick, for he broke presently the Covenant sworn to him. So in effect, all the money contributed by devout souls, for the conquest of the Holy Land, was imployed to hinder it, and to find other work for Frederick, who alone was more able to promote that conquest, then all the rest together.

While the Pope exercised that horrible tyrannie over England, Matth. Paris, pag. 394. the Se­nate and Citizens of Rome were mastering the Pope, and were so far from giving him money, that they would have money from the Pope, pretending an old right for it. The difference was about some lands which the Roman Senate claimed, as belonging to the Roman County, but the Pope said that they belonged to his Bishoprick; alleadging for himself Christs words, who had promised, that the gates of hell should not prevail against the Church; Whence he inferred, that in that quarrel, the Senate and the Roman people, might not hope to prevail against him. For all his inferences, they turned him out, and burnt his houses, and called the Emperour Frederick. Who being one of the wisest and meekest Princes that ever were in the world, instead of helping them, corrected their insolence, and would resent none of the injuries which Gregory had done him. At the same time that good Emperour demanded the sister of Henry the III. of England for his wife, and had her.

Id. p. 403, 404, 405.At that time also certain usurers set up in England, called Caursins, who by usuries and strange arts devised in Italy, ate up the poor people and the Clergy. The King himself was most deeply in their debt. The Bishop of London would have represt them, but because they were maintained by the Pope, he could not effect it. The Franciscans and Dominicans were preaching up the Popes power, and drawing all the confessions to themselves, and every day obtained privi­ledges to the prejudice of the Parochial Priests, who became almost useless. The State of England was deplorable, for hungry Italians of the baser sort, with Bulls and Warrants from the Pope, came daily to fleece the people, and to raise such summs of money as they would demand upon the Clergy. If any denyed what they demanded, he was presently excommunicated. And they that held the great Benefices, were strangers that were but the Popes Farmers. This made Matthew Paris, that lived then and beheld these things, to lamentMatth. Paris, p. 424. Facta est filia Sion quasi meretrix ef­frons non habens rubo­rem. Quo­tide vilissi­mae personae & illiteratae bullis Roma­nis armatae in minas statim erum­pentes, &c. that the daughter of Sion was become like a shameless harlot that could not blush, by the just judge­ment (saith he) of him that made an Hypocrite to reign, and a Tyrant to domineer.

The above-mentioned Legate Otho came again into England, Idem, pag. 425. Rex ei usque ad confinium maris occurrit, & inclinato ad genua ejus capite usque ad interiora regni deduxit officiose. King Henry went to meet him, even to the Sea-side, and as the Popes Vassal, cast himself down before the Legate, touching the Legates knees with his head.

In the year 1238. the Archbishop of Antioch would not acknowledge the Pope his superiour, and preferring himself before him,Idem, pag. 465. excommunicated the Pope, and the Papal Court, and the Roman Church, being set on to do that by German Archbishop of Constantinople, who called himself Universal Bishop. The same year the persecution was very sore against the true Christians, which were opprobriously called Albigeois, Vandois, Paterius, Buggerars, in the same manner as they call us now Hugonots and Calvinists. Great number of them were burnt in Flanders, at the instigation of a Dominican called Robert Buggerar.

The oppression and extorsions of Rome growing every day in England, the Bishops met at London, and the Legate with him, who propounded new devices to get money, and a new way of exaction. The Bishops answered him, that the Roman Court had quite exhausted England, and that it was impossible for them to furnish any more. So the Assembly was broken without concluding any thing.

The Legate putting off his plot till another time, took his way towards Scotland, to rake all the money out of it, as he had done in England. Idem. in Henr. III. pag. 481. Antequam Legatus reg­num Scotiae intrâsset, oc­currit ei Rex Scotiae non acceptans in­gressum suum. Dixit enim, quod nun­quam aliquis Legatus ex­cepto illo solo in Scotiam intravit. Non enim, ut asseruit, opus erat. Christianitas ibi floruit, Ecclesia pro­spere se ha­bebat. The King of Scotland hearing of it, came to meet him upon the borders, and forbad him to come further into his Kingdom, saying that he was the first Legate that ever entred into Scotland, and that Scotland had no need of any, since without that Christian Religion flourished, and the Church prospered in the Kingdom. The Legate then went back, and returning throughIbid. Rebus Eccle­siasticis pro libito ordina­tis pecuniam non minimam cogendo. England, did so order the businesses of the Church, that he got no small summ of money.

Then was brought into England a Mandate of the Pope, to publish in all the Churches, with Bells ringing and Candles burning, the excommunication of the Emperour Frederick. Which was executed, though with the Kings great grief, because the Emperour had married his sister. And the people of Milan rebelled against the Emperour, and sacked the neighbouring Cities belonging to him with cruelty almost unparallel'd, having for their head a Legate whom the Pope had sent to them. Upon which Matthew Paris expresseth, what the sense of the world was at that time. Fear and horrour filled the hearts of men, because the Papal party cared neither for Prayers, nor for Masses, nor for Processions, &c. But put all their hope in treasures of money, and in rapine, and with shameless impudence ran to the sword and revenge.

The best Benefices of England being possessed by Italians, and Romans especi­ally, base in birth and conditions, and promoted to those places by the Popes Agents, that were sent thither with a full power to do all things at their pleasure, and to take from the English Prelates the power of conferring livings, the said PrelatesId. ib. pag. 495. writ to Pope Gregory, Letters full of lamentations; being justly punished. For having helped the Popes to bring down the power of their Kings, under a pretence of maintaining the liberties of the Church, they had put the Popes fetters about their own legs, and drawn a hard bondage upon themselves. While Kings were in power, the Pope called them Simoniacks that gave some little present to the King, when they received the Investiture. But after that the Pope had taken that power from the King, he took an hundred times more from them then ever the King did.

This Pope by his Bulls full of fervent exhortations, had published the Croisada over all France, Germany, and England, exhorting by the compassions of God, and by the zeal of Christian Religion, and by the hope of salvation, all good Christians, to go to the help of Christians opprest in Syria, and to deliver Jerusa­lem, and the place of the Cross, and the holy Sepulchre, out of the hand of the Infidel Saracens, promising the remission of all sins, and an augmentation of glory in Paradise, to all that should die in that voyage. Upon these exhortations a great number of Pilgrims crossed themselves,Matth. Paris, pag. 497. and having appointed their randevouze at Lyons, met there well armed, and furnished, and full of courage. As they were ready to march, a Legate came from the Pope, who forbad them to go further, and commanded them to return every one to their own home. At which they grew so angry, that much ado there was to keep them from killing the Legate and his men. For (said they) to obey the Pope, and for the cause of the Crucifix, we have undertaken this voyage: We have sold or pawned our lands, we have borrowed money upon great use, and now we are sent back to our houses. This happened in the year 1242.

In the mean while, England was sore troubled with new exactions; and the Pope sent Letters to all the subjects of the Empire, to absolve them from the Oath of Fidelity and Obedience, sworn to Frederick their Lord, commanding them to be faithful in unfaithfulness, and obedient by disobedience, [Page 645] asp. 499. Persuadens ut essent in infidelitate fideles, in inobedientia obedientes. Sed tantum promeruit Romanae Ec­clesiae impro­bitas omnibus execranda, quod à nullis vel à paucis meruit Papa­lis authoritas exaudiri. Matthew Paris saith. But (saith the same Author) the wickedness of the Roman Church execrable unto all was the cause that none or few cared to obey the Papal authority. The Emperor writ to the King of England, his brother in law to expostulate with him because he suffered him to be excommunicated, and with such disgrace in his Kingdom, and that moneys should be raised in England continually by the Pope, to make war against him. The Kings answer was, that being the Popes vassal and homager, necessity did lye upon him to yield all obedi­ence to his Holiness.

Yet upon these letters from the Emperor, King Henry desired the Legat Otho to go out of England, but the Legat would not do it, and found new wayes to get money for his Master. The English Lords and Gentlemen were selling their Lands and Mannors to the Clergy to perform that voyage to the Holy Land, to which they had bound themselves by vow, upon the Popes command.Id. p. 507. Incoeperunt ipsi Praedica­tores Fratres & Minores Cruce signa­tos absolvere à voto suo, accepta ta­men pecunia, quanta suffi­cere videba­tur unicui­que ad viati­cum ultrama­rinum. Et factum est in populo scandalum cum schis­mate. But the Dominicans and Franciscans received power from the Pope to dis­pence those that had crossed themselves from their vow, taking so much money from them as they should have spent in their journey. And at the same time the Pope who had crammed many Italians and Romans with the best benefices of England, began to squeeze these spunges, and got from them the fifth part of their revenue, towards the charges of his war against the Emperor. Then some English seeing so much money go out of England, continually, came to the King, and told him,Domine Princeps nominatissi­me quare permittis An­gliam fieri in praedam & desola­tionem trans­euntium, qua­si vineam sine macerie, omni communem viatori, ab apris exter­minandam? &c. Quibus talia persua­dentibus ait, Nec volo, nec and Domi [...] a­liqui­pae contra­ [...]ere. Et [...]ova quaedam facta est in populo desperatio nimis deploranda. Most Illustrious Prince, why do you suffer England to be brought to desolation, and to become the prey of them that go by, like a vine with­out wall, exposed to travellers, and left to be destroyed by the wild boars? &c. To whom the King answered. I will not, I dare not contradict My Lord the Pope in any thing. Whence the people was brought to a most deplorable despair. But the Legat having got the fifth part of all the revenues of strangers, did the same to the English, and the Arch-bishop led the dance, paying eight hundred marks to the Legat for the first payment; the rest was exacted from him, and from all others with all violence.

Scarce was that exaction done, when one Peter de la Ronse came from Rome. Id. p. 515. Per eosdem dies venit in Angli exactorem in pecuniae exactio omnibus saeculis inaudita & execrabilis. Misit enim Papa, Pater noster Sanctus, q [...] erat emungere. Angliam, Petrum Rubeum qui excogitata muscipulatione infinitam pecuniam à miseris Anglis Of him Matthew Paris an eye witness speaks thus. In those dayes came into England a new exaction of money unheard of in all ages and execrable. For our holy Father the Pope sent a certain exactor into England called Petrus Rubeus [or Peter of the Bryar] who having invented a certain kind of mouse-trap did learned­ly catch an infinite summ of money from the miserable Englishmen. He would come into the Chapters of Monks and Prebends, and made them believe that such and such a Prelat had secretly promised such a summ of money, and by promises and threatnings extorted money from them, making them swear that in six moneths they would not tell it to any body: Without saying to them the cause why the Pope had such a suddain need of money, but leaving them to presume that there was some great business concealed from them. Upon that the Prelats and Abbots came to the King and told him,Ibid. Domine Rex suggillamur, nec licet nobis clamitare, jugulamur, nec possumus ejula [...] Sir, We are beaten, and we are not suffered to cry; They cut our throats, and we cannot lament. A thing impossible is enjoyned us by the Pope, and an exaction detestable unto all the world, &c. But the King turning him­self to the Legat there present, told him, My Lord, these miserable seducers reveal the Popes secrets; They detract and will not obey your will. Do with them what you think good. I give you one of my best castles to put them in a sure hold. So they were forced to pay all, that the Legat was pleased to demand of them.

The same year Earle Richard the King of Englands brother, as valiant and ge­nerous as his brother was base and low spirited, went out of England, carrying with him the flower of the English Nobility, and made the more hast because news was come of the miserable case of the Christians in the Levant where [Page 646] the Christian party was sinking apace. Being come to St. Giles in low Langue­dock to go to Marseille, a Legat met him, who forbad him from the Pope to go further, dispensing the said Earle from his vow. The Earl highly discontented answered, I have taken leave of my friends, I sent my money and my arms before; Now that I am ready to take ship, I am forbidden to go. He resolved then, notwithstanding the Popes prohibition, to perform his voyage, and imbar­ked himselfId. p. 518. Dete­stans Romanae Ecclesiae du­plicitatem cum magna mentis amari­tudine. detesting the double and treacherous dealing of the Roman Church, with a great bitterness of spirit.

That Peter de la Ronse having not the title of Legat got into Scotland, and did that which none ever did before him, for he carryed away three thousand pounds out of Scotland to put into the coffers of his Holiness.

While the Pope was plundering England, he was raising an immense summ of money in France by a Legat sent purposely. Which summ exceeding the Popes expectation, he repented to have made truce with the Emperor Frederick, seeing that he had got so much of the sinew of War, and commanded Cardinal John Colonna to bring word to the Emperor that he would not keep the truce. Which when that Cardinal, whose family was potent in Italy, refused to do, and exchanged some injurious words with the Pope upon that sub­ject,Idem. p. 522. Quod cum Regi Franco­rum innotu­isset, praecepit pecuniam to­tam quam in terra sua mellitis ser­mocinationi­bus & fellitis comminationi­bus messuerat, ab eodem Le­gato extortam reservari. King Lewis the IX. hearing of that passage, prohibited that the mo­ney (which was yet in France) should be delivered to the Popes Assigns or tran­sported out of the Kingdom.

The same pope perceiving that whensoever he demanded money of the body of the English Clergy oppositions were formed against it,Matth. Paris. p. 522. Papa de pecu­nia congre­ganda vigil contemplator significavit Legato, ut non sicut prius omnem Cle­rum conve­nire attem­ptet, &c. Imo potiùs singulatim quemlibet eorum, &c. writ to his Legat that he should deal with the Clergy-men one by one, and fleece them one after another. And he sped that way.

It was about this time, namely in the year 1240. that Baldwin, keeping by force the Empire of Constantinople which the French and other pilgrims of Syria had surprized, and held it by right of conveniency,Ibid. p. 527. Necessitate ingruente & thesauri ca­ [...]ntia, &c. sig [...]ificavit Reg [...] Fran­corum [...]e Imperato [...] [...]lduinus, quòd si ipsum pecunia destitutum vellet de thesauro efficaciter juvare ipsi Regi pro antiquo dilectio­nis & cons [...]uinitatis foedere conferret coronam Domini. being in great want of money, writ to the King of France Lewis the IX. that the holy Crown of thorns of our Saviour was found, and that if he would help him with a summ of money, he would send it to him. This meek King, and of easie belief treated with the said Emperor for a great summ of money, and bought that Crown which was put in the Holy Chappel of Paris with great solemnity. Shortly after the Venetian [...] having bought a piece of the true Cross for two thousand and five hundred pounds, sold it again to the same King Lewis for double the price. The King himself carryed it bare-head and barefoot to our Lady of Paris. And the Pope gave to it forty days of true pardon.

Ibid. p. 532. & 530. Rex in ampliori Regia Westmona­sterii pransuru [...] [...]egatum, quem ad prandium invitaverat, in eminentiori loco mensae, scilicet in sede Regali, quae in medio mensae est, non sin [...]ultorum obliquantibus oculis collocavit.In the year 1241. King Henry the III. of England made a great feast in West­minster hall upon Christmas day. In the midst of the table was the Kings chair un­der the Canopy of State, according to the custome. It was a thing without ex­ample that any but the King durst sit in that Royal Chaire, especially upon a day of extraordinary solemnity. Yet the King acknowledging himself the Popes vassal, and no Soveraigne, yielded that place to the Legat Otho, to the great heart-breaking of all that were present, and to the disgrace of the English Nation.

Shortly after, the Legat returned to Rome, Matthew Paris beareth him this testimony, that excepting the Church plates, and ornaments of the Churches, there re­mained not so much money in England as Otho had extorted. And that he had conferred partly by his own, partly by the Popes will, above three hundred of the best Prebends and Rectories of the Kingdom. Whereby the Kingdom was left languishing and desolate as a Vine exposed to those that pass by, and destroyed by the wild boar of the woods.

The same year, the Convent of Burg in England received an Apostolick man­date from Pope Gregory the IX. that they should give to a certain man whom [Page 647] the Pope would recompense a Benefice of a hundred marks a year, a great reve­nue in those dayes. And certain sharkes coming from Rome, went from Church to Church, and from Convent to Convent, and taking the several Monks apart told them,Matth. Paris. p. 536. Vocatisque Monachis dixerunt, Ecce fratres & amici, im­minet vobis ad manum magnum Pa­pale benefici­um; Postulat enim à vobis quod vos deberetis flexis genibus & junctis manibus ab eo humillime postulare. Brethren and friends, you have power in your hand to receive a great benefit from the Pope, For now he asketh of you that which you should ask of him with bended knees and joined hands in all humility. The summary of the motion was that he asked them some money as an offering of sweet savour. Upon which Matthew Paris, an eye witness of these doings, speaks thus;Ibid. p. 535. Adeo inva­luit Romanae Ecclesiae in­satiabilis cupiditas confundens sas nefasque, quod deposito rubore velut meretrix vul­garis & es­frons omnibus venalis & exposita usu­ram pro par­vo simoniam pro nullo inconvenient [...] reputavit. In this time by the permission and procurement of Pope Gregory, the insatiable greediness of the Roman Church, got such strength, confounding right and wrong, that putting off all shame, she became a common and impudent strumpet, selling and prostituting her self unto all, holding usury to be a small thing, and simony to be no inconvenience. Ibid. At the same time the bones of Edmund Arch-bishop of Canterbury were working abundance of miracles. The Emperor had six mighty armies to resist the enemies which the Pope by his practices raised against him in several places

New Dominicans and Franciscans came from Rome into England in great numbers, to preach the Croisada, which they did so effectually that many crossed themselves for the voyage of the Holy Land; And the same preachers granted to them the remission of all their sins. But three dayes after they re­leased them from their vow and gave them leave not to stir out of England. So they changed the corporal satisfaction into a pecuniary punishment. By which means even women and children, that they might have remission of all their sins, took the cross and the vow of the Croisada, and then redeemed their vow with money. Thus the Fryers collected vast summs of money. And what became of it, Matthew Paris saith that it was not known.

This Legat Otho Matth. Paris in Henr. III. p. 547. & 554. had left two Vice Legats with power of exacting, in­terdicting, and excommunicating, who daily committed a thousand extorsions. One of them named Petrus de Supino took a turn into Ireland. Out of which (though money was thin sown there) he raked in few dayes fifteen hundred marks. Then returning with a mandate from the Pope, he exacted the twenti­eth part of the goods of the whole Island, and his fellow Petrus Rubeus did the same in Scotland. Then hearing that Pope Gregory was very sick, they crost the sea in hast, and went towards Rome loaden with wealth. But in their journey they were taken by the Emperor,Id. p. 555. who made use of their money, and com­mitted them to close prison, and besieged a place in Campania where the Pope had put his Money and his Nephews. The Emperor having made himself master of the place, hanged the Popes Nephews as rebels to his Majesty. The Pope hear­ing of it, was opprest with such grief that he dyed. The Emperor kept many Cardinals prisoners, among others Otho the plague of England, because they would have assembled themselves in Council by the Popes authority without his leave.

After many quarrels among the Cardinals, Galfrid Arch-bishop of Milan was chosen Pope, who did not last long, and dyed having been Pope but sixteen dayes. The Cardinals were 21. moneths before they could agree about the electi­on of a successor. The Emperor angry at it, besieged them at Rome, and the King of France sent them Embassadors to declare to them, thatIbid. p. 582. Hoc audacter significabant confisi de an­tiquo privile­gio suo per sanctum Cle­mentem bealo Dionysio con­cesso & ob­tento, qui con­cessit Aposto­latum eidem Dionysio su­per gentem Occidentalem. if they did not choose a Pope, the French would elect one for them, grounded upon their antient priviledge granted by St. Clement unto St. Denis, whom he established Apostle over the Western people. The Cardinals frighted, in the end chose one Cardi­nal Sinebald, who leaving his name of Baptisme called himself Innocent the IV.

The orders of Dominicans ond mendicant Fryars had been but 24. years in England, and already had built magnificent Convents over all the Kingdom, and governed all the houses of great persons, got great legacies, drew to themselves all the confessions, and many believed that salvation could not be had without them. They were factors, sollicitors, and executors of Apostolick Man­dates, [Page 648] and bearers of pardons; they had the Kings eare, and debased the orders of St. Benedict and St. Austin; Doing to other orders, and to Parochial Priests that which the Jesuits do now unto them. Yet between these two new Or­ders there was a great deal of envy, the Franciscans calling themselves Minors, and by consequent more holy; and the Dominicans calling themselves Majors and therefore preferrable.

In the year 1244. one Martin came into England with full power from his Holiness to exact money, to suspend, to interdict, and to excommunicate all that should any way oppose him. He would command this Abbot or that PriorPaeci­piens per literas di­stricte illi Abbati vel illi Priori, ut ei equos, quales dece­bat specialem Domini Cleri­cum insidere, transmitte­rent. that they would send him horses such as were fit for an especial Clark of the Lord Pope to ride on. If they alleadged any excuse, he suspended them from their benefices. The Churches and Prebends that fell void, he kept in his own hands, till he was pleased to bestow them upon his Nephews and Cosins.

And whereas David Prince of Northwales was vassal to the King of England Id. p. 604. & 605. David volens collum suum de sub jugo fidelitatis Do­mini Regis ex­cutere, ad alas Papalis pro­tectionis con­fugit spon­dens se tenere partem Walliae eum contin­gentem ab ipso Papa. Cui favit Papa, & contra Regem rebellanti si­num aperuit. Pope Innocent the IV. deboisht him from the alleagiance sworn to Henry the III. his Lord, and made him his vassal, obliging him to pay five hundred marks a year to the Apostolick See in sign of subjection. So David by the Popes instiga­tion shooke of the Kings yoke, and put his countrey under the Popes subjection, promising to hold his whole countrey from the Pope. Whence long wars followed.

The miracles of Edmund of Canterbury being daily multiplyed, Commissio­ners were deputed by the Pope to enquire of those miracles, and to inform his Holiness about them, to know whether he ought to be canonized and listed among the Saints: but the Commissioners made a relation to the disadvantage of the said Edmund as unworthy to be Sainted. Wherefore it was concluded that he should not be canonized, and the request of the Monks of Pontigny, where the the said Edmund lay buryed, was rejected as unjust.

The forementioned Martin (whom the English called Masty, It is like that the En­glish in those dayes called a masty dog à Mastin, as the French do now; and that they made an al­lusion of Mastin with Martin. because of his insatiable greediness)Matth. Paris libro supradicto p. 622. received an unheard of power from the Pope, and more ample then any before, of which he had several letters, and produced sometimes one, sometimes another, according to the exigence of the case, and ma­ny scroles of parchment sealed with lead, in which nothing was written, and those blanks he filled according to his own pleasure. He made his address unto the King, beseeching him in the Popes name to help him to get ten thousand marks before hand of the English Clergy. And he brought forth letters of Pope Innocent to the Clergy of England, where these words are found. Being constrained by ne­cessity, we have recourse to you confidently, and by the counsel of our brethren, we desire and expresly admonish your generality, and by Apostolick writings we exhort­ing command and commanding exhort you, that you relieve the Roman Church with such quantity and summ of money as our dear son Martin, Clark of our Chamber, shall declare unto you, &c. And that you so accomplish that which we desire of you, that we may commend your devotion, and that we be not constrained to proceed otherwise against you about that matter. Thus in case of denyal he threat­ned to force them to it by excommunication. And that Martin was grown so insolent, and such a severe exactor that he would send, now to an Abbot, now to a Prior, commanding him to send him so many great horses, so much provision for his house, such a quantity of curious stuffes for his train.Martinus remisit eis quae ei missa fuerunt, asse­rens insuffici­entia, & praecepit eis ut meliora sibi sub poena suspensionis, & anathematis transmitterent. Suspendit autem omnes à collatione beneficiorum, 30. marcas valentium & supra, donec suae satisfactum foret cupiditati. Unde miseri Anglici acerbiorem, quam o [...]im subie­erunt filii Israel, se doluerunt in Aegypto Britannica tolerare servitutem. And when he had received what they sent, he would send it back with contempt, saying that it was not good enough, and commanded them to send better upon pain of suspension and excommunication. And he suspended all the Prelats from the collation of livings of thirty marks a year and above, till they had satisfied his greediness. Wherefore the miserable English complained that they were under a harder bondage then ever the Israelites in Egypt.

War being happened between the English and the Scots, they made peace upon certain conditions. But because a Vassal ought not to conclude peace or war with­out the consent of his liege Lord, peace could not be made without the approba­tion and ratification of Pope Innocent the IV.

The same year the Prince of North-Wales continuing in his rebellion against Henry the III. King of England, obtained of the Pope with money, and with the renewing of his promise, of paying five hundred marks a year unto the Pope, to be absolved and dispensed from the Oath of Allegiance which he had made un­to Henry, saying, that it was an extorted Oath.

In the year 1245. the Pope caused the excommunication of the Emperor Fre­derick to be published again in all the Churches of France. That excommunica­tion being given to a Parochial Priest of Paris to publish it, he pronounced it in these terms. Hearken all of you, I am commanded to pronounce an excommunication with Candles burning and Bells ringing against the Emperor Frederick. Not know­ing the cause why, I know only that there is an irreconcileable quarrel and hatred be­tween him and the Pope. I know also, that the one doth wrong to the other, yet which of the two is in the wrong, I cannot tell. But him that doth wrong to the other, I excommunicate as far as my power extends. The poor Priest was punished by the Pope, but the Emperor sent him presents.

The Pope had a desire to come into England, and pass through France, but the passage through France was denyed him. And the King of England was advised not to let him come into his Kingdom. In the mean while, Martin was continu­ing to wast poor England, sucking the substance of the people and the Clergy, and most part of the Benefices of England were held by Italians. In the end, the the Nobles of the Land were forced by the heavy oppression to assemble them­selves, and to give order that all the Papal letters which daily came into England with new tricks to catch money should be stopt. A bearer of those trumperies was taken, and all his Bulls and leaden Seals were taken from him, and he laid up in close prison. About the same time, in Rogation week, the Popes Wardrobe at Lions was burnt with an accidental fire, & there the letters of homage and submis­sion made to the Pope by King John, were consumed, as Matth. Paris pag. 638. relateth.

In the end, the King seeing his Kingdom exhausted by the extortions of the Roman Court, although he trembled under the Papal power, yet he commanded Martin to depart out of the Kingdom, and for a farewell told him,Diabo­lus te ad infernos in­ducat & perducat. The Devil lead thee, and bring thee into hell. But Martin going away, left one Mr. Philip, to whom he resigned the power he had from the Pope. Being come to the Popes presence, who was then at the Council of Lions, he complained of the King of England. The Pope then remembring, that both the King of France and the King of England had denyed him the entry into their Kingdoms, said in great wrath, and with an angry countenance,pag. 640. Expe­dit ut com­ponamus cum Principe vestro, ut hos Regulos conteramus recalcitrantes. Contrito enim vel pacificato dracone, cito serpentuli conculcabun­tur. It is expedient that we compound with your Prince Frederick, that we may crush these petty Kings that kick against us; for when the Dragon is once bruised or appeased, we shall soon tread upon these small Serpents.

In that Council, the canonization of Edmund Archbishop of Canterbury was moved again with great instance, but was rejected the second time by the Pope, and that Saint wanting the Popes favour, lost his cause for this time also, and was judged unworthy to be a Saint.

The fourth day, an unusual thing happened: The Pope himself preached in a Church of Lions. His text was Lam. 1.12. All ye that pass by, behold and see, if there be any sorrow like unto my sorrow, which is done unto me; then he compared his sorrows to the five wounds of Christ; The first was the inundation of the Tartars; the second the Schism of the Grecians; the third the heresie of those that were called Patterins, Buggerars, Jovinians, and Vaudois. The fourth, the desolation of the holy Land. The fifth and the most smarting, the Emperor Fre­derick, the Churches enemy and persecutor, whose heresies and sacriledges he set out at large.

In that Council the people and Clergy of England, complained by Deputies of the extortions and robberies of the Roman Court; but their complaints were not regarded.

There a sentence of deposition against the Emperor Frederick was pronoun­ced by the Pope, whereby he was declared faln from the Imperial power, and all the subjects of the Empire, as well in Germany, as in Italy, Sicily, and Province, were absolved from the Oath of Allegiance sworn unto the said Emperor, with a prohibition by Apostolical authority, to yield any obedience unto him, or to lend him any assistance, upon pain of excommunication. The Electors also were commanded to elect another Emperor; the Pope keeping the power to himself to provide for the Kingdoms of Naples and Sicily, pretending that the dispositi­on of that Kingdom did particularly belong to him.

There also an order was taken for the voyage of the Holy Land, the Pope taxing himself to pay the tenth part of his revenue, and condemning the whole Clergy to pay the twentieth part of theirs, for three years. He appointed the Apostolick Officers to be receivers of that contribution. He made an order, that all that should enter into the Croisada, should be exempted from all tributes, taxes, and subjection due to secular Lords, because by crossing themselves, they put themselves under the protection of the Apostolick See. By this means the Kings lost as many subjects, as there were men that would put a Cross upon their shoulder, for then they claimed themselves to be the Popes subjects. Creditors were prohibited to exact any thing of those that were crossed, because they were under the protection of the Church.Pag. 653. Nos ergo &c. om­nibus qui laborem istum in pro­priis personis subierint, & expensis, ple­nam suorum peccaminum, de quibus fuerunt ve­raciter corde contriti & ore confessi, veniam in­dulgemus, & in retributi­one justorum salutis aeter­nae pollicemur augmentum. Eis autem qui non in personis pro­priis illuc accesserint, sed in suis duntaxat ex­pensis juxta facultatem & qualitatem suam viros idoneos desti­naverint, & illis similiter, qui licet in alienis ex­pensis in pro­priis tamen personis ac­cesserint, ple­nam suorum peccatorum concedimus veniam. And to those crossed men was promi­sed, besides the remission of all their sins, an augmentation of glory in Paradise. To those that should not go in person, but contribute with their means, defraying others that would go for them, no more was promised but the remission of all their sins. Those that should go in person defrayed by others, if they dyed in that voyage, that Order assured them that they should not go into Purgatory, but they were to content themselves with eternal life, and might not pretend to a degree of glory in Paradise above the common sort.

Many other Laws were made and published by the Pope sitting in that Council. For since Gregory the VII. it was no more the Popes custom to assemble Coun­cils to deliberate with the Bishops, but only that the Bishops should receive laws from the Pope, and approve them by their silence. Wherefore also Matthew Paris saith, that of the things decreed,p. 658. Quaedam eo­rum ante Concilium, quaedam du­rante Con­cilio, quaedam vero post Concilium, sunt statuta. Some were decreed before the Council, some during the Council, some after the Council. Upon the dissolution of the Council, a Prelate made a Sermon for a farewell to the City of Lions, wherein he told the people that the Council had made a great reformation in the City, for whereas there were many Brothel-houses in the Town before the sitting of the Council, now (said he) we leave but one, reaching from one end of the Town to the other.Ibid. That the Popes Officers were appointed Collectors of the money to be raised for the voyage of the Holy Land, was displeasing unto many, who knew that it was usual with the Popes Officers, to put all such contributions into the Popes Coffers, who converted them to another use, and indeed to his own. The Pope sent into England a Copy of the Letters Patent of King John, whereby he subjected the Crown of England to the Papal See, and presented it to all the Prelates of England to sign; which they did all but the Archbishop of Canterbury, who refused it.

The same year King Lewis the IX. gave the Pope leave to come into France, as far as Clugni, but no farther. The King greatly desired a reconciliation between the Pope and the Emperor, because himself was preparing for the expedition into the Levant, and had need of the help of Frederick, a warlike, prudent and meek Prince, as ever any was in the world, formidable to the Saracens, and one that might stop the passage of the French, because he held Corsica, Sardinia, and the Kingdom of Naples and Sicily; Butp. 662. the good King could obtain nothing of Pope Innocent. Matth. Paris saith, that Innocent laboured to induce Lewis to make war with Henry King of England, whom he called in contempt a petty King: [Page 651] And though there was a sworn truce between the two Kings, yet the Pope would have King Lewis to break it. But Lewis would never condescend to it, being a Prince that religiously kept his word.

There was a second interview between the King and the Pope, being then at Lions, where the King used his utmost endeavour to appease the Pope, and recon­cile him with the Emperor. The Emperor desirous of peace (although the de­position fulminated by the Pope was without effect, and had wrought no diminu­tion of his power) offered unto the Pope to pass into Syria, and reconquer the Kingdom of Jerusalem with his own strength and cost, and never to return, but die there; asking no more but his absolution from the Pope. And the King re­presented unto the Pope the commandment of Christ, who will have us to for­give seventy times seven times, and saith that the sinner that converteth and humbleth himself, must not be rejected. He protested against the Pope, saying, that by this obstinacy he should be the cause of the ruines which Christian Religi­on should suffer. But the good King lost his labour, andMatth. Paris, in Henric. III. pag. 676. Rex Fran­corum recessit iratus & indignans, eo quod humili­tatem quam speraverat in servo servorum, minimè re­perisset. returned with great indignation, because he had not found in the servant of servants, the humility which he lookt for.

The same year, which was 1245. a Parliament was assembled at London, where in the Kings presence some Articles were made, called Gravamina regni Angliae, The grievances of the Kingdom of England; where the oppressions of the Popes, and the grinding of the Kingdom by the Court of Rome were represented, and how Italians succeeded other Italians in Church-livings: And that by the new clause, non obstante, Scriptures were enervated, the obligation of Oaths broken, all Laws and Customs abrogated, and that the English were constrained to go plead in the Court of Rome, whence they returned ill handled, after they had a long time consumed themselves in expenses.Pag. 680. That Letters came from Rome, which not only taxed such and such men in so much money, but enjoyned them also, to find and entertain constantly a certain number of men at arms to serve the Roman Church in the wars, with men and arms, according to the will of his Holiness. It was also represented, that once the Pope considering some rich stuffs of Church-Ornaments of some English Clergy-men, had a desire to have them: And that when he enquired where they were made, he was answered that they were made in England, and how upon that the Pope said, England is the garden of our delights, a garden truly inexhaustible.

The Pope writ to the Cistercian Monks, that they should buy for him someAuri­frisia. cloth of curled gold; which was done at the charges of those Monks: Whence, saith Matthew Paris, Pag. 683. many had the covetousness of the Church of Rome in execration. The same Author relates, that three of the wealthyest Clergy-men of England being dead, without making a Will, and having left a great summ of money, and much pretious stuff, Pope Innocent sent Dominican and Franciscan-Fryars into England, to preach and make it pass for a Law, That the goods of every Clark dying intestate, belonged unto the Pope.

When the King was going to oppose both this, and the levies and impositions which the Pope had lately laid upon the Land, Letters came from the Pope, con­taining an absolutePag. 686. command to raise a great summ of money out of England, and that within twenty dayes, without further delay; appointing certain Eng­lish Prelates to be Collectors of the same, and giving them power to proceed against those that should refuse to pay, with Ecclesiastical censures. Such was then the use of Saint Peters keyes.

The King, though used to bondage, was nettled at this, and prohibited that extortion of his people. The Pope angry at it, misused the English that were in his Court, saying to them,Pag. 687, 688, 689. The King of England kicks against us, and his Council hath a relish of Frederick, I also have my Council, which I will fol­low. And he writ to the English Prelates, that upon pain of excommunication and suspension, they should before the Feast of the Assumption, bring the summ which he had prescribed unto his Nuntio resident at London. The King was fright­ed with this, and the Popes command was executed without delay. The Popes [Page 652] Factors and Promoters were the Franciscans and Dominicans, who gave the re­mission of sins for money, released the excommunications for a certain rate, and made usurers and extortioners to bring to them all their ill gotten goods, instead of restoring them to the right owners. By their means also the Pope, besides the matrimonial causes,Pag. 694. drew to himself all Testamentary causes, and the cases of perjury, as nearly concerning the conscience. And still these Factors of Rome alleadged some specious cause; saying, that the money which they exacted was to defend the Emperor of Constantinople, or to resist the Soldan of Damas. But what­soever it was for, still the Pope was the Receiver.

At the same time the Pope gave leave to King Lewis the IX. to take the tenth part of the Ecclesiastical revenue of France, the King in exchange gave him leave to take the twentyeth part of the same revenue, and that for three years.

The Pope seeing that he could not pull down the Emperor, and that the ver­tue and power of Frederick turned the edge of his spiritual sword, sought to make him away by treachery, and suborned four of Frederick's servants, James de Morra, Theobald Francisco, Pandulph de Phasanelles, and William of Saint Severin, to stab their Master.Matth. Paris, pag. 690, 691. Negotium aperte se gerere Ro­manae Matris Ecclesiae prae­dicant, ac praedictae mortis ac ex­haereditationis nostrae sum­mum Pontifi­cem sicaccesse­runt incento­rem. Hoc ipsum captivi praefati in spontanea & extrema con­fessione sua, quādo mentiri nesarium exi­stimant, mo­rientes coram omnibus sunt confessi. Two of them, Theobald and William, being taken, confessed publickly when they were brought to the execution, that they were set on by Pope Innocent to do that deed. The whole story is related at large, in letters written by the Emperor himself to Henry the III. of England his Bro­ther in law, and by other letters of Walter d' Ocre the Emperors Clark, written to the same King.

Scarce was the last extortion ended, when a new one began:p. 693. And the King gave way that six thousand marks should be raised upon England, because the Pope had need of it. That money was sent to the Lantgrave, whom the Pope had named Emperor instead of Frederick: That Emperor admired the baseness of the English, who suffered the Popes to strip them; whereas the Popes (said he) fugunt fugientes & fugiunt fugantes; the Popes oppress those that fear them, and tremble before them that resist them.

The King having made some demonstration, that he bore that yoak impatient­ly, and let fall some words of discontent which were related unto the Pope, the Pope was so incensed, that he would presently have put an Interdict upon the whole Nation of England. Upon which a grave remonstrance was made to him by Cardinal John, an English-man by birth, and a Cistercian Monk, who repre­sented to him, That the Holy Land was in danger; That the Greek Church had made a Schism from the Roman Church; That the Tartars were pillaging Hunga­ry; That the Emperor was an enemy to his holiness; That France had a grudge against him, as being impoverished by so many exactions, upon pretence of the Holy War; That the very people of Rome had expelled him out of Rome; Therefore that his holiness having enemies enough, he needed not to create more, lest he should see in a short time a general revolt; And that it was no wonder if England, like Balaams Ass, being sore laid on with blows, had spoken some words. But all this good counsel did not mitigate him. And to confirm him in his violent courses, presently Embassadors came to him out of England with deep submissions from the King, and a promise of greater obedience for the time to come. The Pope grown more arrogant with that humility, commanded all Pre­lates and beneficed men of England residing in their livings, to send him the third part of their yearly revenue, and the non-resident the half: With the ad­dition of the clause, Non obstante, which derogated from all customs, abrogated all promises and oaths, and revoked all sorts of priviledges.

In the end, after many denyals about the Canonization of Edmund Arch­bishop of Canterbury, the Pope to stroak the English, Canonized him, and made him a Saint, seven years after his death. The Bull of the Canonization is exprest in arrogant terms, and are worthy to be represented for their extravagant pride.West­monast. an. 1246. Novum ma­tris Ecclesiae gaudium, novi Sancti celebritate jucundae lae­titiae referi­mus gaudio à coelesti col­legio, de collegae novi consortio agi festum exul­tanti animo nuntiamus, &c. Laetatur nimirum se tam clara sobole illu­stratam, quae digno ab omnibus at­tollenda prae­conio, & devota vene­ratione co­lenda, mani­feste declarat ad haereditatis aeternae par­ticipium ad­mittendos, qui ipsam matrem Ecclesiam fide ac opere profitentur, & nullum in supernam posse gloriam, nisi per eam tanquam regni coelorum clavigeram, introire. We announce unto you the joy of our Mother the Church by the Celebrity of a [Page 653] new Saint; and the Heavenly Colledge keeps Holy day for the society of a new com­panion. The Church rejoyceth to be illustrated with such a clear race, which ought to be exalted by all with condigne praises, and must be served with a devout venera­tion. And openly declareth, that those must be received to the participation of the eternal inheritance, that profess the Mother-Church by word and work, and that none can enter into the glory that is above, but by her, as the bearer of the keyes of the Kingdom of heaven. By that Mother-Church, he understands the Church of Rome, to distinguish her from the other Churches that are subject unto her. And he saith, that since the same Mother-Church beareth the keyes of the Kingdom of heaven, none can enter into Paradise, nor be made a Saint, but by her means. Of that new Saint, he speaks as if he had begun to be a Saint in his Canonization, although he was dead many years before. And to abuse the Christian world, he tells them that piece of good news, that the Saints of Paradsie keep Holy-day, because a new companion is come to them. That monster believed that the Saints of Paradise took it kindly at his hands, that he had given them a new companion. Wherefore he exhorteth the Christian Nations in these words, Rejoyce with great joy that a new Patron before God is accrewed unto you, one that stands before him to be a gracious intercessor for your salvation. This was received as Gospel-truth; And it would have been abominable heresie, to make a question whether such a man was a Saint, and ought to be served and called upon, since the Pope who hath all power on earth had commanded that he should be. The English had this for their money, after so many extortions of the Court of Rome; That Court sent them a new English Saint for their comfort.

Soon after Blanch Queen Regent of France, came over to worship that Saint, representing to him that he had found refuge for his exile in France, and beseech­ing him not to be ungrateful. She said then,West­monast. anno, 1247. Hoc recolat sanctitas tuae non ingrata tibi haec & tuo Thomae fecisse profugo & egenti. Matth. Paris, pag. 693. My Lord, most holy Father, Edmund Confessor, &c. I beseech thee to confirm that which thou hast mercifully done towards us: Confirm the Kingdom of France in a peaceable and triumphant solidity, and let not thy Holiness be ungrateful, but remember what we have done to thee, and to Thomas exiled and poor.

In the year 1247. the French Nobility made a League against the oppression of the Pope and the Clergy to maintain their antient rights and priviledges, which were daily usurped by them. The Pope brought to great fear, instead of punish­ing the Leaguers, greased the heads of them with fat Benefices, and gave them all kind of Indulgences.

He sped better in England, for at the same time two Franciscans John and Alexander being come into England with power of Legats, the King gave them leave to make a collection over all the Kingdom: They had power of excom­municating all that would refuse to pay. They were riding upon great horses, with guilded saddles and magnificent clothes, exacting money with extream rigor. The only Bishoprick of Lincoln they taxed in six thousand marks; the Abby of Saint Albons in the like summ.

To the same end, in the same year the Pope dispatched divers Nuntio's over all the Provinces of France, to gather money by way of loan. But Pag. 700. Quod cum Regi innotuisset suspectam habens Romanae Curiae ava­ritiam pro­hibuit, ne­quis Praela­tus regni sub poena amissionis omnium ho­norum suorum taliter terram suam depauperaret. Et sic cum sibilo & derisione omnium Papales Legati sophistici inanes & vacui à regno recesserunt. (saith Matthew Paris) the good King Lewis suspecting the avarice of the Roman Court, forbad that any Prelate of his Kingdom should thus impoverish his Land upon pain of confiscation of all his goods. Thus these Sophistical Legats returned empty, being his­sed and mocked by all.

But England, though twice more fleeced then other Lands, durst not kick against the Pope, because the Pope pretended that England belonged to him, and that the King was his Vassal. The Pope sent into England another Martin, his Capellan, with authority of a Legat, though he was not dignified with that name, to glean the remnant of the money of the Kingdom, and one John le Roux into Ireland, who returned from it with six thousand marks. To the same end, one called Godfrey a Roman, was sent into Scotland.

In the mean while Lantgrave whom the Pope had elected Emperor instead of Frederick, as he went with a mighty army to his Coronation, was met with Con­rad son to Frederick, who defeated the said Lantgrave who dyed few dayes after out of sorrow of that overthrow. Henry another son of Frederick having taken a nephew of the Pope in Italy hanged him, and was for it excommunicated by the Pope with the most horrible and direful execrations that his Holiness could devise. These rubs made the Pope send into England for new levyes of money,p. 706. with power to the Collectors to excommunicate all refusers without appeal and delay, and without excepting any. The Abbot of St. Albons (of which Monastery Matthew Paris was Monk) refused to pay and appealed to the Pope, and sent to Rome to plead his cause. But his Deputies staid very long in the Court of Rome before they could get a judgement, till in the end having bribed some Offi­cers they obtained a hearing and were condemned to pay two hundred marks unto the Pope, besides other costs amounting to an hundred marks more. That summ (saithp. 707. Tandem prae­cipientibus amicis in Cu­ria venalibus & conducti­tiis finem fecerunt Do­mino Papae pro ducentis Marcis. & sic donis & expensis om­nibus compu­tatis absorbu­it illius Curiae Charybdis insatiabilis trecentas Marcas. Matth. Paris) was swallowed up by the insatiable gulf of the Roman Court.

In the same dayes at the instance of the Popes Ministers a summ of eleven thousand marks was granted to the Pope by the Parliament assembled at Oxford; and besides the forementioned summ of three hundred marks, the Abbot of St. Albons was taxed in eight hundred. Also Earle Richard the Kings brother and William Longespee, because they belonged to the Croisada, obtained the Popes licence to raise a collection from the people.

To comfort the people of England in that oppression, in the year 1250. a cry­stal bottle full of the blood of Christ was sent from the Holy land into England. The King received that present with great joy, and carried that bottle between hi [...] two eyes, barefoot, in a beggars habit from Pauls Church to Westminster, with great pompe and sad apparel. It is not known in England now what became of that blood. Thus were the Christian nations amused and abused and accustomed to bondage. To all that should visit the said bottle was given an indulgence of six years and an hundred and forty dayes.

The same yearpag. 708, 709, & 716. the Pope sent a Legat into Norway, the Cardinal of St. Sabin to celebrate the ceremony of the Coronation of King Haco, who in thank­fulness for the honour which the Pope did him, sent him fifteen thousand marks of silver. This Legat returning made England his way; And as if it had been to shew that rapine is the indelible character of the Roman Court, in three months that he sojourned in England he got four thousand marks with many gifts, then went on his journey loaden with booty.

An. 1248. Matth. Par. pag. 724.It was in this time that King Lewis the IX. imbarked himself at Marse­illa with the flower of his Nobility, Gentry, and strength of his Kingdom to re­cover the Holy Land. The crowd was so great that many could get no room in the fleet, and came to the Pope to offer him their service. But the Pope con­tented himself to unload them of their money, and to empty their purses, and to send them home with dispensation and absolution. In the mean while Domini­cans and Franciscans sent by the Pope were preaching the Croisada in England with great vehemency, and with such effect thatId. p. 740. Praedicantes pro negotio Crucis ho­mines cujus­cunque aeta­tis, sexus, conditionis, vel valoris, immo etiam valetudina­rios vel vale­tudinarias, & agrotantes & senio deficientes cruce signaverant, & in craftino, & etiam in continienti pro quocun­que pretio crucem à cruce signatis deponentes. great number of English, yea th [...] sick and the women crossed themselves for the voyage, and few dayes af­ter, yea at the same time, the same Fryers dispensed them with their vow for a cer­tain summ of money. So they got a great booty.West. An. 1250. Permissum est in Anglia jam quasi licite, ut habi­tarent Christiani usurarii inter Christianos, Papa protegente, cum sit usura in utroque Testamento condemnata. Then also by the Popes authority usurers were establisht in England.

The business of the French in the Levant going to wrack, King Lewis want­ing relief was writing with great urgency for help of men and money. Which moved many English Lords and Gentlemen to sell or pawn their land, and ha­ving prepared themselves with great cost, they would begin their journey. [Page 655] Matth. Paris, p. 759. Papa per lite­ras suas, sicut & ipse Rex per verba imperiosa districté sub poena excom­municationis inhibuit, ne­quis eorum contra Regis voluntatem qualecunque periculum Rex Fran­corum subiret, aut discri­men, trans­fretaret. But upon King Henries solicitation, Papal letters came to forbid them to go, upon pain of excommunication. Thus poor King Lewis having more generosity then success was forsaken and finally taken by the Saracens, and his army consumed by famine and the sword. The Emperor Frederick desired the Popes absolution, offering to go in person into Syria to relieve the French, but the Pope never would hearken to it.

France was then mourning for this sad news, yet did not the Pope abate any thing of the money covenanted before, between the King and him to be raised out of France, when France was in prosperity; but he took over all the King­dom the tythe of all things, even of the least. Of which Matthew Paris Idem. p. 772. re­lates an example. One of these Collectors sent by the Pope met with a petty Clark carrying holy Water with an Asperges to a Village, and some pieces of bread; He asked him what he got yearly by that labour. The poor Clark an­swered that the whole profit was not above twenty sous a year. Then (said the Collector) two sous of it belong to me, and extorted the same of him, al­though his principal trade was begging. The people of France irritated with such exactions, and especially because the Pope hindred the Kings relief spake thus.Matth. Paris Ibid. Heu! Heu! quanta mala nobis Papalis superbia par­turit, quae tam procaci­ter Frederico restitit humi­liato, &c. Alas, alas! how many evils doth the Popes pride bring upon us, so insolently resisting Frederick humbled before him, refusing to receive any satisfaction from him, but rather provoking him to bitterness of heart! &c. O misery! How much Chri­stian blood is shed in the Holy Land! How much in Germany! How much in Italy! &c. Oh that this Pope was born in an ill hour! &c.

King Lewis having yielded Damietta, and given the securities required for his ransom, returned toou Acre. Acon, whence he sent his brothers into France, Adolph Count of Poitiers, and Charles Count of Provence; and the Duke of Burgundy with them, with a command to expell the Pope out of Lions, as a man that took no care of Christian faith, if he continued to hinder the Emperor Frederick to come to his help, because Frederick was he only that could remedy so many evils.pag. 773. Frede­ricum, qui solus inter Christianos tantis posset mederi peri­culis, ad pa­cem Ecclesiae revocans hu­miliatum ip­sum ad hoc induceret, ut ipsi Regi jam pene despera­to su [...]ur [...] co [...]pet [...] co [...]rat & [...]stinum. Alioquin ipsi Dux & Comites Do­minum Papam tanquam in odio obstina­tum & de honore Chisti­anae fidei minimè cu­rantem à sede remove­ant Lugdunensi.

In this general adversity of Christendome yet the Pope continued to tread England under his feet. Which made the King (though patient even to stupi­dity) so bold as to write letters full of liberty to the Pope: Wherein he repre­sented to him how the English being driven out by the Popes authority, base and wicked men that understood not the language, and by consequent incapable of preaching and feeding the flock were installed in the best Churches and benefices. That the Pope disposed of all the vacant Churches, and the Patrons were depri­ved of their right. Then having set forth all the extortions and violences which the Pope made the English to suffer, he added.p. 776. Thou Pope, Father of Fathers, why sufferest thou the climats of Christians to be so contaminated? Justly then art thou turned out of thy Town and See, and art thrust into exile like another Cain. Thine enemies Fredericks followers prosper, but thou flyest before them that pursue thee, and they that pursue thee are swift and mighty. Thy bulls cast forth lighnings against those that submit themselves to thee, but lose their strength against rebells. Every where the Prelats being suspended from the collation of benefices, the provisions are made unto persons unworthy, barbarous, and unknown, who under pretence of seeking the milk of the ewes of the Lords fold, take the flesh, shear the fleece, [...] take off the skin, and pull out the guts, &c.

The Pope who had fulminated, and put Kingdoms under interd [...] [...]or less offenses, answered not one word, and supt up this affront, because [...] expelled out of Rome, and stood in fear of Frederick; And the French Ki [...] [...]rothers that were returned from the Holy Land had declared to him th [...] [...]y liked not his being at Lions, Id. pag. 71 [...] [...]ant illi dicti Regis fratres quod per avaritiam Papae totum evenit infortunium memoratum. Ipse enim [...] [...]ignatos, ne in succursum Regis advenirent, pecunia corruptus impedivit. Because (said they) the Pope by hi [...] [...]ousness was the cause of all the misfortune happened to the King; That h [...] corrupted with money had hindred the crossed men to come to the King [...] [...]bsolving them from their vow, &c. For these causes Innocent prepari [...] [...]ange his abode, desired the [Page 656] King of England to receive him into his City of Bordeaux. But the King would neither refuse nor grant, but put off his answer.

Then dyed that great and magnanimous Emperor Frederick the II. whose sons and his bones also remained excommunicate. Conrad son to the said Frederick maintained himself by arms in Italy against the Pope. The Pope to resist him caused the Croisada to be preacht against him,Id. pag. 800. Statuens re­ [...]b [...]tion [...]m mirabilem, [...]mnium pec­catorum re­missionem ampliorem vi­d [...]licet quam pro peregri­natione in terram san­ctam facien­da. Nam si­quis contra Conradum signaretur, sig­natus & sig­nati, pater & mater, omni­um peccato­rum suorum veniam conse­queretur. giving to those that should take armes against Conrad the remission of all their sins, and more graces then to those that made the voyage of the Holy land. For not only he that crossed himself, but his Father and Mother obtained the remission of all their sins. Many French­men bewitched with superstition crossed themselves for the Popes war against Conrad. ButIbid. Queen Blanch the Kings Mother and Regent in his absence, by the counsel of the Nobles seized upon the estates of those crossed men. For they said, This Pope to increase his dominion raiseth war against the Christians, and forsaketh the King our Lord who undergoeth so many adversities for the Christian faith. And the Queen said, Let them be paid by the Pope that fight for the Pope. Also the mendicant Fryers that preacht that Croisada, and were the Popes receiv­ers and Collectors were roughly dealt with. The Pope not speeding that way, and Conrad strenghtening himself daily, that young Prince beloved and honoured of all was soon after poysoned, yet by the speedy help of Physitians he reco­vered.

ThenAn. Christ. 1252. lived in England a good Prelat Bishop of Lincoln, who among the darkness of that age had a glimmering sight of the errors of Popery; and main­tained that for promoting unworthy persons to Ecclesiastical charges, and for the horrible abuse of excommunications and the ill use of the keyes, the Pope was an heretick. He said that the Pope made no conscience to destroy souls, and there­fore that he was the Antichrist. That Bishop (saithMatth. Paris in Henr. III. p. 847. & 848. Episcopus dolens de jactura ani­marum per Papalis Cu­riae avaritiam suspirans ait, Christus venit in mundum ut animas lu­craretur. Ergo si quis ani­mas perdere non formidat, no [...]e Anti­christus meri­to dice [...]dus? Matthew Paris) grieving for the loss of souls by the covetousness of the Papal Court, would sigh and say, Christ came into the world to gain souls, Then he that feareth not to destroy souls, ought he not justly to be called the Antichrist? And he detested the Popes bulls in which this clause was contained, quod in subsidium Terrae sanctae impenden­tes, tantundem recipient indulgentiae, quantum pecuniae largientur. That they that con­tribute for the relief of the Holy land, shall receive as much indulgence, as they shall give money. He detested also that shamefull traffick, whereby the Pope bestowed a Bishoprick upon an ignorant man, and never made him Bishop, calling him elect only;Ibid. Omne genus avaritiae, usuram, simo­niam & ra­pinam, omne genus luxuriae, libidinem, gulam & ornatum, quae in Curia illa regnant, detestaretur. And in general the covetousness, the usury, the simony, the rapine, the luxury of all sorts, the impudicity, the gluttony, the magnificence in clothes that reigned in the Papal Court. Such were the discourses of that Prelat on his death-bed, and he foretold that the Church should not be delivered from the Aegyptian bondage, but with the point of the sword. So dyed that Prelat.

But before he dyed, he writ letters full of admonitions unto the Pope; Which when the Pope had read, he said with a gastly squint look, and in terrible anger,Id. pag. 844. Quis est iste senex delirus, surdus, & absurdus, qui facta audax imo temera­rius judicat? Per Petrum & Paulum, nisi moveret nos innata ingenuitas, ipsum in tantam confusionem praecipitarem, ut toti mundo fabula foret, stupor, exemplum, & prodigium. Nonne Rex Anglorum noster est Vassalus, & ut plus di­cam, mancipium? Who is that old doting deaf and absurd fellow, who thus boldly and rashly gives his judgement of our actions? By Peter and Paul, did not our natural ingenuity move us, I w [...]uld cast down the man into such a confusion, that he should be a fable, an astonish­ment, an example, and a prodigy unto all the world. Is not the King of England our vassal, or rather our slave? He may imprison him by our commandment, and bring him to the lowest ignominy. Some Cardinals there present laboured to appease his Holiness. But the death of that Prelat put him out of the Popes power. It was not put to the question at Rome, whether he should be canonized after his death.

But when the Pope had a mind to command the Deane and Chapter of Lincoln to cast the bones of this Prelat out of the Church with shame,pag. 855, & 868. Matthew Paris [Page 657] saith that he appeared by night unto the Pope, and rebuked him with fearfull words; At which the Pope became in a manner halfe dead: And they that waited on him in his chamber had much ado to bring him to himself again. But he lived but a little while after this accident, and dyed of a pleuresie, sore pres­sed with a pain of his side in the same place where he said that the Bishop of Lin­coln had hit him with the end of his staff.

King Conrad being dead in the flower of his age, his brother Mamfred suc­ceeded him in the Kingdom of Naples and Sicily. And Pope Alexander, a hater by inheritance of the posterity of Frederick sent an army of threescore thou­sand men against him. But his army was beaten, and the Popes forces received ma­ny defeats. His remedy was to send Franciscan and Dominican Fryars about, to preach the Croisada against Mamfred, and promise to all that should help the Pope in that war the like graces and pardons as to those that should cross themselves against the Saracens. That Croisada being preacht in England, manyId. pag. 877. & 885. Mirabantur, quod Papa tantum eis promitteret pro sanguine Christianorum effundendo, quantum pro cruore Infide­lium aliquan­do. were offended that the like grace was given to those that should shed Christian blood as to those that should fight against the Infidels.

King Henry the III, had crossed himself a little before for the Holy Land, and had vowed with an oath to go in person. But Pope Alexander Dedit eis potestatem absolvendi Dominum Re­gem Cruce-signatum à v [...]to suo, ne iret in ter­ram Jerosoly­mitanam, ita tamen ut iret in Apuliam. gave power to his Legats to dispense him from keeping his oath, so that he would come into Italie to make war in person against Mamfred enemy of the Roman Church. Not that Mamfred was accused of any heresie, but because be­ing victorious in war, he ran to the very gates of Rome. Matth. Paris p. 886. In the mean while the Pope taxed every Bishoprick, Abbey, and Priory of England in summs that ex­ceeded their whole revenue; And the remission of sins was sold to the people for ready money.

This King Henry the III. heard three Masses every day. Going through France Matth. Paris Suppl. pag. 997. Contigit ali­quando Lu­dovicum Francorum Regem cum Henrico super hoc conferen­tem dicere, quod non semper missis sed frequen­tius sermoni­bus audiendis est vacandum; Cui faceta ur­banitate re­spondens ait, Se malle amicum suum videre, quam de eo loquen­tem audire. and discoursing with the good King Lewis, he told him of his devo­tion and assiduity to hear Masses: The good King rebuked him for it, and told him that he needed not to hear so many Masses, and that it had been far better to hear Sermons; shewing thereby that he had no great devotion to the Mass. But King Henry answered him that he had rather see his friend then to hear of him.Matth. Paris, pag. 958. Rex juraverat provisiones Oxonienses se inviolabiliter servaturum, & paeni­tuerat eum jurasse talia, metuens notam perjurii misit ad Papam secreto r [...]gans, ut ab hoc se juramento absolveret, quod facillime impetravit. It was that Kings custome to make vowes and oaths according to the exigence of his businesses; then to obtain a dispensation from the Pope and permis­sion to breake them. Wherein the Pope did willingly gratifie him, and never de­nied him a dispensation.

Matth. Paris pag. 950.After so much constant obedience to the Pope he was very near to have been excommunicated, but he prevented that thunderbolt by sending five thousand marks of silver to the Pope.

This poor-spirited King being gone, a generous and valiant King, prudent and beloved of his subjects came in his roome. This was Edward the first, who seeing his crown impoverished, and his people exhausted by the Popes extortions, made to himself amends with the goods of the Clergy; and despising the Popes Legats, and all his mandates made use of the revenue of Abbeys and Priories and other benefices, and retained for himself all the money that used to be sent to Rome. The Popes suffered it patitiently, and durst not offend that warlike King, well beloved of his people. And so, under the following Kings, England was more or less subject unto the Popes, according as the Kings had more or less vigor. And the horrible schismes and confusions, whereby the Roman See was torn soon after, gave other businesses to the Popes.

This Narrative containing a summary of the Ecclesiastical history of England, from the beginning of the quarrels about the investitures (which began to grow hot in the year 1094. until Alexander the IV. who was made Pope in the [Page 658] year 1254.) will serve as a scantling to shew the heaviness of the yoak of the Papal domination, how hard the bondage of England was, and how shameful the debasement of that illustrious Crown, in the time when the holy Scriptures being hidden unto the people, the Pope reigned in England with absolute power. The Sun-shine of the Gospel, which arose in England about seven-score years ago, hath scattered this darkness, and by destroying the error, hath also destroyed the servitude. So that in the Kingdom of England, which God was pleased to favour with inestimable graces, our Saviours saying was fulfilled. You shall know the truth, and the truth shall make you free, Joh. 8.

In this relation, I have followed the history of Matthew Paris, both because he was a superstitious Monk, not to be suspected in this cause, and because he writ exactly, the things which he saw himself. Matthew of Westminster, another English Monk, which was almost his contemporary, relates much the same things. And most part of that which we have here related, is found in the Annals of Ba­ronius, in the Chronicle of Genebrard, and in many Authors of the Roman Church.

CHAP. 12. In what sense the word Penitence is taken in Scripture, and in the Fathers.

AS the word Poenitere in Latine, signifieth to repent, so the word Poenitentia, signifieth repentance. But it is proper unto false Religions, to change vertues into Ceremonies, and spiritual Ornaments into bodily exercise. As flatterers use more cringes and more fair words, then true friends, so superstition hath more outward shew then true Religion.

Hence comes the depravation of the words and language of the Holy Ghost. Thus to obey Christs commandment of bearing the Cross, that is, suffering af­flictions for his cause, they carry a Cross in procession, or hang a little Cross upon their belly, although the belly be an enemy to the Cross of Christ: Thus the Come ye unto me, of the Gospel, is changed into pilgrimages. And to be made like little children, the Monachal beggin was invented. And because Christ said, I am the light of the world, they light candles in the day time. They that bear some words of the Gospel hanging at their neck, dare not read the Gospel; and words of instruction, are changed into a kind of charm and preservative. Little balls thredded together, are calledPater n [...]ster. Our father: And the vertue of prayer, which ought to consist in faith, directed by intelligence, consisteth now in a repetition, by a precise number, of the same prayer. Popery, by increasing Ceremonies, hath put out Piety: And by amusing the eyes, and exercising the hands, hath laid the conscience asleep. As when shadows grow, the night draws near; when the shadows of Ceremonies multiply, you may say, that for certain the night of dark ignorance is advancing apace.

The doctrine of Penitence was corrupted in the same manner, for whereas do­ing penitence according to the language of Scripture, and according to truth, is nothing else but repenting of ones sins; the Roman Church by penitence, (which the English Romanists corruptly call penances) understands scourging, fasting, pilgrimages, and pecuniary pains, which the penitent undergoeth to satisfie Gods justice, after the sin is pardoned. Wherefore Bellarmine saithBellar. lib. 1. de Poenitentia cap. 17. sect. Adde. that peni­tence is not necessary to all men, but only to sinners: As if all men were not sinners, or, as if any could be saved without repentance. Holy Scripture speaks not so. When Scripture saith that the Ninivites did penitence, the Holy Ghost means that they [...]. Mat. 12.41. amended their lives; for the Greek word that Christ useth, signifieth that they corrected themselves, and altered their mind, and changed their spirit [Page 659] and will. Fasting, sackcloth, and ashes, which they added to their inward sor­row, were not penitence or repentance, but only outward signs and helps of re­pentance. Thus when Christ saith, that the peopleMatth. 11.21. [...]. of Tyre and Sidon would have repented long ago in sackcloth and ashes, he understands not that sackcloth and ashes were penitence it self, but that the Tyrians would have testified their repen­tance by these exterior signs, usual with them and other Nations of the East. And the word [...] 1 King. 8.47. 2 Chron. 6.24.7.24. Jer. 18.8. Joel 2.11. Ezech. 18.21.30. which we translate penitence or repentance, signifieth a return, or a conversion, not a bodily punishment, and pecuniary fines. The Apostle Peter doth clearly express this, Acts 3.19. Repent and be converted. Where he shews that penitence or repentance consisteth in conversion. And the Spirit of God, Rev. 2.4. complaineth that the Ephesians had left their first Cha­rity, then he tells them, [...]. Age poenitentiam & prima opera fac. [...]. Repent and do the first works; shewing evidently, that agere poenitentiam, doing penitence, or repenting, is doing the first works that we had neglected before.

Thus 2 Chron. 6.24. these words according to the vulgar version, Si conversi egerint poenitentiam, if converting themselves they do penitence, shew that true penitence consisteth in conversion. And 2 Chron. 7.14. Si populus egerit poeni­tentiam à viis pessimis; If the people do penitence from their wicked wayes; So then doing penitence, is turning away from evil, to follow good works. And when Christ saidMatth. 9.13. that he came to call sinners to repentance, or penitence, he means not that he came to call men to bear satisfactory pains, but to amend their lives. And, Rev. 9.20. Non egerunt poenitentiam, they repented not of the works of their hands, that they should not worship Devils and Idols, &c. For then an idolater doth the works of penitence, when he forsakes idols, to adhere to the true God. But the Pope hath changed amendment of life, into torment, and corporal, and pecuniary pains, because such a penitence is lucrative unto the Clergy, and rais­eth their authority. And with such a penitence the Pope may dispense, but cannot dispense with amendment of life, and conversion to God.

Wherefore Pope Leo the X. and the Fathers of the last Council of Lateran, de­clare open war against God, when (in the Bull Exurge, which is in the end of the Council) they put among the blasphemies and heresies of Luther, that he had said thatOptima poenitentia nova vita. the best penitence was a new life; that is, that the most acceptable penitence unto God, is to amend ones life, leaving wicked wayes, and embracing vertue and the fear of God. By pronouncing an anathema against Luther for speaking so, they excommunicate Christ, and the Apostles and Prophets, who have spoken the same language, as we have seen. These Prelates then should have told us, what penitence is better then a better life. Did they believe that self-whipping, or abstaining from flesh, or pilgrimage, or giving to the Church (that is, to the Fryars) are better things then to live holily, and depart from evil? Who knows not that these outward exercises may be done with hypocrisie, and that the Pagans and Mahumetans exceed the Christians in these austerities? But the true amend­ment of life alone, and without these outward penances,1 Tim. 4.8. is profitable and ac­ceptable unto God, but the outward penances without a new heart, and without amendment, are a masked prophaneness, whereby a man playeth a pageant before God, and payeth him in cringes, putting on the out-side of devotion before God, not to please God but men. Bodily exercise profiteth little, (saith the Apostle) but godliness is profitable unto all things, having promise of the life that now is, and of that which is to come.

Contrition of heart never makes a man proud, since it consisteth in humiliati­on, but outward penances puff up many men with pride, and some will boast of their humility, even so far as to believe that God is in their debt, and that they have satisfactions to spare. It is the instruction of Hierom to Eustochium, Hier. ad Eustoch. de cust. virg. Nec velis videri plus humilis quam necesse est, nec gloriam fugiendo quaeras hoc ipso cupiens placere quod placere con­temnis, &c. Nec hoc ipsum tibi jactanti­am generet, quod saeculi jactantiam contempsisti. Seek not to appear more humble then thou needest, neither seek glory by flying glory, desiring to please, even in that thou despisest to please, &c. Let not that breed boasting in thee, that thou hast despised the boasting of this world. And upon the death of Blesilla, De obitu Blesillae, Humilitas vestium in plerisque tumentes animos arguit. In many persons humility in clothes, is a sign of a proud [Page 660] mind. There is an arrogant humility. Many stoop that they may rise. Some being lean with fasting, yet are puft up with pride. Vices will nestle themselves even among sackcloth and ashes. Some that scourge their sides as if they were angry with themselves, flatter themselves in their heart with an imagination, that they have attained a great perfection. Such are those especially, that whip themselves for others; for they believe that they have merits to spare for their neighbours. But this is true penitence, when a man hiding his penitence before men, discover­eth it before God, whereby a man makes God the only witness of his tears, and seeks to please him by amendment of life. Such a penitence is a sacrifice of sweet savour before God. And it is the true receipt to mortifie sin, and quell the heat of lust. God by his wisdom having so disposed it, that as sin hath brought sorrow into the world, so sorrow should kill sin, tearing by an holy parricide, the womb that bore her. This (by Pope Leo's leave) is better then whipping ones self in publick, either for himself or for another. The true way to please God, is not that a man torment his body, but that he change his heart. God forgiveth him that condemneth himself. By a mortal war against our vices, we keep peace with God.

CHAP. 13. In what sense the words Penitence and Satisfaction, are taken in the writings of the Fathers, and that the Penitence of the antient Church, is much different from the penitences of the Roman Church.

THis word Penitence is taken two wayes, in the writings of the Fathers; Some­times in a proper, sometimes in a figurative sense.

Penitence in the proper sense, is a change of the sinner, consisting in sorrow for sins past, and in amendment for the time to come.

The Roman Decree, in the third Distinction of Penitence, and Lombard in in the fourth Book, in the fourteenth Distinction, bring many texts of the Anti­ents, which give the definition of Penitence. They alleadge this sentence of Am­brose, Dist. 3. de Poeniten­tia Can. Poenitentia. Poenitentia est mala praeterita plangere, & plangenda iterum non committere. Penitence is to weep for sins past, and to do no more, things that we should weep for. And this of Austin, Dist. 3. Can. Sa­tisfactio. Satisfactio poenitentiae est peccato­rum causas excindere, nec earum suggestionibus aditum in­dulgere. The satisfaction of penitence, is to cut off the causes of sins, and to give no more access to their suggestions. And ofEadem Dist. Can. Poenitentiam. Poenitentiam agere est & perpetrata plangere & plangenda non perpetrare. Gregory the I. To do penitence, is to lament the faults committed, and to commit no more, things that need to be lamented. And of Smaragdus, Ead. Dist. Can. Ille. Ille poenitentiam digne agit, qui sic praeterita mala deplorat, ut futura iterum non committat. That man doth penitence worthily, that so lamenteth the evils committed, that he committeth no more for the future. They alleadge also Austin in the Book of Soliloquies,Eadem Dist. Can. Inanis. Inanis poenitentia, quam sequens culpa coinquinat. That Penitence is vain, that is defiled with following sins.

Ambrose in the second Book of Penitence, chap. 10. saith that we do penitence, cum dolemus admissa, admittenda excludimus, when we are sorry for sins com­mitted, and exclude those which we might commit in the time to come. This language is consonant to that of Scripture, and to the nature of true penitence, and agreeth with the etymologie of the word. For the word penitence, signifieth repentance: Now that man is not truly repenting, who continueth to do evil. And when all is said, true penitence consisteth in amendment of life.

But the Fathers often will take the word Penitence in a figurative sense, using that common and familiar Metonymie, whereby the name of the thing signified is given unto the sign. As when we say, that a man is mourning, when he weareth clothes that are signs of mourning.

Thus words that shew joy, are called joy, and faith is taken often for the profession and confession of Faith. In the same manner we say, that a man doth penitence in the Church, when in the presence of the Church he giveth signs of penitence. It is so, that the Fathers call penitence the outward signs, and publick professions of repentance; and call those Penitents that make publick profession in the Church, that they are Penitents, although very often their heart be not touched with any repentance. For the same reason the Fathers call Penitence, the exemplary pain which a sinner cut off from the Communion, bore in publick for a time prefixed by the Ecclesiastical Canons, before he could be reconciled with the Church.

That publick penance is also calledTertul. de poenit. cap. 12. Si de exo­mologesi re­tractas. exomologesis, that is, confession, be­cause the penitent sinner did publickly confess his sin. Wherein the Novatians were different from the Orthodox: For they received not those that were faln, to publick penitence, and kept them for ever out of the Communion.

Tertul. de poenit. cap. 4. Poenitentiam ita invade, ut nanfragus tabulam. Et cap. 12. Esse in exo­mologesi secunda sub­sidia. Tertullian hath writ a Book of Penitence, and Ambrose two, where they call Penitence a second remedy after Baptism, and as it were a second plank after the shipwrack.Hieron. ad Deme­triadem. Quasi se­cunda post naufragium miseris ta­bula. Hierom saith the same.Tertul. de Poenit. cap. 7. Ambros. l. 2. de Poenit. cap. 10. Sicut unum Baptisma, ita una poeniten­tia quae publicè agi­tur. Tertullian and Ambrose hold, that publick penance cannot be done but once, and that a man who after he hath fulfilled his penitence, falls into sin again, can no more be received to do penitence: Wherein they use too much rigor.

But that Penitence of the Antients, had nothing common with the penitences of the Roman Church of this time. For the penitence which the Fathers speak of, was publick, and was done according to the publick Constitutions and Eccle­siastical Canons, but the penitences of the Roman Church are enjoyned in pri­vate, and according to the Confessors discretion. 1. For although the Council of Trent approve publick penitences, yet they are no more practised in the Roman Church, as all they that have written of that matter freely acknowledge. 2. The antient penitence was accomplished before the absolution, or reconciliation to the Church. But the penitences and satisfactions of the Roman Church, commonly are fulfilled after absolution. 3. In old time, while a sinner was accomplishing the time of his penitence, he was not received to the Communion. But in the Roman Church, a penitent is admitted to the Sacrament, while he is performing his penitence. 4. All the penitence of the Antients, consisted only in the publick shame, and in the suspension and removing from the communion for a certain time, not in whipping, or pilgrimages, or fasts enjoyned by a Confessor, or pe­cuniary pains, or rehearsing of the seven Psalms, or saying a limited number of Pater's, interlaced with Ave's, in an unknown tongue. What was the counte­nance, and what the humiliation of the old penitents, Tertullian teacheth us, in chap. 13. of the Book of Pudicity, and in the Book of Penitence, in the ninth chapter. 5. In those dayes penitence was not done by Atturney, and a man whipt not himself, and fasted not for another. 6. Neither were corporal pains changed into pecuniary. 7. And one Confessor did not change the penance en­joyned by another. 8. It is to be noted, that in the writings of the Fathers, the word Penitence is found in the singular only, because Penitence in their time was simple, and consisted only in publick humiliation. They did not yet know those pye-bald penances, consisting in so many Articles, as those which we have seen before, when a penitent is enjoyned to fast so many dayes, to ride neither in a coach nor on horse-back, to eat the leavings of Grey-hounds, and to receive so many lashes singing melodiously. 9. If any penitent to the publick penitence add­ed private fasts, and more frequent prayers, it was done by a voluntary humilia­tion, not by the injunction of a Confessor. 10. In the writings of the Antients, no mention is found of a Sacrament of Penitence, composed with four pieces, Contrition, Confession, Satisfaction and Absolution, whereof the three first are the matter, and the fourth the form. This came out of the forge of Schoolmen, who going about to polish Popery, and to give it a form, have beset it with thorns, and have smothered the truth. And that this doctrine was unknown among the Antients, it appeareth by the Books which Tertullian and Ambrose [Page 662] writ of penitence, where for examples of penitence, they bring the Ninivites and the Israelites, whom God hath so often summoned and invited to repentance, and the Jews, whom John the Baptist exhorted to penitence, and Saint Peter who lamented for his sin; whereas our Adversaries hold, that in those dayes the Sa­crament of Penitence was not yet instituted. 11. I pass by a multitude of errors about Contrition, as that which the Doctors commonly teach, that Contrition is the meritorious cause of Justification, and deserves it, at least by congruity. 12. That Attrition is an imperfect Contrition, proceeding not out of the love of God, but out of fear to be punished: That such an Attrition is good, and that by the Absolution, the Attrition goeth for Contrition, as the Council of Trent teacheth, in Session 14. chap. 4. and Bellarmine in the second Book of Peni­tence, chap. 17, 18. 13. That it is not necessary to have contrition for venial sins, and that one may be absolved from them, though he be not contrite and sorry in his heart for them, as Tolet teacheth in the third Book of the Instruction of Priests, chap. 5. sect. 2. And many the like doctrines, of which there is no trace, neither in the Word of God, nor in the Fathers.

It remains to say something of the sense, in which the Fathers have taken this word Satisfaction. The holy Scripture speaks not of satisfaction towards God. But the Latine Fathers use that language many times, according to the style of the Jurisconsults, who speak of satisfying for debts by paying, and for inju­ries, by craving forgiveness.

The satisfactions of which the Fathers speak, are either towards God, or to­wards the Church. Publick penitences were satisfactory towards the Church, and reparations of the scandal. So did Austin understand it, in chap. 65. of his Manual to Laurentius, Recte constituuntur ab iis qui Ec­clesiae prae­sunt tempora poenitentiae, ut fiat etiam satis Ecclesiae, in qua sola peccata re­mittuntur. The times of penitence are with good reason consti­tuted by those that govern the Church, to satisfie the Church also, in which only sins are remitted. This must be carefully observed, because our Adversaries al­leadge indifferently the testimonies of the Fathers, in which it is spoken of satis­faction, not discerning whether they speak of satisfaction to God, or to the Church.

The same Fathers speak often of satisfying God, but they speak after the style of the Jurisconsults, which is also usual among the people, for by Satisfaction, they understand acknowledging a fault in words, and asking pardon.Dist. 1. de Poenit. Can. Petrus. Am­brose who had been the Emperors Lieutenant in Lombardy, and Judge of his Courts, understood the terms of Judicature, when he said, Lachrymas Petri lego, satisfactionem non lego; that is, I read of Peters tears, but I read not of his satisfaction. He saith that, because the Gospel relates that Peter wept, but saith not that he craved pardon, or that he confessed his sins. For taking the word satisfaction, for humbling ones soul after the sin committed, in that sense tears are a satisfaction. And the same Father in the second Book of Penitence, chap. 10. speaking of the satisfaction which is done for offences unto men, saith, that to make satisfaction, a man will humble himself, kiss the offended persons feet, and send his innocent children to ask pardon.

Cyprian hath many such passages: As in the twelfth Epistle,Ep. 12. Sect. 1. In satisfactione Dei & de­precatione vigilare. Watching for the satisfaction which is made unto God, and for prayer. And in the 52. Epistle,Ep. 52. Sect. 6. Redeunte ad Ecclesiam Trophimo & satisfaciente & poenitentia deprecationis errorem pri­mum confi­tente. Trophimus returning to the Church and satisfying, and by the penitence of prayer confessing his sin. And in the 55. Epistle,Epist. 55. Sect. 13. Intercedunt, ne exoretur precibus & satisfactioni­bus Christus. They hinder that pardon be obtained of Christ by prayers and satisfactions. And in the book of the unity of the Church,Lib de unit. Eccles. cap. 17. Deum plenis satisfactioni­bus deprecan­tur. They pray to God by full satisfactions. In all these places and many more, it is evident that satisfactions are prayers, whereby the sinner confesseth his sin, and craveth pardon. And the same Father, towards the end of the book to Demetrian a Pagan.Ad Demetria­num. Hor­tamur dum facultas adest, dum aduc de saeculo superest, Deo satiisfacere. We exhort you to satisfie God. There these words satisfie God, cannot signifie paying a recompence to God for the temporal pain. For according to the doctrine of the Roman Church, that exhortation cannot be made to a Pagan, who is bound to eternal pain.

Tertullian in the book of Penitence, Satisfactio confessione disponitur, Satis­faction is prepared by Confession. This Doctor was learned in the Roman Laws, [Page 663] and knew that satisfaction is made for offences, by confessing the offence, and asking pardon.

Sometimes the Fathers say, that by amendment of life, and by good works, satisfaction is made unto God, meaning that it is a course acceptable unto God, as Lactantius saith. The man may be brought back and delivered, Lact. lib. 6. de vero cultu, cap. 24. Si eum poeni­teat actorum, & ad meliora conversus satisfaciat Deo. if he repent of his acts, and being turned to better things, make satisfaction unto God.

If any places of the Fathers be found, where they will have us to redeem and expiate our sins our own selves;Ambr. de Helia & Jejunio c. 20. Pecuniam habes? re­dime pecca­tum tuum, &c. redem­ptio viri di­vitiae ejus. as when Ambrose saith, Hast thou money? redeem thy sin, &c. A mans wealth is his redemption. We reverence the antients so much, as to bear with these improper expressions, not believing that ever they believed that a mans money can be the redemption of his sin. And when the same Ambrose saith to Valentinian, Tu me redemptorem sperabas, Thou didst hope that I should be thy redeemer; and praiseth that Emperor because he called him his Re­deemer; that expression and the like, must be corrected by other expressions of his, in which he acknowledgeth no other price of our redemption, but the death of Christ. By redeeming our own sins, he understood only correcting or bringing our selves to a better course. Of which signification, we have brought many ex­amples out of Scripture. Ambrose, who is the most licentious of all the Fathers in those expressions, shews evidently, that by redemption from sin, he under­stands a deliverance by amendment, and inward regeneration. For these are his words, in chap. 15. of the first book of Penitence,Orati­onibus & fletibus ple­bis redimitur à peccato, & in homine mundatur interiore. By the tears of the people and by prayers, they are redeemed from sin, and cleansed in the inward man. This Fa­ther is so far from understanding by satisfactions, the torments of Purgatory, that in the same bookAmbros. lib. 1. de poenit. c. 17. Cum mani­festum sit neque ani­mam sine carne neque carnem sine anima, cum sibi sint gestorum operum consortiis copulatae, sine consortio vel poenae esse vel praemii. he maintains that the souls separate from the bodies, cannot be tormented. But our Adversaries gather up the faults of the Fathers, and leave out their vertues; Like flies, that will chuse scabs, rather then the sound parts of a body to sit upon. They make use of these improper terms, to perswade men that they are their own redeemers, and that sins are redeemed with money. May we not obtain so much of these Gentlemens kindness, that this honour be deferred unto the eternal Son of God, to have the title of Redeemer attributed unto him alone? Is not this a truth worth dying for? Is it not better to suffer all things, then to impart that praise to any creature, or to believe that all the money of the world is sufficient to be the redemption for one sin?

Ninth Controversie, OF THE SEVENTH BOOK. Of the NECESSITY OF BAPTISM.

CHAP. 1. Cardinal du Perron's reason for the absolute necessity of Baptism. Exami­nation of the doctrine of the Church of Rome upon that point. How they abuse this text, John 3.5. Except a man be born of water and of the Spirit, he cannot enter into the Kingdom of God.

THE dispute about the necessity of Baptism with water, might easily be composed, if we had to do with equitable persons. For while the Romanists accuse us to have taken away the necessity of Baptism, themselves say such things as make it unnecessary. And setting forth our doctrine in odious terms, they fight against Chimera's of their own making. Yea, it will be found, that instead of impugning, our cause, they defend it.

Pag. 672.Cardinal du Perron treats this question in the sixth Chapter of his third Obser­vation. It is made plain enough (saith he) by the precedent reply, that we tye not the power of Gods grace to that means, (that is, to Baptism with water) since God might have saved us, if it had been his pleasure, without any of those means which he instituted. These means are the death of Christ, the preaching of the Gospel, the Sacraments, Faith in Christ, repentance, and study of good works. The Cardinal saith, that God might have saved us without any of these means, if it had been [Page 665] his pleasure, and thereby he pretends to shew that the Roman Church holds not the Baptism with water to be of simple and absolute necessity, since God could save us without that, as well as without all the other means. Upon this then he grounds the necessity of the Baptism of Infants. We tye (saith he) the effect of Gods grace to his own protestations, that is, to the means without which he protested that he would not give it; namely, before all things to faith in Christ, and to Bap­tism; of which he said, He that believeth not in the only Son of God, is judged al­ready; And except a man be born of water and of the Spirit, he cannot enter into the Kingdom of God.

In these words there is either much ignorance or much foule dealing. For he conceiveth amiss of the necessity of the means of our salvation, that puts Ba­ptism with water in equal degree of necessity with the other means without which none can be saved. Without the merit of Christs death none can come to salva­tion; and of all them to whom the Gospel is announced, none are saved but such as believe in the Goespl; but an infinite number of persons are saved with­out the Baptism of water, as the Cardinal acknowledgeth in the following lines, in which he saith,Thomas in Joh. 6. Lect. 7. Oportet quod Sacramentum baptismatis habeatur in re, vel in voto. Eadem habet part 3. Sum. q. 68. Art. 2. Et in Joh. 3. ait. Baptismum esse necessari­um vel in re, vel in voto, vel in figura. that Baptism may be supplyed by faith, and by the vow of Baptism. This cannot be said of faith in Christ, which cannot be supplyed by Baptism nor by the vow of believing or being baptised. These very texts which he alleadgeth shew how the necessity of those two things is unequal. For Scripture saith that whosoever believeth in Christ shall be saved, but saith not that whosoever is baptised shall be saved. And our Adversaries confess that many adult persons shall be saved without Baptism with water, if they have but the vow, that is the desire and the will to be baptised.

ThePag. 672. Cardinal asketh his Majesty of great Britain, With what conscience the Church of England can communicate with the Protestants of France which differ from her in a point so important to salvation? The difference he finds between the English and us consisteth in two points; The one, that the Protestants of France (if he must be believed) deny the necessity of Baptism; The other that they deny that Baptism conferreth grace, but affirme only that it signifieth grace, and say that it is not unto them a means of salvation but only a sign. Whereupon he chargeth us in odious terms, that we frustrate children in case of danger of the only way which God hath instituted unto them to attain salvation.

This man speaks according to his custome, that is, against his conscience, attri­buting such things to us which he knoweth that we believe not. For we hold that it is necessary in the Christian Church to baptise. It is necessary to obey Christs command, Go Baptise all nations, &c. Also we believe Baptism to be of such necessity, that one that should despise Baptism, and not care to be bap­tised, could not be saved. Circumcision was of the like necessity, for whosoe­ver despised it, God declareth that he should be cut off from his people. The question is only whether in case of impossibility of being baptised, a man is there­fore excluded from the Kingdom of heaven. We agree with our Adversaries about adult persons, that in case of impossibility they may be saved without Baptism. And it is well that so much is granted already. The difference then is only about infants that dye without Baptism, our Adversaries send them into a Limbus, of which the word of God saith nothing, andCate­ches. Trid. cap. de Ba­ptismo dicit. Omnes homi­nes nisi per Baptismi gratiam re­nascantur, in sempiternam miseriam & interitum à parentibus procreari. ex­clude them for ever from the Kingdom of heaven. To prove the necessity of Baptism of water unto little children they bring but one text which speaks of adult persons. For when Christ said, Except a man be born again of water and of the Spirit, he cannot enter into the Kingdom of God, he spake to Nicodemus, who, because he was old, asked How can a man be born when he is old? Can he enter the second time into his mothers womb? And it is certain that Christ in that place speaks of a second birth without which Nicodemuus could not be saved; To whom nevertheless Baptism was not necessary because he was circumcised. Our Adversaries themselves say that he might be saved without Baptism, if he had dy­ed [Page 666] before he could be baptised; and that before Christs resurrection, Baptism was not necessary to salvation.

In the second place Monsieur du Perron attributes unto us a doctrine remote from our belief, making us say that we denie, that Baptism conferreth grace to little children, and that we say only that it signifieth grace. It is not so. For although it be hard for us to define how, and how far Baptism worketh with efficacy in lit­tle children, yet we doubt not of the vertue thereof, nor of the remission of original sin which is applyed and ratified in the same. Neither do we reduce it to a bare and ineffectual signification. God in his own time makes the godly sensi­ble of the fruit of their Baptism, and of the effects of that Covenant of which they have received the seal.

That which the Cardinal addeth [that Baptisme is the only means which God hath given to Infants to attain salvation] cannot subsist. For the death of Christ, and Gods promise, that he will be our God, and of our seed, are also means which serve for the salvation of our children, and are far above Baptism, both in excellency and necessity.

Our adversaries to prove the necessity of the Baptism of water, bring the example of Circumcision of which it is said, Gen. 17.14. that every uncircumcised mal shall be cut off from his people, but they fraudently omit the following words, for he hath broken my Covenant; Words which cannot belong but to adult per­sons, and teach us that God punished the contempt of Circumcision, not the pri­vation in case of impossibilty.

Also they dispute thus, Every means which God useth to sanctifie and save us, is necessary to salvation. But the Baptism of water is a means which God useth to sanctifie and save us, as St. Paul teacheth us, Eph. 5.25, & 26. Christ gave him­self for his Church, that he might sanctifie and cleanse it with the washing of water by the word. And Tit. 3.5. He saved us by the washing of regeneration and renewing of the holy Ghost. Then the washing of water is necessary to salvation.

Of this argument the first proposition is false, for God useth many means to sanctifie and save us, as the holy Communion, and miracles and afflictions and persecutions for the Gospel, without which things nevertheless many are saved. As for the second proposition we have great reason to make a question, whether by the washing of regeneration, whereby the Apostle saith that God hath sanctifi­ed and saved his Church, the Baptism of water must be understood? For within that Church the Church of the Old Testament is also comprehended, which was not baptised with water: And our Adversaries confess that many are saved, which are not baptised with water: Very often in Scripture remission of sins, and regeneration is compared to washing with water, Isa. 1.16. Zech. 1.13. Ezek. 36.25.

As for the text of John 3.5. Except a man be born again, and Except a man be born of water and of the Spirit, he cannot enter into the Kingdom of God, where­by they will establish the necessity of Baptism, I will not oppose the opinion of many Antients who hold that in this text the Baptism of water is understood; But I wonder how our Adversaries forgetting themselves make this Baptism of water unnecessary, saying that there is a Baptism of Blood, and a Baptism of the Spirit, which may be instead of the Baptism of water. I wonder noless that they consider not that Christ speaks to Nicodemus in this text, and declareth to him, that though he be old, he cannot enter into the Kingdom of God unless he be born again, and yet themselves hold that Nicodemus might be saved without the Baptism of water, because he was circumcised, and that Baptism was not yet necessary at that time, Hinckmar in the book of the fifty five chapters, ch. 47. expoundeth thus this text.Pag. 243. Nisi quis re­natus fuerit, &c. Scilicet aut invisibili gratia cum visibili Sa­cramento, aut invisibili gra­tia sine visi­bili Sacra­mento. Except a man be born again of water and of the spirit, he cannot enter into the Kingdom of God, that is, Except he be born again by the invisible grace with the visible Sacrament, or by the invisible grace without the visible Sacra­ment.

It were easie to come out of this difficulty, if they would use here the same dis­cretion [Page 667] as in expounding John 6.53. Except you eat the flesh of the son of man, and drink his blood, ye have no life in you, a text speaking as they think of the ne­cessity of the Eucharist. There they restrain Christs words to the persons that have age, capacity, and opportunity to receive the holy Sacrament. Why shall we not say the same here, that Christ speaks to persons come to an age capable of instruction, and that have the opportunity to be baptised, who cannot be saved if they despise Baptism?Lomb. lib. 4. Sent. Dist. 4. li­tera E. So much Lombard acknowledgeth saying, that this must be understood of those who having the opportunity to be baptized despise Baptisme. But to exclude infants from the Kingdom of Heaven, if they dye when they are carried to Baptism, or if their Parents take no care that they be bapti­zed, it is a tenet ill sorting with the wisdom and goodness of God: For God ty­eth not his grace unto the element, as if he could not or would not save with­out washing with water. Neither is it suitable with his wisdom to make the salvation of children to depend upon the will of another; For according to the Cardinals doctrine, he that hath a child dying in his power, may save or damn that soul; For if it pleaseth him to baptise that child, he shall be saved, but if he will not baptise him, he shutteth the gate of Paradise against him, and excludes him for ever from the Kingdom of heaven. By this means eternal election shall depend upon the provision of Baptism, and it shall be in mens power to make it void.

This also is repugnant to the goodness and justice of God, to exclude an in­fants soul from salvation for the fault of another; The son shall not bear the ini­quity of the Father, Ezek. 18.20.

In the fourth ch. of Exodus God offereth to punish Moses for neglecting his sons circumcision, but he offereth not to punish the child. If Circumcision, which under the old Covenant held the place of Baptism, had been absolutely ne­cessary to salvation, God would not have deferred it till the eighth day, before which so many children dye. If it was of that absolute necessity, we must say, that all the women of Israel, and so many men born and dead in the wilderness in the space of forty years without circumcision, and the converted Ninivites were excluded from eternal salvation. It is not credible that God made the condition of his Church worse under the New Testament; Which should be, if before the coming of Christ the godly might be saved without any Sacrament. But now their salvation is made to depend upon the Baptism of water, of which many are deprived for want of possibility, and from the Priests intention which must be presumed by conjecture, and a soul may be damned by the negligence of another.

God said to Abraham, I will be a God unto thee and to thy seed after thee, Gen. 17.7. How many persons of his seed are dead without circumcision, of whom nevertheless God declareth himself to be the God and the Sa­viour.

The Prophet Jeremy was sanctified from the womb and before he was born, as God himself told him, Jer. 1.5. The same is said of John the Baptist. Cornelius and his family received the Holy Ghost before they were baptised, Act. 10.47, & 48. All these were sanctified by the Holy Ghost, and by consequent capable of salvation before they received any Sacrament. Whence it followeth that neither Circumcision nor Baptism were unto them necessary for Sal­vation.

Act. 2.39. St. Peter saith to the Jews, The promise is unto you and to your chil­dren; Now the children not yet baptised, were no less their children then after Baptism.

1 Cor. 7.14. St. Paul speaking of a husband and wife, one of which is a Christian, the other an Infidel, saith that their children are holy, Else (saith he) your children were unclean but now they are holy. If when one party only is believing, the children are holy, that is, consecrated to God, how much more when the child hath two believing persons for his Parents?

Upon that text the Cardinal labours very much to find what the word Holy Pag. 675. [Page 668] importeth, and according to his custom he clogs his own way with troublesome distinctions saying that there is a legal and an Evangelical pollution, one absolute, another relative, one in it self, another in relation to another, one in the being, another in the use. He taketh a long way beset with thorns, having a plain and easie way at hand. For what he saith, comes to the same thing that we say, but he is ashamed to borrow it from us, namely, that the children of believers are dedicated and consecrated unto God, and esteemed to be of his people; in the same manner as all the people of Israel was holy, and the Temple, and the Sabbath, and the victims; Which holiness neither in infants, nor in adult persons doth necessarily import salvation.

Pag. 674.By the way I comprehend not why the Cardinal corrupts this text, and in­stead of saying with St. Paul, now your children are holy, saith your children are clean.

And whereas our Adversaries hold, that the Baptism of blood serveth instead of the Baptism with water, let them tell us whether that Baptism of blood be a Sacrament or no, if it be a Sacrament, hangmen have conferred it, who yet had no intention to confer it. And if in a person not baptised with water, martyr­dome is a Sacrament, shall the same matyrdome in a baptised person be also a Sacrament? For if it be so, that person hath twice received the Sacrament of Baptism; or if it be not so, it will follow, that in one, martyrdom is a Sacrament, in another, it is not.

And since the satisfactions, fasts, and self-whippings of Dominick and Francis may be imputed to others, and in the Roman Church one whips himself for ano­ther; if the father makes a vow to cause himself to be baptised, why may not that vow be imputed to the child? especially seeing that in Baptism the Godfa­thers answer for the child, and the Priest asking the child whether he believeth and renounceth the world and the Devil, the Godfather answereth for the child, Credo & Abrenuntio. If the child in Baptism believe by Atturney, why may he not also vow by Atturney? Whereas also the Roman Church holds that for want of Baptism the vow is sufficient, let them tell us whether by that vow original sin be blotted out, for if it be not blotted out by that vow, it followeth that the per­son not baptised cannot be saved by that vow; But if the vow of Baptism blots out original sin, it will follow that the Baptism received after the vow, doth not blot out original sin, and by consequent becomes useless. For one cannot blot out that which is blotted out already, nor take away a spot which is no more.

What may be the reason why the Roman Church will have God to be more rigid to little children, then to adult persons, of whom they hold that they may be saved without Baptism? Why may not God save infants without Baptism, by the effica­cy of his Spirit working in them? especially seeing that the Roman Church holds, that by the Baptism of infants, their original sin is not only remitted but also wholly blotted out, and that they are made altogether pure and without sin; by which doctrine they acknowledge that infants are capable of a perfect rege­neration.

And seeing that to children dead without Baptism the Romanists appoint an underground dungeon which they call Limbus; we desire to know of them what quarters the Roman Church assigneth for them after the day of Judgment when the earth shall be no more? and whether they shall rise again with others? what sentence the Judge shall give about them? and whether they shall be placed at the Lords right hand or at the left? For of all that no more then of Limbus Scripture speaks never a word, and it belongs to them that have forged that Lim­bus to instruct us about these difficulties.

Besides since many children not baptized have suffered martyrdome, as the new born infants which Herod caused to be slain at Bethlehem whom the Roman Church puts indifferently among Saints and Martyrs, how doth that agree with their doctrine, that the Baptism of water is absolutely necessary to infants, and (as the Cardinal saith) that it is the only way that God hath given them to be [Page 669] saved? Do they not say themselves, that the want of Baptism with water is sup­plyed in infant with martyrdom? So that it will be found, that the Roman Church holds not the Baptism of water necessary to infants, no more then to adult persons.Pag. 245. Et si­cut parvulis naturali i. e. alieno peccato obnoxiis alio­rum id est patronorum fides pro eis responden­tium in ba­ptismate sit ad salutem, ita parvulis quibus baptis­mum degenari jussisti, paren­tum vel patro­norum corde credentium, & pro par­vulis suis fi­deli verbo baptisma ex­petentium, sed non im­petrantium, fides & fidelis postu­latio prodesse potuerunt; Dono ejus cujus Spiritus, quo regeneratio fit, ubi vult spirat. Hinckmar Arch-bishop of Rhemes, a man of great name in his time, in his book of the fifty five chapters ch. 48. taxeth Hinkmar Bishop of Laon his nephew, that to many other crimes he had added this, that he had hindred the Ba­ptism of infants in his Diocess, whereby many children were dead without Ba­ptism. Whom Hinckmar of Rhemes affirmeth to have been saved by the faith of their parents or their Godfathers, who had presented themselves to answer for them, and had required that these children might be baptised. For (saith he) the Spi­rit of God by whom regeneration is made, bloweth where he listeth. This Prelat who writ about the year of the Lord 865. believed not, that it was just and agreeing with Gods goodness to exclude infants from salvation for the fault of another.

The Roman Church shuts up these children in a dark perpetual and burning prison, where though they be in a vehement fire,Bell. l. 6. de amis­sione gratiae & statu pec­cati. c. 3. & 5. they feel no pain. For (say the Doctors) original sin deserveth only privation of happiness, which they call poena damni, not a pain of sense and dolour. Yet it is certain that Christ hath suffered dolors and felt torments to expiate original sin. A certain proof, that original sin deserveth the pain of sense, and that infants both before and af­ter baptism suffer dolors and torments, which cannot be pains of any sin but original, since they have commited no actual sin. But what may that pain be which is not felt, seeing that every punishment is imposed that it may be felt? If these children in the Limbus are without any knowledge, they are no reasona­ble creatures, and have nothing of Gods image in them. But if they know and feel that they are deprived of the presence of God, they are very wicked and destitute of all love of God, if they feel not an extream dolor for that pri­vation.

Truth is so strong in all this, that it comes from our Adversaries mouth against their will.Gerson Tom. 3. de nativitate Virginis Conf. 2. Constat De­um &c. mi­sericordiam salvationis suae non ita Sacramentis alligasse quin absque praeju­dicio legis possit pueros nondum na­tos extra uterum intus sanctificare gratia suae Baptismo vel virtuti Spiritus sancti. Gerson Chancellor of the University of Paris. It is certain (saith he) that God hath not so tyed the grace of salvation unto the Sacraments, but that without pejudice of that law he may sanctifie within, by the baptism of his grace, the children not yet come out of the womb. Lomb. l. 4. Dist. 4. lic. E. Illud intelligendum est de illis qui possunt & contemnunt Baptizari. Vide Extrav. de Baptismo & ejus effectu Tit. 42. & Tit. 43. de Presbytero non baptizato, & Dist. 4. de Consecr. Can. Non ratione. & Can. Duo tempora. & Can. Si quis & Aug. lib. 4. contra Donatistas cap. 22, 23, 24. & 25. And Lombard saith, that this sentence, Except a man be born again of water and of the Holy Ghost, &c. must be understood of them that can be baptised and despise it. And he proveth his saying by Austin, Gabriel Biel saith the same upon that Distinction of Lombard. And Caietan in his Comment upon the third part of the summ of Thomas, qu. 68. Art. 2.

That place of Austin which Lombard mentioneth in the fourth book of Baptism ch. 22. is this, that Baptism which was hindred, not by the contempt of reli­gion but by the term of necessity is invisibly administred. And it is alleadged in the 43. of the Decretals.Decretal. tit. 43. De Presbytero non bapti­zato cap. Apostolicam. Fides tua salvum te fecit, & remittuntur tibi peccata, credenti utique nec tamen tincto.

The same Father in the second Book against Cresconius ch. 33. moveth this difficulty against Cyprian, who maintained, that the Baptism conferred by Here­ticks was null. He asketh what will become of those, who before were convert­ed unto the faith, and were received into the Church without Baptism? He an­swereth that in the very words of Cyprian, Potest Dominus misericordia sua indulgentiam dare & eos qui ad Ecclesiam simpliciter admissi in Ecclesia obdormierunt ab Ecclesiae suae muneribus non separare. The Lord by his mercy may grant them pardon, and not exclude from the gifts of his Church those that being received with simplicity into the Church, are dead in the Church.

Tertullian in the book of Baptism, ch. 12. Thy faith hath saved thee (said [Page 607] Christ) and thy sins are forgiven thee, namely to him that believed, although he was not baptised.

Had Gregory Nazianzen believed, that infants cannot be saved without Baptism, he had not advised the ParentsGreg. Orat. de Bapt. Edit. Paris. p. 658. to defer their Baptism, till they were come to age of instruction.

Had the antient Church believed, that Baptism was absolutely necessary to sal­vation, Christians would not have put off Baptism to the last part of their life, as it was then the custom of many.

The antient Councils are full of Constitutions that forbid to baptise at any other time but Easter and Whitsuntide, so that no baptising was seen in the Church for ten moneths together every year. How many infants dyed in those ten moneths? and how many adult unbaptised persons were overtaken with suddain death? It is true that in many Canons this clause was added, saving only in case of necessity. But every one knoweth that mans life is subject to such suddain accidents, that many times one hath no leisure to think of any thing, much less to take an order for Baptism.

It is very observable, that the Emperor Valentinian, who in his life had oppor­tunity enough to be baptised, dyed without Baptism, and yet Ambrose in his Oration upon his death holds that he enjoyeth eternal felicity.

Against the absolute necessity of Baptism of water, I could bring many testi­monies, not only of the Antients, but also of the chief Doctors of the Roman Church. The authentical definition of Pope Innocent the III. will be one for all. It is in the third book of the Decretals, Tit. 43. de Presbytero non Baptisa­to, where he declareth that a Priest unbaptised yet was saved.Presby­terum quem sine unda Baptismatis extremum di­em clausisse significasti, quia in sanctae Matris Eccle­siae fide & Christi nomi­nis confessione perseverave­rit, ab originali peccato solu­tum, & coe­lestis patriae gaudium esse adeptum asse­rimus incun­ctanter. We affirm (saith he) without demurring, that the Priest of whom thou hast sent us word, that he died without the water of Baptism, is delivered from original sin, and hath got the joy of the heavenly countrey, because he persevered in the faith of the Church our holy Mother, and in the confession of the name of Christ. And a little after,Qui Christum ha­bet per fidem, etiamsi ba­ptismum non habeat, habet utique fun­damentum, praeter quod aliud poni non potest, Jesum Chri­stum. He that hath Christ by faith, although he hath not Baptism, yet hath the foun­dation, out of which there is none, even Jesus Christ. It is very like that this un­baptised Priest had baptised many children.

The Council of Trent in the seventh Session, and fourth Canon pronounceth anathema to all that say that the Sacraments of the New Testament are not neces­sary, or the vow for want of the Sacrament.

As for Austin, by the like error whereby he believed the perception of the holy Communion to be necessary to infants, he believed also that every infant that dyed unbaptised was eternally damned in Hell fire, and was with the Devil, For in those dayes the Limbus of infants was unknown. Wherein M. du Perron excuseth him, saying that herein he was a pious Father, charitable, and compassi­onate, because he took care that these poor little creatures should be succoured by the diligence of their parents. Upon which we desire not to dispute, being inclined to cover the defects of such an excellent man. Yet since in this point he agreeth not with the Roman Church, the Romanists should not use his autho­rity in this question.

Pope Leo the I. in the first Epistle to the Bishops of Sicily in the third ch. holds, that Baptism was not effectual and necessary but after Christs resurrection, andChri­stum regene­rationis gra­tiam ex sua resurrectione coepisse. that Christ by his resurrection began the gift of regeneration. According to which doctrine Bellarmine in ch. 5. of the first book of Baptism saith, thatBaptismus Christi non fuit necessarius necessitate medii aut praecepti ante mor­tem Christi. The Baptism of Christ, that is, the Baptism conferred by Christ, and his Apostles before the Lords death, was neither a necessary means, nor a necessary com­mand. De Consecratione, Dist. 4. Can. A quodam. A quodam Judaeo nescitis an Christiano an Pagano multos in patria vestra baptisatos asseritis, & quid sit inde agendum consulitis.

To this join the doctrine of Pope Nicolas the I. (q) who judged and pro­nounced [Page 671] that Baptism conferred by a Jew, or by a Pagan is good and valid, if the man did but baptise in the name of the Trinity, or only in the name of Christ. And the custom of the Roman Church, in which women confer the Sacrament of Ba­ptism, without which they hold that these children could not be saved. For hence it followeth that the Sacrament conferred by a Jew or a Mahumetan who are Christs enemies, hath more efficacy then that which Christs and his Apostles have confer­red, and that a Pagan or a woman do more good to a child, which but for them had dyed unbaptised, then all the Apostles together could have done.

If one receiveth Baptism out of hypocrisie, as the Marranes do in Spain to avoid the Inquisition, Shall that Baptism blot out his sin? Shall his crime be pro­fitable to him? Shall the grace of God be so tyed to the water that it turn into a bondage unto God himself, so that God be obliged to do good unto hypocrites, and to give his grace for a reward of the profanation of his holy Sacra­ment?

Besides, all this efficacy of Baptism upon which they pin salvation, depends upon the intention of the person that baptiseth, which must be ghest at, and pre­sumed by conjecture. For if we believe the Roman Church, he that baptiseth, may by taking off his intention take away the efficacy of the Sacrament; And the grace of God to the child is subjected to another mans intention.

CHAP. 2. Sense of the forealleadged text, John 3.5. How unworthily and unjustly Cardinal du Perron deals with Calvin. A notable ignorance of the Cardinal.

IOhn Calvin, whom, because he is so odious unto men, we presume to be espe­cially beloved of God, in his Comment upon John 3. expounding these words of our Saviour, Except a man be born of water and of the Spirit, he cannot enter into the kingdom of heaven, is of opinion that in that text it is not spoken of Baptism, but of spiritual regeneration, and expounds these words to be born of water and of the Spirit, to be regenerated by the Spirit, washing the heart, or, by a spiritual washing; in the same manner as John the Baptist, Matth. 3.11. exhorting the Pharisees and Sadduces to repent, tells them that one was coming after him who should baptise them with the Holy Ghost and with fire, that is, with a fervent spirit, heating and purifying their hearts. Which is a familiar and frequent figure, cal­led by the Grammarians [...], as when Virgil saith molem & montes, in­stead of moles montosas, and pateris libamus & auro, instead of pateris aureis. Thus Luke saith, Act. 14.13. That the Priest of Jupiter brought [...], bulls and crowns, instead of crowned bulls. Thus Rev. 14.10. Fire and brimstone, instead of burning brimstone. And 2 Tim. 1.10. Life and Immortality, for im­mortal life. And Joh. 14.6. Christ calls himself the way and the truth, that is, the true way.

This exposition of Calvin is grounded upon these reasons,

1. Because Christ having said, Except a man be born of water, and of the Spirit, he cannot enter into the Kingdom of God, addeth a little after, so is every man that is born of the Spirit, taking to be born of the Spirit, and to be born of water and of the Spirit, for the same thing, and declaring that the Spirit alone is sufficient for that regeneration.

2. Because it is the style and ordinary language of Christ, to understand by water the grace of the Spirit, as John 4, 14. he promiseth to give water which whosoever drinketh shall never thirst, and the water that he shall give him, shall be made in him a well springing into everlasting life. And Job. 7.37. If any man thirst, let him come to me and drink. He that believeth in me, as the Scripture hath [Page 672] said, he shall flow with rivers of living water. Ʋpon which St. John addeth, This spake he of the Spirit, which they that believe on him should receive.

3. This sentence of Christ according to Calvins exposition is absolutely true, and admitteth no exception; for no man is saved unless he be regenerated by the Spirit of God. But if one will understand it of the Baptism of water, he is forced to bring multitude of exceptions which turn that rule into smoak, and bring it to nothing. For our Adversaries except adult persons, who have made a vow to be baptised; And those that are regenerated by Gods Spirit; And Mar­tyrs unbaptised, And those that have believed in Christ before his resurrection; And the infants slain for Christs cause, who are dead without Baptism, as those that were put to death by Herods command. Thus then our Adversaries expound these words of Christ, Except a man be born of water, and of the Spirit, he can­not enter into the Kingdom of God, that is, None can be saved, except he be baptised with water, or except he be regenerated by the Holy Ghost, or except he hath vowed to be baptised, or except he hath suffered Martyrdome, whether he be adult or an unba­ptised infant. Which are terrible Glosses, and an interpretation which saith open­ly, that the Baptism of water is not necessary.

4. Christ saying, Except a man be born of water and of the Spirit, he shall not enter into the Kingdom of God, spake to Nicodemus, and for Nicodemus, to whom our Adversaries themselves hold that the Baptism of water was not ne­cessary. This Pharisee that had the dye of Pharisaism, which was a discipline of pride and of opinion of self-righteousness, and a doctrine which made the service of God to consist in petty outward observations, is brought back by Christ to the elements of true piety consisting in changing a mans nature, and in regeneration by the Holy Ghost. It may be also that Nicodemus being imbrued with the opi­nion of theJoseph. Origin. lib. c. 2. Metempsychosis held by the Pharisees (which made the souls to pass into other bodyes by a new birth) Christ would speak to him of another birth which he had not yet comprehended.

5. That which Christ addeth is considerable. The wind bloweth where it list­eth and thou hearest the sound thereof, but canst not tell whence it cometh, and whither it goeth; So is every one that is born of the Spirit. For this comparison of the wind is fit to represent the secret vertue of the Holy Ghost, not the efficacy of washing with material water. And truly in the tongue which Christ spake, [...] the same word signifieth both wind and Spirit.

6. With these reasonsTolet Com. in Joh. 3. Abusi sunt hoc Servatoris loco Haeretici dicentes, Ne­minem posse servari qui non sit ex aqua & Spi­ritu regene­ratus, quan­tumvis cum contritione & desiderio Baptismi morte prae­ventus dece­dat. Cardinal Tolet found himself so convinced, that he calleth them hereticks, that out of this text of Joh. 3.5. will infer the absolute necessity of Baptism.

Against this the Cardinal is storming and raging with great impetuosity. He saith that giving this interpretation to the text, is playing with Scripture with childish and ridiculous elusions, and destroying the faith of the fundamental Sa­crament of the Church. He wonders at Calvins ignorance, saying that God hath blinded Calvin by his just judgement; That by his ignorance he hath killed all little chilren dead without Baptism; That he hath given a mortal wound unto his Church, &c.

To that clattering haile of words, he addes a specious reason; That according to Calvins exposition there should be a battologie (that is, a vain repetition) in Christs words. And that if water signifies here Spirit, then these words, Except a man be born of water and of the Spirit, will signifie, Except a man be born of the Spi­rit and of the Spirit. This Prelat should have been put to his Grammar again, where he might have learned that in this figure where two substantives are joined together, one of them must be interpreted as an adjective, Pateris & auro for pa­teris aureis; The Spirit and the fire for the fervent Spirit; the water of the Spirit for the spiritual water, or the spiritual washing, or the washing and cleansing Spi­rit; for these come all to one.

To answer the example of Matth. 3.11. where John the Baptist speaking of Christ saith, He shall baptise you with the Holy Ghost, and with fire, the Cardinal speakes as sitting down to take breath after a long race. Here (saith he) I will [Page 673] take a little breath to give me time to contemplate and admire the prodigious ignorance or inadvertence of Calvin, whose passion hath so blindfolded him that he is now by his passion put in the rank of those of whom God speaks by his Prophet, I will blind the eyes of this people that they seeing see not. These high swoln words promise to make us see some gross ignorance of Calvin. Let us see it. For (saith the Car­dinal) the Lord in this place hath not added the word FireThis is an odd and dark expres­sion of the Cardinal, which the Translator leaveth as he finds it. to re­peat the intelligence of the word Spirit. This Prelat believed that it was Christ that spake these words, whereas they are the words of John the Baptist speak­ing to the Sadduces and Pharisees. Truly this Cardinal should not have pranced so high to stumble so foully at the very first step. But this is worse, The Lord (saith he) in that place hath not added the word Fire to repeat the intelli­gence of the word Spirit, but to express the external and visible kind of the fire, which goeth along with the Baptism of the Spirit, wherewith our Lord baptised his Apostles and his other Disciples upon the day of Pentecost. A wofull ignorance. This man thinks that these words of John the Baptist, He shall baptise you with the Holy Ghost, and with fire, are spoken to the Apostles, and that it is a promise made to them that the Spirit should descend upon them in the shape of fiery tongues. For when John the Baptist said, He shall baptise you, the Apostles were not present, and were not yet Christs Disciples. Who so will read the text may see, that this you, is not spoken to the Disciples of Christ but to Sadduces and Pharisees, to whom John the Baptist promiseth that if they would be converted, Christ would baptise them with a better Baptism then that of water which John administred, yea that Christ would baptise or cleanse them with the fervent and purifying vertue of his Spirit. Had the Cardinal been versed in the stile of the Prophets, he might have known that this expression of John the Baptist is taken from Isa. 4.4. where God promiseth to purge the blood of Jerusalem, that is the griev­ous and bloody sins of that people, by the Spirit of judgement and by the Spirit of burning.

Out of all this it is evident, that the more violently the Cardinal is storming, the more is his ignorance to be laughed at, or pitied.

CHAP. 3. How contemptible Baptism is in the Roman Church, and miserably dis­graced.

THe doctrine of the necessity of Baptism must be attended with the doctrine of the vertue of the same, for it is for the fruit that we hope from Ba­ptism, that we preach the necessity thereof. The Cardinal saith that we have ta­ken all the efficacy from Baptism, and that we make it only a bare sign without any vertue.

We on the contrary accuse our Adversaries, that they have clipt the efficacy and signification of Baptism, restraining the vertue thereof only to sins committed before Baptism. For as for the sins committed since baptism, they have reserved the remission thereof to the Sacrament of Penitence, because that Sacrament is far more lucrative and beneficial unto them then Baptism. For baptising will afford but little gain. But by the Sacrament of Penitence they give the absolu­tion of sins, pardon in quality of Judges, the offenses committed against God, and make themselves Judges in Gods cause. By Confessions they search the consciences and the secrets of families. And by Penitences and Satisfactions they impose corporal and pecuniary pains upon sinners, even upon Princes and Kings. This is one of the main pillars of the Papal Empire, and the principal revenue of the Roman Clergy. Wherefore we must not wonder, that they have clipt off the greatest part of the efficacy of Baptism instituted by Christ, to [Page 674] bestow it upon the Sacrament of Penitence invented by men.

With the like disgrace of Baptism our Adversaries prefer the Sacrament of Confirmation which is an humane tradition before Baptism. For in the fifth Di­stinction of Consecration Can. de his, they make Pope Melchiades to say thatSicut unum majo­ribus, id est, summis Pon­tificibus est accommoda­tum, quod nisi à majori­bus p [...]rfici non potest, & majori vene­ratione vene­randum est. Et Can. Om­nes. Omnes fideles per manus impo­sitionem Epis­coporum Spi­ritum San­ctum accipere debent, ut pla­ne Christiani inveniantur. Et Can. Ut Jejuni. Nunquam erit Christianus, nisi in Constr­matione Epis­copali fuerit Chrismatus. Be [...]l. lib. de Confirm. cap. 1. Tam ratione Mi­n [...]stri q [...]àm ratione sub­jecti praestat Confirmatio Baptismo, ut recte docet Magister. Et. cap. 11. Confert gratiam gratum facientem & quidem majorem quàm ipse Baptismus in ordine ad roborandam animam adversus diaboli impetus. Confirmation ought to be more honoured then Baptism.

And Lombard Father of the School, and after him Bellarmin in the first book of Confirmation, maintain, that Confirmation is more excellent then Baptism, both because of the subject which is the forehead, and because of the dignity of the Minister which is the Bishop. And in ch. 11. Confirmation confers a grace which makes us acceptable, and that grace greater then that which is conferred in Baptism, as for strengthening the soul against the assaults of the Devil.

The same distinction in the Canon Omnes, saith that by Confirmation men are made fully and perfectly Christians, as though men were made but half Christians by Baptism. And the Canon Ʋt Jejuni declares the same, that none can be a Christian unless he hath received the Chrism in the Episcopal Con­firmation.

For these causes in the Roman Church a porter, a woman, an hermaphrodite, a Jew, a Pagan, yea a Pagan-whore, may baptise; and this holy Sacrament is pro­stituted to the most infamous unbaptised persons. But Confirmation, as more ho­honorable, is administred by the Bishop only, who conferreth it with great ap­parat and solemnity. See the Definition of Pope Nicolas the I. Can. A quodam Judice, in the fourth Distinction of the Consecration, where he pronounceth that Baptism conferred by an Impostor, though a Jew and a Pagan, is good & valid. Nei­ther is it enough for them to have so disgraced Baptism, but they make that small vertue which they leave to it to depend upon the intention of the Priest that ba­tiseth, which intention must be ghest at by a pious conjecture; For when all is said, no person in the Roman Church is certain that he is baptised. For who knoweth the intention of a mans heart? especially in an age swarming with Atheists? And if the Priest that baptiseth was baptised by another Priest, baptised by ano­ther that had no intention to confer the Sacrament, his Priesthood is null, and his Baptism null, and so by remounting the uncertainty groweth still, and is multi­plyed to infinity.

To these you may add the spittle, the salt, the oyl, the exorcisms, whereby the Roman Church hath defiled the simplicity and purity of Baptism, as it was insti­tuted by Christ and practised by his Apostles.

CHAP. 4. The doctrine of our Churches about the vertue and efficacy of Ba­ptism.

THat man honoureth the Sacraments as he ought, who yields unto them that degree of honour which God hath conferred upon them; and receiving them with faith and reverence, yet bewareth of attributing that to the signes and the Ministry of man which is proper only to the vertue of Gods Spirit. This we do in our Churches. For we say that in Baptism the washing of all our sins by the blood of Christ, is not only represented and figured unto us, but also pre­sented and applyed: the Sacraments being not only figurative but also exhibitive of the grace of God. By the washing of our sins we understand the remission of our sins, and together regeneration or spiritual renewing, according to the stile of Scripture, Act. 22.16. Isa. 1.16. Zech. 1.6. Hebr. 10.22.

The adult that receive Baptism feel the effects of the same; God work­ing in them, not by the water, but with the water of Baptism. As for infants that are baptised, it is a hard matter for us to say, how far Baptism is effectual in them as for regeneration, since Scripture gives us no instruction upon that point. If one would judge by the apparent signes, as by their cry, and by their stirring and shrinking when they feel the cold water of Baptism, one might judge rather that they are displeased with that action. Yea it is but too ordinary, that when they have got some years and strength, they shew by the perversity of their nature that Baptism had done them but little good. Only we say that when we baptise little children according to Christs ordinance, God thereby declareth that he receiveth them into his Church, and marketh them with the outward sign of his Covenant. And that if they belong to Gods Election, they shall one time shew really how effectual Baptism was with them, and that the grace of God in Christ was not in vain offered unto them, for the Sacraments have not the same effect with all persons.

CHAP. 5. How the Romanists after they have depress Baptism, exalt it with improper praises.

FAlse praises are a kind of reviling. The abuse is much alike, whether we take away from Baptism the honour due to it, or attribute unto it that honour which God gives not to it in Scripture; For both the wayes the nature of the Sacrament is corrupted, and with the Sacrament the doctrine of the Gospel. Our Adversaries sin in both the extreams; on the one side debasing Baptism with great contempt, and on the other side exalting it with absurd praises, so that the preaching of the Gospel sheweth but small in comparison.

The first error of the Roman Church in this matter, is this tenet, That by Baptism both original sin, and all the actual sins committed before Baptism, are not only pardoned but also removed; so that in baptised persons there is no more original sin, nor any spot, nor any thing displeasing to God, or that may pro­perly be called sin. They are the very words of the Council of Trent in the 5. Session, and of the Catechism of Trent in the Chapter of Baptism.

Thus these Gentlemen stuffed with righteousnes and holiness boast themselves to be without sin, because Baptism hath taken away all stain from them, and whatsoever is displeasing to God. Yet they confess that all men sin venially, thereby unsaying what they have said, and undoing what they have done. And because they cannot deny that they have lusts, and are tempted with evil desires, they say that lust is no sin.Hanc concupiscen­tiam quam aliquando Apostolus ap­pellat pecca­tum, sancta Synodus de­clarat Eccle­siam Catholi­cam nunquam intellexisse peccatum ap­pellari, quod vere & proprie in renatis pecca­tum sit, sed quia ex pec­cato est, & ad peccatum in­clinat. The Council of Trent in the V. Session acknow­ledgeth that the Law saith, Thou shalt not covet, and that St. Paul calls lust sin, Rom. 7. and yet the same Council maintains that this lust in baptised persons is no sin. Only they call that lust which leads to evillAndra­dius Denfens. fidei Trid. lib. 5. part. 2. fol. 327. & 328. Catech Trid. cap. de Baptism [...]. a match, a vice, an iniqui­ty, and furies of lust, but not sin.

This doctrine of pride is contrary to Gods word, to experience, to reason, to common sense, and contradicts it self.

1. For by this doctrine baptised persons are said to be altogether without sin, which is repugnant to Gods word, where we learn, that if we say that we have no sin, we deceive our selves and the truth is not in us, 1 Joh. 1.8. And that in many things we offend all, Jam. 3.2. Wherefore also the Apostles said in their ordinary prayer, Forgive us our trespasses.

2. The Apostle St. Paul was baptised; Yet Rom. 7.17. speaking of his na­tural corruption, he saith that sin dwelleth in him; And two verses after he ac­knowledgeth, that he did the evil which he would not. Of that sin abiding in him [Page 676] he saith, v. 23. that it is a warring against the law of his mind, that is, against the law of God printed in his mind, and bringing him into captivity to the law of sin which is in his members.

3. We are more obliged to believe the Apostle who saith, that lust is sin, Rom. 7.7. And the Law of God, saying, Thou shalt not covet, (whence it followeth, that coveting is sin, since it is a transgression of the law) then the Council of Trent, whose impious boldness is come so far as to charge the Apostle, that he spake neither truly nor properly when he called lust sin.

4. The same Apostle saith, Rom. 6.23. that the wages of sin is death. Since then infants baptised are subject to dye, and many dye soon after Baptism, it fol­lowes that they are not without sin, and that original sin abideth in them still after Baptism.

5. And whereas none can give what he hath not, the children of baptised per­sons, should be born without original sin, if the parents were without original sin.

6. If baptised infants should be without original sin, they should be also with­out actual sin all their dayes; For actual sin proceeds from original sin, and from our natural corruption.

7. Take two children, the one baptised, the other unbaptised, it may happen that the baptised child shall become more wicked then the unbaptised, according to the instructions and examples which shall be given him. If both be wicked alike, murtherers, blasphemers, adulterers, is it like that whereas the sins of the unbapti­sed proceed from original sin, the sins of the baptised must be assigned to some other cause which brings forth such wicked effects, and yet be no sin?

8. As for adult persons that receive Baptisme, as when a Jew or a Pagan turns Christian, may it be affirmed that Baptism takes original sin from them, seeing that many receive Baptism out of hypocrisie? Shall that imposture and profana­tion of Baptism be profitable unto them? Shall that actual sin serve to abolish ori­ginal sin in them?

9. It is certain that adult persons cannot receive Baptism worthily, and to sal­vation, unless they have faith and repentance. They had then faith and repentance before they were baptised. Whence it followeth that faith and repentance are things compatible with original sin. Such was Cornelius, a man full of faith and vertue, who received the Holy Ghost before he was baptised. If faith and repen­tance hath blotted out original sin in them before they were baptised, then there are some persons in whom original sin hath not been put out by Baptism.

10. If any desiring to receive Baptism is prevented by death, our Adversaries hold that such a man is saved nevertheless, and that the vow supplyeth the want of Baptism. I ask the Romanists, whether such a man dyeth having original sin? They answer, No, because no man can be saved unless he be purged before death from original sin. Let them tell us then by what means he was purged from ori­ginal sin, since he was not baptised? If they give us another means, they shall make Baptism unnecessary.

11. If by the Baptism of water original sin is altogether taken away, it was a great error in the antient Christians to put off their Baptism to mans age, yea to the last part of their life. No doubt but that their Bishops and Pastors of the Church would have severely rebuked them, because when they could put off original sin by Baptism, yet they would purposely keep and retain it. Yet we see no such reprehension in the books of the Fathers.

Andrad. Ibid. Concu­piscere neque scelus est, ne­que praecepto illo, Non con­cupisces, tan­quam, prae­standum sed tanquam op­tandum prohi­betur.12. Our Adversaries themselves, being convinced in their consciences, con­tradict themselves. For while they maintain that there is no sin properly so called in baptised persons, yet they say in other terms, that lust remaining after Baptism is sin, yea a very great sin. For they call it vice and iniquity, and most grieveous furies. And the Catechism of the Council of Trent saith, thatAcerri­mam esse pug [...]am cu­piditatis ad­versus Spiri­tum, Andrad. Defens. Fidei Trid. l. 5. p. 327. Augustinus hanc concupi­scentiam non modo malam sed vitium, sed languo­rem, sed di­vinae legi contrariam, sed iniqui­tatem saepius appellat. Et paulo post vocat gravis­simas farias. this lust fight­eth most fiercely against the Spirit of God. What are vices and iniquities but sins? Is it not a sin to transgress Gods law, Thou shalt not covet? St. John affirmeth so much, 1 Joh. 3.4. Sin is the transgression of the Law. And according to the version of the Roman Church, Peccatum est iniquitas. But these men conceive an iniqui­ty [Page 677] without sin, and a transgression of the law which is no sin. So far that An­dradius who was one of the Council of Trent maintaines, that we are not obliged to obey that commandment, Thou shalt not covet. He saith that it is well done to wish, that we may fulfil that commandment, but that we are not bound to it: Thus that commandment shall be a commandment no more, and must be razed out of the Tables of Gods Law. It shall be a matter for good wishes, not a rule for a good life. If a Turk or a Jew covets the wife or house of his neigbour, it will be a sin. But a Christian by coveting his neighbours wife shall not sin. For, accord­ing to the doctrine of the Roman Church, in baptised persons lust is no more sin. A thing so far from truth, that it is certain that a Christian coveting his neigh­bours wife sinneth more then a Pagan, because having more knowledge he hath less excuse, and having received more graces, he is more obliged to love God, and obey his law.

13. Let our adversaries tell us, whether, when they ask of God pardon of their sins, they ask together that he forgive them that lust, that vice, that iniquity, that fury resisting Gods Spirit, which they acknowledge to be within them? For if they ask pardon for it, they confess it to be a sin. But if they ask not pardon for it, is it material whether they be damned for their vices, iniquities, and perverse lusts; or for their sins? What ease is it to them that they are not damned for their sins, but must go to hell upon another score? Why do we seek for new names while the thing remaineth?

14. As for the assertion of the Council of Trent, That God seeth nothing in ba­ptised persons which he hates or dislikes; Doctor Andradius, who was present, and actor in that definition, yet asserteth the contrary, and saith, ThatAndrad. Def. Trid. lib. 5. fol. 327. 6. Concupiscen­tia non potest non Deo justi­tiae amatori esse magnope­re invisa. this lust in baptised persons is most odious unto God. For who will believe that God hateth not iniquity and disliketh not the transgression of his law?

15. In vain they say that Baptism is dishonoured and debased, if we believe not that it makes man perfect, and altogether without sin, and if we teach that it leaveth man in the sink of his natural corruption. For by the same reason, one may say that Baptism is disgraced if we believe not that it makes a man immortal. And our Ad­versaries acknowledge that after Baptism vice remaineth, and iniquity, and lust con­trary to Gods law. Sacraments shall be honoured as they should be, when they are put in the rank which the word of God assigneth them. Now the word of God ascribeth not to them that vertue, to make a man perfect and without sin. Our Ad­versaries ascribe not that effect to the Eucharist, which they make a thousand times more miraculous then Baptism. The grace of Christ is offered to us in Baptism, as al­so in the preaching of the Gospel, and in the holy Communion, to bring us to per­fection and immortality. But God worketh that by degrees; not in an instant. Neither are the Sacraments disgraced, because they make not a man perfectly just and immortal, presently, and in a moment.

16. If our Adversaries say that lust remaineth in man after Baptism to be to him an exercise, the same I may say of original sin, and of the relicks of sin. Those souls remain not mired in corruption, in whom sin reigneth not, but is decreasing daily.

17. Indeed the Apostle Rom. 6.4. saith, that we are buried with Christ by Ba­ptism. But in these words the Apostle speaks not of the efficacy of Baptism as the Doctors of the Council of Trent esteem, but of the signification of the same; in the same manner as the Apostle saith to the Galatians,Gal. 3.1. that Christ was cruci­fied among them, because his death had been represented to them by the preaching of the Gospel and by the Sacraments. For dipping in water represents to us, that we dye to sin with a conformity to the death and burial of Christ. Our Ad­versaries themselves acknowledge that after Baptism, vice and iniquity is living within us, a thing ill suiting with that burial which they imagine.

With the like abuse they say, that the water of Baptism washeth sins, and that Baptism regenerateth him that is baptised, powring into him the habits of hope and charity, and that (as they say) ex opere operato, by the work wrought, that is, by the bare and single action of Baptism, the disposition of the baptised person [Page 678] being not requisite for it. So that if one baptized a Jew sleeping or thinking on other things, and having neither faith nor charity, that Baptism will nevertheless confer justifying grace upon him, with regeneration & the habits of faith and cha­rity, one condition only being requisite in him, that he make no resistance against it. They say that the water of Baptism hath that vertue because it hath toucht the body of Christ in his Baptism, as the Catechism of the Council of Trent saith,Conc. Trid. cap. de Bapt. Chri­stus cum à Johanne ba­ptizatus est, sanctificandi virtiuem aquae tribuit. Christ when he was baptised by John, gave to water the vertue of sanctifying. For it is their Doctrine that when Christ was baptised in Jordan, by immersing his body into the water, he thereby sanctified the water of Tyber, and of the Lake of Geneva, and the whole water of the Sea. To this end also serveth the consecration of the ba­ptismal water by the Bishop, when he blesseth the font. For to a thousand ceremo­nies, as signes of the Cross, aspersions with salt and oyl, and exorcismes, the Bishop addeth a prayer whereby he asketh of God, that the Godhead be mingled with that water, that it may become a new creature, a fountain of life, and a regenera­ted water. All these mystical inventions go beyond the antick borders of hang­ings in extravagancy. These subtile Doctors have stretcht their wit to forge an infinity of Chimera's, and obtrude them for mysteries, without the word of God, and against common sense.

It is a great abuse to ascribe unto water the vertue proper to the Holy Ghost, and to teach that Baptism formeth the habit of faith in children, seeing that they are without knowledge, and the habit of charity, seeing that they have no use of their will. How could they have charity, seeing that they are incapable of loving? For one must know before he can love. How could Baptisme powre the habit of faith into adult persons, seeing that they must have faith before they receive Baptism? How could infants receive the habit of faith, seeing that they can­not believe? And what becomes of those habits of faith and charity, when they come to age? seeing that they shew themselves prone to evil, and for the most part rejecting the doctrine of faith and rules of charity?

But who will believe that water can act upon souls, and that a corporal and ina­minate thing can have a spiritual vertue? If the water of all the world received the vertue of regenerating the soul, because the water of Jordan touched Christs body in his Baptism, we must also attribute the same vertue to all the bread, and to all the wine of the world; For Christ hath handled and eaten bread, and drunk wine in the Eucharist, and hath consecrated them with a conse­cration far more express then the sanctification of the water of Jordan.

1. That opus operatum, work wrought, is a Chimera forged in the School, full of absurdity, whereby they will have the Sacraments of the New Testament to regenerate and sanctifie the souls by the single action, that is, by the meer asper­sion of water poured upon the head of the infant, or of an adult person, and by the single fraction or manducation of bread, the devotion or attention of the com­municant being not required for it. It is as if one said, that the preaching of the Gospel regenerates souls by the only sound of words and syllables, and that there is no need of the peoples faith and attention. If that be absurd in the preaching of the word, how much more in the administration of Sacraments, see­ing that Scripture exalteth the efficacy of the word incomparably more then that of the Sacraments.

2. They make the error more evident, by putting this among the prerogatives of the Sacraments of the New Testament above those of the Old, which (if we must believe these Doctors) profited only opere operantis, that is, by the piety or devotion of those that administred the Sacraments, or of those that received them, in the same manner as prayers profit. Whence it followeth that circum­cision profited nothing, when it was conferred by a man destitute of the fear of God, and that the childs salvation depended on the disposition and devotion of another.

3. Thence also it follows, that if Baptism be conferred by a Pagan or an impo­stor Jew, it profiteth and sanctifieth by the bare action; But the Sacraments of the Old Testament though conferred by a Prophet had not the same vertue.

[Page 679]4. Observe also the goodly prerogative, which they attribute to the Sacraments of the New Testament, whereby devotion or attention is become unnecessary, so that there is no danger in receiving them without devotion. This is then the ad­vantage of the Roman Church above the Patriarchs and Prophets, that one may want devotion without peril, and be baptised in his sleep, and that there is no dan­ger for one to think of the wars of Piemont, or his private businesses, whilest he is receiving the Lords supper. These Doctors will corrupt men that they may honour the Sacraments, and by exalting their vertue, they diminish the vertue and piety of those that receive them. This tends to raise the dignity of Clergymen, who boast that they administer the Sacraments, with so much efficacy, that their sin­gle action supplyeth the want of piety, and that by pouring water upon the body they poure together vertues into the soul, although the man that conferreth that Sacrament be many times without any vertue. All that taken from the unwritten word, for Scripture saith nothing of that, and the Apostles were ignorant of all that doctrine.

To these two doctrines, whereby they exalt the efficacy of Baptism, they add a third; holding that Baptism prints an indelible character upon the soul, which the Pope himself cannot take away, and which remaineth even after this life, inso­much that damned souls carry it into Hell. May it not be thought that the souls marked with that character are respected by other souls in Hell, and that the De­vils make low congies to them? But who can boast that ever he saw that character, or that ever he felt the impression of the same? In what place are those souls marked? What is the form or the colour of that mark? The Apostle saith indeed that God marketh us with the seal of his Spirit, Eph. 1.13. & 4.30. and 2 Cor. 1.22. But in those texts he speaks not of the Sacraments which are administred to the wicked promiscuously with the good. But he speaks of the testimony of Gods Spirit, which is the Spirit of adoption bearing witness to our hearts, that we are Gods children. That testimony is proper to none but the right godly, and Infants are not yet capable of it.

Tenth Controversie, OF THE SEVENTH BOOK. Of the SACRIFICE Of the EUCHARIST.

CHAP. 1. State of the Question. How M. du Perron doth not touch it, but wanders about useles dis­courses.

CArdinal du Perron employeth five Chapters of his fourth Book to treat of the Sacrifice of the Eucharist, and to prove that the Fathers have understood that it is truly and properly a Sa­fice. That whole dispute is useless, both because he alleadgeth not one syllable of Gods Word, without whose Authority that sacrifice cannot subsist; and because he toucheth not the question, and expatiates about things of no use. For the question is not, Whether the Lords Supper be called a Sacri­fice, properly or improperly? but, Whether the body of Christ be really sacrificed in it? Also, Whether it be a propitiatory sacrifice? and, Whether by it our souls be redeemed, and God reconciled with us? What is it to us, if the Communion is called a sacrifice properly or improperly, while this truth remains firm, that Christ is not really sacrificed in it? and that there is no other propitiatory and redem­ptory sacrifice, but the death of Christ?

He committs another fault. For the dispute about the proper or improper signification of the word Sacrifice, cannot be decided but by setting down a de­finition [Page 681] of sacrifice. It being certain that the Eucharist cannot be a true sacrifice, if the definition of a sacrifice be not proper to it.

But he hath purposely omitted that definition, finding no way how to make it square with the nature of the Eucharist. Is not that an abusing the Reader, to make long discourses, to prove that the Eucharist is a true sacrifice, and yet never say what a thing a sacrifice is? Now every lawful sacrifice is a religious action, insti­tuted by God, whereby a visible offering is consecrated and offered unto God by a lawful Priest, and destroyed for the propitiation of sins, or for thanksgiving. For the definition and essence of a sacrifice, properly so called, includeth these six things. 1. That it be a religious action instituted by God. 2. That there be a visible offering. 3. That the thing offered be consecrated to God by him that sacrificeth. 4. That it be destroyed by the person that celebrates the sacrifice. 5. That it be offered by a lawful Priest instituted by God. 6. That if it be a sacrifice truly and really propitiatory, the price of our redemption must be really offered and sacrificed in it. Hence it appears, that it is utterly impossible that the Mass in which they pretend to sacrifice Christ, can be truly and properly a sacrifice. 1. See­ing, that Christ did not command us to sacrifice Christ. 2. That the offering pretended to be offered in the Mass, which is Christ, is not visible there, and is not perceived. 3. That it is not consecrated to God by him that sacrificeth, seeing that Christ cannot be consecrated by men. 4. That in the Mass Christ is not de­stroyed, and suffereth nothing in it, neither in effect nor in shew. 5. That God hath not instituted in his Church, sacrificers of his Sons body. 6. And that the Mass cannot be in effect a propitiatory sacrifice, since it is not the death of Christ which is the only price of our redemption. All this, which is the principal point of the difference, the Cardinal toucheth not at all, and labours only to shew in what sense the Fathers have called the Eucharist a sacrifice; Which is an unseless dispute. For although all the Fathers with one consent should say, that the Eu­charist is truly and properly a sacrifice, it would not follow that Christ was really sacrificed in it as a propitiatory sacrifice. Besides, we must alwayes begin with the divine institution, without which all authority falls, and all our discourses come to nothing. But of that divine institution, the Cardinal speaks not one word. Wherefore it is necessary for us to begin there.

CHAP. 2. That the Sacrifice of the Mass was not instituted by Christ. And of the fruit and efficacy of the sacrifice of the Mass.

THe Council of Trent in the XXII. Session, in the II. Canon, to prove that the Eucharist is the true sacrifice of Christs body, alleadgeth for all the proof these words of Christ, Do this in remembrance of me; and denounceth an ana­thema to all that will deny, that by these words Christ hath conferred the Order of Priesthood, and commanded to sacrifice really the body of Christ. There cannot be a more certain proof of an ill cause, then to be reduced to such proofs. Can there be any interpretation of Gods Word more constrained or more extrava­gant then this? Do this in remembrance of me; that is, I institute you to be Priests to sacrifice my body, to be a propitiatory sacrifice for the living and the dead. But1 Cor. 11.26. the Apostle Paul expounds these words otherwise; For after these words, Do this in remembrance of me, he addeth, As often as ye eat this bread, and drink this cup, ye do shew the Lords death. So then, Doing this in remembrance of Christ, is eating the bread and drinking the cup of the Lords Supper, to announce and celebrate the memory of his death.

It is very considerable, that Saint Matthew and Saint Mark Matth. 26.26. Mark 14.22. relating the words of the institution of this Sacrament, have left out these words, Do this, which [Page 682] they had not done, had they believed that they are the formal words whereby this pretended Sacrifice is institued.

Wherefore also, in the whole institution and action of Christ, no mention is made of sacrificing the Lords body, no elevation of the Host, no offering unto God, no prayer to God that he accept the offering.

Neither doth the Christian Faith acknowledge any other sacrifice of redemption, but the death of the Redeemer, nor any other price for the redemption of souls. Now in the Mass Christ dyeth not. And our very AdversariesBellar. lib. 2. de Missa, c. 4. sect. Secundo. Christus nunc nec mereri, nec satisfa­cere potest. acknowledge that Christ is no more in the condition of meriting, or satisfying, but only of im­petrating. It is not then a sacrifice pro redemptione animarum, for the redemption of souls, as it is said in the Canon of the Mass. It is not convenient that a Sacrifice where Christ suffereth nothing, be the price of our redemption. For since his sufferings are the payment for our sins, an action where he suffereth nothing can­not be that payment.

If they say that the Mass is the sacrifice of Christ, and that he is really sacrificed in it for our redemption, because the sacrifice of his death is thereby applyed to us, and the memory of his death announced: By the same reason Baptism and the preaching of the Gospel, are sacrifices properly so called, and propitiatory sacrifices, because in them Christs death is applyed to us, and brought to our re­membrance. To apply the sacrifice of Christ to us, must we sacrifice him again? By the same reason he should be put to death again, to apply his death to us.

The Apostle to the Hebrews is very express upon this question. He spends most part of his Epistle about the Priesthood, and the Sacrifice of the Christian Church. Yet in the whole Epistle, he speaks not one word of the Eucharist or the Lords Supper, in which only they will have the sacrifice of the Christian Church to consist. Must we say then, that the Apostle hath done as he that would write a Book of the Art of Navigation, without speaking of Ships; or of the Art of Reigning, without speaking of King or Prince? Certainly the Apostle brings us straight to the death of Christ, and acknowledgeth no other, but that only Sa­crifice. In chap. 10. v. 14. he saith, that Christ by one offering hath perfected for ever them that are sanctified. And v. 10. We are sanctified through the offering of the body of Jesus Christ once for all. Here is then one only oblation, and that for ever. And in chap. 9. v. 26. having said that Christ hath not often suffered from the foun­dation of the world; he addeth, v. 27, 28. As it is appointed unto men once to dye, but after this the judgement. So Christ was once offered to bear the sins of many, and unto them that look for him, shall he appear the second time, &c. Thereby he excludeth all reiteration. For a mans death is not at all reiterated.

Neither indeed doth Scripture speak of any unbloody sacrifice of Christ; and that very text which our Adversaries bring for the unbloody sacrifice, speaks of shedding of blood. For they make use of these words, Mat. 26.28. This is my blood of the New Testament which is shed for many. Hardly can a text speaking of blood-shed, serve to establish a sacrifice where no blood is shed.

And since the Apostle, Heb. 9.22. saith that without shedding of blood there is no remission; how can the Mass, where the blood of Christ is not shed, really be a sacrifice for the remission of sins? Or how shall we say that the blood of Christ is really shed in the Sacrament, seeing it doth not come out of his veins? Or how can shedding of blood be without any motion?

The same Apostle, Heb. 10.17, 18. having said, that God hath promised to re­member our sins no more; addeth, Now where the remission of these is, there is no more offering for sin. Since then by the death of Christ, and by faith in him, we have remission of our sins, what need we more to make oblations and sacrifices for sins?

In chap. 7. v. 27. he compareth the Priests of the Law with Christ, in that they offered every day sacrifices for sins: But this (saith he) he did once, [...], once only, when he offered up himself. This word [...], cannot be otherwise translated, but by semel, or once only, both because it is the signification of the word, and [Page 683] because by this word the Apostle opposeth Christ to the Priests of the Law, who offered sacrifices often. Thus Heb. 9.27. he saith, that it is appointed unto men [...], semel mori, once to dye. That man should want common sense, that should find fault with translating that text in this manner, It is appointed unto men to die once only: No more should any find fault with us for translating the following verse, [...], Christus semel oblatus, Christ being offered once only. And so Heb. 10.10. Through the offering of the body of Jesus Christ once for all; for there also the word [...] is found. And that sacrifice once made, he opposeth to the reiteration of the sacrifices of the Law, which were done every day.

In every sacrifice, properly so called, there must be an offering consecrated. How then can the Mass be properly called a sacrifice, seeing that there is nothing consecrated in it? Not the bread, not the wine, for it is pretended that they are no more bread and wine after the consecration. Not the accidents, for colours and lines are not an offering; Not the body of Christ, for it cannot be consecrated by men. Here is then a sacrifice, where nothing is consecrated.

As for the vertue of that sacrifice of propitiation, or redemption, when our Adversaries go about to declare it, they bring it to nothing. In the Canon of the Mass, the Priest saith, that he offerethSacri­ficium laudis pro redempti­one anima­rum. a sacrifice of praises for the redemption of souls. Truly praises are no payments. A debtor by exalting his creditors, with praises to the third Heaven, shall never pay his debts.

Bellar. lib 2. de Missa, cap. 4. sect. Secundo. Christus nunc nec mereri, nec satisfa­cere potest, sed tantum impetrare. Igitur impe­tratio propria est hujus sacrificii vis & obedien­tia. Et paulo post. Sacri­ficium ad impetrationem tendit, & simile est orationi.Here Bellarmine is for us, for he insisteth much to prove, that the sacrifice of the Mass is only impetratory, such as are prayers, but cannot be satisfactory nor expiatory; because Christ is no more in a condition to satisfie or merit. It was never heard that an impetration by prayers without satisfaction, or without payment, was taken for redemption.

There was no need to sacrifice Christ again, to apply to us the sacrifice of his death, since the Eucharist, as it is a Sacrament applyeth his death. The bread which we break, is it not the Communion of the body of Christ, 1 Cor. 10.16.

Wherefore the Roman Church diminisheth to her power, the efficacy of that Sacrament, teaching that the sacrifice of the MassVide Bellarm. lib. 4. de Sacram. Euchar. cap. 17, 18. serveth only to remit the temporal pain of sins already pardoned. Which appeareth, in that no man re­ceiveth the Easter Communion in the Roman Church, but after the absolution by the Priest. Also in that Masses are sung for the souls in Purgatory, of whom the sins are pardoned, and the fault wholly blotted out, and which are lyable on­ly to the temporal pain.Cap. de Sacram. altaris. Eucharistia tantum ab­stergit minora peccata. The Catechism of the Council of Trent saith, that the Sacrament of the Eucharist blotteth out small sins only; it hath then no vertue against great sins.

Yet it would be some comfort, if a Mass did impetrate the remission of the whole temporal pain: But it hath not that vertue. For ten thousand Masses are sung to fetch one soul out of Purgatory. Especially if it be the soul of one that hath founded Obits and Anniversaries, which are not said for those that have given nothing.

It is not without reason, that a doubt is made of the vertue and efficacy of Masses. For many pay Masses for their cure, or for the cure of their sick friends, who die nothing the less. Whereas many are cured, for whom no Masses were sung. Which makes it doubtful, whether Masses sung for the dead, bring them any ease.

Our Adversaries increase that doubt, by saying that in the Cross, Christs natural being was destroyed; but in the Mass his Sacramental being only is destroyed, that is, his significative or representative being, as if one gave the picture of money only, which is a payment somewhat light; for indeed that Sacramental being is not the price of our redemption.

They that are contemptuously called Hereticks, are so unfortunate, that where­as Masses are said for Pagans and Infidels, and for sick horses and sheep, none are said for them. For beasts, Masses are said for money: For Infidels, some are sung upon civil considerations: But for Hereticks none are said. And there is [Page 684] reason for it; for not only they will spend no money for Masses, but they would give money that no more Masses were sung.

CHAP. 3. Examination of the Cardinals reasons, to prove that the Fathers call the Eucharist a Sacrifice in a proper, not in a Metaphorical sense.

THis question, which the Cardinal is so busie about, is altogether useless. For though we had granted that all the Fathers hold the Eucharist to be a true sacrifice, it would not follow that Christ is really sacrificed in it. Besides, all the old and late Doctors are not agreed about the definition of a sacrifice, which M. du Perron should have set down in the beginning, to build his proofs upon them, for without that, his proofs are to no end.

Austin, in the tenth Book of the City of God, chap. 5. calls Alms or Mercy a true sacrifice. And in the sixth chapter he defines a sacrifice, saying thatVerum sacrisicium est omne opus, quod agitur, ut sancta socie­tate inhaerea­mus Deo. every action which is done to adhere unto God, is a true sacrifice. According to that definition, we must not wonder that the Eucharist is called a true sacrifice. Yet let us see what reasons the Cardinal brings.

He affirmeth that the Fathers say, and that his Majesty of Great Britain ac­knowledgeth, that the Eucharist is the only sacrifice of Christians, and the only one that hath succeeded all the sacrifices of the antient Law. Had he brought testimonies of the Fathers that speak so, the Reader might have seen that the Fathers speak of the sacrifice of Christs death, which indeed hath succeeded the sacrifices of Aaron; and to this most part of the Epistle to the Hebrews is imploy­ed. For the end of the Apostle, is to shew that Christs Priesthood hath succeed­ed Aarons Priesthood: Which Priesthood of Christ, he makes to consist in his death only. For in the whole Epistle, he speaks not at all of the Eucharist. Or if any Father saith, that the Lords Supper succeeds alone the sacrifices of the Law, he saith that with respect to Christs death, which is represented in the holy Com­munion, in which we offer unto God the death of his Son, beseeching him to accept it for our Redemption. As if he said, that the only thing that we can offer unto God, is Christs death, which is celebrated in the Lords Supper.

Thus the Apostle, 1 Cor. 5.7. saith, that Christ our Passover is sacrificed for us, giving to Christs death the name of the Sacrament that represents it, by rea­son of the resemblance, and the relation that is betwixt both, and together shewing that Christs death is the true sacrifice, which hath succeeded the Passover of the Law.

Austin in the Book of the 83. Questions, in the 61. Question speaks thus,Se ip­sum obtulit in holocaustum pro peccatis nostris, & ejus sacrificii similitudinem celebrandam in suae pas­sionis memo­riam com­mendavit. Christ hath offered himself a burnt-offering for our sins, and hath instituted that the representation of that sacrifice be celebrated in memory of his passion. And in the same place,Holo­causti ejus imaginem ad memoriam suae passionis in Ecclesia celebrandam decrevit. He hath instituted that the image of this sacrifice be celebrated in the Church, in memory of his passion.

The Cardinal addeth, Besides, that which the same Fathers teach us, that it cannot be offered, but by those that have the character of Priesthood, sheweth manifestly that they speak of the sacrifice taken in the proper and precise signification. The absurdity of that reason appears, by bringing it into a Syllogisticall form. This is his argument, That which cannot be done but by them that have the character of Priesthood, is a true and proper sacrifice. Now the Eucharist, &c. That propositi­on is false. For the preaching of the Gospel likewise, cannot be done but by those that have that character. By the same reason, the Sacrament of Penitence of the Roman Church, and Confirmation, shall be sacrifices properly so called, since they cannot be conferred but by Priests and Bishops. The Cardinal should have remembred also, that in the Roman Church the immolation of the Paschal [Page 685] Lamb by the several families of Israel, is held to have been a true sacrifice, which yet was done by the heads of Families, before the tribe of Levi was chosen by God to exercise the Priesthood. And since that choice, hardly was there a Levite for every Family where the Paschal Lamb was eaten. When Christ celebrated the Passover with his Disciples, there was none. The great defect of that argu­ment is, that it was made to prove that the Eucharist is a true sacrifice, not to prove that Christ is really sacrificed in it, which is the point in question.

He goeth about to prove the same thing, because the Fathers use the word Altar, presupposing that no other sacrifices can be done upon an Altar, but such as are properly so called. Indeed, that which the Apostle 1 Cor. 10. calls the Table of the Lord, is sometimes called an Altar by the antient Fathers, although more frequently they call it a Table. But the Fathers to draw the Jews and the Pagans, make use of terms usual among them, calling the Table of the Lord an Altar, in the same manner that the Deacons are called Levites, and the offerings which the people set upon the table victims and sacrifices. In effect, the Cardinals maxime is false, that all that is done upon an Altar, is truly and properly a sacri­fice. For as the immolation of the Paschal Lamb was not done upon an Altar, so on the other side, offerings of fruits and perfumes, which the holy Scripture calls not sacrifices, were laid upon the Altar.

To the same end he addeth, Since the Fathers held that the prophecies of the abo­lition of Judaical sacrifices, and of the substitution of a new sacrifice were accom­plished in the oblation of the Eucharist; when they spake of a sacrifice, they meant the proper, not the Metaphorical sacrifice.

I answer, that Christ saying in his death, All is fulfilled, taught us that in his death was the fulfilling of prophesies and figures. And the Apostle to the Hebrews finds in the death of Christ the fulfilling of the sacrifices of the Law, not in the Lords Supper, of which he makes not any mention. Saint John agreeth to this, chap. 19. ver. 36. where he gives a reason why the bones of Christ were left un­broken on the Cross, namely, because it was forbidden to break the bones of the Paschal Lamb. He will have us then to find in the death of Christ, the fulfilling of the Paschal Lamb. Besides, the Cardinals maxime is false, that the thing in which the fulfilling of the sacrifices is found, is a true and proper sacrifice. By that reason, the fulfilling of prophesies should be also a prophesie, and the fulfilling of legal washings and purifications, should be also a real washing: Now every one knows that remission of sins figured by these washings, cannot be called washing, but Metaphorically, and in an Allegorical sense. If then some Fathers have said, that in the Eucharist we have the fulfilling of Judaical figures, they say it because in the Eucharist the death of Christ is represented, and offered unto God for our sins. It is especially to be noted, that this argument tends to prove that the Eucharist is a true sacrifice, not that Christ is sacrificed in it.

The reason which he adds is of no greater strength,Pag. 911. That the Fathers expound­ing Daniels prophesie about the cessation of the sacrifice of the Eucharist, shew sufficiently, that by the sacrifice of the Eucharist, they understand a true and proper sacrifice. But nothing hinders but that Daniel speaks of the sacred actions of the Christian Church in figurative terms, usual in the Old Testament. It is the stile of the Prophets and Apostles, to call our prayers perfumes, and our bodies temples, and our thanksgivings the calves of our lips and sacrifices. But to look to Daniels true meaning, he is prophesying of the cessation of the continual sacrifice which was to happen under the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes. And if some of the An­tients take Antiochus for a figure of Antichrist, they do not restrain the abolition of the continual sacrifice, to the only abolition of the Eucharist, but they under­stand thereby the cessation of the divine Service, of which the Eucharist makes a great part: For it is ordinary to take a part for the whole. He that saith that Antichrist must abolish the Lords Supper, thereby understands that he will abolish the whole outward exercise of Christian Religion, which never was without this holy Sacrament.

Of the same stuff is the reason which he addeth, that the Fathers distinguish [Page 686] the inward sacrifices, that is, the mental commemoration, from the outward sacrifice of the Church. He presupposeth that all that is distinct or different from the mental sacrifice, and every outward sacrifice, is a true and proper sacrifice. By this reason, the oral prayer and alms which Scripture calls a sacrifice, must be a true and proper sacrifice. For they are external, and different from the internal sacrifices, consisting in the thought. After all, What strength hath this to prove that Christ is sacrificed in the Eucharist?

He goeth on, and saith that the Fathers distinguish the sacrifice of Melchisedeck from that of Aaron, by the institution of the Eucharist; and thence he inferreth, that the Fathers believed that the Eucharist is truly and properly a sacrifice. This is a reason without reason. For two Priests may differ in actions, which are im­properly called sacrifices. But the Fathers make not the difference between Mel­chisedeck and Aaron to consist in that only, seeing that the Apostle to the Hebrews giveth us so many other differences between them, in the seventh chapter, with­out speaking one word of the Eucharist. As in that Melchisedeck is represented as a Priest for ever, having neither beginning of dayes nor end of life, being both King and Priest, taking tythes from Abraham as greater then he, and by con­sequent then Levi, and giving to Abraham his blessing.

He addeth that the Fathers by these words, We offer unto thee, meant real offer­ings. That's true. But all real offerings are not sacrifices properly so called, nor propitiatory sacrifices, less yet sacrifices of Christs body. The offerings which the Christian people used to offer upon the holy Table were real oblations, but our Adversaries hold them not to have been properly sacrifices, nor effectual for propitiation. Thus the Apostle saith, Heb. 13.15. Let us offer unto God sacri­fices of praises▪ Where he speaks of real offerings which are improperly called sacrifices.

The reason that follows is such another: He proveth that the Fathers acknow­ledge the Eucharist for a true and proper sacrifice, because they ascribe to it the service of latria. Never was a man more unfortunate in argumenting, then this Prelate. He presupposeth, that all wherein the service of latria consisteth, is a true and proper sacrifice. By that reckoning, the Lords Prayer is a true and proper sacrifice: For it is part of the Soveraign service which we present unto God. Can one build a more absurd reasoning then this? The Lords Supper belongs to the Soveraign service which we yield unto God, Ergo, it is a true Sacrifice? To prop that impertinent argument,Chap. 1. he employeth the rest of his chapter. Thus all the Cardinals reasons fall with blowing upon: And all the texts of the Fathers, which he alleadgeth are found useless, since he draws false consequences from them, grounded upon false maxims.

CHAP. 4. That the Fathers call the Lords Supper a Sacrifice, because it is the com­memoration of the Sacrifice of Christs death.

THe Fathers following the stile of Scripture, use to give unto signs the name of the thing signified.

The Lords Supper then being a sign and a Sacrament of Christs sacrifice offered to God on the Cross, may with good reason be called Christs sacrifice, and the sa­crifice of our price and redemption, and the sacrifice of his death and passion: This is fully represented by Austin, in the 23. Epistle to Bonifacius, Many times we speak thus, when Easter draweth near, To morrow or the next day is the Lords passion, although it happened so many years ago, and though that passion happened but once. Thus we say upon the Lords day, This day the Lord is risen again, although so many years are past since his resurrection. Why is nobody so silly as to tax us of untruth when we speak so? but because this day is called the same day, which is not [Page 687] the same, but is like it by revolution of times? Was not Christ once sacrificed in himself? And yet he is sacrificed before the people in a sacred sign, not only upon every solemnity of Easter, but also every day; And yet that man lyeth not who being asked answereth that Christ is sacrificed. For had not the Sacraments some resemblance with the things of which they are Sacraments, they should not be Sacra­ments. But because of that resemblance many times they take the name of the things themselves. In this remarkable place of Austin three things especially are to be observed. 1. That Christ at Easter, and in the ordinary celebration of the Eucharist did not sacrifice himself but in a sacrament or sacred sign. 2. That Christians say that in the Eucharist, Christ is Sacrificed, in the same manner as we say upon the Lords day, this day is Christs resurrection; Not that Christ in effect riseth again upon every Lords day, but because the memory of his resurrecti­on is celebrated every Lords day. 3. That when we say that Christ is sacrificed in the Eucharist, we give unto the sign the name of the thing signified. The same he saith in the tenth book of the City of God, ch. 5.Aug. de Civit. l. 10. c. 5. Sacrificium visibile invi­sibilis sacri­ficii sacra­mentum, id est, sacrum signum est. Et paulo post, Illud quod ab homi­nibus appella­tur sacrifici­um, signum est veri sacrifi­cii. The visible sacrifice is a Sacrament, that is, a sacred sign of the true sacrifice; And a little after. That which men call sacrifice is a sign of the true sacrifice. He could not say more ex­presly that the Eucharist is no true sacrifice.

The other Fathers speak the same. Justin Martyr in his Dialogue against Tryphon, [...]. The offering of meal for those whom they purged from the leprosie, was a figure of the bread of the Eucharist, which our Lord Jesus Christ commanded us to do in remembrance of his passion.

The sixth book of the Apostolick Constitutions of Clement, ch. 3, speaks thus,Pro sa­crificio cru­ento rationale & incruen­tum ac mysticum sacrificium instituit, quod in mortem Domini per symbola corporis & sanguinis sui celebratur. The Lord instead of a bloody sacrifice hath instituted a reasonable, unbloody, and mystical sacrifice, which is celebrated in consideration of the Lords death, by the signes of his body and blood.

The antient service of the Church of Milan had these words, Fac nobis hanc oblationem ascriptam rationabilem acceptabilem, quod est figura corporis & sangui­nis Domini. As Ambrose saith in the fourth book of Sacraments ch. 5. Let this offering be put to our account reasonable and acceptable, which is the figure of the body and blood of the Lord.

Gregory Nazianzen in the Oration upon his return from the countrey com­plaining of the hard dealing, which he had from those of whom he expected sup­port, [...], &c. [...]. Shall they bar me (saith he) from the altars? [so he calls the table of the Lords supper] But I know an altar of which the things that are now seen are figures, &c. the whole is the work of the understanding, and the ascent to it is by con­templation. To this altar I will approach, upon this I will sacrifice an acceptable sacrifice and offering, and whole burnt offerings, so much better then those that are now offered, as the truth is better then the shadow. Had this Father believed that the body of Christ was really sacrificed upon the Altar, he would never have said that his prayers and meditations are better then that which is offered upon the Altar in the Church. He would never have called the Eucharist a shadow. He had not been so bold as to deny that we have the truth in that holy Sacrament.

Procopius Gazaeus upon Gen. 49. saith, that Christ hath given to his Disciples the image or figure, and type of his body receiving no more the bloody sacrifies of the law.

Ambrose in the first book of Offices, ch. 48. compareth the ceremonies of the Law, and the Sacrments of the New Testament, with the truth which is in Christ Jesus.Hic umbra, hic imago est, illic veritas: Um­bra in Lege, imago in Evangelio, veritas in coelestibus, &c. Quarum recipiens passionem, & offert se ipse quasi sacer­dos ut peccata nostra dimittat; hic in imagine, ibi in veritate, ibi apud Patrem pro nobis intervenit. Here (saith he) is the shadow and image, there the truth is in heavenly places. And a little after, Here Christ is offered in image, but there in truth.

Eusebius in ch. 3. of the first book of Evangelical Demonstration. [...]. We [Page 688] celebrate with just reason every day the memory of his body and blood. And a little after, [...]. The Lord having offered a sacrifice, and an excellent victim to his Father for the salvation of us all, hath commanded us to offer continually the com­memoration thereof instead of a sacrifice. [...]. And in the same place, We have received the memorial of that sacrifice to celebrate it in his table by the signes of his body and of his saving blood, according to the institution of the new Testament.

In the chapter before, we brought testimonies of Austin in the book of the eighty three Questions saying twice in the seventy ninth Question, That the holy Communion is the image and resemblance of the sacrifice of Christs death. And in ch. 5. of the tenth book of the City of God, Illud quod ab hominibus appellatur sacrificium, signum est veri sacrificii, That which men call a sacrifice, is the sign of a true sacrifice. He could not speak more plainly. Note that he saith that men call it a sacrifice, not that God calls it so.

It must not be found strange, that the Fathers call the Lords Supper the sacri­fice of Christ, seeing that they say also that the sacrifice of the Eucharist is Christs death.

Cyprian in the sixty third Epistle, Because in all sacrifices we make mention of his passion (for the Lords passion is the sacrifice which we offer) we must not do any other thing but what he did himself. Upon which place Pamelius in his Notes freely acknowledgeth, thatSimile est, quod Chrysostomus, Theoplylactus & Oecumeni­us verba illa, quod pro vo­bis frangitur, ita interpre­tantur, ut in sacrificio Missae Chri­stum pati & frangi & immutari di­cant. Chrysostom, Theophylact, and Oecumenius interpret so these words, which is broken for you, that they say that in the sacri­fice of the Mass Christ suffereth, and is broken and changed. Wherein he saith true, but that this word Mass is not found in these Fathers.

The Lords Supper then is in the same manner the sacrifice of Christ, as it is the death of Christ. Now the Lords Supper is not really the death of Christ; Then it is not really the sacrifice of Christ,Quia passionis ejus mentionem in sacrificiis om­nibus facimus (passio est enim Domini sacrificium quod offeri­mus) nihil ali­ud quam quod ille fecit face­re debemus. but by commemoration. So Chrysostom speaks, [...]. While that death is a doing, that dread sacrifice, those unspeakable mysteries. This Father is he that speaks in the most lofty terms of this sacrifice among all the antient writers, and saith often, that Christ is sacrificed in the myste­ries. In his twenty fourth Sermon upon 1 Cor. 10. he speaks thus, [...]. When this sacrifice is brought forth, Christ sacrificed, the Lordly sheep; When thou hearest these words, Let us pray all in common; When thou seest the double curtaines drawn, think that heaven is opening from above, and Angels are descending. But there is no better interpreter of Chrysostom then Chrysostom. So be speaks in the seven­teenth Homily upon the Epistle to the Hebrews. [...], &c. What then? Do we not not offer every day? We offer indeed, but making a memorial of his death. And that sacrifice is one, not many. How is that sacrifice one and not many? because that sacrifice was offered once. He was carried into the holiest of holies (that is, into heaven) This is a figure of that sacrifice. And in the same place, [...]. This is done in memory of that which was done then; For he saith, Do this in remembrance of me. We do not another sacrifice, as the High Priest [of the Law] but we do alwayes the same; Yea rather we celebrate the remembrance of the same sacrifice. These words Yea rather are very express, and grieve our adversaries very much.

Austin calls also very often the Lords supper a sacrifice. But he expounds himself in the twentieth book against Faustus the Manichean, ch. 21. in these words,Hujus sacrificii caro & sanguis ante adventum Christi per victimarum similitudinem promit­tebatur; In passione Christi per ipsam veritatem reddebatur; Post ascensum Christi per Sacramentum memoriae celebratur. Of this sacrifice the flesh and blood before Christs coming was pro­mised [Page 689] by the resemblance of sacrifices. In Christs passion it was exhibited in truth. After Christs Ascension it is celebrated by the Sacrament of commemora­tion. Could he say more plainly that the body of Christ is not exhibited, not sacri­ficed in truth in the Sacrament, then by saying that in his death it was exhibi­ted in truth, but in the Sacrament it is exhibited by commemoration? This so ex­press testimony is depraved and abused by Cardinal du Perron with an incredi­ble licentiousness; for he soweth up a taile to it by way of interpretation. Austin saith. The flesh and blood of this sacrifice is promist before the coming of Christ by the victims, that is,Pag. 916. (if we must believe the Cardinal) this flesh and blood is promist in a distinst and separate being. But Austin speaks not there at all of that separation, but of the figure and resemblance op­posed to the truth. Of this Sacrifice (saith he) the flesh and blood was promised before Christs coming by the resemblance of sacrifices, but in the passion it is exhibited in truth. But to what end is this shift, since Austin teacheth us in this place, that in the Sacrament the body of the Lord is not exhibited in truth but by commemoration? To that the Cardinal gives no answer.

The same Austin in ch. 17. of the seventeenth book against Faustus Mani­chean, Mandu­care pan [...]m in Novo Testamento est sacrificium Christiano­rum. To eat bread, in the New Testament is the sacrifice of Christians. So much indeed is not sacrificing Christ really. And in another place,Lib. 83. q. 61. Se ipsum ob­tulit in holo­caustum pro peccatis nos­tris, & ejus sacrificii similitudinem celebrandam in suae passio­nis memoriam commendavit. Christ offered up himself in sacrifice for our sins, and hath instituted that the resem­blance of that sacrifice be celebrated in memory of his passion.

The book of Faith to Petrus Diaconus, which is rather of Fulgentius then Austin, speaks thus in ch. 19.Sacrifici­um panis & vini in fide & charitate Sancta Eccle­sia Catholica per univer­sum orbem terrae offerre non cessat. In illis enim carnalibus victimis fi­guratio fu [...]t carnis Chri­sti quam pro peccatis nostris ipse sine peccato fuerat oblatu­rus & san­guinis quem effusurus erat in remissionem peccatorum. In isto autem Sacrificio gratiarum actio atque commemoratio est carnis Christi quam pro nobis obtulit, &c. The universal Church over all the world ceas­eth not to offer a Sacrifice of bread and wine, in faith and charity. For in these carnal victims [of the old Testament] there was a representation of the flesh of Christ, which himself being free from sin was to offer for our sins, and of the blood which he was to shed for the remission of sins. But in this sacrifice [of the Eucharist] there is a thanksgiving and a commemoration of the flesh of Christ which be offered for us, and of the blood which the same God hath shed for us. It is observable that he saith that in the Eucharist there is a sacrifice of bread and wine, and that, in commemoration of the flesh of Christ. Then he did not be­lieve that the flesh of Christ was really sacrificed in it.

In the tenth book against Faustus ch. 18.Christiani peracti ejusdem sacrificii memoriam celebrant, &c. Christians celebrate the memory of this same Sacrifice already done, by the holy oblation and participation of the body and blood of Christ.

The words of the Canon Hoc est, are most express in the second Distinction of the Consecration, which Canon is ascribed to Prosper by Alger and Gratian, Vocatur ipsa immolatio carnis quae sacerdotis manibus fit, Christi passio, mors, crucifixio, non rei veritare sed significante myste­rio. The immolation of the flesh which is done by the hands of the Priest is called the passion, death and crucifying, not in truth but by a significant mystery. In the same man­ner as the Sacrament of faith by which we understand Baptism, is faith. Can we find it strang that the Lords Supper is called by the Antients the Sacrifice of Christ, seeing that they call it also the death and Passion of Christ? The Grammarian Sui­das, upon the word Ecclesia speaks thus, [...]. The Church offereth up the signes of the body of Christ, sanctifying the whole lump by the first fruits. And the Mass calls that which the Priest offereth, gifts and presents which God blesseth and sanctifieth and createth every day. Which are not terms convenient to the body of Christ. Hence these expressions which are found in some Councils and Peniten­tial Canons alleadged by Burchard in the fifth book,Ex paenitentiali Theodori & Romano. If any vomit the sa­crifice, and it be eaten by the dogs, let him do a years penance, Concil. Aurelian. c. 5. Again, Let [Page 690] every sacrifice grown mouldy with age be burnt. Again, If one hath not well kept the sacrifice, and a mouse or some other creature hath eaten it, let him do for­ty dayes penance. Which words should be impious, if by the word sacrifice the body of Christ were understood.

See Lombard the Father of the School of the Roman Church in the fourth of the Sentences Dist. 12. lit. G. where he sheweth by testimonies of Ambrose and Austin, that the Eucharist is called the sacrifice of Christ, because it is the com­memoration of the sacrifice of the Cross, and brings no other reason for it. The place of Ambrose which he alleadgeth is this,In Chri­sto semel oblato est hostia ad sa­lutem sempi­ternam potens. Quid ergo nos? nonne singulos dies offerimus? sed ad recor­dationem mor­tis ejus, &c. Quod nos fa­cimus, in com­memorationem fit ejus, quod factum est. 2. De Conse­crat. Can. in Christo ex Ambros. in Ep. ad He­braeos. We offer every day; and that is done in memory of his death. He is the same victim, not many. How is it one, and not many? Because Christ was sacrificed once only; But this sacrifice is done af­ter the example of that, &c. That which we do, is done in commemoration of that which was done.

Thom. 3. Parte Summae q. 83. Art. 1. Dicendum, quod duplici ratione celebratio hujus Sacramenti dicitur immolatio Chri­sti. Primo quia sicut dicit Augustinus ad Simplicium q. 3. Solent imagines earum rerum nominibus appellari, quarum imagines sunt, sicut cum intuentes tabulam aut parietem pictum dicimus, ille Cicero est, ille Salustius. Cele­bratio autem hujus sacramenti imago quaedam est reprasentativa passionis Christi, quae vere est ejus immolatio, &c. Alio modo quantum ad effectum passionis Christi, quia scilicet per hoc sacramentum participes efficimur fructus Domi­nica passionis. Thomas speaks the same language. The celebration of the Sacrament is called the sacrifice or immolation of Christ for two reasons; First because, as Austin saith to Simplicius, Images are called by the name of the things of which they are images, &c. Secondly, because by the Sacraments, we are made partakers of the death of Christ. He brings no other reason for it. Himself in the exposition of St. John. ch. 6. Lesson 6.Nihil est hoc sacramentum quam applicatio Dominicae passionis ad nos. This Sacrament is nothing else but the application which is made unto us of the Lords passion.

What more? Cardinal du Perron himself in an Assembly which was held in the Convent of the Dominicans of Paris made no difficulty to say, that the Eucharist was a sacrifice of religion instituted to apply and commemorate the sacrifice of the death of Christ, as himself acknowledgeth in ch. 6.Pag. 926. At which many were offend­ed, expecting that he would have said rather, that the Eucharist was a sacrifice of redemption where Christ was really sacrifice for our redemption; and they said that he kept that tenet still from his father who was Minister of Gods word.

CHAP. 5. Examination of the Cardinals shifts.

THe Cardinal in ch. 2. acknowledgeth, that the Fathers call the holy Eucha­rist a sacrifice of commemoration. But (saith he) it was not as for the essence but as for the end; Meaning that the Fathers understood not that comme­moration was of the essence of that sacrifice, but that they spake so to express the end thereof. This Prelat knew not that the end many times is of the essence of things. Thus seeing is the end of the eye, and yet it is of the essence of it, for it enters into the definition of the eye. And cutting is the end of a knife, and yet that fitness to cut is of the essence of the knife, for it is that which makes it to be a knife. This especially is found in the Sacraments. For the end of Baptism is the washing of our sins, and yet that end is of the essence of Ba­ptism.

Yet let us receive that distinction, as absurd as it is. For if the end of an acti­on is not of the essence of the action, at least that end must be agreeable with the essence and nature of the action. Now they give us here an end which is imcompatible with the essence and nature of Christs sacrifice. For to sacrifice [Page 691] Christ, and to make a commemoration of his sacrifice, are things ill agreeing to­gether. Must we sacrifice Christ that we may celebrate the memory of the sacri­fice of his death? By the same reason to remember Christs death, we must put him to death again.

The same I say of the application. For to apply Christs sacrifice to our selves we need not sacrifice him, as to apply a payment to us, we need not to pay the second time, and to apply a plaister to us, we need not have another plaister, much less do we need another plaister of a contrary or different nature. For that the sacrifice of the Mass and the sacrifice of the death of Christ are diffe­rent, yea disagreeing sacrifices, it appears, because the Mass is not the death of Christ, and Christ suffereth nothing in it, and payeth nothing in it for us. The death of Christ happened but once, for it is sufficient to redeem us. But the Mass is celebrated every day, and Masses without number are sung. Many of them go to the redeeming of a soul from Purgatory. Then in the cross God visibly offered up himself; But in the Mass they say, that he offereth himself invisibly by the hands of the Priest under the species of bread. M. du Perron acknowledgeth that difference in ch. 6. of which the title is this, Of the difference of the Sacri­fice of Redemption made in the Cross, and of the Sacrifice of Religion made in the Eucharist. The one then is a sacrifice of redemption, the other is not. But because herein he contradicteth the Mass, and the Council of Trent, which affirm that the Mass is a sacrifice of redemption, he goeth about to heal that wound by making two sorts of redemption, the one original, the other applicative, and fancying a sacrifice of original redemption which is the death of Christ, and a sacrifice of applicative redemption which is the Mass, which he saith to be a perpe­tual salve of redemption, not original, but applicative, there was need of new words for a new Divinity. I pass by the main fault, that he saith this without the word of God, which acknowledgeth but one redemption; for among these Pre­lates, Scripture hath lost her authority. But I think not that this doctrine can be tolerated in the Roman Church, which holds that the Mass of it self, and of its nature, not by application only, is a sacrifice of redemption. By the same reason then both the Gospel and Baptism should be an applicative redemption, since by them Christs redemption is applyed unto us. Besides who so will atten­tively consider this expression of applicative redemption, shall find that it is a Chimera, and a piece of gibbrish without common sense. For redemption signi­fieth buying again, or a ransome and payment to redeem a person. How ridicu­lous then should that man be that would say, that to redeem a man, there is need of two payments, the one original, the other applicative, as if the application of payment were another payment? When the Prelat spake thus, I suppose he was not in earnest, or that the strength of truth had set him on the rack, and ex­torted from him these dark and ridiculous words to hide himself in obscurity. For these words necessarily imply that the Eucharist is not at all a sacrifice of re­demption, since by it redemption is applyed to us. Neither indeed is there any other redemption, but that which he calls original, even the death of Christ, un­less we will forge another Gospel. And when we have turned these words every way, no other sense can be drawn out of them, but that which he impugneth, the doctrine our Churches, that the Lords supper is a sacrifice of thanksgiving, in which a commemoration is made of our redemption by the sacrifice of Christs death, and whereby the benefit of the same is applyed unto us. Which he makes evident by saying,Pag. 929. that Christ in the Eucharist is not in a condition of passion and merit. This is clearly to say, that the Eucharist is not a sacrifice of redemption. It was not then without cause, that many that heard him speak so in the Assembly in the Convent of the Dominicans, murmured, saying that this doctrine had still a relish of the old leaven, and of the stock whence he was descended.

I pass by divers faults into which the Cardinal falls by the way, as his saying in pag. 929. that the sacrifices of the Law did not confer any grace ex opere operato, from the work wrought, but only ex opere operantis, from the work of the worker; [Page 692] that is, (as he addeth) that of themselves they were of no value, and of no price or vertue, but that their whole vertue depended upon the disposition of the per­sons that were partakers of them. Certainly, since God had instituted these sacrifices, we make no doubt but that God gave them a salutary vertue, which proceeded not from the vertue of those that were partakers of the sacrifices, but from Gods blessing. If that doctrine of the Cardinal be true, we must say that the Sacraments of the Old Testament, instituted by God, were of no value by their nature, but that they became good and salutary by the vertue of men, not by Gods Institution.

But I cannot pass by a notorious falsification, which he committeth in the fifth chapter of the Treatise of the Sacrifice, pag. 925. where he alleadgeth the 29. Canon of the third Council of Carthage, in these words, If any recommendation of the dead must be made in the afternoon, whether they be Bishops or Clarks, or others, let it be done by prayers only; if it be found that they that make it, be no more fasting, reserving to the morning only the recommendations made by oblation. This last clause, reserving to the morning only the recommendations made by oblation, is of the Cardi­nals addition, and is not found in that 29. Canon.

CHAP. 6. Other reasons for which the Fathers called the Lords Supper a Sacrifice.

BEsides the foresaid reason, Why the Lords Supper is called a Sacrifice, name­ly, Because it is a sign and a commemoration of Christs sacrifice; and besides the reasons for which the prayers, the alms, the repentance, the sufferings for Christ, and generally every good work is called in Scripture a Sacrifice, and for which prayer is calledOrig. contra Cel­sum, lib. 8. [...]. an unbloody sacrifice by the Fathers: there are par­ticular reasons why the Eucharist was so called by the Antient. First because in the holy Communion we offer unto God the sacrifice of Christ, beseeching him to ac­cept the merit of his death for our sins.

Also the holy Communion is a sacrifice of thanksgiving, which the Fathers have shewed enough, by calling it the Eucharist, and by consequent an Euchari­stical sacrifice, that is, a sacrifice of thanksgiving. The same is confirmed by the Canon of the Mass, which calls the sacrifice, that the Priest offereth, sacrificium laudis, a sacrifice of praises.

Then the offeringsCypr. Ep. 9. lib. 1. & Serm. de Eleemosyna. Theodoret. Hist. lib. 3. cap. 12. & lib. 4. c. 19. which Gods people brought in the very action of the Communion upon the holy Table, to be employed for the Lords Supper, and for the Agapes, and to feed the poor and the Clarks, being called sacrifices by the Antients, that name past to the whole action of the Communion. That expressi­on remaineth in the Mass, in which the bread and wine not consecrated, are called a sacrifice, and an immaculate victim. For these are the words of the offertory,Suscipe hanc imma­culatam ho­stiam, quam ego indignus famulus tuus offero tibi Deo meo vivo pro innumerabi­libus pecca­tis, &c. Receive this immaculate victim, which I thine unworthy servant offer unto thee my living God for my numberless sins, &c. This is said before the Consecration. Thus bread not consecrated, is offered for sins in the Mass. Which Bellarmine acknowledgeth in the first Book of the Mass, chap. 27. saying, It must not be de­nyed, that the bread and the wine are in some manner offered in the Mass. This ap­peareth first by the Liturgy. For when we say before the Consecration, Receive Holy Father this immaculate victim: Certainly the Pronown this, sensibly sheweth that which we hold at that time in our hands. And he sheweth that Ireneus and other Fathers spake so, and called the bread not consecrated a sacrifice.

Also the desire of drawing theAristoph. Acharna­nensib lo­quens de impiis. [...]. Pagans (who esteemed that no Religion could be without a sacrifice; and upbraided the Christians that they had neither Altars nor sacrifices) made many of the Antients the more willing to call the holy Communion a sacrifice. This reproach, put upon the Christians by the Pa­gans, [Page 693] is seen in the eighth Book ofOrigen. in Cels. li. 8. [...]. Origen against Celsus, and in the Dialogue ofMinut. Felix in Octavio. Cur nullas aras habent Christiani, templa nulla, nota nulla simulachra? Minutius Felix, and inArnob. lib. 6. Con­suestis nobis impietatis maximum crimen affin­gere quod non altaria fabricamus, non aras. Et lib. 7. Quid ergo sacrificia censetis nulla omnino facienda? Resp. Nulla. Arnobius, as we shewed in another place.

Had the Fathers believed, that they really sacrificed Christ, they would have adored the Sacrament, which they never did: No more then the Apostles, who remained sitting or leaning at the Table. They did indeed venerate the signs and symbols, as Theodoret saith in the second Dialogue. [...]. And they worshipped Christ in the Eucharist, but they worshipped not the Eucharist. Wherefore they said, Sursum corda; Lift up your hearts on high; that the people might lift up their hearts to Christ residing in heaven, and not stay upon the Sacrament present to them, as if Christ had been inclosed within it. They would have made an elevation of the host, whereas only they drewChrysost. in 1 Cor. 10. [...]. Et Hom. 3. in Epist. ad Ephes. curtains that were spread before the Table, when they would shew to the people the Sacrament set upon the Table. They would not have given to women the Sacrament in their hand, and would not have suffered them to carry it to their homes. They would not have burnt or given to children returning from the School the remnant of the bread of the Eucharist; which were the antient customs, as we proved in another place, and will say more of it in the following controversie.

But still the safest course, is to stick close to the Word of God, and to follow the stile of the Apostle, who calls this Sacrament the Lords Supper. For from an impropriety in the language, the Church will pass insensibly to an errour in the Faith.

Eleventh Controversie, OF THE SEVENTH BOOK. Of the Real Presence of CHRISTS Body IN THE SACRAMENT, AND Of Transubstantiation.

CHAP. 1. Of the first Institution of the holy Sacrament of the Lords Supper.

IN the Question of the real presence of the Sacrament, M. du Perron leaving the holy Scripture, which can alone decide this difference, betakes himself altogether to the Fathers, who call that which we receive in the holy Communion the body of Christ. But since the Word of God is the only rule of our Faith, he should at least have done that honour to the Word of God, to let it speak first.

We shall begin then with the Institution of this holy Sacrament, such as Christ made it among his Apostles; To which if all would keep themselves, speaking as Christ spake, and doing as he did, this controversie would be soon ended; And a quarrel about which so much blood was spilt, would be changed into concord and a kind reconciliation.

In that institution we find, that Christ sitting at Supper with his face towards his Disciples, speaking to them in a known tongue, took bread, and having blessed [Page 695] it, brake it, and gave it to his Disciples, saying that it was his body broken for them, commanding them to do this in remembrance of him. In all that we see, that Christ offered nothing unto God, that he spake not of sacrifice, that he made no elevation, that there was no adoration of the Host, that all did communicate in the two kinds, Christ saying, Take eate, drink ye all of this; that there was no bone of any Saint or relick hidden under the Table.

With that institution compare the Mass, in which the Priest standing before an Altar, with his back turned to the people, speaking in an unknown tongue, takes a round wafer, and speaks to it with a low voice, and by a whisper pretendeth to transubstantiate it into flesh, and to offer the body of Christ as a propitiatory sacrifice for the redemption of souls, and makes an elevation of that Host, and sets it forth to be worshipped, and depriveth the people of the cup, and very often eats alone, and asketh salvation of God by the merits of the Saints, whose bones are hidden under the Altar, and sings Masses for the honour of the Saints, as the Mass of Saint Rock, or Saint Marcel, and makes a sacrifice of propitiation, not only for living men, but for the dead, and to make the corn thrive, and to heal beasts. In a word, the change from the institution is prodigious; Nothing of the Lords Supper can be known in it, and the whole action seems to be made purposely to correct Christ, and overthrow his institution.

Then, that we may keep the right order, before we go further, we will set down the whole institution of that holy Sacrament made by Christ, for from it the fundamental maxims must be drawn, which give light to this matter. It is labour in vain, to set out with great noise what men have said, if we be ignorant of that Christ hath commanded.

Our Adversaries continually alleadge these words of the institution of this Sa­crament, This is my body. Which words thus clipt and taken alone, might trouble weak consciences. But the whole text giveth a great light to the matter.

The Gospel relates,Luke 22.19. [...]. that Christ took bread, and gave thanks and brake it, and gave unto his Disciples, saying, This is my body which is given for you, this do in remembrance of me. Likewise also the cup after supper, saying, This cup is the New Testament in my blood, which is shed for you, Matth. 26.27. Saint Matthew adds, that Christ giving the cup, said, Drink ye all of it; and that having given the cup to his Disciples, he told them, I will not drink henceforth of this fruit of the Vine, until that day when I drink it new with you in my Fathers Kingdom. Saint Paul re­lates the same institution, in the eleventh chapter of the first Epistle to the Corin­thians. His words are in ver. 24. This is my body which is broken for you; and in vers. 25, 26. This cup is the New Testament in my blood, this do ye as oft as you drink it in remembrance of me. Then he addeth, For as often as ye eat this bread, and drink this cup, ye do shew the Lords death till he come.

To this institution we must alwayes return: And all that men have invented without or against this institution, cannot have the force of Law. Wherefore it is necessary before all things, to examine the Doctrine of the Roman Church by that rule. But before we go further, we must observe that the Roman Bible hath falsified the words of this institution: And that whereas Saint Paul saith, This is my body [...]. which is broken for you; there is in the Vulgar version, This is my body which shall be delivered for you; putting tradetur for frangitur. And whereas Saint Luke saith, [...]. which is shed for you; the same version saith, which shall be shed for you; fundetur for funditur. Which depravations hinder the understand­ing to discern, that Christ speaks of a Sacramental effusion and fraction, and of a body which is broken in the Eucharist; thereby stopping a window, whence we fetch much light, as we shall see hereafter.

CHAP. 2. That the Doctrine of the Real presence, and of Transubstantiation, is repug­nant to Christs Institution. The Cardinals reasons are examined.

THe institution of this Sacrament affords us two sorts of proofs, both clear and strong: Some of them drawn from Christs words, some from the cir­cumstances of the action.

In the words of the Institution we find, 1. That Christ took and broke bread. 2. That he gave bread to his Disciples. 3. That this bread which he gave to his Disciples, was his body. 4. That this bread is broken in the Eucharist. 5. That his blood was shed in the same. 6. That Christ gave and broke bread, to be a remembrance or commemoration of himself. 7. That the thing which is in the cup, is the Testament or Covenant of Christ. 8. That the said Covenant is in the blood of Christ. 9. That in the cup of the Sacrament, there was the fruit of the Vine. 10. That Saint Paul addeth, that it is bread which we eate in the Lords Supper, and that bread distinct from the cup. As many words, so many thunder­bolts to overthrow Transubstantiation.

First proof.First then, the Evangelists witness that Christ brake bread; But the Roman Church saith, That the Priest breaks no bread. For he breaks the Host, after the words which they call consecrating words, after which they hold that the Host is no more bread. And to perswade the people that it is the body of Christ which the Priest breaks, and not bread; the Roman Church hath put the fraction of the Host after the pronouncing of the words, Hoc est corpus meum, &c. Where­as Christ broke the bread before he said, This is my body. It was then bread when Christ broke; According to that which Saint Luke saith, Acts 20.7. The Dis­ciples came together to break bread. And Saint Paul, 1 Cor. 10.16. The bread which we break, is it not the Communion of the body of Christ? Wherefore when we ask our Adversaries what it is that the Priest breaks, when he breaks the con­secrated Host? they find themselves shrewdly puzzled, and driven into brakes whence they cannot get out; neither do they understand themselves. For what is it that the Priest breaks? Is it bread? But they say that it is no more bread, when the Priest breaks the Host. Or doth he break the body of Christ? But themselves say that it cannot be broken, and that it remains whole in every piece of the Host. Are then the accidents broken? But it is going against common sense, to go about to break colours and savours, and a length of bread without bread. And it is giving the lye to Scripture, which saith expresly, that it is bread which we break and eate in the Lords Supper. Besides the Roman Church pre­tends to offer and sacrifice unto God, that which is broken in the Mass, now one cannot sacrifice unto God, savours, and colours, and lines. And these words, breaking the Host, cannot signifie the breaking of those accidents: For those ac­cidents are not the Host or Victim for our sins. Wherefore finding no way to get out, they never answer to the purpose, and being asked what it is that is broken in the Mass? they answer that the body of Christ is broken under the species or accidents. But we did not ask under what the body of Christ is broken in the Mass, but only whether it be broken? And truly these words, the body of Christ is broken under the accidents, signifie nothing else, but that the body of Christ is not broken in effect, but that the accidents are broken.

Second proof.The second proof drawn from the words of the Institution, is in these words, that Christ took bread and gave it. So it was bread which he gave. Now he gave it not but after the consecration, then it was bread after the consecration. This seems to me a strong and a clear proof, which to elude, our Adversaries either never alleadge these words, or being constrained to alleadge them, they alleadge together the following words, This is my body, which only they will stand upon. But the words of this Institution are true, whether they be read with one breath, [Page 697] or that every clause be read apart. It is true then that Christ gave bread; it is true also that this bread is his body; and we must not make use of that coherence to overthrow the truth of either of these clauses. That which is most to be noted, is, that these words which say that Christ gave bread, are not the words of Christ, as the following words, but they are the words of the Apostles, who long after that Institution, declare to us that Christ, when he said, This is my body, gave bread.

Then the Gospel declareth, that Christ giving bread to his Disciples told them,Third proof. This is my body. Which words say plainly, that the bread which he gave was his body, not that this bread was changed into his body by these words. These words, This is my body, are declarative of that which is, not effective of that which is not; and they presuppose that the bread was the body of Christ, before Christ said, This is my body. As also all the Antients with one consent hold, that the consecration was done, not by these words, This is my body, but by the prayer. And reason it self requireth, that the bread be rather consecrated by asking Gods blessing upon it, then by speaking to the bread. Besides, the word this, can sig­nifie nothing but what Christ held in his hand. Now our Adversaries say, that when Christ pronounced the word this, he had yet the bread in his hand. Then the sense of these words, This is my body, is, This bread is my body. Bellarmine here joyns with us, saying,Bellar. lib. 3. de Eucharist. cap. 19. sect. Primum. Panem acce­pit, panem benedixit, panem dedit, & de pane dixit, Hoc est corpus meum The Lord took bread, he blessed bread, he gave bread, he said of bread, This is my body. Since then Christ said, that this bread was his body, and that bread cannot be the body of Christ indeed, but only in figure and signification, it followeth that the sense of these words, This bread is my body, is, This bread is my body in figure or Sacrament. As the same Bellarmine acknowledgeth,Idem lib. 1. cap. 1. sect. Nonus. Haec senten­tia, Hic panis est corpus meum, accipi debet tropice, ut panis sit corpus Christi significative, aut est plane absurda & impossibilit. These words, (saith he) This bread is my body, must be taken figuratively, so that the bread be the body of Christ in signification, else the pro­position is altogether absurd and impossible.

I add that when Christ said, This is my body, by the word this, he understood that which he gave. Now the Gospel testifieth that he gave bread. Truly if we will believe the Gospel, we must believe these two things: The one that Christ gave bread, the other that this bread was his body. And next we must consider, how and in what sense the bread can be called the body of Christ. Which himself teacheth us soon after, saying that it is his commemoration.

Fourthly Saint Paul teacheth us, that Christ giving the bread to his Disciples,Fourth proof. said, This is my body which is broken for you: Since he speaks in the present Tense, he speaks of a fraction which he did while he gave the bread. And where­as that fraction could not be real (for Christs body cannot be really broken by the Priest) he must of necessity speak of a Sacramental and figurative fraction, representing the fraction of Christs body on the Cross. Whence it followeth, that as Christs body is broken but Sacramentally, not really in the Lords Supper, like­wise Christs body is but Sacramentally, not really in the Sacrament. For the bo­dy of Christ is in the same manner present in the Eucharist, as it is broken in the Eucharist. Now it is not really broken in the Eucharist, but in Sacrament▪ then it is really present there but in Sacrament, and (as it is said a little after) in commemoration. The corrupt Version of the Roman Church, which translates shall be broken, instead of is broken, would robb us of this proof, and keep us from knowing the sense of Christs words. Not that this is a late depravation. Neither will I tax our Adversaries to be the Authors of this falsification. Only we give them warning that they ought to correct their Version, since that depra­vation troubleth the sense, and obscureth the truth. And if after good warn­ing, they continue to use a forged text to disguise the truth, they are guilty of forgery.

Fifthly, Christ saith that this blood is shed. He saith not that it shall be shed, Fifth proof. but that it is shed: in the present, not in the future, as the Version of our Ad­versaries falsly translates it, fundetur instead of funditur. He speaks then of a blood-shedding which was done, while Christ was speaking. I confess indeed, that Christ speaks of the shedding of his blood, which was to be done on the Cross the [Page 698] next day; But he speaks in the present, to give to understand to his Disciples, that the effusion which he was doing in the Sacrament, was a figure of that which was to be done on the Cross. The true blood of Christ was Sacramentally shed in the Eucharist.

Here our Adversaries are sore put to it, and never answer directly, or to the purpose. We ask them, Whether the blood of Christ be shed really and truly in the holy Communion? Their belief is, that it is not shed, and that it comes not out of the Lords body, nor out of his veins, and that Christs body is impassible, and that no local motion is made of the Lords blood. Yet not daring to contra­dict openly these words, which say in the present Tense, that Christs blood is shed when the cup is presented; they say that it is shed under the species, that is, Under the accidents, under the colour and the taste of Wine. But we did not ask, under what Christs blood is shed? but, Whether it be shed at all in the Eucharist? And these words to be shed under the accidents or species, if they signifie any thing, they signifie this, to be shed in shew, not in effect. Yet they continue to say, that the blood of Christ is really shed under the species, that is, that the said blood is shed really in shew, but not in effect, which is a manifest contradiction, and forging an effusion without motion, a real effusion of blood that stirreth not, and comes not out of the veins, a blood flowing without flowing, and without stirring. It is not then a natural effusion. But it is the natural effusion of the blood of Christ, which is the price of our redemption. And when the Apostle Heb. 9. saith, that without shedding of blood there is no remission, he speaks of the real and natural shedding, not of that which is done in shew, not in effect. And themselves call the Eucharist an unbloody sacrifice, acknowledging that no blood is shed in it. Then the shedding of Christs blood in the Eucharist, is a Sacramental shedding, signifying the shedding of the Lords blood on the Cross, and a com­memoration, as Christ addeth. There is nothing more convenient, then to use Sacramental expressions in the Institution of a Sacrament, and in an action which is a figure, to use figures conformable to the nature of the action.

Sixth proof.Sixthly, Christ having given bread, saying, This is my body, addeth, Do this in remembrance of me. If this bread be given in remembrance of Christ, it is not Christ in effect, but in remembrance, as signs take the name of the things signifi­ed. Memorials are never the very things of which they renew the memory. Nei­can any thing be more absurdly spoken, then that which our Adversaries say, That Christ in the Eucharist is both the sign and the signified thing; and thatBellar. lib. 2. de Eucharist. cap. 24. Idem Christus fuit figura sui ipsius. Et sect. Ter­tia. Est verè corpus Domini & signum ejusdem cor­poris. he is the figure and commemoration of himself; as if one said, that Alexander is the image of himself, and that the King and the Kings picture are the same thing. And (to make absurdity superlative) that the body of Christ which is invisible in the Mass, is the figure or image of the visible body of Christ. Some visible images of invisible things may be found. But as for images, or signs, or in­visible and imperceptible figures of visible things, there is none to be found; for signs and images that are invisible and insensible, signifie nothing, and by conse­quent are neither signs nor images.

To this add, thatAristot. lib. de me­moria & re­minisc. c. 1. [...]. memory is of things past or absent. One may com­memorate the actions past of a person in his presence, but that is not a comme­moration of the person present, but of his actions past. The tombes of Martyrs were called memories, not to remember their bones lying there, but their past sufferings, and their absent souls. Since then this Sacrament is given in remem­brance of Christs body, it cannot be Christs body.

Indeed the fraction and manducation of the Sacramental bread, and the effusion of the cup, are a commemoration of the death of Christ suffering for us, and of the shedding of his blood on the Cross. But as for the Sacrament it self, Christ saith that it is the remembrance of himself, saying, Do this in remembrance of me.

Seventh proof.Seventhly, Christ (according to Saint Pauls and Saint Lukes relation) giving the cup, called that which was in that cup the new Covenant, or the New Testa­ment, (for the [...]. Greek word signifieth both) saying, This cup is the New [Page 699] Testament. These words give a great light to the intelligence of these words, This is my body. For, 1. The bread which the Lord gave, must be the Lords body in the same manner, as that which is within the cup is the New Testament. Now that which is within the cup, is not really a Testament, but in Sacrament and com­memoration, as signs will take the names of the things signified. 2. Then reason it self requireth that Christ should use the same language for one kind, as for another. 3. And that to institute a Sacrament, he should speak in a Sacramental way, that his words might be conformable to the nature of the action. Then the sense of these words is, This cup is the sign or the commemoration of the New Testa­ment. 4. Or else we must say that wine or blood is a Covenant, that a substance is an accident, that wine is a contract. 5. That Christ whom they put in the cup is a Testament, and so that the Testator and the Testament are the same thing. 6. That the wine is transubstantiated into a Testament. 7. That the blood of Christ is composed with Clauses and Articles, for this is proper to every Testa­ment. 8. And that by this transubstantiation Gods Covenant was made, as if it had not been before.

They that (to avoid so many inconveniencies) will say that the blood which is in the cup is called a New Covenant, because it is a seal and a confirmation of the New Covenant, plead our cause. For by the same reason I will say, that the Sacrament of bread is called the body of Christ, because it is a seal and a confir­mation to us, that the body of Christ is ours.

But the eighth observation seems to me the most evident of all,Eighth proof. That the Lord Jesus did not only say, This cup is the New Testament, but added, In my blood, saying, This cup is the New Testament in my blood. Since that which is in the cup is the Covenant in the blood of Christ, it is clear that it is not the blood of Christ. Si calix est in sanguine, calix non est sanguis. Or if by this word cup, the blood of Christ must be understood, these words, This cup is the Covenant in my blood, will signifie, This blood is the Covenant in my blood. Thus the blood of Christ shall be in the blood of Christ; an absurd expression, contradicting it self: Unless they will make us here two real bloods of Christ, and two Christs, which is a prodigious impiety.

The ninth proofNinth proof. is drawn from these words of Christ, related by Saint Mat­thew, that after the Lord had given the cup, he said, I shall drink no more of this fruit of the Vine, till I drink it new in the Kingdom of heaven. By these words the Lord saith expresly, that what he drunk in the Sacrament with his Disciples was of the fruit of the Vine, that is, wine not blood, as the Council of Worms saith, in the fourth Chapter,Apud Juonem part. 2. fol. 68. Vinum fuit in redempti­onis nostrae mysterio cum dixit, Non bibam de genimine vitis, &c. It was wine in the mysterie of our redemption, when the Lord said, I will drink no more of the fruit of the Vine. Innocent the III. in the fourth Book of the mysteries of the Mass, chap. 27. saith the same.Quod autem vinum in Calice consecrave­rit, patet ex eo quod ipse subjunxit, Non bibam à modo, &c. Now that it was wine which Christ consecrated in the cup, it appears by that which he added, I will drink no more of the fruit of the Vine. It is true, that Saint Luke speaks of two cups, the one of the Passover, the other of the holy Com­munion, and saith that the Lord called also the cup of the Passover, the fruit of the Vine. But Saint Matthew and Saint Mark speak not of the cup of the Passover, but only of the cup of the Sacrament. By consequent then, they call the cup of the Sacrament, the fruit of the Vine. They testifie also, that the Lord said these words after he had given the cup of the Sacrament. Then the Lord spake of that last cup which he had given them with, or immediately before these words: Unless we will accuse these two Evangelists, that they have unfaithfully related these words of Christ, taxing them to have inverted his words, and to have said of the cup of the Sacrament, that which the Lord said only of the cup of the Passover. Why do we not rather believe Matthew and Luke alike, believing that Christ called each of these cups the fruit of the Vine? But that Matthew speaks only of the cup of the Lords Supper, because his principal end was to relate Christs words in the institution of the Sacrament?

Some not bold enough to accuse Matthew and Mark, that they inverted the Lords words, have recourse to other shifts, and say that the blood of Christ [Page 700] is called the fruit of the Vine, because it was wine before the consecration, and because it seems still to be wine, after the consecration. These men find figures where they list, and rejecting an usual and familiar figure, conformable to the nature of the action, whereby signs take the name of the things signified, they forge other figures which are hard, violent, and false. For it is false that ever the blood of Christ was wine. It is true, that the rod of Moses is still called a rod, even when it was turned into a Serpent, because it had been a rod before. But the blood of Christ cannot be called wine because it was wine, for it was never wine. The same I say of the water converted into wine, John 2.9.

With the like absurdity they tell us, that the blood of Christ is called wine, be­cause it seems to be so. For that also is false. The blood of Christ never seemed to be wine. That figure should be contrary to the nature of the Sacrament, which requireth that the signs be called by the names of the things signified; but by this exposition, they make signified things, to be named by the names of the signs. Examples may be found in Scripture, of attributing the name of the signs to the things signified, but never in the institution of Sacraments.

Tenth proof.Finally, The Apostle immediately after the words of the institution of the Sa­crament, addeth these words, As often as you eat this bread, and drink this cup, you shall announce the Lords death till he come. Wherefore whosoever shall eat this bread or drink this cup unworthily, shall be guilty of the body and blood of the Lord. But let a man examine himself, and so let him eat of that bread, and drink of that cup. This Apostle who writ the last of this matter, and more largely then others, saith three times together, that it is bread which we eate in the Lords Supper. Now the Lords Supper is not eaten, but after the consecration. It is then bread after the consecration. The same he saith in ver. 16. of the tenth chapter. The bread which we break, &c. And Act. 20.7. The Disciples came together to break bread. The text saith not, that the Disciples were come together to sing Mass, for it was not the language of the Apostles, but to break bread; Which language in our dayes would be ridiculous. He that going to Mass, would say, We are going to break bread; or, We are going to eat the Lords Supper; (as Saint Paul speaks, 1 Cor. 11.20.) should be held either an Heretick, or a distracted man.

The ordinary answer is, that the Lords body is called bread, because it looks like bread, that is, that Saint Paul speaks according to the appearance, not ac­cording to the truth. So they fill all with figures. They should have brought then some express of the Apostle, where he expounds himself, that we might not be deceived: But that they do not. Besides they affirm a false thing: For the Lords body never lookt like bread. They say also, that the Lords body is called bread, because it was bread before the consecration. That likewise is false, for the Lords body was never bread. They insist also upon the Pronoun this, and say that Saint Paul did not say the bread, but this bread, that is, this bread of life, this bread descended from heaven, which is Christs body. But Saint Paul never spake of bread of life, nor of bread descended from heaven. These terms are found in Saint John, who writ after Saint Paul. Wherefore it is impossible that Saint Paul should have had respect to those texts of Saint John. He could not send back the Corinthians to a book not yet written, to have the intelligence of that he writ to them. And that bread of life mentioned in Saint Johns Gospel, is ne­ver opposed to the cup, nor distinguished from the cup. That is proper to the bread of the Sacrament. Besides, Saint Paul saying this bread, useth a demon­strative Pronoun, which can have no reference to any thing, but to the bread mentioned in the precedent lines, saying, Jesus took bread and brake it. If Saint Paul said this bread, not the bread, in another place he saith the bread, 1 Cor. 10.16. The bread which we break. There their mystical interpretation faileth them. To interpret those words of Saint Paul, The bread which we break; and, As often as you eat this bread; by these of Christ, This is my body, is to overthrow the nature of things, it is to take for granted that Christ is the interpreter of the words of the Apostle, whereas it was the Apostles charge to expound the words of Christ. To which add, that the Apostle writ long after that Christ had spoken [Page 701] these things, and spoke of them more copiously: Yet his words are wrested in our dayes with unusual figures, contrary to the nature of the Sacrament.

Besides, it is an errour to interpret Saint Pauls words, speaking of the Sacra­ment, by the words of Christ, in the sixth Chapter of Saint John, where Christ speaks not of this Sacrament. For at that time the Sacrament of the Eucharist was not yet instituted. And when Christ said, I am the bread of life, he was already the bread of life, and so is still, as well out of the Sacrament, as with it.

Saint Pauls words, 1 Cor. 10.16. The bread which we break, is it not the Com­munion of the body of Christ? put our Adversaries upon the rack. Every word of that Text is contradicted by the Roman Church. The Apostle saith, that it is bread that we break. The Roman Church saith, that it is flesh which cannot be broken, and that the whole body is under every crum. The Apostle saith, that the bread which we eate, is the Communion with the body of Christ. But the Roman Church saith, that it is not the Communion with the body of Christ, but the very body of Christ. Observe also, that the Apostle in the same place, to shew how this bread is the Communion with the body of Christ, opposeth the Communion of the Table of the Lord, to the Communion of the Table of Devils. And with that Table Communion might be had, although the meats con­secrated unto Devils, were not transubstantiated into Devils.

By all these proofs, it appears in what sense bread is called the body of Christ, even because it is the Sacrament of the remembrance of the same. For it is the nature of Sacraments to name signs, with the name of things signified, not to call things signified with the name of signs. Thus circumcision is called Gods Cove­nant, Gen. 17.10. And the Paschal Lamb is called the Passover, that is, the pas­sage, Exod. 12.11. and in many other places, because it was the commemoration of the passage of the Angel through Aegypt. And the Ark is called the Lord, 2 Sam. 6.2. And the stone which yielded water in the Wilderness, is called Christ, 1 Cor. 10.4. And the cup of the Sacrament, in this very text is called the New Covenant. Thus then the bread is called the body of Christ, because it is the commemoration of the same, as Christ declareth, Do this in remembrance of me. Neither could any thing be more convenient, then in an action which is a figure, to use a figure suitable to the nature of the action,

There is more, for all that are skilled in the Hebrew tongue, know that it hath no proper word to say, This signifieth my body, and that instead of signifies, it saith is alwayes. Thus the three branches are three dayes, Gen. 40.12. And the se­ven kine are seven years, and the seven ears are seven years of famine, Gen. 40. These bones are the whole house of Israel; Ezek. 37.11. The tree that thou sawest, it is thou O King, Dan. 4.20, 22. And the ten horns are ten Kings, Dan. 7.24. The seven heads are seven hills. And the woman which thou sawest is the great City, Rev. 17.9. & 18. See Gal. 4.24.

This figure is so natural and usual, that he that would speak otherwise and use proper words, should make himself ridiculous, as if instead of a sphere one should say, the representation of the Celestial spheres.

Our Adversaries themselves make this evident, for while they will avoid this figure, so natural and so convenient to the nature of the Sacraments, they are forced to bring in a multitude of other unusual and violent figures. For by the word this, they understand that which is under these species, and make it an in­dividuum vagum, and no certain thing. And by this bread, they will understand this flesh, or this body. And when Saint Paul saith, The bread which we break, by the bread they understand the flesh, and by breaking, they understand not breaking. For (say they) Christs body remains whole in every piece. Thus when the Lord saith, This cup is the New Testament in my blood; they forgeBellar. lib. 1. de Euchar. cap. 11. sect. ad quartum. Sanguis ac­cipitur duo­bus modis in his duobus locis. two bloods of Christ, the one in the cup, the other shed on the Cross, the one being in the other, making Christ to say, This blood is the New Testament in my blood, as if the blood of Christ were in the blood of Christ.

Thus when Christ said, I leave the world, John 16.18. and, I am no more in the world, John 17.11. And me you have not alwayes, John 12.8. And when Peter [Page 702] said of Christ, that the heaven must receive or contain him, until the times of the resti­tution of all things. Acts 3.21. to make these texts to agree with the doctrine of the Roman Church, which saith that the body of Christ is alwayes present in earth in a million of places, in Altars, in boxes, in stomacks, &c. so that he is far more present in earth, then he was before his Ascention, and is not contained in heaven; they say that Christ in those texts spake of his visible presence, and that when he said, I leave the world, and am no more in the world, we must supply visibly: This tayl they sow up, and add this gloss of their own, without the Word of God: And speak against common sense; For they speak as if one swore that he hath no money, reserving this secret meaning, none that you can see.

Certainly, to have Christ invisibly, is to have Christ. That man should be a lyar, that would say, that he hath no money because his money is hidden, or that he hath no soul, because his soul is invisible, or that he goeth out of the Town and leaveth it, whereas he remains hidden in the Town. They make then Christ to leave the world, and yet to stay in the world; to go out of it, and yet not to stir out of it: And that the heaven contains the Lords body, as Saint Peter saith, and yet that body is out of heaven, and is not contained in it.

No Painter with his anticks can come near their extravagancies and prodigious licence in wresting Scripture, and forging figures, for which neither Grammar nor Rhetorick ever found any name.

Circum­stances.The circumstances of the action, time and persons give here a great light. 1. When Christ instituted the Lords Supper, his body was not yet glorified, but was infirm, passible and mortal. By consequent, to give unto Christ a body with­out place, and yet in an hundred thousand places, having a length without ex­tent, in vain do they alleadge that the body of Christ is glorious. For it was not glorious as yet, when he gave the bread, saying, This is my body. By consequent, they give us two bodies of Christ at the same time, clad with contrary qualities, the one glorious and impassible, the other infirm and passible. The one having a place, the other having none. The one sitting at the Table, speaking and stirring his hands, the other in the mouthes and stomacks of his Disciples, not speaking, and not able to change place, because he was not in any place. The one having a certain extent of length, and the parts of his body different in seat, the other having no extent, and having all his parts under the same point of the Host. If they were two bodies of Christ, which of the two was our Saviour? If it was but the same body, how can the same body be contrary to himself? The same man can in the same time be poor and rich, great and small, but in divers respects, that is, when he is compared with divers persons. He may be great, compared to a Dwarf, and small compared to a Giant. But here they attribute contrary things unto Christ at the same time, without comparing him to any other but himself.

It is most important to observe, that Christs body is presented to us in the Lords Supper, for the food of our souls; Not as he is now glorious and impassible, but as dying for us, and suffering for our redemption. As often as you eat this bread, (saith the Apostle) you shall announce the Lords death. Wherefore also the bread is broken, to signifie his body suffering on the Cross. Then is Christ, whether in the Sacrament, or out of the Sacrament, the food of our souls, when we appre­hend him dying for us, and delivering himself to death, for the life and salvation of the world, John 6.51.

In vain then do they go about to cover all the absurdities arising out of the doctrine of Transubstantiation, by saying that the body of Christ is glorious, seeing that we apprehend him in the Sacrament as infirm, and dying, and in the lowest point of his ignominy.

2. It is considerable also that as Christ made no elevation of the Sacrament, so the Apostles made no adoration of that which Christ held in his hands, but re­mained sitting at the table. Neither is it to any purpose to reply that they did not adore Christ, because they had him continually with them; for they had ne­ver [Page 703] eaten him, and never been present at such a sacrifice. Now every sacrifice of necessity implyeth adoration.

3. It is also a notable circumstance that Christ in the holy Communion ate and drank with his Disciples. According to the doctrine of the Roman Church, he ate his own body. He had his head in his mouth; His whole body entred into his stomack; This implyeth a thousand contradictions, which we have repre­sented in another place. And that work of eating himself being more miracu­lous then his conception, resurrection, and Ascension, yet our Adversaries can produce no benefit of the same, and cannot tell us how it conduceth to our re­demption, that Christ ate himself, yea and drank his bones and flesh, since they teach that the body was whole in every drop of the Chalice.

4. We must not omit that our adversaries hold with Austin and Hierome that Judas took the Sacrament, and ate with the other Apostles. Now the Gospel witnesseth that the Devil entred into him when he sate at the table. If our Ad­versaries must be believed, the body of Christ, and the Devil entred together into Judas. These two guests should have been ill together. And we must believe besides that the ill guest, the Devil prevailed.

5. To avoid so many absurdities there is no other way, but to say with the Evangelists that Christ gave bread, and that the Disciples are bread, and drunk the fruit of the vine; and that this bread is called the body of Christ, because it is the commemoration and the sign of the same, according as the Sacraments and signs are commonly named with the name of that they signifie and represent. As Austin saith in the 23. Epistle to Bonifacius, The Sacraments, by reason of the likeness, are commonly named with the name of that they signifie or represent. And against Adimantus, ch. 12.Non du­bitavit dicere, Hoc est corpus meum, cum daret signum corporis sui. The Lord made no difficulty to say, This is my body, when he gave the sign of his body. And Theodoret in the first Dialogue [...]. The Lord gave unto the sign the name of his body. [...]. Again, Christ hath honoured the visible signs with the appellation of his body and blood, having not changed their nature, but added grace unto nature. And Tertullian in the fourth book against Marcion, ch. 40.Hoc est corpus meum, id est, figura corporis mei. This is my body, that is, the figure of my body. And Maximus who commented on Dionysius, speaking of that which is re­ceived in the Sacrament, [...]. These things (saith he) are signes and not the truth. Of which testimonies we shall speak more exactly hereafter.

Out of all that we have said it appeareth, how ill grounded the reason of Car­dinal du Perron is, who alleadging these words, This is my body, clipt and cur­tailed, weighing neither what goeth before nor what comes after, saith that this very thing that the Lord said, This is my body, and did not expound how it was his body, sheweth that these words need no explication, and therefore must be taken according to the outward literal sense, not according to a hidden indirect and Allego­rical sense. For we have shewed how clearly these words, are expounded in the Gospel, in that it is said that Christ gave bread, and that in remembrance of him, and that the Lord hath drunk the fruit of the vine with his Disciples, and that it is bread which we eat in remembrance of his death, and in that the Lord calls the cup his Covenant, although it be but the Sacrament or the sign of his Cove­nant. And how express and excellent is St. Pauls exposition whereby he ex­pounde [...]h these words, This is my body, saying, The bread which we break is it not the communion of the body of Christ?

Yet suppose that in the Gospel these words, This is my body, are not expoun­ded, doth it follow thence that there is no figure in them? When Christ said,Joh. 15.1. I am the true vine, and my Father is the husbandman, he added no exposition to it, yet our Adversaries acknowledge a figure in that expression. And whereas after he had said, This is my body, he said, This cup is the new Testament; they are constrained to acknowledge a figure in it. Yet the Lord added no expositi­on to it. I say more, that when figures are clear, familiar, and usual, that man should be ridiculous that would trouble himself to expound them. He that shewing the picture of Julius Caesar saith, This is Julius Caesar, saith enough to be understood; And he should shew himself a shallow braind man if he added, By [Page 704] Julius Caesar I understand, not his person, but his picture. And our Adversaries feigning to avoid all figures in these words wrest them into a figurative sense, since by the word this, they understand not that which Christ held in his hand (for accoding to their belief he held bread yet at that time) but an individuum vagum, and that which lyeth under the accidents. So that by the word is, they understand shall be, or shall become. Pag. 867. And the Cardinal himself saith, that by the word this is understood that which Christ held when he had made an end of pronouncing the words; Whereby he interfereth himself with a contradiction. For when Christ said this, he had not yet made an en end of pronouncing. The Car­dinal then ought to have said, not that which Christ held, but that which he was to hold after pronouncing. Truly in that matter the Adversaries stumble at eve­ry step, and the contrary of that they say must alwayes be understood. They say that the host is round, yet they know that Christ is not round, and that the accidents are not the Host, or victim for our sins. They speak of making an ele­vation of God, yet they know that God cannot be elevated. They speak of the Sacrament of the body of Christ, whence it follows that the Sacrament is not the body of Christ. They say that the Sacraments are sacred signs, and yet say that they worship the Sacrament. It is the nature of those that defend an error, to say, and unsay, and desiring to be believed, yet they believe not themselves.

That which the Cardinal addeth, that the thing which our Lord held in his hand before the pronouncing of these words, This is my body, was not the body of Christ, That, I say, is false, and the spring of the whole error. For it was not by these words that Christ consecrated the bread but by the prayer and blessing which went before. And it is clear that these words, This is my body, are not words which make bread to become the body of Christ, but words declaring that the bread was his body already. All the Antient Fathers agree in that, and hold that the consecration is made by prayer and invocation. Justin Martyr in the second Apology calls that which we receive in the Eucharist, [...]. a food conse­crated by the prayer of the Word proceeding from God. Austin in book 3. ch. 4. of the Trinity,De fru­ctibus terrae acceptam & prece mystica consecratam That which is taken from the fruits of the earth, and consecrated by the mystical prayer. [...]. Theodoret in the second Dialogue brings in an heretick, and advocate of Transubstatiation speaking thus, The signes of the body and blood are other before the Priests invocation, but after the invocation they are changed. [...]. Origen in book. 8. against Celsus, We eat loaves by prayer made a body which is a certain holy thing. Qui est à terra panis, percipi­ens invoca­tionem Dei, jam non communis panis est, sed Eucha­ristiae. Ireneus book. 4. ch. 4. The bread receiving Gods in­vocation is no more common bread but the Eucharist.

Basil in the book of the holy Ghost. ch. 27. calls the words of Consecration, [...], the words of invocation when the bread is shew'd.

Corpus & sangui­nem Christi dicimus illud, quod de fructibus terrae acceptum & prece mystica sanctificatum rectè sumimus, &c.And the Canon Corpus in the second Distinction of the Consecration, We call the body and blood of Christ that which being taken from the fruits of the earth, and consecrated by the mystical prayer, is rightly taken by us for spiritual salvation, in memory of the Lords passion. And which is more, that great builder of Decrees and Canons, Innocent the III.Alii dixeruns, quod & Sacramentum confecit, & formam instituit post benedictionem, cum dixit, Hoc est corpus meum, &c. Quibus illud videtur obsistere, quod prius fregerit quam dixerit, Hoc est corpus meum. in the fourth book of the mysteries of the Mass ch. 6. holds that Christ did not consecrate by these words, This is my body, but by his divine vertue before he pronounced these words. Yet this day the Greek Church consecrateth by prayer, as Bellarmin acknowledgeth in book 4. of the Euchrist, ch. 12. §. Habemus.

The Cardinal goeth on, A substantial attribute (saith he) cannot be said substantially of a subject, of which it was not said before, unless either the subject be substantially changed, or the subject have taken some other substance in an hypo­statical union. By these words he presupposeth the thing in question, namely [Page 705] that this word body is substantially, attributed to that which Christ held, that is, to the bread: But that we deny, and he brings no proof for it.

Upon that false presupposition all the rest of the chapter is grounded, and by consequent doth not concern us. By the way this Prelat gives us an excellent proof of his exquisite learning, in these words, When the water pots of the Architri­clin were filled up. He speaks of the Architriclin, as if he had been a man of that name, and the owner of these water pots. Or if he takes not these words for a proper name, it is evident howsoever that he knew not what the office of theDe Ar­chitriclino vide Graeco rum catenam; & Theophy­lactum in cap. 6. Joh. Chrysost. hom. 11. in Johan. ubi ait, Architri­clinum nihil adhuc gu­stavisse & cu­ravisse, ut in convivio om­nia recte dis­ponerentur. Architriclin was. For if he had known it, he had known also that those water pots were none of his. The office of the Architriclin was to wait in a feast, to give order to the kitchen and to the serving of the meat and to taste the wine. He did not sit at the table but went up and down the house, doing the same in mean houses as stewards do in great houses. See Chrysostom Hom. 21. upon John. Every house of the Jews had such water pots for the legal washings and purifications. As it is seen, Joh. 2.6. and they belonged not to the care of the Architriclin, who had the ordering of the feast. By the same reason the tablecloth dishes and plate might have been called the Architriclins goods.

CHAP. 3. Of the sense of John 6. and of the Spiritual manducation of the body Of Christ, and how many absurdities and inconveniencies follow the oral manducation of Christs flesh taught in the Roman Church.

OUr Adversaries being cast by the words of the institution, and convinced to have altogether corrupted it, think to find a refuge in John. 6. where Christ many times calls himself the bread of life, and saith that his flesh is meat in­deed, of which whosoever eateth shall live for ever.

I can hardly perswade my self, that when they use that text to prove Transubstan­tiation they speak in good earnest 1. Whereas it is clear, & many of our Adversaries acknowledge it, that Christ speaks not there of the Sacrament of the Lords Supper, which was not yet instituted when Christ said these things, but of the spiritual man­ducation by faith in the death of Christ, which is the true food of our souls. How could the Apostles have understood that the Lord spake to them of the Lords sup­per, which was not yet, & of which he had never spoken one word to them? 2. Where­fore also in the whole chapter there is no mention of table, or cup, or supper, or com­memoration of his death. 3. As many lines as treat of that matter in that chapter, so many lies do they ascribe unto Christ, when they will have him to speak there of the Lords supper. For Christ promiseth there to the Capernaits to give them his flesh to eat; Now he never administred the Lords supper unto them. 4. Note also that when Christ spake these words he was already the bread of life, although the Eucharist was not yet instituted, for he speaks in the present tense, saying, I am the bread of life, and I am the bread which came down from heaven. He was then the bread of life, as soon as he came down from heaven. 5. It is evident that he speaks there of a manducation without which no man can be saved, when he saith in verse 53. Except ye eat the flesh of the Son of man, you have no life in you; Now many are saved that never received the Lords supper. 6. It is evident also that he speaks of a manducation without which none can be saved, when he saith in verse 54. Whoso eateth my flesh, hath eternal life. He speaks not then of the manducation of the Sacrament, which is eaten by many wicked and repro­bate. One may indeed eat the bread unworthily, as the Apostle saith,1 Cor. 11. Whosoe­ver eateth this bread unworthily; But one cannot eate the flesh of Christ unwor­thily, since that manducation is done by faith, and eating is believing. For one cannot believe in Christ unworthily, seeing that in that faith our worthiness con­sisteth. [Page 706] 7. For that by eating and drinking, we must understand believing, Christ shews it in verse 35. I am the bread of life, he that cometh to me shall never hun­ger, and he that believeth on me shall never thirst. There manifestly drinking is put for believing, since that he saith that by believing thirst is quenched. And verse 47. He that believeth in me hath everlasting life, I am that bread of life. Where he sheweth that this bread is taken by believing. For because he that be­lieveth on him hath everlasting life, he gathereth thence that he is the bread of life. 8. Wherefore also he giveth warning that his words are spirit and life, that is, they are spiritual and quickening, and that they quicken not unless they be taken in a spiritual sense. 9. If these words of Christ, I am the bread of life, are prest literaly and taken as our Adversaries will have these words taken, This is my body, it will follow that as, this is my body, signifieth, This is transubstanti­ated into my body, also I am the bread signifieth, I am transubstantiated into bread. 10. Also these words of verse 56. He that eateth my flesh, and drinketh my blood, dwelleth in me, and I in him, are very considerable. For many eate the Sacrament, yet Christ dwells not in them, nor they in Christ. 11. And if to make Christ to dwell in us, we must swallow him down with our mouth, and throat, by the same reason Christ must swallow us down, that we may dwell in him. 12. And when Christ saith, verse 63. The flesh profiteth nothing, the words that I speak unto you, they are spirit, and they are life, if by the word flesh, he understands carnal sense and humane reason, thereby he takes off our spirits from all carnal and gross sense, and will have his words taken in a spiritual sense But if by the word flesh, the Lord understands his own flesh, asThom. Lect. 8. in Joh. 6. Caro non pro­destq [...]icquam, intelligitur de carne Christi. Aquinas and many after him take it, he declareth to us that his flesh eaten with the mouth (as the Caper­naites did imagine) would not conduce at all for their salvation. As also our Adversaries acknowledge that many that take the Sacrament, are damned never­theless. But as for the manducation mentioned in this chapter, Christ declareth in verse 54. that whosoever eateth his flesh hath eternal life. 13. If in these words of verse 53. Except you eat the flesh of the Son of man, and drink his blood, you have no life in you, the Lord speaks of communicating in the Sacrament, it is cer­tain that the Roman Church depriveth the people of life by denying them the cup. For he saith, Except you drink my blood, you have no life in you. To say that the people take the blood in the host, is no answer, for taking the blood thus is not drinking; Now Christ saith Except you drink. If eating the host be drink­ing, then the Priest drinks twice in the Mass. 14. The Lord addeth in verse 56. He that eateth my flesh, and drinketh my blood dwelleth in me, and I in him. Can they say that the profane receiving the Sacrament dwell in Christ? 15. In vain do they press these words of verse 56. My flesh is meat indeed, to exclude all figures, for figurative words may be true. Christ saith, I am the true vine, Joh. 15.1. And God is the true spring of life, Psal. 36. which yet are figurative expressions. And when Austin in the third book of the Christian doctrine, ch. 16. saith that eating the flesh of Christ is a figurative expression, our Adversaries to elude that testimony say, that in these words of Christ, besides the figure there is truth also.

That Christ used that expression must not be found strange; For when the Jews of Capernaum asked of him bread from heaven like unto manna, he takes thence occasion to speak to them of another bread from Heaven, and of better meat. In the same manner as two chapters before from the water of the well (where he met the Samaritan woman) he takes occasion of speaking to her of another water which he gave, and which whosoever drinketh shall never thirst. To this join that of the unbelieving Jews, he useth to speak in parables and simile's as St. Matthew saith ch. 13. v. 34. Without a parable spake he not unto them.

This is so evident that many of our Adversaries asGabriel Biel Sect. 84. in Can. Missae. Cu­san.. Epist. 7. ad Bohemos. Cajetan in part. 3. qu. 80. Art. ult. Tapper. in explic. art. 15. Lovani­ensium. Hes­selius de Commun. sub utraque specie. Jan­sen. cap. 59. Concordiae. Ferus in Joh. 6. Gabriel Biel, Cusanus, Cajetan, Tapperus, Hesselius, Jansenius and Ferus, take our part, and hold, that in this ch. it is not spoken of the Sacrament of the Eucharist, but of the spiritual manducation by faith. Pope Innocent the III. is of the same opinion, for these are his words in book. 4. ch. 14. of the Mysteries of the Mass.De spi­rituali come­stitione Domi­nus ait, Nisi manducaveri­tis carnem filii hominis &c. Hoc mo­do curpus Christi soli boni come­dunt. The [Page 707] Lord speaks of the spiritual manducation saying, Except you eat the flesh of the Son of man, and drink his blood, you have no life in you. In this manner the godly alone eat the body of Christ.

Thomas the Angelical Doctor in the seventh Lesson upon John 6. expounding these words of the Lord, Except you eat my flesh, you have no life in you. Notan­dum, quod haec sententia potest referri vel ad spiri­tualem man­ducationem: vel ad Sacra­m [...]ntalem. Sed si refer­tur ad spiri­tualem, [...]ull [...]m dubitationem habet s [...]nten­tia, &c. [...]i vero ad sacramenta­lem dubium habet quod dicitur. If (saith he) this relates to the spiritual manducation, this sentence is without any doubt. For that man spiritually eateth the flesh of Christ and drink­eth his blood, who is partaker of the unity of the Church, which is done by Chari­ty, &c. He that eateth not, hath not life, &c. But if that relates to the Sacra­mental manducation, there is a doubt in that which is said, Except you eat my flesh, you have no life in you. He finds the first exposition clear and true; In the second he finds doubt and difficulty.

Wherefore Austin upon Psal. 98. personates Christ speaking to his Disci­ples, lest they should mistake his words,Non hoc corpus quod videtis, man­ducaturi estis, & bibi­turi sangui­nem, quem fusuri sunt, qui me crucifigunt. Sacramentum quod vobis commendavi, spiritualiter intellectum vivificabit vos. You shall not eat this body which you see, and shall not drink that blood which they that shall crucifie me will spill. I have recommended a Sacrament unto you, which being taken spiritually shall quicken you.

The same in the book of sentences collected by Prosper in the 341. sentence.Qui dis­cordat à Chri­sto, nec car­nem ejus man­ducat, nec bi­bit ejus san­guinem, eti­amsi tantae rei Sacramentum ad judicium suae praesum­ptionis quoti­die indifferen­ter accipiat. He that is in discord with Christ, eateth not his flesh, and drinks not blood, though he take the sacred sign of so great a thing indifferently every day for the judgement [or condemnation] of his presumption.

This good Doctor in the 25. and 26. Treatise upon John, expounds this sixth chapter of that Gospel, in which exposition not only he speaks never a word of the Transubstantiation, nor of the oral eating of Christs body, but also keeps off the reader from that thought as much as he can, as I will shew in ch. 11. of this controversie, where also we shall see that all the Fathers understood it so.

So it is understood in the Canon Ʋt quid in the second Distinction of the Con­secration.Ut quid paras dentem & ventrem? Crede & manducasti. Credere enim in eum, hoc est panem & vinum man­care. Qui credit in eum, manducat eum. Why dost thou prepare thy teeth and thy belly? believe and thou hast eaten, for believing on him is eating the bread▪ &c. He that believeth on him eates him. We shall see hereafter that the Fathers hold that the wicked eat not the body of Christ,De doctrina Christ. l. 3. cap. 16. Austin saith that these words, Except you eat the flesh of the Son of man, you have no life in you, are a figure that commands us to communicate unto the passion of our Lord, and to lay sweetly and profitably in our memory that his flesh was crucified and wounded for us. He saith not only that in these words of Christ there is a figure, but he expoundeth also how that figure ought to be understood, namely that eating Christs flesh is meditating his death and delight­ing to remember that Christ is dead for us, an exposition which Cardinal du Per­ron approveth not. Yet Cardinal Bellarmin in the first book of the Eucharist, ch. 7.Verba quae citantur, non pertinent ad Sacramentum proprie, sed ad fidem Incarnationis. expounding these words of Joh. 6. He that cometh to me shall never hunger, and he that believeth on me shall never thirst, saith, that these words belong not properly to the Sacrament, but to the faith of the Incarnation. Cardinal Tolet upon John 6. goeth so far as to say, thatInfantes in baptismo aliquo modo par­ticipant corpus Christi, nempe quantum ad rem significatam, & dici possunt carnem Christi manducare & bibere san­guinem ejus. Infants in their Baptism are in some sort partakers of Christs body, that is, as for the thing signified, and may be said to eate the flesh of Christ, and to drink his blood.

Truly I never saw nor read any of the Romanist Doctors, but acknowledg­eth that there is a spiritual manducation, which is done, not with the mouth of the body, but with faith. For Christ is the food, not of bodies, but of souls; and is received by believing, not by chewing; nor with the mouth, but with faith. To feed a body with words and songs, and to feed a soul with meats taken by the mouth, are things equal in absurdity. Christ is the bread of children in which [Page 708] dogs have no part. Not as the bread of the Sacrament of which profane men and hypocrites participate. Christ is not eaten by his enemies. Christ is that bread which whosoever eateth hath eternal life. That bread not only feeds the living but also gives life unto the dead.

If we compare these two sorts of manducation, you shall find that the spiri­tual manducation by faith, of which our Adversaries speak with contempt, is beyond all comparison more excellent then that which is done with the mouth. For without the oral manducation a great number of persons are saved, but without manducation by faith none can be saved. And with the oral manducation, a great number of persons are damned, but whosoever hath eaten the flesh of Christ is saved. He that believeth on him hath eternal life.

And if after you have compared them you join them together, you shall find that the manducation by the mouth is good and profitable only by reason of the spiritual. But if it be without the spiritual it is hurtful, and whosoever takes the bread of the Sacrament unworthily takes his condemnation. If there be two things, whereof the one is hurtful without the other, it is easie to judge which of the two is the more excellent.

Wherefore Austin acknowledgeth no other manducation of the flesh of Christ but the spiritual, for opposing it to the oral manducation of the Sacrament, he calls it the true manducation. As in book 21. of the City of God, ch. 25.Ostendit quid sit non sacramento tenus sed re vera corpus Christi man­ducare. The Lord sheweth what it is to eat the body of Christ, not in Sacrament only, but in truth. And in the same place, Non solo Sacramento sed re ipsa manducaverunt corpus Christi, They have eaten the body of Christ, not only in Sacrament, but also in truth. And Thomas in the seventh Lesson upon John 6. speaking of him that spiritually eates the body of Christ saith,Hic ille est, qui non sacra­mentaliter tantum sed re vera corpus Christi man­ducat. This is he that eates the body of Christ, not only sacramentally, but also in truth. Speaking so, is saying that eat­ing Christ in the Sacrament is not eating him in truth nor in effect, and that hy­pocrites and profane men receiving the Sacrament eate not the body of Christ truly or in truth.

Yea, the very Council of Trent in Session 13. ch. 8. acknowledgeth that spiri­tual manducation which is done even without the Sacrament, by faith.Quidam manducant hunc panem spiritualiter tantum & viva fide. Some (saith the Council) eat this bread spriritually only, and by a lively faith. So let no Romanists hereafter laugh at this spiritual manducation as an imaginary thing.

Rather let them consider, how their real and oral manducation of Christ gives them occasion to say many things of him which are unworthy of the Majesty of the Son of God.Inno­cent. III. Papa lib. 4. de Mysteriis Missae. c. 11. They dispute what becomes of the body of Christ when the consecracted host is eaten by rats or other beasts, or when the Priest or a sick per­son casts it up again. They are in great care what becomes of Christ carried away by mice, and why he did not hinder them to come near him. If they say that when the mouse draweth near the host, the substance of bread returneth, then the mouse hath made a second transubstantiation.

Idem cap. 16. Quod si se­cessus aut vomitus post solam Eucha­ristiae perce­ptionem eve­niat, &c.Pope Innocent the III. in the first book of the mysteries of the Mass mo­veth this question, If a man happens to have nothing in his belly but consecrated hosts, that is, nothing but the body and blood of Christ, and upon that a laske take him, what his excrements shall be, and what matter they shall be made of? And Durandus Durand. Rationali lib. 4. cap. 41. Quid si forte secessus aut vomitus per solam Eucharistiae perceptionem advenerit, ex accidentibus & humoribus generatur. If one having taken nothing but the Eucharist, is taken with a laske or vomit, that is bred by the accidents and humors.

To which add this doctrineTolet. de instruc. Sacerd. lib. 2. cap. 25. Posset consecrare Sscerdos multos cophinos panis, & vini dolium, si praesentia ista haberet. that a Priest by the words of Consecration can transubstantiate many basketfulls of, bread, and so undoe a baker; And that he may turn whole buts of wine into blood.

Cons. Trid. Sess. 7. Can. 11.And the doctrine of the Council of Trent, that the consecration is not done if the Priest hath no intention to consecrate, which intention since the people must [Page 709] ghess, and can have no assurance of it, but by conjecture, it followeth that they must believe at a venture, that the Host of the Mass is Christ, and bestow a con­jectural worship upon it, or adore it conditionally, saying,Adri­anus Quod­libet. q. 10. Suppos. 2. pag. 70. Concilium Constantiense excusat sim­plices ado­rantes hostiam non consecra­tam, quia tacitè impli­catur condi­tio, si conse­cratio sit recte facta, &c. Et Dia­bol [...] sic transfigura­tur, ut creda­tur Christus, & jubet se adorari, si sic adoret, Adoro te, si tu es Christus. (as Pope Adrian the VI. teacheth) I adore thee, if the Consecration be well made, and if thou art Christ. But whether it be Christ or no, it is left to conjecture.

I pass by a thousand other absurdities and inconveniencies which attend this doctrine;Innoc. III. lib. 4. de Myster. Missae. Est enim hic color & sapor quantitas & qualitas, cum nihil alter­utro sit colo­ratum, aut sapidum, aut quantum & quale. as that in the Host the accidents are without a subject, that is, there is length in it, but nothing that is long; whiteness, and nothing white; colour, and nothing coloured; and as the Doctors say, Quantitas sed non quan­tum, & accidentia quae non accidunt, simitas sine naso, claudicatio sine crure.

And their saying that theGabriel Biel speaks thus in the fourth lesson upon the Canon of the Mass. Qui creavit me (sifas dicere) dedit mihi creare se. Qui crea­vit me sine me, creatur mediante me. Whence he inferreth that Priests are Gods. Priest makes God with words, and createth his Creator, and makes a body, which is before it be made. And that Christs body being already in heaven, the Priest makes him on earth; as if while Philip is study­ing at Paris, some body begot him at Rome. So that Christ begins to have a new being besides the natural, namely a Sacramental being, as they speak, which is offered in the Mass for a propitiatory sacrifice. We thought that one person could have but one being, and that the only natural being of Christ, was the price of our redemption.

Also that doctrine makes the body of Christ more spiritual then spirits. For souls, though they fill no place, and be not circumscriptively in a place, yet they are but in one place, and cannot be separated from themselves, nor far from themselves. But as for Christs body in the Mass, they are not contented to say, that he is in no place, and fills no space, and hath no extent; so that all his parts are under one point only, and that head and feet in the Host, differ not in situa­tion; So far as to hold, that if any had dipt a pin in the Chalice, the Lords body should be whole in the drop remaining at the pins end; And if any had dipt the hair of his upper-lip in the consecrated Chalice, the whole body of the Lord should remain hanging at the end of every hair: But to make the absurdity most superlative, they make Christs body separated from himself, remote from himself, higher and lower then himself, being in heaven and upon Altars, not in the space between. All that is covered with the Almighty power of God, without any re­gard to his Wisdom, or to his Truth, or to his Word, which saith, that Christ is like unto us in all things but sin. By these inventions, that good Word of God is impugned, and the glory of the Son of God exposed to ignominy. For by that doctrine, Christ being faln into the mire, cannot rise out of it, and may be stoln and stabbed, as the Jesus of Billettes of Paris, and cannot save himself from Mice. Wherefore there was need that the Cautelae or Caveat's of the Mass should make a provision against these inconveniencies. All that to raise the dignity of Priests, who by that doctrine can make God, and have Christ in their power locked up in a box, doing things that all the Angels and Saints together cannot do, for they cannot make Christ, nor create a thing which is already.

Thus they have overthrown the nature and the end of this Sacrament: For Sacraments are signs. Having then abolished the signs, they have abolished the Sacrament. For the bread and wine being no more, nothing but accidents in the air remain, which have no relation nor conveniency with the substance of Christs body. They abolish also the end of this Sacrament, which is not to bring down the body of Christ to us, but to raise up our hearts to him.

CHAP. 4. How and in what sense the Fathers alleadged by the Cardinal, call the Sacra­ment the body of Christ, and say that Christs body is made in the Eucha­rist, and that we eate his flesh in it. Answer to the Cardinals depra­vations.

AFter we have heard the heavenly Oracle, and understood what was the insti­tution of the Lord Jesus, if we would decide this difference by the testi­monies of men, we should offer a disgrace to the eternal Son of God, and subject divine authority to mans judgement. Especially seeing that the Word of God is so clear in this point, that bringing light to it from other places, is like lighting a candle to see whether it be day.

Wherefore we desire the Reader not to mistake our end, when we alleadge the Fathers, either in this, or in other questions. We do it not, to ground the heaven­ly truth upon the testimonies of men, but to defend the antient Fathers against the injustice of our Adversaries, who wrest the Fathers, and set them upon the rack, to force them to bear testimony for untruth, and make them speak contrary to their mind.

Neither do we alleadge them in this question, to be interpreters of the words of Christ and his Apostles. For where the Word of God interprets it self, there needs no other interpretation. But we alleadge them, to wipe off from us the ordinary calumny, that we oppose the consent of Antiquity, as though our belief were but of late date, or as if that which was from the beginning could be new. For although our belief be grounded upon the only Word of God, yet it is a sin­gular delight and content unto us, when reading the Fathers of the first age, we find in them the same things that we teach, and perceive that we are hated for a doctrine which was believed by them, whom the Romanists make a shew to reverence.

Cardinal du Perron in the fourth chapter, brings many testimonies of Fathers for the real presence of Christs body. He begins by Authors not to be received, Damascenus, Euthymius, Theophylactus, and Anastasius Sinaita. Of whom the first writ about the year of Christ, 470. the second in the year 1118. the third in the year, 1070. and the last about the year, 630. all long after the time of the four first Councils, to which the Cardinal had said, that he would confine him­self. Yet let us see whether they say any thing that may prejudice us.

These Authors then observe, that the Lord said not, This is the figure of my body, but this is my body. Who knows not that, seeing that all the Evangelists that speak of this institution, affirm so much? I say more. For I maintain that the nature of the action required that he should speak so. For he instituted a Sa­crament, wherefore it was convenient that he should use Sacramental words, and follow the stile of Scripture (which is to give unto the sign, the name of the thing signified, when it speaks of Sacraments.) And that in a figurative action, he should use figurative words, conformable to the nature of the action.

He adds a testimony of Chrysostom, and another of Gaudentius, both to this purpose, Christ said, This is my body; Let us believe it, and see it with the eyes of the Spirit. Truth knows not untruth. So much we also believe, but with the ex­positions which Scripture brings. And Scripture teacheth us, that Christ gave bread unto his Disciples; That we eat bread in the Lords Supper; That the same bread is his body; That the cup is the New Testament in his blood, and by con­sequent is not really his blood. That the bread which we break, is the Communion of the body of Christ; That the Disciples came together to break bread, who yet neither could nor would break the natural body of the Lord; That the cup which the Lord drunk with his Disciples, was the fruit of the Vine; That it is the remembrance of him; That we eat bread to announce his death; That Christ [Page 711] ascended to heaven, and left the world, and is no more in the world; That heaven contains him; That he is like unto us in all things but sin; That Christ did not lift up the Host; And that his Disciples, whose example we ought to follow, did not worship it. After that, alleadging Euthymius or Theophylactus, late Greek Authors, separated from the communion of the Romā Church, is deriding God to abuse men.

The Cardinal adds a place of Ambrose, but he corrupts it, making Ambrose to say, in the ninth chapter of the book of those that are initiated into mysteries, The Lord Jesus himself cryeth, This is my body; before the blessing of the heavenly words, he is named another kind, after the consecration he is called the body of Christ, This passage is unfaithfully translated. There is in Ambrose, Ante benedictionem verborum coelestium alia species nominatur, post consecrationem corpus Christi signi­ficatur. That is, Before the blessing of the heavenly words, another kind is named; after the consecration, the body of Christ is signified or represented. The Cardinal hath translated, he is named another kind, instead of another kind is named, to make way for the depravation of the following Clause, where he translateth significatur, is called, instead of, is signified, or represented. Which falsification he coloreth with the allegation of another text of Ambrose, which he quoteth not, where Ambrose saith, that Christ was signified the Son of the highest; but there also signifying is not calling, but declaring or manifesting. Should not that man shew himself to be out of his right sense, that would say, that God is signified Almighty, instead of saying that he is called Almighty? Or that Virigil was signified Prince of the Poets, instead of saying that he is so called?

But that we may not lose time in confuting all the allegations of the Cardinal out of the Fathers, where the Sacrament is called the body of Christ, and where they say that by the consecration, the bread is made the body of Christ, it is necessa­ry to shew the sense & intent of the Fathers, & to know their stile. For they speak so clearly of this matter, that they leave us no reason to doubt of their intention.

I say then, that the Fathers followin [...] the traces of the holy Scripture▪ speak of three sorts of bodies of Christ. First of his natural body, which was crucified for us; and of two mystical bodies, the one of them the Church, which Scripture often calls the body of Christ, the other his Sacramental body, which we receive in the Lords Supper. Wherein also the follow they stile of Scripture, which useth to give unto the signs, the name of things signified by the signs.

Austin in the third Book of the Questions upon Leviticus, qu. 57.Solet res quae sig­nificat, ejus rei nomine, quam signifi­cat, nuncu­pari. The thing that signifieth, useth to be named by the name of the thing that it signifieth. And in the 102. Epistle to Exodius, Ali­quando res quae significat, nomen ejus rei, quam significat, accipit. Sometimes the thing that signifieth, takes the name of the thing that it signifieth.

The same Father applyeth this rule to the Eucharist, in the 23. Epistle to Boni­face, Nonne semel immo­latus est Christus in se ipso? & tamen in Sacramento, non solum per omnes Paschae so­lennitates sed omni die populis immolatur. Si enim Sacramenta quandam similitudinem earum, quarum Sacramenta sunt, non haberent, omnino Sacramenta non essent. Ex hac autem similitudine plerumque etiam ipsarum nomina accipiunt. Sicut ergo secundum quendam modum Sacra­mentum corporis Christi corpus Christi est, Sacramentum sanguinis Christi sanguis Christi est, ita Sacramen [...]um fidei, quod Baptismus intelligitur, fides est. Was not Christ once sacrificed in himself? and yet he is sacrificed unto the people in a sacred sign, &c. That man lyeth not, who being asked, answereth that he was sacrificed. For had not the Sacraments some likeness unto the things of which they are Sacraments, they should not be Sacraments at all. Now because of that like­ness, they take most often the names of the things themselves.

And in the twelfth Chapter against Adimantus, Non enim Dominus dubitavit dicere, Hoc est corpus meum, cum daret s [...]gnum cor­poris sui. The Lord made no difficul­ty to say, This is my body, when he gave the sign of his body. Of which place we shall see hereafter a notorious depravation by our Cardinal.

The Roman Decree, in the second Distinction of the Consecration, in the Canon Hoc est, Co [...]lestis panis qui Christi ca [...]o est, suo modo vocatur corpus Christi, cum re vera sit Sacramentum corporis Christi, illius videlicet, quod palpabile mortale in cruce positum est; vocaturque ipsa imm [...]latio carnis quae sacerdotis ma­nibus sit, Christi passio, mors, crucifixio, non rei veritate sed significante mysterio. The heavenly bread, which is the flesh of Christ, is in its way, called the body of Christ, although to speak truly, it be the Sacrament [or sacred [Page 712] sign] of the body of Christ, even of him who being visible, palpable and mortal, was put on the Cross. Then he brings an example, that the immolation of the flesh of Christ, which is done by the hands of the Priest, is called the Passion, the Death, and Crucifixion of Christ, not according to the truth of the thing, but in a significant mysterie. Upon which the Gloss of the Doctors speaks rarely,Et ibi Glossa. Coeleste Sa­cramentum, quod verè repraesentat Christi carne, dicitur corpus Christi sed impropriè, verùm dicitur suo modo, sed non rei veritate sed significante mysterio; ut sit sensus, vocatur Christi cor­pus, id est, significatur. The heavenly Sacrament (say they) which truly representeth the flesh of Christ, is called the body of Christ, but improperly. Yet it is so called, not according to the truth of the thing, but by a significant mysterie. So that the sense is, that it is called the body of Christ, because it is signified. Certainly great is the strength of truth, and I wonder how our Adversaries suffer such a Gloss, in such an authentick book, whereby their doctrine is so clearly condemned.

Wherefore Austin in the third Book against Maximin. chap. 22. layeth down that maxime about Sacraments.Haec enim Sacra­menta sunt, in quibus non quid sunt, sed quid ostendunt, semper at­tenditur, quoniam signa sunt rerum aliud existentia, aliud signi­ficantia. These things (saith he) are Sacraments in which it is not regarded what they are, but what they signifie. For they are signs which are one thing and signifie another: That is, Baptism is water, and signifieth the blood of Christ; and the Eucharist is bread and wine, and signifieth the body and blood of Christ.

Wherefore also, in the third Book of Christian Doctrine, chap. 5. he giveth warning that Christians should take heed of mistaking the signs for the things sig­nified.Ea de­mum est misèrabilis animae ser­vitus signa pro rebus accipere. It is (saith he) a miserable bondage of the soul, to take the signs for the things. And in the ninth Chapter, As to follow the letter, and to take the signs for the things signified, is a servile infirmity, so to interpret the signs uselesly, is an ill wandring. This is directly the sickness of the Roman Church, which worship­peth the Sacrament, as if it were Christ himself, and takes the sign for the thing signified.

Theodoret is very pregnant upon this point. In his first Dialogue, entituled, the Immutable, he giveth the exposition of these words, This is my body. [...]. The Lord (saith he) hath given unto th [...] [...]ign, the name of his body; and sheweth how sometimes the name of the thing signified is given unto the sign, as when the Lord called bread his body, and sometimes the name of the sign is given to the thing signified, as when he calls himself the bread and the vine. [...]. Our Saviour (saith he) hath made an exchange of names, and hath given to his body the name of the sign (that is, when he called himself the bread) and gave to the sign the name of his body, (namely when he said, This is my body) and so he who called himself the Vine, called the sign (that is, the wine) his blood.

And a little after, [...] His will was, that those that participate of the divine mysteries, should not regard the nature of things that are seen, but that by the ex­change of the words, Ut au­tem literam s [...]qui & signa pro rebus, quae his significan­tur, accipere servitis in­firmitatis est, ita inutiliter signa inter­pretari male vagantis erroris est. they should believe the change that is done by grace. For the same that called his natural body meat and bread [John 6.] and called himself the Vine, [John 15.] the same hath honoured the visible signs with the name of his body and blood, having not changed their nature, but added grace unto nature. Here two things are very considerable: The one, that he denyeth that in the holy Com­munion, Christ hath changed the nature of bread and wine: The other, that he makes these words, I am the Vine, like unto these, This is my body, and saith that it is an exchange of words, and that in the first the name of the sign is given to the signified thing, and in the second, the name of the signified thing, is given to the sign.

For these causes, the Preface prefixed to the Roman Edition of the Dialogues of Theodoret, giveth this excuse for Theodoret, Quanquam Theodoretus hoc fortasse nomine aliqua venia dignus videatur, quod de ea re ejus tempore, ab Ecclesia nondum fuisset aliquid promulgatum. Et minus mirandum est, si dum adversus hareticos acerrimè disputat, veritatis tuendae studio longius provectus in alteram partem nimium quandoque declinat. Perhaps Theodoret may seem [Page 713] worthy of some pardon, because in his time the Church had not yet publisht any thing about that point. And it is less to be wondered at, if while he is disputing vehe­mently against hereticks, being carried away with his zeal to defend the truth, he doth sometimes lean too much on the contrary side. And the Jesuit Gregorius de Valentia in the book of TransubstantiationCap. 7. §. Quod si. Theodoretus de aliis qui­busdam erro­ribus notatus est in Concilio Ephesino. Et paulo ante. Antequam quaestio illa de Transubstan­tiatione in Ecclesia pa­lam agitare­tur, minime mirum est, si unus aut alter, aut eti­am aliqui ex veteribus mi­nus conside­rate & recte hac de re senserint & scripserint. doth reject the authority of The­odoret, and saith that Theodoret was also noted of other errors in the Council of Ephesus. And in the same place, Before that question was openly agitated in the Church, it is no wonder if one or two, or some number also of the Antients have believed and written less considerately and truly of that matter. In the same place he puts Gelasius and John of Constantinople among the Fathers that have spoken amiss of that matter. Of whom we shall speak hereafter.

We ow to the Jesuit Jacobus Sirmundus the works of Facundus an African Bishop, who lived in the time of the Emperor Justinian. in book 9. ch. 5. p. 404. he saith that it may be said in some sort, that Christ hath received the adoption of children, because he received the Sacraments or sacred signes of the same, when he was circumcised, and when he was baptised. Which he illustrateth by the example of the holy Communion, in which the Sacrament of the body of Christ, is called the body of Christ, although it be not the body of Christ, but be­cause it contains the mystery of his body. These be his own words,Facun. l. 9. cap. 5. pag. 404. Sicut Sacra­mentum cor­poris & sanguinis ejus quod est in pane & pocu­lo consecrato, corpus ejus & sangui­nem dicimus, non quod proprie cor­pus ejus sit panis, & po­culum san­guis, sed quod in se mysteri­um corporis ejus & san­guinis conti­neant. Hinc & ipse Do­minus benedi­ctum panem & calicem quem discipu­lis tradidit, corpus & sanguinem suum vocavit. Quocirca sicut Christi fideles Sacramentum corporis ejus & sanguinem accipientes, corpus & sanguinem Christi recte dicuntur accipere, sic & ipse Christus sacramentum adoptionis cum suscepisset, potuit recte dici adoptionem filiorum suscepisse. It is (saith he) as the Sacrament of Christs body and blood, which is in the consecrateed bread and cup, is called his body and blood, not that this bread to speak properly is his body, and this cup his blood, but because these things contain the mystery of his body & blood. Wherefore also the Lord himself called the blessed bread and cup which he gave to his Disciples his body and blood. Wherefore as the godly receiving the Sacrament of his body and blood, are well said to receive the body and blood of Christ, so Christ may well be said to have received the adoption of Children, when he received the Sa­crament of that adoption. I owe a commendation to the fidelity of this Jesuit, for had he been of no better conscience then his fellows, he would have supprest or corrupted that text; where these words especially are to be observed, that the consecrated bread is not (to speak properly) the body of Christ, nor the cup his blood, but the mystery or Sacrament, that is, the sacred sign of the same.

But nothing brings more light to the intelligence of the expressions of the Fa­thers, which say that what we receive in the Communion is the body of Christ, then to observe that they put a difference between the body which is received in the Sacrament, and the body which was crucified for us, and that in this matter (as I said before) they take the word body of Christ in three senses, sometimes for his na­tural body which was crucified for us, sometimes for his mystical body which is the Church, sometimes for his sacramental body administred in the holy Communion.

Clemens Alexandrinus in the second book of the Pedagogue ch. 2. [...]. There is a twofold body of Christ, the one his carnal body whereby we are redeemed from corruption; the other his spiritual, by which we are anointed; and participa­ting with the Lords incorruption is drinking the blood of Jesus.

Hierom upon the Epistle to the Ephesians,Ex. Hier. in Ep. ad Eph. lib. 1. Can. Dupliciter. Dupliciter intelligitur car [...] Christi, vel spiritualis illa atque divina de qua ipse ait caro mea vere est eibus; vel caro ea qua crucifixa est, & sanguis qui militis effusus est lancea. The flesh of Christ is understood two wayes, either that spiritual and divine flesh, of which he saith himself, My flesh is meat indeed; or that flesh which was crucifyed, and that blood which was shed by the souldiers spear. And note that this place is alleadged in the Roman Decree in the second Distinction of the Consecration.

In the same Distinction these words of the same Father are alleadged,Ex Hieron. in Levit. Can. De hac. De hac quidem hostia quae in Christi commemoratione mirabiliter fit, edere licet. De illa vero quam Christus in ara crucis obtulit, secundum se nulli edere licet. It [Page 714] is lawful indeed to eat of that host, which is done wonderfully in commemoration of Christ. But it is lawful to none to eat that host in it self, which Christ offered on the altar of the Cross.

And in the same place,Dist. 2. de Consecra­tione Can. Corpus. Corpus & sanguinem Christi dici­mus illud, quod de fru­ctibus terrae acceptum & prece mystica fructificatum recte sumitur ad salutem spiritualem in memoriam Dominicae passionis. We call the body and blood of Christ, that which be­ing taken from the fruits of the earth, and consecrated by the mystical prayer, is rightly taken by us for spiritual salvation, in memory of the passion of the Lord. Is there any thing of all that can be said of the body crucified for us? Is it a body of Christ taken from the fruits of the earth? Can the cruci­fied body of Christ be consecrated by prayer? He speaketh then of the Sacra­mental body of Christ.

Yea Pope Innocent the III. in book 4. of the Mysteries of the Mass, ch. 36. distinguisheth these two sorts of flesh or body of Christ. The form of bread (saith he) comprehendeth both the one and the other flesh of Christ, the true and the mystical.

Austin in many places calls that which we receive in the Lords Supper the body and blood of Christ. Yet upon Psalm 98. he brings in Christ speaking thus,Spiritu­aliter intelli­gite quod locutus sum, Non hoc cor­pus quod vi­detis mandu­caturi estis, & bibituri san­guinem quem fusuri sunt qui me cru­cifigent. Sa­cramentum aliquod vo­bis commen­davi, quod spiritualiter intellectum vivificabit vos. You shall not eat this body which you see, and shall not drink the blood which shall be shed by those that shall crucifie me. I have recommended a sacred sign unto you which being spiritually understood shall quicken you. Himself in Ser­mon 53. de Verbis Domini. Pene quidem sacramentum omnes corpus ejus dicunt, Almost all call Christs body that which is the sacrament or sacred sign of the same.

The Canon Hoc est in the same Distinction saith as much,Sicut ergo coelestis panis qui Christi caro est, suo mode vocatur cor­pus Christi, cum revera sit Sacramen­tum corporis Christi, &c. non rei veri­tate sed sig­nificante mysterio. Et ibi Glossa: Dicitur cor­pus Christi, sed imaro­prie. Unde dicitur suo modo, sed non rei veitate sed significante mysterio. The heavenly bread which is the flesh of Christ is called the body of Christ in its way, although in truth it be the sacred sign of Christs body. Here we have plainly two bodies of Christ, the one natural which was crucified for us, the other Sacramental which is a sign and sacrament of the other; and as the Gloss saith upon that Canon, It is named Christs body but improperly; wherefore it is said, in its way, not according to the truth of the thing. Note that the Canon speaks of a body which in some sort is the body of Christ. Which would be absurdly said of the natural body of Christ, namely, that it is the body of Christ in some sort.

Thus Austin upon Psal. 33. saith,Aug. in Psal. 33. Ipse se portabat quodam modo cum diceret, Hoc est corpus meum that the Lord carried himself in some sort when he said, This is my body. And in Epistle 23.Epist. 23. Secundum quendum modum sacramentum corporis Christi corpus Christi est. The Sacrament of Christs body, is Christs body after a certain manner. Would any man say that Christs natural body is his body after a certain manner? Is it not as much as if Austin said, that the Sacrament is not really the body of Christ?

Ephrem Patriarch of Antioch speaks plainly of a body of Christ received in the Eucharist, which is not in substance the natural body of Christ.Ex Phorii Bibliotheca Edition. August. pag. 415. [...]. The body of Christ (saith he) which the believers receive loseth not his sensible substance (that is, the substance of bread) and is not separated from the intelligible grace. Thus also Baptism being altogether spiritual and only, keeps the propriety of his sensible substance, even of water, and loseth not that which it was. Note that he makes the body of Christ which changeth not substance, to be the same thing in the Eucharist as the water in baptism.

Cyprian is very express upon this, for speaking of that body of Christ which is administred in the Sacrament, he ascribes things to it which cannot be proper to the natural body of Christ. In Epistle 76.Dominus corpus suam panem vocat de mutrorum granorum adunatione congestum. Bread made and composed with the union of many grains, the Lord calls his body. It is then the body of Christ even when it is compounded with many grains. And he saith that by this body of Christ compounded with many grains, the people, that is, the Church must be understood; For such was the opinion of that Father, and of Austin also [Page 715] Nam quando Do­minus corpus suum panem vocat de mul­torum grano­rum adunati­one conge­stum populum nostrum quem portabat indi­cat adunatum. Et quando sanguinem suum vinum appellat de botris atque acinis pluri­mis expressum atquein unum coactum, gre­gem item nostrum signi­ficat commix­tione adunatae multitudinis copulatum. Si Novatia­nus huic pani Dominico adunatus est, si Christi poculo ipso commixtus est, &c. When (saith Cyprian) the Lord calls his body the bread compounded with the union of many grains, it signifieth that our people, which he bore, is united together. And when he calls his blood the wine prest out of many clusters and grains, and gathered together, he signifieth our flock also which is gathered by the mixture of an united multitude. And upon that he asketh of the heretick Novatianus, Whether he be joyned to that bread of the Lord which is the Church, and whether he be mingled in that cup of Christ, that is, (as he expounds himself) If he retaines the unity of the Church? How remote is that language from the Doctrine of the Roman Church? He that believed that Christ in the Sacrament bore the people in his hands, and that this bread which he calls his body, and this wine which he calls his blood, was the Church, and would that every Christian should make part of that bread; was very far from believing that the bread was transubstantiated into the natural body of Christ. It is plain then that he puts in the Eucharist another body of Christ then his natural body which was crucified for us, even a mystical and sacramental body. Note that he saith not, that the bread made up of many grains is become his body, but that he calls his body that which is bread made up of many grains.

The same Father in the sixty third Epistle, where he disputes against those that put nothing but water instead of wine in the cup of the Lords Supper, maintaineth that there must be water in the cup mingled with wine. One of his reasons is, that by the wine Christ is understood, and by the water the people.Epist. 63. contra Aquarios seu Hydropara­statas. Si vinum tan­tum quis offe­rat, sanguis Christi incipit esse sine nobis. Si vero aqua sit sola, plebs incipit esse sine Christo. If (saith he) one offers nothing but wine, the blood of Christ begins to be without us; but if the water is alone, the people begins to be without Christ. This Father puts the people in the cup as well as Christ. Now he was not so bereaved of reason as to think that the people was really within the cup. He did not then believe that Christ was in it really, since he puts Christ and the people alike in the cup.

Austin followed Cyprian in that opinion, when in the twenty sixth treatise up­on St. Johns Gospel, speaking of the words of the Jewes murmuring and saying, How can this man give us his flesh to eate? He saithLitiga­bant utique ad invicem, quoniam pa­nem concor­diae non in­telligebant. Et paulo post. Hunc itaque eibum & potum societa­tem vult intelligi corporis & membrorum suorum quod est Ecclesiae praedistinatis & vocatis, &c. They quarrelled among themselves, because they understood not the bread of concord. And a little after, speaking of these words, He that eateth my flesh, hath eternal life, he giveth this exposition, By this meat and drink, the Lord will have the society of his body and members to be understood, that is, his holy Church of the predestinated, &c. This Father saying that the body of Christ which we eate in the Lords Supper is the Church of the elect, saith by consequent, that this body which we eate is not really the natural body of Christ, but another mystical and Sacramental body.Ipsum sacrificium est corpus Christi, quod non offertur ipsis, quia hoc sunt & ipsi. And in book 22. of the City of God, ch. 10. he gives a reason why they make not the sacrifice of Christs body to the martyrs, because themselves are the body of Christ.

Cyprian especially seems to me to speak very plainly, and to put in the Eucharist another body of Christ then that which was crucified for us, and another blood then that which was shed on the Cross, when he saith in the sixty third Epistle,Nec corpus Domini potest esse farina sola & aqua sola, nisi utrum (que) adunatum fuerit & capulatum, & panis unius compage solidatum. The Lords body cannot be meal alone and water alone, unless both be joyned and kneaded together to make with them solid bread.

Who will think that this holy Doctor was so void of reason as to think that Christs natural body was made of meal? Yet his words are very express, that Christs body is made up of meal. Whence it is plain that he speaks of the Sacra­mental and mystical body, not of the natural body of Christ.Sanguis Christi non aqua est utique sed vinum. And in the same Epistle he saith, that the blood of Christ is wine not water.

Origen spake thus in the same time upon Matth. 15. where after a long [Page 716] discourse of the holy Sacrament of the Lords Supper, and after he hath said,Ille cibus qui sanctificatur per verbum Dei perque obsecrationē, juxta id quod habet materiale, in ventrem abit & in secessum emit­titur. that this meat which is sanctified by the Word of God and by Prayer, descends, as for the matter, into the belly, and then is sent out into the draught, he addeth, as for the close,Et haec quidem de typico sym­bolicoque corpore. Let this be said of the figurative and symbolical body. It was then another body then the natural.

The same appeareth, in that the Fathers say that the body of Christ which is distributed and eaten in the Lords Supper, is bread wherewith our bodies are sed, and take increase by the digestion, which cannot be attributed to the natural body of Christ, nor to accidents without substance; For colors, lines, and figures cannot feed the body. But that is proper to the Sacramental body, which is the natural body of Christ in the Sacrament, in the same manner as the picture of Alexander, is the true Alexander represented. Justin Martyr towards the end of his second Apology, describeth the antient form of administring the Lords Supper among Christians. [...]. They that among us are called Deacons, give to every one bread, and wine, and water, to be participant of the same, upon which bread and wine, thanksgivings were said before, and they carry some of them to the absent, and this food is called among us the Eucharist. He calls bread and water, that which was given and administred to the people after the consecration. Having spoken thus, he addeth, [...]. For we take not these things as common bread or common drink. But in the same manner as Jesus Christ our Saviour being made flesh by the Word of God, had both flesh and blood to save us, likewise we have been taught that the food over which thanks were given by the prayer of the Word proceeding from him, by which our blood and our flesh are fed by transmutation [of food] is the flesh and blood of that Jesus that was made flesh. He saith expresly enough, that the con­secrated bread is the flesh of Christ, but in that he addeth, that with that conse­crated bread our bodies are fed by transmutation or digestion, he shews evident­ly, that he holds not that the natural body of Christ enters into our stomacks, but that the said bread is made the body of Christ in a mystical and Sacramental way. And the comparison which he useth, brings us to it. For as the eternal Word was made flesh without transubstantiating the flesh, and without transub­stantiating himself into flesh, so Justin believed that the Lord Jesus present by his divine vertue, made this bread his body, without transubstantiating the same, and that it was bread still, even when it was distributed. This bread then, ac­cording to Justin, is the body of Christ made flesh, but so that it is bread still, even in the distribution; that it is received into the stomack, that our bodies are fed with it, and that it turns into the substance of our flesh. This bread is Christ made flesh (as Austin and the Roman Decree told us) in its way, and in Sacra­ment, and by a signifying mysterie, not according to the truth of the thing.

M. du Perron Pag. 186. in his Book of the Sacrament of the Eucharist, against Monsieur du Plessis, having not apprehended these two acceptions of the body of Christ, brings wild answers, which give no satisfaction about the things here alleadged. He expounds these words of Justin, proceeding from him, as if Justin spake of prayer proceeding from Christ, whereas he speaks of the Word proceed­ing from the Father.

What was Justins belief in this point, Justin himself sheweth sufficiently in his Dialogue against Tryphon, speaking thus,Justin. in Tryph. pag. 82. [...]. Christ gave the bread, that we might remember that he was made a body for them that believe on him, for whose sake he was made passible, and the cup which he instituted for us, to do in remembrance of his passion.

And in the same Dialogue, [...], &c. [...], &c. [...]. The oblation of fine meal, was a figure of the [Page 717] bread of the Eucharist, which Jesus Christ our Lord hath appointed to be done in me­mory of his passion.

Quo­niam membra ejus sumus, & p [...]r crea­turam nutri­mur, creatu­ram autem nobis praestat, Solem suum oriri faciens, & pluens quemadmo­dum vult, eum calicem qui est crea­tura corpus suum confir­mavit, ex quo nostra auget corpora. Irenaeus in his fifth Book speaks the same language. Because we are his members, and are fed by the creature, and that he affords us his creature, making his Sun to rise, and his rain to fall according to his pleasure, he hath affirmed that the cup which is a creature, whereby he makes our bodies to grow, is his body. I enter not into an examination of the reason of Irenaeus, whereby he gathereth that the cup is the body of Christ, because it is a creature whereby our bodies are fed and grow. Which Platonical opinion, that God is the soul of the world, and all creatures are Gods body, Austin confuteth in the fourth Book of the City of God, chap. 12. Only I say, that Irenaeus shews thereby that he believed that it was bread still, not Christs natural body in substance. For it would be a prophane belief, to think that our bodies are fed and fattened, and growing with the sub­stance of the body of Christ; That would be sending Christ to the draught, and exposing him to a strange ignominy; And that without profit, since after that manducation, bodies will die nothing the less. The following words of Irenaeus, confirm the same thing.Quando ergo & inixtus calix & fractus panis percipit verbum Dei, fit Euchari­stia sanguinis & corporis Christi, ex quibus auge­tur & con­sistit carnis nostrae sub­stantia. When then the cup mingled and the bread broken re­ceiveth the Word of God, it is made the Eucharist of the body and blood of Christ, from which the substance of our flesh is increased and made up. Truly our Adver­saries seem to me injurious to that Martyrs memory, affirming that he believed that our bodies are fed and made up with the flesh of Christ received in the Sa­crament. Observe these words, the blood and body of Christ, wherewith the sub­stance of our bodies is increased and made up, that one may not think that he speaks of the bread before it be consecrated. This word increased especially, is trouble­some to the Cardinal, wherefore he translates it strengthened, which is an evident corruption.

The same in the fourth Book, chap. 34. speaking of the Eucharist, saith, thatOfferre Deo oportet primitias ejus creaturae. Et ibid. Hanc oblati­onem Ecclesia sola puram offert fabri­catori, offerens ei cum gratia­rum actione ex creatura ejus. we must offer unto God the first fruits of his creature. And that the Church alone offereth that pure oblation unto the Creator, offering unto him of his creature with thanksgiving. To which words, whereby he expresseth plainly that what the Church offereth in the Eucharist, is the creature and work of the Creator, and fruits of the earth, he addeth other words, that call these creatures, and these fruits of the earth (that is, bread and wine) the body of Christ.Quo­modo autem constabit eis eum panem in quo gratiae actae sunt corpus esse Domini sui & calicem sanguinem ejus, si non ipsum fabri­catoris Mun­di filium dicunt, id est, verbum ejus, per quod lignum fructificat, defluunt sontes, & dat [terra] primo quidem foenum, post deinde spicam, deinde plenum triticum in spica? How (saith he) can they be certain that the bread upon which graces were said, be the body of the Lord and the cup his blood, if they acknowledge him not the Son of the Maker of the world, that is, the Word by which the wood bears fruit, and springs run down, and the earth gives first the blade, then the ear, and then the full corn in the ear? This Father affirmeth, that our bodies are fed with the body and blood of the Lord, which cannot be attributed to Christs natural body, but to the Sa­cramental body, which Irenaeus describes as a creature of God, who makes the ground to bear fruit. And note these words, that the bread upon which thanks or graces are said, is the Lords body. For he saith not that the bread becomes or is changed into the body of the Lord, but that the bread is the body of the Lord, yea that bread which is a creature, and which the earth hath produced by the vertue of the Creator. I examine not here, whether the reason of Irenaeus be solid, whereby he inferreth that the bread is the body of Christ, because Christ is the Word whereby the earth bears fruit, and brings Wheat, of which that bread is made; for by that reason all creatures, and the world in general, should be the body of God, which is the opinion of thePlato Philebo & Timaeo, [...], &c. August. l. 30. in Faustum Manichaeum. Cicero somnio Scipionis, & de natura Deorum. Aspice hoc sublime can­dens quod vocant Jovem. Virg. Aeneid. 6. Principio coelum & terras, &c. Platonicians, of Tully, of Pliny, of Virgil, that God is to the world, that which the soul is to the body. I say only that Irenaeus in the alleadged place speaks of a body of Christ, which cannot be the body crucified for us, for the crucified body of Christ was not produced by [Page 718] the earth, is none of the fruits of the earth, and our bodies get neither food nor increase by it.

It is evident also, that he believed that these fruits of the earth, or creatures which he calls the body of Christ, have that vertue, that the thanksgivings or bles­sings which are said over them in the Lords Supper, make the bodies which are fed thereby, to become partakers of immortality.

He addeth,Offeri­mus Deo quae sunt ejus, &c. Quemadmo­dum enim qui est à terra panis, perci­piens vocati­onem Dei, jam non communis panis est, sed Eucharistia, ex duabus rebus constās, terrena & coelesti; sic & corpora nostra perci­pientia Eucharistiam, jam non sunt corruptibilia, spem resur­rectionis habentia. Offerimus ei non quasi indigenti, sed gratias agentes dona­tioni ejus, & sanctificantes creaturam. Quemadmo­dum enim Deus non indiget corum quae à nobis sunt, sic non indigemus offerre aliquid Deo. Sicut Solomon ait, qui miseretur pauperis, foe­neratur Deo. We offer unto God of his own goods, preaching conveniently the communication and unity of flesh and spirit. For as the bread which is of the earth, receiving the vocation [or invocation] of God is no more common bread, but the Eu­charist composed of two things, the one earthly, the other heavenly; so our bodies re­ceiving the Eucharist, are no more corruptible, having the hope of resurrection. He joyns in the Eucharist, the earthly thing with the heavenly, wherefore also he saith, that this bread is no more common bread, but still he calls it bread. To un­derstand by the earthly thing, the body of Christ, as the CardinalIn his Book against Du Plessis, pag. 188. under­stands it, is to oppose the stile both of Scripture and Fathers, which call the body of Christ, the bread come down from heaven, and debasing the dignity of Christs body, and denying the signs to be part of this Sacrament, since they are neither the earthy nor the heavenly thing.

Irenaeus goeth further, for following that discourse of the bread and wine which the Church offereth unto God, he saith that these things are offered unto God, not because he hath need of them, for (saith he) Deus non indiget eorum quae à nobis sunt, God hath no need of the things that come from us. It is clear that by the things that come from us, he understands bread and wine, and the fruits that the earth brings. Wherefore also he reckons alms among them; for he addeth, Whereas God hath no need of the things that come from us, we have need to offer something to God, as Solomon saith, He that sheweth mercy to the poor, lends to God upon usury.

Before I go further, I cannot forbear to shew the Cardinals learning in Greek. The Greek text of Irenaeus is lost, and we have nothing but the Latine Version, which is none of the best; In that version there is, Jam non communis panis est, sed Eucharistia ex duabus rebus constans, terrena & coelesti. The Cardinal corrects that version, and saith that there is not in the Greek [...], that is, which is composed, but [...], which is a preterit Participle, and must be translated which was composed. This is a woful ignorance, for as compositus in Latine is preterit, and yet is alwayes understood in the present; likewise [...] signifi­eth, which is composed, not which was composed. Thus Col. 1.17. [...], is translated in the version of the Roman Church, Omnia in ipso constant. And 2 Pet. 3.5. [...], Terra de aqua consistens. And Clemens Alexandrinus, in the first Book of the Pedagogue, chap. 6. [...], The Church like a man, is composed with many limbs. According to the Cardinal, we should say that the Church hath been com­posed with many limbs, but that is so no more. And so in other compositions,Aeschi­nes in Timo­cratem. [...], stantes in judicio. And [...], mores sedati & compositi. In a word, that preterit Participle hath alwayes a signification of the present Tense, as in Latine these words, mortuus, sepultus, caesus, vestitus, fractus, &c. Can a man speaking like the Cardinal, have any relish of the Greek tongue?

But to return to our matter, it appeareth by the fore-alleadged places of Ire­naeus, that he speaks of another body, then Christs natural body.

The same appears, in that the Fathers speak often of pieces, and parts, and a residue of Christs body; a thing which may be said of the Sacramental, not of the natural body of Christ, which cannot be divided in pieces, and of which ho residue is found. How prophane or brutish should that man be, that would ask for a piece of Christ? Eusebius in the sixth Book of his History, speaking of Sera­pion sick to death, saith that a Priest sent him by a little boy, a little piece of the Eucharist. May one say, that he sent him a piece of Christ? Or should he have sent him the Eucharist by a little boy, if he had believed that it had been the Lords body?

Pope Gelasius in the Canon Comperimus, in the first Book of the consecration,Compe­rimus quod quidam sum­pta tantum­modo corporis sacri portione à calice sacrati cruoris abstineant. We are certainly informed (saith he) that some having taken part of the body of Christ, abstain from the cup, which he calls a great sacriledge. Evagrius in the fourth Book, chap. 36. [...]. The antient custom in the Royal City, requireth that when many pieces of the immaculate body of Christ remain, children not yet corrupted, such as go to petty Schoolmasters, are sent for to eat them. Though Evagrius had not spoken of the pieces, nor of the remnant of the body of Christ, yet that custom of giving the fragments of the bread of the Lords Supper to a company of little School-boyes, is a certain proof that the Church believed not that it was the true body of Christ crucified for us. Our Adversaries would account that a great prophanation. It was then the Sacramental body of Christ; and as Origen saith, the symbolical or figurative body of Christ.

This expression, that the bread is the body of Christ, is a thousand times re­peated in the writings of the Antients, when they speak of the bread of the Eu­charist. It is the doctrine of our Churches, that the bread is the body of Christ, as Christ teacheth us, who giving the bread to his Disciples, said, This is my body. But the Roman Church denyeth that the bread is the body of Christ, but saith that the bread becometh the body of Christ, and is transubstantiated into Christs body. As if an Alchymist had converted silver into gold, it should be ill spoken, to say, This silver is gold, but it should be said, This gold was made of silver. Thus if bread be converted into the natural body of Christ, that bread is not the. body of Christ, but ceasing to be bread, it was converted into the body of Christ. WhereforeBell. lib. 1. de Euchar. c. 1. & l. 3. c. 19. Bellarmine affirmeth that these words, This bread is my body, either must be figuratively taken, so that the bread be the body of Christ by sig­nification, or they are altogether absurd and impossible. For it cannot be, that the bread be the body of Christ in substance, but it may be so in Sacrament. Yet there is nothing more frequent in the Fathers, when they speak of the consecrated bread, then to say that bread is the body of Christ, and that the Lord called bread his body, and that he said, that bread is his body, not that he changed it into his body.

Theodoret in the first Dialogue, [...]. The Lord giving the mysteries, called bread his body. And Tertullian in the third Book against Marcion, Panem suum corpus appellans, ut & cum hinc intelli­gas corporis sui figuram pani dedisse. He called bread his body, that hereby thou mayest understand that he hath given unto bread to be the figure of his body. Chrysostom in the 24. Homily upon the first Epistle to the Co­rinthians, makes this Question, [...]. What is the bread? He answers, The body of Christ. Justin Martyr told us before, that the bread wherewith our bodies are fed, is the body of Christ. Cyprian in the 63. Epistle, That which Christ called his blood was wine. And so Gandentius, Gau­dent. in Exod. tra­ctatu secun­do de Pas­chate. Ego sum vitis vera, satis declarat sanguinem suum esse omne vinum quod in figura passionis ejue offertur. The Lord declareth enough that his blood is all the wine which is offered in figure of his passion.

Hierom in the second Question to Hedibia, Nos audiamus, ganem quem fregit Dominus deditque Discipulis esse corpus Domini salutaris. Let us hear that the bread which the Lord brake and gave to his Disciples, is the body of the Lord and Saviour. And the Canon, Qui manducat, in the second Distinction of the consecration, Panis est corpus Christi, The bread is the body of Christ. And in the Canon Corpus, Corpus Christi illud dicimus quod de fructibus terrae acceptum, & prece mystica consecratum. We call that the body of Christ, which being taken from the fruits of the earth, is consecrated by the mystical prayer. And Ambrose in the fourth Book of the Sacra­ments, chap. 4.Hoc igitur astruamus, quomodo potest qui panic est esse corpus Christi. Let us shew how that which is bread, can be the body of Christ.

In all these expresses of the Antients, our Adversaries find figures, and wrest them into a figurative sense, using the Fathers in the same manner, as they do the Holy Scripture.

Truly, that man must be either ignorant, or wilfully blind in the stile of the Antients, that acknowledgeth not that the Fathers in this matter take Christs body [Page 720] in three senses, one natural and two mystical, the Church and the Sacramental bread, which is indeed a symbolical body, but sanctified by the divine vertue of the Son of God. Wherefore they call these fearful mysteries the holy bread, the heavenly bread, the bread come down from heaven, whereby Christ is made ours, so that we dwell in him, and he in us. But this makes nothing for Transubstantia­tion, and incloseth not the natural body of Christ under the elements.

We must not think strange, if sometimes the Antients attribute to this Sacra­mental body, things that are proper to the natural, as to have suffered for us, and to have been bruised on the Cross. For it is the stile both of Scripture, and of the Fathers, to atttibute unto signs, that which is proper only to things signified. As when we shew the Kings picture, we say, Here is the man that won such and such battails, who dyed in such a place, or in such a year.

Now it is easie to conceive, how and in what sense Chrysostom so often incul­cates, that we eat, and break, and see the body of Christ in mysteries; and whyAbsit ut de his quic­quam sini­strum loquar, qui Apostolico gradui sacer­dotum Christi corpus sacro ore conficiunt. Hierom in the Epistle to Heliodorus saith, that the Priests make the body of Christ with their sacred mouth. Hierom was not so dull as to believe that Priests could make the natural body of Christ: That would be putting Priests above Christ, and ascribing a power unto them, greater then that of all the Angelical power. A body which is already, cannot be made while it is. Hierom speaks of the Sacramental body, which is made by the prayer of the Consecration. For himself told us before, that none can eat of the body of Christ crucified.

The Father which seems to be most favourable to our Adversaries, is Ambrose, who in the fourth book of the Sacraments, chap. 4. inculcates often, that the bread becomes Christs body by the consecration. It is not Christs body (saith he) before the consecration; but after the consecration, I tell thee, It is Christs body. Whereupon he alleadgeth many examples of the transmutations made by Gods power: For example, that we were old creatures, but are now become new by consecration: That Christ was born of a Virgin, contrary to the order of na­ture: That Moses with his rod divided the Sea: That a piece of wood cast by Moses into bitter waters, made them sweet: That Elisha made iron to swim above the water. Whence he inferreth, that God is powerful to make this bread to be the body of Christ by the consecration. But in all these, there is no more then what we say. For we know, that by the consecration the bread becomes the body of Christ, yet remaining bread still, and without any change of the substance of bread, as when a piece of wax becomes the Kings Seal, and yet remaineth wax still. Saint Ambrose saith so much expresly in the same chapter, where he bgins his dispute in these words,Hoc igitur astru­amus, quo­modo potest, qui panis est, esse corpus Christi. Let us establish this, how that which is bread can be the body of Christ. So that he will have it to be together, both bread and the body of Christ. And a little after,Si tan­ta vis in sermone Domini Jesu, ut in­ciperent esse quae non erant, quanto magis opera­torius est, ut sint quae erant, & in aliud com­mutentur? If there was such a vertue in the word of the Lord Jesus, that the things that were not, should begin to be, how much more shall it be effectual in making things that were, to be, and to he changed into other things? These words are very pregnant, that the bread is changed into a thing that was not, and yet continueth to be that which it was before, that is, bread. And this expression of Ambrose, is set down in the very words which we alleadge here, in all the antient editions. And so is alleadged in the Decree of Yuo Carnutensis, in the second part, chap. 7. And by Gratian in the second Distinction of the Con­secration, in the Canon Panis. By Lombard in the fourth Book of the Senten­ces, Dist. 10. in the letter D. By Thomas in the third part of the Summ, Que­stion 78. Article 4. Not according to the falsification of some new Editions of Ambrose, which have omitted sint quae erant, in which words lieth all the strength of the sentence. To the same purpose are these words of the same chapter,Sicut similitudinem mortis bibisti, ita similitu­dinem pretiosi sanguinis bibis. As thou didst drink the likeness of his death, thou drinkest also the likeness of his precious blood.

The CardinalDu Perron a­gainst M. du Plessis, pag. 287. answereth that the end of Ambrose (saying, If there be such strength in the Word of the Lord, to make things that were not, to have a beginning of being, how much more can it make things that were, to be, and to be changed into other things?) was to say, that if the Almighty power of God could make things pass from [Page 721] the not being to the being, it may with more reason, preserving them in the universal latitude of the being, make them pass from one kind of being to another. By these words he saith, that God in the Eucharist preserveth the bread in a latitude of Universal being, which the Roman Church believeth not. Also it is hard to com­prehend how the substance of bread being abolished, a thing which is no more, is preserved in the universal latitude of being. These are his ordinary Chimera's to amuse the Reader, when he finds himself run aground. By the same reason, when God turned the waters into blood, and the rod into a Serpent, these waters and that rod remained in being in the latitude of the universal being: And by consequent, these examples can no more be opposed, or compared by Ambrose as less miraculous, with the change which is made in the Eucharist.

Du Perron a­gainst du Plessis, pag. 285.Upon that the Cardinal useth to make many exclamations, and to ask To what purpose is it to bring examples of the creation of the world, of the trans­mutation of creatures, and of the unspeakable generation of Christs body, to prove that it was in our Lords power to make the bread of the Eucharist to be the sign of his body?

By speaking thus, he makes us speak against our sense. We say not that Am­brose had alleadged these examples to prove that the bread is the sign of Christs body. We know well that he believed something more, as we also do. He believed that the bread remaining bread, was the body of Christ, and that by an ineffable mysterie; that bread remaining bread, is made unto us the body of Christ. And that by this participation Christ is made ours, and we are conjoyned with him, which is the doctrine of the Apostle, saying, The bread which we break, 1 Cor. 16.16. is it not the Communion of the body of Christ? It is bread then, not flesh in substance: It is bread which is broken; not a body which cannot be broken. And by eating this bread, we communicate by faith with the natural body of Christ, but we eat not that natural body with our mouth and teeth. It is a divine work, which to ex­press, Ambrose stretcheth his wit, and swells in lofty words as much as he is able: Neither must we wonder that in such a Divine and Spiritual matter, he hath much ado to express his conceit. Besides, if we consider what examples Ambrose al­leadgeth, we shall find that well nigh all speak of a change without transubstan­tiation, and without production of any substance, as the regeneration of the god­ly, the Sea divided by Moses, the waters of Mara sweetned; the iron swimming upon the water.

Yet we have in the following chapter of the same book of Ambrose, the terms of the publike service,Ambros. lib. 4. de Sacram c. 5. Dicit sacerdos, Fac nobis hanc oblati­onem ascri­ptam rationa­bilem, accepta­bilem, quod est figura corporis & sanguinis Domini nostri Jesu Christi. The Priest saith, Let this oblation be accounted unto us, reasonable, acceptable, which is the figure of the body and blood of the Lord. This word figure displeased the Roman Church; for now that clause is found in the Canon of the Mass, saving only the word figure, which was put out, as sa­vouring heresie.In his book against du Plessis, pag. 288. The Cardinal saith for answer, that the Roman Church ac­knowledgeth a figure in the Eucharist. That figure (if he may be believed) lieth in that the accidents (which fraudulently they call species) vail the body of Christ. I answer, that the Cardinal believeth not that this figure is the sacrifice or oblation which God layeth to our account for our sins, and which is reasonable and acceptable, as it is said in the words of the antient service. Had not this word figure been displeasing to the Roman Church, it had not been put out. Besides, the accidents of the bread, cannot be figures of the body; a roundness without any round subject, cannot be a figure of the Lords body which hath an humane form. Figures help to know things signified by these figures. But our Adversaries say, that these accidents cover the body of the Lord, and hinder the sight and knowledge thereof.

He answers in the second place, that this clause of the antient Service, is before the consecration, and when there is nothing yet upon the Altar, but the simple figure of Christs body. It was impossible for the Cardinal to write this, without acting against his own conscience. For although that clause was pronounced be­fore these words, This is my body; yet the Roman Church believeth not that the Priest asketh that the bread not consecrated be the offering which may be put [Page 722] to our account before God. Thus before the consecration, the Priest saith that heTibi offerimus hoc sacrificium laudis pro redemptione animarum. offereth a sacrifice of praise for the redemption of souls, which cannot also be said of the bread not consecrated, which is not offered unto God for our redem­ption. It is evident then, that the Priest speaking thus, regardeth the sacrifice which he undertaketh to do, and for which the Roman Church holds that the Mass is instituted, without regarding the time, either before or after the consecration. And that this word of Figure was blotted out, when the quarrel was moved about Transubstantiation, that it might not be perceived that this sacrifice is no real sacrifice, but the sacrifice of the Lords Passion in figure and commemoration.

The same Ambrose, in the book of those that are initiated into mysteries, ch. 9. speaks thus, It is a true flesh which was crucified, and which was buried. It is then also truly the Sacrament of that flesh. The Lord Jesus himself cryeth up. This is my body. Ante benedictionem verborum coelestium alia species nomi­natur, post consecraio­nem corpus significatur. Before the blessing of the heavenly words, another kind is named. After the consecration, the body of Christ is signified. The same Father upon chap. 11. of the first Epistle to the Corinthians, hath these words, Quia morte Domini liberati sumus, hujus rei memores in edendo & potando, carnem & sanguinem quae pro nobis oblata sunt significamus. That is, Because we are delivered by the death of the Lord, we remembring that by eating and drinking, signifie the flesh and blood of the Lord which were offered for us. In his book against du Plessis of the Eu­charist, pag. 294. Cardinal du Perron to elude this notable au­thority, puts out the comma after potando, and translateth this place in this man­ner; By eating and drinking the flesh and blood, we signifie the things that were offered for us. The absurdity of that traduction is evident. For what are the things offered for us, but the body and blood of Christ? Here is then the jolly version of the Cardinal, By eating and drinking the flesh and blood, we signifie the flesh and blood: Thus that which signifieth, and that which is signified, shall be all one. Wherefore this falsification being not able to subsist alone, the Cardinal adds another depravation, and instead ofSigni­ficamus. signifie, translates declare, as if Am­brose said, we declare the things offered, which wants common sense. But Am­brose in the following lines confirms our interpretation: For speaking of Christs blood, he saith,Bene­ficii divini sanguis testis est, in cujus ty­pum nos cali­cem mysticum percipimus. This blood is a witness of the divine grace, in figure of which we receive the mystical cup of blood.

In vain do they object unto us some sentences of the Fathers, which say that the thing that we receive in the Sacrament, is the true body of Christ that was crucified for us. For the Sacramental body, is the true and natural body of Christ in Sacrament and Commemoration: As the statue that represents Julius Cesar, is the true Julius Cesar represented, even the Conqueror of Gauls, he that over­came Pompeius, not another imaginary person. And the Fathers that expound these words, This is my body, by This is the sign or figure of my body, understand the true and natural body of Christ, and give to the Sign, the name of the thing signified.

So much will serve, (I think) to shew in what sense the Fathers have called that which is broken and given in the Communion, the body of Christ; and to prove that they do not take alwayes this word of body of Christ, for the body crucified for us, but sometimes for the Church, sometimes for the Sacramental and mystical body which is given in commemoration of the natural body of Christ. The books of the Fathers must be read with care, and with an equitable and pru­dent judgement. He that reads them, must know the stile of the times, the occa­sions, the customs, the circumstances, and the connexion of their sentences, refer­ring all to the analogy of faith, bringing a favourable interpretation to it. If they say that the bread is the body of Christ, or that by the consecration the body of Christ is made, they speak of the Sacramental body, which they distinguish in a thousand places from the natural. But when sometimes they say, that the thing given in the Eucharist is the true body of Christ, themselves warn us that the name of the thing signified is given unto the Sign, and that this bread is the true body of Christ, that is, the Sacrament or Sign of the true body of the Lord.

But in the matter in hand especially, the Fathers take care to explain their mind, teaching that the substance of bread and wine remains after the consecration; As we shall shew in the following Chapter.

CHAP. 5. That the Fathers did not believe transubstantiation, but believed that the substance of bread and wine remaineth after the consecra­tion.

THe word of Transubstantiation is a monster which the corruption of the last ages hath hatcht, bred, and reared up. It was establisht by an Article of Council in the year 1215. in the Council of Lateran under Innocent the III. For of the change of the substance of bread into the substance of Christs na­tural body, there is no trace in the Fathers of the fitst ages, well understood, and faithfully alledged. For the transmutation of which Justin Martyr speaks in the second Apology, is not the transmutation of bread into the Lords body, but the transmutation of the symbolical and sacramental body of Christ into our flesh by the disgestion of bread. Wherefore also Ireneus in the forealleadged place saith not only that our bodies are fed by it, but also that they get increase by the same.

Leo the I. Bishop of Rome, in the twenty third Epistle to the Clergy of Constan­tinople, speaks of a change which is done in the Lords Supper; not of the change of bread into the substance of Christs body, but of the believers into the flesh of Christ.Epist. 23. ad Cla­rum. In illa mystica distributione spiritualis alimoniae hoc impartitur, hoc sumitur, ut accipien­tes virtutem coelestis cibi in carnem ipsius qui car [...] nostra factus est, transcamus. In the mystical distribution of the spiritual meat, this is distributed, this is taken; that we receiving the vertue of the heavenly meat, be changed into the flesh of him that was made our flesh.

In the second Dialogue of Theodoret it is said indeed that the sacred signs are changed by the consecration, and become the body of Christ; but it is an Euty­chian heretick that speaks, who by a pretended transmutation of the bread and wine goeth about to establish the transmutation of the hu­mane nature of Christ into the divine, as we shall see hereafter.

We have already seen how Justin, Ireneus and Cyprian call bread and wine and fruits and creatures of God, that which is given and received in the Lords Supper.

Origen upon Matth. 15. speaking of the Eucharist,Quod sanctificatum per verbum Dei & per obsecratio­nem, non suapte natu­ra, sancti­ficat uten­tem; nam id si esset, sanctificaret etiam illum qui comedit indigne, &c. That which is sancti­fied by the word of God, and by prayer, doth not of its nature sanctifie him that useth it; for if it were so, it would also sanctifie him that useth it unworthily. And a little after.Quod si quicquid ingreditur in os, in ven­trem abit, & in secessum ejicitur, & ille cibus qui sanctificatur per verbum Dei perque obsecrationem, juxta id quod habet materiale, in ven­rem abit, & in secessum ejicitur, &c. Et haec quidem de typico symbolicoque corpore. If all that entreth into the mouth, goeth into the belly, and is cast out into the draught, this meat also which is sanctified by the word of God and by prayer, as for that which is material in it, goes down into the belly and is cast out into the draught. And a little after he makes this conclusion of his discourse. Let this be said of the typical and symbolical body. In this place of Origen, ob­serve that he speaks of the bread consecrated and sanctified by the word of God, that the saith that it sanctifieth not of its nature, and that, as for the matter of it, it goes out into the draught; Things which cannot be attributed unto the true body of Christ, for it sanctifieth of its nature, and is not cast out into the draught. And cannot also be attributed to the accidents of bread, as round­ness and whiteness; for these accidents are not the matter of bread, and are not sent into the draught. This can be attributed to nothing but the bread which by Origen is called a symbolical and figurative body.

Of the truth of his testimony none can doubt seeing that it is in the Editions set out by our Adversaries, and that the famous Sixtus Senensis hath inserted it whole in his Bibliotheca Sacra.

Wherefore Cardinal du Perron, after he hath made some shew of doubting of the truth of this testimony, yet saith that he will not touch that string, but ex­tends his oratory upon Invectives against Origen, and sets forth h s errors at large, saying that the alleadged place, is a particular whimsey of the spirit of Origen, which he forgeth against the common doctrine of the Church. And upon these words of Origen that the bread consecrated by prayer, is cast out into the draught, he crieth outIn his book against du Plessis, p. 222. Shut up your eares, Christians; as if these words were read with the eares. I acknowledge indeed that Origen with his many excellent ver­tues, and his rare doctrine, had many errours. But I may say also that never any mans writings were more narrowly scanned, or past through a more rigid and violent censure then those of Origen suffered,Vide So­crat. lib. 6. cap. 12. by those that lived after him, especially by Ephiphanius, Hierom, and Theophilus of Alexandria, out of their animosity against Ruffinus and John of Jerusalem, who were Origenists. Wherefore the name of Origen is so far from weakening the authority of that place, that it rather increase [...]h the strength of it and addeth weight to it. For if Origen writing so, had taught against the belief of the Orthodox Church, so many exact and partial examiners would not have omitted it. Yet none of the Anti­ents reproved him for speaking so. For not only Austin, a meek and impartial man, and Theodoret, who have made a description of the errours of Origen, but even Epiphanius and Hierom, the enemies of Origen, never put that among his errors that his doctrine about the Eucharist was not sound. The silence of the enemies of Origens memory is in this point a manifest and publick approbation of his doctrine.

Here the Cardinal raiseth his style, and brings forth out of a Paschal Epistle of Theophilus Patriarch of Alexandria the condemnation of Origen upon the point of the Eucharist. For (saith he) Theophilus condemns him for teaching that the Holy Ghost sets not inanimate things on work, and worketh neither in them, nor by them. And upon that alleadgeth thus the words of Theophilus Non re­cogitat aquas in Baptismate mysticas ad­ventis Sancti Spiritas con­secrari, pa­ne [...]que Do­minicum quo Salvatoris corpus osten­ditur, & quem frangi­mus in san­ctificationem nostri, & sacrum cali­cem, quae in mensa collo­cantur, & utique in ani­ma sunt, per invocationem & adventum Sancti Spiri­tus sanctifi­cari. Origen consi­dereth not that the mystical waters in the Baptism are consecrated by the comming of the Holy Ghost; And that the bread of the Lord by which [ostenditur] is shewed or represented the body of the Saviour, and which we break for our sanctification, and the cup, which are set upon the table, these things being inanimate, are sanctified by the invocation and comming of the Holy Ghost. I know not where the Cardinals mind was wandering when he mustered up these useless proofs, yea such as are against him. Theophilus doth not find fault with Origen for denying the Tran­substantiation of the bread, nor for saying that the bread of the Lords Supper, as for the matter, goes to the draught, and sanctifieth not by its nature; nor for cal­ling the consecrated bread a symbolical and figurative body; But for saying that God imployeth not inanimate things and sanctifieth them not. May not God sanctifie inanimate, things without transubstantiating them? Doth he not sanctifie the water of Baptism, though it remain water still? Doth Theophilus reprove Origen for not believing that the water of Baptism is transubstantiated? Certainly the Cardinal takes here his measures amiss. Yea he brings an authority of Theo­philus which saith expresly that the bread of the Lord sheweth or representeth the body of Christ. But who was that Theophilus? Vide [...]ocratem l. 6. c. 2. & 7, & 9. & 12. Et So­zomenum. l. 8. c. 2. 12. 13. 14. One of the most perverse and corrupt Bishops of all the antient ages. A man acting sometimes against, sometimes for the Anthropomorphites, a persecutor of Chrysostom, and the cause of his death. A man without faith and without conscience. But let us come to other witnesses.

Theodoret in the first Dialogue intituled the Immutable, disputeth against an Eutychian who maintained that the humane nature of the Saviour was changed by a substantial change into the divine nature, and defended his errour with the ex­ample of the pretended transmutation of the bread of the Eucharist into the sub­stance of the Lords body. Theodoret answereth him thus. [...]. The Lord who had called [Page 725] meat and bread that which is naturally his body, and who again called himself a vine, honoured the visible signs with the appellation of his body and blood, having not changed their nature, but having added grace unto nature. So many words, so many proofs. It was much said already that God had honoured the signes, even the bread and the wine with the name of his body. But he saith more, affi [...]ming that the Lord hath not changed the nature of these signs, which is fighting di­rectly against transubstantiation. We must remember that the dispute betwixt the heretick and Theodoret was about the change made in the substance, that M. du Perron may not say that by the nature the accidents only are under­stood.

The heretick did not speak of accidents, but maintained by the example of the change made in the Eucharist, that the substance of the human nature of Christ by vertue of the incarnation had been changed into the substance of the divi [...]e nature. It had been unreasonable for Theodret to affirm against that heretick that the accidents were not changed, seeing that the question is of the change in the substance.

A little before, he had said, [...]. Our Lord hath made an exchange of names, and hath given to his body the name of the sign [namely when he said I am the bread] and to the sign the name of his body, namely when he saith, This is my body. Nothing can be more clear and expre [...]s.

In the second Dialogue intituled the Inconfounded, The divine mysteries are [...]. signes of the true body. By speaking so, he saith clearly enough that the di­vine mysteries are not the true body.

A little after, the Eutychian having said that [...], &c. as the signes of the body and blood of the Lord are other before the invocation of the Priest, but that after the invo­cation they are changed, so the Lords body after the assumption is changed into the divine substance, which is the language of the Roman Church of our dayes. Theodoret answereth him; Thou art taken by the net which thou hast woven; For even after the consecration, mystical signs change not their own nature; for they remain in all their; first substance figure & form, and are visible and to be handled as before. But they are understood to be the things which they were made, and are believed and venerated as made that which they are believed to be

To these words of Theodoret which are most urgent against the Roman Church, namely that the mystical signes after the consecration do not change nature but re­main in their first substance:In his book against du Plessis pag. 537. M. du Perron answereth in a way more to be admired then praised. For arming his wonted ignorance in Greek with boldness, he giveth to the words of Theodoret a new interpretation, rej [...]cti [...]g that of Gentianus Hervetus, followed by Bellarmin, by Gregorius of Valentia, and generally by all our adversaries that have written of this question. Theodoret sai [...]h that the mystical signes after the consecration do not change narure. [...], that is, (as our Adversaries translate) manent enim in priore substantia & figura & forma. But the Cardi­nal, the worst Grecian of them all, translateth, for they remain in the figure and form of the first substance. Can any thing be devised more absurd and more re­pugnant to the Greek? To translate as he doth, there should be in the Greek, [...]. Besides he contradicteth Theodo­ret, makes all his reasoning ridiculous, and makes him answer out of purpose. For, as I said, the dispute was about the change in the substance, the heretick pro­ving by the example of the transmutation of the bread into the substance of the bo­dy of Christ, the transmutation pretended by the Eutychians of the humane nature into the substance of the divine nature. Theodoret to contradict them, saith not that the accidents, the figure and the outward form of bread remain, but that the substance of bread remains after the consecration. It being the question to shew that after the incarnation the substance of the flesh of Christ remaineth, Theodoret should speak against reason and against himself, if, to shew that, he alleadged that the substance of the bread being changed, the accidents and the outward shew re­main. That would have been pleading directly the Eutychians cause, who said that [Page 726] the substance of Christs flesh being changed, the accidents and the outward appear­ance remain. But the Cardinal, that he may have the honour to say some new thing, will have the Reader to believe that he understood the Fathers better then any, and rejecteth the interpretation of all the men of his Church that writ before him.

The same Theodoret in the third Dialogue intituled the Impassibile, disputeth thus against the Eutychians. [...]. If the flesh of Christ was transformed into the nature of the Godhead, to what purpose do [Christians] participate to the signs of his body? For the figure is in vain when the truth is abolisht.

The same reason Tertullian useth against the Marcionites in ch. 40. book 4. against Marcion. Accep­tum panem & distribu­butum corpus suum fecit dicend [...], Hoc est corpus meum, id est figura corpo­ris mei. Figu­ra autem non fuisset nisi veritatis esset corpus. Christ having taken bread and distributed it to his Disciples, made it his body, saying, This is my body, that is, the figure of my body. Now there would have been no figure, had he not been a true body. He means that no figures and no representations are made of things that are not.

Among our Adversaries those that go more roundly to work, blame Theodoret openly. We heard before how he is condemned by the Jesuit Gregory de Valen­tia, in the Preface of the Roman Edition prefixed before the Dialogues of The­odoret. Our Cardinal also taunts him, and speaks contemptuously of him in these words.Against Du Plessis pag. 451. Though Theodoret, having some remnant of the leaven of Nesto­rianism, which he was accused to favour, should speak of the Eucharist (which was one of the chief arguments whereby the doctrine of Nestorius was impugned) less really and reverently then it might be wisht, the wonder were not very great. This is an unjust brand put upon that excellent man. His books purge him of that blame, in which there is not one spot of Nestorianism. So far he is from it, that in the Catalogue which he hath made of Hereticks he puts Nestorius, and impugneth Nestorianism with all his power. Yet the Cardinal being prone to have a better opi­nion of Theodoret, goeth about to excuse him, saying, he spake thus obscurely, be­cause he might not be understood by the Catechumens. This Cardinal alwaies takes things in the contrary sense. In the second Dialogue Theoderet, being asked by the Heretick, [...]. How dost thou call the gift which is presented before the Priests invocati­on? answereth, We must not speak clearly, for perhaps some are here that are not yet ini­tiated, that is, some Catechumens: whereupon the heretick saith, Let then the answer be in enigmatical terms. Wherefore Theodoret, that he may not speak clearly, an­swereth, that this gift which is offered is meat made up with such seeds, instead of saying It is bread. Thereby it appeareth that he spake obscurely, for fear that saying plainly that it was bread, he should make the meat contemptible which was laid up­on the sacred table. But the Cardinal takes this in the quite contrary sense, that Theodoret did not speak of this Sacrament in terms high enough, and would not discover that high mystery of Transubstantiation before Catechumens.

We have a book of Pope Gelasius (for the title saith so much) against Nesto­rius and Eutyches, where this sentence is found;Certe Sacramenta quae sumimus corporis & sanguinis Christi, divina res est, propter quod & per eadem divinae efficimur consortes naturae. Et tamen esse non desinit substan­tia vel natura panis & vini. Et certe imago & similitudo corporis & sanguinis Christi in actione mysteriorum ce­lebrantur. Truly the Sacraments which we take of the body and blood of Christ, are a divine thing; wherefore also by them we are made consorts of the divine nature, and yet it ceaseth not to be the sub­stance or nature of bread and wine. And indeed the image and the likeness of the body and blood of Christ, are celebrated in the action of mysteries. Our Adversaries receive this authority, and admit it as true and not falsified, and have inserted this book in Bibliotheca Patrum. But they dispute who is this Gelasius, whe­ther it was Pope Gelasius, as the title of the book saith, and as it appeareth by Fulgentius who transcribes many passages out of it in his answer to the questi­ons of Ferrandus Diaconus, especially in the answer to the second questi­on. Or whether it be Gelasius Bishop of Cesarea of whom Hierom speaks in his Catalogue of Ecclesiastical writers, as Bellarmin and Gregorius de Valentia are of opinion. Or whether it be Gelasius Cyricenus, as Baronius holds; which are all antient Authors approved by the Roman Church.Lib. de Transub. cap. 7. Sect. quod si Neque Gelasius ille fuit author satis clarus; Non igi­tur nobis debent pancorum ejusmodi testimonia praejudicare. Gregorius de Valentia [Page 727] speaks of that Author with contempt, saying, That Gelasius was not an Author famous enough; wherefore such testimonies of some few Authors of that sort, howsoever they may be expounded, can bear us no prejudice, seeing that we have a cloud of other most grave witnesses for the truth of transubstan­tiation.

In the book of the Eucharist against M. du Plessis pag. 563.Cardinal du Perron hath bestowed upon this only place of Gelasius four and thirty great pages, and upon the three fore-alleadged texts of Theodoret threescore and two; making the Readers miserable that seek the truth by those wayes. For whereas there are about fifty controversies between us and the Roman Church, upon the only question of the real presence, a thousand places may be alleadged out of the Fathers. Upon each of which texts if a great book must be made, when shall we have a decision but of one question? This is the fruit of not being content with Scripture, which decides a question in one word, because it is God that speaks. The worst is, that those thirty four pages are im­ployed about nothing. For after he hath quarrelled with that book of Gelasius about things that concern not the question in hand, in the end he returns to the common answer, that when Gelasius said that the nature and substance of bread and wine remain, by the substance the accidents must be understood, that is, the colour, the figure, and the taste of bread, yet without bread. Where is consci­ence? Yea where is common sense? These men would make beasts of us, or study to be such themselves. For who ever heard that the substance is an acci­dent? A thing far from all reason, especially in this dispute of Gelasius against the Eutychians, who maintained that the substance of Christs body was changed into the substance of the Godhead. For the question was not about the change of accidents. Had not Gelasius been out of his sense, if he had granted to the Eutychians the transubstantiation of the substance of bread, and affirmed only that the accidents of bread, the colour, the figure and the taste remain in the Eucharist? Had he not thereby yielded the bucklers to the Eutychians? who said the same thing of the incarnation, by which they affirmed that the sub­stance of Christs body is changed into the Godhead, although the outward shew of the body remained, using the example of the Eucharist to confirm their error.

Ephrem Patriarch of Antioch speaks thus.Ex Bi­bliotheca Photii pag. 415. Edit. Augustanae. [...], &c. The body of Christ which the believers receive, loseth not his sensible substance, and is not separated from the intelligible grace. Baptism also being altogether spiritual only keeps the pro­priety of this sensible substance which is water, and loseth not that which it was. This is one of the most express places to this purpose. For first it sheweth in what sense the Fathers call the bread the body of Christ. Also it saith positively that this body doth not lose its sensible substance, that is, the substance of bread. And to give more light, it brings the example of Baptism, teaching us that as the sanctified water yet remains water, likewise that body which is given in the Sacrament, yet remains bread.

To this join that notable testimony of Facundus which we alleadged before, That we call the body and blood of Christ that which is the Sacrament of his body in the consecrated bread and cup. Facun­dus lib. 9. cap. 5. p. 404. Non quod propriè cor­pus ejus sit panis, & po­culum san­guis, sed quod mysteri­um corporis ejus sangui­nisque conti­neant. Not that the bread is phoperly his body and the cup his blood, but because they contain the mystery of his body and blood.

Chrysostom is fervent in amplifications and hyperbolical words, so far as to say that we make the Altar red with blood, that we set our teeth in Christs flesh, that we hugg him with our embraces, that spiritual fire floweth from the sacred table; that there we receive fire reacht with tongs by a Seraphin. That we are mingled and kneaded with Christ; that we embrace his Cross, and put our fingers in his wounds. That Christ suffereth in the Eucharist. That his bones are broken in it. And that Christ drunk his own blood. Words which being litterally taken, should be absurd, even in the judgement of our Adver­saries. And the Cardinal who sets forth the testimonies of the Fathers with so much ostentation, could not beleive them. But let us hear Chrysostom [Page 728] speak, when he is out of his fits of exstatical oratory. He saith in the 83. Homi­ly upon Matthew, [...]. When the Lord gave this Sacrament, he gave wine. And in the Homily upon Psalm 22. Divine wisdom hath prepared this Table for his ser­vants and handmaids in their presence, that every day he might shew us bread and wine according to the order of Melchisedeck, in the likeness of the body and blood of Christ. And upon the Epistle to the Hebrews, Hom. 17. [...], &c. Do not we offer every day? We offer indeed, but by making the remembrance of his death. And that is one, not many. How is it one and not many? Because it was once only offered with­in the holiest of holies: And this is a figure of the same. And a little after, [...]. We offer not another victim as the High-Priest, but we make still the same. Or rather we make the commemoration of this sacrifice.

In the imperfect work upon Matthew ascribed to Chrysostom, these words are found in the II. Homily, where it is spoken of King Balthazar punished for putting the holy vessels to a prophane use,Si ergo haec vasa sanctificata ad privatos usus trans­ferre sit pe­riculosum, est in quibus non est ve­rum corpus Christi, sed mysterium corporis ejus continetur; quanto ma­gis vasa corporis nostri quae sibi Deus ad habitacu­lum praepa­ravit? If it be so dangerous to trans­port to private uses sacred vessels, in which the true body of Christ is not, but the mysterie of his body is contained, how much more the vessels of our bodies, which God hath prepared for his own habitation? Note that he saith not, the true body of Christ was not, but is not contained in the sacred vessels, that one may not think that he speaks only of the vessels of Balthazar. For upon the example of Baltha­zar, he takes occasion to give a general rule. In vain they say that this book was corrupted by the Arians, and that some clauses in it favour Arianism. For the Arians never dissented from the Orthodox about the point of the real presence. How much this place is displeasing to our Adversaries, they have shewed it in the last Editions, where under colour of repurging this book from Arianism, they have clipt this passage, and cut off these words, In quibus non est verum corpus Christi, sed mysterium corporis ejus continetur. In which the true body of Christ is not, but the mysterie of his body is contained; In the Edition of Paris, Printed for Odet Petit. in Saint James-street at the Golden Lilly, the inscription saith openly, that the work in that Edition is repurged from the corruption of Arians. Among which corruptions these goodly expurgators have put this passage, as savouring of heresie, as if denying transubstantiation were Arianism.

Peter Martyr hath taken out of a Manuscript of the Florentine Library, this passage of an Epistle of John Chrysostom to Cesarius a Monk, which also is found in Bibliotheca Patrum, Printed at Cullen, Anno 1618. in Tome 8. inserted in a book against the Severians.Sicut enim ante­quam sancti­ficetur panis, panem nomi­namus: Di­vina autem illum sancti­ficante gratia, mediante sacerdote, liberatus quidem est ab appella­tione panis, dignus autem habitus est Dominici corporis ap­pellatione, etiamsi natura panis in eo permansit. Before the bread be sanctified we call it bread, but the divine grace sanctifying the same by the Priests means, it is indeed delivered from the name of bread, and thought worthy to be called the Lords body, although the na­ture of bread remain in it. The Jesuite Gregorius de Valentia in the seventh Chap­ter of the book of Transubstantiation,Ad testimonium illius Johannis Constantinopolitani, &c. Falsissimum est quod ille Johannes fuerit D. Johannes Chrysostomus, &c. Turrianus apertè convincit fuisse Johannem illum, non autem Chrysostomum. saith that this passage is not of John Chrysostom, but of another John of Constantinople; Which he saith after the Je­suite Turrianus. This I say to answer Cardinal du Perron, who by a long dis­course labours to evince that this place is not of Chrysostom; for it is all one to us whose it is, since our very Adversaries ascribe it to an antient Author.

How many testimonies of Fathers could we bring, which call that which is re­ceived in the Sacrament, bread, wine, meale, fruits created from the earth? And that not only before, but even after the consecration?

Justine Martyr in the second Apology, They that among us are called Deacons, give to every one bread, and wine, and water, upon which graces have been said.

Tertullian in the third book against Marcion, chap. 19.Panem suum cerpus appellans, ut & hinc jam eum intelligas corporis sui figuram pan dedisse. He hath called bread his body, that thereby also thou mayst understand that he hath given to bread to be the figure of his body.

Ireneus in the third book chap. 34.Quomodo constabit eis eum panem in quo gratiae actae sunt, corpus esse Domini sui? &c. How should they know that the bread over which graces were said, is the Lords body?

Justin in the Dialogue against Triphon. [...], &c. It appeareth in this Prophecy concerning the bread which our Lord Christ gave us in memory of his Incar­nation.

Ignatius in the 76. Epistle to the Philadelphians, [...]. One bread is broken to all.

Cyprian in the 76. Epistle,Dominus corpus suum panem vocat de multorum granorum adunatione congestum. The Lord calleth his body the bread made up with the conjunction of many grains.

Dionysius sirnamed Areopagite, in the book of Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, chap. 3. [...]. He layeth open that which is celebrated by the signs holily set forth; for having uncovered the bread which was covered and whole, and having broken it in many pieces, and distributed the cup which is one, he doth figuratively multiply the unity.

Basil in the 27. chap. of the book of the Holy Ghost. [...]. Which of the Saints hath left us in writing the words of invocation when the bread of the Eucha­rist and the cup of blessing are shewed?

In the first Tome of the Councils we have an Epistle of Julius the first Bishop of Rome, which saith, ThatChristus in institutione & commen­datione Eccle­siastici sacri­ficii panem & vinum disci­pulis suis de­dit, in quibus corpus & sanguinem suum commendavit. Christ in the institution and recommendation of the Ecclesiastical Sacrifice, hath given bread and wine to his Disciples, in which he hath recommended his body and his blood. Observe that he saith, not only that the Lord gave bread and wine to his Disciples, but also that he distinguisheth the bread and wine from the body of Christ.

Ephrem speaks the same language:Ephrem Ad eos qui filii Dei naturam scrutari volunt. Inspice diligenter quo­modo sumens manibus panem benedicit, ac frangit in figuram immaculati corporis sui, calicemque in figuram pretiosi sanguinis sui benedicit & tribuit discipulis suis. Consider diligently how the Lord, having taken the bread in his hands, blest it and brake it, for a figure of his immacu­late body, and blest the cup for a figure of his precious blood, and gave it to his Disciples.

Thus also Hierom alledging Jovinian in the second book,In typo sanguinis sui non obtulit aquam sed vinum. The Lord to give a figure of his blood, did not offer water but wine. And so Cyprian in the sixty third Epistle,Vi­num fuit quod sanguinem suum dixit. It was wine which the Lord called his blood. And in the same place, The body of Christ is not meal only.

Austin in the third book of the Trinity, ch. 10.Panis ad hoc factus in accipiendo Sacramento consumitur. Bread made purposely for that, is consumed in receiving the Sacrament.

Fulgentius and Beda alledge these words of the same Father,Fulg. l. de Baptismo Aethiopis moribundi. Beda in 1 Cor. 10. ex sermone Augustini ad infantes. Quod ergo vidistis, pa­nis est & calix, quod vobis etiam oculi vestri renunciant. Quod autem fides vestra postulat instruenda, panis est corpus Christi, &c. That which you see is bread and a cup, as also your eyes announce him unto you. But the instructi­on which your faith requireth, is, that bread is the body of Christ. In the same place he declareth what that body of Christ is.Corpus Christi si vis intelligere, audi Apostolum dicentem fidelibus, Vos estis corpus Christi & membra, &c. If thou wilt (saith he) un­derstand what the body of Christ is, Hear the Apostle saying to the believers: You are the body of Christ and his members. If then you are the body of Christ and his members, your mysterie is laid upon the Lords table. So far was that Father from believing the transubstantiation of the bread into the natural body of Christ.

Cyrillus of Alexandria upon John 4. in the fourteenth chapter,Credentibus discipulis fragmenta panis dedit, dicens, Accipite & Manducate, hoc est corpus meum. He gave to his believing Disciples pieces of bread, saying, Take, eat, this is my body.

GaudentiusGaudent in Exod. Tractatu 2. de Paschate, Recte enim vini specie tum sanguis ejus exprimitur, quia cum ipse in Evangelio dicit, Ego sum vitis, vera, satis declarat sanguinem suum esse omne vinum quod in figura passionis ejus affertur. By the element of wine his blood is well exprest; Because where he saith in the Gospel, I am the true vine, he declareth sufficiently that his blood is all the wine which is offered in the figure of his Passion.

Neither do the Fathers only speak so, but even the Canon of the Mass; for it was made when transubstantiation was not yet invented. Whoso will consider what the words of the Priest are after the Consecration, shall easily acknowledge that they are prayers which were good sometimes, when they were said over bread and wine, and other gifts of the people laid upon the table, but that they are become absurd and contrary to the Priests intention ever since they have been pronounced upon an host, which they pretend to be the Lords body.

After the words of consecration, the Priest offering the host unto God, saith,Supra quae propitio ac sereno vultu respicere digneris, ut accepta habe­re dignatus munera pueri cui justi Abel. Over which things be pleased to look with a propitious and serene face as thou wert pleased to accept the presents of Abel thy just child. What doth he mean by these things? Can he understand Christ who is but one? And who ever called Christ these things? And how can they without offering an outrage to the Son of God, beseech God that the sacrifice of his only Son be as acceptable unto him, as once the sacrifice of Abel was, who offered a beast? For observe that he com­pareth not the devotion of those that offer, with the devotion of Abel, but that which the Priest offereth with the gifts which Abel offered.

The Priest addeth,Supplices te rogamus Deus omni­potens, jube hac praeferri per manus sancti Angeli tui in sublime altare tuum. We beseech thee Almighty God, command that these things be carried up by the hands of thy holy Angel into thy high Altar. This also cannot be applied unto Christ; for Christ needs not the mediation of Angels to be car­ried up or presented to his Father. The Priest having thus prayed that the Angel should carry up these things, why doth he not stay till the Angel carry them away, but eats them presently after?

The following words especially are considerable. The Priest saith,Per quem Domine haec omnia semper nobis bona creas, sancti­ficas, vivisi­cas, benedicis. By Christ our Lord, by whom O Lord thou createst alwayes all these goods unto us, thou sanctifiest, quickenest, and blessest them. Let them tell us what all these goods are. Is it Christ? But what reason to call Christ these goods? yea all these goods, as if there were great many of them. Besides the Priest speaks of goods which God createth alwayes, and which he quickeneth and sanctifieth alwayes. Nothing of that is proper unto Christ. And that which is the strangest of all, the Priest saith that God createth these goods alwayes by Jesus Christ. Doth God create always Jesus Christ by Jesus Christ? Doth God quicken and bless Jesus Christ by Jesus Christ? But if by all these goods the Priest understands bread and wine, how un­reasonable is it to demonstrate the bread and wine by saying these goods, when that bread and that wine are no more? and to call those goods that which is brought to nothing? How unreasonable is it to give thanks unto God for crea­ting bread and wine, yea for creating that bread and that wine, which is no more when the host is worshipped, and when they pretend to sacrifice the eternal Son of God? and to speak of offering unto God bread and wine which are not, when the spirits of the people should be bent to glorifie God, for redeeming us by the sacrifice of the death of his Son.

The Reader who hath yet some liberty of judgement left, will consider this, and bewail the misery of our age, and the thick darkness which Satan hath cast upon the clarity and simplicity of the Gospel. For when we alledge the word of God, which alone ought to rule us, they turn it wholly into figures. So that when Scripture saith that we eat bread, and break bread, and that we drink the fruit of the vine, and that Christ in his humanity is no more in the world, and is gone, we must understand that it is not bread that we eat, that it is not bread that we break, that it is not the fruit of the vine that we drink; and that Christs body hath not left the world, but remains in it invisibly.

Now to defend these interpretations, they have recourse to the Fathers as in­fallible Judges: But when those Fathers are produced which say that the sub­stance of the bread remains after the consecration, and affirm with the Apostle, that we eat and break bread, then they will create more figures, and the Fathers must be understood in a contrary sense. For these Doctors by the substance will have us to understand the accidents, and by bread and wine the shew of bread and wine; And to distract or overwhelm the spirits that seek for instruction, they will make a great volume upon one only passage of a Father. O miserable [Page 731] age! Why are mens spirits intangled in a labyrinth without issue, instead of rest­ing with simplicity of faith upon Christs institution, by speaking and doing as he did? For so we might be all agreed.

Here truth is so strong, that it hath fetcht many confessions from the prime men among our Adversaries, who acknowledge that there is nothing in Scri­pture that obliges us to believe Transubstantiation; Which they ground only upon the Authority of the Roman Church. Cardinal Cajetan expounding these words, This is my body, saith, In the Gospel nothing is found that obliges us to believe the con­version of bread into the body of Christ. Cajet. in summam Thomae, part. 3. q. 75. Art. 1. Alterum quod Evange­lium non ex­plicavit, & expresse ab Ecclesia ac­cepimus, sci­licet conver­sionem panis in corpus Christi. The other point (saith he) namely the conversion of bread into the body of Christ, is not expounded in the Gospel, but we have expresly received it from the Church. Bellarmine alledgeth Scotus saying,Bell. lib. 3. de Euch. c. 23. Sect. Non dissimili. Scotus dicit non extare ullum locum Scripturae tam expressum ut sine Ecclesiae declaratione evi­denter cogat Transubstantiationem admittere. Atque id non est omnino improbabile, &c. That there is no Text in Scripture so express as to compell us evidently to believe transubstantiation, if we had not the declaration of the Church. To whlch opinion Bellarmine joyns his own; for he adds, That which Scotus saith, is not altogether improbable. For although Scripture seem to us clear enough to convince a modest man, yet it may be doubted with good reason whether the thing be so, that most learn­ed and most acute men, of whom Scotus is one, have been of a contrary opinion. In the same place he reproveth Scotus for saying that before the Council of Lateran held in the year 1225. Transubstantiation was not an Article of faith. For he believeth, with others, that the Roman Church can make new Articles of faith. Melchior Canus saith the same as Cajetan and Scotus in the third book of Theolo­gical places, chap. 3.

CHAP. VI. What is the signification of the word Sacrament: And in what sense the Fa­thers call the Eucharist the body of Christ.

THE word Sacrament according to the property of the Latin tongue, signi­fieth a pawn or money deposited in a Court for the parties pleading, with that condition that the party that is cast, must lose also the money depo­sited.

Also Sacramentum in the good Latin Authors, is as much as an oath: And thence comes the French word Serment: But more commonly by the word Sa­cramentum, that oath was understood which a Souldier took unto his General.

When the Latin tongue began to decay, the Old Christians called Sacrament any mysterie, any doctrine that was hidden and sacred, and the intel­ligence thereof was not exposed to every mans sight. In that sense the vulgar version received in the Roman Church, takes the word Sacrament. Thus the1 Tim. 3.16. incarnation of the Saviour.Eph. 1.9. The will of God.Dan. 2.27. The Statue of Nebuchadnezzar. Rev. 17.7. The mysterie of the great harlot.Eph. 5.32. The union of Christ with his Church, are in the Greek text of Scripture called Mysteries, and in the vulgar version Sacraments.

But in the end use hath so prevailed, that the word Sacrament signifies a sacred sign of Gods Covenant in Christ, instituted by God in his Church; and such are Baptism and the Lords Supper. In this sense the Latin Fathers, and the Roman Church of this time, and ours take the word Sacrament: For we willingly com­ply with the usual words, so that the truth of things may remain; understanding no other thing by this word Sacrament, but that which ScriptureGen. 17.21. Rom. 4.11. 1 Cor. 11.24. calls a sign,Signa cum ad res divinas per­tinent, Sacra­menta appel­lantur. a seal, and a commemoration.

Austin in the fifth Epistle to Marcellinus, saith, That Signs when they belong to divine things, are called Sacraments. And in the fifth book of the City of [Page 572] God, ch. 5.Sacrifi­um visibile est invisibilis sacrificii sa­cramentum, id est sacrum signum. The visible sacrifice is a sacrament of the invisible sacrifice, that is, a sacred Sign. And against the adversary of the Law and the Prophets in the se­cond book, chap. 9. Sacramenta, id est sacra signa. And Lombard Lombard. l. 4. Dist. 1. Sacramen [...]um est invisibilis gratiae visibi­lis forma. Et Sect. Apud. Sacramentum nomen generi­cum, significat signum rei sa­crae. Et cap. 9. Sect. Primo. the Master of Sentences, defineth thus a Sacrament, Sacramentum est sacrae rei signum, A Sa­crament is a sign of a sacred thing. He saith also that it is a form or outward shew of an invisible grace. And Bellarmine in the first book of the Sacraments, chap. 7. The word Sacrament signifies a sign of a sacred thing. Wherefote when the Fathers call the Lords supper the Sacrament of the body of Christ, by these words they understand that the Lords Supper is the sacred sign of the body of Christ. It is a great abuse to call the body of Christ a Sacrament; for it is making the body of Christ a sign of himself, and a figure of himself. As if the King were the picture of himself, and the Kings person the picture and image of his person.

Wherefore Austin will have us to lift up our minds from the Sacraments, that is, from the visible signs, to the things signified.August. contra Maxi­minum. l. 3. c. 22. Haec Sacramenta sunt in qui­bus non quid sim, sed quid ostendant, semper atten­ditur. Quo­niam signa sunt rerum, aliud existen­tia, aliud sig­nificantia. These things (saith he) are Sacraments, in which we have regard alwayes, not to that which they are, but to that which they represent; because they are signs of things, which are one thing and sig­nifie another.

For that reason the same Father denieth that the Sacrament of the body of Christ is the body of Christ but after some manner, and according as the signs by reason of the resemblance are called with the name of the things signified,Epist. 23. ad Bonifaci­um. Si sa­cramenta quandam si­miltitudinem earum quarum sunt Sacramenta non haberent, omnino Sacramenta non essent. Ex hac autem similitudine plerumque etiam ipsarum nomina accipiunt. Sicut ergo secundum quendam modum Sacramentum corporis Christi corpus Christi est, Sacramentum sanguinis Christi sanguis Christi est, Ita sacramentum fidei fides est. If the Sacraments (saith he) had not some resemblance with those things whereof they are Sacraments, they should not be Sacraments at all. Now because of that resemblance they take more often the names of the things themselves. As then the Sacrament of the body of Christ is after some manner the body of Christ; and the Sacrament of the blood of Christ is the blood of Christ; so the Sacrament of faith (meaning Bap­tism) is faith. And in the same place upon that the Apostle calls Baptism a bu­rial, Rom. 6. he saith thatSacramentum tantae rei non nisi ejusdem rei vocabulo significavit. Saint Paul could not express the Sacrament of so great a thing, but by the name of the same thing. Where it is clear that by the Sacrament he meaneth the sacred sign.

Wherefore every time that it is spoken in Austins books of the Sacrament of the body of Christ, the true interpretation is to translate the sacred sign of the body of Christ.

CHAP. VII. That the Fathers not only call that which we receive in the Eucharist, sign, figure, symbol, type, and antitype, and commemoration; but also teach that the words of the Lord are sacramental, that is, that in these words the name of the thing signified is given to the sign.

THere is nothing more frequent in the books of the Fathers then to call the Eucharist a sign, a figure, and a type of Christs body. Austin in the third book,Potuit significando praedicare Dominum Jesum Christum, aliter per linguam suam, aliter per Epistolam, aliter per Sacramentum corporis & sanguinis ejus. cap. 4. Paul could by signifying preach the Lord Jesus Christ, otherwise by his tongue, otherwise by his letters, otherwise by the sacred sign of his body and of his blood.

And in the twenty sixth Treatise upon John, speaking of the body of Christ;Hujus rei sacramen­tum, &c. Res vero ipsa cujus Sacra­mentum est, omni homini ad vitam, nul­li ad exitium quicunque ejus participes fiunt. The sacred sign of this thing, (even the unity of the body and blood of the Lord) is prepared, &c. And is taken at the table by some to life, and by some to perdition. But the thing it self, of which it is a sacred sign, turns unto life to every man that is partaker of the same, and to none unto perdition.

And upon Psal. 98. he personates Christ speaking thus,Non hoc corpus quod videtis man­ducaturi estis, & bibituri sanguinem quem fusuri sunt qui me crucifigent. Sacramentum aliquod vobis commendavi, spiritualiter intellectum vivificabit vos. Ʋnderstand spi­ritually that which I said unto you: You shall not eat this body which you see, and shall not drink the blood, which they that crucifie me, shall spil. I have recom­mended a sacred sign unto you, which being spiritually understood, shall quicken you.

And in the eleventh Sermon of the words of the Lord,Nunquid & Judas quamvis pri­mum ipsum manibus ejus confectum Sacramentum carnis & san­guinis ejus cum caeteris Discipulis manducaret & biberet, mansit in Christo, aut Christus in eo? Did the wicked Judas, the seller and betrayer of his Master, abide in Christ, and Christ in him? al­though he eat and drunk the first sacred sign of his flesh and blood done by his hands, with other Disciples.

And in the twenty sixth Treatise upon John, Qui non manet in Christo, & in quo non ma­net Christus, procul dubio nec manducat spiritualiter carnem ejus nec bibit ejus sanguinem, licet carnali­ter & visibi­liter premat dentibus sa­cramentum corporis & sanguinis Christi. He that abideth not in Christ, and in whom Christ abideth not, doubtless neither eateth his flesh, nor drinks his blood spiritually, although he press the sacred sign of the body and blood of Christ carnally and visibly with his teeth.

Tertullian in the third book against Marcion chap. 19.Panem suum corpus appellans ut & hinc jam eum intelligas corporis sui figuram pani dedisse. Christ hath called bread his body, that thereby thou maist understand that he hath given to bread the figure of his body. Pamelius in his notes upon Tertullian, is much vexed with this sentence, and saith that perhaps these words were added by some other. Yet he acknowledgeth that he found it in the Manuscript of the Vatican, and that it is found in all Editions.

The same Tertullian in the fourth book, chap. 40.Acceptum panem & distributum discipulis corpus suum illum fecit, dicendo hoc est corpus meum, id est, figura corporis mei. Figura autem non esset nisi veritatis esset corpus. Caeterum vacua res quod est phantasma siguram capere non posset. Christ having taken bread and distributed it to his Disciples, made it his body, saying, This is my body, that is, the figure of my body. Now it had not been a figure, if he (that is Christ) had not been the body of truth [or the true body.] An empty thing as a ghost [or illusion of the fancy] could not be capable of a figure. He disputeth against the Marcionites who denyed that Christ was a true body, and made of him an illusion of the fancy, a meer ghost. Tertullian proveth that Christ hath a true body, because he was figured by the ceremonies of the Law, and by the figure of the Lords Supper, when he said, This is my body: that is, the figure of my body. For a thing which is not truly, cannot be represented by figure. Which is the same reason thatOrig. in Marcion. Dialog. 3. Tom. 1. Theod. Dial. 3. Origen and Theodoret used against those that denyed the truth of Christs body, as we shall see hereafter.

Here the Cardinal is strugling and sweating. And to avoid the strength of these words so express, This is my body, that is, the figure of my body, he finds in Tertullians words an Hyperbaton, that is, a transposition of words out of their due order: Confessing thereby that these words make for us, unless they be put out of order. Then he would have this clause thus mended, This is my body, that is (if we must believe him) this, namely the figure of my body, is my body. Is not that abusing God and men? Should he have thus turned the words of Ter­tullian upside down to make him say things which even the Roman Church be­lieveth not? For the Roman Church believeth not that the figure of Christs body is Christs body. Wherefore that exposition needs another exposition. So after he had changed and overturned Tertullians words by an extravagant exposition, he doth afterwards change his own exposition into another. Tertullian (saith he) meaneth that the bread which in the Law was the figure of our Lords body, is in the Gospel the body of Christ. To that second exposition he should have added a third; for this second exposition as well as the third, speaks against the belief of the Roman Church, which believeth not that the bread is the body of Christ: nor that the bread which under the Law was a figure, is under the Gospel the true [Page 734] body of Christ. If in Tertullian one Hyperbatick passage be found, a thousand may be found that are not so. And how unlike is it that in these words, This is my body, that is, the figure of my body, there is an Hyperbaton? Can any man speak more clear and more natural words? Besides, by putting thus Tertullian upon the rack, he takes away the strength of Tertullians argument, who because this bread is the figure of Christs body, proveth that Christ hath a true body; since figures are images of things that are truly. And if Tertullian in the same chapter speaking of the figures of the Law, saith that the bread under the Old Testament was a figure of Christs body, it followeth not that it is no more a figure of Christs body under the New Testament. The word fuisset regards the time in which Christ instituted his holy Supper. For Tertullian writ about one hundred and seventy years after: As if he said, Christ would not have instituted the figure of his body, if he had not a true body.

Theodoret in the first Dialogue, The Lord gave to the fign the name of his body. There is in the Greek, that the Lord hath given to the symbole, the name of his body. G [...]ntian Hervet translateth. [...]. He hath given to his body, the name of the symbole and the sign, and to the symbole the name of his body.

Maximus in his Greek Notes upon Dionysius expounds this word symbole, saying [...]. that it is some sensible thing taken for an intelligible thing, as bread and wine for the immaterial and divine food and gladness.

The same Maximus speaking of the Eucharist, opposeth the symbols to the truth, [...], These things are signs, not the truth. It is the style of the Greek Fathers as Bellarmin acknowledgeth, saying,Dionysius c. 1. Eccles. Hierarchiae & alii Pa­tres Graeci, Sacramenta vocant sym­bola, id est, signa. Diony­sius in the first chapter of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, and other Greek Fathers call Sacraments Symbols, that is signs,

Thus Eusebius in the eighth book of the Demonstration, having said, that Christ gave to his Disciples the symbols of his dispensation, addeth [...]. com­manding to celebrate the image or figure of his own body. All this ought to have kept Cardinal du Perron from his cold Criticisme upon the word Symbol.

The same Theodoret in the same place, [...], &c. The Lord hath honoured the vi­sible signs with the name of his body and blood, having not changed their nature, but added grace unto nature.

And a little after, [...]? Tell me truly, of what dost thou think the sacred meat to be a sign and figure? The answer is, It is a sign of the body and blood of the Lord.

And in the second Dialogue, [...]. Tell me then the mystical signs which are offered unto God by the Priests, of what are they signs? The heretick whose name is Eranistes answereth, Of the body and blood of the Lord. Observe by the way that Eranistes in the Dialogues of Theodoret, signifieth a contributor, as one that payeth his shot, not a beggar,Du Perron against du Plessis p. 504. as our Cardinal thinks. It is a Conference where the heretick contributes what he can. It is true that Eranist sometimes signifieth a beggar, as the same Theodoret saith in the beginning of his Dialogues. But in the same place he declareth that in these Dialogues, he takes that word for a contributor.

Theodoret addeth, [...]. If then the divine mysteries are signs or images of the true body, &c. There is in the Greek antitypes, calling those things antitypes which he had called a little before symbols or signs.

And in the same place, [...]. The mystical signs do not change nature; no not after the consecration, for they remain in their first substance, figure and shape. And a little after, to shew that the change is not in the thing, but in the word, he makes Eranistes to say [...]. The mystical sign changeth name, &c.

Clement in the fifth book of Apostolical Constitutions, chap. 16.C [...]m antitypa mysteria pre­tiosi corporis & sanguinis nobis tradi­disset, &c. exiit ad mo [...] ­tem Olivarum. Having given us the mysteries figurative of his precious body and blood, &c. he went up into the Mount of Olives. And such was the thanksgiving that used to be said in his time in the participation of the Lords Supper.Gratias tibi agimus Pater pro pretioso san­guine Jesu Christi qui effusus est pro nobis, & pro precioso corpore cujus haec antitypa persicimus, &c. We give thee thanks, our Father, for the precious blood of Jesus Christ, which was shed for us; and for the precious body, of which we do these signs by his command to announce his death.

Origen in the third Dialogue against the Marcionites;Origen. in Marcion. Dial. 3. tit. 1. Quod si, ut obloquuntur isti, carne destitutus erat & exanguis, cujusmodi [...] carnis, cujus corporis & sanguinis signa & imagines pa­nem & pocu­lum ministra­vit, jussitque per illa Discipulos memoriam suî renovare? If Christ was without flesh, and without blood, as these men contend: of what flesh, of what body, and of what did he administer the signs and images, even the bread and the cup, and com­manded his disciples to renew by them his remembrance? It is the same reason that Tertullian useth in the fourth book against Marcion chap. 40.

Dionysius sirnamed the Areopagite, in the third chapter of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, calleth six times that which is upon the sacred table, and given to the communicants, signs or symbols.

Ephrem ad eos qui filii Dei na­turam scru­tari volunt, cap. 4. Inspice item diligenter quomodo su­mens in ma­nibus panem benedicit & frangit in figuram im­maculati cor­poris sui, &c.Ephrem. Consider carefully how the Lord taking the bread in his hands, blest it and broke it, for a figure of his immaculate body, and gave and distributed to his Disciples the cup for a figure of his blood.

Ambrose in the fourth book of the Sacraments, chap. 5. affirmeth, that in his time this clause was in the publick service. Make this oblation to be set to our ac­count, acceptable and reasonable, which is the figure of the body and blood of the Lord. Which words were said indeed before the consecration; but they ask of God, that the thing to be consecrated, be received as an acceptable offering. For our Adversaries themselves acknowledge, that the bread not consecrated cannot be the oblation which is put to our account, and is accepted before God for our sins.

The same Father upon 1 Cor. 11.Quia morte ejus redempti sumus, hujus rei memores, in edendo & potando, carnem & sanguinem quae pro nobis oblata sunt significamus. Because we have been redeemed by his death, we remembring that, in eating and drinking signifie the flesh and blood which are offered for us. And in the same place,Quia beneficii divini sanguis testis est. In cujus typum nos calicem mysticum sanguinis ad tuitionem animae & corporis percipimus. The blood is a witness of the divine benefit; For the figure of which, we receive the mystical cup of blood for the preservation of the body and soul.

Macarius in the twenty seventh Homily, [...]. In the Church bread and wine are offered to be antitypes or figures of his flesh and blood, and they that participate to the bread which appeareth, eat spiritually the flesh of the Lord.

Eusebius in the first book of the Demonstration, chap. 8. [...], &c. We celebrate the memory of this sacrifice upon the table, by the signs of his salutary body and blood, according to the Laws of the New Covenant.

And in the same place, [...]. He gave to his Disciples the signs of the divine dispensa­tion, commanding to celebrate the figure of his own body, otherwise to make the image of his own body. A place where the word symbol is expounded to be a figure or image.

And in the fifth book of the Demonstration; ch. 3. [...]. First our Saviour and Lord, then all the Priests that have followed him in all Nations, celebrating the holy spiritual service according to the Ecclesiastical Ordinances, signifie unto us by the bread and wine, the mysteries of his body and blood.

Gregory Nazianzen praising his Sister Gorgonia, commends her devotion for reserving in her hand some part of the signs of the pretious body of the Lord. [Page 736] [...], &c. If sometimes her hand had treasured up some of the antitypes or signs of the pretious body or blood of the Lord, she mingled it with her tears.

That custom of giving leave to women to carry away in their hands some of the bread and wine of the Lords Supper, and to keep it, was a proof that they believed not Transubstantiation in those dayes. For in those dayes it would be thought an horrible profanation to suffer a woman to touch the Host: Wherefore Gregory calls that which his sister carried away, the antitypes or signs of the body and blood of Christ. And that which is more remarkable, is, that Gre­gory saith, that she received Baptism a little before her death. Which is a proof that she carried away the Sacrament without eating of it.

The same Gregory in the second Oration of the Passeover, speaks thus of the Eucharist, [...]. We shall participate of the Passeover; which indeed is yet in figure, although more evidently then in the antient Passeover: for the Legal Passeover (I make bold to say so) was a more obscure figure of a figure. He saith that the Passeover was a figure of the Lords Supper, as a less clear figure is a figure of another more express figure.

Gaudentius in the second Treatise upon Exodus, Recte etiam vini specie tum sanguis ex­primitur. With good reason his blood is exprest by the element of wine. AgainIbid. Rationaliter in eo figura corporis Chri­sti. In the bread, the figure of Christs body is reasonably understood.

Hierom upon 1 Cor. 11.Benedi­cens, etiam passurus, ul­timam nobis commemora­tionem sive memoriam dereliquit. Quemadmo­dum si quis peregre proficiscens aliquod pignus ei quem diligit relinquat, ut quotiescunque illud videt possit ejus be­neficia & amicitias memorare. When he blessed, even going to suffer, he recom­mended to us the last commemoration or remembrance. As if one going on a journey should leave some token to him whom he loveth, that whensoever he seeth it, he may remember his benefit and love. Should Christ have left himself for a token and a remembrance of himself?

The same Hierom against Jovinian, In typo sanguinis sui non obtulit aquam sed vinum. The Lord did not offer water but wine for a type of his blood.

Chrysostom upon Matthew in the eighty third Homily, [...]. If Jesus died not, of what is this celebration a symbol and sign? Seest thou how carefull he was that we should alwayes remember that he died for us?

Procopius Gazaeus upon Gen. 49.Dedit sui corporis imaginem vel effigiem aut typum discipulis, haud amplius admit­tens & acceptans Legis cruenta sacrificia. He gave to his Disciples, the image, or likeness, or type of his body, receiving no more the bloody sacrifices of the Law.

Suidas upon the word [...], [...]. The Church makes an offering of the signs of the body and blood of Christ.

Austin is beyond all the Fathers in evidence upon this subject. To him there­fore I reserve a chapter by himself.

CHAP. VIII. Some passages of Austin, wherein he teacheth that Christs words, This is my body, and Except you eat my flesh, &c. are figurative. The Car­dinals answers are examined.

AƲstin Si prae­ceptiva locu­tio est aut sla­gitium aut facinus vetans, aut utilitatem aut beneficentiam jubens, non est figurata. Si autem slagitiū aut facinus videtur ju­bere, aut uti­litatem aut beneficentiam vetare, figu­rata est. Nisi manducaveri­tis, inquit, carnem filii hominis & sanguinem biberitis, non habebitis vi­tam in vobis, facinus vel flagitium vi­detur jubere. Figura est ergo praecipi­ens passioni Dominicae esse communican­dum, & suae­viter atque utiliter recon­dendum in memoria quod pro nobis caro ejus crucifixa & vulnerata sit. in the third book of Christian doctrine, ch. 15. having said that the precepts of Gods Word which command to do a good work, or forbid to do a wicked work, must not be figuratively understood; And those precepts which seem to command an evil work, or forbid a good work, are figures, and that the words must be figuratively understood; brings for example the command­ment of eating the Lords flesh and drinking his blood: these are his own words; Except you eat (saith Christ) the flesh of the Son of man, and drink his blood, you have no life in you. He seems to command a crime or a wicked act. It is then a figure, commanding to communicate to the Lords passion, and to lay in our memory sweetly and profitably that his flesh was crucified and wounded for us.

The Cardinal made a great book purposely upon the testimonies which we al­ledge out of Austin, where he spends forty eight long pages about the exposition of this last passage. Before he enters upon the matter; he makes a little pedantical exord out of Virgil, Nunc animis opus Aenea, nunc pectore firmo, as having a hard combat to atchieve.

His discourse is both long and intricate, and needs an Oedipus to unriddle it. But in that long discourse he answers not the two things wherein lyeth the whole strength of that place. The one is that Austin expounding these words, Except you eat my flesh, &c. saith not only that these words are typical, but also declareth very expresly that in that text by eating the flesh of the Lord and drinking his blood we must understand communicating unto the death of Christ, remembring with pleasure and profit that Christ was crucified for us. An exposition which neither he nor the Roman Church approveth. For when we say to our adver­saries, Since Austin tells us that these words are figurative, expound us that figure, and express it in plain words; their answer is that the figure lyeth in that the flesh of Christ is not eaten grossely and visibly by bits, like flesh of the shambles, but that it is taken whole in a miraculous way under the species of bread. But that is not Austins exposition, who will have the figure to consist in this, that eating the flesh of Christ signifieth a mans meditating in his memory the Lords death and passion. If Austin spake ill by speaking so, why doth the Cardinal trouble himself to excuse him? and if he spake well, why are we blamed for speaking as he did?

The other thing that we observe in Austins words is that the exposition which our adversaries give to it, tends to establish the real manducation which is done with the mouth in the Sacrament. But Austin in this passage would take us off from all oral manducation, and keeps us altogether to that which is done with the heart and by the memory and meditation of his death.

To which add that Austin holds that these words, Except you eat the flesh of the Son of man, you have no life in you, taken litterally, enjoyn a wicked act. Now there is no lesse wickednesse in swallowing a whole mans flesh then in eating it bit after bit. For either way, it is devouring Jesus Christ; which thought Austin would put far from us, putting instead of it, not the sacramental manducation, but the serious and profitable meditation of our Saviours passion.

If the exposition which our adversaries give to that figure be considered, it will be found that they acknowledge no figure at all; for to eat Christ in the Host, according to their belief, is a real, not a typical manducation.

Let the pious Reader sadly consider what will become in the end of Christian Religion, seeing that the Word of God is removed from the people, and the [Page 738] people sent back to the reading of the Fathers where they understand nothing; and that they which probably might get some intelligence in them, are kept back from it, being discouraged and confounded by the infinite length and labour, since upon one only place of a Father a whole book is made. If the decision of our differences lyeth upon that issue, when shall we have done examining some twenty thousand passages of the Fathers alledged on both sides? And if we stand to the Cardinals expositions, they shall be found a hundred times more obscure then the text of the Fathers which he takes in hand to expound. Oh wretched men that cast themselves purposely into a darknesse without end, and into a maze of uncertainty, to avoid the clarity, certainty, and brevity of the Word of God!

Fulbertus Carnutensis Fol. 168. Figura est er­go (dicet hae­reticus) prae­cipiens, &c. Petavius up­on Epiphani­us saith that these words [dicit haereti­cus] are not found in his manuscript. in his Sermon against the Jews, takes a shorter way, and makes this place of Austin advantagious to the Roman Church, by the ad­dition of two words, alledging thus St. Austin; Except you eat the flesh of the son of man and drink his blood, you have no life in you; It is then a figure [will the heretick say] commanding, &c. Our Cardinal made conscience to follow him in that depravation. But he followed his example in the following passage.

Austin in the 12. ch. of the book against Adimantus speaks thus,Non enim Deus dubita­vit dicere Hoc est corpus me­um, cum signum daret corporis sui. The Lord made no difficulty to say, This is my body, when he gave the sign of his body. Other Advocates of Transubstantiation answer, that the Roman Church denieth not that in the Eucharist we receive the sign of the Lords body; but they say that it is a sign joyned with the truth. But that answer cannot subsist: For Austin saith not only that Christ gave the sign of his body, but teacheth also how these words, This is my body, must be understood. Austin declareth that the Lord by his body understood the sign of his body. An Exposition esteemed heretical by the Roman Church, and for that we sustain so much hatred.

Cardinal du Perron not able to bear the strength of that reason, hath recourse to his boldness in depraving, and doth like Fulbert in the forealledged place. For he puts in these words of his own according to you, which turn this clause into a contrary sense, making Austin to say, The Lord made no difficulty to say this is my body, when he gave, according to you, the sign of his body; as if Austin spake according to the sense of the Manicheans.

Had we used the fourth part of that licence, we should be called Forgers, Atheists, Ʋngodly, impudent; for these are the flowers of their ordinary oratory. But for my part, that I may spare this Prelats memory, I will impute this fault to extremity of grief and despondency to see his game go against him.

I maintain that it is most false that Austin spake according to the sense of the Manicheans, and affirm that the sense which he puts upon Austins words, is con­trary to his intention, which I must open to the Reader.

The Manicheans affirmed that there was two Gods, the one good, the other evil; and said that the evil god was author of the Law, and the good, author of the Gospel. To make good their opinion, they laboured to make the Law to justle against the Gospel, and to find contrariety between them. Among other contrarieties they marked this, that the Law said that the soul is in the blood, and therefore forbade eating of blood, saying Deut. 12.23. Be sure that thou eat not the blood, for the blood is the life. To this they opposed this sentence of the Go­spel, Matth. 10.28. that none is able to kill the soul, although it be certain that men can shed and disperse the blood. Austin answereth two things to that ob­jection. That either when the Law saith that the blood is the soul, it speaks only of the blood of beasts, or that it is a typical locution, which according to the custom of Scripture, attributes unto the sign the name of the thing signified; in the same manner as Christ said This is my body, when he gave the sign of his body. And in the same manner as the Apostle said that the stone was Christ, because it was a sign or figure of Christ. These are the very words of Austin, Nam ex eo quod scri­ptum est san­guinem peco­ris animam ejus esse, prae­ter id quod sapra dixi non ad me pertinere quid agatur de pe­coris anima, possum etiam interpretari praeceptum illud in signo esse positum; Non enim Do­minus dubita­vit dicere Hoc est corpus meum, cum fignum daret [...] oris sui. As for that which is written that the blood of the beasts is the soul of the same; besides what I said already, that I care not what becomes of the soul of a beast, I may also expound that this command [which forbids eating of blood, because the blood is the soul] is put [Page 739] in sign; [that is, because the blood is the sign of the soul] For the Lord also made no difficulty to say, This is my body, when he gave the sign of his body. And to con­firm that exposition, he adds in the same chapter that other example, The stone was Christ, of which words he saith that the sense is, The stone signified Christ. St. Austin will have these locutions, The blood is the soul, and This is my body, and The stone was Christ, to be alike; and he teacheth that the name of things signified in these expresses is given unto the signes. For he addeth in the same chapter,Illud quod Lex dicit, &c. quia sanguis est anima, esse positum dici­mus, sicut alia multa; et pene omnia scri­pturarum il­larum sacra­menta signis et figuris ple­na sunt futu­rae praedicati­onis quae jam per Dominum nostrum Jesu declarata est, Sic est enim sanguis anima quomodo petra erat Christus, sicut dicit A­postolus, Bibe­bant de spiri­tuali sequente eos petra; Pe­tra autem erat Christus. Notū est autem filios Israel petra percussa bibisse aquam in ere­mo; de quibus loquebatur Apostolus cum haec dice­ret, nec tamen ait, Petra significabat Christum, sed ait, Petra erat Christus. That which the Law saith that the blood must not be spilt, but eaten because the blood is the soul, we say that it is put as many other things; and almost all the Sacra­ments of these Scriptures are full of signs and figures of the future preaching which now is declared by our Lord Jesus. For so is blood the soul, as the stone was Christ, as the Apostle saith, They drunk of the spiritual stone that followed them, and the stone was Christ. Now it is known that the children of Israel, the stone being smit­ten, drunk water in the wilderness; of whom the Apostle spake when he said these things: and yet he said not the stone signified Christ, but this stone was Christ.

Let us apply these last words to the subject in hand, since Austin joyneth these examples; and let us say that the Lord saith not This signifieth my body, but, This is my body; in the same manner as the Apostle said not This stone signifieth Christ, but This stone is Christ; For (saith Austin) the Scriptures are full of such figures. Will the Cardinal have that to be the language of the Manicheans? And since Austin saith that in these words, the stone was Christ, the sign is named with the name of the thing signified; why shall we not say the same of these words, This is my body, since these two examples are set together by Austin, and that the one serveth to clear the other?

To make the abuse extream, the Cardinal by this addition, according to you, chargeth Austin of calumny. For it was not the belief of the Manicheans that the bread of the Eucharist was the sign of the body of Christ. The Cardinal him­self saith so muchCh. 6. of his book of the passages of St. Austin p. 38. unwittingly, when he saith that the Manicheans believed that Christ had no true body. For how could those that deny the truth of Christs body, believe that bread in the Eucharist was a sign of a thing that is not? And if Austin spake according to the opinion of the Manicheans when he expounded Christs words This is my body, by these, This is the sign of my body; we must say also that the stone was Christ, because according to the opinion of the Mani­cheans, not according to truth, it signified Christ. For Austin sets these two texts together as much alike.

To this notable text we joyn another more expresse yet, out of the 23. Epistle to Boniface. Austin labours to shew to Boniface that Baptism may be called saith, because it is the Sacrament or sacred sign of faith, according as the signs use to take the name of things signified. Among other examples he brings the Lords Supper which is called the sacrifice of Christ, although it was but the sign and commemoration of the same, It being certain that Christ was never sacrificed but once. In the same manner as the Lords day is called the day of the Lords resurrection, as if he did rise again every Lords day, because upon that day the memory of Christs resurrection is celebrated; and in the same manner as the sign of the sacred body of Christ is in some respect the body of Christ, being so called because of the resemblance or representation. These are then the very words of that good Doctor, whereby he proveth that Baptism may be called Faith, because it is the Sacrament or Sacred sign of Faith.

Saepe ita loquimur ut Pascha pro­pinquante di­camus crasti­nam vel pe­rendinam esse Domini passi­onem, cum ille ante annos multos passus sit. Nempe ipso die Dominico dicimus, Hodie Dominus resurrexit, cum ex quo resurrexit tot anni transierint. Cur nemo tam ineptus est ut nos ita loquentes arguat esse mentitos, nisi quia istos dies secundum illorum quibus haec gesta sunt similitudinem nuncu­pamus, ut dicatur ipse dies qui non est ipse, sed revolutione temporis similis ejus, & dicatur illo die fieri propter sa­cramenti celebrationem quod non illo die sed jam olim factum est? Nonne semel immolatus est Christus in semet ipso? & tamen in Sacramento, non solum per omnes Paschae solennitates, sed omni die populo immolatur. Nec uti (que) mentitur qui interrogatus eum responderit immolari. Si enim Sacramenta quandam similitudinem earam rerum quarum sunt Sa­cramenta non haberent, omnino Sacramenta non essent. Ex hac autem similitudine plerun (que) ipsarum rerum nomina acci­piunt. Sicut ergo secundum quendam modum Sacramentum corporis Christi corpus Christi est; Sacramentum sanguinis Christi, sanguis Christi est, ita Sacramentum fidei fides est. We often speak in this manner; When Easter draweth nigh, we say that to [Page 740] morrow or the next day is the Lords passion, whereas he suffered many years before. Thus upon the Lords day we say, this day the Lord rose again, although so many years past since he rose again. Why is none so silly as to tax us of untruth when we speak so, but because we call these dayes after the likeness of those dayes in which these things were done? so that this day is said to be the same day which is not the same, but the like by revolution of time; and by reason of the celebration of the Sacrament that thing is said to be done that day which was not done that day, but was done a long time before? Was not Christ once sacrificed in himself? and yet he is sacrifice in the Sa­crament, not only in all the Easter-solemnities unto the people, but every day. Nei­ther doth that man lye, who, being asked, answereth that he is sacrificed. For if Sacraments had not some resemblance with those things of which they are Sacraments, they should not be Sacraments at all. And from that likeness commonly they receive the name of the things themselves. As then the Sacrament of the body of Christ is in some sort the body of Christ, and the Sacrament of the blood of Christ the blood of Christ, likewise the Sacrament of faith (that is baptism) is faith.

We have seen before that Austin told us in many places that this word Sacra­ment is as much as a Sacred sign; so that the true exposition of these words, Sacramenta plerunque ex hac similitudine ipsarum rerum nomina accipiunt, is this, The sacred signes m [...]re often by reason of that resemblance take the name of the things themselves. And these words, secundum quendam modum Sacramentum corporis Christi corpus Christi est, must be thus translated, The sacred sign of the body of Christ is in some sort the body of Christ. Now to make us understand in what sort the Sacrament of Christs body is the body of Christ, he giveth many examples, namely that it is as every year two dayes before Easter they say, This day is the passion of the Lord; and as every Lords day is the day of Christs resurrection; And as the Baptism is Faith. In which expresses he saith that the Sacraments are named with the name of the thing signified.

In his 2. book of the Eucharist against du Plessis in the 22. Authori­ty, ch. 3.The Cardinal in a long perplexed discourse saith very little. This is the summary, That the Sacrament hath two relations with the body of Christ. The one as he is dead under the formal object of immolation. The other as he is glorious under the formal object of manducation. And that in the first respect the Sacra­ment is not that which it representeth, but only in the second; and that Austin speaks in the alledged place, of the Sacrament in the first respect only.

By these words the Cardinal manifesteth his opinion which he declared in the Convocation of the Clergy held in the Convent of the Dominicans of Paris, in a full audience:Of this we spake be­fore in the Controversie of the Sacri­fice. namely that Christ is not really sacrificed in the Eucharist. He tells us then that these words Christ is sacrificed in the Mass, signifie nothing else, but that the sacrifice of Christ is represented in the same; and that the sign (as Austin saith here) takes the name of the thing signified. But as for the real presence of the body of Christ, and the manducation, he denyeth that Austins sentence can be applied to it: But Austin holds him too fast to let him scape thus: For he saith not only that in the Sacrament the body of Christ is in some sort immolated or sacrificed; But he saith that the Sacrament of Christs body is in some sort the body of Christ, namely in as much as the signs take the names of things signified. And the examples which Austin brings, exclude altogether the real presence of Christ in the Sacrament; For Christ dyeth not every year two dayes before Easter, and riseth not really from the dead every Lords day, but only in sign and commemoration; And Baptism is not really Faith, but is the sign of Faith.

In all these examples Austin sheweth how the signs are named with the name of things signified, which are not present, and are not really done. Had not St. Austin been out of his right sense, if having said that infants which have no Faith, yet have it in some sort because they have received the sign of Faith, which sign according to the custom of Scripture may be called with the name of the thing signified; if I say, having said that, he had proved it with a clean contrary example, namely by the example of the Eucharist where Christ is really present, according to the opinion of our adversaries? Would he have brought that ex­ample, [Page 741] the Sacrament is the body of Christ, for an instance of a figure like to this, Baptism is Faith, if the Sacrament were the body of Christ truly and without figure? This then remaineth firm by Austins words, that the sign of Faith is Faith, as the Sacrament of Christs body is called Christs body.

I passe by the Cardinals errour, how he believeth that the body of Christ in the Eucharist is set forth as living and glorious: For the Apostle will have us to eat this bread, and drink this cup, to announce the Lords death till he come, 1 Cor. 11.26. And Christ giving the bread and the cup, said, This is my body which is broken for you, and this cup is the New Testament in my blood which is shed for you. He would then have us to receive his body as broken and as dying for us, and his blood as shed. Is it not non-sense to say, that in the Masse Christ is sacrificed as dead, and yet eaten as glorious and risen again, seeing that he was not yet glorious when he gave the Sacrament to his Disciples to eat?

All these reasons serve also to confute those who by the Sacrament of Christs body understood the species or accidents. For these examples of Baptism, of the Lords day, and of the day of his passion, exclude the presence of things signified. Neither did Austin know accidents without a subject. It is a new doctrine of which we shall speak hereafter.

We must not leave out what the same Father saith upon the third Psalm, In Ps. 3. initio. In historia Novi Testa­menti ipsa Domini nostri tanta & tam miranda pati­entia quod cum tamdiu pertulit tan­quam bonum, cum ejus cogi­tationes non ignoraret cum adhibuit ad convivium in quo corporis & sanguinis sui figuram discipulis commendavit & tradidit. So great was the patience of our Lord and so admirable, that he suffered Judas so long as a good man, although he was not ignorant of his thoughts when he admit­ted him to the banquet in which he recommended and delivered unto his Disciples the figure of his body and blood. Had Austin believed Transubstantiation, he would have said rather that Christ had received Judas to the banquet in which he really gave his own body. For the end of Austin in this sentence is to praise the Lords goodnesse and patience, which he would have far more exalted if he could have said that he had given to Judas his own body, then by saying that he had given him the figure of his body.

The Roman decree in the second distinction of the Consecration in the Canon Hoc est brings a sentence, as from Austin, which we alledged before. We will but observe now how the Cardinal abuseth it. The sentence is this,Ex lib. Sentent. Prosperi. Sicut ergo coelestis panis qui Christi caro est, suo modo vocatur corpus Christi, cum ro vera sic sacramen­tum corporis Christi, illius videlicet quod visibile, quod palpabile, quod mortale in cruce posi­tùm est; Vo­caturque ipsa immolatio carnis, que sacerdotis manibus fit, Christi passio, mors, crucifixio; non rei veritate sed significante mysterio. As then the heavenly bread which is the flesh of Christ, is, in its manner, called the body of Christ, whereas indeed it is the sacred sign of the body of Christ, which being visible, palpable and mortal, was set on the Cross; and that immolation which is done by the hands of the Priest is called the passion, death, and crucifying of Christ, not according to the truth of the thing but by a signifying mystery. Our Cardinal hath beheaded that text, taking away the first word as, that the connexion and dependence of the text may not be known, and that it may not be seen how the Author saith of the Sacrament of the body of Christ, that it is not the body of Christ according to the truth of the thing, but in signifying mystery, as the sacrifice of the Eucha­rist is not the sacrifice of Christ in truth but in signification.

Let the Cardinal wrest and clip that notable passage as much as he will, yet all his Glosses shall never have that authority in the Roman Church which those Doctors have which were the Glossaries of the decree, who put this Glosse in the margent,Coeleste Sacramentum quod vere repraesentat Christi carnem, dicitur corpus Christi, sed improprie. Unde dicitur, suo modo, sed non rei veritate, sed significante mysterio. Ut sit sensus, vocatur Christi corpus, id est significatur. The heavenly Sacrament which truly represents the flesh of Christ, is called the body of Christ, but improperly; wherefore it is said suo modo, in its manner, not according to the truth of the thing, but by a significant mystery. So that the sense of these words is, It is called the body of Christ, that is, it is signified. To this Glosse the Cardinal answers nothing: Only he labours to make the place suspected, contradicting the Roman decree and the Doctors that Glossed it, and Lombard and all the Schoolmen who attribute this text to Austin.

To end his Chapter gallantlyIn his book of the passages of Austin, ch. 8. he shuts it up with these verses of Virgil of the second of the Aeneids, [Page 742]Accipe nunc Danaum insidias, & crimine ab uno Disce omnes.’

Which he translateth much to this purpose,

The Cardinals French ver­ses are these. Voy mainte­nant des Grees l'em­busche et l'imposture, Et d'un crime expose tous leurs tours conje­cture.
See now the Grecians base insidious wile,
And in one crime the stamp of all their guile.

This Prelat ignorant in the good letters, did not know that crimen in this place of Virgil signifies not a crime, but a wicked man. Which appears by the ad­jective masculin which Virgil addeth; Et crimine ab uno disce omnes. As in the Andria of Terence, Ʋbi est iste scelus qui me perdidit. But let us return to Austin.

Beda upon 1 Cor. 10. alledgeth this testimony of Austin taken out of the Sermon to the newly baptized.Quod er­go vidistis panis est et calix, quod vobis etiam oculi vestri renuntiant. Quod autem fides vestra postulat in­struenda, panis est corpus Christi, calix sanguis. Id. ibid. Quomodo est panis corpus ejus et calix? vel quid ha­bet calix quo­modo est san­guis ejus? Ista (fratres) ideo sacra­menta dicun­tur quia in eis aliud videtur, aliud intelli­gitur. Quod videtur speci­em habet cor­poralem. Quod intelligitur fructum habet spiritualem. Corpus ergo Christi si vis intelligere, Apostolum au­di dicentem fidelibus, Vos estis corpus Christi et membra. This then which you have seen, is bread and a cup, as also your eyes relate it unto you. But that which your faith (which must be instructed) demands, the bread is the body of Christ, and cup his blood. Then he declareth how the bread is the body of Christ. How is (saith he) the bread his body and the cup or that which is in the cup his blood? These things (my brethren) are therefore called sacred signs, because in them we see one thing, and understand another. That which we see, hath a bodily likeness or shew; but that which we un­derstand, hath a spiritual fruit. If then thou wilt understand what the body of Christ is, hear the Apostle saying to the believers, You are the body of Christ and his members.

Among many things considerable in this passage, three are especially so; The one that Austin will have us to believe the relation of our eyes which shew that it is bread. The second that he is so far from believing transubstantiation that he chuseth rather in these words, This is my body, to understand by the body of Christ the believers, that is the Church, then to imagine any transubstantiation of bread into the Lords body. The third, that to the corporal shew he opposeth not the body of Christ invisibly present, but the Spiritual grace. According to our adversaries he ought to have said, That which is seen is the species of bread; but that which is invisible and hid under the species, is the body of Christ really present.

The Cardinal deals here prudently; for because this passage is a fragment re­maining of a lost Sermon; It will be time enough (saith he) to answer when our adversaries have recovered the book where Austin speaks that language. And he gives this reason for it; Because (saith he) all the strength they can raise out of this, depends from the immediate connexion of periods. And he saith that Beda doth not alwayes exactly relate Austins words. But Fulgentius a Disciple of Austin, hath preserved that Sermon to posterity. For it is found whole in the Treatise of Fulgentius of the Baptism of an Ethiopian dying. Which book the Cardinal having not seen, he is excusable that he would not trust Beda.

Such was the belief of this good Doctor, with whom, all things being consi­dered, none of the Fathers whose writings we have, is to be compared. A man whose learning was joyned with a singular holinesse of life, and sweetnesse of con­versation. It seemeth that this good servant of God foresaw the abuse which the posteriour ages brought forth, and to which the Hyperbolical Allegories of some Doctors of his time tending to elevate the peoples devotion, hath given occasion contrary to their mind. This is known in that Austin speaks more often and more clearly of this matter then any before him. Also in that whereas he bestowed two long Treatises to expound our Saviours words, Joh. 6. where it is spoken of the manducation of Christs flesh, in those two Treatises there is not one word of the real manducation of Christs flesh with the mouth, but he refer­reth all to the spiritual manducation by faith, and to the union of the faithful in one body. The same may be known in that having said in the first Sermon [Page 743] upon the 33. Ps. that in the Lords Supper,Ferebatur Christus in manibus suis quando com­mendans ipsū corpus suum ait, hoc est corpus meum. Ferebat enim istud corpus in manibus suis; ista est humilitas do­mini nostri. Christ bore himself in his own hands, least that any should abuse that expression to grosse thoughts, he saith in the following Sermon,Quomodo ferebatur in manibus suis, quia cum commendaret ipsum corpus suum & san­guinem suum, accepit in manus suas quod noruut fideles, & ipse se portabat quodammodo cum diceret hoc est corpus meum. That Christ carried himself in some sort in his hands when he said, This is my body. Which relates to the forealledged words of the same Au­stin, who speaking of the bread of the Lords Supper, said, that it is the body of Christ in its manner, although indeed it is the sacred sign of his body. These words, in some sort, are never imployed but to bring some exception and distinction, when a thing being affirmed absolutely and without restriction, should be false. So we say that a man is learned in some sort, when he is not universally learned. And that the nature of the Son of God was mortal in some sort, that is, the humane nature only, not the divine. But when it is question of the whole and real pre­sence of a body, that restriction hath no place. It cannot be said that the brains of a living man is in his head in some sort. One cannot tell that the body of Christ crucified was in the Crosse in some sort, or that it is now in heaven in some sort. But if Christ crucified is represented in a picture, it may be said that he is crucified there in some sort. Thus in the Eucharist he is present in some sort, that is Sacramentally, and according as signs take the names of things signified. But if he was present in it really and whole, it were absurdly spoken to say that he is present in it in some sort. And whosoever saith that the Lords body is really present in the Eucharist in some sort, saith also by consequent that it is absent from it in some sort.

CHAP. IX. Examination of Cardinal du Perrons answer, whereby he endeavours to give reasons why the Fathers call the Bread and Wine of the Lords Sup­per signs, figures, types, and symbols of the body and blood of Christ, even after the Consecration.

THE Cardinal finding himself bepelted with a hail of testimonies of Fathers which call that which is received in the Sacrament, signs, and figures, and types, even after the Consecration, seeks to take shelter under a dark distinction which he hath borrowed from others.In his 2. book of the Eucharist against M. du Plessis, in the ch. where he treats of The­odoret, the same things he saith in the 4. book against King James, ch. 4. p. 871, & 872. These are his words: There are (saith he) two sorts of signs; some instituted to supply the defect of presence, as the Paschal lamb, Manna, the stone of the desart, the shew-bread, the brazen serpent; Some instituted to supply the defect of appearance, and to be forms and visible clothings for things which by their own essence could appear and make themselves visible, as the species of the flame in the bush, and of the dove in Christs Baptism, the serpent tempted Eve in the earthly Paradise, the humane forms which Angels put on. Now the signs instituted to supply the defect of appearance are not exclusive, but on the contrary inclusive and connotative of the reality. In another place to prove that, he alledgethIbid. p. 472. where he mistakes Pope Hilary for Paschasius in the book De corpore Dei, cap. 4. Pope Hilary, and Alger, and Eutychius, who say that the body of Christ which is taken upon the Altar, is both truth and figure. For want of antient authors he brings new ones, and such as are not receivable; for the antients do not speak so.

I do freely acknowledge those two sorts of signs, and know that there are signs which signifie a present thing: But in such signs two things shall be found; the one that they are true signs, not false shews; the other that they are signs of things of an invisible nature. For to give a false shew for a sign, and to be a sign of a thing present and of a visible nature, it is a meer illusion and a superla­tive absurdity. This is seen by the examples which the Cardinal brings; For the flame in the bush was a true flame, and a sign of Gods presence which is in­visible: [Page 742] [...] [Page 743] [...] [Page 744] And the dove which he speaks of, was a true dove, and was the sign of a thing of an invisible nature, which was the Holy Ghost. But in the Eucharist the Cardinal forgeth imaginary things, bread which seems to be bread and is not, and yet is sign of a thing present and of a visible nature. All signs serve to signifie, and are helps to know. But here they forge us signs, even the accidents of bread and wine, which hinder to see that which they signifie; which signifie Christ, and hide the sight of Christ. They are not then helps but hinderances to knowledge: As if a chest where a thief hath hidden stollen money, were called a sign or a figure of that money.

But the chief consideration is that the strength of those places of Fathers that call that which is received in the Eucharist signs and figures even after the conse­cration, lyeth not in that they call those things signs and figures, but in that they will have the word my body to be interpreted the sign of my body; Note. an interpreta­tion which the Roman Church abhorreth. Also in that they oppose the sign to the truth, and from their being signs gather that they are not really the Lords body. For we have alledged multitude of passages of the Fathers which affirm that the Lord saying, This is my body, gave to the sign the name of his body, and honoured the visible signes with the name of his body. And that these words Except you eat the flesh of the Son of man, &c. are typical words, which signifie that we must ruminate in our memory, and profitably meditate that Christ dyed for us; and that these things are signs, and not the truth: That the Lord saying This is my body, gave the sign of his body; that we eat not the body which was crucified for us, but that it is a Sacred sign which is recommended to us; That the Sacrament of Christs body is Christs body, according as the Sacraments are named by the name of that they signifie; in the same manner as every Lords day is the day of Christs resurrection, and baptism is called faith because it is the sign of faith. And that the Sacrament is called the Lords body after its manner, but that to speak truly it is the Sacred sign of Christs body which was crucified. All that is full of weight and clarity; and to all that no answer is given.

And though the Fathers said no more but that the thing received in the Sacra­ment is a sign or figure, is not that a sufficient proof against the real presence of the Lords body under the accidents of bread? For how many passages did we produce wherein they speak of the signs of Christs body without speaking at all of the presence of the natural body of Christ under these signs? When the Fa­thers exalt the excellency of the Eucharist, is it credible that they speak only of that which is lesse worthy in the Eucharist, namely of the signs of Christs body, and leave out that wherein our adversaries place the excellency of the Eucharist, namely the real presence of the Lords body? Would they have given thanks to God in the publick service for establishing in his Church the signs and antitypes of Christs body without speaking of the real presence of Christs body under these signs? Had not that been an ungrateful thanksgiving, and rather a forgetfulnesse then a remembrance? As if one having received the gift of a horse or a sword, gave thanks for the bridle or the scabbard, not for the horse or the sword. Cer­tainly whosoever will commend the excellency of a thing, will fix upon that which is most commendable and most excellent.

I add that whosoever speaks of the Sacrament of Christs body, saith manifestly that the Sacrament is not Christs body. And who so affirmeth that in these words, This is my body, the name of the thing signified is given to the sign, saith not that the sign is with the body, but will have it understood, that This is my body, signifieth, This is the sign of my body.

The premises afford an answer to that which the Cardinal addeth; Could not David (saith he) after he had attained to the Crown, represent upon a stage, and in a disguised habit and face, the combat which he had performed against Goliah, and be by that means, though in diverse respects, both the sign and the signified thing? May not then Christ who is the Evangelical David, represent in the Eucharist under the commemorative species of his passion the combat which he had on the Cross against the allegorical Gyant of the Christians?

This Prelat ought to have reserved his eloquence for another Subject that had some shew of reason. In one point he deserveth to be applauded, for comparing that which is done in the Masse unto a play acted by a disguised man; and I would not be he that should contradict him. But he is short of reason when he thinks that David acting thus his combat upon a stage, should be a sign of himself. Only his present action should be a sign and a representation of his past action. And David acting thus should be a true person; But they give us here for a sign bread in shew, which is no bread indeed. Neither is it Christ that doth in the Masse that action which the Cardinal compares unto a play; It is the Priest that moveth, and makes the whole representation.

CHAP. X. Some passages of the Councils upon this subject.

THE Councils speak the same language as we heard the Fathers speak. The Council of Nice in the 5. Canon speaking of the Eucharist, saith, [...]. That all bitterness of spirit being taken away, the gift which is presented unto God may be pure. It is evident that this Council believed that sometimes an impure gift is presented unto God in the Eucharist, and that the offering becomes impure and defiled when it is presented with hatred and animosity. They did not then be­lieve that the gift was the natural body of Christ. For it is alwayes pure and cannot be defiled by the vice of the person that offereth it.

The Council of Ancyra in the 2. Canon commands the Deacons who have sacrificed unto Idols to abstain from the Sacred service, and forbids them to pre­sent either the bread or the cup. For the Deacons in those dayes carried to the Communicants in the Church the bread and the cup: Which was not done but after the consecration. Yet that which they presented is called bread by the Council; [...], &c. [...]. Let the Deacons that have sacrificed abstain from all divine service, and present no more neither the bread nor the cup.

The Council of Neocesarea in the 13. Canon, [...]. The Country Priest cannot offer in the principal Church of the Town when the Bishop or the Priests of the Town are present, nor give the bread in the prayer, nor the cup.

The third Council of Carthage in the 24. Canon prescribeth, [...]. That in the sacred service nothing be offered but the body and blood of the Lord (as also the Lord commanded it) that is, the bread and wine mingled with water. See here above two hundred Bishops, of whom Austin was one; and that man so famous, Aurelius Bishop of Carthage, expounding these words the body and blood of Christ, as signi­fying bread and wine mingled with water. When the Fathers call that which is received in the holy Communion, bread and wine, our adversaries will have them to speak figuratively, and that by bread and wine they understand the body and blood of Christ under the species of bread and wine. But here is a Council that teacheth the clean contrary, that when they called that which is offered in the holy Communion the body and blood of Christ, by that body and blood they meant bread and wine mingled with water. Can any of our adversaries boast that he un­derstands the Fathers better then the Fathers understood themselves? or who will take upon him the authority of correcting the interpretation which themselves give unto their words?

Because this Canon grieveth the Roman Church, it was corrupted and clipt in the Latim Tomes of the Councils published by our adversaries, where there is only,Ut in Sacramentis corporis et sanguinis Domini nihil amplius offeratur quam ipse Dominus tradidit, hoc est, panis et vinum aquâ mistum. That in the Sacraments of the body and blood of the Lord nothing be offered [Page 746] but what the Lord hath commanded, even bread and wine mingled with water. But God permitted that this falsification should be clearly convinced. For in the sixth Council of Constantinople gathered again in the pallace of Trull to make Canons, this same Canon of the third Council of Carthage is repeated word by word, as we alledged it;Trullana Synodo Can. 32. [...]. The holy Fathers assembled at Carthage did ex­presly call it to remembrance, that in the sacred service nothing should be offered but the Lords body and blood, as also the Lord hath commanded it, that is, bread and wine mingled with water. And it is found so, not only in the Greek Copies, but also in the same Latin Tomes. The corrupters of the Canon of the Council of Car­thage having corrupted it in one place, forgot to corrupt it in another.

In Balsamon Patriarch of Antioch who hath reduced the Canons of the Coun­cils into a body and made comments upon them, this Canon is found as we al­ledged it; as also in Zonaras, and in the Canons published by du Tillet, yea in all the Greek Copies published by our adversaries. The words of Balsamons Comment upon this Canon, are considerable,Balsam. in Synod. Carth. Can. 40 p. 653. Edit. Paris. [...]. The two and thirtieth Canon of the Synod of Trull giveth an ordinance at large, that the unbloody sacrifice be made with bread and wine mingled with water, because bread is the figure of the Lords body, and the wine a figure of his blood. Zonaras saith the same upon the same Canon.

It is to be noted that the growth of the adoration of images and that of the doctrine of Transubstantiation, were contemporanean and kept pace together. Damascenus (whom we may call the Peter Lombard of the Grecians) in the eight age, maintained the adoration of Images, and writ also for the defence of the other abuse. And the same man was the first that imagined some change in the substance of the bread. Thus the enemy of our salvation, Satan, laboured to plant these two sorts of idolatry at the same time.

The seventh Council of Constantinople in the year 754. was assembled purpose­ly to oppose the adoration of Images; by the order of that Council Images were pulled down in all the East. As for Transubstantiation, which was not believed in the Greek Churches, and is not yet to this day, the same Council knowing that private men were secretly sowing that darnell, by a singular prudence and dex­terity made one plaister to serve to heal two sores, and confounded two errours by one true doctrine, teaching that the true Images are those which Christ hath established in his Church, even the Sacraments; saying, [...]. That the holy Sa­crament was chosen by Christ, as no other form or figure under heaven being able to represent his incarnation. They add [...] That he gave to his Ministers this sign and most evident commemoration. Again [...]. The Lord hath commanded us to offer the substance of bread, which is not made in humane form, lest that idolatry should creep in. In the same place the bread is called [...], The holy image of Christ. [...], &c. And the true image of his natural body, to oppose it to the false images in stone or picture. [...]. And the image of his flesh given by God.

In that Council there were 338. Bishops; so the seeds of idolatry were weeded out for that time.

But God irritated by the wickednesse of men, suffered that a monster of impiety should reign at Constantinople, the execrable woman Irene, who put out the eyes of her own son, and deprived him of the Empire. This woman to strengthen her usurpation by the faction of the Image-worshippers which was powerful, set up Images again over all the East, and assembled a Synod at Nice (An. 787.) in which she caused the Council of Constantinople to be condemned. That abominable Council established the adoration of Images, so far as to pronounce anathema to all that would go so far as to venerate them, and no further. In the records of that Council these goodly sentences are extant, That Imago est melior oratione. [Page 747] That images are of equal value with the holy Gospel. That Angels are corpo­ral, having an aiery or a fiery body. And as for that the Council of Constanti­nople had pronounced about the holy Sacrament, namely that the bread is the image and figure of Christs body. This is the judgement which that goodly Council pronounced about that;Act. 6. Videtur qui­dem tota ora­tio abominan­da, &c. Nemo enim unquam san­ctorum Apo­stolorum qui tubae sunt Spiritus San­cti, &c. in­cruentum nostrum sacri­ficium imagi­nem certe illius dixerit. All that language seems abominable to us, &c. And which of the Saints and Apostles (who are trumpets of the Holy Ghost) did ever call our unbloody sacrifice an image of the Lords body?

We may well think that the Council of Constantinople was approved of God, since it was so disapproved by such a detestable assembly. To be condemned by such a rout, was a commendation, and an argument of goodness. Wherefore Charlemayne, who at that time held the Empire of the West, caused that Coun­cil of Nice to be condemned by a contrary Council which he assembled at Franckford.

I wonder how these Fathers of Nice, who affirm that the Apostles never said that the unbloody sacrifice is a figure of Christs body, did not know, that the Apostles call the Lords Supper the remembrance of the Lords death, and the commemoration of Christ, which is as good as calling it a figure, and that they never call it a sacrifice▪

But the Popes being bent to build the mysterie of iniquity, undertook with all their power the defence of that Council of Nice. So far that Pope Adrian who lived in the time of that Council, writ a book in the defence thereof, yet without medling with Transubstantiation, against which Bertram the Priest writ a book (now extant) by the command of King Charls the Bald, for which the said Bertram received no blame or reprehension, because the Roman Church had not yet pronounced any judgement upon that matter.

Yet the enemy of our salvation was preparing the way, to bring in by the same way two sorts of Idolatry. For then he began to forge a multitude of mi­racles by images, and by the Host, to invite the people to worship them. In the following Ages images began to speak, to sweat, to bow the head, and to make congies; and breasts of flesh grew upon an image of our Lady. At the same time it was reported, that at the Mass in such and such places a pretty little child was seen entring into the mouth of the communicants: That an Host be­ing pricked had bled: That in a chalice blood was found: That an Ass leaving his oats, had kneeled before an Host that past by: That Bees having found an Host left in the fields, had built a Chappel of wax upon it. Stories which I have seen my self painted at Paris in St. Gervas cloyster. And of these Surius and St. Austinin are full.

Pope Innocent the third, in the third book of the Mysteries of the Mass, ch. 1. saith, that some Shepherds having learned the words of the Consecration, and singing them in the fields, were smitten by Gods hand. Durandus in the fourth book of his Rational, chap. 35. addeth, that these Shepherds having pronounced the consecrating words upon the bread of their dinner, did transubstantiate all into flesh. And that to avoid that inconvenience for the future, it was command­ed, that these words should be pronounced with a low voice, that the people might not learn them. Bellarmin receiveth that history as true in his first book of the Mass, chap. 12. The reasons which Pope Innocent brings in the fore-alledged place are notable. Because (saith he) Christ hid himself from the multitude. Also because Anna said her prayer with a low voice. And be­cause it is written, that dying flies spoil the ointment of the Apothecary. Ergo, &c. Who so will see a multitude of such miracles, let him readJodoci Coccii The­saurus Tom. 2. l. 6. Art. 8. p. 694. Idocus Coccius in the second Tome of his collection of Fathers. Of such miracles no trace is found in any of the antient Writers. For St. Basils life, where some such mira­cles are found attributed to Amphilochius, is a fabulous and supposititious book, as Bellarmin shews it in his book of Ecclesiastical Writers.

In that age the use of Scripture was lost among the people, which then applied themselves altogether unto images, well called the books of ignorant men; [Page 748] And the whole religion began to consist in visiting relicks, hearkning after miracles, cloathing images, and keeping singing men, whose loud melody might fill the vaults of Temples.

Errors being then in their growth, the Popes Thunders and Interdicts came soon after, and Mendicant Fryers, and the Great Pardons, and the fear of Pur­gatory, and the turning of beads, with prayers in a tongue unknown to him that saith them, and the word of Transubstantiation establisht by an Article of a Council.

CHAP. XI. That the Fathers did not believe accidents without a subject in the Eu­charist.

ONe of the products of Transubstantiation, is, that it puts accidents with­out a subject. The Roman Church did not only put in the Eucharist an humane body, which keeps no place, a bodyBel. lib. 1. de Eucharist. cap. 2. Sect. Secunda. Dicemus quidem cor­pus Christi quantum, &c. ut non di­cemus exten­sum. without extent, without length, without diverse situation of parts, as being whole in every crum of the Host, and having head and feet under the same point. A body which being con­tained in no place, is nevertheless in a million of several places at the same time, and by consequent is far from it self, and both higher and lower then it self. But they added besides to raise error to the highest enormity, thatCatech. Trid. cap. de Euchar. Accidentia ipsa se nulla alia re nisa sustentant. in the host, the accidents, that is breadth, length, figure, colour, and taste, are without subject.

1. So that in the host,Innoc. III. de de Mysteriis Missal 4. cap. 11. Est enim hic color, & sapor, quantitas, & qualitas, cum nihil alterutro sit coloratum, aut sapidum, quantum aut quale. there is whiteness, but no white thing; round­ness, but no round thing; savour, but nothing savoury; length and breadth, but nothing long or large, as Pope Innocent speaks.

2. The Schoolmen speak much like that, saying that accidentia non accidunt, albentia non albent, and that they are qualities which qualifie nothing, and are qualities of nothing.

3. By their doctrine, if the host fall into the mire, then the accidents bear the mire that sticks to it, and are the subject of the substance.

4. If the host or chalice be poisoned,Platina in Victore III. Victor Henrici fraude, ut Martinus scribit, vene­no in calicem injecto, dum sacrificat necatur. Naucler. gener. 4. Aventinus l. 7. p. 598. Trithemius Abbas Chro­nico Hirsausiensi. as when Pope Victor the third, andMatth. Paris An. Chr. 1154. Cum Archiepiscopus in sua reversus divina celebraret my­steria, hausto in ipso calice, ut aiunt, veneno obiit. Henry Arch-bishop of York, and the Emperour Henry the VII. were poisoned in the chalice, we must say that lines and colours are poisoned, or that Christ is poisoned.

5. Readers of the lowest capacity may comprehend that which I will say now. That a legg is a substance, but lameness is an accident: The eye is a substance, but the sight is an accident or a quality of the eye: and a sick body is a substance, but the sickness of that body is an accident which happens to that body. These Doctors then with their subtilty forging accidents without a subject, do as if they said that there is halting without a legg, sight without an eye, Sickness without a sick body, a race without a runner, an Ecclipse without Sun and Moon, heat and nothing hot.

6. Truly ruining the definition of a thing is ruining the thing; ruining the reasonable animal, is ruining man; taking away roundness, is taking away the circle or the globe. Now the substance or subject is of the definition of an accident. Accidens est quod accidit subjecto; An accident is that which hap­pens to a subject. Then the accident is no more when the subject is no more; the bread being no more bread, the whiteness of the bread is taken away, and the length of bread, and the taste of bread.

[Page 749]7. The quantityAristot. in Categ. Quantitatis. [...]. (say the Philosophers) is that whereby things are said to be so many, great or small. Now here they forge us a quantity whereby no­thing is great, or long or broad.

8. Also the accidents according to this doctrine, are forms which inform no­thing, and qualities which qualifie nothing.

9. Then it is evident, that one cannot abolish a relative, without abolishing the other. Where there is no Father, there is no Son. Where there is no right side there, there is no left side. Now the accident and the subject are relative terms; Of which nevertheless these men will abolish the one which is the sub­ject, without abolishing the other; and the substance of the bread being abolisht, they will have the taste, the length, and the roundness of the bread to remain.

10. If the chalice be frozen, or the host mouldy, then is their Christ frozen or mouldy. Or if that be displeasing to these Gentlemen, they must admit a Mathematical length and breadth frozen and mouldy, as if one said that the triangles and pentagones of Euclides are frozen and mouldy.

That prodigious doctrine was unknown to the antient Fathers, and the least trace of it is not found in the whole Antiquity. Had that been the belief of the antient Church, so many Pagans and hereticks who have studied to disgrace Christian Religion, and sought to pick holes in it, would not have omitted that point, which brings such a swarm of absurdities along with it, giving the lye to our eyes and our hands, and overthrowing common sense.

Austin speaks of accidents without a subject, as of an impossible and contra­dictory thing; and of the union of a body with his proper qualities, as of an in­separable thing. In the Epistle to Dardanus, which is the fifty seventh,Tolle ipsa corpora qualitatibus corporum, non erit ubi sint, et ideo necesse est ut non sint. Take away the bodies from the qualities of the bodies, the qualities shall not have where to be, and therefore of necessity they shall not be.

And a little after,Si moles ipsa corporis penitus auseratur, qualitates ejus non erit ubi sint, et ideo necesse est ut non sint. If the mass of the body be quite taken away, there will be no place left for the qualities: Let us say then after this good Doctor, If the mass or substance of bread be totally taken away, the qualities or accidents of the bread shall be no more.

The same Father in the second book of Soliloquies,Illud ve­ro quod in­terrogasti quis concesserit aut qui posse fieri videatur ut id quod in subjecto est maneat, ipso intereunte subjecto? Monstrosum enim est et à veritate alie­nissimum ut id quod non esset nisi in ipso esset, eti­am cum id non fuerit possit esse. Who can grant that which thou hast asked me, that the thing which is in the subject, (that is the accident) can remain, if the subject be abolished? It is a prodigious thing, and far from truth, that a thing which could not be, if it were not in the subject, can subsist when that subject is no more. What can be said more express? If Austin had believed Transub­stantiation, would he not have added that exception, that this rule hath no place in the Eucharist? Would he have thus justled against the f [...]undation of the holy Sacrament by a general rule, and declaimed against it as a monstrous and ridi­culous thing?

In the same fore-alledged Epistle to Dardanus, he rejecteth it as an absurdity that a body may have parts not distant the one from the other, and not distinct in situation, saying thatNon e [...]go potuit obtine­re quantitas corpori [...] quod potuit qualitas. Nam ita distantibus partibus quae simul esse non possunt, quo­niam sua quaeque spacia locorum tenent, minores minora, et majores majora, non potuit esse in quibus (que) partibus tota, &c. et in nulla parte tanta quanta per totum. The distant parts of a body cannot be together, be­cause each of them keeps the space of a place: the lesser parts holding less, and the greater more place, and cannot be whole in every part. This is directly against the Roman Church, which puts the whole body of Christ in every crum, and under every point of the Host.

In the same place he saith,Spacia locorum tolle corporibus, nusquam erunt, et quia nusquam erant nec erunt. If the space of places be taken from bodies, they shall be nowhere, and because they shall be nowhere, they shall not be at all. And Bel­larmin, though labouring to bring restrictions and interpretations to that pas­sage of Austin, acknowledgeth nevertheless that Austin speaks of the body of Christ, affirming that Austin saith,Bellar. l. 3. de Euchar. c. 7. Augustinus supra jam dixerat destrui naturam humanam Christi si non detur ei certum spacium quo more aliarum substantiarum corporearum, contineatur. That unless a certain space be given to the body of Christ, wherein it be contained after the manner of other bodily substances; [Page 750] the humane nature of Christ is destroyed. And in the twentieth book against Fau­stus the Manichean, chap. 11. Christ according to the substance of his body could not be together in the Sun, and in the Moon, and in the Cross.

And in Epist. 101. to Evodius, Nullum esse quantu­lumeunque corpusculum quod non pro suo modo loci occupet spa­tium. Nec in eo quod oc­cupat ubique sit totum, sed minus sit in parte quam in tot [...]. No body is so little, but that it fills ac­cording to his measure, the space of a place; and there is none that be whole all over the space which it fills, and that be not lesser in the part, then in the whole.

In that, this Father is grounded in good reason. For as our Adversaries writing upon the fourth book of Aristotles Physicks, proves by many demon­strations, that there can be no empty place, and that such an assertion would imply many contradictions, so they use the same subtilty to prove that a bo­dy cannot be without place and without filling some space. For it is no less absurd to imagine a body without a place, then a place without a body.

And whereas Transubstantiation contains more wonders then the creation, if the Author of the books of the wonders of Scripture, which are put among Austins books, had believed it, he would not have omitted to speak of these wonders. For in those books he searcheth all the wonders that are found in Scripture. Nay, he speaks thus of the Eucharist,Aug. l. 3. de Trinit. cap 10. Haec honorem ha­bere possunt ut religiosa, stuporem au­tem habere ut mira non possunt. These things may be honou­red as religious, but cannot be admired as miraculous.

In one thing it appeareth that the Fathers neither knew nor believed that in the Eucharist the accidents were without a subject, that they never speak of the species of bread in the plural. They speak indeed of the species of bread and wine in the plural, because by the species they understand the substances, and that bread and wine are two substances. But when they speak of bread by itself, or of wine by it self, they never say the species of bread, or the species of wine in the plural, because bread is one substance, not many. But our Ad­versaries who by the species understand the accidents, speak of the species of bread in the plural, and say that the Lords body is broken under the species of bread, as if bread had many species. Wherein they speak against the use of all ages, and against the rules of Philosophy, which never saith the species of a horse, or the species of Antony in the plural, to say his accidents, and calls not the colour of a horse his species. Their language in that point, is both new and absurd, as well as their doctrine.

Finally, how could the accidents destitute of substance, under which they say that the Lords body is inclosed, be signs of the body of Christ, seing that signs are helps to know? But our Adversaries say that the accidents of bread are are coverings which hinder our senses to perceive Christ. As if a Chest were the sign of Homers Iliad, because that book is hidden within it.

CHAP. XII. That the Fathers not only speak of a spiritual manducation which is not done with the mouth, but also understand Christs words, John 6. of a spi­ritual manducation.

THE Fathers are full of expresses which turn our thoughts from the carnal and oral manducation of Christs body, to the spiritual, which is done by faith, and warn us that Christs words must be understood in a spiritual sense.

Tertullian in the thirty seventh chapter of the book of the Resurrection of the flesh, expounding these words, The flesh profiteth nothing, Tertul. de resur. carn. c. 37. Ex materia dicta dirigen­dus est sen­sus. Nam quia durum et intolerabi­lem existima­verunt ser­monem ejus quasi vere carnem suam illis edendam determinasset, ut in spiritu disponeret tamen salu­tis, praemisit, Spiritus est qui vivificat atque ita subjunxit, Caro nihil prodest, ad vivificandum scilicet. We must (saith he) direct the sense of these words according to the subject that he speaks of. For because they esteemed his word hard and intolerable, as if he had determined to give them really his flesh to eat: that he might make the state of salvation spiritual, he said before, It is the Spirit that quickneth: and then addeth, The flesh profiteth nothing, that is, it profiteth not for quickning.

And in the same place,Ibid. Quia et ser­mo caro erat factus, pr [...] ­inde in causam vitae appetendus, et devorandus auditu, et ruminandus intellectu, et fide digeren­dus. Nam paulo ante carnem suam panem quoque coelestem pronuntiarat, urgens usquequaque per allegoriam necessariorum pabulorum, memoriam Patrum qui panem et carnes Aegyptiorum praeverterant divinae vocationi. The word was made flesh, and by consequent that we may have life, it must be desired and devoured by hearing, and ruminated with the understanding, and disgested with faith.

And in the same place, For he had declared a little before, thae his flesh was the heavenly bread, urging by all means by an allegory taken from necessary meats, the remembrance of their Fathers, who had preferred the bread and meat of the Aegypti­tians to the heavenly calling.

Clem. Alex. lib. 1. cap. 4. pag. 44. [...]. Clemens Alexandrinus is of the same mind; In another place (saith he) even in St. Johns Gospel, the Lord declared it otherwise by signs, saying, Eat my flesh, and drink my blood, propounding by Allegory the evidence of faith, and the drink of promise.

Pag. 45. [...].And a little after, He calls the Spirit flesh by Allegory, for the flesh is cre­ated by him, and the blood enigmatically signifieth the Word.

Again,Pag. 46. [...]. He said that the bread which I shall give you, is my flesh. Now the flesh is moistned with blood, and the wine signifieth the blood by Allegory.

Again,Lib. 2. cap. 2. pag. 68. [...]. He blessed the wine, saying, Take, drink, This is the blood of the vine. The holy liquor of joy (meaning the consecrated wine) signifieth by Al­legory, the Word that was poured for many. Note that he expounds the blood of the cup, to be the blood of the vine, that is, wine.

In the end of Clemens the Summaries of Theodotus are added, where these words are found,Pag. 536. [...]. The bread which I will give you is my flesh, even that where­by our flesh is fed in the Eucharist. Then correcting himself, he addeth, Or rather this flesh is his body, which is the Church, the heavenly bread, the blessed assembly. It is evident that the Fathers chose rather to say any other thing, and to use the most remote and hard interpretations then to believe Transubstan­tiation.

Cyrillus or Origen upon Leviticus (for the Author is not certainly known) in the seventh book, expounding these words, How can this man give us his flesh to eat? speaks thus, Acknowledge that these things written in the divine volumes are figures. See that thou understand them as spiritual, not as carnal. For if you receive them as carnal, they hurt you instead of nourishing you.

Orig. in Levit. cap. 10. Hom 7. Est in Novo Testamento littera quae [...]ccidit eum qui non spi­ritualiter ea quae dicuntur adverterit. Si enim secundum litteram se­queris hoc ipsum quod dictum est, Nisi mandi­caveritis car­nem meam & biberitis san­guinem me­um, occidit haec littera. For there is in the New Testament a letter that kills him that observeth not the things which are spiritually spoken. For if thou followest according to the letter, that very thing which is said, Ʋnless you eat my flesh, and drink my blood, that letter killeth.

The same Author upon the Numbers, in the fourteenth chapter, Hom. 16.Bibere dicimur san­guinem Christi non solum Sacra­mentorum ri­tu sed & cum sermones ejus recipimus in quibus vita consistit; sicut & ipse dixit, Verba quae locutus sum spiritus & vita sunt. We are said to drink the blood of Christ, not only in the celebration of the Sa­craments, but also when we receive his words in which life consisteth, as himself saith, The words which I spake unto you, they are spirit, and they are life.

Basil in his Epistle to the Cesareans, which is the one hundred and fourty first, [...].. We eat his flesh, and drink his blood, being by the incarnation made partakers of the sensible life of the word, and of the wisdom. For the Lord hath called his mystical conversation, flesh and blood. The hardness of such interpretations sheweth how far the Fathers were from believing Transubstantiation, since that rather then to believe that bread and wine are transubstantiated into flesh, they chose by the flesh of the Lord, which we eat, to understand either his word, or his Church, or his conversation among men. Any other exposition seems to them more convenient, and less hard then the doctrine of Transubstantia­tion.

The same Father upon Psal. 33. [...]. There is an intelligible mouth of the inward man, at which he is fed, being partaker of the word of life which is the bread that came down from heaven.

Hierom upon the third chapter of Ecclesiastes, saith that the flesh of Christ is eaten when Scripture is read.Hoc solum habemus in praesenti saeculo bonum, si vescamur carne ejus cruoreque potemur, non solum in my­sterio, sed etiam in Scripturarum lectione. We eat his flesh (saith he) and drink his blood, not only in the mysterie, but also in the reading of Scripture. For the true meat and the true drink which is received from the word of God, is the knowledge of Scripture.

And in the Comment, upon the Psalms which is attributed to him, upon Psalm 44.Ego corpus Christi Evangelium puto, &c. Quando dicit qui non comederit carnem meam & biberit sanguinem meum, licet & in mysterio possit intelligi, tamen verius corpus Christi & sanguis ejus sermo Scripturarum est. I think that the body of Christ is the Gospel, and that Scripture is his doctrine, when he saith, he that eats not my flesh, and drinks not my blood, &c. although this may be understood in mysterie, yet to speak more truly, the body and blood of Christ is the word of the Scriptures, and the divine doctrine. And a little after, Caro Christi & sanguis ejus in auribus nostris funditur; The flesh of Christ and his blood is poured into our ears. That indeed is far from eating Christ with the mouth of the body. How far was Hierom from the belief of our Adversaries, since by these words, This is my body, he will have us to understand, this is my Gospel?

In the same place,Si quando audimus sermonem Dei, & sermo Dei, & caro Christi, & sanguis ejus in auribus nostris funditur, & nos aliud cogitamus, in quantum periculum procurrimus? If when we hear the word of God, and that the word of God, and the flesh of Christ, and his blood is poured into our ears, we think of some­thing else, what danger do we run into?

But the most pregnant of all the Fathers upon this point is Austin, who seems to have made it his task to disswade us from believing the manducation of Christ with the mouth and teeth. Already we have understood how in the sixth chapter of the third book of Christian doctrine; he was not content to have said that these words of Christ, Except you eat my flesh, &c. are a typical ex­pression, [Page 753] but he declared very expresly how that figure must be understood, namely that eating the flesh of Christ is meditating his death, and printing it with fruit and pleasure in our memory.

We have seen also how in the 21. book of the City of God, 25. ch. he speaks of two manducations of the flesh of Christ; the one done in the Sacrament or sacred sign, the other spiritual, which he calls the only true manducation.Ostendit quid sit non Sacramento tenus, sed re vera corpus Christi man­ducare. The Lord sheweth (saith he) what it is to eat the body of Christ, not in Sacrament only, but also in truth.

Non solo Sacramento sed re ipsa manducaverūt corpus Christi.In the same place, They have eaten the body of Christ not only in Sacrament, but in truth also.

The same upon the 98. Ps. upon that Christ had promised to give his flesh to eat, he personates the Lord speaking thus to his Disciples,Spiritua­liter intelli­gite quod le­cutus sum, non hoc corpus quod videtis manducaturi estis, & bibi­turi sangui­nem quem fu­suri sunt qui me crucifi­gent. Sacra­mentum quod vobis com­mendavi spi­ritualiter in­tellectum vi­vificabit vos. Ʋnderstand spi­ritually what I said unto you; You shall not eat this body which you see, and shall not drink the blood which they that shall crucifie me shall shed. I have recommended unto you a sacred sign, which being spiritually understood shall quicken you.

And in the second Sermon, de verbis Apostoli, If that which is taken visibly in a sacred sign, is eaten spiritually in the truth it self, &c.

But he insisteth most upon that point in the 25, and 26. Treatise upon St. Johns Gospel, where he makes a long Comment upon the 6. ch. of St. John. In the 25. Treatise expounding the Lords words,Hoc est ergo mandu­care cibum, non qui perit, sed qui per­manet in vitā aeternam. Ut quid paras dentes & ven­trem? Crede & manducasti. This is the work of God, that you believe on him whom he hath sent, he saith. This then (that is believing) is eating the meat which perisheth not, but is permanent unto everlasting life. Why preparest thou thy teeth and thy belly? Believe and thou hast eaten.

And in the 26. Treatise,Daturus Dominus Spiritum San­ctum dixit se panem qui de coelo descen­dit, hortans ut credamus in cum. Credere in eum, hoc est manducare panem vivū. Qui credit in eum, mandu­cat, invisibi­liter sagina­tur, quia & invisibiliter renascitur. When the Lord would give the Holy Ghost, he said that he was the bread come down from heaven, exhorting us to believe on him. For believing on him is eating the living bread. He that believeth on him, eats him; He is invisibly fattened, because he is invisibly born again.

There also speaking of Moses, Aaron, and Phineas, who ate the Manna in ano­ther manner then the incredulous do.Visibilem cibum spiritualiter intellexerunt, spiritualiter esurierunt ut spiritualiter satia­rentur. Nam & nos hodie accipimus visibilem cibum, sed aliud est Sacramentum, aliud est virtus Sacramenti. They spiritually understood the visible meat, they were spiritually hungry, they tasted spiritually that they might be satiated spiritually. For we also take this day a visible food; but the Sacrament is one thing, and the truth of the Sacrament is another thing. He saith two things; for he speaks of a spiritual manducation proper to the believers, and calls that which we eat in the Sacrament a visible food. Now what is that visible food? Is it the Lords body? But our adversaries say that it is invisible in the Masse. Is it the accidents? But they are no food, unless they will give us lines, and colours, and figures for meat.

A little after he shews of whom Christ speaks when he saith, He that eateth this bread, shall not die for ever. Qui manducat intus non foris, qui manducat in corde, non qui premit dente. It is he (saith he) that eats inwardly, not out­wardly; he that eats in his heart, not he that presseth with his tooth.

We have shewed before how in the same place by the bread of life which we must eat, he understands the Church or the society of the believers. Then he addeth,Hoc est ergo manducare illam escam & illum bibere potum, in Christo manere & illum manentem in se habere. Ac per hoc qui non manet in Christo & in quo non manet Christus, proculdubio nec manducat spiritualitor carnem ejus, nec bibit ejus sanguinem, licet carnaliter & visibiliter pre­mat dentibus Sacramentum corporis & sanguinis Christi. This is then eating this meat, and drinking this cup, even to abide in Christ, and to have him abiding within us. By that reason, he that abideth not in Christ, and in whom Christ abideth not, without doubt eats not his flesh spiritually, and drinks not his blood, though he press with his teeth carnally and visibly the Sa­crament of the body and blood of Christ. Who seeth not that this good Doctor was set on by God to urge this so often and in such pressing words, to prevent the errour which Satan was contriving, and which he put forth some ages after?

In the 27. Treatise after he hath said that it was needful that Christ should [Page 754] speak so that he might not be understood by all, he makes this conclusion of his discourse,Illi pu­tabant eum erogaturum corpus suum, ille autem dixit se ascensurum in coelum, utique inte­grum. Cum videritis filiū hominis ascendentem, ubi erat prius; certe vel tunc videbitis quia non eo modo quo putatis erogat corpus suum. Certe vel tunc in­telligetis quod gratia ejus non consumi­tur morsibus. The Jews thought that he would give them his body, but he tells them that he was to ascend into heaven; in his whole person no doubt. When you shall see the Son of man ascending where he was before, then at least shall you see that he gives not his body in the same manner as you think; then at least shall ye see that his grace is not consumed with biting.

These things are so clear and so express, that Pope Innocent the third, under whom that word of transubstantiation was authorized by the Article of a Coun­cil, being overcome with the force of truth, acknowledged, that when Christ spake of giving his flesh to eat, he meant the spiritual manducation, which is done by Faith, not of that which is done by the mouth.Innoc. 3. lib. 4. de Mysteriis Missae, cap. 4. De spirituali comestione Dominus ait, Nisi manducaveritis carnem, &c. Hoc modo corpus Christi soli boni comedunt. The Lord (saith he) speaks of spiritual manducation, saying, Except you eat the flesh of the Son of man, and drink his blood, you have no life in you. In this manner the good only eat the body of Christ. Wherefore also he saith, He that eateth my flesh and drinketh my blood, dwelleth in me, and I in him. For he that abideth in charity, dwelleth in God, and God in him. Why preparest thou thy tooth and thy belly? believe and thou hast eaten.

In effect, if by these words, Except you eat my flesh and drink my blood, you have no life in you, Christ binds not the Christian to drink his blood with the mouth of his body, I see not how the Roman Church can be excused for taking from the people the cup of the Sacrament. For it is depriving the people of life, seeing that taking the blood in the host is not drinking. Now Christ saith expresly, Ex­cept you drink. If in this point they believed the Antients and their Pope Innocent, they might know that for the spiritual participation (which Christ recommendeth in this Chapter) eating and drinking are the same thing; and that Christ useth both the Metaphors to signifie that our souls finde in him a perfect and most com­pleat food.

CHAP. XIII. That the Fathers believed not that the wicked, and unbelievers, or hypocrites could eat the Lords body.

ACcording to the doctrine of the Roman Church, both good and evil men, true believers and hypocrites eat the body of Christ really with the mouth of the body. So that if Judas was partaker of the Holy Sacrament, as the An­tients hold, we must say that he eat Christ really, and that Christ and the devil entred into Judas at the same time.

This is contradicted by Christ himself, who saith, that whosoever eateth his flesh hath eternal life, and that he that eateth the flesh of the Son of man dwelleth in Christ, and Christ in him. For to eat Christs flesh unworthily is an impossible thing, since eating signifieth believing, as we have proved, and as both Austin and Pope Innocent acknowledge. For one cannot believe in Christ unworthily, since in that Faith our worthiness consisteth. Wherefore St. Paul saith well, that there are some that eat the bread unworthily, 1 Cor. 11.29. but saith not that any eat the body of the Lord unworthily.

This is also contradicted by the Antient writers. We have heard Austin al­ready saying, that those only eat the flesh of the Lord truly that eat it spiritually. Whence it follows that the hypocrites and unbelievers that participate the Eucha­rist, eat not the flesh of the Lord in truth and indeed.

Himself in the 26. Treatise upon John, Hujus rei sacramentum, id est unitatis corporis & sanguinis Christi, alicu­bi quotidie, alicubi certis intervallis di­erum in Dominica mensa praeparatur, & de mensa Dominica sumitur, quibusdam ad vitam, quibusdam ad exitium; res vero ipsa cujus sacramentum est, omni homini ad vitam, nulli verò ad exitium, quicun (que) ejus particeps fuerit. The Sacred sign of this thing, that [Page 755] is of the unity of the body and blood of Christ, in some places every day, in some places by certain intervals of dayes, is prepared in the table of the Lord, and is taken by some to life, by others to perdition. But the thing it self of which it is a sacred sign, is for life to every man that is partaker of the same, but to none for perdition. And in the same Treatise; He that dwelleth not in Christ and in whom Christ dwelleth not, for certain eats not his flesh, although he press carnally and visibly the sign of Christs body and blood with his teeth.

And in the book of Austins sentences by Prosper, Sentent. 339. Qui discor­dat à Christo, non carnem ejus mandu­cat, nec san­guinem ejus bibit, etiamsi tantae rei sa­cramentum ad judicium suae praesumptionis quotidie in­differenter accipiat. Whosoever dissents from Christ, eats not the flesh of Christ, and drinks not his blood, although he take every day indifferently the Sacrament of so great a thing to the judgement [or condemnation] of his presumption.

And in the 5. ch. of the 21. book of the City of God, speaking of ill livers that eat the Sacrament.Non di­cendum eum manducare corpus Christi qui in corpore non est Christi. It must not be said, that a man who is not in the body of Christ, eats the body of Christ. In the same place he personates Christ, saying, He that dwelleth not in me, and in whom I dwell not, let him not say or think that he eats my body or drinks my blood.

In the 59. Treatise upon John, comparing the other Disciples of Christ with Judas, Illi man­ducabant pa­nem Dominū, ille panem Domini contra Dominum. They ate (saith he) the bread which is the Lord, but Judas ate the bread of the Lord against the Lord, declaring that Judas did not ate the Lord.

In the 2. Sermon de verbis Apostoli, Tunc au­tem hoc erit, id est, vita unicui (que) erit corpus & sanguis Christi, si quod in Sacramento visibiliter sumitur, in ipsa veritate spiritualiter manducetur, spiritualiter bibatur. Then the body and blood of Christ shall be life to every one, if that which is taken in the Sacrament visibly is eaten in the very truth spiritually and drunk spiritually.

Origen saith the same upon Matth. 15. Let this be said concerning the typical or symbolical body. Many things also could be said of the Word it self which was made flesh and true meat, which whosoever eateth, liveth eternally, and of which no wicked man can eat.

Hierom upon the last chapter of Isaiah, Dum non sunt sancti corpore & spiritu, nec comedunt carnem Jesu nec bibunt sanguinem ejus, de quo ipse loquitur, Qui come dit carnem meam et bibit sanguinem meum, habet vitam aeternam. While they are not holy in body and spirit, they eat not the flesh of Jesus, and drink not his blood; of which himself speaks; He that eateth my flesh and drinketh my blood, hath eternal life. He could not speak more expresly.

CHAP. 14, Confutation of two shifts which the Cardinal useth upon all occasions.

CArdinal du Perron prest with the evidence of these testimonies shifts for himself as well as he can. To that place of Austin upon the 3. Ps. that Christ admitted Judas to the Supper in which he gave to his Disciples the figure of his body and blood,Book 4. ch. 4. p. 871. he answers that Austin speaks there of the figure, with a relation, not to the true and proper body of Christ, but to his analogical body and blood; that is, to the body and society of his Church. This Prelat hoped that no reader would have the curiosity to consult the place, to see whether Austin speaks, in that place of the Church, or of the figure of the Church. For he knew well enough that Austin from the beginning of the exposition of the third Psalm unto this place, speaks not at all of the Church nor of the figure of the Church, and that in that assertion of his there is neither colour nor shadow of truth.

He adds, that such is the sense in which Austin expoundeth the word of body and blood of Christ, when he speaks of the Eucharist in those places where the Catechu­mens were present, or the Infidels, as it appears by these words of the 26. Sermon [Page 756] upon John. By this meat and drink he would have the society of the Saints to be understood. It is true, that Austin in many places expounds these words, This is my body, and Except you eat the flesh of the Son of man, &c. as if by this body and this flesh the Church was understood. But I could not yet finde any place in Austin where this word of blood is so expounded.

As for the Catechumens▪ or not initiated, and the Infidels before whom he saith that the Fathers spoke obscurely of mysteries, and did not discover their inten­tion, nor the belief of the Church, it is a shift which the Cardinal useth upon all occasions.Pag. 872. As in the 4. ch. of the 4. book; The Fathers (saith he) call some­times the Eucharist a figure, whether it be that they may not reveal the secret of the mystery before them that are not initiated; or to keep the analogy that it hath with our senses, to which the Eucharist shews nothing apparently but the figure, not the naked truth of the body: Or in relation to the future state of glory, in which respect the participation which we have here with the body of Christ, is unto us as an earnest and a figure of the participation which we have with the Godhead of Christ. And falling again to the same discourse in the 8. ch. he saith that we must not learn the intention of the Fathers, by the reading of the discourses where they were forbidden to expound their intention, and the belief of the Church in that point, such as were the discourses that were made before the Catechumens or the Infidels, in whose presence it was prohibited to the Catholicks to announce openly the belief of the Church about the Eucharist. He brings for example the Treatises of Austin upon John, which were popular Sermons delivered before all sorts of persons, both believers and unbe­lievers, both initiated and not initiated; and Theodorets Dialogues, where he pro­fesseth to speak darkly and reservedly of the mystery of the Eucharist. He will not then have us to look for the doctrine of the Church about the Sacrament in Au­stins Treatises upon John, nor in Theodorets Dialogues. But he saith, that we ought for that matter trust the twelve books which Theodoret had writ of the Sacraments if we had them, and Cyprians book of the Lords Supper, and Chry­sostom's Comments upon Matth. 26.Pag. 878. He adds that the examples which the Fathers alledge to win and work upon the minds of their adversaries, &c. they wrest and detort to that purpose as much as they can. So he will not have us to stand to the verdict of the Fathers whensoever they speak before the Catechumens, or before Infidels, nor to those writings where they speak incidently; Nor to those where they handle the oblique, collateral, and accessary doctrine of the Eucharist, but to those where they speak of the immediate, direct, and principal doctrine of the Eucharist. Pag. 879. He saith also that we must consider the end of the conversion or transmutation of bread of which the Fathers speak, and of the efficient cause which is the Almighty power of God. This is the summary of all the Philosophy of our Cardinal upon the point of the Eucharist. These are the tenter-hooks up­on which he hath stretched his wit for the space of five and twenty or thirty years that he hath been sweating and beating his brains upon this matter.

Yet to all that the answer is most easie. For by all that subtilty he labours only to sence himself against the places which call the Eucharist a figure and a sign of Christs body, not against those testimonies which say that these words, This is my body, must be thus expounded, This is the figure or sign of my body: And that Christ hath given to the sign the name of his body, and honoured the visible signs with the name of his body; and that the words which command us to eat the flesh of Christ, are a typical locution, which must be thus interpreted, that we must meditate and call to remembrance that Christ is dead for us. Neither doth he guard himself from those authorities which deny absolutely that we eat the body crucified for us, and say that the Sacrament is the body of Christ, not in truth, but in signifying mystery, and that it is the sign not the truth. And that the substance of bread and wine remains after the consecration: and that the wicked eat not the body of Christ; and that there is no other manducation but the spiritual. The Cardinal passeth by all these, and stayeth only upon those places where the Eucharist is called the figure of Christs body.

As for his refusing to stand to the writings of the Fathers where they speak [Page 757] before the Catechumens, that is, before the persons not yet baptized, or before the Infidels: It is very true, that sometimes the Fathers spake more soberly of the mystery of the Eucharist before the Catechumens, not to conceal from them the sublimity of the mysteries, but for a clean contrary end; that is, for fear the Sacrament should have been brought to contempt in the peoples estimation, if the Pastours had spoken to them in plain and low terms, saying unto them that it was bread and wine that was upon the table, and of the like nature as the ordinary bread. This is clearly seen in the forealledged place of the second Dialogue of Theodoret, where in stead of saying bread, he saith a food made up with such seeds, and that because [...]. of some persons not baptized which might be pre­sent.

Truly if in Sermons or writings which might be heard or read by unbaptized persons there was need of such a reservation; it will follow that they never ought to preach nor write openly and according to their intention, and that they ought continually to disguise their belief, seeing that the Catechumens were pre­sent at Sermons, and that a book once published is no more in the Authors power, and is exposed to the sight both of baptized and unbaptized persons, both of be­lievers and unbelievers.

But how superfluous had that circumspection been towards the Infidels, seeing that the revolted Christians, that were become enemies to the Faith might reveal to the Infidels and to the Catechumens that which they had learned when they were ranked among the believers before their revolt?

But how hurtful had that rule been, if it had been perpetual? For how just might have been the complaint and the mistrust of the Catechumens? Would they not have said to their Pastours that instructed them; You deceive us, you dis­guise your belief; You speak to us against your sense. We desire to know of you the true belief plainly before we be baptized.

The examples of antiquity testifie sufficiently that the Fathers tye not them­selves to that rule. For we have the Apologeticks of the antient Christians, of Justin, and of Tertullian, and Origen's books against Celsus, and Austins books of the City of God against the Pagans, in which they handle the highest mysteries of Christian Religion.

If we must not heed the writings of the Fathers made for the Catechumens; why doth the Cardinal alledge to us the Catecheses of Cyrillus and of Gregorius Nyssenus, made purposely for the Catechumens? Why doth he alledge Chryso­stomes Sermons made before the Catechumens? Note that the number of the Catechumens exceeded by much the number of the believers, because the custom then was to receive baptism very late, and many times to put off baptism untill the old age and to the extremity. Yea why doth he alledge unto us any book of the Fathers, seeing that there was none of those books but the Catechumens could read? who would have laughed at their Pastours, if when they instructed them, they would have taught them another doctrine then such as they had read in their books. These are then meer Chimera's, and poor shifts, injurious against the Fathers, whom the Cardinal taxeth of hypocrisie, as men writing against their intention, and (as he speaks) wresting and detorting the examples which they alledge, which is laying unsincerity and foul dealing to their charge. That the Cardinal makes these vagaries rather to recreate his fine wit, then out of any belief of that he asserteth, he sheweth it in some sallies that transport him, riding aloft with his prancing oratory. As when he speaks thus in the 879. p. The Fathers make two sorts of meditations; The one immediate, direct, and principal; which considereth the truth of the thing. The other mediate, collateral, and accessory, which consider­eth it according to a moral and allegorical acception; being like the Echo and the reflected sound of the litteral intelligence, to recreate the spirits of the readers by the sacred mirth and ingenious invention of these allusions and allegorical applications. With such frigasses of puff-paste words this Prelat did tickle his imagination. This the Latins call in lente unguentum; essence of pearls, or aurum potabile, in a messe of turnips. If then the Fathers have said, that, This is my body, signifies, [Page 758] This is the sign or figure of my body, we must finde in these words an echo, a re­flected sound, a collateral meditation, a sacred mirth, a quintessence of Allegorical wheemsies.

Yet that we may deal more gently with this Prelat, let us grant him what he asketh. Let us suppose that the Fathers in their writings did purposely use dark speeches, and disguise their belief for fear of being understood. For may we not use his weapons against himself, and reject all the authorities which he objecteth against us, saying that the alledged Fathers in those places did not speak according to their sense? That such and such Catecheses were made for the Catechumens? That in such and such Sermons part of the hearers were Catechumens? and so make all their allegations doubtful and uncertain?

Yet let us see what reproaches he hath especially against Austins Treatises upon St. John. First by calling them Sermons, he gives them a title which the Author gives them not, and we have no certain proof that ever these Treatises were pro­nounced before the people. Also he calls these Treatises in contempt popular Sermons made before all sorts of persons. If by popular Sermons he meaneth preacht before the people, the same may be said of all the Sermons of the Antients; out of which nevertheless the Cardinal disdains not to bring allegations. But if by popular he understands that they are written in a familiar and low stile, the reading of these Treatises shews the contrary. For Austin never made any thing so exact and elaborate upon Scripture as these Treatises; Chrysostoms Homilies are far more popular. These Treatises of Austin are ten times shorter then his expositions of the Psalms, and yet there is ten times more substance in them. But that which moveth the Cardinal to speak of these excellent books with contempt, is that he findes in them three or four leaves together, in which he treateth fully of the manducation of the flesh of Christ, without speaking one word of Transubstantiation, or real presence, although among all the writings of the Antients there be not such a long Treatise of this matter. For it is not incidently that Austin treats in that place of this matter, but he makes it his task, and much ado he hath to come out of it. But although we had granted to the Cardinal that these Treatises of Austin upon John are books out of which the intention of that Doctor cannot be known, and which ought not to be re­garded; will he say the same of his books of Christian doctrine, or of the twenty third Epistle to the Bishop Boniface? Were these books of Austin of Christian doctrine written for the Catechumens? Was Boniface a Catechumen? And yet there Austin saith that these words, Except you eat my flesh, are a typical locution which signifieth meditating the Lords death: and that the Sacrament of Christs body is in some sort the body of Christ, according as signs take the name of the things signified.

The same I say of the Dialogues of Theodoret, which repeat and beat over this matter, bestowing many pages about it. There the Reader may see with delight an Eutychian Heretick maintaining the transubstantiation of bread into the body of Christ; and an Orthodox Christian contradicting him, and using as express words as he can, saying that after the consecration the visible signs do not change nature, and that their first substance remaineth; and that Christ called the bread his body, honouring the sign with the name of his body, without changing the nature of the sign.

It is evident that the Cardinal abuseth the Reader, and writes against his con­science. For while he calls us away from Austins Books upon Iohn, and from the Dialogues of Theodoret, he sends us to other Books which are not in being, and ap­peals to the twelve Books of the same Theodoret of the Sacraments, if we had them; for he acknowledgeth that they are lost. He sends us also to Cyprians Books of the Lords Supper, of whom he speaks thus: Such is (saith he) the Book of the Lords Supper of Cyprian, whether it be the Carthaginian or another of the same age; for he addresseth his work to Cornelius Bishop of Rome Contemporanean of Cyprian, and disputeth against the Heretick Novatus of the same time.

This Prelate feigneth to doubt whether this Book of the Lords Supper be Cy­prians, [Page 759] or of some other Author. And yet he could not be ignorant that it is a supposititious Book. Bellarmine in his Book of Ecclesiastical Writers, speaks thus of it, The Sermons of the Cardinal works of Christ (among which is this Treatise of the Lords Supper) are of a learned and ancient Author, but seem not to be of Cyprian; for first the stile is far lower then that of Cyprian, &c.

Cardinal Baronius, An. 60.§ 51. De Cardinalibus operibus non est Cypriani. The Book of the Cardinal works is not of Cy­prian. The proofs of that are clear; for in the Preface to Cornelius, the Author saith, that he purposely supprest his name, whence it appeareth, that the Author is unknown. He stiles Cornelius, Your sublimity: But Cyprian calls always Cor­nelius brother. In the Sermon of temptation and fasting, he saith, that the De­vil fell before mans creation: which is repugnant to Cyprians opinion, in the Book of Zeal and Envy. Besides that Authors stile is barbarous and Monachal. His elegancies are, animam Lazari potestative extraxerat. And partiabilis sub­stantia Trinitatis. And Caloris identitas. Him that hath eaten Christ, he calls, Christi bajulum, as if he were a porter. This is of the same kind, Distributus non demembratur, incorporatus non injuriatur. By these it appears that the Book is new, and the title to Cornelius supposed. In the Preface of that Book two passages are found, taken well nigh word by word from the 42. Oration of Gre­gory Nazianzen, who writ about 125. years after Cyprians death: In the Trea­tise of Baptism he confuteth the opinion of Cyprian, about the rebaptization of Hereticks. The treatise of the words of Christ on the Cross, is found in Bibli­otheca Patrum, in the 2. Part of the 12. Tome, which contains the writings of Authors that lived many Ages after Cyprian: whence it is made evident, that these treatises of Cardinal Works are new, and of the dregs of the last Ages. To say that he lived in the same Age as Novatus, because he disputeth against Nova­tus (as the Cardinal saith) is speaking against common sense. By that reason if one in our days write against Aristotle, he is Aristotles contemporanean: And Hierome who writ against Origen should be of the same age as Origen.

As for that the Cardinal saith, that the Fathers call that which we receive in the Eucharist the figure of Christ, because it appeareth so to the sense, it is tax­ing the Fathers either of fraud, or great negligence: For if in this point we must believe neither our senses nor our eyes, why do they speak according to the re­port of the eyes? Why do they not give us warning that our sight is deceived?

To say that they call the Sacrament a Figure, although the body of Christ be really there, to oppose it to the full participation which we shall have in heaven, is speaking against reason: For the inferiour degrees are not figures of the supe­riour; by that reason the lowest rounds of a ladder should be figures of the highest. Besides, the least Priest of the Roman Church (if he may be believed) participates the body of Christ more then all the Saints of Paradise. For there none of the Saints swalloweth Christ, none eates his flesh really; So it will be found that the wicked which participate the Sacrament, yea the Rats that carry the Host away, participate Christs body more then those prime Romish Saints, Francis and Dominick.

Of the Efficient cause of the change made in the Bread, which Ambrose and the Suppositious book of the Lords Supper attribute to the Almighty power of God, it was treated before when we spake of Ambrose.

CHAP. XV. Shewing how the Fathers say, that the Fathers of the Old Testament ate the same meat which we eat in the Eucharist.

VVHosoever saith, that the Fathers that lived before Christs Birth, ate the same meat which we eat in the Eucharist, saith by consequence that we eat not the flesh of Christ with an Oral Manducation; for they could not really eat with their carnal mouth a body which was not yet. But they might eat him in Sacrament, as the signs are called by the name which they sig­nifie.

Such is the doctrine of the Apostle who affirmeth1 Cor. 10.2, 3, & 4. that the Fathers of the Old Testament were all baptized in the cloud and in the sea, and all ate of the same spiri­tual meat, and did all drink the same spiritual drink, for they drunk of that spiritual rock that followed them, and that rock was Christ.

That it is the Apostles mind to say that these Fathers drunk of the same drink, not only among themselves, but also with us, it appeareth by his declaring that the drink which they drunk was Christ, even the same Christ which we drink, and which we participate: of which participation he speaks soon after. The same appeareth because this text cannot be expounded otherwise without departing from the scope of the Apostle, which is to admonish us that we be no idolaters or fornicators, as some of the Israelites were in Moses his time, who although they had participated Christ in the Sacrament as well as we, were punisht nevertheless when they fell into idolatry and fornication.

It is evident also, that the Apostle speaks not of manducation by faith, since he speaks of a manducation which all the Fathers participated, both good and evil, and among others those that were punisht for their fornication and idolatry; but he calls Manna and the water flowing from the rock, spiritual meat and drink, because they had a spiritual signification, and because they were to be taken in a spiritual sense.

The old Christians, following the Apostles steps, say that the Fathers before Christs coming ate the same meat, not only among them, but with us also.

So speaks Austin in the 45. Treatise upon John. Ideo & sic ait, eundem potum spiri­tualem bibe­runt, nam cor­poralem, non eundem. Quid enim illi bibe­bant? Bibe­bant enim de spirituali se­quente petra; petra autem erat Christus. Videte ergo fide manente signa variata. Ibi petra Christus, nobis Christus quod in altari Dei ponitur. Et illi pro magno Sacramento ejusdem Christi biberunt aquam profluentem de petra. Nos quid bibamus norunt fideles. Si speciem visibilem intendas, aliud est; si intelligibilem significationem, eundem potum spiritualem biberunt. The Apostle saith, they drunk the same spiritual drink, but not the same bodily drink. And what did they drink? they drunk of the spiritual rock that followed them; now that rock was Christ. See then how faith remaining, the signs are changed: there the rock was Christ, but to us that which is laid on Gods altar, is Christ. And they, for a great Sacrament of the same Christ, drunk the water flowing out of the rock. But the believers know what it is that we drink. If you behold the visible form, it is another thing; If you regard the intelligible signification, they drunk the same spiritual drink. In all this passage it is plain, that Austin compareth not the Israelites among themselves, but with us; and affirmeth that they drunk the same drink as we do. He saith that they drunk indeed another bodily drink, for they drunk the water flowing from the rock, and we drink wine in the Eucharist. It is (saith he) the same faith or doctrine, but the signs are differing. He calls then that which is received in the Lords Supper, signs of Christ. Note here especially that he joyns these two things as like, that the stone in old time was Christ, but now that which is laid on the altar or table of the Lord, is Christ. As then the stone then was not Christ really, but in Sacrament; likewise that which now is set upon the altar is not Christ really, but in Sacrament or signification: Note also, that [Page 761] he saith, that the visible form is another then in old time. Now it is evident that he speaks of the species or form of bread, and of the species or form of wine in the singular, because by the word species he understands the substance of bread, which is one; not the accidents, which are many. When he saith that the signs of the Old Testament are changed into other signs, it is evident, that as by the signs of the Old Testament the substances of Manna and water are understood; So by the signs of the New Testament the substances of bread and wine are understood, and not the accidents and shew of bread without bread, and the colour and taste of wine without wine.

In vain the Cardinal answereth, that the Sacraments both Old and New, were one and the same thing in figure and signification, but not in truth and reality; For neither in the old nor in the new Sacraments was then or is now the truth and the reality. The truth contained in the Gospel opposed to the figures of the Law, is found in Christ and in his death, not in the bread and wine of the Sacra­ment. St. John teacheth us so much, John 19.36. where he alledgeth the pro­hibition made in the Law of breaking any bone of the Paschal Lamb. Of which figure he finds the fulfilling, not in the Lords Supper, but in the Cross, in which the Souldiers forbore to break the arms and limbs of the Lord. And the Apostle Paul 1 Cor. 5.7. saith that Christ our Passeover was sacrificed for us, nor with any regard to the Lords Supper, but speaking of the Lords death and passion. And if Austin or any other of the Fathers puts the truth in the Sacraments of the New Testament, and the figure in the Sacraments of the Old; by that truth he understands not that Christ is really in the water of baptism, or in the elements of bread and wine, or that the water or the bread is transubstantiated into Christ; but by the truth he understands a more ample and effectual grace then that which was under the Law, as John speaks in the first Chapter, The Law was given by Moses, but Grace and Truth by Jesus Christ. Upon this the words of the same Father, upon the 77. Psalm are very express,Idem in mysterio cibus & potus illo­rum qui no­ster, sed signi­ficatio [...] idem, non specie. Qui [...] idem ipse Christus illis in petra figuratus, no­bis in carne man [...]festatus est. Their meat and drink was the same in mysterie as ours, but the same in signification, not in kind. For the same Christ which was figured unto them in the rock, was manifested to us in the flesh. Where we clearly see the two foresaid things. The one, that he compareth not the Israelites among them, but with us, and that he declareth that the Fathers are the same meat as we eat. The other, that he placeth the fullfilling of the old Sa­craments, not in that which is eaten with the mouth in the Eucharist, but in the incarnation and apparition of Christ.

The same Father in the book of the utility of Penitence,Tomo 9. c. 1. Eundem cibii spiritualem manducave­runt. Quid est eundem n [...]si quia eū quem etiam nos? They ate the same spiritual meat. What is the same meat, but that which we also eat? And again,Eundem non invenio quomodo in­telligam nisi eum quem manducamus & nos. St. Paul saith the same meat. I finde not how this word the same can be un­derstood, but that meat which we also eat. And again,Quicun­que in Manna Christum in­tellexerunt, eundem quem nos cibum spi­ritualem man­ducaverunt. All that understood Christ in Manna, ate the same spiritual meat as we do.

There it is clear, that Austin saith not only that the Fathers ate the same meat as we in figure or Sacrament, but also that they ate by faith the same thing sig­nified. For he addeth, They drunk the same drink as we do, but spiritual, which was taken by faith, but was not swallowed by the body.

In his second book of the Eu­charist against M. du Plessis, p. 42.The Cardinals answer is that which he useth upon all occasions, and his general plaister for all sores; he saith that some unbaptized persons were present, before whom Austin durst not speak according to his belief. A shift which we have shewed to be not only vain, but injurious against the Fathers. Besides, when Austin writ this, he writ alone and without witnesses. And if he was afraid that the Catechumens should read his book, he might have had the same fear in all his book, and so never have written according to his belief. The Car­dinal addeth, that Austin compareth the Sacraments of the Christian Church with those of the Jewish in the instructive and doctrinal function, not in the operative and exhibitive; meaning that they figured the same thing, but had not the same vertue. In these dark terms, in effect he saith nothing; For though that which he saith be granted, that which I affirm remaineth; that Austins assertion is, that the Fathers ate the same meat as we do, not only in figure, but also really by faith. [Page 762] It matters not if there was some difference in the efficacy, or in the manner of the operation. Thus in all that he addeth upon that testimony of Austin, he de­fends himself where we assault him not.

Neither must he tell us, that this manner of eating Christ by faith is a Meta­phor, and a Metaphorical expression. For although there be a Metaphor in the word eating for participating, yet this participation is so real, that Austin acknow­ledgeth no other true manducation of the flesh of Christ, but the spiritual, as we have proved. He saith not only, that the only manducation by faith is profitable or salutary, but he saithAug. de Civit. Dei lib. 21. c. 25. Qui est in corporis ejus unitate, &c. ipse vere di­cendus est manducare co [...]pus Christi. that who so is not in the body of Christ, eats not truly the body of Christ.Non sacra­mento tenus, sed re vera corpus ejus manducare. And that it is one thing to eat Christ sacramento tenus, only in Sacrament, and another thing to eat him re vera, truly and in effect.

This may also be an answer to that the Cardinal saith, that the Fathers of the Old Testament ate the same meat, yet not in the same manner: for although the Fathers ate not the flesh of Christ in the same manner as we, as for the sacra­mental manducation; yet as for the real manducation of the flesh of Christ, they ate it in the same manner, that is, with a real and true manducation, although God put more evidence and efficacy in our Sacraments. For Austin acknow­ledgeth no other manner of eating the flesh of Christ truly and really, but to eat it by faith.

Wherefore when Austin saith, that we eat the Lords flesh with the faithfull heart, and with the mouth, he understands that we eat it with the heart by faith, and that we eat it sacramentally and in sign, with the mouth. But that we eat really and truly the natural body of Christ with the mouth of the body, is a thing which that good Doctor never said, and never believed. We heard before how he per­sonats Christ speaking thus to his Disciples,Aug. in Ps. 98. You shall not eat this body which you see, and shall not drink the blood which they that crucifie me shall spill. I have recommended a sacred sign unto you, which being spiritually taken, shall quicken you.

These things are so clear and express, that in the end they force the Cardinal to dispute against Austin, under pretence of excusing him.Du Perron of the Eu­charist, against Du Plessis, p. 46. & 52. We cannot omit (saith he) to say that this meditation of Austin is not litteral at all, that is, not con­formable unto the litteral sense of the Apostle; but Austin played here with his wit. He adds, that Austin alledging the words of the Apostle to another purpose, boweth and turns them from their direct intention, to apply them to his own. And that it is not a direct formal and litteral exposition, but a curious and collateral meditation, and a game some and Allegorical diversion, whereby Austin Allegorically inflecteth St. Pauls words from their natural sense, &c. With such answers it were easie for us to elude all the passages which are alledged against us out of the Fathers, saying, that such a Father was playing with his wit when he spake so, and wrested the sense of Scripture to another sense to bring it to his purpose. So Austin (in his ac­count) is a mocker, that playeth with Scripture, and giveth a wrong sense to it to serve his turn. Certainly since our adversaries to fence themselves against Scripture have recourse to the Fathers, they should, in policy, use them with more civility.

The same Austin in the 26. Treatise upon John speaks thus.Hunc panem signifi­cavit Manna. Hunc panem significat al­tare Dei. Sa­cramenta illa fuerunt. In signis diversa sunt, sed in re quae significatur paria sunt. Apostolum audi, Nolo enim vos, inquit, ignorare fratres quia patres nostri omnes sub nube fuerunt, &c. & omnes eandem escam spiritualem manducaverunt. Spiritualem utique eandem, nam corporalem alteram, quia illi manna, nos aliud, spiritualem vero quam nos. Manna signified this bread. Gods Altar signifieth this bread. They were Sacraments. They are diverse in signs, but they are alike in the thing signified. Here the Apostle saying, Brethren, I would not that ye should be ignorant, that our Fathers, &c. did all eat the same spiritual meat; the same spiritual meat indeed, but another bodily meat, because they ate Manna, we another thing, but yet [they ate] the same spiritual meat as we eat.

Here the Cardinal answers again, that Austin in that popular Sermon, for fear of the Catechumens then present, abstained from expressing the true direct and imme­diate doctrine of the Church concerning the Sacrament. He saith also that these were diversions, accessory and collateral expositions to feed and stay the curiosity of those that were not initiated. This Prelat makes Austin a jugler, or a player that puts on several vizards. But it is certain that disguizing his belief before the Catechumens was not the way to satisfie their curiosity, but a trick to amuse them with deceitful words, and send them away empty and possest with a false belief, of which they needed to be dispossest after their baptism. At which time having learned the true belief of the Church, they might have said to their Pastours, What goodly stuffe did ye serve to us? What tales did ye feed us with? And why did ye not speak to us in good earnest? How do we know whether you have now told us all, and whether within a few years you will make us alter our belief the second time?

Hereupon the CardinalPag. 60. Vir. Aeneid. 3 Hectoreum ad tumulum, viridi quem cespite ina­nem, & gemi­nas, causam lachrymis, sa­craverat aras. with a long discourse extenuates the efficacy of the Sacraments of the Old Testament, which he calls in contempt Cenotaphia, that is, as he expounds it, vain, hollow, and empty monuments, such as the tombs were, whose deceitful inscription spake as if the dead body had been inclosed within, though it was in another place. This is indeed injurious language against the Sacraments of the Old Testament, to call them vain monuments. For were not the Fathers saved by those Sacraments? Shall we call that a vain monument which brings us to salvation? Shall we call the Passeover a vain monument, seeing that the grace and salvation in Christ was presented in it?

Doth not Austin say that the Fathers ate spiritually the flesh of Christ? Doth he not say that there is no true and real manducation, but the spiritual? Truly it is like that the Cardinal set forth this discourse only shew this fine word of Cenotaphe, and make the world think that he is a jolly Grecian. Rather we should say, that even under the Gospel, unto them that have no faith, the Sacrament is a Cenotaphe, and that the Passeover was a figure exhibitive of the truth to them that did participate it with faith. Observe also the Cardinals learning, when he calls the figures of future things monuments. For every monument is a memorial of a thing past.

But who makes any doubt, but that Christ and the grace in Christ was pre­sented to the Fathers by the Sacraments of the Old Testament? as Cyrillus saith upon John; Cyril. Alex. in Joh. l. 3. c. 34. & 36. Verum Man­na Christus est qui per figu­ram manna priscis illis à Deo Patre dabatur. The true Manna is Christ whom the Father gave to those antient [Fathers] by the figure of Manna. And Chrysostom upon the first Epistle to the Corinthians, Hom. 23. Although the things which were done then were sensible, yet they were spiritually given; not according to the consequence of nature, but ac­cording to the gift of grace, and with the body they fed the soul also, and induced to faith. [...]. They were not then vain monuments, nor Cenotaphes, or imaginary se­pulchers, or names without things.

CHAP. XVI. That the Fathers believed not that the body of Christ is really present under the element of Bread, but that he is in heaven only, not in earth.

WE have shewed by a multitude of allegations of the Fathers, that they speak of three sorts of the body of Christ; His natural body, born of the Blessed Virgin Mary, and crucified for us; his mystical body, which is the Church; and his Sacramental body, which is made by the mouth of Priests, which is broken in pieces, which feeds our bodies, which is made up of many grains, which is the Sacrament of the natural body of Christ, in which Gods vertue is working, so that by participating the Sacrament with faith, Christ dwelleth in us, and we in him. Of the presence of that body in the Eucharist none doubteth, and the Fa­thers speak of it often.

But as for the Lords natural body, as the Fathers teach, that we do not eat it with our mouth, and that the wicked cannot eat it; so they hold that it is in hea­ven, not in earth; and that being ascended to heaven, he will return to us no more, but on the day of judgement; and that the way to take him, is not to lay hold on him with our hand, or to receive him into our mouth, but apprehend him by faith.

Austin in the 50. Treatise upon Iohn Pauperes semper habe­bitis vobis­cum, me au­tem semper non habebitis. Accipiant & hoc boni, sed non sint solli­citi; loqueba­tur enim de praesentia cor­poris sui. Nam secun­dum Majesta­tem suam, se­cundum pro­videntiam, se­cundum inef­fabilem & in­visibilem gra­tiam imple­tur, quod ab eo dictum est, Ecce ego vo­biscum sum omnibus dic­bus usque ad consummatio­nem saculi. Secundum carnem vero quam verbum assumpsi [...], se­cundum id quod de vir­gine natus est, &c. non sem­per habebitis me vobiscum, &c. The Lord said, You shall have al­ways the poor with you, but me you shall not have always. Let the godly under­stand this, and not be troubled, for he spake of the presence of his body. For accord­ing to his Majesty, according to his providence, according to his unspeakable and in­visible grace, is fulfilled that which he said, I am with you always, even unto the end of the world. But according to the flesh, which the Word hath assumed, ac­cording as he was born from the Virgin, according as he was taken by the Iews, &c. he saith, Me you have not always with you.

In the same Treatise, he speaks thus to them that ask how they may take and hold Christ:Respondent, Quem tencho? Absentem? Quomodo in coelum manum mittam, ut ibi sedentem teneam? Fidem mitte, & tenuisti. Parentes tui tenuerunt carne, tu tene corde, &c. Corpus suum intulit coelo, majesta­tem non abstulit mundo. They answer, Whom shall I hold? Him that is absent? How shall I put my hand in heaven, that I may hold him that sits there? Send up thy faith thither, and thou hast laid hold of him. Thy Fathers held him in the flesh, but thou holdst him with thy heart. He hath carried up his body into heaven, but he hath not removed his Majesty from the world. And in the same place, We have Christ always according to the presence of his Majesty; but according to the presence of his flesh, it was well said to his Disciples, Me you have not always.

And in the first Treatise upon the first Epistle of Iohn, Ipsum jam in coelo sedentem manu contrectare non possumus, sed fide contingere. We can no more hold him with our hand now that he is sitting in heaven; but we may touch him with our Faith.

This Father by the Cardinals Doctrine was not well taught; for to them that are in the Church, and ask, How shall I take Christ? Must I stretch my hand as far as heaven, where he is, seeing that he is no more on earth? A Romish Doctor would answer, What needest thou to go seek him so far, seeing that he is neer thee, on the altar, and in the Priests hands? Instead of that, Austin answereth, Lay hold on Christ by faith, receive him in thy heart, and imagine not that thou canst lay hold on him with thy hand. No other way doth he give, as indeed there is no other way. Austin was not content to have said that Christ is with us no more, and is no more present with us, as for his natural body, but he added besides, that to hold him we must not stretch our hand, but take hold on him by faith at the right hand of God. It seems that by saying, We can hold him no more with our hand, he speaks to the Priests of the Roman Church, who boast that they [Page 765] have Christ in their hand every day: So that if one may believe them, they make the body of Christ, and have him in their power.

The same in the 57. Epistle to Dardanus speaks thus.Secundum hanc formam non est putan­dus ubique dis [...]usus. Ca­vendum est enim ne ita divinitatem astruamus ho­minis, ut ve­ritatem carnis auseramus. Non est au­tem conse­quens ut quod in Deo est ita sit ubi (que) ut Deus. According to this form [of manhood] we must not think that Christ is diffused every where; for great heed must be taken that we do not so establish the Godhead of this man, as to abolish the truth of his flesh. It followeth not that any thing that is in God is every where, as God is every where.

About this matter the 11th. ch. of the 20th. Book against Faustus Manichean is implyed: Where disputing against Faustus, who put Christs body in infinite places at the same time; he saith that Christ Secundū praesentiam quippe spiri­tualem nullo modo illa pa­ti posset, se­cundum prae­sentiam vero corporalem simul & in sole et in L [...] ­na et in cruce esse non posset. according to his spiritual presence could not suffer these things [that is, to be crucified:] But that according to his corporal presence he could not be at the same time in the Sun, and in the Moon, and in the Cross.

And in the 78. Treatise upon Iohn Vado et venio ad vos. Sed à quibus homo abscede­bat Deus non recedebat, et i­dem ipse Chri­stus homo et Deus. Ergo ibat per quod homo erat, et manebat per id quod Deus erat. Ibat per id quod uno in loco erat. The Lord Iesus said, I go and return to you again, but he did not depart as God from those whom he left as man. The same Christ is both God and man. Then he went as he was man, and remained as he was God. He went in as much as he was in one place, but he stayed in as much as he is everywhere, that is, in his Godhead. How doth this agree with the Roman Church? Austin saith, that Christ ascending to heaven went from us as man, but the Ro­man Church saith, that he staid with us as man, and according to his humane na­ture; yea that Christ as man is far more present with us then he was in the time of his living among men; for then he was present but in one place, but now they make him present in an hundred millions of places, in altars, in boxes, in stomacks, yea (if it happens) in the bellies of Mice. Austin saith, that Christ as man is but in one place: Whereas the Roman Church puts him in many milli­ons of places in the same moment. It is very observable, that if Austin had be­lieved transubstantiation, he would not have said that Christ is gone and retired from us as for his humane nature, but remaineth present as for the Divine; but he would have said that he ceased indeed to be present with a visible presence, but that his body remaineth invisibly present. This good Doctor did not know and never spake of any other way whereby God supplyeth the want of the visible and bodily presence of Christ, but the presence of his Godhead. Besides it is an extravagant nonsense, to say that the body of Christ is gone, but that it re­mained invisibly present. As if one said that Philip is gone out of Paris, but that he is in Paris still invisibly present; because, though he be gone, he lyeth hid in Paris; Or that he hath no soul, because his soul is invisible.

The same Father in the 30. Treatise upon John, Sursum est Dominus, sed etiam hic est veritas Dominus. Corpus enim Domini in quo resurre­xit uno loco esse o [...]ortet, veritas au­tem ejus ubi (que) diffusa est. The Lord is above, but al­so the Lord who is the truth is here below. For the body of Christ, in which he rose again from the dead, must be in one place only, but his truth is diffused every where. I have translated uno loco, one place only, as the French Bibles of our Adversa­ries translate Ʋnus Dominus, una fides, unum Baptisma, unus Deus, Eph 4.5. & unius uxoris virum, 1 Tim. 3.2. thus, There is but one Lord, one Faith, one Baptism: And the Bishop must be the husband of one wife only. For also the word unus in Latine imports unity; and the opposition which Austin makes requires it, That the truth of the Lord is everywhere, but his body is in one place only.

The corruptors of the new Editions, have wickedly falsified this place. For in­stead of corpus Domini in uno loco esse oportet, that the body of the Lord must be in one place only, they have put in uno loco esse potest, it may be in one place. But all the old Editions have oportet. And that text is thus alledged by Gratian in the 2. Distinction of the Consecration in the Canon Prima. And by Yuo Carnu­tensis in the second part of his Decree, 18. ch. And by Lombard in the 4. Book of the Sentences 10. Dist. A. And by Thomas in the 3. part of the Sum qu. 75. Art. 1. But though all the Copies and Editions had potest, yet reason and the sense of the sentence shew that it must be read oportet: For it is altogether un­reasonable to say that Christs body can be in one place. As if one said, that the Sun may be in some place; Possibility is not mentioned, where there is necessity. If in this clause you read that the Lords body may be in one place, you must read [Page 766] in the following clause, but his truth may be diffused everywhere, to keep the Laws of the opposition. The same Text is suspect of another falsification; for instead of veritas, it is like there should be virtus.

The same Austin in the 60. Sermon de Verbis Domini, Christ is always with us in his Godhead; Semper quidem divi­nitate nobis­cum est, sed nisi corporali­ter abiret, à nobis semper eū carnaliter videremus, et nunquam spiritualiter crederemus. but had he not gone away bodily from us, we should always see him carnally, and should never believe him spiritually. No doubt but that our Ad­versaries reading this, could with all their heart fall out with Austin. For he saith, that if Christs body were not gone, we should see him always. Whereas the Church of Rome saith, that Christ went from us bodily, and yet that he stay'd behind bodily, but that we see him not.

In the 140. Sermon de Tempore, Feria prima Pasc. Serm. 1. Ideo Dominus noster absen­tavit se cor­pore ab omni Ecclesia et ascendit in coelum, ut aedisicetur fides. The Lord absented himself in body from all the Church, and ascended into heaven, that thy faith might be edified. I would know whether when one hath the body of Christ really in his mouth▪ or in his sto­mack, it may be said without lying, or without jesting, that Christ hath absent­ed himself from him. For by the same reason one might say, that the brains or liver of Philip is absent from him, or remote from him, because he doth not see it, and because the inward parts of his body are invisible to him. He had said a little before,Consola­tur te fractio panis, absen­tia Domini nonest absens. Habeto fidem, et tecum est quem non vides. The fraction of bread comforteth thee: The absence of the Lord is not absent: Have faith, and he whom thou seest not is with thee. Shewing that he is not with them that have not faith.

Cyrillus of Alexandria in the 9th. book upon John speaks to the same purpose. The faithfull people must believe, though he be absent in body from us, that yet all things, and our selves are governed by his vertue. And in the 11. Book 3. ch.Etsi ab­est corpore pa­tri pro nobis apparens, ac à dextris ejus sedent, habi­tat tamen in Sanctis per Spiritum. Though he be absent in body, appearing for us before his Father, and sitting at his right hand, he dwels nevertheless in his Saints by his Spirit.

This Father here followeth the command of Christ himself, who in the 14. and 15. of John having foretold his Apostles that he would shortly go from them, and leave them, to go to his Father, giveth them not that comfort that he would go away only as for his visible presence, but that he would remain invisibly present under the element of bread. Only he promiseth to send them the Comforter, which is the Holy Spirit, to supply his absence.

Cyril. l. 9. in Joh. 7.21. Credere opor­tet fideles; quamvis à nobis corpore absit, virtute tamen sua omnia et nos gubernari.The Eutychians who forged unto Christ a body that was everywhere, gave oc­casion to the Fathers of the 5. Age to maintain that the body of Christ is no more on earth, and that he is nowhere present, but in one place only, where he is sitting at the right hand of God. Vigilius writ five Books against Eutyches in which he insisteth much upon that. In the 1. Book he speaks thus,Dei filius secundum hu­manitatem suam recessit à nobis. Secundum divinita­tem suam ait nobis, Ecce ego vobiscum sum omnibus diebus usque ad consummationem saeculi. The son of God according to his manhood departed from us, but according to his Godhead he tells us, Lo, I am with you alway, even unto the end of the world. Had the Fa­thers believed the real presence under the elements of bread and wine, the Eu­tychians might have stopt their mouth, saying, that Christ even according to his manhood is always with us, unto the end of the world, since he is always bodily present under the accidents of bread.

Vigilius addeth,Per formam servi quam abstulit à nobis in coelum, absens est nobis: per sormam Dei quae non recedit a nobis in terris praesens est nobis. According to the form of servant which he carried from among us into heaven, he is absent from us. According to the form of God which retireth not from us, he is present unto us in earth. But his words are express, especially in the 4. Book.Si verbi et carnis una natura est, quomodo cum verbum ubique sit, non ubique invenitur et caro? Nam quando in terra fuit non erat utique in coelo, et nunc quia in coelo est, non est utique in terra, et in tantum non est, ut secundam ipsam Chri­stum spectemns venturum de coelo quem secundum verbum nobiscum esse credimus in terra. If the Word and the Flesh have but one nature (as the Eutychians say) how comes it to pass that the Word being everywhere, his flesh also is not found every where? For when it was on earth it was not in heaven; And now because it is in heaven it is not on earth.

To say that Vigilius understands that the flesh of Christ is no more in earth visibly, but invisibly, is to make Vigilius an Eutychian; for such was the belief of the Eutychians, against whom he disputeth. Besides, Vigilius saying, that when the flesh of Christ was on earth, it was not in heaven, understands that it [Page 767] was neither visibly nor invisibly in heaven. Whence it followeth, that when he saith, that being now in heaven, it is no more on earth, he understands also that it is neither visibly or invisibly in earth any more.

For the question between Vigilius and the Eutychians was not of the visibility, but of the real presence, which the Entychians affirmed, and against which Vigi­lius disputeth with all his might.

CHAP. XVII. That the Fathers acknowledge the same participation of the body and blood of the Lord in Baptism, and in the preaching of the Word, as in the Lords Supper.

THe ancient Doctors shew enough how far they were from believing a real manducation of the natural body of Christ with the mouth, in that they ac­knowledge the same manducation and participation of the Lords body in Baptism and in the preaching of the Word, as in the Lords Supper.

Thus Austin, August. Serm. ad In­fantes citante Beza in 1 Cor. 10. & Hincmaro, p. 243. Nulli est ali­quatenus am­bigendum, tunc unum­quemque fi­delium corpo­ris sangui­nisque Domi­nici fieri par­ticipem quando in baptismate membrum Christi effici­tur. Nec alie­nari ab illius panis calicis (que) consortio, etiamsi ante­quam panem illum comedat & calicem bibat, de hoc saeculo in uni­tate corporis Christi consti­tutus discedat. None must make any doubt that then every believer is made participant of the body and blood of the Lord, when he is made a member of Christ by Baptism. And that he is not alienated from the communion of that bread and that cup, although before he eat that bread and drink that cup, he go out of this world, being in the unity of the body of Christ. This same passage is found in Fulgentius towards the end of the Book concerning the Baptism of the Ethiopian dying.

Hierom to Hedibia in the 2. question.Quotquot in Christo baptizamur, Christum in­duimus, & panem come­dimus Ange­lorum. All we that are baptized in Christ, put on Christ, and eat the bread of Angels.

Theodoret upon Eph. 5.Cum eo in Baptismo consepelimur et una cum eo resurgimus, et corpus ejus comedimus, et sanguinem bibi­mus. By Baptism we are buried with Christ, and rise again with him, and eat his body, and drink his blood.

Chrysostom in the 16th. Homily upon the Epistle to the Hebrews: [...]. Water and blood shew here the same thing; for his Baptism is his passion.

We heard before Leo the 1. in the 14. Sermon, saying, that in Baptism, corpus regenerati fit caro crucifixi, The body of the baptized person becomes the flesh of [Christ] crucified.

Of the Word, Hierom speaks thus upon Eccles. 3.Hoc so­lum habemus in praesenti saeculo bonum si vescamur carne ejus, cruore (que) potemur, non solum in mysterio sed etiam in Scri­pturarum lectione. Verus enim cibus et potus qui ex verbo Dei sumitur, scientia scripturarum est. This only good we have in this present world, if we eat his bread, and drink his blood, not only in the Sacra­ment, but also in the reading of Scripture: For the true meat, and the true drink which is taken, from the word of God, is the Science of the Scriptures.

The same upon the 144. Psalm, if that Book be his,Quando dicit, qui comederit carnam meam, et biberit sanguinem meum, licet et in mysterio possit intelligi, tamen verius corpus Christi et san­gius ejus sermo scripturarum est, doctrina divina est. When the Lord saith, He that eats my flesh, and drinks my blood, although it may be also understood in my­stery; yet to speak more truly, the body of Christ, and his blood, is the word of the Scriptures, and the divine doctrine.

And a little after,Si quando audimus sermonem Dei, et sermo Dei, et caro Christi, et sanguis ejus in auribus nostris funditur, &c. When we hear the word of God; and the word of God, and the flesh of Christ, and his blood is poured into our ears, &c.

Clemens Alexandrinus in the 1. Book of the Pedagogue 6. ch. by the flesh of the Lord, which we eat, understands Faith, and the promises of the Gospel, say­ing, [...]. That the Lord hath represented by Allegory the evidence of faith, and the drink of the Gospel.

Origen in the 16th. Homily upon Numbers. Bibere di­cimur sangui­nem non so­lum Sacra­mentorum ri­tu, sed et cum sermones ejus recipimus. We are said to drink the blood, not onely in the Ceremony of the Sacraments, but also when we receive his words.

As Ambrose in the Book of those that are initiated in mysteries, brings ex­amples of miracles to shew how the bread is made the body of Christ; he brings some also to prove the change, which happens in the water of Baptism.Sicut in illum fontem Moses misit lignum, ita et in hunc fontem Sa­cerdos domi­nicae crucis praedicatio­nem mutit, et aqua sit dul­cis ad gra­tiam. As Moses (saith he) cast wood into that fountain, so the Priest casts into this foun­tain [of Baptism] the preaching of the Cross of the Lord, and the water is made sweet for grace.

These considerations moved Cardinal Tolet to say in his Comment upon Joh. 6. thatInfantes in Baptismo aliquo modo participant corpus Christi, nempe quantum ad rem significatam, et dici possunt carnem Christi manducare et bibere sanguinem ejus. Infants in Baptism participate in some sort the body of Christ, to wit, ac­cording to the thing signified, and they may be said to eat the flesh of Christ, and to drink his blood.

If then the Fathers find in Baptism, and in the preaching of the word the ful­filling of these words, that he that eats the flesh of Christ hath eternal life, where nevertheless no transubstantion is made; why shall we not say also, that in the Lords Supper we eat the flesh of Christ without any transubstantiation of the bread?

CHAP. XVIII. After what manner the Christian Church of the first Ages celebrated the Lords Supper. How the ancient customs shew evidently, that they be­lieved not the real presence, nor transubstantiation.

IT will conduce much to the clearing of this matter, to view theSee Di­onysius of the Ecclesiasti­cal Hierar­chy 3. ch. And Clement in the 8. Book of A­postolical Constitutions. ancient customs, and the form of administring the Lords Supper in the ancient Church; for thereby we shall see how far the Roman Church is gone from the ancient customs. And of these customs the most part will serve for proofs of the belief of the ancient Christians upon this controversie.

In Sacred places where the people met for the preaching of the word, and for the administration of Sacraments, there was a wooden Table in the midst, which was moveable, and might be removed. They called it a Table in the first Ages: But by little and little the custom crept in to call it an Altar.

In every Temple or Church there was but one Table or Altar; for then so ma­ny little Altars were not seen in several corners of the Church. Tha [...] custom of having many altars in a Temple was set up when they began to sing private Masses, that is solitary Masses, without either communicants or assistants.

Upon that Table before they began the celebration of the Eucharist, the Dea­cons brought the offerings of the people, that is, bread and wine, and some­times divers fruits; Which offerings they called gifts, and presents, and sacrifices. And the Pastour of the Church prayed in a tongue understood by all, that God would accept of these gifts and offerings.

Of those offerings of bread and wine, the Pastour, and the Deacons that as­sisted him, set a part as much as needed for all the brethren present to communi­cate with the two kinds. For then round Hosts, and those thin wafers, baked be­tween two Irons, and stampt with a Crucifix, were not in fashion. But they had ordinary bread and wine upon the Table, as much as would serve for that holy action. The remnant of the offerings which were not used in the holy Communi­on, was kept for the Agapes, or Love-Feasts, and for the subvention of the poor.

That bread and wine being thus laid upon the Table, were covered with a cloth. And in many Churches there was a double curtain spred before the Table, which hindred the people from seeing that which was set upon the sacred Table. Of which the consecration was made by prayer, not by speaking to the bread. And that prayer, as also the whole service, was done in a tongue which the people understood.

But when the hour of admitting the people to the Communion was come, the Deacon cryed with a loud voice, that the Catechumens and Penitents, and all that did not communicate, should go forth. So there remained none but the Communicants: then they drew the curtains, and took off the linnen cloth, and the Sacred signs were uncovered and exposed to the peoples sight.

In some places the Bishop taking with both his hands the dish where the Sa­cred signs were, lifted it up a little to make it seen better; And did all this with his face turned towards the people. For then they spake not of lifting up God, and elevating the Host. The manner of these days for the Priest to turn his back unto the people, and lift up the Host above his head, and at the ringing of a little Bell to make the people adore that Host with the Soveraign Service due unto God alone; All this I say would have been found strange and prodigious by the Antients, and no trace of it is found in Antiquity.

That being done, the Communicants gave the kiss of peace among themselves, and kissed one another in sign of concord. The Priest washt his hands, and cry­ed out, Sancta Sanctis, that is, Holy things for holy persons. After that the Cler­gy and the people went to the Communion. In some Churches the Deacons brought the holy Communion in the two kinds to every one in his place, and pre­senting the holy Sacrament to each Communicant, said in a known tongue, Lift up your hearts, Sursum corda. and the Communicants answered,Habemus ad Dominum. We have them unto the Lord.

The Communicants both men and women received with their hand the Sa­crament, and with their hand put it in their mouth. Some men and women wrapt it in a handkerchief, and carried it to their homes, and laid it up in some chest or cupboard. But as scruples will multiply, and every Age brings always some new thing; in the seventh Age it was permitted to men only to take the Sacrament with their bare hand, but women took it with a white linnen over their hands.

From the Table in the time of the Communion, the Sacrament was sent to the absent, sick, and prisoners, and such as could not come to the Congre­gation. And many times it was carried to them by some widow, or some little boy.

See the Oration of [...] Ambrose up­on the death of his bro­ther Satyrus. Satyrus brother to Ambrose, being in danger of Shipwrack, demanded the holy Sacrament, although he was not yet baptized. Which having taken he ate it not, but hanged it at his neck, and threw himself into the Sea to swim for his life.

But because commonly there was more consecrated bread upon the Table then needed for all the Communicants, the remnant of that bread, which was cal­led the hody of Christ, was burnt, or given to little School boys to eat it, or wasConstit. Clem. 1. 8. c. cap. 20. Postquam omnes sumse­runt, accipiant Diaconi reli­quias & por­tent in pasto­phoris. carried to the Priests house to eat it at home.

They made then a great scruple of conscience to let any part of the consecra­ted bread to fall to the ground, but the cautelae Missae were not yet extant, where­by a Priest vomiting the Host is commanded to eat it up again, unless he can find one to do so much for him; or to burn that vomiting, and put the ashes among the relicks. Or if it happen that the chalice be spilt on the floor, these cautelae Missae command that the floor be scraped, and that the scraping be mingled with other consecrated wine, or put among the relicks.

In old time, when the Sacrament fell to the ground, or if it happened to be stollen away, the Christians were not so stupid as to say that God was fallen, or that Christ was stollen.

Of Gods Feast, and of carrying God in procession, there was no speech [Page 770] then; nor of kneeling in the street when the Host past by, nor of worshipping the Priests box with no Host in, when the Priest returns from giving the Sacra­ment to a sick person.

Of high and low Masses, or running, or dry, or private Masses; of Masses in white, in green, and in violet; Masses of St. Antony, or Masses of the holy Ghost, there was no speech in those days.

That old form of administring the holy Communion was very different from the Mass of our days, as much as singing Mass differs from celebrating the Lords Supper. So much doth the belief of the Modern Roman Church differ from that of the ancient Church. And most part of the customs which I have represented, are so many proofs, that then they belived neither real presence, nor tran­substantiation.

For had the Ancients believed that the Sacrament is really the body of Christ, they would never have put it in the hands of the people, there being always di­vers among the multitude, whose bodies and consciences are fouly defiled, and many Hypocrites. They would never have suffered that a woman should take Christs body in her hand, lap it up in a handkerchief, and thrusting it into her pocket, or some other place about her, carry it home, and shut it up in a Trunk or Drawer. Had such a thing been done in a place where the Pope reigneth abso­lutely, no pain could be found severe enough for the persons guilty of such an horrible profanation. They would say that this was the Prodigy foretold by the last Comet: Or if after that a ranging plague, or famine consumed the people of the Land, those disasters would be taken for expiations of such an abomi­nable crime.

If the ancient Church had believed Transubstantiation, they would never have given the consecrated bread to unbaptized persons; Neither would they have suffered an unbaptized man to hang it at his neck, and cast it with himself into the Sea. Much less would they have burnt Christ, or given the Lords body to a company of boys coming from School, who commonly have more waggery then devotion. Cyprian relates, that a little Girle carried in the arms, vomited the Chalice which a Deacon had powred into her mouth: for then they received Infants to the communion: That wine spilt was not taken up again; and the cha­lice had never been exposed to that danger, if the Church had believed that it was the true body of Christ. That example also sheweth, that the Deacons carried to every one the Sacrament.

When the Eucharist was carried to them that were absent, the people that saw it carried by, would have worshipped it, had they believed that it was Christs body. And how could the people have worshipped it in the street, since they did not worship it in the Church?

Observe also how the custom is changed. In old time the sight of the Sacra­ment was forbidden to the Catechumens and Penitents; whereas now the Host is carried in procession through the streets in the sight of Pagans, Jews and Turks, if there be any present, and of publick harlots; and with all these sorts of people Rome, Venice, Milan, &c. do abound.

For the proof of all this, I will bestow the following chapter.

CHAP. XIX. Proofs of the customs represented in the Chapter before.

I Said that in the first ages the sacred table was commonly made of wood. This we learn of Athanasius, who complaineth that the Arians his enemies,Athenas. ad solitariam vitam agen­tes, p. 656. [...]. had burnt before the Church-porch the seats, the chair, and the table which was of wood, and the vails of the great Church of Alexandria.

Lignis altaris effra­ctis immaniter ceciderunt. Austin in the 50. Epistle makes the like complaint of the Donatists. By the way, these vails wherewith the Churches were hung, were white linnen: whence it is evident, that then they had no Images in Churches. Of which custom a trace remains in the Roman Church in Lent, for then Images are hid with white linnen.

Optatus Milevitanus in the beginning of the first book against Parmenian. Quis fi­delium nescit in peragendis mysteriis ipsa ligna lintea­mine operiri? Inter ipsa Sa­cramenta ve­lamen potuit tangi, non lignum. Which of the faithful ones knows not that in the celebration of the mysteries the very wood is covered with linnen? In the celebration of the Sacraments the Table­cloth might be toucht, not the wood. Altaria radi tantum­modo aut re­moveri. There also he speaks of removing the Altars from their place.Aug. quaest. Vet. & Novi Test. qu. 101. Nam utique & altaria portarunt & vasa ejus, &c. The book of questions of the Old and New Testament ascribed to Austin, saith it was the Deacons office to carry the Altar.

It is true, that even in the time of Constantine the Great, under whom the Chri­stians began to build magnificent Temples, in some principal Churches they began to erect Altars of stone.

There was then but one Altar in every Temple, not a multitude of petty Altars in several corners of the Church, as it is seen now among the Romanists. Ignatius in the Epistle to the Philadelphians, [...]. The whole Church hath but one Altar. Non unū altare quod habet Ecclesia, sed altaria haereticorum plurima. Hierom upon the third of Amos, Not the only Altar which the Church hath, but the Altars of the hereticks which are many. And Chrysostom in the 18. Ho­mily upon the 2. Epistle to the Corinthians, [...]. There is one only Baptism, and one only Table. Alvarez in the Ethiopick history ch. 3. saith that the Ethiopick Churches have but one Altar. That custom of having many Altars hath a relish of Paganism. Virgil speaking of the Goddess Venus, saith that

Ubi tem­plum illi cen­tum (que) Sabaeo Thure calent arae, &c.
From hundred Altars in her Temple ascends
The smoak of odours that rich Saba sends.

Omnibus ante pedes posita est sua cuique vetusta Arula. Prudentius in the first book against Symmachus obraideth the Pagans, that in their Temples every god had his little Altar before him. And God obraideth the Israelites with the like Idolatry, Hos. 8.11. saying, that Israel had made many Altars to sin.

Upon the Sacred Table the Deacons brought not a round Host, but a quantity of bread and wine, as much as would serve all the assistants to communicate un­der the two kinds. For that there is an antient order of the Roman Church at­tributed to Clement the first in these words,Clem. 1. de Consecr. Dist. 1. Can. Tribus gradibus. Tanta in altari holocausta offerantur quanta populo sufficere debeant. Quod remanserit in crastinum non reservetur, sed in timore et tremore, clericorum diligentiâ consumatur. Let so many sacrifices be presented upon the Altar as may suffice the people. Let not the remnant be kept for the morrow, but with the fear and care of the Clarks let it be consumed, that is eaten. For al­though these Decretals be supposititious, yet they shew, that when they were forged, the round Wafers and the Masses where the Priest alone receiveth, were not yet in fashion. Also the custome of burning the remnant of the Lords body, or giving it to little school-boyes to eat, of which we shall speak hereafter, is a very clear proof that there was a quantity of bread upon the Table, some part [Page 772] whereof alwayes remained after all the people had communicated. I have seen the representations of the Eucharist set out by the Jesuit Richeome, where Christ is pictured sitting at the Table with his Disciples, every one having his round Wafer upon his Trencher. There wanted no more but a Crucifix stampt upon these Hosts.

For the linnen cloaths we have produced the testimony of Optatus. And as for the double curtaines spread before the table, which were drawn at the hour of the Communion, Chrysostom in the third Homily upon the Epistle to the Ephe­sians speaks thus of them, [...]. When thou seest the double curtaines drawn, think that heaven opens it self.

Of the custom of giving the Sacred bread in every Communicants hand, we have proofs without number. Cyprian in the Sermon de Lapsis, Cypr. de Lapsis §. 13. A Diaboli aris reverten­tes ad sanctū Domini, sor­didis et infe­ctis nidore manibus acce­dunt, &c. Domini cor­pus invadunt. Returning from the Altars of Devils, they come unto the Holy of the Lord, with their hands defiled and infected, &c. they lay hold on the Lords body. EusebiusEuseb. lib. 7. cap. 9. [...]. He had stretched forth his hands to apprehend this holy food. Ambrose rebuking the Em­perour Theodosius for the massacre committed at Thessalonica, said to him,Theod. hist. lib. 5. c. 18. [...]; How shalt thou stretch thy hands yet stilling with the blood of that unjust mur­ther? How shalt thou with such hands receive the Lords Sacred body? And not only men, but also women received the Sacrament with their hand, some put it up in a linnen cloth, and carryed it home.

Cyprian in the Treatise of the Tombs, sect. 21. speaks of a woman that had carried home the bread of the Eucharist, and had shut it up in a Trunk. We alledged before the example of Gorgonia, of whom her brotherGreg. Naz. Epita­phico Gor­goniae. Gregory Na­zianzen saith, that she would lay up some part of the signs of the venerable body and blood of the Lord, and mingle it with her tears.

And Hierom, or rather Pelagius upon 1 Cor. 11. will have good care taken that the linnen where the Sacrament is put up, be not soul, &c. M. du Perron al­ledgeth this passage against M. du Plessis, p. 851. and it is cited by Anastasius Bishop of Nice, and translated by Vossius. [...]. Yea Basil in the Epistle to Cesaria Patritia speaks thus, One may in case of necessity, in time of persecution, there being neither Priest nor Minister present, take the Communion with his own hand. It is superfluous to shew that there is no inconvenience in it, see­ing that long custome hath approved it by effect. And he addeth, that in Alexandria and Egypt every Lay-man hath very often the Communion in his own house, and takes of it himself when he listeth. Against du Plassis, p. 852. M. du Perron proveth by Hierom, that the Romans took the Communion in their houses when they thought good. In the sixt Universal Council assembled again in the Palace of Constantinople, there is an express Canon [...]. (the 102.) forbiding to receive the Eucharist in a vessel, and injoyning that it be received with the hand.

As for sending the Sacrament to an absent person by a boy or by a woman, we have seen before how Eusebius in the sixt book of his history, ch. 38. relates that Seraphion being on his death-bed desired the Eucharist, and that the Priest sent it him by a little boy. Ambrose in the book of widows, tells us, that in his time widows were imployed to carry the Sacrament of Christs body, saying,Oportet eam carere variarum illecebris voluptatum ut corpus et sanguinem Christi ministret. She (meaning the widow) must be without the allurements of divers plea­sures, that she may minister the body and blood of Christ.

Now as scruples will grow, and with the decay of piety, gestures and outward observations will increase, in the sixt and seventh age, the custom was introduced that men should receive the Sacrament with their bare hand, but the women with a linnen cloth over their hand, for fear of touching the Sacrament. The 42. Ca­non of the Council of Auxerre held in the year 590. hath these words, Ʋna­quaeque mulier quando communicat, suum Dominicale habeat. Let every woman when she communicates have her Dominical. Maximus of Constantinople, who writ [Page 773] about the year 650. hath these words,Omnes viri qui com­municare de­siderant, prius lavent manus suas, ut mente pura & niti­da conscientia Christi Sacra­menta susci­piant. Simili­ter & mulie­res nitida ex­hibeant linte­amina, ubi Christi corpus accipiant pu­ra mente & munda con­scientia. Bar. an. 57. s. 148. Let all men that will communicate, wash their hands first, that with a pure spirit and a clean conscience they may receive Christs Sacraments. Likewise let women present clean linnen, where they may receive the body of Christ with a pure mind and a clean conscience.

As for the remnant of the Sacrament, the customs were diverse. Hesychius in the second book upon Leviticus ch. 8. hath these words, Moses commandeth that the remnant of flesh and bread be burnt in the fire, Quod nunc videmus etiam sensibi­liter in Eccle­sia fieri, igni (que) tradi quaecun­ (que) remanere contingerit inconsumpta. Which also wee see now sensibly done in the Church, and that all things which remain not consumed (that is, not eaten) are cast into the fire.

This custome of the Latin Church was altered, when the Priests began to re­serve the Sacrament. For then it was constituted that the Sacrament should not be burnt, but when it began to grow mouldy.Yuo Se­cunda Parte de Sacramen­to corporis, cap. 59. Omne sacrifi­cium sordida vetustate per­ditum, igne comburendum est, & cinis juxta altare sepeliendus. Yuo's Decree alledgeth the fift Canon of the Council of Arles, constituting, that every sacrifice spoiled with foul old age be burnt in the fire, and the ashes buried by the Altar. And Burchards Decree alledgeth the fourth Canon of a Council of Orleans, Bur­chard. lib. 5. cap. 12. Oblationes quae in altari offeruntur de Sabbalo in Sabbatum semper inno­ventur, quia panes proposi­tionis qui su­per mensam Domini ponc­bantur à sab­bato in sabba­tum semper mutabantur, ne diu servati mucidi fiant, & ut quidam sentiunt igne concremari, &c. Let the oblations which are offered upon the Altar be alwayes renewed from one Saturday to another (for the shew-bread which was set upon the Lords table, was changed from one Satur­day to another, lest that being long kept they should grow mouldy) And as it is the opinion of some, they ought to be burnt with fire.

Out of all these it appears how far they were from believing Transubstanti­ation. For it would have been a profane mad part to have cast the natural body of Christ into the fire. Let our adversaries tell us, what the Fathers of that Council of Arles understood by mouldy sacrifices. Can one say without blasphe­my, that Christs body is mouldy? No more can it be said, that by mouldy sa­crifices, the accidents of bread are understood, for these accidents are not the Sacrifice; and length, whiteness and roundness are things which grow not mouldy.

Other Churches had other customs. That of Constantinople of giving the remnant of the Communion bread to little School-boyes, we see in Evagrius in the fourth book of his History, ch. 36. The whole Greek text we brought in before. They would not have done so, if they had believed it to be Christs na­tural body.

In Balsamon there is a constitution of Theophilus Edicta Theophili Can. 7. [...]. Patriarch of Alexandria, which sheweth, that in Egypt they had another custome. For it enjoyns, that the remnant of the Sacrifices be eaten by the Clarks and other faithful brethren that were not Catechumens. The like is found in Clements Constitutions.Const. Clem. 11. book. ch. 20. Postquam omnes sumpserint, accipiant Diaconi reliquias & portent in pastophoria. After all have communicated, let the Deacons take the residue and carry it to the Pastophores, that is, to the houses of the Court about the Church where the Priests dwelt.

All these customes shew three things evidently. The one, that the old Chri­stians did not put around wafer upon the table, but a quantity of bread and wine for the whole assembly to communicate. The second, that they believed not then that the Sacrament was the natural body of Christ, for they would not have burnt it, or given it to little boyes; and it would have been against common sense to speak of pieces and residue of the body of Christ. The third, that they did not reserve the Sacrament, since it was a constitution, that the remnant of the con­secrated bread should be eaten: And this was practised even in the Apostles time, as Hierom or Pelagius testifie (which of the two is doubted) upon 1 Cor. 11.Post communionem quaecun (que) ea de sacrificiis superfuissent, illic in Ecclesia communem coenam comedentes pariter consu­mebant. After the Communion (saith he) they that are the Supper together in the Church, made an end together there of that which remained of the Sacrifices. There Hierom [Page 774] speaks of the custom of the Corinthians, whom the Apostle rebuketh, not for the abuse which they committed in the Agapes as the Cardinal holds,In his book against da Plessis, book 3. ch. 6. but for the prophanation of the Lords Supper. For St. Paul tells them, This is not to eat the Lords Supper, declaring that by their abuse of the Lords Supper they cor­rupted and altered the nature of the same.

Besides the customs here represented of eating or burning the residue of the Sacrament, we have seen before the Constitution, which our adversaries attribute unto Clement the first, that so many Sacrifices be laid upon the Altar as are need­full to suffice the people, and that the residue be not kept till the next day. To which add Origens testimony in his fift Homily upon Leviticus, Nam & Dominus pa­nem quem D [...]scipulis dabat, non di­stulit nec ser­vari jussit in crastinum. The Lord did not put off his Disciples to eat afterwards the bread which he gave them, neither did he command that it should be kept for the next day. Which Gabriel Biel freely ac­knowledgeth in the 36. Lesson upon the Canon of the Masse, saying,Ne (que) de­dit Discipulis ut ipsum ho­norifice con­servarent, sed dedit in sui usum, dicens, Accipite, Manducate. Christ gave not this Sacrament to his Disciples to keep it honourably in store, but to put it in use, saying, Take eat.

In vain the Cardinal brings many authorities of the Fathers which approve the reservation of the Sacrament for the time to come. For those places speak of the reservation which private persons made of the bread they had received in the Church, not of the reservation made by Bishops and Priests of the residue of the sacred bread after the Communion. And though it were otherwise, the customs of some private persons ought not to be ballanced against publick Consti­tutions.

Something also must be said of the uncovering and elevation of the Sacrament. In the antient Church the bread and wine laid upon the table were covered with a linnen cloth untill the hour of the Communion: then they took off the linnen to shew the Sacrament unto the people. This Basil calls the demonstration or exhibition,Basil c. 27. lib. de Sp. S. [...]. saying, Which of the Saints have left us in writing the words of the Invocation, when the bread of the Eucharist is shewed? For M. du Perron shall not perswade us that [...] in this place signifieth consecration. So there should be a vain repetition in these words. For [...] invocatio, signifieth the conse­cration. The Cardinal then makes Basil to say, Which of the Saints have left us in writing the words of the consecration when the bread is consecrated? Pachy­meres in c. 3. Eccl. Hier. [...]. Pachy­metes who hath commented upon Dionysius, whom they say to be the Areopagite, speaks thus, After prayers the holy gifts are uncovered which had remained covered untill the time of the participation. This is that which Dionysius, whom he ex­poundeth, calls [...], bring to evidence.

As for the elevation, as Christ made no elevation of the sacred bread and wine, so we finde not in the antient Church that ever the Priest lift up a wafer over his head (which is that they call lifting up God) to make the people worship it. Only I finde that in the sixth age the Bishop or Priest taking the dish, where the sacred bread was, with both his hands did raise it a little from the table, to let the people see it better. Anastasius Sinaita who writ in the year 550. (if the books be his which bear his name) saith thatPostquā sacrificium illud tremen­dum sanctifi­cavit, panem vitae sustulit, eum (que) omni­bus ostendit. after he hath sanctified that dread sacrifice, he lift up the bread of life and shewed it unto all. Yet that elevation was of the bread only, not of the chalice. As it may be gathered out of German Patriarch of Con­stantinople in the contemplation of Ecclesiastical things. [...]. The elevation (saith he) of the venerable body represents the elevation in the Cross and resurrection it self. And that the divine bread alone is lifted up, sheweth that he is the King and Lord, and himself is the head according to the Apostle. This passage is alledged and set down in Greek in the Cardinals margent, but he falsifieth it in the interpretation, translating [...] the elevation on high, adding these words on high, which are not in the Greek, to make the Reader believe that the elevation was done very high, [Page 775] and above the Priests head. This fraud appears evidently in that in the same line there is [...], the elevation in Cross, where the CardinalM. du Perron of the Eucharist against du Plessis, book 3. p. 849. trans­lates the elevation, without on high: but he commits a greater falsification in translating [...], to elevate the bread alone a part, which words a part are his own, and are not in the Greek.

In the Liturgies falsely attributed to S. James and to S. Chrysostom, mention is made of the elevation of the gift. But besides that these Liturgies are false and sowed up with diverse pieces made in several ages, it is certain, that the elevati­on mentioned in these Liturgies, is not that of the wafer above the Priests head while the Priest turns his back to the people, but the elevation of the dish where the bread was, which the Bishop or the Priest made with his face turned towards the people.

Cardinal du Perron having found nothing in all the antient Church untill the time of the fourth Universal Council, brings these Liturgies, and some new ob­scure Authors, as one Nicolaus Pectoratus, and a piece of a Liturgy, whose words he produceth, [...], and expounds them thus, for he elevates not then the holy bread. He was so raw in Greek that he esteemed that [...] signified then, whereas it signifieth altogether, or wholly. Sometimes [...] signifieth lately but very seldome, and that signification hath nothing common with the sense of, this place.

Francis Alvarez a Portughez Monk, who lived six years in Ethiopia and Dami­an Goes, upon the relation of an Ethiopian Ambassador, say that the Ethiopian Churches make no elevation of the Host. I will relate the very words of Alvarez in the third chapter of his Ethiopian History. Having said, that in the Mass or Liturgy of the Ethiopians, they make a great cake of fine flower, and that the loaf is somewhat big and substantial because all communicate. Also that all commu­nicate in the two kinds; He addeth, The Priest uncovereth the cake which he held covered like a Sacrament; Then he takes it in his hands, and lifting up his right hand leaveth it upon the left, printing upon it with his thumb five or six marks; One above, another in the midst, the third at the foot (so he speaks) the others on the sides. Then he consecrates in his language, after our manner, in proper sense, and with the same propriety of words; only he doth not elevate the Sacrament. He saith also, that after that the Priest hath taken the Sacrament of the blood, the Deacon doth administer it in spoons. That another Priest giveth water to drink, to them that have participated the cup, who wash their mouth with it and then swallow it; And that the Priest drinks a draught of water after he hath celebrated the Mass; for that Monk calls that Mass, although the Ethiopians call it otherwise. He adds that the Office of the Mass is very short, and that it is hardly begun, but it is ended presently after. For these Churches have not the Introits, nor the Graduals; Only they read the institution of the Sacrament set down in the Gospel, adding to it a little singing and some blessings.

Out of all this it appears how far the Abyssine Church (that contains seventeen great Provinces which are so many Kingdoms) differs from the belief of the Ro­man Church. There they make no elevation, and by consequent no adoration. There every Communicant participates the two kinds. There the Service is in a known tongue. And the water, which the Priest and the Communicants drink after the Service is done, sheweth that they believe not Transubstantiation. This mingling of water with the body and blood of Christ newly taken (to speak after the stile and belief of the Romanifts) would be held an unwarrantable mixture. Neither do they speak of the Pope in that Country, nor of obedience to the Roman Church. Neither can one say that they have shaken off the yoke of the Pope: for they never were subject to him. Neither did ever the Pope complain, that they had departed from his obedience, or ever laid any claim of domination over them, although these Churches have subsisted now aboe a thousand years.

CHAP. XX. Of the adoration of the Sacrament: weakness of the Cardinals proofs: how he falsifieth Scripture. Examination of his allegations.

THE form after which the Lord Jesus celebrated his holy Supper among his Disciples, sheweth evidently, that the Apostles did not worship the Sacra­ment; for they were sitting [or rather leaning] at the table, and did not rise from the table till the whole action of the Sacrament was done. For in all the narra­tives of the institution of the Sacrament, there is no command for worshipping the Sacrament, nor any trace of adoration, no more then of that elevation where­by the people is invited to worship.

Against du Plessis of the Eucharist book 3. ch. 11The Cardinal answereth, that one may adore sitting; That the Virgin Ma­ry holding Christ in her bosom, did nevertheless worship him. That Numa had commanded that adoration should be performed sitting. That Pibrac said in his Moral verses,Quatra­ins de Pi­brac. Adore affis comme le Grec ordonne. Adore sitting as the Grecian prescribes.

To this I answer, that if the Virgin Mary holding the Lord Jesus in her bosom, adored him, she did it with her heart and thought, not with the gesture of her body, or with an outward adoration, the adoration which is here in question. For in the sacrifices they were bound to prostrate their bodies; how much more then in a sacrifice where the body of the eternal Son of God was sacrificed? That which he saith of Numa and Pibrac, is a boyish conceit; For the Apostles were Jews, and were not ruled by Numa's Constitutions, nor by Pibrac's moral verses. Their custom in the adoration was to kneel down, yea many times to prostrate their whole body.

The Cardinal makes a doubt whether the Apostles received the Eucharist sit­ting.Against du Plessis, book 3. ch. 11. p. 871. For (saith he) the gesture and posture of the Communicants is not exprest; as likewise it is not exprest whether they stood up to eat the Passeover according to the institution of the Law. Had this Prelat read attentively the text of the Gospel, he would not have doubted of a thing so clearly exprest in it. For in the 13. ch. of S. Johns Gospel, ver. 4. it is said, that Jesus arose from Supper to wash his Apostles feet; and after he had washed their feet, we read in verse 12. that he sate down again. In the same chapter S: John speaks of a Disciple, which is S. John himself, who sitting at the table, was in the bosome of Jesus, that is, he laid his head on his lap, which he could not have done if Jesus had stood up. The tables of the Grecians and Romans were so disposed, that they were half sitting, half lying down: and that he that was in the second place sitting lower, could rest his head on him that was sitting above him. This Cardinal ignorant in the good letters, knew nothing of these things, or if he knew them, he purposely dissembled them. That custom of sitting at the Lords Supper was yet in fashion in the Apostles time. This appeareth by the Church of the Corinthians, which cele­brated the Lords Supper in the form of a feast, where excesses were committed. To which the word of [...] and Coena are suitable, which all the antient Churches used to express Christs action celebrating this Sacrament with his Disciples. For the word Coena signifieth a common supper, not an oblation importing adoration.

Others say,Du Perron against du Plessis of the Eucharist, p. 863. and the Cardinal after them, that the Apostles did not wor­ship the body of Christ in the Eucharist, because they had Christ every day with them; wherein they deceive themselves purposely; for they know, that before that action the Apostles had never eaten Christ, and never been present at the sacrifice of his body; and that such a manducation had deserved an extraordinary devotion; and that there was never a sacrifice in the Church without adoration. Much less then should the sacrifice of the natural body of the Son of God have wanted adoration, especially the first institution of that sacrifice, which must be a perpetual pattern and rule.

Upon our question to our adversaries, where they can shew us, that ever God commanded us to worship the Sacrament, and to yeild to it a service of latria (as they speak, which is the adoration due to God alone) we cannot fetch any answer from them, nor one word to the purpose. M. du Perron Of Eu­charist. lib. 3. ch. 8. laboureth hard about that, and is put to his shifts: he saith, that no more have we any com­mand to worship the Holy Ghost. I answer, that whosoever worshippeth God, worshippeth the Holy Ghost, since the Holy Ghost is God, for so he is called Act. 5.3. The Apostle 1 Cor. 6.19. saith that our bodies are the Temples of the Holy Ghost: now Temples must be consecrated to none but God. And Jesus commanded that we should be baptized in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. Now we are not baptized in the name of the crea­ture.

If the body of Christ which is given in the Eucharist were the natural body of Christ, as our adversaries will have it, not the Sacramental body as we affirm, the Apostles would have worshipped it. Especially in the first celebration of this Sacrament, which must be a rule unto the Church; the command of wor­shipping the Sacrament should have been clearly exprest, or at least the pra­ctice.

Pag. 863.He adds, that when the Father saith, This is my son in whom I am well pleased, hear ye him; he saith not Worship ye him; but in that indicative proposition, This is my Son, this imperative proposition, Worship ye him, was virtually and implicitly con­tained. Likewise he will have these words, This is my body, to contain implicitly the command of worshipping him.

I answer, that those words, This is my Son, are proper, not Sacramental or typical words, like these, This is my body, as we have proved it. Now from sim­ple words one may draw consequences, but from Sacramental words no conse­quence can be drawn, till they be reduced to simple and not typical words. Be­sides, these words, This is my Son, contain indeed a command to worship Christ, but not to worship him in such a place or in such an action. Whereas from these words, This is my body, they will infer a consequence, that this body must be wor­shipped under the species of bread, which is an inconsequent consequence and without any colour.

The Cardinal adds, Though the bread of the Eucharist should remain truly bread in its inward and invisible substance, was there not a far greater distance between the Ark and God, the Ark being but the simple legal and ceremonial sign of his presence, then between the Eucharist and Christ? which Ark nevertheless Joshuah and all the people of Israel worshipped; And David in his Psalms exhorts every one to wor­ship it.

I answer, that it is false that ever Joshuah or the people of Israel worshipped the Ark. We find indeed, Josh. 7.6. That Joshuah rent his garments and fell on his face to the ground before the Ark of the Lord. And that not only according to the Hebrew, but according to the Vulgate version authorized by the Council of Trent. The words in that version are these, Josue pronus cecidit in terram coram Arca Domini usque ad vesperam, tam ipse quam seniores Israel. The versions of San­ctes Pagninus and of Arias Montanus say the same. The licenciousness of forgery is notorious in this Cardinal.

With the like depravation of Scripture, he saith in the same place, that David in his Psalms exhorteth every one to worship the Ark, and he alledgeth, with­out quoting, a text of the 98. Ps. which in the Hebrew Bible is the 99. where David saith, Exalt ye the Lord our God and worship at his footstool. But the vulgar version saith, Worship his footstool. Here the Cardinal will play the Grammarian, but acteth that part but poorly. All the good versions of our adversaries translate as we do, that of Pagninus a Monk of Luca, and that of Arias Montanus a Spa­niard. So doth also the Chaldean Paraphrast. The Septuagint translate [...], not [...]. But this removeth all doubt, that in the same Psalm after [...] Adorate ad scabellum, it is added [...] Adorate ad montem. If in the first, we must translate Adore the footstool, we must [Page 778] translate in the second, Adore the mountain, which the Cardinal would not like; for it would be a mad idolatry to worship a mountain. It is not credible that David worshipped before the Ark otherwise then Joshua; Now it is expressly said of Joshua, Joh. 7.6. that he fell to the earth upon his face before the Ark of the Lord, not that he worshipped the Ark. Who will believe that God, who in his Law did so expressly prohibit worshipping any other but God, would allow the worshipping of a wodden chest? I confess, that worshipping God, and worshipping before God, are the same thing. But when it is question of inanimate things, worshipping be­fore the Temple, and worshipping the Temple, are things far different.

Two things deserve to be observed by the way. First, these words of the Car­dinal, Though the bread should remain in his inward and invisible substance, &c. This is saying tacitely, that there is an outward substance, and putting two sub­stances in the bread, the one inward and invisible, the other outward and visible, which is a meer abuse. By affecting subtility he betrayeth his ignorance.

Secondly, observe to what excess Idolatry is grown in the Roman Church, in which they worship not only the body of Christ which they affirm to be covered with the species, but also the species, that is the signs and accidents.

Bellar. l. 4. de Eu­char. c. 29. sect. Sed haec. Proprie Chri­stum esse ado­randum, & eam adorati­onem etiam ad symbola panis & vini pertinere, quatenus apprehenduntur ut quid unum cum ipso Christo quem continent. Bellarmin teacheth that doctrine, saying that the adoration belongeth to the signs of bread and wine, in as much as they are considered as the same thing with Christ whom they contain; as when they worshipped, they worshipped his garment also. So then Christians are brought to worship the colour and the figure of bread, and a whole object is worshipped, of which Christ makes but the one half. Wherefore the Council of Trent commandeth that the Sacrament be worshipped. Now the Sacrament of Christ is not Christ.

CHAP. XXI. That in the first ages of the Christian Church the Sacrament was not wor­shipped. The Cardinals allegations and proofs are examined.

THE custom of sitting at the table when the Eucharist was celebrated, did not continue long after the Apostles. For soon after their death another custom was brought in, that the Deacons should bring the Sacrament to every communicant, or that every communicant should come to the Pastour of the Church to receive the communion in the two elements.

But as for the adoration, it is certain, that as they did not elevate the Sacra­ment, so they did not worship it; and for that our adversaries bring no proof that can serve their turn, nor any example, or testimony of antient writers of the time thatIn his book against M. du Plessis book 3. ch. 11 M. du Perron set for his limit, that is, till the fourth universal Coun­cil, which was in the year of Christ 451. But in the 23. Canon of the third Council of Carthage we have this constitution, Ʋt cum altari assistitur, semper ad Patrem dirigatur oratio. That when the Priest assists before the Altar, the prayer be alwayes directed unto God the Father. If it was then unlawful to make the address of prayers unto Christ in the Eucharist, it was also unlawful to worship his body; for in Christian Religion all adoration imports invocation: yea the word adoratio comes from oratio, which signifieth prayer.

For the adoration of the Sacrament they alledge Dionysius in ch. 3. of Ecclesi­astical Hierarchy, saying,Dionys. de Hier. Eccl. cap. 3. [...]. O holy and Divine ceremony, removing the vails of the riddles wherewith thou art symbolically invironed, shew they self clearly to us [Page 779] and fill our eyes with thine only and unshadowed light. The Cardinal translateth [...] a Sacrament, and by the Sacrament he understands Christ. A willfull abuse, to call Christ [...], that is a mystery or mystical ceremony. So did Faber Stapu­lensis translate it. O divinum penitus sanctumque mysterium! Who sees not that this is an Apostrophe, a Rhetorical compellation, whereby many times things in­animate are spoken to as if they understood, and persons absent as if they were present? It was so that Ambrose spake to the element of water;Ambros. in Luc. lib. 10. c. 22. O aqua quae humano asper­sum sanguine ut praesentium lavacrorum figura praece­deret, orhem terrarum lavasti, &c. O aqua quae Sacramentum Christi esse meruisti, &c. O water which hast washed the globe of the earth stained with human blood, &c. O water that hast merited (that is obtained) to be a Sacrament of Christ, &c. It was so, that the Prophets spake many times to heaven and earth. But what? That book is not of Dionysius Areopagita, but was made many ages since, as we might easily prove.

Du Per­ron libro ante citato, cap. 1.The Cardinal saith, this Author is not the true Dionysius Areopagita, but that it is enough that he is a Catholick Author above thirteen hundred years old, that is, about three hundred years after Christ. And he proveth it, because the Council of Constantinople in Trullo, held in the year 681. and Gregory who writ about the year of Christ 595. cite that Author. An ingenious proof, That a book was written about the year 300. of Christ, because some Authors have spoken of him about 700. years after Christs birth! It is false that Gregorius Na­zianzenus did ever alledge that book, as Budeus suspecteth. And if Nicolas the Colossian saith that he saw the Comments of Dionysius of Alexandria upon that book, he is no credible witness. For who will believe that these Comments were hid eight or nine hundred years, and that this Nicolas was the first that saw them after so many ages? which I say, not to despise the book of the Hierarchy ascribed to Dionysius Areopagita; a very useful book, and altogether contrary to Transubstantiation, to Purgatory, and to the Popes primacy. Only I say it cannot be of that Dionysius, and that it was written by some Christian Platonician about 350. or 400. years after Christs birth, in the time that Monks began to spread, when the Churches were flourishing, and the time quiet.

Read all the Fathers of the first ages; not one word shall be found in them of adoring the Sacrament, and deferring a divine worship unto it; no trace of that is extant in Justin Martyr, nor in Ignatius, nor in Clemens Alexandrinus, nor in Tertullian, nor in Origen, nor in Cyprian, nor in that book of the Lords Supper which is falsly fathered upon him, as we have proved; nor in Arnobius, nor in Lactantius, nor in Athanasius, nor in Eusebius, nor in Basilius, nor in Gregorius Nyssenus, nor in Gregorius Nazianzenus. Neither do the Liturgies of S. James and Basilius, though falsified and disguised with many additions, speak a word of them.

The antientest Author alledged by the Cardinal, that seems to speak of the adoration of the Sacrament, is Cyrillus of Jerusalem, who writ about the year of Christ 380. he speaks thus in the fifth mystagogical Catechesis, After the Com­munion of Christs body, I draw near to the chalice of the blood, not stretching forth my hands, but bowing in a form of adoration and veneration. But these mystago­gical Catecheses are a supposititious book; for they are quite of another stile, more concise then the precedent eighten Catecheses, which ought also to be called Mystagogical, because they serve also for introductions to mysteries. But the diversity of the Author, is the cause of the diversity both of the title and stile. That this work is spurious, it appeareth not only by the diversity of the stile, but also because in the first Mystagogical Catecheses [...], &c. the Author chideth his hearers for frequenting the hippodrom, that is, the place appointed for horse races, and for freqenting the Amphitheater, where Gladiatours were fighting against Tygers and Lyons; and labours to dehort them from such spectacles. Such admonitions could not be done at Jerusalem, where there was neither Hippodrom, nor Amphitheater.

No Cities had those ornaments and spectacles, but the capital Cities of the Empire, as Rome, Constantinople, Alexandria, and Antioch, where the ordinary residence of the Emperour was, or of his Lieutenants, in Asia and Egypt, and [Page 780] some few towns where the Roman Legions wintered, as Nemansus in Gaules, and some Towns in the East upon the borders of Persia. But as for Jerusalem, it was subject to Cesarea the Metropolitan of Palestina, and was one of the least Towns of the Empire as for the civil order. Herod the great had built an Amphitheater at Cesarea, as Josephus testifieth. But in the time of Cyrillus it was no more fre­quented. Gesner in his Library, saith, that these Catecheses are found in the Li­brary of Auspurg under the name of one John of Jerusalem.

As for the other eighteen Catecheses, although I think that most of them are of Cyrillus, yet some of them are none of his, as the eighteenth. For that Cate­chesis being made a few dayes before Easter, yet the Authour speaks as if they had been then in the depth of winter. [...]. Now (saith he) is the time of winter, and the trees stand now as dead. Whereas in Jerusalem at Easter, the corn begins to be in the ear. A fortnight after Easter, at the latest, they offered in the Temple the new fruits and the new sheaves. It is like that these Catecheses were pronounced at Constantinople where winters are often hard and long, by reason of the neigh­bourhood of Pontus Euxinus.

The same eighteenth Catechesis makes us clearly see that the Mystagogical which follow, are not of the same Author. For towards the end of that eighteenth Catechesis, the Author promiseth more Catecheses to follow. And saith, that the first shall begin by these words [...], which are not found in the first Mystagogical, and it begins otherwise.

Yet let us suppose that these Catecheses are of Cyrillus. What do they say for the adoration of the Sacrament? The alledged passage saith only, that we must come to the Communion of the Sacrament with the gesture and countenance of a man that worshippeth God and Christ sitting at the right hand of God; for of worshipping the Sacrament he saith never a word.

Thus Gregorius Nazianzenus in the oration upon his sister Gorgonia, saith, that at midnight she came and prostrated herself before the altar, and with a loud cry called upon him that is honoured upon the altar. It cannot be said that she worshipped the Sacrament, seeing that the holy Eucharist was not celebrated at midnight, and that she was alone in the Church.

The same I say of the passage of Ambrose in the third book of the Holy Ghost, ch. 12. where expounding that footstool mentioned in the Psalm, he saith,Itaque per scabellum terra intelli­gitur; per ter­ram autem caro Christi, quam nunc in mysteriis ado­ramus, et quā Apostoli in Domino Jesu adorarunt. By the footstool the earth is understood, and by the earth the flesh of Christ, which now we worship in mysteries, and which the Apostles worshipped in our Lord Jesus. And of the passage of Austin upon Psalm 98.Et quia in ipsa carne hic ambula­vit, et ipsam carnem man­ducandam nobis ad salu­tem dedit, nemo illam carnem man­ducat nisi prius adora­verit. He walked in the flesh, and gave us his flesh unto salvation. Now no body eats that flesh unless he hath first worshipped it. These passages speak not of worshipping the flesh of Christ under the species of bread, but only of worshipping the flesh of Christ in the fraction of the Sacra­ment. It is one thing to worship Christ in the Lords Supper, and another thing to worship the Sacrament of the Lords Supper. Thus in the Eucharist we wor­ship the Father, yet we worship him not under the elements, as if that Sacrament were God the Father. The antient Christians worshipped in the Eucharist the body of Christ sitting at the right hand of God; and to that end were warned, that while they received the holy bread, they should lift up their hearts on high; Sursum corda. Austins words are most considerable, That none eats the flesh of the Lord, unless he hath worshipped it before. None can deny, that he speaks of the true and serious worship, which is done as well with the heart as with the body. Whence it appeareth, that he speaks not of a manducation with the mouth; for many eat the Sacrament with the mouth, without such a serious worship of Christ. Judas (as Austin saith often) ate the Sacrament of Christs body, yet without worshipping Christs body. And so Austins saying should be found false, That none eats the flesh of the Lord except he hath worshipped it before. But this Father speaks most true, because he speaks of the spiritual manducation by faith, which cannot be but in them that fear Christ and worship him.

Hierom upon the same Psalm,Quod au­tem adorari debeat, eo ascendente, Apostoli do­cuerunt cum adorantes regressi sunt in Hierusalem; sed et ad crucem Dominicam et ad animam sanctam haec referenda sunt. The Apostles shewed that the flesh of Christ [Page 781] must be worshipped, when he ascending to heaven, they worshipping returned to Jeru­salem. But these things must be referred to the Cross of the Lord, and to his holy soul; not then to the adoration of the Sacrament.

In the same manner must we understand the expressions of Chrysostom in the 7. Homily upon Matthew, and in the 24. Homily upon the first Epistle to the Corinthians, where he exhorteth his hearers by the example of the Magi that came out of Persia, who worshipped Christ in the manger, to worship him also in the sacred mysteries; They are Rhetorical declamations, in which he ex­horteth the people to worship Christ in the Eucharist, not to worship the Eu­charist.

I cannot wonder enough how the Cardinal durst alledge Theodoret, Book 3. c. 17. of the Eu­charist against du Plessis. who in the first Dialogue having said, that Christ [...], &c. [...], &c. gave to the sign the name of his body, and that he honoured the visible signs with the name of his body, having not changed their nature, but adding grace unto nature, in the second Dialogue speaks the same language, saying, [...]. After the consecration the mystical signs depart not from their proper nature, for they remain in their former substance, figure and form, and are visible, and to be handled as they were before.

Theodoret addeth according to the Cardinals version, The signs are understood to be the things which they are made, and are believed and worshipped, as being that which they are believed to be. But there is according to the Greek, and according to Theodorets intention, The signs are understood to be the things that they were, and are believed and venerated, as being that which they are believed to be. Theo­doret saith that [...], the signs are venerated, or as the Cardinal trans­lates, the signs are worshipped. Upon which we give the choice to our adversaries, whether they will have Theodorets meaning to be, that the signs are worshipped with the soveraign [...]orship due unto God alone, or whether they will have [...] according to the custom of the Grecians to signifie only venerating and reverencing. If they will have Theodorets meaning to be, that the signs or figures of Christ are worshipped with a soveraign adoration, they make Theodoret guilty of horrible idolatry, as deferring unto the signs or figures of Christ a worship equal to the adoration due to the soveraign God; for the signs are not God. Or if they will, that Theodoret by [...] understands only venerating or re­verencing, then they make him speak as we do; for we honour and venerate these signs. But in that sense, this testimony of Theodoret will avail nothing for the soveraign adoration deferred unto the Sacrament.

But though the Cardinals version were receivable, yet it is a weak proof in the mouth of the Romanists; for they make two sorts of religious adoration, the one soveraign, the other inferiour; and by consequent when they hear Theodoret, saying, that the signs of Christs body are worshipped, reason obligeth them to take that of the inferior adoration which they defer unto Saints, to bones, and to relicks. When Tertullian against Hermogenes saith, I adore the plenitude of Scripture, he understood not that the Scriptures were God, or that they were to be worshipped like God, but only that he did reverence them.

In the Liturgy attributed to Chrysostom these words are found:Liturg. Chrysost. edit. Marcelli, p. 85. [...], &c. The Deacon having said Amen, and worshipped or venerated with reverence the Holy Gospel, comes out by the Sacred dores. None, I think, is so grossly idolatrous, as to gather hence that the book of the Gospel must be worshipped with adoration of latria. In our dayes they worship the holy tear of Christ, and the wood of the Cross, and the representation of our Saviours face on a linnen cloth; and yet no man of good sense would worship these things with the same adoration as he worshippeth God; although Thomas, Cajetan, Biel, Azor, Vasquez, and a multi­tude of Doctors stiffly maintain that the wood of the Cross must be worshipped with adoration of latria.

Here I cannot pass by the ignorance or fraud of Cardinal du Perron, who de­fends this adoration in the Mass with the example of Aaron and Moses, who spake by Gods command unto the stone whence the waters flowed: as though Moses and Aaron by speaking to that stone had worshipped it. The words which they [Page 782] spake to the stone, were not words of adoration, but of command.

Such was the word of Christ speaking to Lazarus lying in the sepulcher, Laza­rus come forth. Such shall Gods command be, when in the last day he shall com­mand the earth and the sea to give up the dead.

Theodoret then meant, not that the inanimate signs of Christs body and blood must be worshipped with the adoration due to God, but that they must be ve­nerated, respected and honoured as sacred things, and as the mystical and sacra­mental body of Christ ought to be venerated. So speaks Austin 118. Epistle;Neuter eorum exho­norat corpus & sanguinem Domini, si sa­l [...]berrimum Sacramentum certatim ho­norare con­tendunt, &c. Ille honorando non audet quotidie su­mere, & ille honorando non audet illo die praetermit­tere non captū. Solum non vult cibus ille sicut m [...]ana sastidium. In­de enim & Apostolus in­digne dicit acceptū ab iis qui hoc non discernebant à caeteris cibis veneratione singulariter debita. Neither of them dishonoureth the Lords body and blood, if they strive with emula­tion to honour the most salutary sacred sign, &c. The one out of respect dareth not take him every day, the other out of respect dareth not let one day pass without taking it. Only this meat will not be loathed as Manna was once. Wherefore also the Apostle saith, that it is received unworthily by those that do not discern it from other meats by a venerati­on especially due. When it is question of the dignity of the Sacrament, alwayes this good Doctor speaks of honouring and venerating, never of adoring the Sacrament.

The same Father in book 3. of Christian doctrine, ch. 9.Qui aut operatur aut veneratur uti (que) signum divinitus in­stitutum, cujus vim significa­tionemque in­telligit, non hoc veneratur quod videtur & transit, sed illud potius quò talia cuncta refe­rendà sunt. He that maketh or venerateth the sign divinely instituted, whose vertue and signification he under­stands, doth not venerate that which is seen and is transitory, but that rather to which all such things ought to be referred.

And in the 164. Epistle,Baptismū Christi ubique veneramur. We venerate everywhere the Baptism of Christ. Which is done without adoration.

But above all, the authority before alledged of Theophilus Patriarch of Alex­andria is pregnant, with the exposition which Hierom brings to it. This Theo­philus in the first Paschal Epistle disputing against Origen, had said, Origen consi­ders not that the mystical waters of Baptism are consecrated by the coming of the Holy Ghost, and that the bread of the Lord, whereby the body of our Saviour is shewed [or represented] and which we break for our sanctification, and the sacred chalice which are set upon the table, and which are indeed inanimate things, are sanctified by the invocation and coming of the Holy Ghost. Excellent words, especially where Theophilus saith that we break the bread of the Lord, whereby the body of the Lord is shewed; and that the water of Baptism is sanctified by the invocation and coming of the Holy Ghost. Shewing thereby, that this sanctification is done by invocation or prayer, not by pronouncing these words, This is my body. And that as this sanctification or consecration doth not transubstantiate the water of of Baptism, also the consecration of the bread doth not transubstaniate it into the body of the Lord. For he acknowledgeth but one kind of consecration for Baptism and for the Eucharist.

Hierom translator of these Epistles writes to the author of them Theophilus, and speaks thus with a reflexion to this passage: We have admired in thy book the profit which all the Churches receive by it; that the ignorant being instructed by the testimonies of holy letters, may learn with what veneration they must receive holy things, and serve to the ministry of Christs altar; and that they may not think that the sacred chalices, and the holy vails, and other things belonging to the service of Christs passion, are deprived of holiness as inanimate and senseless, but that they may know, that because they accompany the body and blood of the Lord, they ought to be venerated with the same Majesty as his body and blood. These words ought to be well weighed. Hierom saith, that the chalices and linnen clothes, and other ap­purtenances of the outward service of the Sacrament ought to be venerated with the same Majesty and reverence as the body and blood of Christ. Now it is clear, that linnen clothes and chalices ought not to be worshipped with the soveraign adoration due unto God alone. Whence it appears, that the body and blood of Christ, of which Hierom speaks here, must not be worshipped with soveraign adoration, and that the Lords body of which he speaks, is the mystical and Sacra­mental body of Christ, not the natural. For would Hierom have been so profane or so ignorant, as to prescribe that linnen clothes and chalices should be wor­shipped with a worship equal unto that which is due unto Christ himself? Where­fore also he saith not that the body and blood, or the chalices and vails must be [Page 783] worshipped, but only that they must be venerated. And this is the same thing that Hierom told us before (that we may return to our beginning) that there are two sorts of body and blood of Christ. It was from him that the Canon Dupliciter was taken in the second distinction of the Consecration, which saith,Duplici­t [...]r intelligi­tur caro Chri­sti; vel spiri­tualis illa at (que) divina de qua ipse ait Ca [...]o mea vere est cibus; vel caro ea quae cruci­fixa est, & sanguis qui militis effusus est lanceá. The flesh of Christ is understood two wayes. It is either that spiritual and di­vine flesh, of which himself saith, My flesh is meat indeed; or that flesh which was crucified, and that blood which was shed by the souldiers spear. And the Canon De hac, in the same distinction,De hac quidem hostia quae in Christi commemorati­one mirabili­t [...]r fit edere licet. De illa vero quam Christus in ara cru [...]is obtulit, secundum se nulli edere licet. It is indeed lawfull to eat of that victim, which is done wonderfully in the commemoration of Christ. But it is lawfull to none to eat that victim in it self which was offered in the altar of the Cross. Note these words in it self: It is not lawful to eat in it self the Lords flesh offered in the Cross: For thereby he declareth, that it is lawfull to eate it in Sacrament, or in mystery, not in it self, so that it enter into our mouth or stomack. We heard also Austin saying upon Ps. 98. as personating Christ, You shall not eat this body which you see, and shall not drink the blood which they that crucifie me shall spill. Then another sort of Christs body is eaten, even the mystical and sacramental.

This distinction of the two sorts of body of Christ being the key of the intelli­gence of the Fathers in this matter, it is no wonder that the Cardinal is alwayes wandring from his matter and accumulates texts of the Fathers to no purpose, be­cause he did not observe this distinction, and speaks not a word of it in all his book of the Eucharist.

CHAP. XXII. The Cardinals allegations out of the Fathers are examined, beginning at his allegations out of the Catecheses of Gregory of Nyssa.

TO darken the clear evidence of this truth, the Cardinal poureth a thick mist of allegations of Fathers, some false, some wrested, some to no pur­pose.

Among the last sort I put those which he brings from new Authors, or such as lived long after the fourth universal Council, which is the limit which he had set to himself. Such is Alger the Schoolman, who writ about the year of Christ 1130. Such is Theophilactus, who writ about the year 1075. Damascenus, who writ about the year 750. And Euthymius, who is of the year 1120. Although the Cardinal make all these men to speak against their intention; yet it would be superfluous, and out of the limits of this dispute to examine them.

Book 4. ch. 8. p. 882.In ch. 8. of which I have answered the most part, he brings a great list of the most specious testimonies which he could gather out of all Christian Anti­quity. He sets in the front the Catechetical Oration of Gregorius Nyssenus, and fills a page with it, forgeting his own verdict in the same chapter, and in many other places, That one must not seek the belief of the Fathers in the books in which they speak before the Catechumens, because before them they durst not say plainly what they believed, nor speak according to their sense; and thatCh. 8. p. 886, & 887. who­soever published openly some part of the doctrine of the Church in the point of the Eucharist before the Catechumens or Infidels, was accounted anathema. Now this Catechetical Oration was made purposely for the Catechumens, as the title shews it.

I could say also, that in this matter Gregorius Nyssenus had a particular belief, which the Roman Church approveth not. For in the first Oration of the resur­rection of Christ, to finde the three dayes and three nights, the time which holy Scripture saith that Christ was in the womb of the earth, that is in the Sepulchre, he begins those three dayes at the hour of the institution of the Eucharist; and [Page 784] holds, that then Christ sacrificed himself, and that his body became inanimate. [...]. For (saith he) the body of the victime had not been fit to be eaten if it had been animated. And that he addeth, that from that time his soul was in the heart of the earth. We should not wonder then, if a man that had such a strange opinion as to believe that the body of the Lord Jesus was dead already, when he was at the table with his Disciples, had also in this matter some unwarrantable tenet.

I could say also, that in the same Catechesis there are some errours that extenuate the authority of the same; [...]. Et versio Gentiani Herveti. Illa quidem (fides) sita in arbitrio liberae nostrae electionis. The same he saith ch. 31. As when he saith in ch. 36. that faith is in the power of our free-will: Whereas Paul, Eph. 2.8. saith, You are saved by grace through faith, and that not of your selves, it is the gift of God; Not of works, lest any man should boast, teaching us, that neither salvation nor faith comes from us, but that both are the gift of God. The same Gregory in the same book, ch. 35. teacheth that such as dye without baptism, whose affections were harden­ed, and that are dead without purgation of their sins, without mystical water, without prayer, without amendment of repentance, must necessarily be purged from their sins by a convenient means, namely by the fire of the furnace that they may be preserved pure for many ages. Then he adds, Because that in the fire and in the water there is an abstersive vertue, they that were washed from the filth of sin by the mystical water, have no need of the other kind of purgation. But they that were not initiated by this purgation [of baptism] by necessity are purged by fire: I pass by the exposition which he brings of Eph. 3.18. That you might comprehend with all Saints, [...]. what is the breadth, and length, and depth, and height, understanding by these four dimensions the four ends of the CrossGreg. Orat. Cateches. cap. 32..

But passing by these things and many more which are found in that oration, Let us consider this book and this passage with some care. This Catechetical oration is not found in the antient Editions, as in that of Basil. The Edition of Paris of the year 1573. added that piece translated into Latin, as Bellarmin Bellar. de Scriptor. Eccl. in Gregorio Nysseno. observeth. Suidas and Nicephorus in book 11. ch. 19. name several books of Gregorius Nyssenus, but speak not of that Catechetical oration. But Theodoret ancienter then they, in the second Dialogue intitulded the Inconfounded, alledgeth foure or five passages of that Oration, yet with such diversity of words from our Editions, that it is easie to see that the book past since through diverse hands, which have fowlly disfigured it. In the end of that oration, mention is made of one Seve­rus an heretick, that impugned the two natures of Christ. But that Severus lived long after Gregorius Nyssenus, that is, under the Emperour Anastasius about the year of the Lord 512. Of whose perverseness Evagrius speaks in book 3. ch. 33. and Liberatus Diaconus ch. 19. Which sheweth plainly, that to that Catechetical oration other pieces were added written in diverse ages. For that Severus was of the Sect of the Acephali Eutychians, which is the heresie taxed in the end of the oration.

As for that passage, it is easie to know that it is none of Gregorius Nyssenus, but thrust in by some Eutychian; for there Eutychianism is plainly taught. We have seen before and proved by Theodoret, that the Eutychians had two errours, the one serving to maintain the other. They confounded the two natures of Christ by a mixture of the humane nature with a divine, teaching that the humane na­ture by the union with the divine was deified or changed into God. To defend that errour, they taught the Transubstantiation of bread into the body of Christ in the Eucharist, saying, that as after the consecration the bread is turned into the substance of the body of Christ, so by the incarnation the body of Christ was converted into the substance of the Godhead. This is the language of the Euty­chian heretick in the second Dialogue of Theodoret. In the same manner as the signs of the body and blood of the Lord are others before the invocation of the Priest, but after the invocation they are changed and made others. Likewise the Lords body after the assumption, was changed into the divine substance.

This is the very doctrine contained in ch. 37. which the Cardinal alledgeth, and in divers other places of this Catechetical oration, where it is said divers times, that a mixture or commutation was made of humane nature with the Godhead. As in ch. 11. [...]. The Godhead is blended or mingled with the man­hood. In the same place he speaks, [...]. of the manner of the mixture or contem­perature of the Godhead with the manhood. And in ch. 16. [...]. He hath mingled the intellectual nature with the sensible. The same he saith in the 26, and 32. chapters, using the grossest terms that he is able to finde to express that mixture of the natures. And in ch. 37. whence this passage is taken, he saith, that by that union, humane nature [...], was changed into the excellency of the Godhead, and as he saith a little after, it was [...]. condeified, made God, which is rank Eutychianism. And he makes that mingling of natures to prove the Eutychian Transubstantiation. And thus he buildeth his discourse. The proper food of mans body is bread, so that a mans body is in some sort made of bread, and bread before it be eaten is mans body in potentia. Christ while he had his conversation in earth, ate bread, and his body was in some sort made of bread, because the bread which he ate was changed into Christs body, and that body mingled with the Godhead and deified, entring into our bodies by the Eucharist, changeth our bodies into his nature, and quickeneth them; and thence cometh resurrection. And as the bread which Christ ate was changed into his body, so the bread of the Eucharist is changed into the body of Christ mingled with his Godhead: These are his own words: We asked how the body of Christ which is in him quickeneth the whole nature of men in whom faith is, being distri­buted to all without suffering any diminution. Perhaps we are not far from the probable reason; for if the subsistence of each body is compounded with food which is meat and drink, and that meat is bread, and that drink is water tempered with wine; the Word of God according as it was defined before, which is God and Word, is mingled with humane nature; And when it was in our body, it did not innovate some other constitution of humane nature, but gave subsistence to his body by the things that are usual and convenient, sustaining his subsistence with meat and drink, and that meat was bread. As then in us (as I said often) he that seeth bread, seeth the humane body in some sort, because when it is within the body it becomes the body; So in this place [...]. the body [of Christ] which received God, having received the food of bread, was in some sort the same thing as bread, the food (as it was said) passing into the nature of the body. For that which is proper to all, is also without question in that flesh, namely, that this body is contained in the bread. Now the body by the inhabitation of the Word God, was [...]. changed into the dignity of God. Wherefore also now I believe with just reason, that the bread sanctified by the Word of God, is changed into the body of God the Word: for that bread was this body in potentia, &c. With such wilde conceits and intricate words the Author of ch. 37. of that Oration goeth about to prove, that as the bread which Christ ate was changed into the body of Christ, and as Christs humane nature was changed into the divine nature, also the bread of the Lords Supper is Transubstantiated into the flesh of Christ. Shall we be so unjust to Gregorius Nyssenus, a man so famous in his time, as to father upon him such a galimaufry of absurdities and doctrines contrary to the faith? Wherefore the result of this examination is, that either this Oration is none of that Gregory's works, or rather that this Catechetical Oration was corrupted by the Eutychians, and that though it were his, yet Cardinal du Perron can make no use of it, since he will not have us to believe the writings of the Fathers wherein they speak to the Catechumens, before whom they dissembled their sense, and disguised the belief of the Church.

[...]
[...]

CHAP. XXIII. Answer to the other allegations of the same Chapter.

TO Gregorius Nyssenus the Cardinal joynes Ambrose, who in the book of those that are initiated in mysteries, inquireth how it is possible that the Eucha­rist should be the body of Christ, and answereth, that it is done by the change of the bread into the body of Christ. To which I have already answered, that Ambrose's belief was, that the bread is so changed into the body of Christ, that nevertheless it remains bread alwayes. To shew that, he employeth ch. 4. of book 4. of the Sacraments, where he declareth, that this end is to prove that bread is the body of Christ:Haecigitur astruamus, quomodo po­test qui panis est, esse corpus Christi. Let us demonstrate this (saith he) how that which is bread, can be the body of Christ. And upon that he brings some works of God, whereby God made that which is not to be. Whence he inferreth, that much more God can make things that have been to be again, and to be changed into other things.Si ergo tanta vis est in sermone Domini Jesu, ut inciperent esse quae non erant, quanto magis opera­turus est ut sint quae erant, & in aliud commutentur? If (saith he) there is such vertue in the word of the Lord Jesus, that things that were not, begun to be; how much more shall he make things that were, to be, and to be changed into other things? This passage is found thus set down in all the antient Editions, and in theDecret. Grat. Dist. 2. de Conse­crat. Can. Panis. Roman Decree, and in the DecreeYuo Carn. Se­cund. Part. de Sacr. Corpo­ris, cap. 7. of Yuo Carnutensis. And for that which the Cardinal beats over so often, that Ambrose saith, that this is done by the Almighty power of God, and that to make the bread to be only the sign and figure of the body of Christ, there was no need to make the Almighty power of God to intervene; I have said already, that Am­brose believed no more then we do, that bread was only the sign of Christs body. He believed that the bread remaining bread becomes so the mystical body of Christ, that by the manducation of that bread, through the unspeakable vertue of God Christ is made ours, and remains in us, and we in him. Yet the same Am­brose celebrating the Eucharist, said,Fac nobis hanc oblatio­nem ascriptā rationabilem, acceptabilem, quod est figu­ra corporis & sanguinis Do­mini. Make this offering to be accounted unto us reasonable, acceptable, which is the figure of the body and blood of the Lord. Words which cannot be applied unto bread not consecrated; for bread not consecrated cannot be the acceptable offering, and cannot be laid to our account before God for our sins.

The same Ambrose was saying,Lib. de iis qui initi­antur my­ster. cap. 9. Ante benedi­ctionem alia species nomi­natur, post be­nedictionem corpus signifi­catur. Before the blessing of the heavenly words, another kind is named. After the blessing, the body is signified. Again,Non est iste panis qui in corpus va­dit. lib. 4 de Sacr. c. 4, & 5. This bread is not that which entreth into the body. Again, Thou drinkest the likeness of his blood.

Pag. 877.The Cardinal alledgeth Cyprian next. Who seeth not (saith he) that when Cyprian saith [The bread which our Lord gave to his Disciples, changed, not in shape, but in nature, by the Almighty power of the Word, is made flesh] he cannot understand any change there by the change of nature, but the change of substance? In the begin­ning of the same chapter the CardinalIn ch. 13. p. 1009, & 1010. had spoken of that very book as doubt­ing whether it was of Cyprian; Now he speaks of it with an absolute certainty as believing that it is Cyprians. We have shewed before by many evident proofs that the book is spurious, none of Cyprians but of a late Author, whose barbarous stile and doctrine are very far from the elegance and solidity of Cyprian.

Yet let us see what use the Cardinal makes of that allegation. Cyprian (saith he) cannot by the change of nature understand but the change of substance. For Aristotle teacheth us that the word nature signifieth nothing but either the substance or the accidents which originally stick to the substance, that is the natural and original proprieties and conditions. Wherefore no change intervening in the outward nature of bread, it must needs be that the change is made in the substance.

I could answer, that besides the outward nature and substance, there are inward proprieties in which the change can be made. But I chuse rather to beat the Cardinal with his own weapons. The Reader may remember how the Cardinal to scape from the hands of Theodoret (who saith in the first Dialogue, that in the [Page 787] Lords Supper [...]. Christ had altered the nature of the signs, And in the second [...]. that the sacred signs after the consecration change not their own nature) will have nature in those passages to signifie the accidents, not the substance. But in this place, which he saith to be Cyprians, where it is said, that the bread changeth na­ture, the Cardinal maintains that nature signifieth substance, and can signifie no­thing else. And he proveth it by Aristotle, whom he makes to say (without quoting the place) that nature signifieth nothing but either the substance or the proprieties. He proveth a false doctrine by a false passage. That of Aristotle of which he had heard, is in the first chapter of the second book of his Physicks, where he thus defineth nature, [...]. Nature is the principle and the cause of mo­tion and of rest, which principle is in the thing first, and of it self, and not by accident. And a little after he addeth, that all things that have that nature or inward prin­ciple of motion, are substances. Aristotle saith not that nature is a substance, but that [...]. the things that have this nature, are substances.

The Cardinal alledgeth next the fourth Mystagogical Catechesis of Cyrillus of Jerusalem; A place which we need not examine for that book is spurious, and of another Author then the 18. precedent Catecheses, as we proved before by evident and undoubted proofs. No kind of books is more subject to be supposititious and to have false titles then Catecheses. For, because every Bishop made Cate­cheses in his own Bishoprick, nothing was more easie, among such a multi­tude of Catecheses of uncertain Authors, then to put an old title to a new book.

Again he returneth to Ambrose, which I have answered.

To him he addeth Gaudentius who was his contemporanean, and speaks thus,Gaudent. de rat. Sacrā. Tract. 2. The Lord and Creatour of natures, who out of earth made bread, out of bread again, (because he both can do it and promised it) makes his own body. And in the same work; He said, This is my body, This is my blood, Let us believe him whom we have believed. Truth knows not untruth. And again, Let us believe all things as they were delivered unto us, not breaking this most solid bone. This is my body.

The works of this Gaudentius are found in Bibliotheca Patrum, in the second Tome. This Bibliotheca Patrum is a collection of false pieces for the most part, and of small Authors whom our adversaries hide in the crowd, fetcht out of the Popes Library, or some Manuscripts of Monasteries. In that collection they put whatsoever they list, and have fair opportunity for that.

But what is in those passages, that we say not? Do we not say, that by the consecration the bread is made the body of Christ? and that the bread is the bo­dy of Christ? But the question is, whether the consecrated bread is naturally or sacramentally the body of Christ; or whether Gaudentius meaneth the sacramen­tal body of Christ or no; or whether he believed that the bread was Transub­stantiated: of these nothing appeareth by his expressions. Besides Gaudentius in this matter delighteth to use Allegorical terms: as when he saith in the same Treatise, For this cause we are injoyned to eat the head of his Godhead, with the feet of his incarnation, and with the inward mysteries, that we may equally believe all things as they were said to us, not breaking that most solid bone, This is my body. And if any thing of it remain in every mans sense, which he hath not comprehended by this exposition, let it be burnt and consumed by faith.

Chrysostom comes next, who in the 83. Homily saith, These things are no work of humane vertue. He that did them in that Supper, doth them still. We only hold the place of Ministers; but he that sanctifieth them and changeth them, is the same. This passage concludes nothing, and is to no purpose; Chrysostom speaks of change, not of Transubstantiation. There is a change in the use, in the end, in the efficacy, without change of substance.

Finally he alledgeth Eusebius, ill intituled Emesinus in a Paschal Homily, but saith not how the book should be intituled. In the margent he puts Eucherius and Bertramus as Authors to whom these Homilies are attributed by some. Bel­larmin saith,Bellar. lib. de Scri­ptor. Eccles. in Eusebio Emesino. Sub nomine supposititio Homiliae istae sunt editae cū verus Author ignoraretur: Et in Euche­rio. Tribuuntur Eucherio libri Explanationū in Genesin, & in librum Re­gum. Sed Eu­cherii esse non possunt, cum author saepe S. Gregorium citet. that the Homilies fathered upon Eusebius Emesinus, were set [Page 788] out under a false name because the true Author was not known. And as for Eucherius to whom our Cardinal seems to ascribe these Homilies, Bellarmin observeth that among the writings fathered upon Eucherius, there are some in which Gregory the first is alledged, who writ in the year 595. And it is like enough that he lived many ages after Gregory. It is abusing the Reader to muster up passages of unknown, new and uncertain Authors, whom we have only from the hands of our adversaries, who published them such as they would have them, and had an especial interest to corrupt them.

CHAP. XXIV. Answer to the authorities and reasons brought by Cardinal du Perron Book 4. p. 896, & 898. in the 14, 15, and 16. chapters.

WHoso will take the pains to read a multitude of allegations to no purpose, let him read the fourteenth chapter of M. du Perron's treatise of the real presence: There he collecteth great number of passages of Fathers that speak of eating Gods head, and the feet of the incarnation, and of boyling the flesh before the dores of the Tabernacle, and of burning with the fire of the Spirit the remnant of things not to be eaten, &c. things quite besides the question, which do him no good, and do us no harm.

In ch. 15. with a million of intricate words according to his custom he saith very little. The summary is, That when the Greek Fathers speak of eating spi­ritually the Lords body in the Eucharist, they mean not to exclude the corporeity (for so he speaks) neither of the thing received nor of the organ: that is, that they intend not to deny that the Lords body is really received with the mouth of the body, but they mean, that it is by the spirit of God that the body of Christ is miraculously under the species, and that it is by the Spirit only that we perceive the body of Christ which is set before us. He saith that Scripture calls those things spiritual which are corporal, when they are done by the miraculous operation of Gods Spirit, as when S. Paul saith to the Galatians that Isaac was born according to the Spirit.

I answer, that by that doctrine the creation of the world may be called spiritual; for it was done by the incomprehensible vertue of the Spirit of God, and is a thing which we comprehend not but by the Spirit and by Faith, as the Apostle to the Hebrews saith, Heb. 11.3. Through faith we understand that the worlds were framed by the Word of God. As for Isaac, S. Paul saith indeed that he was born accord­ing to the Spirit, but saith not therefore that Isaac was spiritual, or that his birth was spiritual. But by being born according to the Spirit, his birth according to Gods promise is understood, as the Apostle himself declareth it; for that which he saith Gal. 4.29. that he that was born after the flesh persecuted him that was born after the Spirit, is the same thing which he had said ver. 23. that he who was born of the bondwoman was born after the flesh, but he of the free woman was by promise.

Now that which the Cardinal saith, that the Fathers when they speak of eating the flesh of Christ spiritually in the Eucharist, intend not to exclude the corporeity, that is, the real manducation of the body with the mouth, is confuted by the passages of the Fathers, wherein comparing the oral manducation which is done in the Sacrament with the spiritual manducation, they say that the only true manducation is the spiritual; and that the wicked eating the Sacrament, eat not truely the body of Christ, though they eate the sacred sign thereof. As Austin saith in book 21. of the City of God, ch. 25.Ostendit quid sit non sacramento tenus, sed re vera corpus Christi man­ducare. The Lord sheweth what it is to eate the body of Christ, not only in Sacrament, but also in truth. And in the same [Page 789] place,Non solo sacramento sed re ipsa manducave­runt corpus Christi. They have eaten the Lords body, not only in Sacrament, but also in truth. And in the second Sermon of the words of the Apostle.Si quod in Sacramen­to visibiliter sumitur in ip­sa veritate spiritualiter manducetur, spiritualiter bibatur. Audi­vimus enim ipsum Domi­num dicentem Spiritus est qui vivificat, caro autem non potest quicquam, &c. If that which is ta­ken visibly in the Sacrament, is eaten spiritually in the very truth, and drunk spiri­tually. For we have heard the Lord himself saying, It is the Spirit that quicken­eth, the flesh profiteth nothing, &c. And in the book of Sentences collected by Prosper. Qui dis­cordat cum Christo, non carnem ejus manducat, nec sanguinem ejus bibit, etiamsi tantae rei Sacramen­tum ad judi­cium suae prae­sumptionis quotidie in­differenter accipiat. Whosoever is in discord with Christ, eats not his flesh, and drinks not his blood; although he take the sacred sign of such a great thing indifferently every day to the condemnation of his presumption.

This also serveth for an answer to that the Cardinal addeth, that15. ch. p. 899. the spi­ritual participation is not real; for (saith he) all the actions brought forth out of the soul by the faculties are not real, because the actions of the soul come not out of the body, &c. Thus towards the end of the 16. chap. he saith,p. 908. that the manducation of which the Fathers say, that in the Eucharist we eat the body of Christs, is not a bare mental manducation, and by faith; but is a true, real, oral, and corporal manducation. For as for the manducation by faith, he calls, itp. 905. an intellectual thought and meditation, as if it were a meer imagination.

The summ of all his Discourse overburdened with superfluous words, is this, that the spiritual manducation is not real nor effectual, because, it is an action which is done out of the soul, but that the manducation with the mouth is the only real and effectual.

To which I answer, that the Cardinal commits here four notable faults: The first is his ignorance, that the Fathers hold that there is no other real and true manducation of the body of Christ but the spiritual. They say not only that the corporal or Sacramental manducation availeth nothing without the spiritual: but they say also, that the spiritual manducation; and by faith, is the only real and true, as we have lately proved.

Secondly, the Cardinal saying, that the spiritual manducation is an action of the soul, brought forth out of the soul, shews that he never understood nor felt, nor comprehended any thing in this spiritual manducation, nor in the grace of God. For this word manducation is a Metaphorical word, which signifyeth not only apprehending Christ, or thinking of him, but also fetching life and spiritu­al food from him. To say that this spiritual life and food is a thing out of the soul, is to have no taste of piety, no experience of Gods grace in himself, and it is extenuating the work of God in the hearts of the godly to a bare imaginati­on, seeking spiritual life, and sanctification, and the spiritual joy of the faith­full soul out of the soul, so that the soul may have no sense of it, and receive no comfort by it. This Prelate hath shewed before his insensibility in that point, when treating of the mark and seal of the Spirit wherewith God marks his elect,1. Book 9. ch. 37. pag. he said, that this mark was in God, and in his eternal thought, not in the hearts of the faithfull.

Thirdly, the Cardinal speaking thus, trespasseth not only against the doctrine of the soul, but even against common sense. For both teach, that all the men­tal actions are in the soul, and in the understanding, not without. The Science and intelligence of the Stars or Geometry is in the understanding, not without. And although the object which is known, be out of the soul, yet the knowledge is in the soul, not without. It is the same of the senses, which receive the images or operations of the objects that are within us, but act not without us. It is this Prelates custom to sublimate his wit to bring forth high conceits, and big words, which being throughly examined are found to want common sense. Yet such things read by ignorant persons, are admired as things beyond the reach of hu­mane wit. Of that strain is his saying in the 8. chapter,Pag. 885. that this word mo­ney is the name of a thing, not real but intentional, and consisting in the institution of the intellect. Yet in my opinion he that payeth ready money, payeth really; and that money is real, not intentional. He that is so paid, believeth that he is really paid, not in thought or intention only.

To these faults the Cardinal joyns a fourth, that he opposeth intentional things to real things; and by intentional things understands those that are done in the [Page 790] understanding, as if the habits and operations of the mind were not real, or as if nothing were real that hath not a body. Who doubts that the Sciences and vertues that are in mens minds are real and effectual? and how much more the infused graces of God, and the effects of his Spirit? Which yet are so real, that all other things vanish, and are but vanity in comparison, seeing that they abide for ever, and are a beginning of eternal life which we shall enjoy in heaven. All that is acting really, is real and in effect: Now the vertues of the soul act really, and bring forth effects; then they are real. Wherefore also the Saints are really rewarded for real good things.

So it is in vain that the Cardinal heaps up many passages of Fathers, to prove that the true and real manducation of Christs body is something done within us, not without us; for that we believe and maintain. And as for the passages which he alledgeth out of Chrysostom, Hom. 24. in 1 Cor. & lib. 2. de Sa­cerdotio. God sheweth us that which is most [...]xcellent in heaven, seated upon earth: Also, That Angels worshipped Christ seeing him in a manger, and that we see him on the altar; they are sallies of oratory, to ravish the hearers minds with Hyperbolical expressions. For the Romanists themselves believe not these words literally taken. They believe not that Christs body in the Eucharist hath any situation, or that we see him upon the altar; but they hold that he is there without situation, and without being in any place; that he is there invisibly, and that no eye perceiveth him there. And when Cyrillus saith, that we take Christ bodily, he understands that we take bodily the Sacramental body of Christ: Or by bodily he meaneth really, and so that the body of Christ is ours. Whoso will examine all the passages that the Cardinal alledgeth in the 15. and 16. ch. shall find that without offering any violence to them, they may be so understood.

Had the Cardinal rightly conceived how, and in what manner Christ is appre­hended by the faith of the believer in the Lords Supper, he had not insisted so much upon an Argument which he frameth in the 16. chap. and upon which he bestoweth six pages. If (saith he) the Fathers had understood that the manduca­tion of Christs body, which is done in the Eucharist, had been a bare manducation by faith, why should they have excluded the Godhead from the object of that man­ducation, and said that the Godhead cannot be eaten, but only the body of Christ, seeing that of the spiritual and analogical manducation which is done by faith, the Godhead is the chief object; the body of Christ being not the object of our faith, but because it is joyned with the Godhead?

Besides that, the Cardinal makes us speak against our belief, making us say that in the Eucharist we eat Christ only spiritually and by faith, whereas we teach that he is also eaten Sacramentally and in mysterie; he shews by that discourse that he never comprehended how the body of Christ is apprehended by the faith of the believer in the Lords Supper; for had he known that, he had known also why the Fathers speaking of the manducation of Christs body in the Eucharist, speak only of eating the body of Christ, not of eating his Godhead. We say then that Christ is presented to us in the Lords Supper as dead for us, and that faith appre­hends him as bruised for us in the Cross, bearing the curse which we had deserved. Now it is in his humane nature only, that he suffered death and passion. The Fa­thers then considering Christ in the Lords Supper, as dead for us, do wisely apply their words to the nature of the Lords Supper, when they speak not of eating the Godhead, but only of eating (that is) apprehending by faith, Christ dead and crucified for our sins. That Christ is so considered and apprehended in the holy Communion, the institution sheweth it, where Christ saith,1 Cor. 11. This is my body which is broken for you: This cup is the New Testament in my blood which is shed for you. To which the Apostle addeth, As oft as you eat this bread and drink this cup, ye shew the Lords death. Which if the Cardinal had well understood, he would not have spent so much inkPag. 903, 904, 905, & 906. to amplifie that argument.

In vain then he alledgeth Cyrillus, saying,Cyril. contra Nesto­rium l. 4. c. 5. [...]. We eat not, consuming the God­head; away with that ill thought or will; but the very flesh of the word made quicken­ing. Wherein Cyrillus saith true; for by the spiritual manducation we apprehend [Page 791] the true flesh of Christ. I know not who was the Cardinals Interpreter for this Greek passage, but he did not do his part. Cyrillus saith, [...]. The Cardinal translates, We swallow the Godhead it self. Away with that impiety. The word it self, is not in the Geeek; [...] signifies not swallowing, but consuming: And [...] signifieth ill counsell, or ill thought, not impiety.

He shuts up this proof in these words, Whence it followeth, since personally se­parating the Godhead of Christ is making the Eucharist an Anthropophagia, that in the Eucharist the flesh of Christ is truly, really and corporally eaten, that is, with the organ of the body. I seek in this argument some spark of reason, and find none, neither is it possible to form an Argument with that reasoning. This is the conceit.

Whoso separates the Godhead of Christ from the Manhood, makes of the Eucharist an Anthropophagia.

Now Nestorius separated the Godhead from the Manhood.

Ergo the flesh of Christ is truly and corporally eaten in the Eucharist.

A gallant argument, and well brancht! What remote Pilgrimage was this Pre­lates wit gone to? By the same reason one might prove the vertue of blessed beads, or the Popes Primacy. In every good argument the two parts of the conclusion are found in the two Propositions, which is not to be found in this argument.

Finally,Page 907. he alledgeth a testimony of Cyrillus, which is found in the defence of the eleventh Anathematismus of Cyrillus against the reprehensions of Theo­doret. These are the words,This pas­sage is found in the first Tome of the Councils Printed at Collen in the year 1567. at Gervin Calen, pag. 683. in these words; Num hominis comestionem nostram hoc Sacramentum pronuncias? & irreligiose ad crassas co­gitationes ur­ges eorum qui crediderunt mentem? & attentas hu­manis cogita­tionibus tra­ctare quae sola pura et inexquisita fide accipiun­tur? as they are found in the first Tome of the Coun­cils publisht by our Adversaries; Dost thou pronounce that in our Sacrament we eat a man? and dost thou irreligiously press the understanding of those that have believed into gross thoughts? and dost thou attempt to treat with humane thoughts those things which are received with the only, and not far fetcht faith? Note these words, that the things which are received in the Eucharist (for of these Cyrillus speaks) are not taken but by faith only. The Cardinal towards the end of the last chapter alledgeth this text, and puts [...]. the Greek words in the Margent, which he corrupteth in his traduction; for he translateth [...] deceit­full reasonings. But [...] is not a reasoning but a thought. And [...] sig­nifieth not deceitfull, but vain and easily blotted out. Then he translateth [...], a faith not inquisitive, whereas it signifieth a faith not far-fetcht. And the word [...] in the page before, he translateth, are presupposed, borrowed for a ground, whereas it signifieth are taken; for that is the true sense. As Act. 27.33. [...], having taken nothing, that is, eaten no­thing: And ver. 36. [...], they took meat. And so Acts 16.33. The connexion of the text, and that which followeth, requires it also. For faith pre­supposeth not the things presented to the believer in the Lords Supper, but takes them and receiveth them with confidence. With passages thus corrupted his whole book is stuffed.

I must not omit a place of Hilary which the Cardinal alledgeth often, but gi­veth a false interpretation to it Hilary saith in the 8. Book of the Trinity, De veritate carnis et sanguinis non relictus est ambigendi locus. Nunc enim ipsius Domini professione et fide nostra vere caro est, et vere sanguis est, et haec accepta atque hausta id efficiunt ut et nos in Christo, et Christus in nobis sit. There remaineth no place for doubt of the truth of the flesh and blood [of Christ] for now both by the profession of the Lord himself, and by our faith, it is truly flesh and truly blood: And these things being taken and swallowed, work that effect that we are in Christ, and Christ is in us. The Cardinal in the 6. ch. out of this place, ga­thereth that the substance of the flesh, and blood of Christ is truly in the Sacra­ment, because Hilary saith, that we must not doubt of the truth of the flesh of Christ. But that is not Hilary's intention, but only to say that Christ hath a true flesh, and a true blood, and hath a true humane nature, which is true as well out of the Sacrament as in the Sacrament. He saith also, that this true body, and this true blood taken in the Eucharist; make us to be in Christ, and Christ in us. [Page 792] This sheweth, that he speaks not of the oral manducation of which the wicked also are partakers, and which makes not the wicked to be in Christ, howsoever any man say that by that manducation Christ is in them. The word haurire, to swallow, which Hilary useth, may as well be applied to the mind as to the body;Virg. 3. Georg. Ex­ultantiaque haurit corda pavor pul­sans. Et alibi Vocemque his auribus hausi. For the Latine Authors speak so.

CHAP. XXV. How the Cardinal sends the Reader to a larger Book of his of the Eucharist; That the beginning of that Book sheweth what one should think of the rest.

THe Cardinal for the conclusion of his Treatise of the real presence sends back the Reader to a larger work, promising to treat in it more fully of the Eu­charist. That promised work, is his Book of the Eucharist against Monsieur du Plessis, upon which Book I have already made many observations. That is the Book wherein he translates,3. Book. 14. ch. p. 866. Fescennina carmina, Verses to avert witchcraft, Catullus in nuptias Juliae & Manlii, carm. 60. Nec diu taceat procax Fe­scennina lo­cutio. whereas he should have translated, lascivious verses. Which appeareth by that which followeth in the passage he alledgeth, where unchaste and profane ver­ses are opposed to Sacred Songs and Angelical praises. But passing by many the like observations, I will but represent the entry of that so long expected Book, that by the Frontispiece the Reader may judge of the body of the building.

M. du Plessis to shew that the Roman Church by the doctrine of Transubstan­tiation makes the Lords Supper to be no more a Sacrament, saith that every Sa­crament is a sign, which is different from the thing signified. But by the Transub­stantiation the sign, which is the bread, is abolisht, and becomes the thing signi­fied. Upon that M. du Perron triumpheth, and in big words which fill three pages, he rateth M. du Plessis like a poor Scholar. Where is (saith he) the Scholar that knows not that the definition of the gender, is far more lean, scant and hungry then that of the kind? &c. Do not the rudiments of Logick teach us, that from the gender to the kind, one may argue affirmatively, not negatively? But I maintain the contrary, that the rudiments of Logick teach us, that from the gender to the kind the argument is always made negatively, never affirmatively. One may and ought to argue thus, Non est animal, ergo non est homo. Not as the Cardinal will have it, Est animal, ergo est homo. According to the Cardinals Logick one might Argue thus, A frog is an animal, Ergo, it is a man. Is not that want of natural Logick? Should not a School-boy be snibbed over the fingers with the Ferule that should argue so? Where is now that deep learning of our Prelate? Should he have puffed up a discourse of three pages with a high flown stile to set up such a gross absurdity? M. du Plessis reasoned thus: Every Sacrament is a sign; The Lords Supper is a Sacrament: Ergo, the Lords Supper is a sign; Whence he inferred very well that the Roman Church abolishing the sign by the transubstantiation, abolished the Sacrament. There being no fault to be found in that form of Argu­ment: yet M. du Perron swelleth the sayls of his eloquence, and sheweth by many examples, that the definition of the gender containeth not all the perfections of the kinds: making the world believe that M. du Plessis affirmed, that the definiti­on of the Sacrament (which is the gender) expresseth the whole nature of the Eu­charist, which is a kind of Sacrament. A thing which M. du Plessis neither said nor thought. So that M. du Perron adds calumny to ignorance.

Twelfth Controversie, OF THE SEVENTH BOOK. OF The Communion under one kind. And of the Power which Cardi­nal Du Perron ascribeth unto the Church, that is to the Pope, to dispense from the Commandment of Christ.

THE last Question which Cardinal du Perron treats in his Book against the King of Great Brittain, is the question about the interdiction of the Chalice.

He begins by a remonstrance to his Majesty, saying, His Majesty might have dispensed himself (if it had pleased him) to touch that objection, which brings no obstacle to the re-union of the Church: since Conc. Trid. Sess. 22. c. 11. the Council of Trent referreth to the Pope that shall sit when some Nation or Kingdom shall demand the use of the Chalice for them that do not celebrate (that is for Lay-people and inferiour Clerks) to provide for that.

To which I answer, That the Council indeed referreth to the Popes power to judge of that business, whether it may be expedient to grant the use of the Chalice to some Nation or Kingdom that should require it, but giveth not any hope of it. For the same Council in the 2x. Session, in the 1. and 2. chap. declareth,Cap. 1. Sancta Syno­dus declarat & docet nul­lo divino prae­cepto laicos et Clericos non conficientes obligari ad Eucharistiae Sacramentum sub utraque specie su­mendum. That although Christ hath constituted and given the Eucharist under the two kinds, yet the Laity and the Clerks that celebrate not, are not thereby obliged to receive the two kinds.

And in the 2. chap. it is declaredCap. 2. Major Ecclesia progressu temporis latissime jam mutata illa consuetudine gravibus & justis de causis adducta hanc consuetudinem sub altera specie communicandi approbavit, et pro lege habendam decrevit. that the custom of communicating under one kind was approved for just and great causes, and must be held for a Law. Be­sides, [Page 794] the experience of so many years since, that Council hath made it known, that in vain any change in that point is hoped for from the Pope. And it is a very small comfort to those among the French that desire that the communion of the Chalice be restored unto them, that this Council giveth them hope that some kingdom may one day require that priviledge, and that the Pope then shall con­sider whether the request may be granted. For the Council referreth not the judgement of that point to the Pope, but in case that a Nation or a whole King­dom demand the restoring of the Chalice, leaving it to the Popes discretion to judge whether it shall be expedient to grant the use of the Cup, not to Christi­ans in general, but only to some people or kingdom, that should be urgent for it: for as for the general of the Christians, they give no hope at all of that resti­tution. As indeed, if any of the people in our days asked for the priviledge of participating the cup, he should become suspect of Heresie, as one that would pick a quarrel, and control the Laws of the Church.

But in that obscure hope given by the Council there is a lurking impiety. For if the Pope had given to some man a permission to have the use of the cup (as it was given to the Bohemians in the Council of Basil) it would be an impious per­mission; for thereby he should permit the man to obey Gods commandment, and grant him out of grace and special priviledge leave to do that which God hath commanded, as if God could not be obeyed without the Popes leave. So that if God get some servants, he shall be obliged for it to his Holiness, which might by an express prohibition hinder him from being obeyed, declaring (as that Coun­cil doth) that Christs institution is not binding, and that Christians are not obli­ged to subject themselves to it.

The Cardinal goeth on, and saith in summ that participating the two kinds ser­veth indeed for the integrity of the signification, which is more express and entire when the two kinds are received, btcause (saith he) every one of them that take the body and blood of Christ under the two kinds, is more expresly and particularly ad­monisht that his body was divided from the blood in the sufferings of the Cross. But he saith, that this serveth not for the integrity of the Communion; because whole Christ is received as well with one kind as with two.

The Reader is desired to observe this with care; for this is a great concession, that in the Roman Church the signification of the Eucharist is diminisht, and is not in its integrity. For when a Christian takes the Cup, it represents to him, and assureth him that the blood of Christ was shed for him. And the receiving of the two kinds, represents and signifies to us, that in Christ dead for us our souls find a most entire food. Since then the word Sacrament is as much as a Sacred sign, when the signification of the Sacrament is diminisht, the Sacrament also is diminisht, and becomes less a Sacrament, since it is less signifying. For the Sa­crament as a Sacrament is signifying, and was instituted by Christ to be the remem­brance or commemoration of him. So by the Cardinals confession the Sacrament is mutilated, and the integrity of the same diminisht in that very thing for which Christ did institute it. And these words of Cardinal du Perron ought to be gra­ven in brass for a memorial to posterityPag. 1108. that Christs institution that we should take the Sacrament distinctly under the two kinds, belongs to the integrity of the signification. A Prelate so famous freely acknowledgeth that Christ hath institu­ted that we should take the Sacrament distinctly under the two kinds. What can we ask more? For who can dispense us from the command of the Son of God? Why shall not the command of Christ remain firm about the integrity of the sig­nification as well as about the integrity of the Communion, seeing that the in­tegrity of the signification serveth for the integrity of the Spiritual communion by faith, which is the only saving communion? For the instruction of the under­standing serveth to strengthen the faith by which Christ is apprehended unto salvation.

Here then the Cardinal puts two commandments of Christ, the one concern­ing the signification, the other concerning the Communion; and saith, that the first commandment injoyneth all Christians to communicate under the two kinds, [Page 795] but that the second which concerns the Communion, obligeth not all Christians to take the two kinds. Wherefore he saith, that of those two precepts of Christ the one is dispensable, the other indispensable; And that unto the Church to which the dispensation of the mysteries of Christ doth belong, it belongs also to judge which mysteries of Christ are dispensable. Upon which I say first, that it is a fault against common sense to find in these words, Drink ye all of this, two commandments, seeing that it is but one single commandment; one and the same commandment may serve for many ends. If this precept, Thou shalt not kill, serveth to pre­serve the life of our neighbour, and to maintain humane society, and to honour the Image of God shining in our neighbours, it followeth not that therefore they are three precepts.

But that doctrine which giveth unto the Church (that is, to the Pope) the power of dispensing with Christs commandments, is the highest degree of impiety and of the spirit of pride, which spits against heaven, and attempts to pull Christ down from his Throne. Whosoever hath lawfull power and authority to dispense the French from the Kings command, is greater then the King. He that can say unto Christians, Christ hath commanded you that, but I dispense you from it, and make a contrary Law, must be greater and of more authority then Christ.

Is not that Church which the Cardinal speaks of, subject to Christs command­ment? And if she be subject to him, doth it belong to subjects to dispense them­selves, or others, from Gods commandments? What obedience can a King hope from his Subjects, if the Subjects have power to tell him, Thou hast indeed made us such a commandment, but we are judges of the sense, and of the strength of thy commandments? It belongs to us to judge which of thy commandments are dis­pensable.

But yet what is that Church but the Pope alone, to whom the Council referreth that power, to constitute what he shall think good concerning that point? And why shall the Roman Church have the power alone of dispensing with Gods com­mandments, rather then the Greek and the Syrian, more ancient then the Ro­man? These Churches as well as the Ethiopian hold themselves tyed by the Com­mandment of Christ, and give the Communion unto the people under the two kinds. When we ask where, and when, and upon what terms, God gave to the Roman Church the power of dispensing with Gods Commandment, and to judge what Commandments of God are dispensable; they bring nothing to the purpose.Joh. 14. They alledge some text where Christ promiseth to his Apostles, to lead them into all truth; and where it is said to Peter, Luk. 22. I have prayed that thy faith fail not: But there it is not spoken of the Pope, nor of the Roman Church, nor of dispensing from Gods Commandments.

Hence the Cardinal passeth to the Fathers.Pag. 1109. He saith that the primitive Church admitted in many cases the Communion under one of the two kinds, namely in them that carried the Eucharist upon the Sea; And in them that kept it at home, or sent it into a forraign Land; a custom condemned by the Council of Laodicea 14. ch. [...]. He addeth sick persons: But this Prelate doth accord­ing to his custom, which is never to answer directly, and to baulk the question, spending words upon that which is not in dispute. When we dispute of this point by the Fathers, the question is, whether in the Church, or in the Assembly of Christians, the Eucharist was celebrated without administring the Cup to the Chri­stians that are present; Or if ever the Cup was denied to any of the people that asked it, and presented himself to receive it; Or if in the assembly of Christi­ans met together to celebrate the Eucharist, the Priest drunk alone, the people looking on without participating the Cup; Of that the Cardinal brings no ex­ample of Antiquity, but some extraordinary actions, made without the celebra­tion of the Eucharist in the Church, which actions the Roman Church hath re­jected, and approveth them not; And yet after all, that which he saith is false. For why could they not participate the two kinds in a Ship? Why could not those men and women that carried the Sacrament from the Church to their home, bring [Page 796] wine to their houses as well as bread? The passage of Gregorius Nazianzenus al­ledged before, sheweth it. If she had (saith he) laid up somewhere as a treasure some part of the venerable body and blood, she mingled it with her tears.

That it was the ancient custom everywhere, and without exception to receive the people to the participation of the Cup, it is undeniable. The Apostle, 1 Cor. 1.28. speaking to the people of Corinth, Let a man examine himself, and so let him eat this bread, and drink this cup. And 1 Cor. 10.17. the version of the Roman Church hath these words,Omnes qui de uno pane et uno calice participamus. We all participate the same bread, and the same cup. Ignatius in the Epistle to the Philadelphians. [...]. The same bread was broken to all, and the same cup was distributed to all. Justin Martyr in his second Apologetick; [...]. They that among us are called Deacons, distribute to every one that is present the bread, over which thanks were given, and the wine with water. Cyprian in the 63. Epistle chideth those, Qui in calice Domini sanctificando & plebi ministrando, who in consecrating the cup, and administring it unto the people, do not that which Christ did. Cum frangitur ho­stia, cum san­guis de calice in ora fideli­um infundi­tur. The Canon Cum frangitur in the 2. Distinction of the Consecration; When the host is broken, when the blood is poured out of the cup into the mouth of the faithfull, &c.Ibi vos estis in mensa, et in calice nobiscum vos estis; simul enim sumi­mus; simul bibimus, quia simul vivi­mus. And in the Canon Quia passus, Au­stin speaks thus unto the people, You are at the table, and are with us in the cup; for we take together, we drink together, because we live together. Paschas. lib. de cor­pore Christi, cap. 15. Tam Ministri quam alii cre­dentes. Paschasinus, Drink ye all of this, that is, both the Ministers and other believers. Many testimo­nies of Fathers to this purpose might be heaped up. I will add but one of Pope Gelasius, who writ in the year 496. of Christ.Dist. 2. de Consecr. Can. Com­perimus. Comperimus quod quidam sumpta tan­tummodo cor­poris sacri portione à calice sacrati cruoris abstineant. Qui procul dubio (quoniam nescio qua superstitione docentur astringi) aut integra Sacramenta percipiant, aut integris arceantur. Quia divisio unius ejusdem que mysterii sine grandi sacrilegio non potest provenire. We have been informed that some having taken some part only of the sacred body, abstain from the cup of the con­secrated blood. Who without doubt (because they are said to be retained by some su­perstition) must either receive the whole Sacraments, or be altogether excluded from them, because the division of the same mysterie cannot happen without a great sa­criledge. Baron. An. 496. Sect. 20. 21. At revera nullo ibi de sacerdote sacrificante mentio habetur, ut plane quod generaliter esse dictum apparet, ad sacerdotes minime restringi debere satis intelligi-possit. Rejicimus igitur frigidam ejus modi solutionem, Cardinal Baronius maintains with us that this Ordinance of Pope Gelasius is made as well for the people as for the Clergy, and saith that by this mark the Manicheans were discerned from the Orthodox: For the Manicheans abstained from wine; they fell into the same abuse as the Roman Church of these days, though upon another ground. And truly the word arceantur, which sig­nifieth, let them be put by, sheweth that Gelasius speaks of the people that pre­sent themselves to the Communion. Had that Ordinance of Gelasius been made only for the Priests, it had been useless: For Antiquity speaks not that ever any Priest made a scruple of drinking the cup. Let our Adversaries shift as much as they can, yet this remains that giving the bread without the cup, is a sacriledge and a division of the Sacrament, and that by the judgement of one of the most fa­mous Popes. Aquinas in the seventh Lesson upon Ioh. 6. makes here a free Con­fession; According to the custom of the ancient Church, as all communicated to the body, so all did communicate to the blood, which is kept still in some Churches.

Cardinal du Perron himself pleadeth here guilty; for he saith, that the first place where this custom already past into use by the Catholick Church (meaning the Roman) was turned into a Law, was the Council of Constance. Now that Council sate in the year of Chtist, 1414. So well nigh 1400. years past before the Roman Church had that Law. Of that Council, the impiety goeth so far as to declare those Hereticks that would follow the example of Christ, and confes­sing that Christ hath instituted that the faithfull should receive the Communion in the two kinds, and that the ancient Church did so practise it, yet consti­tuteth that the contrary be held for a Law, and that all that contradict it be punisht by the secular arm. These are the words of the Council.Conc. Const. Sess. 13. Quod licet Christus post coenam instituerit et suis discipu­lis administraverit sub utraque specie panis et vini hoc venerabile Sacramentum, &c. Licet in primitiva Ecclesia hoc Sacramentum reciperetur à fidelibus sub utraque specie, &c. That al­though Christ instituted and administred this venerable Sacrament under the two [Page 797] kinds unto his Disciples, &c. And although in the Primitive Church this Sacra­ment was received by the faithfull people in both the kinds, &c. Yet the Council saith, that in some parts of the world some persons rashly presume that the Christi­an people ought to receive the Sacrament of the Eucharist in the two kinds. And constituteth thatConsuetu­do rationabi­liter intro­d [...]cta haben­da est pro lege, Pertinaciter asserentes op­positum, tan­quam haeretici arcendi sunt et graviter puniendi, &c. invocato eti­am auxilio brachii secu­la [...]is. the custom of communicating in one kind, brought in with good reason be held for a Law, and that such as maintain the contrary be expelled as here­ticks, and grievously punisht, &c. so far as to call the help of the secular arm. Whether these Fathers were led by the Spirit of God, or by the spirit of blas­phemy, and whether they put not Christ in the rank of Hereticks, that de­serve to be punisht, let the Reader judge.

Our difference then with the Romanists, is not, whether Christ hath institu­ted that Christians, both Pastours and People, receive the communion in the two kinds, nor whether the ancient Church did so practise it; for our adversaries con­fess both; But whether the Roman Church might, or ought to have changed Christs institution; or (to speak with the Cardinal) whether that commandment of Christ be dispensable, and whether the Roman Church can dispense with it, and exempt the Christian people from it. The Cardinal goeth about to prove that the Church hath that power, and proveth it by examples.

He saith that Christ instituted the holy Eucharist after Supper. That Baptism in the beginning was done by immersion and dipping, not by aspersion, and sprink­ling. Whence he gathereth that if in those points the Church had the authority to alter Christs institution; the same Church might also alter his commandment concerning the cup, by not giving it to the people.

I answer, that we have the Lords commandment, both clear and express, which saith, Drink ye all of it, and that of the Apostle, who speaking to the people of Corinth, will have them to examine themselves, and so to eat that bread and drink that cup. But we have no command for celebrating the Communion after Supper. Christ celebrated the Eucharist after Supper upon occasion, because he did substitute it unto the Passeover, which at the same time he ate for the last time. But for the hour of that celebration he gave no command: Had he given any, we should have been bound to obey it, and to tie our selves to the hour prescribed by him, as Austin saith, Epist. 118.Nam si hoc ille monu­isset ut post cibos alios semper acci­peretur, credo quod eum ne­mo variasset. Had Christ given us that order that the Sa­crament should be always taken after other meats, I believe that no man would have altered that custom. Herein then the Church hath not changed Christs instituti­on, because this is not of his institution: By the same reason one might say, that the Church celebrating the holy Communion in a Temple, changed the Lords institution; for he instituted this holy Sacrament in an upper room.

It is certain that when the Apostle Paul, Act. 20. celebrated the holy commu­nion in an upper roomAct. 20.9. [...]. on the third loft: he did it not to follow Christs insti­tution, nor to conform himself to his example, but because such was the conveni­ency of the place. The like we may say of the hour; since there is no hour ap­pointed by Christs institution for this holy celebration; no wonder that the Church used the Liberty of choosing such an hour as was judged most con­venient.

Neither is either the hour or the place part of the Sacrament, or essential to it. But the participation of the cup is part, yea the just half of the Sacrament, and of the essence of the same. And by consequence one cannot deprive the people of the cup, without depriving them of the half of the Sacrament, and with­out diminishing the signification thereof, as the Cardinal himself acknow­ledgeth.

The same we say of Baptism. No command can be [...]ound for dipping the whole bodies of baptized persons [...]o more then for h [...] [...]prinkling them. In vain it is alledged that baptizing signifieth dipping, not b [...] [...]prinkling; for that word sig­nifieth washing also, as Mark 7.4. it is spoken o [...] the washing of pots there is in the Greek, the baptizing of pots. And in the sa [...]e place it is said, that the [...]. Pha­risees when they come from the Market, e [...]ot, [...], except they wash; for it is not credible that every time th [...]t a Pharisee had past through the Market, [Page 798] or through the croud of the people, he thought himself obliged to dip himself whole in water before he ate. For this cause baptism is also called washing, [...]. Tit. 2.5. And Scripture affords us examples of persons baptized without dipping. For it is more like that the Eunuch of Queen Candace, Act. 8. was baptized by Phi­lip in a brook where he could not be dipt; for in the road where he was travel­ling, which was from Jerusalem to Gaza, there is no River. The same may be said of St. Pauls baptism, who was baptized by Ananias. It is not credible that Ananias brought him out of the house to the River, or had prepared a Bath to baptize him. In the ancient Church many would receive BaptismClin [...]ci. on their death-bed; among others, the Emperour Constantine, who being in that case, would not have suffered himself to be dipt whole in water. And hardly can we believe that in cold Countreys, as Pontus and Bulgaria, they ever dipt whole chil­dren in the Winter time to baptize them.

Observe also, that the Apostle Peter calls the purgation of our sins in Christs blood1 Pet. 1.2. [...]. an aspersion, alluding to the custom of making an aspersion of water in baptism.

Here the Cardinal must not be pardoned a gross fault:1. Book in the 2. In­stance. p. 961 He saith, that St. Paul, Tit. 3. calls Baptism the Bath, or Laver of regeneration: This Prelate confounds [...] with [...]. The first signifieth washing, the other, a laver, or bathing tub: The first signifieth in Latine, Lotio seu ablutio, the other la­brum, balneum: St. Paul calls Baptism a washing, not a laver, as the Cardinal thinks.

But although the Church in the Apostles time had made some alteration in the institution made by Christ (which yet we do not grant at all) it would not follow that the Pope and the Roman Church of this time have the like authority. If the ancient Church in the first Ages tyed her self as much as she could to the dipping of the whole person, after the example of Iohn the Baptist, who dipt in Ior­dan those whom he baptized; yet Christ gave no command that bind the Chri­stians to that custom: Which if he had done, that command ought to be kept inviolably. But as for the communion under the two kinds, both for the Pastors and the people, the Cardinal acknowledgeth that Christ hath commanded it; but he maintains that the Church, that is the Pope, can dispense from that com­mand.

To the foresaid reasons the Cardinal adds some inconveniences and difficulties, which moved the Roman Church to make that alteration. Namely, that they fea­red that the cup should spill: Then the length and difficulty to give the communi­on to a great multitude in one only cup. And the loathing of drinking after so many persons, especially in the time of contagion. And the difficulty of getting wine in some countreys, as at Calecut and Goa, where a Hogs-head of wine costs eight hundred or a thousand crowns. Others add that the cup was taken from the people, because men dipt the hair of their upper lip in the cup; whence it happen­ed that Christ remained whole, hanging on every hairs end of so many beards. Others that this was done to honour the Clergy, and give them a priviledge above the people.

To all these I answer, that when Christ and his apostles commanded that the people should drink the cup, they knew all these inconveniences, and had at the least as much foresight as the Roman Church.

If it be a [...] evil to let the wine fall, it is a worse evil to fall from the obedience due unto Christs [...]mmand. In the time of the four first Councils, when the Christian Church was infin [...]ly populous in great Cities, as Rome, Alexandria, Antioch, and Constantinople, the [...]ltitude of the people did not hinder them from participa­ting the cup. They di [...] [...]ot hold it necessary that there should be but one cup, it being sufficient that the pe [...]le should drink of the same wine; for it is not the cup that we participate, but t [...]t which is within.

We read, Act. 6. that Deacons [...]ere created to serve the Tables; if there were many tables, there were many cups. [...]r the Agapes were made at the same Tables, upon which the holy Communion was a [...]inistred.

As for the loathing, and the contagion, experience sheweth the contrary. For in our Churches, where many thousands of persons participate the cup together, we never saw or heard of any inconvenience, no more then in the ancient Church.

As for Countreys where there is no wine, it were better to follow the example of the Churches of Ethiopia, who make use of another drink used in that Coun­trey, then to want the cup in the Lords Supper. As in Countreys where there is no bread, we doubt not but that the Church might use that which is used for bread. For the essence of the Sacrament consisteth in the relation between the signs and the thing signified. Now the end and essence of the Sacrament is to assure us, that the body and blood of Christ are the whole food of our souls, To signifie that the most common food is the most proper.

As for dipping so many beards in the blood of Christ, if there be profanation in it, we must say, that the Church of the Apostles, and that of the first ages was profane; for the people drunk in the cup without shaving their upper lip. They were not so stupid as to think that when the beard was dipt in the cup, the body of Christ remained hanging at every hair. The opinion of the Transubstantia­tion is imployed to breed that vain fear, and one errour serveth to propagate another. To which I add that it were better to be without a beard on the upper-lip, then to violate Christs institution.

But these are not the true reasons that moved the Pope and his Prelates to make that alteration, but the pride of the Clergy to exalt themselves above the people. This appeareth in that the Pope admitteth Kings to the Chalice, and yet obligeth them not to shave their upper lip. For by that means Priests are become Kings fellows. As also the Pope to exalt himself above the Clergy, and above Kings,Lib. 2. Sacram. Ce­rem. cap. 14. Episcopus Cardinalis porrigit Papae calamum quem Papa ponit in ca­lice, in mani­bus Diaconi existente, et sanguinis partem sugit. hath reserved to himself that custom, which in old time was practised in di­vers places, to drink out of a covered Chalice, held by a Cardinal Bishop on his knees, sucking part of the drink with a small reed or pipe.

Here then, as in all things, we must return to Christs commandment, who ad­ministring the cup said, Drink ye all of this, and, Do this in remembrance of me, commanding his Disciples to do to others, what he had done unto them, and by consequent to administer the two kinds unto others. It is observable, that Christ said not, Eat ye all of this, but speaks more expresly of the cup, as foreseeing the abuse that should follow. And if these words, Drink ye all of this, are not a command, to the obedience whereof the people be obliged; the same must be said of these words, Take eat. So there will be nothing in the institution of this Sacrament that obliges the people to take either the bread or the cup.

Or if these words, Drink ye all of this, are addrest only unto Pastors, because they to whom Christ spake were Pastors and Apostles, I will say the same of these words, Take eat; for both the Commandments are made to the same persons: yet it is certain, that the Disciples hearing the words of the Lord, and receiving the Sacrament from his hand, did not keep the rank of Pastors, but of sheep, and were to be considered as Disciples.

That which the Cardinal saith, is most false, that Christ did not say, Eat ye all of this; because he gave to each of his Disciples the bread separate and divided. For they being thirteen persons at the table, his arms could not reach to the other end of the table, and it was necessary that the dish where the bread was, should be given from hand to hand.

But we have Pauls express words,1 Cor. 11. who contents not himself to say to the people of Corinth, As often you eat this bread, and drink this cup; but adds a preg­nant injunction, Let a man examine himself, and so let him eat this bread, and drink this cup. As the examining of ones self before receiving the Sacrament, so the receiving of the cup is equally commanded to all.

Also we ask the Romanists, whether Christs speaks of the Eucharist, when he saith, Joh. 6. Except you eat the flesh of the Son of man, and drink his blood, you have no life in you? If the Eucharist be not meant there, why do they use that text to prove transubstantiation? If the Eucharist is meant in that Text, why do they deprive the people of life, by denying them the cup? The Cardinal an­swereth, [Page 800] Pag. 1118. that he that takes the body, drinks his blood, as for the effect, not as for the manner; for tht blood is not severed from the body. This answer, that to take bread is drinking, expresseth either a desperate cause, or an abusive mind. If that be true, the Priest drinks twice in the Mass, once when he takes the Host, another time when he takes the cup: And to speak with this Prelate, once as for the manner, twice as for the effect. Besides drinking is the manner of parti­cipating: Christ then saying, Except ye drink, prescribes to us the manner of parti­cipating; and thus the Priest transgresseth the commandment of Christ, who by saying, Drink, instituted the manner of the Sacramental Communion.

The Cardinal useth another shift, saying that when Christ said, Except you eat my flesh, and drink my blood, he meant, Except you eat my flesh, Or drink my blood: But that being an alteration of Christs words, and a depravation of Scri­pture, deserveth no answer. By the same reason one might abstain from the bread, and participate the cup only.

It is to be noted, that 1 Cor. 10.17. the Vulgar version, the only approved and authorized by the Council of Trent, hath these words, We all are partakers of the same bread, and of the same cup; which words should be false, if the people of Corinth had not participated the cup.

Thirteenth Controversie, OF THE SEVENTH BOOK OF Private Masses.

CHAP. I. Of Private Masses; And the shamefull Traffique of the same.

CArdinal Du Perron going about to defend private Masses, made a full point at the first line; God having cut off the thred of his labour, and that of his life. Having said in the Chapter of the Communion in the two kinds that the Ro­man Church can dispense of Christs Commandments, and that it belongs to her to judge what commandments of God are dispensable: God suffered him not to go further, or to enter upon another Controversie, where it should be neces­sary for him to use that abominable Maxime. This only he saith, It is wrong­fully that Masses without Communicants are called private; and there he endeth.

He saith that after others, who maintain that all Masses are publick, because in them the Priest prayeth for the Church in general. By that reason a womans prayer that prayeth in her closet for the general good of the Church, is a publick prayer. We call those publick actions which are done for the publick good; for one may labour in private for the good of the Commonwealth, and a publick person in a a publick place can make private actions, as when a Pastour of the Church pray­eth alone in a corner of the Temple.Eman. Sa. Aphor. in verbo Missa. §. 43. Missa plus illis prodest pro quibus particulariter offertur. Our adversaries themselves call those particular Masses, that are in particular offered for some person. Now I see not why the word of private Mass should be more odious then that of particular Mass.

But what? this dispute whether Masses without Communicants and without assistants, sung in a corner of the Church, to the intention of some particular person that payeth for them, ought to be called publick or private, is but a con­tention about a word, leaving the matter untoucht. For still the question re­maineth, whether Masses without Communicants and without assistants, said for a private man, ought to be approved? and whether they be conformable unto the Word of God, and to Christs institution? And whether that custom of the Roman Church, that began a few ages since, (to dispatch so many small Masses in one morning in several corners of the Church) be receivable?

When I lived in Paris I did often consider that with compassion I saw in the place of Greve, before S. Johns Church a multitude of poor Priests that get their livelyhood by those private Masses. They stand there waiting a whole morn­ing till some come to hire them to sing a Mass to his intention: Some one going to travel, or having a sick horse, or fearing the frost to his vineyard, or the death of a friend, calls for one of these Priests, and for a small hire makes him sing a Mass, upon one of those petty Altars which are in great number in several corners of that Church, for the success of his journey, or the healing of his horse; And that solitary Mass is hudled up in great haste. He for whom it is said needs not to be present or to think of it; For they hold that the Mass is profitable for him for whom it is sung, although he be absent or sleeping, if only he make no resistance against it. And this is the canting of their Doctors that the Mass hath efficacy ex opere operato, that is, by the bare action, for which the attention of the person for whom the Mass is said is not necessarily requisite. It is enough with them that he that celebrates the Mass, hath an intention to do that which the Church doth, and yet it is not necessary for him to have an actual intention, or to think of it, or to have any attention to it when he celebrates it; but if he thought of it before, and had an inclination to think of it, it is enough. This is that which Sophisters call an habitual or virtual intention, which is an intention without intention, and may be in a Priest when he is drunk or asleep. And as for him for whom the Mass is sung, neither his attention, nor his presence is necessary; no more is necessary for his part but that he resist not the action or intention, and set not himself purposely to put an obstacle against it.

Covetousness and filthy lucre have brought in this abuse, For a man for whom in particular a Mass is said, payeth also in particular. And they that will have annual Masses said for them, will also found annual rents for that use. Never was a private Mass sung for a man that had given nothing. Were the Eucharist celebrated nowhere but in Ecclesiastical congregations, it were a hard matter to fetch money from so many purses at once, and to fit the general Masses to the profit and intention of each particular man. Hence these base Maximes main­tained by our adversaries, That the Mass doth most good to them for whom it is offered in particular. Loco citato. Quod si pro multis offer­tur, non tan­tundem singu­lis prodesse, acsi pro illis so­lis offerretur, docent Sylve­ster, Navar­rus, Soto, To­let, Suarez, Scotus. And that if it be offered for many, it doth not so much good to the several persons, as if it were offered for one alone, as the Jesuite Emanuel Sa affirmeth.Tolet de Inst. Sacerd. l. 2. c. 8. Si ego jeju­rem pro quatuor, minus prodest ad satisfactionem singulis quam uni prodesset si pro uno tantum jejunassem. And Cardinal Tolet cleareth that by an example; saying, that a Mass said for many persons profits not so much to every one, as if it were applyed to one alone. As if I fast for four men, that fast availeth not so much to satisfie for every one, as if I had fasted for one only. They hold then, that a Mass said for two souls in Purgatory, doth not ease them so much, as if every one had his several Mass. And it is thriftily done of them to speak so. For if a Mass said for two souls eased them as much as if each of them had his own Mass, the same might be said of three souls, and of six, and of twenty, and so on, till it were found that one Mass doth as much good as a hundred. Thus instead of paying for a hundred Masses, the buyer would pay for one only: Whereby many Priests should want their dinner, for want of being hired to sing a Mass in the morning.

The same Jesuite addeth,Eman. Sa loco citato. sect 44. Illud certum est sacerdotem si uni debet unam missam, & alteri alteram, non satisfacere si unam [...]cat pro utroque simul. Iidem Doctores qui supra. It is certain that a Priest if he oweth a Mass to [Page 803] one, and another Masse to another, makes no satisfaction if he saith one Masse for both together, as the forecited Doctours affirm. The Jesuite Gregorious de Valentia saith the same in the first book of the sacrifice of the Masse in the last Chapter.

Neverthelesse many Doctors say that a Priest may be twice paid for one Masse, as the same Emanuel Sa affirmeth, and calls that which the Priest receiveth to sing a private MasseIbid. Duas eleemo­synas pro unica Missa accipi posse ait Soto. an alms; Tolet. de Instr. Sac. l. 2. cap. 8. Soto tenet quod pauper potest saltem duas pittan­cias recipe­re pro una Missa ad sustentati­onem. Tolet calls it pitantia, saying that a poor Priest may receive two pittances at least for a Masse to sustain himself. The same Cardinal saithTolet eo­dem libro, cap. 6. Nisi mortui dum vixerunt ad Missas sibi celebrandas pecunias erogarunt: Tunc enim per modum satisfactionis & justitiae conferunt. that to them who in their life-time have furnisht money to cele­brate Masses for them, the same Masses profit by way of satisfaction and justice. This is the rule of justice by which these Gentlemen will tye God and oblige him to shew grace to him that hath paid for particular Masses; for why should the poor man lose his money? If the same man had wanted money, and had bought no Masses, God had not been bound to shew him the same grace. From the same bank comes the custom that Masses are sold more or lesse according to the orna­ments and the splendour wherewith they are d [...]est.

But this exceeds all impudence, and is of the same Jesuit Emanuel Sa Loco citato. Cui datur certa summa pecuniae pro Missis à se dicendis, potest alios pro minore pretio conducere qui adjuvent, et reliquum sibi retinere. The Priest to whom a certain sum of money is given to say Masses, may hire others that help him for a less price, and keep the residue of the money. Was there ever a more sordid traffick? By this means a Priest having received ten pence to sing a Masse, shall provide one that shall sing it for six pence, so he shall get four pence clear. And why are private Masses used against frost, against the murrain of cattel, and for the success of a journey, but to draw money from all sides? Whereas Christ instituted the holy Communion for the remission of sins, and to announce his death till he come? 1 Cor. 11. When a Priest makes Christ in the corner of a Church for six pence or two groats; if there be no Communicants, he sells Christ and delivereth him not. Or if there be some Communicants, he may speak as Judas, who said, What will ye give me and I will deliver him unto you? Had it not been a goodly sight, if the Apostle having administred the Communion to a multitude of Christians, as Act. 20. had withdrawn himself into a corner, to sing a Lords Supper, in favour of a private man, for a piece of money? Doubtless such a gain might have exempted him from sowing tents to relieve his ne­cessity.

CHAP. II. That Masses without Communicants and assistants, said to the intention of a private man that payeth for them, are repugnant unto the Word of God.

THis strange and odious abuse seems to be brought in purposely to overthrow the institution of the Lord Jesus, and to contradict his Word. 1. For what likeness is there between Christ sitting at the table communicating with all his Disciples in the two kinds, and the Priest making in the corner of a Church a sacri­fice without Communicants, without assistants, for a private man absent, who payeth for that sacrifice? Where is in that solitary Masse the least trace of the Lords Supper which the Apostles did celebrate by the fraction and distribution of bread among Christians! Act. 2.46. and 20.7. And of that participation which S. Paul spake of, 1 Cor. 10.17. saying, We are all partakers of that one bread. 3. The same Apostle in the same place calls the Lords Supper the Communion of the body of Christ, saying, The bread which we eat, is it not the Communion of the body of Christ? Now where is that Communion where none Communicateth? [Page 804] For all Communion is of necessity among many. 4. Wherefore the Apostle declareth in the same place that this Communion is among many, and that it is a testimony of concord among the faithful, and of the union of the Church in one body.1 Cor. 11.16, & 17. The bread which we break, is it not the Communion of the body of Christ? For we being many are one bread and one body, for we are all partakers of that one bread. Nothing of all that is found in private Masses. No Com­munion there, no breaking of bread among many, no testimony of the union of the Church in one body, no participation of the same bread. 5. No wonder then that the word Coena displeaseth our adversaries, because the word signifies a common supper, and by consequent imports Communion. Why then did they not blot out of their Bibles the word Coena? Why is the language of Scri­pture become odious unto them? How comes it to pass that the word Mass which is barbarous and unknown to the Churches of Greece, Syria, Armenia, Ethiopia, &c. hath taken the place of Coena or Supper of the Lord? For even in the Bible of the Roman Church these are the very words of S. Paul, 1 Cor. 11.20. where chiding the Corinthians for the abuse which they com­mitted in the holy Sacrament,Conveni­entibus ergo vobis in unū, jam non est dominicam coenam man­ducare. When ye come together into one place, this is not to eat the Lords Coena or Supper. 6. But that which is most important, and which we must especially stand upon, is the institution of Jesus Christ our Lord, who said when he instituted his holy Supper, Take eat, drink ye all of this, and to oblige us to follow him he said Do this, as also the Apostles followed that example. Can the Priest say Take eat, when no body is present to take or to eat? Can he say Drink ye all of this, when he drinks alone? 7. And upon that it is good to hear the excuse of Innocent the third in the 25. ch. of the mysteries of the Masse. He makes a question to himself how the Priest can say in solitary Masses, Orate pro me frates, Pray for me brethren, seeing that he is alone, and without assistants: and who are these brethren to whom the Priest is speaking? his answer is,Pie cre­dendum est quod Angeli Dei comites assistant oran­tibus, secundū illud prophe­ticum, In con­spectu Ange­lorum psal­lam tibi. We must piously believe that the Angels keep company with those that pray, according to that sentence of the Prophets, I will sing praises unto thee in the presence of Angels. By an ill translated text of Psal. 138. he proveth that the Priest is never alone: but he doth not untye the knot and solve the main difficulty. For suppose that the Angels are assistant there as praying, yet they assist not there as eating and drinking, and as Communi­cants. Wherefore it is not to the Angels that the Priest speaks, saying, Accipite & manducate ex hoc omnes, Take and eat all of this, unlesse they will say that the Angels being come from far have taken exercise enough to have good ap­petite. They should indeed have put out of private Masses these words that condemn them. 8. Here to alledge the peoples want of devotion for an excuse, and that the people ought to present themselves to these Masses to Communicate, is a confession that in these private Masses there is much abuse, which they are forced to tolerate because they can bring no remedy to it. But if that abuse so lucrative unto Priests had diminished their profits, they would soon have found how to mend it. And if it be an abuse, they ought to labour to correct it by exhorting the people to come to the great and publick Masses where all the people might Communicate, rather then to buy private Masses. An exhortation which is never used. We have reason to believe that if the people were taught that Masses said for many, are as profitable to every one as if every one bought his own Masse apart, the people would chuse rather to go to publick Masses then to put themselves to uselesse cost. It is certain that if the Masse was as good and holy as it is full of abuse, the multitude of those to whom it should be administred would not diminish the benefit of every parti­cular person. For the saving grace of God in Christ (which is or ought to be presented in it unto all) is offered to every one to be possest by every one whole and undivided, and is not cut into pieces; being like the light of the Sun which every one that hath eyes enjoyeth full and whole, and if there were ten times more men in the world each of them should have never the lesse light.

But that which I represented in the first chapter, sheweth evidently that the Clergy is purposely labouring to entertain that abuse. For the Council of Trent saith not that Masses without Communicants ought to be tolerated, but esta­blisheth them by an expresse command.Sess. 22. cap. 6. Nec tamen si id non semper fiat, propterea missas illas in quibus sacer­dos solus sa­cramentaliter communicat, ut privatas et illicitas dam­nat, sed pro­bat at (que) adeo commendat. The holy Council (say these Pre­lats) condemneth not the Masses in which the Priest alone sacramentally commu­nicates, but approveth and recommendeth them. And how should the solitude of the Priest in a Masse be imputed to the peoples indevotion, seeing that the people knoweth not when it is done? Neither is warning given abroad when a Priest is hired with a piece of money to sing a Masse presently in some corner of a Church. How could the people attend private Masses, seeing that many are sung together in one Church at the same time, so that the most devout cannot be present at the fourth part of them. It is not the peoples want of devotion, but the covetousnesse of the Priests that causeth that multitude of solitary Masses.

It is then with small reason that this excuse is alledged, that in a feast the in­vited cannot be constrained to eat against their will. For in private Masses no ghest is invited. And if there were some commandement of God to oblige the invited to eat (as in the Lords Supper this commandement is laid upon us Take eat, and let a man examine himself, and so let him eat this bread) and ghests ought to be constrained to eat.

In vain do they bring some sacrifices of the Law, where the people did not eat. It is a great abuse to take the ceremonies of the Law for rules in a point where we have Christs institution, and his expresse command, and the examples of Christ and his Apostles. Besides, they hold that Christians communicate to the Eu­charist, not as it is a Sacrifice, but as it is a Sacrament. A Sacrament and a Sa­crifice differ as much as taking and giving. For by a Sacrifice we offer unto God, but in Sacraments we receive of God, and God imparts his graces unto us. Wherefore in this question about the Communion to the Sacrament, the example should be to some purpose if it were taken from the Passeover, which was a Sacrament of Communion, that never was celebrated without many Communicants, and to which every person of Israel, of a competent age, and not unclean, was obliged to participate. But the example taken from Sacrifices considered as Sacrifices, is improper.

The ancient Church in the fourth and fifth ages took no notice of such con­siderations. They wanted not profane and indevout members. The writings of Fathers are full of lamentations about that. And yet no constitution is found in the whole antiquity that recommended the Eucharist without either Commu­nicants or assistants, nor any example that ever the holy Communion was cele­brated without assistants, to the intention and at the cost of some particular per­son, as we will shew in the next Chapter.

CHAP. III. That the Ancient Church did not know private or particular Masses, and did not celebrate the holy Sacrament without Communicants and as­sistants to the intention of a particular person.

CArdinal Bellarmin in the second book of the Masse chap. 9. doth acknow­ledge so much, saying,Nus­quam expresse legitur à veteribus oblatum sacrificium sine communione alicujus vel aliquorum praeter ipsum sacerdotem. that no express testimony is found among the ancient writers, that ever they offered any Sacrifice without the Communion of one person or more besides the Priest.

If sometimes by the indevotion of the people the action of the Lords Supper was ill frequented, the Pastours did complain of it; Chrysostom above others thunders about that,Chrys. hom. 3. in ep. ad Ephes. [...], &c. [...], &c. O custom! (saith he) O presumption! In vain is the every day Sacrifice done. In vain do we assist at the Altar, since none Commu­nicates, &c. The Lord said these things to us all who assist here impudently and rashly. For every man that participates not to mysteries, is impudent and rash in that he is present. He addeth, Tell me, if any invited to the feast washeth his hands, and sits, and is disposed and ready at the table, and yet eats not, doth he not wrong him that invited him? Were it not better that such a man should not be present? Likewise thou also art present; Thou hast sung the hymn, and in that thou didst not withdraw with the unworthy, thou madest profession to be of the num­ber of those that are worthy; how then didst thou remain and didst not participate at the table? Thou sayest, I am unworthy of it; Thou art then unworthy also of the Communion of prayers. Bellar. l. 2. d [...] Missa c. 10. sect. Ad illud. Upon which Bellarmin in the second book of the Masse feareth not to say, that Chrysostom speaking thus exceeded measure as in other things.

[...]. Ignatius in the Epistle to the Philadelphians, One bread was broken to all. And we heard before Justin Martyr in the second Apologetick saying that the Deacons distributed to every one of the assistants the bread, &c.

Hierom upon 1 Cor. 11. saith thatDominica Coena omnibus debet esse communis. the Lords Supper ought to be common unto all. Let the attentive reader compare coena communis with Missa privata, a common supper with a private Masse.

The ancient Constitution of the Roman Church, attributed to Pope Anacletus, which is found also under the name of Calixtus, is such;Canone Peract. 2. Dist. de Consecratione. Peracta Con­secratione, omnes com­municent qui noluerint Ec­clesiasticis ca­rere limini­bus. Sic enim & Apostoli statuerunt, & sancta Roma­na tenet Ecclesia. The consecration being done, let all communicate that will not be put out of the Church dor [...]. For so the Apostles have constituted it, and so the holy Roman Church observeth it. Again,Canone Tribus gradi­bus. Tanta in al­tari holocausta offerantur, quanta populo sufficere debe­ant. Let as many Sacrifices be offered upon the Altar as will serve for the people. If any thing remain, let it not be kept for the next day.

It was the custom in the ancient Church when the hour of the Communion was come, that the Deacon cryed with a loud voyce, that all that did not Commu­nicate should go forth. And that sending away was at the first called Missa which signified a dimission. At that voyce the Penitents, the Catechumens, and the Energumens (that is those that are vexed or possest by devils) went out, and none remained but the Communicants. Austin in the two hundred and thirty seventh Sermon de tempore speaks thus, Ecce post Sermonem missa fit Ca­techumenis, manebunt fideles. Behold after Sermon the Catechumens were dismist, but the faithful shall remain. Greg. 1. Dialog. l. 2. cap. 23. Cum ex more Diaconus cla­maret, Si quis non communi­cat, det locum. And Gregory the first, when the Deacon cryed according to the custom, If any do not Communicate let him give room. Cer­tainly if such a custom had been kept by the Roman Church of the last ages, it would have prevented the introduction of Masses without either Communicants or assistants; for it would have been a laughing matter and a ridiculous absur­dity to say, Go out when there was none with the Priest; and let all that do not Communicate, go forth, when there had been none to Communicate.

The same is confirmed by the old custom of having but one Altar in a Tem­ple: Eusebius in the tenth book of his history, cap. 4. describes exactly the form both inward and outward of the Temple of Tyr and all the ornaments of the same, and speaks of one table only inclosed with rails in the midst of the Temple.In 2 Cor. hom. 18. in moralitate, [...]. Chrysostom saith, We have one Baptism only, and one table only. Basil. in Ps. 115. sub finem. Basil saith the same.Vide Franc. Alvarez. hist. cap. 3. The Abyssine Churches have but one Altar in each Church. Of so many petty Altars in the corners of Churches, upon which so many little Masses are huddled up, no trace is found in all antiquity. When the Fathers speak of Tables or Altars in the plural, that must be understood of many Churches.

The very text of the Mass is express for that, in which the Priest saith,Ut quotquot ex hac altaris participatione sumpserimus, &c. That [Page 807] all we that shall take of the participation of this Altar, &c. And in another place,Sacra­menta quae sumpsimus. The Sacraments which we have taken: AndOrate pro me fratres. Pray for me brethren. All these plural expressions ought to be razed out of the Canon of the Masse; for in most Masses of the Roman Church they are become ridiculous.

In the third book ofBurchard. Decret. l. 3. c. 64. et Decret. Grat. Dist. 1. de Consecrat. Can. Hoc quoque. Nullus Pres­byterorum Missarum so­lemnia cele­brare praesu­mat nisi duo­bus praesenti­bus, sibique re­spondentibus, et ipse tertius habeatur. Quia quum pluraliter ab eo dicitur Dominus vobiscum, et illud in secretis, Orate pro me, aptissimt convenit ut et ipsius respondeatur salutationi. Burchards Decree there is a Canon attributed to Pope Soter, in these words, Let no Priest presume to celebrate the solemnities of the Masse, unless there be two persons present that answer one another, and let the Priest be the third. Because when he saith in the plural, the Lord be with you, and that which is said in the Secrets, Pray you for me, it is very convenient that this salutation be answered.

And ch. 43. of the Council of Mentz held in the time of Charlemagne, Nullus Presbyter, ut nobis videtur, solus Missam cantare valet recte. Quomodo enim dicet, Dominus vobiscum, vel Sursum corda admonebit habere, et alia mille his similia, cum alius nemo cum eo sit? No Priest, as it seems to us, can well sing the Masse alone; For how shall he say, The Lord be with you, or exhort them to lift up their hearts, and many other the like things, when there is no body with him? This was in the year 813. Whence it is evident, that Masses without either Communicants or assistants are of very late date.

Fourteenth Controversie, OF THE SEVENTH BOOK. THE ANTIBARBAROƲS, OR, Of unknown Language, both in the Prayers of private persons, and in the publick Service. Where also the principal Clauses of the Mass are represented, which might offend the people if they understood them. To my dear Nephew Monsieur BOCHART, Pastor of the Church of LAEN.

Dear Nephew,

IF the Church of God receive some benefit by this labour of mine, she may thank you for it; for in my answer to Cardinal Du Perron, having unawares omitted his Chapter about the use of unknown language in Gods service, you have given me advice of that defect, and exhorted me to supply it. I have followed your counsel, and made this Treatise, which I here present unto you, beseeching you to receive it as a testimony of my hearty love, and of the joy I receive seeing you serve in the work of the Lord with so much praise. It is no small consolation to me among so many desolations, to see that God is raising lights to shine in the darkness which groweth thicker every day. For since God sends us good labourers, he sheweth that he will leave us yet some harvest. Having endowed you with his fear from your in­fancy, and now set you apart for his service, he will arm you with strength and cou­rage, that you may not sink under the burthen. For you are inrolled in this sacred [Page 809] Militia in a time when you shall have need of double provision of zeal and holy mag­nanimity. It will be a great honour to you to be set upon the breach, and in the hot­test conflict, and to be a burning and shining lamp in the dismal night of our Age. In this great work you shall have a blessed experience of the help that God promiseth to them that love him, and hold it a great gain to lose their lives and estates for his service. As he hath given stronger roots unto trees that stand in the top of rocks, because they are more exposed to the impetuosity of winds, he will also proportion your strength to the measure of the combats unto which he will expose you. Indeed the match between us and our Adversaries seems to be very unequal, and the enterprize on our side no less hard and unlikely then if we went about to undermine a rock with pins. But we ought to remember that we fight Gods cause, who useth commonly weak In­struments for admirable works, that the glory of his success may not be attributed unto mans vertue. We must also put on this confidence, that the heavenly truth, though it were cast into the deepest bottom of the sea, will rise and come up to the top again: And that the Church stands faster then the world, since the world was made for the Church: To which may be applied that which is written of the City of Je­richo, that he that founded it, laid the foundations thereof upon his first born. This same God, who with the sound of Joshuah's trumpets made the walls of the enemy to fall, will one day make the wall of Babylon to fall down at the sound of the trumpets of the Gospel. And if God for the ungratefulness of this hard age defers that excel­lent work unto another time, we that have sowed in earth with little success, shall ne­vertheless reap a plentiful harvest in heaven. We carry this light like Gideons soul­diers, in earthen vessels, that is, in frail bodies; the breaking whereof shall be hap­py and honourable, if it may serve to make the light of the Gospel to appear. For should we that preach the cross of Christ be exempted from it? Should not we that bear this Ark enter the first into this Jordan, being patterns to Gods people that fol­loweth, not only in doctrine, but also in zeal and all vertue? As for me, having al­most ended my race, and aspiring with all my soul to the rest which God hath promi­sed unto them that fear him, I rejoyce to leave after me persons endowed with a greater measure of his graces, and especially mine own Nephew, whom I have loved with a fatherly affection; one who treading upon the steps of a vertuous Father, whose me­mory is blessed in Gods Church, will go beyond his predecessors▪ and shall leave an ex­ample unto posterity. But while I remain yet in this earthly house, you owe me the help of your prayers, as I for my part beseech God that he strengthen you with his grace to be his faithful servant, to fight the good fight, and to be fruitful to his glo­ry. I rest

Your best Unkle, and very hum­ble brother and servant, P. DU MOULIN.

A TREATISE OF The use of an unknown Tongue in Prayers and Gods Service.

CHAP. I. That false Religions love obscurity; but true Religion brings her doctrin to light, and keepeth nothing hidden.

IT is a received opinion that ignorance is the Mother of Devotion. In matter of Gods service men admire that most which they least understand, and obscurity increaseth re­verence. And as the world goeth, it is with Religions as with Beauties, which when they are but obscurely seen, are more desired.

Negligence and profanity contribute to that evil. For man having no natural inclination to be instructed in Gods knowledge, is easily perswaded to put that care of knowing God to them that profess to teach. Rather then he will take the pains to learn, he will chuse to believe without knowing, and follow without enquiring. And that affected ig­norance puts on the title of respect to the Church and Catholick docility. If it be question for one to place his money, he will look for good securitie, and men in that point are very cautious and difficult. But in the business of their salvati­on they will refer themselves to the faith of another, and blindfold themselves with a wilful ignorance.

Satan, who will take hold of men by the natural handles, makes use of that in­clination to seduce them: And it is easie for him to make men that fly from the light, to lose their way. It was he that taught Magicians to mingle barbarous and unintelligible words among their conjurations. It was he that taught Pagan Priests to cover mysteries with a religious silence, and to keep off from them the profane, which now are called the Laity. Thus theHetrusca disciplina. Toscan discipline, wherein the ancient Religion of the Romans was contained, and theQuintili­an. lib. 1. Carmina Sa­liorum vix Sacerdotibus suis satis intellecta, sed quae mutari vetai religio. Saliar verses sung by the Priests of Mars, consisted of rude and barbarons terms, not understood by the people. Epiphanius in the heresie of the Ossenians [...]. saith, that those [Page 811] Hereticks taught their Disciples to pray in obscure words, forbidding them to seek the interpretation of them. Austin in the 16 Ch. to Quod vult Deus, saith the same of the Heracleonites. And Clemens Alexandrinus saithClem. 1 Strom. [...]. that men hold that prayers pronounced in a barbarous tongue are more effectual. Hierome in the Epitaph of Lucinius Andalusian Barbaro simplices quosque ter­rent sono, ut quod non in­telligunt plus mirentur. They fright simple people with a barbarous sound, so that they admire that most which they understand least. The Mahume­tans, both Turks and Persians, have their service in the Arabick Tongue, which the people understand not. And the Jewes, whom God hath delivered unto a reprobate sense, read in their Synagogues the Law and the Prophets in Hebrew, which the most part of their people understand very little, or not at all.

They that have the charge of conducting and teaching the people, have been careful to foment and increase that evil: For they labour to retain the people in ignorance, keeping to themselves the key of knowledge, as Christ saith, (f) and keeping others from entring. By this means they get themselves respected as the only capable to understand divine things, and having alone a familiar com­munication with God. By this means they hide their game, and suffer none to look into their affairs, and get the liberty to shape Religion to their profit; do­ing like thieves, that blow out the candles that they may not be seen: For they fear lest that things that are admired afar off, become contemptible being lookt upon near hand; like painted women, that will not be seen but at a distance. And they have learned by experience, that ignorant persons are more easie to be ruled; that it is easie to pick a blind mans purse, and that a man that will know the reason and origine of things, is hardly perswaded.

Hence it is that the people are disswaded from reading Scripture, and that the tra­duction of the same into vulgar tongues is hindred. Hence it is that so much labour is taken to make Scripture suspected unto the people as a dangerous book, the reading whereof is the cause of Heresies. Hence came Images, which serve to amuse the eyes, while the minds are blindfolded, and to give recreation, while instru­ction is withheld. Hence that great heap of Ceremonies, which are shadows that grow when the night of ignorance draweth nigh. Hence that implicite faith, which commits the business of salvation to the faith of another, and believeth that which the Church of the Land believeth, without knowing what the Church ought to believe, serving God out of custome, following the crowd, and going with the great stream. Hence Liturgy in a barbarous tongue, and not understood, as if our Mother-tongue were too low and trivial for the Divine Service. Hence the custome of praying to God without knowing what is asked of him, as if a man were afraid to understand himself. Whence it comes to pass, that as in the pub­lick reading of Scripture God is made barbarous unto men, so in publick pray­ers the Priest is barbarous unto the assistants, and in the prayers of particular per­sons every one is barbarous to himself.

Occasions and alterations of times and businesses have often contributed to that. For the vulgar tongue of a Countrey being corrupted by the lapse of time, or being suddenly changed by the mixture and inundation of strange Nations, the Pastors and Leaders of the people were not careful to fit the publick service to the intelligence of the new inhabitants, and to the usual language. So that the Liturgy in less then fifty years is become unintelligible unto the people. This happened in Italy, where Latin was vulgar in the time of the Apostles, and ma­ny Ages since; but Latin being corrupted by the inundation of the Goths, Lom­bards, and Franks, and by the extinction of good letters, Bishops retained the service in the ancient tongue, and suffered the people to lose the intelligence of it. The like happened in Gauls and in Spain, as we shall see hereafter.

True Religion takes a quite contrary course: It resisteth that natural inclinati­on of man to fly from instruction, and to fear to learn the will of God, for fear of being obliged to obey it. Truth dissipateth the Kingdom of the Prince of dark­ness with the light of the Gospel. For the people ought to be clearly instru­cted in the doctrine of salvation, since they have as much part in salva­tion as their Pastors, who shall not answer for the people in the day of judge­ment. [Page 812] If a blind man lead another blind man, Matth. 15.14 both shall fall into the ditch. Habak­kuk teacheth us, that the just shall live by his faith, not by the faith of another. He that believeth in God by Attorney,Hab. 2.4. deserveth that another be saved for him, as another believed for him. Between the true and the false Religion, there is the same difference as between two Temples, the one without windows, the other receiving light on all sides. In the one the people professeth a blind obedience, in the other the people calls for instruction. The one rejoyceth in the Sun-shine of Gods word, the other suppressing that spiritual light, sets up candles at noon.Act. 12. As the light that smote Peters side when he slept in prison, made the chains to fall from his hands, and opened him the prison; so the light of true doctrine breaks the bonds of superstition, and sets a man at liberty; as Christ teacheth us, Joh. 8. You shall know the truth, and the truth shall make you free. Wherefore God was saying, Isa. 5.13. Therefore my people are gone into captivity because they have no knowledge. And Christ, Matth. 22.29. saith, Ye do err, not knowing the Scriptures. Joh. 5.30. Wherefore he commanded the Jews to search the Scriptures; A command which the Pastors of the Roman Church never recommend to their people. And God himself by his Prophet Ieremy, 31. chap. ver. 34. promiseth a happy time when they shall teach no more every man his neighbour, and every man his brother, saying, Know the Lord, for they shall all know me from the least of them unto the greatest. God rejecteth a zeal without knowledge, Rom. 10.2. And the apostle prayeth,Phil. 1.9. that the love of the Philippians may abound in know­ledge, and in all judgement. For this is the condemnation of the world (saith the Lord Jesus) that light is come into the world, Ioh. 3.19. but men have loved darkness better then light. God indeed will have us to be simple, but he will have us also to be prudent. He forbids a curious search of things which he hath hidden from us. But hence it follows not that we must be ignorant of things necessary and mani­fested by himself in his word.

For these reasons we have removed Images out of our Churches, and in the place of Images that speak not, we have put the holy Scriptures in which God speaks to us. These Images are fallen before the doctrine of the Gospel, as Da­gon before the Ark of the Covenant. And we have translated Scripture into our vulgar tongue, and bestowed intelligible words upon Gods service. For since we teach no other doctrine, but that which is contained in the holy Scriptures, we are not ashamed of our Religion, and desire that our doctrine be known unto all and examined by Scripture, having learned of holy Scripture that faith con­sisteth in knowledge,Ioh. 10.18. Ioh. 17.8. Rom. 10.17. That Christ will have us to know before we believe, and that faith is of hearing the word of God. Whence it follows that we must hear the word of God, and be instructed in it, before we can have faith. We reject the counsel of our Adversaries who will have us to believe brfore we choose the way of salvation, whereas we ought to know that we may choose well. Can there be any stronger abuse then to make the faith of Christians to consist in ig­norance, as Cardinal Bellarmine Bell. l. 1. de Iustifica­tione, c. 7. Sect. Iudi­cium. Fides distinguitur contra scien­tiam, & me­lius per igno­rantiam quam per notitiam definitur. doth, who saith, that faith is distinguisht (not from, but) against Science, and is better defined by ignorance then by knowledge? Wherefore also Cardinal Du Perron holds6. Book, 1. ch. pag. 1089 1 Cor. 1.5. that the greater the ignorance is, the greater is the merit of faith, saying, that when one understands not the pub­lick service, because the Priest speaks in an unknown language, that defect is re­compensed by the merit of the endeavour and greater exercise of faith; a new kind of merit to study to know nothing! a strange endeavour of faith consisting in negligence! if we may call that faith which consisteth in having no faith, since faith proceeds from the hearing of Gods word; for it is not hearing Gods word to hear a sound, and not to understand it. By the Cardinals doctrine the Apostle was destitute of reason when he gave God thanks because the Corinthians were inriched in all knowledge: And his wish that the Philippians might abound in knowledge and all judgement, was an inofficious wish, because by that knowledge the effect of their faith relented, and their merit was diminished. Upon that we have an excellent passage of Chrysostom, Hom. 61. upon John: There, ha­ving with many words upbraided the people with their ignorance & incapacity to [Page 813] defend Gods cause, and to give reason of their faith; and having represented the Apostles command, Col. 3.16. Let the word of Christ dwell in you richly in all wisdom; he makes this question [...]. What do these men more idle then droans answer to that? They say that the soul that is simple is blessed, and that the man that walketh in simplicty walketh in faith. For this is the cause of all evils, that among the people there are very few that can alledge at need testimonies of Scripture. The complaint of that good Doctor would be ridiculous in our days. For the people would answer him, How could we alledge Scripture which we are forbid­den to read? No approved translation of it is extant in vulgar tongues. It is now a mark of Heresie to be a carefull reader of Scripture, and to alledge it.

CHAP. II. Two differences between us and the Roman Church about unknown Lan­guage.

ABout unknown Language when we speak to God, and when God speaks to us, we have two sorts of differences with the Roman Church; the one about the prayers of particular persons, the other about publick service. For in the Roman Church the people is used to pray without understanding what they say, and to speak unto God and the Saints in a Language unknown to them that pray, as if a man was suspect unto himself, and afraid to understand his own prayer, esteeming that Latine hath something more holy; that barbarous words have more vertue; and that a prayer in French or English is less acceptable to God. The same abuse crept into the publick service; for it is performed in La­tine, which the common people of France, Germany and Spain understand not. Wherefore the common people that say, Let us go hear a Mass, ought rather to say, Let us go see the Mass; for they go to it as to a spectacle, not as to an instruction. And as if it were not a sufficient abuse of the peoples devotion that the Mass is said in Latine, part of it is said with a low voice, and with a deep si­lence, the rest is delivered in a confused tone, and in a shaking inarticulate voice. Of which the Doctors give this reason,Durand. Rat. l. 4. c. 35. Cum quidam Pastores Ca­nonem in agro cantarent & panem super lapidem po­suissent, ad verborum ipsorum prolationem panis in carnem conversus est; ipsi tamen divino judicio igne coeli­tus misse percussi sunt, propter quod sancti Patres statuerunt verba ista sub silentio di [...]i. that some shepherds hearing Mass, learned the words of consecration, and once pronounced them in the field over the bread of their dinner, which presently was transubstantiated lnto flesh; Up­on which they were smitten with fire from heaven: This History is related by Durandus, and by Pope Innocent the third, in the third Book of the Mysteries of the Mass, 1. ch.

CHAP. III. Of prayers of particular persons in a tongue unknown to the very persons that pray.

I. PRayer is a request or supplication which man presenteth unto God, suggest­ed by the sense of our want and need. It is begging alms at Gods hands. Hence it followeth, that he that prayeth, must do it according to his sense, and fit his prayers to his need. This cannot be done by him that prayeth, not under­standing himself. Many times it comes to pass, that he who hath an intention to ask something at Gods hands, saith in his Latine prayer things remote from his intention. Thus Gallants and Ladies that understand Latine as well as Greek, say their seven Psalms in Latine, in which David being sick, complaineth that his wounds stink and are corrupt,Ps. 38. & 143. and that his loyns are filled with a loathsom disease, or being persecuted by Saul, complaineth that he is confined to a dark Cave. It is like that poor woman pronouncing these things in Latin thinks that she asketh salvation, or the remission of her sins.

II. The Apostle James chap. 1. will have him that asketh something of God, to ask it in faith, nothing doubting. Now it is not possible to ask any thing at Gods hands in faith, and with a full certainty, when a man doth not know what he asketh of God; for Faith implyeth knowledge. Wherefore also the Lord Jesus commonly joyneth knowledge with faith; As Joh. 10.38. That you may know and believe that the Father is in me; And 17. chap. ver. 8. They have known and believed that thou hast sent me. Isa. 53.11. Wherefore whereas St. Paul saith so often, that we are justified by Faith, Isaih saith that we are justified by knowledge.

III. One cannot call a man an ideot in clearer terms then by saying to him, You know not what you say. But all things which in the civil conversation should be held absurd, pass for good in the Roman Religion; As if Religion were made to overthrow common sense, and to be a receptacle of absurdities; And that which in other cases is folly, is here devotion. God then shall do justly to grant nothing to him that knoweth not what he asketh, and by consequent knoweth not what God grants or denieth him.

IV. Here experience and necessity correct men whether they will or no. For a man that hath made his prayers in Latine all his Life, not understanding what he said, will alter his Language in sudden afflictions, and in sharp pains. Then he will send up fervent prayers unto God in his ordinary tongue. A man in the last agony or tyed already to the gallows, will not (unless he be altogether brui­tish) say the Beati quorum, or the Pater noster in Latine.

V. Is it not a pretty Pageant, when a woman saith a Latine prayer which she understands not to St. Mary the Egyptian, or to Mary Magdalen, which ne­ver understood Latine? And though they had learned Latine in Paradise, yet it is nothing to understand the voice without knowing the heart. He that is prayed to, must know the faith and the repentance of the person that prayeth, else he may grant the prayer of an hypocrite. Now the word of God teacheth us that God alone knoweth the hearts of men, 2 Chron. 6.30.

VI. What an object of compassion is a woman, or a mean tradesman who prayeth to St. Ʋrsula, or St. Margaret, or St. Katherine, or St. Christopher, or St. Martial, or St. Longinus, or St. Lazarus, Patron of the Lepers, or the ele­ven thousand Virgins, which are Saints, that never were men or women, and are put in heaven, having never lived on earth? By this means he that prayeth speaks to a Saint that is not, in a tongue which the man that prayeth understands not, which is the superlative degree of absurdity. Hi non sunt vituli labiorum, sed labia vitulorum.

VII. If to a man that prayeth in Latine, not knowing what he saith, one [Page 815] had given a Fable of Esope, perswading him that it is a Prayer to the Virgin Ma­ry; such a man pronouncing that Fable with fervent affection, should pray in Faith according to the Doctrine of the Roman Church, and should not lose the merit of his Prayer.

VIII. If a Frenchman that understands not High Dutch, came to petition his King in that Language, the King, though himself understood High Dutch, would either think himself abused by that discourse, or would think the man to be out of his senses.

IX. In this point Christs example ought to be our rule; For when he prescri­bed a Form of Prayer to his Disciples, he gave them one in their mother Tongue, saying, when you pray, say, Our Father which art in heaven, &c. He gave them not that Prayer in Welch or in Arabick, for he would have them to know what they asked of God in their Prayer, and what the things were of which they stood in need.

X. That Prayer is made with such an excellent Art, that the Christian speak­ing to God speaks also to himself, and that every Petition is a Precept. For as Gods Commandments are the matter of our Prayers, and teach us what we ought to ask of God, so the questions which God hath prescribed unto us contain Command­ments. By asking of God that his Kingdom come, we oblige our selves to la­bour for the advancement of that Kingdom. By asking that the name of God be hallowed or sanctified, we are taught to sanctifie it. And we are instructed by that Prayer not to covet the bread of another; to pardon those that have offen­ded us, and to flye the temptations of the evil one. Which instructions cannot be apprehended by him that understands not himself, and prayeth in a Tongue which he understands not.

XI. It is true that God understands all Languages, but he requireth also that he that speaks to him know what he saith, and speak as a man and a reasonable creature, that is, with reason and understanding. God indeed understands thy Latin, but he understands also that thou understandest not thy self. It is a great abuse to think that we speak unto God that he may understand our Language; for before we open our mouth he knoweth our thoughts; and it is he that puts Prayer in the heart of those that fear him. Now it is the heart that must move the lips, and suggest unto our mouth things conformable unto our thought.

XII. Thus did the Prophets pray. David prayed in his own Tongue, and left to the Israelites Psalms in a Language which they understood. And they reading Davids Psalms had that holy comfort, of which the Roman Church hath deprived herself; for what comfort is there in reading David's Psalms privately, or hear­ing them read publickly, when they are in an unknown Language?Luke 15.21.

XIII. The Prodigal Son returning to his Father, and saying, Father, I have sinned against heaven and before thee, and am no more worthy to be called thy son, un­derstood himself. And so did the poor Publican beating his breast and saying, God be merciful to me a sinner. Luke 18.13.

XIV. Thus did the antient Christians pray. For the Apostle, Col. 3.16. had taught them to admonish one another in Psalms and Hymns. So prayed Paul being at Philippi, by a river side where Prayer was wont to be made. For Lydia the Sel­ler of Purple had not had her heart touched, neither with his prayers,Acts 16.13. nor with his exhortations, if he had prayed or preached in a Language which she under­stood not. And none hitherto hath doubted that the Church of Jerusalem in the Apostles time prayed in their vulgar tongue, when they prayed for the deliver­ance of the Apostle Peter out of prison; and that Fathers praying in their Fami­ly were understood by their children.

XV. The Apostle Paul in his first Epistle to the Corinthians, bestoweth a whole Chapter upon this matter. It is the fourteenth, where he condemneth prayers in unknown Language. If (saith he) I know not the meaning of the voyce, Vers. 11. I shall be unto him that speaketh a Barbarian, and he that speaketh shall be a Barba­barian unto me. If he forbid Christians to be Barbarians to others, how much more to be Barbarians to themselves? And in the 15. verse, I will pray with the [Page 816] Spirit, but I will pray with understanding also. But of that Text we shall treat more ar large, when we speak of publick Prayers.

XVI. Thomas Harding an English Doctor of Lovain, and a buckler of Po­pery in England, in his Treatise of Prayers in a strange Tongue, in the 33 Que­stion, is forced by the evidence of truth, and makes a self-condemning confessi­on, saying,Est opta­bilius ut po­pulus preces publicas ver­naculâ suâ lingua recitaret. It were to be wisht, that the people should say publick prayers in their vulgar tongue. And in the 29 Section he acknowledgeth Non potest populus fatcor dicere Amen, ad benedictionem Sacerdotis aeque ac si Latinam lin­guam perfecte calleret. that the people cannot so easily say Amen to the Priests blessing as if they understood Latin perfectly.

CHAP. IV. That in the Antient Church every one prayed in his own Tongue.

WEE have already alledged in the first Chapter, many Antients that deride the Superstition of those, who think that prayers in a Barbarous tongue have more virtue.

Origen in the 1 Book against Celsus [...]. The Grecians in their prayers use Greek words, and the Romans Roman words, and so every one prayeth to God accor­ding to his own Language, and praiseth him as he can. Observe, that he saith, not only his own opinion, but represents the custom of the Christian Church.

Chrysostome Hom. 35. upon the first Epistle to the Corinthians [...]. If one speak only in the Persian Language, or some other strange Language, not knowing what he saith, he shall be barbarous unto himself, and not to another only.

Hierom in the 18 Epistle to Marcella In tota Christi villa tota rustici­tas est, extra Psalmos si­lentium est. Quocunque te verteris, arator stivam tenens allelu­ja decantat. Sudans mes­sor Psalmis se avocat; et curvi attendens vites falce vinitor aliquid Davidicum canit. In the whole village of Christ there is none but country people. But for Psalms there is a silence among them. Which way soever thou turn thy self, the Labourer holding the plow sings Praise ye the Lord; and the Reaper sweating caseth his labour with Psalms; and the Husbandman with his crooked pruning hook pruning his Vine, sings something of David.

That neither is done nor can be done among the common people of the Roman Church. As for singing Latin Psalms at their Plough or in their Shop, how can they since they understand them not? And to sing them in French or another common Language, is in their Church a mark of Heresie.

The same Father in the Epitaph of Paula saith, that in the Funeral of Paula, Hebraeo, Graeco, Latino, Syroque sermone Psalmi in ordine personabant; One might hear Psalms sung in order in Hebrew, in Greek, in Latin and in Syriack; each sing­ing according to the tongue of his Countrey.

And that I may not tire the Reader about such an evident thing, Thomas him­self the Angelick Doctor, whom the Pope hath Sainted, in his Comment upon 1. Cor. 14. in the fourth Lesson hath these words,Constat quod plus lucratur qui orat et intelligit quam qui tantum lingua orat, scilicet qui non intelligit quae dicit. Nam ille qui intel­ligit resicitur, et quantum ad intellectum, et quantum ad affectum; sed mens ejus qui non intelligit, est sine fructu refectionis. It is certain, that he that prayeth and understands what he saith, profits more then he that prayeth only with his tongue, that is, he that understands not what he saith. For he that understands is fed both in his mind and affection; but the mind of him that understands not, is without fruit of refection. In the same Lesson he acknowledgeth that the antient Church prayed in the vulgar Tongue, but that it was altered since.

It would be a recreative conceit to imagine the Virgin Mary or her Cosen Eli­zabeth, saying their houres in a Barbarous and unknown Language, turning their [Page 817] beads or Rosary, according to the custom of the Roman Church, where the peo­ple say their hours, turning the grains of consecrated beads. Good wives will rub these beads against the feet of an Image. Chest-fulls of blessed grains, consecra­ted by the Pope are brought from Rome, and they are sold dearer, as having more vertue. Cardinal du Perron returning from Rome, brought a cloak-bag full of such superlative blessed grains, that one of them being put among beads got a hundred years of pardon every time it was kissed. But that priviledge was for the French only. It is ordinary to see women say their Pater Noster in Latin going to market. The Spaniards speaking of businesses, turn the grains of their beads gently, saying upon every grain a Latine Prayer, which is fifty times re­peated, mingling Pater's with Ave's, and saying five Ave's for one Pater. For in our daies the vertue of the Prayer consisteth in an iterated number of the same words not understood; And the simple people saying the Ave, think that they pray to the Virgin Mary, whereas they pray for her. All this practice is defend­ed with saying It is the Church, and It is an Apostolical Tradition. For this word Church is become a cloak to cover a multitude of errors.

CHAP. V. That the Publick Service in a Language not understood, is contrary to the Word of God, and to Reason.

I. THe abuse in the publick Service is more pernitious then in private devoti­ons, because they make use of God himself to help the abuse; for they make him Barbarous unto men, and his Word not intelligible, as if they would frustrate God of his intention, which is to speak to us to instruct us; As if Christ had descended from Heaven purposely to speak unto men, so that he may not be understood. For in the Mass you have not only prayers unto God, but Texts of Scripture in which God speaks to men.

For Prayers in an unknown Tongue they use this impertinent excuse, That God understands all Languages, as if we spake with our mouth that we might be un­derstood of God. But here where it is question of God speaking to us, that ex­cuse can have no place. For when God speaks unto men, he will be hearkened un­to and understood. And indeed when they bring that excuse, that God under­stands all Languages, they presuppose that he to whom they speak, must under­stand that which is said to him.

II. Wherefore Scripture tells us, that when God is angry with a people, he makes their eares heavy that they may not hear, and that their heart may not understand; as God himself saith by his Prophet Isa. 6.10.

III. And it is one of Gods curses whereby he punisheth mens unthankfulness, and the contempt of his Word, when he speaks unto a people in a Language which they understand not, as the Apostle teacheth, 1 Cor. 14.21. where he alledged God speaking thus by his Prophet Isaiah, With men of other tongues and other lips will I speak unto this people, and thus they shall not hear me saith the Lord. Isa. 25.11. Wherefore tongues are for a sign, not for them that believe not, but for them which be­lieve. This threatening is fulfilled in the Roman Church, in which God punish­eth the hardness of men, by speaking to them in a tongue which they under­stand not.

IV. In this matter this Maxime taken from the nature of man, and the inten­tion of the Creatour, must be laid for a ground, that the tongue was given unto man to be the interpreter of his thoughts, and the messenger of his conceits. Whence it follows, that to use the tongue for a contrary end, and to speak that one may not be understood, is overthrowing nature, and as far as in us lyeth, frustrating the Creatour of his intention, changing mans speech into an useless [Page 818] sound, and a voyce beating the air. And if that be true in him that speaks to others in a Tongue which they understand not, it is yet more true in him who is neither understood by himself nor by others.

V. From the same Maxime it follows, that when the Priest speaks Latin in the Church, he ought to speak to be understood of some. Let our Adversaries tell us whether he speaks to be understood by the assistants, or by himself, or by God; for there is no fourth. He speaks not to be understood by the assistants, since he speaks low and in a Language which the people understand not; and in private Masses he speaks alone and without assistants. Neither doth he speake to be un­derstood by God; for God understands us without our speaking, and before we open our mouth. It cannot be said also, that the Priest in the Mass speaks that he may understand himself, for he knew his own thought before he spake. Speech was given unto man, not to make him know his own thought, but to make it known unto others. That man is altogether senseless, who speaks to himself that he may understand himself.

VI. To this add, that in many places of the Mass the Priest speaks unto the people, saying Oremus, and Orate pro me fratres, &c. and many the like passa­ges, in which the Priest commands the people to ask of God such and such things, and to joyn their prayers with his. But the people is far from obeying that com­mand, not knowing what the Priest commands them. The people might say to him with good reason, Make thy self understood to us, if thou wilt be obeyed.

VII. Wherefore in the Church of the Old Testament all the publick Service was done in the vulgar tongue; and the Prayers which Aaron and his Successors made for the Hebrew people were in Hebrew, which tongue being altered since the Captivity of Babylon, yet was understood by the people, as we will shew hereafter.

VIII. The Lord Jesus instituted and celebrated the holy Communion among his Disciples in the vulgar tongue,1 Cor. 11.26. intelligible to the assistants. He commanded them that as often as they eate this bread and drink this cup, they should announce the Lords death till he come. To obey that command, they must so speak that they may be understood when they announce the Lords death; for a thing is not an­nounced when it is propounded in an unintelligible tongue.

IX. To the same end he gave to his Apostles the gift of divers Languages, that in all Nations they might establish the Service of God in the Language of the Country, and that in every tongue God might be served. So that the diversity of Tongues, which in the building of Babel was a curse, in the building of the Church became a blessing.

X. The Apostles followed their Masters example; For St. Paul writing to the Corinthians, who were Grecians, giveth them in their Tongue the Form of the celebration of the Lords Supper, 1 Cor. 11.

XI. Is it like that Christ who is the light of the World, came to pour dark­ness upon the World? And since God spake to his People by Moses in an intelli­gible tongue, would he now delight to propound his Word, and give his Sacra­ments in a barbarous and strange Tongue?

XII. But the strongest weapon in this combat, and the sword that cuts the knot, is the Apostles Authority, who imployeth the 14. Chap. of the first Epi­stle to the Corinthians wholly almost upon this matter, even to condemn the use of strange Languages not understood in the Church. If (saith he v. 8.) the trumpet give an uncertain sound, who shall prepare himself to the battel? So likewise you, except ye utter by the tongue words easie to be understood, how shall it be known what is spoken? but ye shall speak into the air. And v. 11. If I know not the mean­ing of the voyce, I shall be unto him that speaketh a Barbarian, and he that speaketh shall be a Barbarian unto me. And v. 16. When thou shalt bless with the Spirit, how shall he that occupieth the room of the unlearned say Amen at thy giving of thanks, seeing be understandeth not what thou sayest? For thou verily givest thanks well, but the other is not edified. Whence he concludeth, v. 19. In the Church I had rather speak five words with my understanding, that by my voyce I might teach others also, then ten thousand words in an unknown Tongue.

6. Book. 1. ch. pag. 109. Cardinal Du Perron answers, that St. Paul speaks not of an unknown tongue ordinarily used in the Church, but of infused and miraculous tongues; and that St. Paul by tongues, signifyeth unknown tongues. This I readily grant, for it increaseth the strength of the Text, against the ordinary service in an un­known tongue; for these miraculous gifts of tongues were rare, and given un­to some Christians for a short time, to make Gods vertue to appear: And by consequent the use of them in the Church brought a benefit, which the Mass in Latine cannot yield. Yet the Apostle forbids them to use that miraculous gift in the Church, without expounding presently, because he will have nothing said in the Church that is not understood. How much more doth he condemn strange Language in the ordinary Service, where that extraordinary evil, which the A­postle will avoid, becomes ordinary? The Apostle forbids not the use of an un­known tongue in the Church, because it is miraculous, but because it is not un­derstood, and because he that speaketh becomes barbarous unto him that hea­reth, and because that which is said is not understood; and because speaking thus is beating the ayr, and because the people cannot say Amen to a thanksgiving which they understand not, and because the hearers are not edified: Which are true reasons, whether he that speaks an unknown language in the Church, hath learned that language by miracle or study. Here the question is not of the manner, how a man hath learned a tongue, but of the instruction of the people. St. Paul had learned Hebrew without miracle, yet he would not have celebrated the Lords Supper at Corinth, or at Rome, among the Gentiles in the Hebrew Tongue. Upon the whole matter he giveth two general rules without excepti­on; the one, that it is better to say five intelligible words in the Church, then ten thousand unintelligible: The other, that it is a curse of God, when he speaks to a people in a language which they understand not.

XIV. Others try another way to escape. They say, that St. Paul speaks not of the ordinary service which was said in the Church, but of certain hymnes and spiritual songs. By speaking thus they will perswade us that such hymns were to be pronounced in a tongue understood of all, but that the rest of the service was spoken in a language not understood by the Corinthians; which they know to be most false; for it is a thing known that in Greece the publick Service was always done in Greek, and so is done to this day. If those hymns and spiritual songs were to be pronounced in a known tongue, much more the ordinary pray­ers, and the reading of Gods word, from which the people receiveth more edi­fication.

XV. But it is easie for us to prove that the Apostle in this Text speaks of other things then hymns and spiritual songs: for when he saith that strange tongues are for a sign, not to believers, but to Infidels, and puts this among the threatenings and curses of God, when God threatens to speak to a people in a strange lan­guage that he may not be understood, it is clear, that he speaks not of hymns and songs in which men speak to God, but of the word of God directed unto men.

XVI. And when the Apostle saith, that he had rather speak five intelligible words in the Church to instruct others, then ten thousand in an unknown lan­guage, it is evident that he speaks of all that is pronounced in the Church.

XVII. And these words, If I know not the meaning of the voyce, I shall be unto him that speaks a Barbarian, and he that speaketh shall be a Barbarian unto me, are as true, no doubt in respect of him that reads Scripture in publick, as of him that pronounceth hymns; for all those are held barbarians whose language is not understood: Which is that which Ovid saith of himself, exiled among the Getes:

Ovid. Trist. l. 5. Eleg. 10.
Barbarus hic ego sum quia non intelligor ulli,
Et rident stolidi verba Latina Getae.

XVIII. Also when the Priest pronounceth prayers in the Mass, where the [Page 820] people understands nere a word, may we not, and indeed ought we not to apply unto him the sentence of the Apostle, How shall the unlearned say Amen at thy giving of thanks, seeing he understandeth not what thou sayest?

Chrysostom expounding this Text, understands it as we do; for he personates the Apostle speaking thus,Chryso­stom. Hom. 35. in 1 Cor. [...]? Ʋnless I say that which may be intelligible to you, and that may be evident, but shew you only that I have the gift of tongues, you shall go away without any benefit from that you have heard of unknown tongues. For what benefit do you get by a voice which you understand not?

Si utique ad aedifican­dam Ecclesi­am convene­ritis, ea de­bent dici quae intelligant audientes. Nam quid prodest ut quis loquatur lingua quam solus scit, ut qui audit nihil profici­at? &c. Ambrose in his Comment upon this place understands it so. If (saith he) you assemble your selves to edifie the Church, such things must be said as the hearers may understand. For what good doth it when a man speaketh a tongue which he alone understands, that they that hear may get no good by it? And a little after, The Apostle saith, In Eccle­sia velo quin­que verba lo­qui per legem, ut & alios ae­dificem, quam prolixam ora­tionem habere in obscuro. I choose rather to speak five words in the Church according to the Law, that I may edifie others also, then to make a long speech with obscurity.

Hierom in his Comment upon the same placeOmnis sermo qui non intelligitur barbarus ju­dicatur. Every discourse which is not understood, is judged barbarous. And in the same place,Si quis incognitis aliis linguis loquatur, mens ejus non ipsi efficitur sine fructu, sed audientis; quicquid enim dicitur ignorat. If any speak to others in unknown tongues, his mind is made unfruitfull, not to himself, but to the hearer; for he understands nothing of that which is said.

Basil in his Asketicks is very express upon that, in the 278. answer of his brief definitions; He asketh, How is it that the Spirit of a man prayeth, but his understanding is without fruit? Then he answereth, [...], &c. [...]. This was said (by the A­postle) concerning those that make their prayers in a tongue unknown unto them that hear: For, he saith, If I pray in a tongue, my spirit prayeth, but my understand­ing is fruitless: for when the words of the prayer are unknown to the assistants, the mind of him that prayeth is unfruitfull, doing no good. But when the assistants understand the prayer, which may profit them that hear it, then he that prayeth hath this fruit, the bettering of those that have got profit thereby. The same is in all declarations of the word of God: for it is written, if there be some good words for the edification of faith. This holy man understands this Text, not on­ly of the hymns and songs, but of any prayer, and of any reading or pronoun­cing of the word of God.

Upon that, we have a Law of the Emperour Justinian, in the 123. Novel, in the Greek Editions, in these words,Ad haec jubemus ut omnes Episcopi pariter et Presbyteri non tacito modo sed clara voce quae à fideli populo exaudi­atur, sacram oblationem & preces in sancto baptismate adhibitas celebrent, quo majore exinde devotione in depromendis Dei laudibus audientium animi efferantur: Ita enim & Divus Apostolus docet prima ad Corinthios Epistola. We command that all Bishops and Priests ce­lebrate the holy oblation, and the Prayers added to the holy Baptism, not with a low, but with a clear voice, which may be understood by the faithfull People, that thereby the minds of the hearers be raised with a greater devotion to set forth the praises of the Lord God. For thus the Apostle teacheth in the first Epistle to the Corinthians. This Imperial Law is found in the Greek exemplaries of Haloander, and is alledged at large by Cassander a Divine of Collen, and is acknowledged by Cardinal Bellarmine in the 2. Book of the Mass 12. chap. Wherefore the fraud and perversity of those that have rased it out of the Latine versions of the Novels of Justinian, is to be detested.

To this Law Bellarmine answereth, that it belongs not to an Emperour to give Laws concerning sacred things. But if that Novel is not received for a Law, at least it is a witness of the custom of the Church in the Roman Empire, untill the time of that Emperour, who died about the year of Christ, 565.

Bellarmine saith also, that this commandment was made only to the Greek Churches: but Bellarmine could not be ignorant that the City of Rome, and the Bishop of the same were at that time under the subjection of the Emperour Ju­stinian: which appeareth in the same Novel, in which the Bishop of Rome is taxed [Page 821] by the Emperour in four thousand crowns for the entry of his charge, and the other Patriarchs in three thousand; for in those days the Bishops of the princi­pal Sees paid the Annuat unto the Emperour: And the same Emperour created two Bishops of Rome, Sylverius and Vigilius.

Truly this text of St. Paul of 1 Cor. 14. whereby he condemneth the use of strange languages in the Church, doth so vex our adversaries, that some of the most conscionable among them freely condemn their cause in this point.

Nicholas de Lyra in his Notes upon this chapter speaks thus,Hic con­sequenter i­dem ostendit in oratione publica, quia si populus intel­ligat oratio­nem sen bene­dictionem Sa­cerdotis, me­lius reduci­tur in Deam, et devotius respondet A­men. Here conse­quently the Apostle sheweth the same of publick prayer, because if the people under­stand the prayer or blessing of the Priest, he is the better brought unto God, and an­swereth Amen more devoutly. Again, If the Priest blesseth in Spirit, that is, not being understood by the people, what good doth that to the simple people that un­derstand not?

Anselmus whom the Pope hath Sainted, in his Exposition upon this chapter,Bonum est quod lo­qucris, sed alter non aedi­ficatur in ver­bis tuis quae non intelligit. Ideo cum ad Ecclesiam propter aedifi­cationem con­veniatis, ea d [...]bent in Ec­clesia dici quae in [...]elli­gantur homi­nibus, et prae­stent aedifica­tionem audi­entibus. That which thou sayest is good; but another is not edified by thy words which he understands not. Wherefore since you meet in the Church for edification, things must be said in the Church which may be understood by men, and that bring edi­fication to the hearers.

Thomas, the Prince of Schoolmen, in his Comment upon this first Chapter of the Apostle, in the fourth Lesson is brought to such a perplexity about this Text, that in the end he is brought to say, that this command of the Apostle was good for the Primitive Church, but that now it is practised no more, because the faith­full are better instructed:Sed qua­re non dantur benedictiones in vulgari, ut intell gantur à populo et conforment se magis eis? R. Dicendum est quod hoc forte fuit in Ecclesia pri­mitiva, sed postquam fi­deles instructi sunt et sciunt quae audiunt in communi officio, fiunt benedictiones in Latino. Why (saith he) are not the blessings given in the vul­gar tongue, that the people may understand them, and conform themselves better unto them? His answer is, that perhaps it was done so in the Primitive Church; but after that the faithfull have been instructed, and know the things which they hear in the ordinary Service, the blessings are done in Latine. In the fifth Lesson he saith, that in the Antient Church it would have been a folly to pray in a Lan­guage not understood, because then men were rude, but that now all are in­structed. Wherein he is very wide of the truth; for never was the people more ignorant then it was in the Age of Thomas, and the two following Ages. Even in our Age, in which Scripture is brought to the sight of the world, and humane Letters are flourishing, scarce of a hundred men in the Roman Church ten are to be found that know what is contained in the Mass, or that do so much as to enquire about it. Harding in the 3. Article of his Dispute against Jewel in the 30. Section, hath followed the impiety of Thomas, speaking thus,Quod autem Divus Paulus morem precandi lingua in Ecclesia tanquam fructus et aedificationis expertem improbare videtur, et quinque verba aut sententias intellectas et perceptas ex quibus reliquus populus instituatur, decem millibus peregrino et incognito sermone pronuntiatis anteponere; ista omnia ad illorum temporum conditionem referenda sunt, quae hodierno Ecclesiae statui longe dissimilis est. As for that it seemeth that St. Paul condemneth the custom of praying in [unknown] Language in the Church, as being void of fruit and edification, and referreth five words or sentences understood, whereby the peo [...]le be instructed, unto ten thousand pronounced in an unknown and strange Language; all these things must be referred to the condition of those times which is far different from the condition of the Church in our days. Mark the impiety and audaciousness of the man which cuts down the authority of Gods word at the root. For if it be permitted unto men to say, This Law was in the beginning, and so they taught in the Apostles time, but now it is altered, and the Church being better instructed doth otherwise; What remain­eth but to alter wholly the word of God, and to give unto the Pope the autho­rity of abrogating Divine Laws, and pulling God from his throne to raise the Pope above God.

Cardinal Cajetan was ashamed of that; for in his Comment upon the 14. chap. of the first Epistle to the Corinthians he speaketh, as wishing that Latine were banisht out of the publick service, and that the Service were made in the vulgar tongue.Ex hac Pauli doctrina habetur quod melius ad aedificationem Ecclesiae est orationes publicas quae audiente populo dicuntur dici lingua communi clericis et populo, quam dici Latine. By this doctrine of St. Paul (saith he) it is gathered, that it is better [Page 822] for the edification of the Church to have the publique prayers (which are said in the hearing of the people) said in the common tongue, both to the Clergy and the peo le, then said in Latine. This is indeed a notable confession, from a Cardinal so eminent, and of such authority in the Roman Church.

CHAP. VI. The same is proved by the example of the Church of the Old Testa­ment.

BY all that we said of this question it is evident, that we have the word of God, reason, and the confession of our Adversaries on our side. To which we must add the example of the ancient Church, both of the Old and the New Testament, which must be our rule.

I. To take the matter from the beginning, God gave his Law in an intelli­gible tongu [...], and the form of prayers and blessings which God prescribed unto Aaron to use in publick, were in the vulgar tongue of Gods people. Such pray­ers and blessings we read, Numb. 6.23. and in the following verses, and in the 10. ch. ver. 35. and 36. And the form of thanksgiving in the offering of the first fruits, Deut. 26.3. And the form of prayer after the paying of the tythes in the third year, Deut. 26.13. In a word, all the publick prayers which were done by the Priests, or by the people, were done in a tongue understood by the peo­ple. And David gave Psalms unto the people, which were sung in the Temple with instruments of Musick in Hebrew, the vulgar tongue of Israel.

II. Under the captivity of Babylon, the Hebrew tongue degenerated from its purity. Yet that alteration was not so great, but that Hebrew in which Mo­ses and the Prophets have written was understood by the Jews. Not only because the people exercised themselves in the reading and hearing of these books both in private houses, and in the Synagogues every Sabbath; but also because the corruption was not so great, but that the common people understood Hebrew easily, because of the proximity between Hebrew and the vulgar Jewish tongue. Wherefore also in the New Testament, the Jewish tongue is often called the He­brew tongue, as Matth. 27.33. where Golgotha, which is a word of the Jewish tongue, is said to be an Hebrew word: whereas the right Hebrews said Golgoleth that is, the skull: And Joh. 19.19. It is said that Gahbatha, in Hebrew, signifieth Pavement, although Gabbatha be a Syrian word. That the Jews after their re­turn from the captivity of Babylon understood Hebrew, and the text of the books of the Law, it appears by the 8. chapter of Nehemiah, in the 2. verse, where it is said, that Ezra the Priest brought the Law before the congregation of men and women, and of those that were capable to hear. And it is added that Ezra read in the book before the men and the women, and those that could understand, and the ears of all the people were attentive unto the book of the Law. The vul­gate version agreeth to this, Et legit in libro aperte, in platea, &c. & aures om­nis populi erant arrectae ad librum. And a little after, Et legerunt in libro legis distincte & aperte ad intelligendum, & intellexerunt cum legeretur, that is, They read in the book of Gods law distinctly and openly to understand it, and they understood the reading. That is not done in the Roman Church, in which the Deacon reads the Gospel, and the Sub-Deacon the Epistle, in Latine, before wo­men, peasants, and tradesmen, who understand nothing in it, and by conse­quence cannot be attentive unto it.

The exposition which the Levites added unto that reading, of which the following Texts speak, was not to expound the terms of the Law in another [Page 823] tongue, but to expound the sense, as Nicolas de Lyra acknowledgeth upon Nehem. 8.Esdras legit in eo aperte, id est intelligibiliter declarando ea quae videban­tur obscura. Ezra read in the Book, openly, that is intelligibly, declaring the things which seemed obscure.

III. Joseph. [...], cap. 12. [...], &c. Josephus in the 12. and 16. Ch. of the Book of the Empire of rea­son, describeth the martyrdom of the seven brethren, and of their mother by the cruelty of King Antiochus Epiphanes, and saith that the mother exhorteth her children, the youngest especially, to dye constantly for Gods Law, and that she spake to them in Hebrew, that she might not be understood by Antiochus who was a Grecian. And since she spake so to the youngest, it appeareth, that then among the Jews, women and children spake Hebrew.

IV. Luke 4.16, &c. the Lord Jesus being in the Synagogue of Nazareth, takes the Book of the Prophet Isaiah, and reads before the People a long Text of that Prophet; Then he adds, This day is this Scripture fulfilled in your ears; which words shew, that the assistants had well understood the words of that Text. Is it credible, that in the Synagogues of the Jews they read Scripture in a language not understood, seeing that in the Scriptures God speakes to the people that he may be understood?

V. Acts 22.2. The Apostle Paul makes a speech to the Jews in Hebrew, And when they heard that he spake in the Hebrew tongue to them, they kep, the more silence, Which they had not done if they had not understood it. And the Apostle would not have spoken to the common people in a language which they understood not. As also the rest of the Chap. the 12 verse especially, sheweth that the Jews un­derstood it very well.

CHAP. VII. That the Antient Christian Church over all the world used an intelligible tongue in the publick Service.

HEre we have all the antient Church on our side. It is a thing out of questi­on and testified by the Antients, that every Country and Nation, even the most barbarous, had the Holy Scripture translated in the Vulgar tongue, that the people might get instruction by the reading of the same: Chrysostom 1. Hom. upon John speaks thus. [...]. The Syrians, the Egyptians, the Indians, the Persi­ans, the Ethiopians, and other infinite Nations, having translated in their tongues the doctrines propounded by this [John], being barbarous, have learned to discourse like Philosophers.

Theodoret in the fifth Sermon of the way of correcting the indispositions of the Grecians, [...], &c. Hebrew was not only translated into Greek, but also in the tongue of the Romans, Egyptians, Persians, Indians, Amenians, Scythians, and even of Po­lonians; and in a word, into all languages which Nations use in our dayes.

Quorum translationem diligentissime emendatam olim linguae meae hominibus dederim. Hierome hath translated the Bible into the Dalmatick tongue, as himself testifieth in the Epistle to Sophronius.

Austin in the Book of Christian Doctrine, ch.Ex quo factum est ut etiam Scriptura divina quo tantis morbis humanarum voluntatum subvenitur, ab una lingua profecta, quae opportune potuit per totum orbem disseminari per varias interpretum linguas longe lateque diffusa innotesceret Gentibus ad futurum. 5. Whence it came to pass that the holy Scripture which is the cure of so many sicknesses of mens will, having begun to be set forth in a tongue which might opportunely be dispersed over all the World, was spread far and wide, and made known to the Nations unto salvation, by the means of the several languages of Interpreters.

Ʋlfilas a Goth Bishop, translated the holy Scripture into the Gothick tongue, asSozom. [...]. Sozomenus witnesseth in the 6 Book of his History, ch. 37.

It appeareth, that the holy Scriptures were very common among the common [Page 824] people, since Hierom in his Epistle to Laeta, exhorts her to exercise her daughter Paula to read the holy Scriptures; And commendeth Fabiola Deus bo­ne, quo illa fervore, quo studio intenta orat divinis voluminibus! for her assi­duity in the lecture of sacred Books, especially the Prophets, the Evangelists, and the Psalms. Thus Chrysostom in the 3. Hom. upon Lazarus, and 2. Hom. upon Matthew, and in the third Homily upon the second Epistle to the Thessalo­nians, and in many other places exhorteth the Tradesmen, the women, and the unlearned to read often and carefully the holy Scriptures.

The Epistle to the Virgin Demetrias which is the 141. among Austins Epistles, ch. 23.Ita Scrip­turas sanctas lege ut semper memineris Dei illa verba esse. So read the holy Scriptures, that thou remember alwaies that they are the Word of God.

Athan. Tom. 2. p. 249. adver­sus cos qui nec quaeren­dum nec lo­quendum de [...]criptura praecipiunt. Edit. Commet. [...]. Athanasius in the second Tome, pag. 249. saith that Hereticks disswade the People from the Scriptures, saying that they are not accessible; But in effect, that they may avoid to be convinced by them.

All that presupposeth that Scripture in the vulgar tongue was in the hands of the people; for otherwise the exhortation to read it would have been vain and unsincere. Scripture was then read in the Church in a language understood by the people, as it appeareth by those frequent words in the Homilies of Greek and Latin Fathers, As it was read to you this day. It would have been a great absur­dity to call upon the people to remember the reading of words which they under­stood not.

In vita S. Martini. Inter Episco­pos qui assue­rant praecipue Defensor quidam nomi­ne dicitur re­stitisse, &c. Nam cum fortuito lector cui legendi eo die officium erat interclu­sum, à populo defuisset, tur­batis Mini­stris, dum ex­pectatur qui non aderat, unus è cir­cumstantibus sumpto Psal­terio quem primum ver­sum invenit arripuit: Psalmus au­tem hic erat, Ex ore infan­tium, &c. Sulpitius Severus relateth, that one called Defensor, opposed the reception of Martin into the Office of Bishop, saying that he was a nasty base fellow; But that one day in the Deacons absence some of the people taking the Psalter began to read in the Church the 8. Psalm, where it is said, Out of the mouth of babes and sucklings hast thou ordained strength, because of thine enemies, that thou mightest still the enemy and the avenger. What we translate the avenger, the La­tin version then read in the Church calls the Defensor. At the reading of that word Defensor, the whole people did shout aloud against Defensor, Martins ad­versary, as if that place of Scripture had been intended and read against him by Gods providence.

Our Adversaries themselves acknowledge, that in the Church of the Apostles, and many Ages after, the Service and the Prayers were made in a language un­derstood by the people. Lyranus upon 1 Cor. 14. In primitiva Ecclesia benedi­ctiones & caetera omnia fiebant in vulgari. In the Primitive Church the blessings and all other things were done in the vulgar tongue. We heard before how Aquinas and Harding acknowledge, that in the antient Church they prayed in a language that was understood; but (say they) that use was good for that time, and that custome was altered since because men are better instructed.

Lactantius in the third Book of Divine Institutions, ch. 20. laughs at the Pa­gans hiding their mysteries unto the people, for fear of being laughed at if their fopperies were known.Hinc fida silentia sacris instituta sunt ab hominibus callidis ut populus nesciat quid colat. Hence it is, saith he, that crafty men have instituted a sacred silence to be kept in the sacred Service, that the People may not know what they worship.

August. lib. de Ma­gistro c. 1. Quare non opus est locutione cum oramus, id est, sonantibus verbis, nisi forte sicut sacerdotes faciunt signifi­candae mentis causa, non ut Deus sed ut homines audiant. When we pray (saith Austin) there is no need of words, that is, of sounding words, unless it be perhaps as Priests do, to express their mind, not that God, but that men may hear them.

In the Council of Lateran held under Innocent the III. in the year 1215. in the ninth ch. this constitution is foundQuoniam in plerisque partihus intra eandem civitatem, otque diocesin permixti sunt populi diversarum linguarum habentes sub una fide varios ritus & mores, districte praecipi­mus ut Pontifices hujusmodi civitatum sine diooecesium provideant viros idoneos qui secundum diversitatem rituuum, & linguarum divina officia illis celebrent, et Ecclesiastca Sacramenta ministrent instruendo eos verbo pariter et exemplo. Because in most places in the same City or Diocess Nations of divers languages are mingled, having under the same Faith di­verse ceremonies and customs; we strictly command that the Bishops of such Cities or Diocesses provide fit men to celebrate unto them Divine Service, according to the [Page 825] diversity of ceremonies and tongues, and administer the Sacraments of the Church, instructing them by word and example. Here is a Council which our Adversaries put among the Universal, authorzed by the presence and approbation of such a famous Pope, which not only permitteth but also commandeth, that divine Service be celebrated in another language than Latin among Nations of divers languages. And note that he speaks of Nations divers in Langague, but agree­ing in the Faith. That one may not think that he speaketh only of the Grecians and Latins, which then were already of different belief and separated in commu­nion. And that not only in some few places, but in plerisque partibus, in most places.

Isidorus in the first Book of Ecclesiastical Offices, chap. 10.Est au­tem lectio non parva audi­entium aedifi­catio. Unde oportet ut quando Psal­litur, ab om­nibus psal­latur; cum oratur, oretur ab omnibus; quando lectio fit, facto silen­tio, aeque au­diatur à cun­ctis. Readi [...]g is not of smal edification to hearers; Wherefore when one saith the Psalter, all must say the Psalter; when prayer is said, all must pray; when the Lesson is read, all must hearken with silence.

Yet to this day in the Roman Church the Order of Reader is conferred by the Bishop pronouncing these words,Studete verba Dei, vi­delicet lectio­nes sacras di­stincte et aperte ad in­telligentiam et aedificatio­nem fidelium absque omni mendacio fal­sitatis profer­re, &c. qua­tenus audito­res vestros verbo pariter et exemplo vestro docere possitis. Study to pronounce the Words of God, that is, the sacred Lessons distinctly and openly to the intelligence and edification of the faithful, without any untruth of falseshood. And a little after, so that you may teach your hearers both by word and example. This is found in the Pontifical reformed by Pope Clement the VIII. in the Chapter of the Ordination of Rtaders. That Form of Ordination is more antient than the abuse which came since; and I wonder why that Pope having corrected many things in the Pontifical, did not cause that Clause to be put out, which driveth the Readers of the Roman Church into a per­jury; for they are obliged in their ordination so to read, that the faithful may understand their reading, and that they may edifie their Readers. For by making them read Scripture in Latin, they take away from them the means of fulfilling the promise which they made unto God.

Wherefore John Belet, as Cassander relateth in his Sum of Divine Offices, after he hath praised the custom of the antient Church, in which it was not permitted to say any thing in the Churh in unknown language without giving the interpre­tation, addeth,Quid au­tem in nostris temporibus est agendum, ubi nullus vel rarus inve­nitur legens vel audiens quod intelli­gat, videns vel agens quod animad­vertat? Jam videtur esse completum quod à Pro­pheta dicitur, Et erit sacer­dos quasi de populo unus. Videtur ergo potius esse ta­cendum quam psallendum, potius silen­dum quam tripudiandum. What must be done then in our time, when none is found, or ve­ry seldom, that either readeth or heareth that which he understands, or that seeth or doth that which he perceiveth? Now the Prophets saying seems to be fulfilled, The Priest shall be as one of the people. It seems then that it is better to be silent then to sing, and rather hold ones peace then to dance. So he derided the singing and the gesticulations of the Priest.

All the Churches of the World that are not subject unto the Pope, and some also that are subject unto him, are for us in this point. For in Greece the Service is said in Greek; and for a thousand years after Christ and more, the tongue of the Liturgy was the vulgar tongue. Now that by the domination of the Turk and the putting down of Schools the language is altered, yet the vulgar Greek is not so corrupted but that the Greek of the Liturgy is intelligible unto the people. And though it were otherwise, yet the example of antiquity, for the space of a thousand years and more, is more considerable then the corruption happened of late.

Cassiodorus who writ about the year 520, or 530. hath an excellent passage up­on this Subject upon the 44. Ps.Perscrutemur cur Ecclesia Dei de vestis varietate laudetur cui totum simplex convenit atque unum; Sed hic varietatem aut linguas multiplices significat, quia omnes gentes secundum suam patriam in Ecclesia psal­lunt ut authori virtutum pulcherrimam diversitatem demonstrent. Let us carefully search why the Church of God is praised for her raiment of divers colours, whereas all simplicity and unity is convenient to her. But this signifieth the variety or multiplicity of tongues, because all Nations say the Psalter in the Church according to the language of their Country, to shew to the author of vertues a most beautiful diversity.

Hardingus lib. de precibus linguae peregr. Sect. 38. Quae gentes preces publicas vernaculo semper sermone hahuerunt, &c. quales sunt Muscovitae, Armenii et Aethiopes, &c. Russianis, Moraviis aliis (que) quibusdam ante 600. abhinc annos permissum fuit ut Missam lingua Dalmatica celebrarent. Harding acknowledgeth, that the Muscovites, Armenians and Ethiopians, had [Page 826] alwaies their publick Prayers in their vulgar tongues; And that to the Russians and Moravians and other Nations, it was permitted six hundred years ago to have the Service in the Dalmatick tongue.

The Abyssine or Ethiopian Churches have their Service in the Ethiopick tongue, as Francis Alvarez a Portughes Monk testifieth, who lived seven years in the Court of the great Neguz of Ethiopia; Franc. Alvarez. hist. Ethiop. ch. 3. Et in tanto consecra nel­la sua lingua con le proprie nostre parole & non la li­cua. Et il medesi­mo fanel ca­lice et non l'atza. Dice sopra quello le proprie no­stre parole nella sua lin­gua. Then he consecrateth in his tongue with our very words, and makes no elevation. He doth the same of the chalice, and doth not elevate it; And saith upon it our very words in his tongue. Cassander in his Liturgica translated these words of Alvarez into Latin.

The same Cassander in the fifteenth ch. of the same Book alledgeth the Com­mentaries of Sigismundus Liber de rebus Muscoviticis, speaking thusIn singulis Templis uni­cum tantum altare, & in dies singulos unumquodque sacrum faci­endum pu­tant. Totum sacrum seu Missa gentili ac vernacula lingua apud illos peragi solet. The Muscovites have but one Altar in every Temple, and think that one celebration of the Sacrament must be done every day, and the whole Service or Mass useth to be done among them in the vulgar tongue.

Shortly, no Church and no Nation hath Divine Service in Latin, but such as are subject unto the Pope. Yea some Churches that acknowledge him, yet would not in this point conform themselves unto the example of the Roman Church.

Bellarmin in his recognitions of the Books de verbo Dei confesseth, that among the Moscovites, Armenians and Maronites, there are Roman Catholcks that have not the publick service in Latin.

The custom of the Antient Church both in the East and West, was, that the Priest and the People answered one another, the Priest saying Lift up your hearts, and the people answering We have them unto the Lord. The Priest saying The Lord be with you, and the people answering And with thy spirit, and every where answering to the Prayers of the Priest with a great noyse like a thunder, as it may be seen in the Liturgies attributed to Basil and to Chrysostome. Hierom in his Preface upon the second book on the Epistle to the Galathians saith, that at Rome Ad simi­litudinem coe­lestis tonitrui Amen reboat. the Amen of the People did sound like a thunder from heaven. Which Bellarmin acknowledgeth in the sixteenth chapter of the second book of the Word of God, Tunc quia Christi­ani erant pauci, omnes simul psalle­bant in Ec­clesia, & re­spondebant in divinis Offi­ciis: at postea crescente po­pulo divisa sunt magis officia, et so­lis Clericis relictum est ut communes preces et lau­des in Ecclesia peragant. Then (saith he) because Christians were in small number, all sung together in the Church, and answered one another in divine Offices. But since that time the people growing, the Offices were more divided, and it was refered unto the Clerks only to celebrate in the Church the Common Prayers and Praises. This he saith with his wonted truth; For he knew that the most populous Churches that ever were in the World, were the Churches of Constantinople and Rome in the fourth and fifth Ages, in which these answers of the people were used as well as in the small Churches, and where the whole service was done in the vulgar tongue. Neither was that dividing the Office or service when the Romanists brought the people to silence, and suffered none to speak but the Clerks.

I say then, that these answers of the people are an evident proof, that the peo­ple understood what the Pastour said; for how could they have answered words which they understood not? But this custom ceased in the Roman Church, when the people lost the intelligence of the divine Service. The Priest being become a Barbarian unto the people, the people also is become dumb and deaf unto the words of the Priest.

Hereupon it is good to consider the words of the Jesuite Salmeron, in his Comment upon 1 Cor. 14.Disp. 22. Sect. Ac Subdit. Ne benedicens sacerdos dicat, Ego quidem intelligo cum gratias ago peregrina lingua; respondet Apo­stolus, At alter non aedificatur, id est, inde nullam derivari aedificationem Ecclesiae cujus inprimis ratio habenda erat. Nam omnia tum ad aedificationem Ecclesia fieri solebant, ut docet Apostolus; ita ut nolit ullas preces publicas in Eccle­sia celebrari ignoto prorsus sermone. Lest that the Priest giving the blessing say, I un­derstand well what I say when I give thanks in a strange tongue, the Apostle answer­eth, but another is not edified thereby, that is, no edification thereby accreweth unto the Church, which ought to have been considered before all things. For then all things used to be done for the edification of the Church, as the Apostle teacheth; so that he will not have any Prayer to be done in the Church in a language altogether unknown. If such was the Apostles constitution, as this Jesuite acknowledgeth, [Page 827] who hath given power to the Pope to break it, and to prohibite the saying of di­vine service in vulgar tongues?Bellar. l. 2. de verbo Dei. c. 15. At Catholica. Prohibetur ne in publico & communi usu Ecclesiae Scripturae le­gantur vel canantur vulgaribus linguis. as Bellarmine acknowledgeth, that it is for­bidden to read or sing the Scriptures in the Church in a vulgar language. But if in the time of the Apostles all publick Prayers were to be said in a known tongue, because (saith Salmeron) all things were to be done for the edification and con­solation of the Church, have we not the same necessity in our dayes? and should the Pastours of the Church be less careful of the edification of the Church?

Wherefore when the Council of Trent Si quis dixerit lin­gua tantum vulgari Mis­sam celebrari debere, ana­thema sit. in the ninth Canon of the 22. Session doth thunder out Anathema's upon all that say, that the Eucharist which they term Mass, ought to be celebrated in the vulgar tongue, do they not in­volve the Apostle St. Paul, and the Prophets, and the Apostles, and the whole Ancient Church within that excommunication?

Sixtus Senensis in the sixth book of his Library, in the 263. Annotation, to confute Cardinal Cajetan, who saith, that publick Prayer ought rather to be said in a known language then in Latin, alledgeth Ambrosius de Compsa Miratus sum Cajeta­num non esse deterritum à fructu hu­jusmodi tra­ditionis quae primum à Lu­thero, immo à diabolo in Lu­thero loquen­te inventa est. who saith, that this tradition was invented by Luther, or rather by the Devil, who spoke in Luther. And yet Luther taught no other thing in this point, but what the Apostle himself taught, by the confession of our very Adversaries, as we proved before.

But Polydorus Virgilius a Learned man among our Aversaries, complaineth of the abuse practised in the Roman Church, saying,Polidor. Virgil. de In­ventor re­rum lib. 6. Cantores no­stri in templis nostris con­strepunt ut nihil praeter vocem audia­tur; et qui intersunt, ejusdem vo­cum concentu quo eorum au­res maxime calent, con­tenti, de vi verborum ni­hil curant. Unde ventum eo est ut om­nis divini cultus ratio in istis cantoribus sita esse videatur. Our singing men make a noyse in our Temples, so that nothing is heard but the voice, and the by-standers be­ing contented with the harmony of such voyces wherewith their ears are warmed, care not for the sense of the words; and so far we are gone, that among the people the whole Divine Service seems to consist in those singing-men; and that most people come to the Church to hear them as if they came to a stage for playes.

Yea Sixtus Senensis, in the forealledged place, after Ambrosius de Compsa, ac­knowledgeth, that very often in the Roman Church the Priests themselves under­stand not what they say.Illud potius vituperandum crat quod non solum qui supplent locum idiotae plerunque non intelligant quid oretur, verum etiam saepenumero nec ipsi presbyteri aut diaconi qui orant aut legunt. Not only (saith he) they that supply the place of the ignorant, understand not for the most part that which is said in the Prayer, but even the Priests themselves, or the Deacons that pray or read, very often understand it not, which is an abuse, &c.In his sixth book ch. 1. p. 1079. Cardinal du Perron could not dissemble this, say­ing, that if there be Churchmen that want learning or understanding, the fault lyeth upon them that ordain them. For he know well enough that the Coun­try is full of Priests that can hardly read, and are far from understanding Latin.

Estius a Doctor of Dovay in his Comment upon the fourteenth chap. of the first Epistle to the Corinthians, defends with all his strength the use of an unknown tongue in the publick service. Yet this Confession comes from him.Quamvis per se bonum sit ut divina officia celebrentur ea lingua quam plebs intelligat, id enim per se confert ad plebis aedificationem, ut bone probat hic locus. In it self it is a good thing that Divine Offices be celebrated in a language understood by the people; for this serveth of it self unto the edification of the people, as it is well pro­ved by thr Text of St. Paul. Wherefore Cajetans opinion being formally and abstract­ly considered, is true.

CHAP. VIII. Two causes that move the Pope and his Clergy to maintain the celebration of the Mass and of the ordinary Service in the Latin Tongue.

POpery is a bulk of doctrines and ceremonies built up with marvellous art: All the deepest craft of humane prudence was set on work to contrive and maintain it. No wonder then that the Apostle calls the structure of the Kingdom of the son of perdition, the mystery of iniquity.

In the point we have in hand, the Pope and his Clergy proposed to themselves two ends. The first is, to keep the people in ignorance, and use them to believe without knowing, to follow their leaders with blindfolded eyes, and to obey without inquiring. This is evident, in that the leaders of the Church were afraid that even the Latin should be too intelligible, and therefore they would have the principal parts of the Mass to be said with such a low murmur, that the voyce of the Priest cannot be heard. To the same end tends the prohibition of read­ing Scripture, and the Images, and the implicite Faith, and that Maxime that the Pope cannot err in the Faith. For in effect his Empire is grounded upon the blindness of the people, and the ignorance of the people is his strongest prop.

The second end of the Pope in establishing the Latin tongue in the publick Service, was, to plant the marks and standart of his Empire among the Nations which he had conquered. The custom of great Monarchs is to give their tongue to the Nations brought under their power, to tame them and inure them to their dominations. So did the Romans in Gaules and in Spain. And the King of Spain obligeth the Indians to speak Spanish; and those Indians being become Spaniards in language, become also Spaniards in affection. The Pope doth the same, giving to the Kingdoms which he hath subdued his tongue with his religion. The simple people believe that their Religion must be Roman as well as the tongue which is used in Religion, and that both Christian Faith and the Language come from the same place.

CHAP. IX. A third cause why they will not have the Mass to be understood by the people. Some clauses of the Mass which would offend the people if they were un­stood.

BUt the chief cause why the Pope will not have the Mass to be understood by all, is that the Mass contains many things which would either instruct or of­fend the people, if the people understood them.

For the Mass is full of Clauses, some of which are contrary to Popery, and are conformable with our Religion; Some evidently contrary to the doctrine of the Gospel, and some contrary to common sense.

I. For example, the People might be taught not to believe Merits, if they un­derstood the words of the Mass which condemn them, when the Priest prayeth that God receive us into the company of the Saints, non aestimator meriti, sed gra­tiae largitor, not weighing our merits, but granting us pardon.

II. Also the people being instructed to pray for the Souls of the dead that are frying in Purgatory, would be amazed to hear the Priest praying for the dead in these words,Memento etiam Domine famulorum et famularum tuarum, qui nos praecesse­runt cum sig­no fidei, et dormiunt in somno pacis. Lord remember thy servants and handmaids that went before us in the sign of Faith, and are sleeping in the sleep of Peace. He that hath given mo­ney to a Priest to recommend one of his friends in the Memento of the Mass, [Page 829] would say, I had given money for a soul which I thought to be tormented in a burning fire; but now I learn that my friends soul is laid down in a peaceable sleep. I will take heed another time of giving my money for a soul that is sleeping quietly.

III. Likewise the people being taught to believe, that after the consecrating words, the bread is transubstantiated into the Lords body, and that the thing which the Priest holds is no more bread, but the natural body of Christ, would be amazed to hear the Priest saying these words over the consecrated Host, Per quem [Christum] haec omnia Domine semper bona creas, sanctificas, vivificas, be­nedicis & praestas nobis. By which [Jesus Christ] O Lord, thou createst always all these goods, and sanctifiest them, and blessest them, and affordest them unto us. For they should find it very strange, that the Priest calls the body of Christ, all these goods. And that the Priest saith, that God createth always Jesus Christ, seeing that God createth only those things that were not before they were crea­ted, and that God createth no more the glorious body of his Son Jesus Christ. And that it is a great abuse to say that God creates always a thing that is always in its perfection. They would wonder that God quickeneth Christ always, as if God at every moment did raise him from the dead. Scruples would arise in the minds of the people, hearing the Priest saying these words unto God, Per Christum haec omnia bona creas & praestas nobis, Thou createst and affordest these goods to us by Christ. For he that hath some liberty of Judgement, would reason thus in himself, It must needs be acknowledged that these goods which the Priest hath before him, are not Christ himself, since God giveth them unto us by Christ. Neither doth God create and quicken Christ by Christ. Upon that any person of good sense would say, No doubt but that this prayer was said by the ancient Church in another sense; for every word is fit and proper to be said over a quantity of bread and wine set upon the Table, but not over the body of Christ.

IV. Neither would the people be less amazed, seeing the Priest offering unto God the consecrated Host in these wordsSuper quae propitio ac sereno vultu respi­cere digneris. Ʋpon which things be pleased to look with a propitious and serene face; For a man that hath his wits about him, would say, How comes this to pass, that Christs body, which is but one, is called, these things, as if Christ had many bodies? And what an abuse is this, that the Priest prayeth, that God will look upon his Son Jesus Christ with a propitious and serene face; as if he was afraid that Christ should not be acceptable unto his Fa­ther? or as if Christ had need of our recommendation to God to be accepted of him. For note that the Priest by these things, understands the Host which he hath in his hand, not the faith or the devotion, or the prayer of the people; as it appears by the words next before, where he saith, that he offereth unto God an immaculate Host, a holy bread, a cup of perpetual salvation; Then he addeth, Ʋpon which things, &c.

V. The people would not take lesse offence at the following wordsSupra quae propitio et sereno vultu respice­re digneris, et accepta ha­bere, sicut accepta habe­re dignatus es munera pueri tui justi Abel, et sa­crificium pa­triarchae no­stri Abrahae. Ʋpon which be pleased to look with a propitious and serene face, as thou wert pleased to accept the presents of thy righteous son Abel, and the sacrifice of our Patriach A­braham. For they would inquire what those presents were which Abel offered unto God; and finding that it was a Lamb or a Calf, they would be angry at the heart to hear that comparison whereby Christ is compared unto a beast; and whereby the Priest asketh of God, that the body of Christ be as acceptable unto him as a Bullock or a Lamb offered by Abel; for we have already shewed that by these things he understands the consecrated Host and Cup, which he compa­reth with the presents of Abel, not our faith and devotion with that of Abel.

VI. The like matter of scandal should be found in the following words, in which the Priest addeth,Supplices te rogamus, Omnipotens Deus, jube hac perferri per manus sancti Ange­li tui in sub­lime altare tuum, in con­spectu divinae Majestatis tuae. We humbly beseech thee Almighty God, command these things to be carried by the hands of thy holy Angel, to thy high altar, in the presence of thy Divine Majesty. This indeed is sufficient to offend a mind that hath some clearness of judgement. What? (may he say) Do we ask of God [Page 830] that the Angel come and take the Host from the Priests hands? Must the eternal Son of God be presented to his Father by an Angel? Doth he stand in need of the mediation of Angels to be acceptable unto his Father? Or if the Priest pray that the Angel come, and take the Host from his hands, why doth he eat it pre­sently after these Words? Why doth he not stay for the Angels coming? He seemeth to be afraid to have his prayer granted. Besides when he calls Christ these things, he speaks manifestly against his knowledge and intention; for Christ is not these things, but one person.

And here one may have here again the same thought as before; That these prayers are good, being said over Alms, and over a quantity of bread and wine not transubstantiated, laid upon the table according to the custom of the anci­ent Church; but are absurd being spoken of Christ. Doubtless thes [...] prayers, more ancient then the doctrine of Transubstantiation, have lost their first signifi­cation by the change of the doctrine.

VII. The following words give the like subject of offence, when the Priest addeth, Ʋt quotquot ex hac Altaris participatione sacrosanctum filii tui corpus sumserimus, That as many of us as shall take by the participation of thine altar the sacred body of thy Son. For to what purpose is that language when no body par­ticipates? Seeing that in most Masses the Priest eats alone, and in all Masses drinks alone? and that in private Masses no body is present? and yet the Priest speaks as if many had received.

VIII. Also the words, whereby they hold that the consecration is made, might give offence; for they are said only recitative, that is, in a form of relation, as when an History is related. As Gabriel Biel observeth in the 48. Lesson upon the Canon of the Mass, saying, that the Priest pronounceth these things, non enuntiative sed recitative, not by form of enuntiation, but of relation. Where­as the Roman Church will have these words to be said effectively, as if God by them declared that he will have this bread to become flesh. When God said, Let the light be, and let the earth bring forth herbs, &c. these words were effective and operative, and brought forth light and plants; But he that relates that God said, Let the light be, doth not bring forth light. Yet the Priests words are but a bare relation of that Christ said: The Priests words are theseQui pri­die quam pa­teretur acce­pit panem in sanctas et venerabiles manus suas, et elevatis oculis in coe­tum ad te Deum Pa­trem suum Omnipoten­tem tibi gra­tias agens be­nedixit, fre­git, deditque Discipulis suis, dicens Accipite et manducate ex hoc omnes, Hoc est enim corpus meum. Who (that is Christ) the day before he suffered, took the bread in his holy and venerable hands, and lifting up his eyes unto thee, his Father Almighty, giving thee thanks, blessed, brake, and gave to his Disciples, saying, Take, and eat of it you all; For this is my body. All that is but a bare relation which cannot have any effective vertue: Which is confirmed by these words, Accipite, manducate: whereby it is evident that the Apostle expresseth not what he doth, or will do, but only what Christ hath done; for ordinarily when the Priest pronounceth these words, there is no body that takes or eats after the Priest, and private Masses are without Com­municants.

IX. Perhaps also some one of the people more curious then his fellows, ha­ving made bold to look into the holy Scripture, might observe, that the Apostle Paul, 1 Cor. 11.24. affirmeth that Christ said, This is my body which is broken for you, and upon that by a curiosity, which is now held the way to heresie, would inquire why the Priest leaveth out these words, which is broken for you; For they are words that decide the difference, It being evident that as the Lords Body in the Eucharist is not really broken, but Sacramentally; also the Lords body is not really but Sacramentally in the Priests hands. No reason can be given why these words, which is broken for you, should be a Sacramental and figurate expression, and the words, This is my body, should be taken otherwise; for it is certain, that the bread of the Sacrament is in the same manner the body of Christ, as the body of Christ is broken in that Sacrament. Now the body of Christ is not really broken in it; then the body of Christ is not really in the same. But Satan did labour to stop that window, by which such a clear light comes unto us, having taken away that word out of the Bibles of the Roman Church, where in­stead of frangitur there is tradetur: instead of is broken, they have put, shall be delivered.

[Page 831]X. From the bread the Priest comes to the cup, and relates the words of the Lord, saying that Christ having taken the Cup, said, Accipite, Bibite ex eo omnes, Hic est enim calix sanguinis mei novi & aeterni Testamenti, mysterium fidei; that is, Take, drink all of it; for this is the cup of my blood of the New and eternal Te­stament, a mysterie of faith. Here also there are many subjects of offence: For since the Priest witnesseth, that Christ said, Drink ye all of it: why is it the priviledge of Priests and Kings only to drink the Cup? If to Kings and Priests only that word drink is directed, the same must be said of the word eat; for these words are directed unto the same persons. By that reason none but Priests and Kings must eat in the Sacrament. Besides, the Apostles being in Christs Company, did not in that action keep the rank of Pastors, but of sheep and disciples. Wherefore the Apostle will have the people of Corinth to examine themselves, and so eat of this bread, and drink of this cup.

XI. In this especially these words give matter of offence, that the words of the Mass are found neither in Saint Paul, nor in any of the Evangelists. St. Paul relateth that the Lord said, This cup is the New Testament in my blood, do this in remembrance of me: Excellent words; For these words, This is my body, and these, This cup is the New Testament, must be understood in the same manner. Now neither a Cup, nor that which is within it is really a Testament, but Sacra­mentally, and in signification; no more then is the bread (which they call the Host) really the body of Christ, but Sacramentally, and in signification. Wherefore that this might not be perceived, the words of the Lord were changed in the Text of the Mass: For instead of these words, This cup is the New Testament, the Priest saith, This is the cup of my blood of the New and eternal Testa­ment.

XII. To the same end, instead of these words, Do this in remembrance of me, the Priest saith, a mysterie of faith, which is a strange depravation, done purposely because the word remembrance expounds these words, This is my body, namely that the bread is called the Lords body, because it is the remembrance of it, according as Scripture nameth signs and commemorations, with the name of things signified.

XIII. Here is another subject of scruple and scandal which the people should receive, if the Mass were said in a known tongue: For long before the words, which they call consecrating words, there are prayers in the Mass, in which the bread not consecrated is called the sacrifice, and the immaculate Host offered un­to God for the sins of the living and the dead in these words,Suscipe hanc immacu­latam hostiam quam ego in­dignus famu­lus tuus of­fero tibi Deo meo vivo pro innumerabili­bus peccatis & offensioni­bus et negli­gentiis meis, & pro omni­bus circum­stantibus, sed & pro omni­bus fidelibus Christianis vivis atque defunctis. Receive this immaculate host, which I thine unworthy servant offer unto thee my living and true God, for my innumerable sins, and offences, and negligences, and for all that stand about me, but also for all the faithfull Christians, both living and dead: The like things he saith over the Cup, not consecrated. All that is full of difficulties; for the bread not consecrated, is not the same Host as that which is consecrated, which they say to be the true body of Christ. By this means two Hosts of divers nature, and two sorts of sacrifice are in the Mass; and that which is most strange, and of hardest digestion, is; that the Priest offereth bread not consecrated unto God in Sacrifice for satisfaction for his sins, which is giving a piece of bread for payment for our sins, and for the price of our redemption.

Bellar. l. 2. de Missa c. 17. Sect. Offertorium. Quinque illae orationes, Suscipe sancte Pater, &c. Offerimus tibi Domine, &c. Veni sanctificator, &c. In Spiritu, humilitatis, &c. Suscipe sancta Trinitas, &c. neque antiquae admodum sunt, neque in Roma in Ecclesia ante quin­gentes annos legebantur. Bellarmine in the second Book of the Mass, 17. chap. seemeth to be angry with these Collects; for he saith, that they are not very antient, and that be­fore five hundred years, they were not said in the Roman Church. Now there are five Collects or Prayers together of the same nature in that part of the Mass which they call the Offertory, which this famous Cardinal made bold to accuse of novelty, and observeth that Innocent the third, who writ of the Mass in the year 1214. makes no mention of them.

That by these prayers the Priest maketh an oblation, and offereth a sacrifice of bread not consecrated, Bellarmine doth acknowledgk it in the 1. Book of the Mass, 27. chap. saying,Bellarm. cap. 27. Sect. prima. Negari non debet panem et vinum ali­quo modo in Missa offerri, et proinde pertinere ad rem quae sa­crificatur. Hac proposi­tio patet pri­mum ex ipsa Liturgia. Nam cum ante cou­secrationem dicimus Su­scipe sancte Pater hanc immaculatam hostiam, certe pronomen Hanc demon­strat ad sen­sum id quod tunc manibus tenemus: Id autem pants est. Et simi­les sunt in Liturgia non paucae senten­tiae, quae pa­nem offerri manifestis­sime demon­strant. We must not deny that bread and wine are in some sort offered in the Mass. This appeareth first by the Liturgie it self. For when we say before the Consecration Suscipe Sancte Pater hanc immaculatam hostiam, Receive O Father, this immaculate Host, this word Hanc sensibly demonstrateth that which we hold in our hands: Now it is bread that we hold. In the Liturgie (so he calls the Mass) there are many sentences which shew manifestly that bread is offered. Here is then in the Mass an Host offered in Sacrifice for the sins of the living and the dead, which is not the body of Christ, but bread not consecrated.

But as for that Bellarmine saith, that these prayers are new, and brought in since five hundred years, he saith true in some sort. It is true that it is a very late custom to sacrifice bread not consecrated unto God for the sins of men; but to call the bread and wine of the holy Communion which the people brought, and which the Pastor offered unto God, Sacrifices and holy oblations, is a very an­cient custom, and a prayer conformable unto the word of God, which calls Alms and Prayers, and all holy actions, sacrifices.

Bellarm. ibid. Sect. Deinde. Ve­teres Patres passim ita tra­dunt. Irenae­us l. 4. c. 32. dicit Ecclesi­am offerre Deo sacrifi­cium ex crea­turis, id est ex pane & vino. Cyprianus, l 2. Epist. 3. dicit Christum obtulisse cali­cem patri vi­no & aqua mistum. Et in Sermone de Eleemosyna reprehendens divites foeminas quae non adferebant panem consecran­dum, Locuples (inquit) & dives in Dominicum sine sacrificio venis, & partem de sacrificio quod pauper obtulit su­mis. Ʋbi per sacrificium panem intelligit qui per sacerdotes Deo sacrificandus erat.The Fathers of the first Ages speak so. Thus Ireneus in the fourth book, 32. ch. saying, that the Church offereth unto God a sacrifice of his creatures, that is, bread and wine. And in the Sermon of Alms, rebuking rich women that brought no bread to the Church for the consecration, he saith to them, Thou rich and wealthy woman that comest to the Lords Supper without a Sacrifice, that takest part of the sacrifice which the poor hath offered. Where it is evident that by the Sacrifice he understands the Sacrifices of not consecrated bread and wine, brought by the people; As the same Cardinal freely acknowledgeth in the same place.

But that which is most express in this matter, is, that the Priest upon Christmass day addeth,Oblata Domine munera nova unigeniti tui nativitate sanctifica. O Lord, sanctifie by the new birth of thine only Son the gifts which we have offered unto thee. He speaketh of an oblation ready made, and yet this is said before the consecration.

The title of the 24. Canon of the third Council of Carthage is suchVt in sacrificio tantum panis et calix offeratur. That in the sacrifice nothing be offered but the bread and the cup. And there is in the Text of the Canon;Ibid. In Sacramentis cor­poris et sanguinis Domini nihil amplius offeratur quam ipse Dominus tradidit, hoc est panis et vinum aqua mixtum. Nec amplius in sacrificiis offeratur quam ex uvis et frumentis. In the Sacraments of the body and blood of the Lord, let no­thing be offered but what the Lord himself hath instituted, that is, bread and wine mixt with water. And that nothing more be offered in the Sacrifices, but that which comes out of grapes and corn.

XV. That which followeth, would make as deep an impression in the minds of the people, as any thing that we spake of before, and would lay open the errors of the Mass, were it pronounced with a loud voice, and in the vulgar tongue. The Priest beginning the Mass, saith his Confiteor, which runs thus,Consiteor Deo Omnipotenti, Beatae Mariae semper Virgini, Beato Johanni Baptistae, Sanctis Apostolis Petro & Paulo, omnibus Sanctis, & vobis, fratres, quia peccavi nimis cogitatione, verbo, opere; Mea culpa, Mea culpa, mea maxima culpa. Ideo precor Beatam Mariam semper Virgin [...]m, Beatum Michaelem Archangelum, Beatum Johannem Baptistam, sanctos Apostolos Petrum & Paulum, omnis Sanctos, et vos fratres, orate pro me ad Dominum Deum nostrum. I con­fess unto God Almighty, to the blessed Mary, always Virgin, to the blessed John the Baptist, to the holy Apostles Peter and Paul, to all the Saints, and to you brethren, that I have sinned too much in thought, word and deed: My fault, my fault, my most great fault. Wherefore I beseech thee Blessed Mary, always Virgin, the blessed Michael the Archangel, the blessed John the Baptist, the holy Apostles Peter and Paul, all the Saints, and you brethren, to pray for me to the Lord our God. In this Con­fession, the Priest confesseth his sins to the dead, contrary to all the examples of prayers and confessions that are found in Scripture, which are all made unto [Page 833] God alone. For God alone we have offended. Tibi soli peccavi, Psal. 51.6. Against thee, thee only have I only sinned. Wherefore God alone can forgive us our sins; And he alone heareth the prayers of the heart, because he alone knoweth the hearts of men, 2 Chron. 6.30.Ut cum altari assisti­tur, semp [...]r ad Patrem diri­gatur oratio. Observe that by the 23. Canon of the III. Council of Carthage it is expressely forbidden to address any prayer in the Eucharist to another then the person of the Father, permitting not so much as to pray to the Person of the Son. Much less then would those Fathers have suffered that in the Eucharist Prayers should have been offered unto Saints and Angels.

XVI. But that which is worst in that Confession, is, that the Priest calleth up­on the Archangel Michael, John the Baptist, Peter and Paul, &c. to be his in­tercessors towards God, without speaking one word of Christs intercession, who yet ascended into heaven purposely to make intercession for us; the Apostle teach­eth us, Rom. 8.34. and we learn of St. John, 1 John 2.1, and 2. that we have an Advocate with the Father, Jesus Christ the righteous, and he is the propitiation for our sins. Thus in the Letanies they say to every Saint Ora pro nobis, but to Christ Miserere nobis, depriving him of the Office of Intercessor.

XVII. If the Mass were said in French or Spanish, should not the people be offended, hearing the people saying in the beginning of the Mass,Oramus te Domine per merita San­ctorum, quo­rum reliquiae hic sunt, ut indulgere dig­neris omnia peccata mea. We be­seech thee Lord by the merits of the Saints whose relicks are here, that thou be plea­sed to pardon all my sins? What? (might the people say) Must the Lords Table be changed into a Sepulcher? Is the Mass said over dead mens bones? And why do they ask salvation by the merits of Saints, as if Christ had not satisfied enough for us? or as if to obtain remission of sins there was need that men, that were sin­ners and stood in need of pardon, should deserve for us the remission of our sins? To what purpose is that payment for debts already payed, and for which Christ hath fully satisfied? If the Saints have merited any thing, God by giving them eternal salvation hath more then sufficiently payed them for their merits. It is unjust to re­quire that the same money serve to make two purchases, when it was hardly suffi­cient to make the first. Besides, we were told that the Saints are not Mediatours of redemption, but only of intercession; but now we see that the Mass speaks of them as of mediatours of redemption, affirming that they have merited for us sal­vation and remission of sins.

XVIII. Did the people know that among those Saints whose bones are set under the Altar, and to whose merits the Priest hath his recourse, there are ma­ny whose holiness is very doubtful, although the Pope hath put them in the list of the Saints, with a command to bestow invocation upon them; that most part of those relicks are false and supposititious; And that many of those Saints never were men, but imaginary persons and forged at pleasury,See the Buckler of the Faith of this Author, in the ch. of Invocation of Saints. as we have shewed in other places; I say, could the people see all this abuse which is kept hid in the dark, they should be amazed at their religion, and would groan under the yoak of their hard captivity.

XIX. Also they should have a just subject of offence in the Priests saying in private and solitary Masses, Orate fratres, &c. Pray brethren. For who are these brethren that he speaks to being alone? Pope Innocent the III. in the second book of the mysteries of the Mass, ch. 25. answers,Pie cre­dendum est et sacris autho­ritatibus com­probatur, quod Angeli comi­tes assistant orantibus. that these brethren are Angels. But the following words contradict that, Brethren, pray that my sacrifice and yours be acceptable unto Almighty God; for this Sacrifice is not made for Angels nor by Angels. Besides, if these words Brethren pray, are addrest unto Angels, these words also take eate, are addrest unto them, and we must believe that in solita­ry Masses Angels are present to eat.

XX. But what would the people say hearing these words of the Canon of the Masse, Communicantes & memoriam venerantes imprimis gloriosae semperque Vir­ginis Mariae, Communicating and venerating, in the first place, the memory of the glorious Mary alwaies Virgin? Why should the Priest say communicating in the plural number, when no body communicates? But who can suffer that the Com­munion of the holy Sacrament be done in the first place to honour the memory of the Virgin Mary, seeing that the institution of the Lords Supper by Christ him­self [Page 834] sheweth expresly, that it was instituted in memory of Christ, who saith Do this in remembrance of me? It seemeth they would have Christ to have said, Do this in the first place in remembrance of my Mother. We must speak of the holy and blessed Virgin with all respect and reverence, but we must not alter for her the nature of the Lords Supper, nor turn it from the true end of the same; For it was instituted to announce the Lords death, not to announce the death of the holy Virgin, seeing that she did not suffer for our redemption.

XXI. It would have been some comfort to the hearers, if the Priest having said that the Communion is done in the first place to honour the memory of the Blessed Virgin, had added, that it is also in memory of Christ. But that he omitteth; for these are the Priests words;Commu­nicantes & memoriam ve­nerantes, in­primis glorio­sae semperque Virginis Ma­riae Genitricis Dei et Domi­nini nostri Jesu Christi, sed et beato­rum Aposto­lorum ac Martyrum tu­orum, Petri, Pauli, &c. Lini. Cleti, Clementis, &c. Cosmae, Da­miani & om­nium Sancto­rum tuorum, Quorum me­ritis precibus­que rogamus ut in omnibus protectionis tuae munia­mur auxilio, per eundem Christum, &c. Communicating and venerating in the first place the memory of the glorious and alwaies Virgin Mary, Mother of our God and Lord Jesus Christ, but also of the holy Apostles and Martyrs, Peter, Paul, &c. Linus, Cletus, Clemens, &c. Cosme and Damian, and of all thy Saints. By whose merits and Prayers we beseech thee, that in all things we may be fenced with the help of thy protection by the same Jesus Christ our Lord. He makes indeed men­tion of Christ, but saith not that this Communion is done in memory of him. Only he saith, that in the first place he celebrates the memory of the Virgin Ma­ry, and next that of the Saints, among whom he puts in many Popes. It is not enough for him that the prayers of the Saints do us good, unless they have also merited the grace of God for us.

XXII. Towards the end of the Mass the Priest having taken the Host and the Cup, prayeth for himself,Corpus tuum Domi­ne, quod sumpsi, et sanguis quem potavi, adhae­reat visceri­bus meis. Let thy body Lord which I have taken, and the blood which I have drunk, stick to mine entrals. He ought rather to have prayed with the Apostle, that Christ would dwell in his heart by Faith, Ephes. 3.16. And that his body might be a temple of the Holy Ghost, 1 Cor. 6.19. For as St. John saith, 1 John 4.13. Hereby do we know that we dwell in him and he in us, because he hath given us of his Spirit. But to imagine that the body of Christ sitting at the right hand of God sticks to the guts and entrals of a Priest, it is with dishonouring Christ, defiling a mans soul with carnal thoughts.

To which though our Adversaries give way, teaching that the wicked, yea and beasts also eat the Lords body; so it will follow, that the glorious body of the Son of God sticks in their entrals, and that it stuck to the entrals of Judas after he had received the Sacrament. Pope Innocent the III. in the fourth book of the Mysteries of the Mass, ch. 16. moveth an important question; If (saith he) one having nothing in his belly but the consecrated Host and the Blood of the Chalice, is ta­ken with a lask, which and of what nature are his excrements? Si forte secessus vel fluxus aut vo­mitus post so­lam Eucha­ristiae percep­tionem evene­rit, ex acci­dentibus et humoribus generatur. The solution is, that they are accidents and humours. But he doth not solve the difficulty, whether Christ remains sticking to his entrals.

XXIII. It were infinite to represent all that may be found in the Mass of all the year, and in all the publick Service of the Roman Church, which might scandalize the people if it were spoken in a vulgar Tongue. As that which is said upon good Friday,Ecce lignum cru­cis in quo salus Mundi pependit. Venite adoremus, Deus misereatur nostri Evohe. Behold the wood of the Cross upon which the Salvation of the World was hang'd. God have mercy upon us, Evohe: That word Evohe is a word of triumph which the Bacchants, mad and drunken women, used in the honour of their god Bacchus. Then the Priest puts off his shoos to worship the wood of the Cross barefoot.

Then also this Anthem is said,Crucem tuam adoramus Domine et san­ctam tuam resurrectionem laudamus. Crux fidelis inter omnes arbor una nobilis. Nulla sylva tantum profert fronde, flore, germine. Dulce lignum, dulces claves, dulce pondus sustinet. We worship thy Cross O Lord, and praise thy resurrection. And speaking to the Cross, Faithful Cross, the only noble among trees, No forest brings forth so much in leaf, in flower, in bud. The sweet wood bears sweet nailes, and a sweet weight. While these words are said, every one wor­shippeth the Cross. And when they lift up the Cross they say, Ave lignum trium­phale, &c. Haile triumphal wood, which is manifestly spoken to the wood. And [Page 835] upon this most part of the Doctors maintain that the Cross must be worshipped with adoration of latria, which is the highest adoration.

XXIV. Upon the Saturday before Easter the Mass is said in Violet, in which Mass they bless incense, and give it vertue to expel Devils, and all the candles of the Church are put out, and lighted again with blessed fire. The Deacon beareth three wax lights on a staffs end, then sets five grains of incense in the figure of a Cross upon a wax light, upon which wax light this blessing is said with singing in a style, the impiety whereof is absurd, and the terms ridiculous.In hujus igitur noctis gratia suscipe Sancte Pater incensi hujus sacrificium vespertinum, quod tibi in hac cerei ob­latione so­lemni per mi­nistrorum ma­nus de operi­bus apum sa­crosancta reddit Eccle­sia; Sed jam columnae hu­jus praeconia novimus quam in ho­norem Dei rutilans ignis accendit. Qui licet sit divisus in partes, mutuati tamen luminis detrimenta non novit. Alitur enim liquantibus ce­ris quas in substantiam pretiosae hujus lampadis apis mater eduxit. O vere beata nox quae spoliavit Aegyp­tios, &c. These are the very words, ‘In the grace of this night, receive Holy Father, the Evening Sa­crifice of this Incense, which the sacred Church renders unto thee in this solemn offering of a wax light by the hands of the Ministers of the work of Bees: But already we acknowledge the praises of this pillar, which the bright fire kindleth in the honour of God. Which though it be divided into parts, knoweth not the detriment of borrowed light. For it is fed with molten wax which the mother Bee hath produced in the substance of this precious Taper. O truly happy night which hast stript the Egyptians, and inricht the Hebrews! Night in which earthly things are mingled with the heavenly, and the divine with the hu­mane! We beseech thee then Lord that this wax light consecrated in the ho­nour of thy Name persevere without failing, to destroy the obscurity of this night, and being acceptable in the odour of sweet savour mingle it self with the supreme Lights. Let the Morning-star here find her flames, that Lucifer I say, which knows no setting.’ All that fricassy of absurd words, which give unto a Taper that which is proper to the doctrine of the Gospel, and puts a wax light made with the works of Bees among the heavenly Stars, is very far from the lan­guage of the Holy Ghost.

XXV. Upon the same Saturday they bless the Fonts filled with water for Bap­tism, in these words. ‘Make this water by the Empire of thy Majesty to take the grace of thine only Son by the Holy Ghost, which by the secretNote, The God­head ming­ling it self with the wa­ter giveth it the vertue of regenera­ting Souls, & makes the water to be­come a new creature, & a celestial race, by the immaculate womb of the fountain. How the Priest makes three signs of the Cross. admix­tion of his Godhead make this water fruitful, prepared for the regeneration of men, That having conceived sanctification by the immaculate womb of the di­vine Fountain, being born again into a new creature, it may become a cele­stial race; and that the mother grace bring forth in an infancy all whom the sex discerneth in the body, or the age in the time. Away then hence (thou Lord commanding it) all unclean spirits. Let all the wickedness of devilish fraud stand far. Let not the mixture of the contrary vertue have place here. Let her not flye about laying ambushes. Let her not creep in, hiding her self. Let her not corrupt by infecting. Let this holy and innocent creature be free from all assaults of the impugner, and purged by the parting of all wickedness. Let this water be a living spring, a regenerating water, a purifying liquour, that all they that shall be washt in this salutary laver, the Holy Ghost working in them, may get an indulgence of perfect purgation. Wherefore I bless thee crea­ture of water, by the living God, † by the true God, † by the holy God, † by that God who in the beginning separated thee from the dry ground by his Word, &c. Then he breathes upon the water in the form of a Cross, and prayeth that these waters may be effectual for purifying the understanding. And dipping the Taper three times in the water he saith, Let the vertue of the Holy Ghost descend into the fulness of the Fountain. After that, he bloweth three times upon the water in this figure Ψ. Then he poureth in oyle and chrisma in the form of a Cross. There is as much sense in all these words, as efficacy in the ceremony. I suppose that some fanatical distracted Monk, whose braines were swarming with extravagant conceits, framed these Prayers in an ignorant age; or that some profane man de­vised these ridiculous expressions to make a sport of God and Religion.

XXVI. Thus when they consecrate Salt, The Bishop or Priest saith, I con­jure [Page 836] thee creature of Salt, &c. And speaking to the salt, as if the salt understood, he giveth vertue to it against evil spirits.

In the Missal to the use of Paris, in the Mass of the Holy Virgin Mary, there is a Prose or Prayer in these termes, O felix puerpera, nostra pians scelera, jure Ma­tris impera Redemptori. O happy child-bed-woman, who expiatest our sins, Command our Redeemer by right of mother.

XXVII. Could all these things and the like, wherewith the Roman Service is full, be pronounced in French or another vulgar tongue; without amazing and alienating the spirits of the hearers, and moving some of them to loath, some to deride, some to execrate the grossness of the abuse offered unto Christian Souls? Who would not laugh hearing the Priest saying in the Introit of the Mass, Ad Deum qui laetificat juventutem meam, Ʋnto God that makes my youth glad, Al­though the Priest have a hoary head.

Truly the whole body of the Roman Service, especially the Canon of the Mass, is so composed, that I make no doubt but that the Popes would gladly alter ma­ny things in it, were it in their power; and would do the same with it as they have done in the Masses of the Saints, out of which Pius V. and Clement VIII. Popes have razed many Proses and Prayers to the Saints, which still are extant in most part of the Missals. That which is most displeasing to our Adversaries in the Canon of the Mass, is, that there are many clauses in it contrary to merits, to Purgatory, to Transubstantiation, to private Masses, to the Communion in one kind only, and to the unknown language. Also that it is evident that almost all the Prayers of that Canon were made to be said over alms, and over bread and wine, not over Christs body. But they dare not take in hand the amendment of these things, becauseSyn. Trid. Sess. XXII. Can. 6. Si quis dixe­rit Canonem Missae errores continere, ideoque abro­gandum esse, Anathema esto. the Council of Trent in the XXII. Session pro­nounceth Anathema against any man that will say, that any thing ought to be mended in the Canon of the Mass. They have tyed their own hands with that Law. This only remedy remains to them, to keep the people from understand­ing the Mass, using for that a barbarous tongue, a low mumbling, and a confu­sed and inarticulate tone.

CHAP. X. Examination of the reasons of our Adversaries, of Card. Du Perron espe­cially.

UPon the Prayers of private men in a language not understood by the very per­son that prayeth, our Adversaries yield the bucklers, and abandon their cause. Only they say, It is the Church; for this word Church is a covering for all sorts of abuses, and a plaister for all sores. This they oppose to the Word of God, and to the whole Antiquity, and to reason, and to common sense, which in this point are contrary to the Roman Church of our age.

But as for the publick Service in a tongue not understood, they bring some few small reasons, which must be examined.

I. They say, that the title of the Cross was written by Pilate in three Langua­ges, Hebrew, Greek and Latin. They will acknowledge Pilate who was a Pagan Judge, for a Law-giver that gave this Law to the Christian Church. For being a man of great prudence, it is to be presumed, that he took care that the Mass should be sung in a convenient Language. Thus the authority of Pilate carrieth it above that of the Word of God, and against the examples of Christ, the Prophets, and the Apostles. And if according to the custom of the Romans the title of the Cross had been written in one tongue only, by their reason the Mass should be sung in one tongue only. Or if Pilate had written nothing, the Mass ought not to be sung at all.

[Page 837]II. Neither is their reason better when they sayCard. Du Perron. 6. book 1. ch. against K. James. that it is expedient, that the divine Service be celebrated in all Countries in the same language, that strang­ers may understand it. This second reason contradicteth the first. For if it be ex­pedient that the divine Service be done everywhere in the same language, we must not stand upon the inscription of the Cross in three languages, and divine Service must be celebrated in one language, over all the Universal Church.

For the same reason Sermons ought to be preached every where in the same tongue in the behalf of strangers. Certainly the Service in Latin is no ease to the strangers that are in France; for of those strangers there are three for one at the least that understand no Latin; and for one that understands Latin, there are ten that understand French. And those strangers that understand Latin, cannot un­derstand the Mass, a great part whereof is pronounced with such a low voyce, that they that stand by the Priest cannot hear him. But is there any shadow of equity in this, that in consideration of a few strangers that are in great Cities, the whole French Nation must be deprived of the intelligence of the divine Service? especially all the inhabitants of Villages and Market-towns, where there are no strangers? whereas the true way to gratifie strangers in a great City like Paris, should be to establish for the Italians a Church, where they might have the Ser­vice in Italian, and the like for other Nations. By this means every Nation should have the Service in Paris in their natural language.

III. They add, that having the same tongue everywhere, is a sign of union and concord in the Universal Church. By speaking so, they declare that it should be expedient that the Service should be neither in Greek nor Hebrew, which tongues nevertheless they affirm to have been authorized by the inscription of the Cross. But the Union which God recommendeth in his Word, is not the Union in the same language but in Faith and charity, which Union may be between men diverse in language; Whereas persons of the same language many times disagree in the Faith. God is glorified when he is purely and unanimously served and called upon in diverse languages; as God himself saith, As I live, saith the Lord, Rom. 14.11. Isa. 43.23. every knee shall bow unto me, and every tongue shall confess to God. Wherefore God gave unto his Apostles the gift of diverse tongues, that in all tongues God might be served and called upon.

IV. They presuppose that the Divine Service was not instituted for the instru­ction of the people, but only to glorifie God by Prayers and Thanksgivings,Du Perron in the same place. and that the people by his presence may give his consent to that which is done in the Church, and partake of the fruits which the Church obtaineth of God by the Li­turgy. And upon that presupposition they say, that the people that understand not, lose not these fruits, nor the ends for which the Divine Service was instituted, because the authority of the Church is unto them a sufficient security, and that it is enough that their Pastors understand for them.

But by those very ends for which they say that Divine Service is instituted, it is easie to convince them. For persons assembled to glorifie God by Prayers and Thanksgivings, must know what they ask, and what they thank God for. These Doctors will have the people to ask, and not to know what; to give him thanks, and not to know for what. And whereas the people assembleth to give consent to that which is said and done in the Church, how shall they give their consent and approbation unto things which they understand not? And if they be assistant to be partakers of the benefits which the Church receiveth by the publick Service, they are then assistant to be instructed and comforted; for it is one of the fruits for which Divine Service is instituted. And whereas in the Mass the Priest speaks unto the people, in vain doth he speak unto those that do not understand him. Also since in the Mass Chapters of Scripture are read, in which God speaks unto men, we must not hinder that God be understood by men. The Apostle, Rom. 10.17. saith that faith comes by hearing, and hearing by the Word of God; not then by a presence without understanding that which God propounds to us in his Word. The same Apostle speaking to the people of Corinth, will have them to1 Cor. 11.26. [...]. announce the Lords death as often as they eat the bread, and drink the cup of [Page 838] the Lords Supper; Which cannot be done by persons that are present and un­derstand not what is said. Such as are assistant to a service which they understand not, are deprived of the benefit thereof.

V. As for that the Cardinal saith, that the Church is a security to the people, as if the Church were to answer for the people in Gods Judgment, I say, that to that Church which beareth her self for a security, there is need of another secu­rity to assure us that she doth not err, and that God accepteth of her security. Truly in the day of Judgment the Pastours shall not answer for the people. That man shall be deceived that will in that day give his Parson for a security. Those Pastours especially shall not be receivable, who to raise their authority by leading the ignorant which way they would, have kept the people far from all intelligence. But why cannot the Greek Churh be a security as well as the Roman? seeing that it is more antient then the Roman, and that the Roman Church is her daughter, and hath received Christian Religion from her? For the Greek Church boasteth also, that she is Catholick, and hath the chairs of St. Peter and of many Apostles.

VI. ButP. 1079. (saith the Cardinal) if to profit at the Mass it was necessary to understand it, the deaf and they that stand far from him that officiateth, should receive no profit by it. If this reason be worth any thing, it will follow that we must preach in an unknown tongue. For if it were necessary to preach in an in­telligible tongue, the deaf and the persons that stand too far from the Preacher, should receive no benefit thereby. I answer then, that when the defects of Na­ture keep us from hearing that which is said, we are not accountable for it before God; for God imputes not to us as a crime, that which himself hath done. But we are accountable unto him of the hindrances which we bring our selves unto the understanding of his Word. God supplyeth the defects of Nature by the wayes which are known to him: But man after he hath done evil, cannot (but seldom) bring a remedy to it. If the light of the Sun be useless to the blind, it followeth not therefore that the eyes of them that see must be put out. Likewise if one or two are deaf, we must not therefore deprive the rest of the people of intelligence. And he that stands far from him that officiates speaking in a known tongue, might have profited more if he had been nearer, and he may draw near another time.

VII. He objecteth also the strangers in England, that are present at the Eng­lish Service and understand no part of it. To which I say, that such strangers go to that Service perhaps once or twice out of curiosity, not devotion; and that if they understood English they might be more edified. Also that the French have at London and in other Towns their Service in French.

VIII. He saith also, that in the time of Christ and his Apostles, the Jews had their ordinary Service in their Synagogues, in which they understood no­thing; Which we have already shewed to be false. For Hebrew was then intelli­gible among the people of Judea. It is not the same of the Jews called Hellen­ists, in the sixth of the Acts, who were Jews transported into Egypt by Ptolo­meus Lagus, who also were called Babelim, and were spread in very great num­ber over all Africa. They were so called, because they were descended from the people that had been transported into Babylon. Those Jews read in their Syna­gogues the Greek Version of the Septuagint. Wherefore also the Apostle to the Hebrews, writing to them, alledgeth the Scripture unto them according to their Version. Of those Jews wasSee Sca­liger de Emendatione temporum. p. 143. Philo a Jew of Alexandria, a Learned man in Greek, but ignorant in Hebrew. For in Alexandria the Greek tongue was so common, that the Bishops as Athanasius, Cyrillus, Theophilus and others, preached there unto the people in Greek.

IX. It is without reason, that the Cardinal objecteth unto us the example of the Priests of the Law, interceding for the people in the Temple, while the peo­ple was without in the Court, and by consequent could not hear what the Priest said. For here it is question of the Priest speaking to God in the Mass in the pre­sence of the people, and speaking to the people. Also of the Mass, in the which Chapters of Scripture are read, All that in a tongue which the people understands [Page 839] not. Yea there are many Priests that understand not their Mass. It is then nothing to the purpose, to bring us here the example of a Priest that spake not to the peo­ple, and spake not unto God before the people while he was in the holy place, and read to the people no Text or Chapter of Gods Law. Neither do we find in Scripture, that the Priest spake or pronounced any Prayer with his mouth while he made propitiation for the people in the Holy place, or in the Sanctuary. I verily believe, that if that Priest coming out of the Temple unto the people attending in the Court, had spoken to the Congregation in a barbarous and strange tongue, the people would have stoned him.

X. These Doctors confess, that by the unknown language the people is depri­ved of instruction and comfort: But that defect (say they) is supplyed by Ser­mons, in which the Contents of the Mass are expounded. Suppose that it is so; Is it not a great abuse for one to make wounds that he may apply plaisters? It were better that the Priest should so speak to the people in his Mass as to be understood, then to make the poor people to hope that within some years they should learn the exposition of it in some Sermon. But it is most false, that in their Sermons they expound the Mass, either for the words or the matter. Take me a Peasant or a Tradesman, who hath heard the Mass fifty years, you shall find him altoge­ther ignorant of that which is said in the Mass. Do they make the people under­stand in Sermons why the Priest praying for the dead, saith that he prayeth for those that sleep in the sleep of peace? Or why the Priest presenting the consecra­ted Host unto God, which Host they say to be Jesus Christ, asketh of God that he would accept of that gift as he did of Abels Sacrifice, which was a calf or a lamb? Or why the Priest prayeth in the Mass, that the Angels may take Christ whith lyeth upon the Altar, and carry it up to the heavenly Altar? Or why the Priest calls the body of Christ these gifts, these presents, which God alwaies crea­teth and quickeneth? Or why the Priest in his Confiteor confesseth his sins unto God, to the holy Virgin Mary, to Michael the Archangel, and to St. John the Baptist, without speaking one word of Christ? Or why in the Mass the holy Virgin is preferred before Christ, in these words, communicating, and celebrating in the first place the memory of the Virgin Mary, although the Lords Supper be instituted for the remembrance of Christ only, and to announce his death?

XI. Cardinal Du Perron finds, that the incommodity which is in the Service not understood by the people, brings this benefit, that the merit of the endeavour and exercise of the Faith of the people is thereby the greater. He thinks, that the less knowledge there is in Faith, the more merit; and that he that hath less intelli­gence, is he that hath more Faith, and that meriteth more. Harding saith much the same thing, That the people indeed understands not the Latin of the Mass,Harding De precibus peregrina lingua factis; Hic pius ani­morum affe­ctus tam est proculdubio Deo gratus ut nulla verbo­rum intelli­gentia confer­ri queat. but that their pious affection is so acceptable unto God, that no understanding of words can be compared to it. By that reckoning there is merit in want of know­ledge, and ignorance must be numbred among the blessings of God. Grant that once, we must no more instruct any man in the true knowledge of God, for fear of diminishing the merit and price of his Faith. Yea if this Doctrine may be cur­rant; that Faith consisteth in ignorance, not in knowledge; and that Faith is op­posed to science, as Cardinal Bellarmine told us before: Truly this Maxime is a great prop of the Papal dominion, and of the authority of the Clergy; since it teacheth to believe without knowing, and to follow the Pope and his doctrine, blindfolded, without inquiring of the will of God or of his Word, which is a light that God presents unto us, that we may our selves know the right way. Truly although incurable ignorance diminish the fault, yet it is an evil; as being born blind excuseth going astray, yet going astray is evil. But to study to be ig­norant, To fear to learn, To be wilfully blind, and to think that there is merit in wilful ignorance, it is, besides folly, a headstrong obstinacy, and a full purpose to reject the knowledge of Gods will. And I cannot comprehend that great en­deavour and exercise of Faith, which the Cardinal saith to be in them that believe without understanding, seeing that there is no labour in not believing, knowing nothing and refusing to learn.

[Page 840]XII. The same Prelat insisteth very much upon the danger of translating the Liturgy into a vulgar tongue, saying that the alteration of one syllable or one letter only in the the mysterie of the Church, may bring an alteration in the Faith, as in the [...] of the Arians. That one could not translate Divine Service without running into that danger. That the Phrases of old French should be re­diculous in our time, as it may be seen in the Romances; and that Marot's tra­duction of the Psalms a hundred years hence will appear rude, silly and ri­diculous.

If that objection hath any weight, it should have with more reason hindred the traduction of the holy Scripture into Latin, and into the vulgar tongues, for fear that some depravation in a word or in a syllable alter the doctrine of Salvation; for the Text of Scripture is far more important then that of the Mass, seeing that changing a word in Scripture is a crime; but the text of the Mass hath received a thousand alterations and additions, as our Adversaries acknowledge. Yet that fear did not hinder the Ancients to make many versions of Scripture both in Greek and Latin, The multitude whereof was so diverse, thatHieron. in Evangeli­stas ad Da­masum. Si Latinis ex­emplaribus si­des est adhi­penda, re­spondeant quibus; tot [...]nim sunt ex­emplaria pene quot co­dices. Hierome saith that there was almost as many diverse versions ae copyes of the Bible. And Austin saith, that the multitude of Latin Interpreters was almost infinite. Our Adver­saries confess, that the vulgar Latin version is much different from the Hebrew and Greek Texts; but they acknowledge not, that this diversity hath caused in the Church of Rome any alteration in the Faith. That fear did not hinder Hierome to translate the Bible into the Dalmatick tongue, nor Ʋlfilas to turn it into the Gothick tongue, nor every Nation of the Church to translate it into their own. And the versions into vulgar tongues were so far from altering in any respect the truth and authority of the Greek and Hebrew Originals, that the World may thank the Churches that have now Divine Service in their vulgar language, for restor­ing to the Western Church the purity of the Hebrew and Greek tongues,Aug. l. 2. de doctrina Christiana cap. 11. Ut ad exem­plaria praece­d [...]ntia rever­ [...]tur, si quam [...]abitationem attul [...]rit La­tinoram inter­p [...]etum infini­ta varietas. for bringing the Hebrew and Greek Originals to the publick sight, and for the resti­tution of the integrity of the version of Scripture, which the Roman Church had disfigured in the vulgar version.

But why doth the Cardinal apprehend a danger in the translation of the publick Service, and finds no inconvenience in so many alterations that were made in Christs institution; so many new pieces being sowed up to the MassCon­cerning these Additions see Platina in the life of S [...]tus the I. and Innocent the III in the 2. book of the Mass, ch. 61. We shewed be­fore how Bel­larmin ac­knowledgeth in the 2. book of the Mass, ch. 17. that five Prayers which are in the Offerto­ry, were not in it 500. years agoe. unto which several Popes have added some clauses? Hath not Pius the V. reformed the Missals, and put out many Prayers, Proses and Sequences, which were in the old Missals, whereby Priests are put to great trouble?

And to what purpose doth he alledge that inconvenience, to which (if one may believe our Adversaries) they have a ready remedy, since they say that the Pope and the Roman Church cannot err in the Faith. For whensoever the Pope will examine and approve the Mass translated into French, that Translation shall be authentical among our Adversaries, and shall be without exception after his approbation.

As for that he saith that the French terms in two or three hundred years would become ridiculous, the like may be said of Latin and Greek, and of any other tongue. Whence it would follow, that the Mass must never be said in Latin, for fear that by the lapse of time the terms of the Mass become ridiculous. The words which by the established form of the Divine Service were preserved, never become ridiculous among them that approve that Service. In the publick Ser­vice of the Roman Mass there are words truly ridiculous, and such as never were good, as Evohe, Miserere nobis, and Stabat mater dolorosa; and many like these, which yet are not ridiculous in the Roman Church, because they are autho­rized by the Divine Service. And these words Alleluja and Hosanna are long since become vulgar, and yet are not ridiculous when they are pronounced in the reading of Scripture or in the publick Service.

XIII. Finally, the Cardinal objecteth, that if the Service were no more done in Latin, there being no more common language, Universal Councils could be held no more, and so all means should be taken away of deciding the points of [Page 841] Faith with infallible certainty, and the ancient Decrees and Canons should be abolisht. This Objection is confuted by experience; for the Greek Church and the Roman had not in old time, and never had a tongue common to both, and yet they celebrated Councils together. They chose in Italy some Deputies that under­stood Greek; for then the Latin Church did accommodate her self unto the Greek, because the Emperours lived in Greece, and that by their command the Bishop of Rome sent his Deputies to the Universal Councils; None of which Councils was held in Italy, although the Bishops of Rome desired it; and were humble peti­tioners for it to the Emperours.

If to hold Councils in the West, it is necessary that the Latin tongue be com­mon everywhere; So many Academies and Colledges where Latin is taught are sufficient to preserve the Latin tongue, although the publick Service be in the vulgar tongue: as it is seen in Countries, whence Popery is banisht, though they have Divine Service in their own language. There also the Councils and the ancient Canons are carefully preserved. It is a gross abuse, to think that the bar­barous Latin of the Mass, serveth for the preservation of the Latin tongue, or that the text of the Mass serveth to understand Virgil or Livy, or to speak in Tullie's style. Yea though the Latin of the Mass were as elegant as it is rude and barbarous, it would be but a weak help to preserve the Latin tongue. The pure Greek of the Greek Liturgy did not hinder the corruption of the Greek tongue, when the Turks had once put down Schools. And the Liturgy of the Arme­nians which is in the Armenian tongue, and the Liturgy of the Ethiopians which is in the Ethiopick tongue, have not hindred the corruption of the old Armenian and Ethiopick languages.

As for grounding Christian Faith upon the decision of Councils which contra­dict one another, the late Councils being contrary to the old, and the Pope ap­proving nothing but that which is fit for his turn, opposing himself often to Uni­versal Councils, it is another question which is not for this place. The clear Texts of Scripture which need no interpretation, are sufficient unto Salvation. Who so beareth himself as an infallible Judge of the sense of Scripture, sets himself above God, for he makes God to speak according to his will; He may alter Scripture undet a pretence of expounding Scripture, and hath a way open to build an Em­pire to himself. Such a man hath need to be free from all vice, lest he bring an in­terpretation that serve to colour vices, feed his covetousness, or maintain his ambition.

Such are the reasons of our Adversaries, which are but shifts and humane con­siderations, without, yea against the word of God, and they are confuted by ex­perience and by common sense.

CHAP. XI. Examination of the proofs that the Cardinal brings out of Antiquity, for the Service in a strange tongue.

IF the reasons of our Adversaries were weak, their allegations out of Antiqui­ty are no stronger. Cardinal Du Perron is he that hath most contributed to the gathering of those allegations.

He saith thatIn his Book against King James, lib. 6. cap. 1. pag. 1089. in the time of the ancient Fathers, the Service was never cele­brated in the Christian Religion but in two tongues, Greek and Latin. This he af­firmeth without proofs, and against truth, and we brought before many proofs to the contrary. Himself in the beginning of the ch. acknowledgeth, that the Syrian Churchs have their Service in old Syriack, the Armenian Churches in old Armenian, and the Ethiopian Churches in old Ethiopick. He ought then to have proved, that the Armenians and Ethiopians had sometimes their Liturgy in Greek [Page 842] or Latin, which shall not be found. The same I say of the Indian and Persian Churches, who never made use in their Liturgy, no more then in the civil com­merce, of the Greek or Latin tongue; but only in this last age in some corners of the East Indies, where the Jesuits have brought in the Roman Service.

Next he alledgeth the Jews who use Hebrew in their Synagogues, a tongue which is not vulgar in any Country of the World. So he defends his cause with the authority of the sworn enemies of Christ, whose example if we must follow, we must also be circumcised and renounce Christianity. But we acknowledge in that practcie of theirs the fulfilling of Gods curse upon that people, 1 Cor. 14.21. With men of other tongues and other lips will I speak unto this People, Isa. 28.11. and so they shall not understand me. For as for the Jews of the time of Christ and his Apostles, we have proved in the sixth ch. of this Treatise, that the people then understood Hebrew.

Du Per­ron. p. 1077.The Cardinal makes use of the very Pagans and Mahumetans, holding that the Roman Church hath wisely done to follow their example. He sheweth sufficiently that he finds no help in the Word of God, since he hath recourse to such authorities. He saith then that the Turks and Persians celebrate their Ser­vice in the Grammatical Arabick, not in that which is vulgar to the Turks and Persians; that the Verses of the Salians in which the ancient Service of the Ro­man Commonwealth was contained, were hardly understood by the Priests. He might have said also, that the Magicians will add barbarous and unintelligible words unto their conjuring. If in this question the Devil, who seduced the Pa­gans, and now blindeth the Mahumetans, must be taken for Judge, we must speak no more of Gods Service or Gospel. That must needs be a desperate and forsaken cause that makes use of such proofs. Note by the way, that this Prelate while he goeth about to shew his learning in History, betrayeth his ignorance. For the Arabians, who make well nigh one half of the Mahumetans, have their Service and the Alcoran in their vulgar tongue. And the Verses of the Salians contain­ed but a small part of the Roman Pagan Service, namely the Service of Mars and of Quirinus, for they were Priests of Mars. But the body of the Roman Re­ligion was contained in the Tuscan discipline, brought in by Numa.

Pag. 1089.He saith also, that in the Eastern Church the Service was in Greek only, which we have convinced of untruth. The ancient Churches of Armenia, Per­sia and India never had their Service in Greek. And it is without doubt that the Churh of Jerusalem in the Apostles time-celebrated the Sacraments in the same language as Christ instituted them, which was understood by the People. Durandus in his Rational, in the fourth book, ch. 1. saith thatIn pri­mitiva Eccle­sia mysteria Hebraice cele­brabantur, sed tempore Adri­ani Imperato­ris Graece in Ecclesia Ori­entali Chri­stianorum pri­mo celebrari coeperunt. in the Primi­tive Church the mysteries were celebrated in Hebrew; but that in the time of the Em­perour Adrian they began to be celebrated in Greek in the Eastern Church of the Chri­stians, understanding by the Eastern Church that which was subject to the Roman Empire in the East, namely Syria, Judea, Natolia or Asia Minor, to which al­so we may add Egypt. In all those Countries wheresoever the Service was done in Greek, there also Sermons were done in Greek. An evident proof that the Greek tongue was there the most vulgar, though it differed from the ancient vul­gar tongues. Thus Athanasius and Cyrillus and Theophilus preacht in Greek to the people of Alexandria. And Cyrillus of Jerusalem preacht in Greek at Jeru­lem. And Eusebius in Cesarea of Palestina, and Chrysostome in Antioch the ca­pital of Syria, and Basilius in Cesarea of Cappadocia, and Gregory Nazianzen at Nazianza, and Gregorius Nyssenus at Nyssa. Cicero pro Archia Poeta. Graca legun­tur in omni­bus fere gen­tibus; Latina suis finibus exiguis sane continentur. Tully in his Oration for the Poet Archias saith, that Greek is read almost over all Nations. For the Empire of the Grecians successors of Alexander, had planted the Greek tongue in Syria, in Egypt, in Cilicia, in Cappadocia, and Galatia, and had made it so familiar, that the vulgar tongues used before the reign of the Seleucides and the Ptolomees were less familiar then the Greek; for alwaies Sermons must be accommodated to the ears of the plain people. Thus in the Reformed Churches of Gascoigne and Languedoc Sermons and divine Service are in French, though it differ from the language of the Country; But French is so well understood there, that the [Page 843] people prefer French before their Gascon dialect, and understand it with the like facility. The Cardinal was not ignorant of that, Which he sheweth by main­taining only that in the East Greek was not the vulgar tongue, but he maintain­eth not that Greek was not understood there. So he wanders out of the question. For our difference is not whether the publick Service must be celebrated in the vul­gar tongue, but whether it must be celebrated in a language understood by the people.

Hierom in his Preface of the second book upon the Epistle to the Galatians, saith, that the language of the Galatians was like that of the Gaules of Triers. But there he speaks of the tongue which the Galatians had brought to the Coun­try of Galatia, not of the tongue which they had learned in it. Yet the Cardi­nal makes use of that passage of Hierom to prove that in Galatia Greek was not the vulgar language. But he falsifieth that passage according to his custom; Whereas the passage is altogether against him. Hierom's words are these, Galateas accepto sermone Graeco quo omnis Oriens loquitur, propriam candem linguam habere quam Treviros. That the Galatians besides the Greek languge which all the East speaketh, have a proper tongue like unto that of Triers. This passage plainly affirmeth, that the Greek tongue was currant in Galatia as in all the East. But the Cardinal al­ledgeth Hierome in these words, The Galatians tongue was like that of the Gaules near Triers. The falsification is evident. But St. Paul writing to the Galatians in Greek presupposed that they understood Greek. The Lycaonian language men­tioned, Acts 14.11. was rather a dialect then a diverse tongue. And though they had a diverse tongue, yet it is evident that Greek was understood by the Ly­conians, since Paul and Barnabas spake to the common people in Greek.

CHAP. XII. How Latin was brought into the Divine Service in France and Spain.

FRom the East the Cardinal passeth to the West, and saith that over all the West the Service was celebrated in Latin. But this toucheth not the question. For in all places where the pubick Service was in Latin, Sermons were also in the same tongue, and Latin was understood by women and children. It cannot be found in the antient History that ever the Latin Service was used in any place where Latin was not understood. Thus in Gaules the Service was celebrated in Latin, because Latin was become more vulgar among the Gaules then their an­tient tongue, which wore away by little and little; so that the Gaules were cal­led Romans, and are so called by Gregory of Tours, and by that name distinguish­ed from the Franks and Burgundians, who were strangers. The language of the Country was called Roman, whereas the language of the Court was Dutch, such as they spake in Guelders and Gulick. The difference remained yet in the time of Charlemagne. For in the third Council of Tours held under his Reign, in the year of Christ 812. in the seenteenth ch. every Bishop is commandedEt ut eas­dem Homilias quisque aper­te transferre studeat in ru­sticam Roma­nam linguam, aut Theotis­cam, quo fa­cilius cuncti possint intelli­gere quae di­cuntur. to have Homilies or Sermons in two languages; In the Roman rustick tongue, that is, in the tongue of the common people, and in the Theotick or Tudesk, that is, in Dutch, that all might understand the Sermons. Now this was the time when the Gallicane Church by the violence of that King began to receive the Roman Ser­vice, notwithstanding the resistance of the Clergy, whereas they had before the Ambrosian Service, and were in nothing subject to the Bishop of Rome,

Under the Empire of Marcus Aurelius about the year of the Lord 168. Chri­stian Religion began to spread in Gaules, and then first began Martyrdoms, as Sulpitius Severus saith, (who was a Gaule, and lived near that time) in the se­cond book of his Sacred History.Sub Au­relio deinde Antonini fi­lio persecutio quinta agita­ta. Ac tum primum intra Gallias mar­tyria visa, serius trans Alpes Dei re­ligione trans­gressa. Ʋnder Aurelius son of Antoninus the fifth perse­cution was moved; and then first Martyrdoms were seen in Gaules, the Religion of [Page 844] God having past very late over the Alpes. In that time the Latin tongue was so fa­miliar in Gaules, that it it was more used then the old language of Gaules, so that the language of the Country was called Roman, and the Gaules Romans, as we said before. It is like that the Latin of Gaules was neither so polite nor so con­gruous as that of Rome. Wherefore Pacatus in a Panegyrick to Theodosius, Tum dif­ficilius proge­nita atque haereditaria orandi facili­tate non esse fastidio rudem hunc et incul­tum Transal­pini sermonis horrorem. excuseth himself for not speaking so good Latin as those that were born in Italy. Then the Contracts, the Pleas, and all the acts of the Law were done in Latin. The Gotthick Laws which were observed from the Streight of Gibraltar to the River of Loire, abbreviated from the Theodosian Code by the Visigoth Kings, were Latin, as Fauchet teacheth, who of all the French Antiquaries is the most learned.Fauchet in the life of King Clovis. In the year of Christ 252. under the Emperour Decius (as Gregory of Tours observeth in the first book of his History) Gratian came to Tours, to preach the Gospel among the Pagans, Saturninus to Toulouse, and Dionysius to Paris, where he was Bishop and suffered Martyrdom. This is he who is falsely named Dionysius or Denis the Areopagite. Saturninus also was cast down from the Capitol of Tolouse. The language of these men being Latin, and the people which they preached to, speaking Latin, it is no wonder that they instituted a Latin Service, and yet it was not after the Roman way,Fauchet ibidem ch. 19. but with divers cere­monies according to the necessity of the time, and the exigence of the places, to tame the Pagans. Which diversity continued till the Ambrosian Service was re­ceived in Gaules, which was observed there untill the time of Charlemagne, who brought in the Romon Serviee.

The Franks being entred into France, and having subdued it as far as the Ri­ver of Loire (for the rest as far as the Pyrenees was under the Visigoths untill the time of Clovis, who left no part of France to the Visigoths, who reigned also in Spain, but the low Languedock, which the Romans called Septimania, and a little part of Guienne) the Latin or Roman tongue was corrupted and fell from its pu­rity; Yet not so, but that the Latin Divine Service was intelligible still. We heard before the testimony of Sulpitius Severus in the life of St. Martin, relating that one of the People having taken the Psalter in the place of the Reader then absent, began to read the eighth Psalm, where there is ut destruas inimicum & de­fensorem, at which word defensorem, the people cried out against one Defensor, who opposed Martin's election to the Episcopacy.

Prosper Aquitanus writ about the year of Christ 450. In his first book of Con­templative Life, ch. 23. he prescribeth that the Preachers language sit simplex & apertus, etiamsi minus Latinus, disciplinatus tamen & gravis, be simple and plain, though it be not very good Latin, yet that it be orderly and grave, that it may hinder no body, though ignorant, to understand it. Now he speaks of the people of Guienne.

Almost in the same time lived Sidonius Apollinaris Bishop of Clermont in Au­vergne, who had maryed the daughter of the Emperour Avitus, by whom he had children. This man who writ all his Epistles in Latin, preacht also in Latin. In the tenth Epistle of the second bookUt nisi vel paucissimi quique me­ram Latiaris linguae pro­prietatem de trivialium barbarismo­rum rubigine vindicarint, eam brevi abolitam de­fleamus. he complaineth, that in his time among the vulgar the purity and property of the Latin tongue decayed, and degenerated into barbarousness. And in the Epistle to Pope Perpetuus Quae Epi­stola est 9. lib. 7. (for then all the Bishops that were a little more respected then the ordinary Bishops, were called Popes) there is a Latin Sermon made by the said Sidonius unto the People of Bourges, a certain proof that the people of Bourges understood Latin.

Now although the mixture of Visigoths and Franks among the people of Gaules had altered the Latin tongue, yet the Latin could not be rooted out of the land. And the Frank Kings whose language was Dutch of Guelders, to comply with their people learned Latin, as Fortunatus witnesseth, speaking of King Aribert,

Cum sis progenitus clara de gente Sicamber,
Floret in eloquio lingua Latina tuo.

But by the lapse of time Latin being corrupted in Gaules, and the Tudesk [Page 845] language abolished, the Roman was so altered that it became another tongue the Latin. And already in the time of the second race of our Kings the tongue of the Country was no more Latin. And yet through the negligence of Bishops and the ignorance of the people, no care was taken to put the Divine Service in the vul­gar tongue. We find that then the study of Bishops was to adorn Churches, lay up relicks, and provide Singing men with strong and clear voyces to sing the Ser­vice with Art, and fill the vaults of the Quires. Images were not yet received in France, nor the celibat of Clarks, nor Purgatory, nor Roman Indulgences. But the Wars of the French in Italy against the Lombards in the time of Pepin, and of his son Charlemagne, caused a strict League of the Kings of France with the Bishop of Rome, who was a mortal enemy to the Lombards. Whence it came to pass that Pepin, and after him his son Charles, and Lewis the Meek son of Charles, made great presents unto the Bishops of Rome, and gave him all the Lands and Possessions which the Pope now enjoyeth in Italy, yet reserving the Soveraignty to themselves. Charles addeth to his liberalities this favour, that at the request of Pope Adrian the I. he banisht the Ambrosian Service out of his Kingdom,See Du­rand in the fifth book of the Ratio­nal, ch. 2. And Fauchet in the se­venth book of French Antiquities. an. 796. and establisht in France by force and against the will of the French Clergy the Gregorian or Roman Office. By this change the Latin tongue in the publick Ser­vice was fully establisht. For that which was done before only by the negligence of the French Bishops, was done since that time by a Law, as the bondage increased from age to age. It would be now a crime of Heresie, and a manifest rebellion against the Papal Sea, to call for the Divine Service in another tongue then the La­tin or Roman. And I know not whether it was by hazard or by conjecture, or by inspiration, that Ireneus in this word [...] Latin found the name of Antichrist and the number of 666.

The like things happened in Spain, where the Latin tongue was become so fre­quent and so familiar, that in the time of the Emperours Domitian and Trajan, and long after them, it was as familiar in Spain as at Rome, saving only in Arra­gon, and in the Cantabrian mountains, (now Bescay) and in Gallicia. Seneca and Quintilian and Martial excellent Authors of the Latin tongue, were Spa­niards. Martial's Parents were Fronto and Flacilla, which are Roman names, as also the names of Martial and Quintilian; an evident sign that the language of the Country was Roman. No wonder then that when Christian Religion was received in Spain, the ordinary Service was Latin. Which yet was not af­ter the way, nor by the order of the Bishop of Rome, who indeed was respe­cted there for the dignity of the City, but yet had no power or jurisdiction in Spain.

In the year of Christ 408. Genceric King of the Vandals conquered Spain over the Roman Empire, and soon after left it, to pass into Africa, quitting the place to the Visigoths, who reigning before in Aquitaine made themselves Masters of Spain, in the year of Christ 417. The Laws of these Visigoths were Latin, and though their language was Gotthick, they were well acquainted with Latin. Where­fore also their Councils and general Assemblies spake Latin. The ordinary Office or Service of the Orthodox Spaniards (for the Visigoths were Arians at the first) was called the Mozarabick or Toletan Office, of which an abridgement is extant in Isidorus in the book of Ecclesiastical Offices. This Isidorus born at Sevil, writ about the year of Christ 630.

In the year 713. the Saracens abolished the Kingdom of the Goths in Spain, killed their King Roderick in battel, and banished Christian Religion out of most part of Spain. They held Spain for many ages, till the residue of the Christians which were fled into the mountains, having taken vigour again, in the end expelled the Moors, restored Christian Religion to Spain, and set up many little Kingdoms. Their Service was still Latin according to the ancient form, although by the Mix­ture of the Saracens with them, they had lost the ordinary use of the Latin tongue. Their Office was the old Mozarabick Office which remained in Spain till about the year of Christ 1080.Vide Ro­deric Archi­epis. Toletan. lib. 2. c. 25, et 26. when King Alphonsus to please Pope Gregony the VIII. did with open force and against the will of the States of [Page 846] the Country establish the Roman Office in Spain. Then the Latin tongue which before was used by custom, was establisht by a Law, And so remaineth to this day.

CHAP. XIII. Of England and Germany, and how the Roman Service and the Latin tongue were received in those Countries.

LEt us pass into England, in old time called Britain. Harding in the first Section of his Treatise of Prayers in a strange tongue saith, thatEtenim circiter non­gentos abhinc annos constat plebem in nonnullis re­gionibus pre­ces suas pub­licas ignola lingua reci­tasse, id quod in Anglia no­stra fuisse fa­ctitatum fa­ciam manife­stum. about nine hundred years agoe publick Prayers began to be made in some Countries in a language not understood; And that the said custom began then in England. That Doctor well read in Antiquity finds not the use of the Latin tongue in Eng­land more ancient then nine hundred years since, wherein he saith true.

We must know that England received the Christian Religion before any Churches were set up in Gaules. Nicephorus in the second book ch. 40. saith that Simon Ze­lotes the Apostle carried the Doctrine of the Gospel into the West Sea, and to the Bri­tanick Islands. Gildas an English Author who lived in the sixth Age, and Poly­dorus Virgilius in the second book of his History, say, that Joseph of Arimathea was the first that preached the Gospel in Britain. Baleus in his first Century al­ledgeth many other witnesses. Tertullian who writ about the end of the second Age, in the seventh ch. of the book against the Jews, saith, thatBritan­norum inac­cessa loca Christo vero subdita. ‘the inac­cessible places of the Brittons were subjected unto the true Christ.’ And Theo­doret in the ninth book of the means of curing the indisposition of the Grecians; [...]. ‘Our Fishermen and Publicans and our Tanner (so he calls the Apostles) have brought unto all men the Evangelical Laws, and have perswaded not only the Romans and those that are tributary to them, but also the Scythians, the In­dians, &c. and the Britans, to receive the Laws of him that was crucified.’ West­monasteri­ensis & Gal­fridus. Some Authors say that in the year 185. Lucius King of Britain sent to Pope Eleutherius, beseeching him that he might be instructed by him in the Christian Religion, and that he abolisht Paganisme in all Britaine, so that there remained not one Infidel; A story invented in the Popes favour, but manifestly false; for these Historians create Britain Kings peaceably reigning in the South of the Island, which was subject to the Romans, and had no other King but the Roman Empe­rour. The state of this Island under the Romans may be seen in Cornelius Tacitus in the life of Julius Agricola, and in Xiphilinus the Epitomizer of Dion, in the lives of the Emperours Nero and Severus. In that time the Christians living in the South of Britain, suffered persecution under the Romans who were Pagans. And for the North of the Island now called Scotland, and the Country of Nor­thumberland, it was Pagan, and so was long after the time of Eleutherius.

Hieron. Oceano, Scotorum & Asotorum ri­tu ac de rep. Platonis pro­miscuas uxores ac communes liberos habeant. Hierome in his Epistle to Oceanus speaks of the Scots as of a People that had women common in his time, which was above 200. years after Eleutherius. Idem lib. 2. in Jovi [...]ianum, Cum ipse adolescentulus in Gallia vi­derim Scotos gentem Britannam humanis vesci carnibus, et cum per sylvas porcorum greges et armentorum pecudum­que reperiant, pastorum nates et feminarum papillas solere abscindere, et has solas ciborum delicias arbitrari. Scoto­rum natio uxores proprias non habet. In his second book against Jovinian he saith, that he had seen Scots eating mans flesh. And Galfridus in the second ch. of the third book of his History speaks of them as of Pagans.

Besides, the Christians of Britain celebrated the Passeover upon the fouteenth day of the Moon of March precisely, contrary to the constitutions of the Roman Church. Which they would not have done, had they been brought to Christian Religion by the Roman Church.

Britain remained under the domination of the Romans Pagans till the year of [Page 847] Christ 286. in Diocletians time, when the Roman Senate sent Caransius to repress the incursions of barbarous Nations. But Caransius made a league with the Bri­tans, expelled the Romans, and made himself King. And from that time, some­times the Romans prevailing, sometimes the Natives, the Island was but weakly possessed by the Roman Empire.

In the year of Christ 307. Constantin, son of Constantius and Helena a Chri­stian woman, was Governour of the Island for the Romans. Being Pagan, he took the title of Roman Emperour, past into Gaules, thence into Italy, and made himself an absolute Emperour. Then turning Christian, he gave peace and pro­sperity to the Churches of Britain.

In the year 383. Maximus a Christian and Orthodox Prince governed Bri­tain; for then all that part of the Island which was subject to the Romans was Christian. This Maximus invaded Gaules with an Army and conquered it, and took the title of Roman Emperour against Gratian son of Theodosius.

In the year of Christ 434. the Empire being fallen in the West, and torn by the Goths, Franks, Vandals, and Burgundians, the Romans forsook the Isle of Britain. Which moved the natives to defer the Kingdom to Constantin brother to the King of Armorick Britain, as one descended from their Nation, and a Christian vertuous man.

In the year 446. according to the calculation of Westmonasteriensis, the Pela­gian Heresie spreading in the Isle of Britain, the Bishops of the Land being as­sembled in a Synod, sent into France, and writ to German Bishop of Auxerre, and to Lupus Bishop of Troyes in Champagne, men famous for their doctrine, and besought them to come and assist them with their help and counsel, which they did, and with success, God pouring a blessing upon their holy endeavour. This Historian saith not that the Pope sent them, as some untruly affirm, but that they came upon the request of the Britans.

In the year of Christ 449. three Ships of Anglosaxons came from East Frise­land into the Isle of Britain and made way for others that came four years after in great number. They were a Dutch and Pagan Nation, serving Saturn, Jupiter, and Mercury. Being once landed, they could never be expelled out of the Land, and subdued the South and the East of the Island, and planted Paganism in it, di­viding the Country into many little Kingdoms. But besides the Christians that lived under the dominion of the Saxons, all the West part of the Island, that is Cornwall, and Cambria now called Wales, was Christian. Scotland had already received the Christian Religion, so that the Island was half Christian.

In the yeare 596. Pope Gregory the I. judged the conjuncture of English affairs to be a fit time for him to raise the authority of his See. For the Christians of Eng­land being not fit to give instruction to the Pagan English Kings by reason of their continual warrs; and those petty Kings being brutish and easie to be led, and the Christians of the Island living under other Laws and other ceremonies then the Roman Church, he sent Austin a Monk of St. Benedict (the only order of Monks that was then in the West) into England, an industrous politick man, to work two ends. The one to reduce the Christians of the Island to the form and service of the Roman Church, and induce them to acknowledge his See. The other, to draw if he could some of those Pagan Kings to the Christian Religion.

This Austin came into England with an attendance of forty persons, and pre­sented himself to one of those Kings called Ethelbert King of Kent, who received him honourably. Shortly after having insinuated himself into the Queens favour, he perswaded her to imbrace the Christian Faith. The Queen perswaded her husband to the same. And he was followed by a multitude of Pagans. From this King Austin got leave to have communication with the Christians of the West part of England, whom he exhorted to joyn with him, because (saith Westmo­nasteriensis) sanctum Pascha et alia perplura unitati Ecclesiae contraria faciebant. They did the Passeover and many other things in a way contrary to the unity of the Church. These Christians before they communed with him, consulted a man fa­mous [Page 848] for his wisdom and holiness, one that led a solitary life; and asked him, whe­ther at the swasion of Austin they should leave their antient customs. The good man answered them, If he be a man of God, follow him. But (said they) how shall we discern whether he be a man of God? He answered them again, You shall know it by his humility, and if he induceth you by his example to bear the Cross of Christ. They then having met with Austin in a Synod appointed for that meet­ing, Austin received them with contempt, and would not so much as rise from his seat when they came in. They also repayed his contempt with contempt, and contradicted all that he propounded, taxing him of pride. And although Gregory had sent him the Pallium, and had named him Archbishop, yetNihil ho­ram facturos, neque illum pro Episcopo habituros esse responde­bant. Baron. An. 604. Sect. 58. Beda ait Sco­tos & Bri­tannos & Hi­bernos ne quidem ci­bum capere voluisse cum Laurentio Augustini successore. Bede Hist. Angl. l. 2. c. 4. they declared unto him that they did not acknowledge his authority, and would not obey him in any thing. At which Austin incensed, threatened them that the Anglosaxons would avenge him; And he made his word good; for Ethelfrid King of Nor­thumberland, though a Pagan, took his quarrel, and whether out of good­will to Austin, or out of hatred to Christians, he made of them a great slaughter. They had at Bangor a great Monastery of about twelve hundred Monks, all poor Tradesmen, getting their living by their labour; Of them this Pagan▪ King made a Massacre and a Sacrifice unto Austin.

But as for the Saxon Christians converted by Austin from Paganism, they re­ceived the Roman Service such as Austin would give them, and subjected them­selves unto Austin, sent by the Bishop of Rome about the year 600. of Christ; Which is the time that Harding marketh unto us, saying, that since 900. or a thousand years the Service was celebrated in England in a language not under­stood, acknowledging that it was this Austin who with the Roman Service brought also the Roman tongue, which since that time remained in the publick Service of England till the time of the Reformation. Every age since that time hath added some piece to the Religion, so that if this Austin had risen from the dead seven or eight hundred years after his death, he should have found in England and at Rome quite another religion then that he had preacht. That which we have said of this Austin and his entry into England and his behaviour, is found in Beda, in the se­cond chap. of the second book of the History of the Anglosaxons, in Galfridus Monumetensis, in the fourth chap. of the eighth book of the History of the two Britains. And in the flower of Histories of Matthew of Westminster.

Beda in the fourth book of his History saith, that in the year of Christ 668. one Steven by Sirname, taught the people of Northumberland to follow the Ro­man singing in the publick Service. In that time the Roman Service was not yet received in France nor in Spain. The same Austin passing through France and finding there the Service different from the Roman Liturgy, asked counsel of his Master Gregory how he should behave himself in that diversity; Gregory answered him, that he should follow that which he thought best, and should comply with the Churches where he should happen to be. This is found in the said Austin's Interrogations added in the end of Gregorie's Works.

As for Germany, Christianity came very late to it. In the year 700. Radbod King of the Frisons was a Pagan, and Franconia did then but begin to receive the Gospel. And the Saxons against whom Charlemagne made so many wars, in the year 775. and the following years, were Pagans, and were beaten to Christianity by the sword, as also the Frisons.

Suibert in the years 704, 705. and the following years, did very much ad­vance Christianity about the Rhine and in the Country of Brandenburg; But it ap­pears by no History in what tongue he established the Service.

In the year 719. Winefrid an Anglosaxon Sirnamed Boniface, began to preach the Gospel to the Germans Pagans, being sent by Pope Gregory the II. the great Patron of Images. This Winefrid being altogether wedded to the advancement of the Papal See, I make no doubt but that he gave to the Germans newly conver­ted from Paganisme, the Service in the Roman both form and tongue.

CHAP. XIV. Of AFRICA, and how the Service in the Latin Tongue came to it.

OF Africa Lib. 6. cap. 1. p. 1091. M. Du Perron speaks thus,Aug. de doctrina Christiana, l. 2. cap. 13. St. Austin affirmeth, that ‘the custom that was among the people to pronounce when they sung the Psalms, Floret sanctificatio mea, instead of Florebit, was so rooted by long use among the people, that there was no possibility to root it out. And yet it is certain that the Latin Tongue was nowhere vulgar but in Italy, and in the Towns of the Roman Colonies scattered here and there in the Em­pire, such as was Carthage in Africk, where the Latin Tongue was vulgar. Whence it is that Austin that Countryman saith, that he learned Latin among the caresses of his Nurses.’

This Prelat doth according to his custom, which is to prove a thing which is not in question. He saith that the Latin tongue was not vulgar in Africk, but that is not the question. We dispute not here of the vulgar tongue, but of the tongue understood by the people. It is not material whether Latin was or was not vulgar in Africk; the question is, whether it was understood. In that part of Africk which he marketh, the Liturgy was said in Latin, because it was there more common and better understood by the people then the Punick lan­guage, which was the old vulgar tongue. It is much already that the Cardinal grants that Latin was the vulgar tongue of Carthage, the capital City of Africk. The same he confesseth of the Cities of Africk that were Colonies. Now the vulgar tongue of the capital City of the Country being Latin, where the Court of the Proconsul was, and the Imperial Officers, where the causes were judged in Latin, and where an innumerable multitude of people resort­ed; many other Towns besides being Roman Colonies, and over all the Towns those whom the Romans called Curiales, the Grecians [...], and which they call in France les gens du Roy, the Kings men, being Latins, it is no won­der if all the people of the Country used themselves to speak Latin, and if Latin was more familiar with them then their old vulgar Punick tongue. Wherefore as in Carthage, so in Bona, and other Towns of Africk subject unto the Romans, not only the Liturgy, but the Sermons were in Latin. It was in Latin that Cyprian, and Aurelius, and Austin preached.

Austin being born in the Town of Thagasta, or Tegesta in Numidia, where the people were half barbarous and remote from Carthage, Aug. 1. Confes. c. 14. Latina didici sine ullo metu atque crucia­tu inter etiam blandimenta nutricum, & joca arriden­tium. yet saith that he had learned Latin among the caresses of his Nurses, because his Father was a Curial and an Imperial Officer; as Posidonius relateth in Austins life. Wherefore also in Austins Books there are many passages whereby it appeareth, that the African people understood Latin better then Punick. As in the 26. Sermon of the words of the Apostle he speaks thus to the people,Serm. 26. de verbis Apostoli. Proverbium notum est Panicum quod quidem Latine vobis dicam quia Punice non omnes nostis. ‘There is a com­mon Punick Proverb, which I will tell you in Latin, because you do not all understand the Punick. And upon the 50. Psalm. We know all that in Latin they say neither sanguines, nor sanguina. And in the second Book of Christian Doctrine, Chap. 10.Cum dicimus bovem, intelligimus pecus quod omnes nobiscum Latinae linguae homines hoc nomine vocant. Cum dicimus bovem, when we say an Oxe, we under­stand that beast which all that are with us Latins by language call by that name. And in the first Book of Retractations, Chap. 20.Volens causam Donatistarum ad ipsius humillimi vulgi et omnino imperitorum et idiotarum netitiam pervenire, et eorum quantum fieri posset per nos inhaerere memo­riae, Psalmum qui eis cantaretur per litteras Latinas feci. Desiring that the cause of the Donatists should come to the knowledge of the common people, and of [Page 850] the most ignorant and idiots, and that by our means it should be fixt in their memory as much as it is possible, I have put a Psalm in Latin letters to sing unto them.’

By all these instances it is made as clear as the bright day, that the ancient Church in Greece, Egypt, Asia, Armenia, Ethiopia, Africa, subject to the Ro­mans, Italy, Gaules, Spain and England, Divine Service was said in a tongue un­derstood by the people: Which M. Du Perron doth tacitly acknowledge; for he doth not say that in those Churches the Service was said in an unknown tongue, but only affirmeth that it was said in another tongue then the vulgar: Which yet is false of Italy, of Greece, of the most part of Natolia, of the City of Carthage, and of all the Roman Colonies of Africk. But it is true of all Churches without exception, that their Sermons and their Liturgy were in the same language.

THE END.

The Authors thanksgiving to God for the finishing of this Work.

O LORD my God and gracious Father, I shut up this Work with humble thanks to thy Soveraign Majesty. I should be ungrateful if this Work done by thine assi­stance should not end in thy praise. For it is in thy strength O Lord, that I have gone through with it. Thy strength is made perfect in weakness. Thou choosest poor weak things to confound the strong. In the smalness of the instruments of thy Work thou settest forth the greatness of thy vertue. Not unto us, O Lord, not unto us, but unto thy name give glory. For who are we that we should bear such a heavy burden? And what is our strength, that we should be Gods Champions in such a great combat? But this very truth which we defend, giveth strength to them that defend it. And thou refus­est not thy help to thy Servants, who in the defence of thy cause have no other end but the glory of thy holy Name. Thou O Lord, who hast been favourable to me from the beginning of my daies, wilt not forsake me in mine old age, and wilt yet make it fruitful to the edification of thy Church. Being beaten with many rods, torn off from my dear flock, lamenting the bruise of thy people, destitute of necessary helps for such a great Work, sore vexed now almost two years with a grievous sickness, which brought me near my grave, and having in my ordinary calling work enough to imploy a whole man; yet against hope I believed in hope, to the undertaking of this great labour, and against all likelyhood I have perfected it by thy gratious help. And now I hope, O my God, that this labour of thy Servant, done by thine assistance, shall be made powerful by thy grace, to bring those spirits to the right way, that go not purposely out of the way, and that err only for want of instruction, Against mine inclination I have imployed in this Work a multitude of hu­mane testimonies; for I know that thy Word alone is the rule of our Faith, and thou receivest not men for Judges in thy cause. I know also that one word of thy mouth is better then all the writings of all men. But we are car­ried away by the stream, and are forced to yield unto the disease of this age, which having thy Word for suspect as a dangerous Book, seek in humane writings a shelter against Divine rules. We shew unto the patrons of errour that they lose their cause even before the Arbitratours whom themselves have chosen. But O Lord, thou art both powerful and merciful, to bring in an age, in which thy Word alone shall be heard, and thy Son consulted alone for the [Page 852] deciding of all doubts. Do it O Father of mercy, and God of all comfort. Have mercy upon the Nations that lye in deep darkness. Let the light of thy Word shine before the eyes of all people. As for me, after a long tugging, in a way beset with thorns, having notwithstanding my many defects and in­firmities, held out against the contradiction of an Age contrary to thy Word; I rejoyce to feel the approaches of my desired rest, and to see my race almost at an end. But thou O Lord, wilt send labourers into thy harvest that will labour with more success, and whom thou wilt endow with a greater measure of the Spirit to defend thy holy truth. Lord it is thy cause, Lord it is for thy sake that we are hated. Stir up thy jealousie, and thine ancient compas­sions, for thy people which thou hast redeemed; that many souls may be sa­ved, and thy holy Name glorified. For, O Lord, though we be worthy to be forsaken, and unworthy to be helped, yet thou art worthy to be glorified. It were a small thing indeed that we are afflicted, but that in our afflictions thy truth is opprest, and thy holy Name blasphemed. Hear then O God and Fa­ther of all consolation; Hear us and forgive us for thy Names sake. Thou art wise in thy Counsels, just in thy Judgements, powerful to execute thy Will; But together thou art full of compassion, and true in thy promises. Do then O Lord according to thy word. For thou hast promised that thou wilt ne­ver forsake us, and that thou wilt be with us even unto the end of the World. Thou that hast redeemed us from the power of Satan by the death of thy Son, wilt deliver us also from the hands of those that oppress us. The time cometh, and now draweth near, when out of our dead ashes, after this fiery tryal of thy Church, a great light shall break forth, and thou wilt confound the tongues of Babel, and pull down the throne of iniquity of the son of perdition. In the mean time give us grace to possess our souls in patience till the measure of iniquity be filled up, and while we expect from heaven our Lord Jesus, who will come to revise our cause, and to give to every man according to his works. Amen.

An Alphabetical Table OF THE Principal Matters contained in this BOOK.
A

  • ABsolution cannot be a Sacra­ment. pag. 534
  • The ancient Church did not give the Absolution secret­ly after a private confessi­on, but reconciled the sinner publickly after the end of the pennance. pag. 653. & seq.
  • In the ancient Church Satisfaction was still performed before Absolution. Ibid.
  • Absolution by the Priest is not necessary. pag. 555
  • Absolution by the Priest is not a judicial act; That of the Roman Church is full of in­justice. pag. 558. & seq.
  • Confession of the Adversaries. pag. 562. & seq.
  • Form of the ancient absolution. pag. 568
  • Absolutions in the form of a prayer both in the extream union, and in other actions. pag. 568. & 569
  • Ansvver to Thomas Aquinas about judici­al absolution. pag. 570, 571
  • Gross abuses of absolution in the Roman Church. pag. 573. & seq.
  • Absolution vvith corporal and pecuniary pains, is contrary to the Word of God. pag. 576
  • Absolution is given in the Roman Church before the fulfilling of Penitence. ibid.
  • Absolutions vvithout penitence. ibid.
  • Absolutions by Proxie. pag. 577
  • Absolutions lucrative unto Priests. ibid.
  • Absolution given to the dead. pag. 579
  • Impious and absurd Rules about Absolu­tion. pag. 582
  • Absolution upon condition of doing some vvicked act. pag. 587, & 588
  • Innocent the third, absolveth the English from the Oath of allegiance made to King John. pag. 636
  • David Prince of Northwales dispensed by Pope Innocent the fourth from the oath of allegiance by him made to Henry the third, King of England; the condition of the dispensation being, that he become the Popes vassal. pag. 648
  • Formosus Bishop of Porto, dispensed by the Pope from keeping his oath. pag. 27
  • Acacius Patriarch of Constantinople, did for a long time use the Bishops of Rome as his Inferiours. pag. 376
  • The horrible hatred of the Popes against the memory of Acacius after his death. pag. 377
  • Against accidents without subject in the Eu­charist. pag. 748
  • The Acts of ancient Councils both Greek and Latine, publisht by our adversaries, are much falsified. pag. 331
  • Relative Adoration an invention of Du Per­ron. pag. 414
  • Du Perron falsely saith, that Joshuah wor­shipped the Ark, and that David exhort­eth the people to worship it. pag. 777
  • The Apostles did not worship the Sacrament. pag. 776
  • Du Perron proveth by Numa, and by the Quatrains of Pibrack, that the Apostles [Page] have adored the Sacrament sitting. ibid.
  • That in the ancient Church they did not worship the Sacrament with service of Latria. pag. 778, &c.
  • Worshipping the species, that is, the signs and accidents is an idolatry of the Roman Church. pag. 777
  • The Emperour Adrian built Temples with­out Images for Christians. pag. 441
  • Pope Adrian vvas strangled by a Flie. pag. 633
  • Aerius vvas too blame to trouble the Church about Fast days. pag. 505
  • Women Agapets, or conjoyned, are for­bidden by the first Council of Nice. pag. 485
  • Agrippin Bishop of Carthage gathereth a Council against the belief of the Roman Church. pag. 298
  • Amedeus Duke of Savoy elected Pope, and named Felix. pag. 107
  • Albigeois persecuted, An. 1188. pag. 635.
  • Croisada preached against the Albigeois. An horrible slaughter of them. pag. 638
  • Alcibiades, he macerated himself with fasting, and is rebuked for it. pag. 510
  • Pope Alexander the third treads upon the neck of the Emperour Fredericus Bar­barossa. pag. 105
  • It was the office of the Bishop of Alexan­dria to signifie unto all the Bishops of the Empire (and by consequent to that of Rome) the day of Easter.
  • The great power of the Bishop of Alexandria, and that he was in nothing subject to the Bishop of Rome. pag. 271
  • Opinions of Ambrose, not approved by the Bishop of Rome. pag. 138
  • Ambrose elected Bishop before he was bapti­zed. pag. 312
  • He excommunicates the Emperour Theodo­sius without the advice of the Bishop of Rome. ibid.
  • He spake of the Bishop of Rome with respect, but was not subject unto him. ibid.
  • The Works of Ambrose are much falsified. pag. 420
  • Ambrose believed that a man could do peni­tence in the Church, but once in his life; and Tertullian believed the same. pag. 327
  • Ammianus Marcellinus, being a Pagan Au­thor, describes the dissolutions and the pride of the Bishops of Rome of his time. pag. 302
  • Anatolius succeeded Flavianus in the Patri­archat of Constantinople. pag. 364
  • Proofs that he was not subject to the Bishop of Rome. ibid.
  • He presideth in the Council of Chalcedon. pag. 365
  • Old Hereticks worshipped Angels. pag. 40, 41
  • Angels fallen by the love of women. pag. 134, 135
  • Annonary and Sub [...]bicary Countreys. pag. 272. & seq.
  • St. Bernard calleth the Popes Court the Mi­nisters of Antichrist, and a pasture of Devils. pag. 88
  • Pope Gregory the first hath prophecied of Antichrist. pag. 89
  • Alnulf Bishop of Orleans in Hugh Capets time, calleth the Pope Antichrist. pag. 102
  • The Church of Antioch in Chrysostoms time would prefer her self before the Church of Rome. pag. 96
  • The Archbishop of Antioch would not ac­knowledge the Pope his Superiour. pag. 643
  • What true Antiquity is. pag. 118
  • That we must judge of Antiquity by the truth. ibid.
  • That the Roman Church is not ancient. pag. 118, 120
  • That the Roman Church contradicteth anti­quity. pag. 143
  • St. Antony, father of the Monks, and his life. pag. 300, 301.
  • Fables and untruths in the Apocrypha. The Church of the Old Testament did not acknowledge them Canonical. pag. 178
  • Nor the Christian Church. pag. 193. & seq.
  • Apocrypha condemn Purgatory and Limbus. pag. 191, 192
  • They condemn Idolatry, Images, Invocati­on of Saints, Prayers for the souls in Pur­gatory, and merits. ibid.
  • The Apostleship was not affected to one par­ticular Church. pag. 214.
  • The Apostles were equal in power by the very confession of our Adversaries. pag. 218
  • The title of Apostolick See was common to many Churches, and was not proper to the Roman Church alone. pag. 342
  • How and in what sense St. Austin said that in the Roman Church the principality of the Apostolick See was always in vigour. pag. 344, 345
  • Examples of appeals from the sentence of the Bishop of Rome. pag. 266
  • The Heretick Julian appeals from Pope In­nocent the first to the Oriental Churches. pag. 339
  • When the appeals from the judgement of a Council first begun. pag. 355. & seq.
  • [Page]That Athanasius never appealed to the Bi­shop of Rome. pag. 197
  • Nor Peter Bishop of Alexandria. pag. 305
  • Nor Chrysostom. pag. 320
  • Appeals from Africa to Rome forbidden by the Milevitan Council. pag. 324 & seq.
  • That as well in the great causes of the Afri­can Church, as in the little, it was not lawful to appeal to Rome. pag. 326
  • That the causes of Bishops were not evoca­ted to Rome, no more then those of infe­riour Clerks. pag. 327
  • Letters of the Bishops of Africa to Celesti­nus Bishop of Rome, forbidding him to receive any appeal from Africa, and de­siring him not to meddle with their busi­nesses. pag. 330
  • Of Appeals to the Bishop of Rome. pag. 331, 332, &c.
  • Of the Appeal of Flavian Patriarch of Con­stantinople to Leo the first. pag. 355
  • Of the Appeal of Theodoret to Leo. pag. 357
  • St. Austin saith, that it is lawfull to appeal from the Judgement of the Bishop of Rome to a Council. pag. 359
  • That the Council of Constantinople the first, and that of Chalcedon will have the judge­ment of Councils, and that of the Pa­triarch of Constantinople to be without appeal. pag. 359
  • Laws of Emperours against appeals to the Bishop of Rome. pag. 360
  • Appeals to Rome forbidden in England by Henry the second. pag. 633
  • Means to apply to ones self the benefit of Christ. pag. 613
  • In the second Temple there was no more Ark. pag. 188
  • In the first Temple the golden Cruse with Manna was not. pag. 202
  • Archbishoprick of Rhemes given by Pope John the tenth, to a child of five years of age. pag. 101
  • The seamless Coat of Christ found at Ar­gentacil. pag. 633
  • Arius riseth; what troubles he stirred. pag. 267, & seq.
  • Arnobius his opinions not approved in the Roman Church. pag. 142
  • Arnold burnt at Rome. pag. 633
  • Arnulfus Bishop of Orleans calls the Pope Antichrist. pag. 102
  • Aspersion and immersion in Baptism. pag. 70. 797, 798
  • Athanasius his opinions not approved in the Church of Rome. pag. 137
  • He saith that St. Peters throat was cut. pag. 234
  • He is banished by Constantine. pag. 289
  • He is recalled. pag. 290
  • He is deposed by the Council of Antioch, and Gregory put in his place. ibid.
  • He scapeth and takes sanctuary in Italy. ibid.
  • He returns to Alexandria, sent back by Pope Julius. Being driven thence again, he li­veth hidden in Egypt three years; then scapes again. pag. 296. & seq.
  • He is restored by the Council of Sardica, and returns to Alexandria by the will of two Emperors, Constans and Constantius, pag. 291
  • Maximus, Patriarch of Jerusalem, restoreth him to his Bishoprick. pag. 292
  • A Book of the Virgin Mary falsly attributed to Athanasius. pag. 408
  • Whence Atheism proceeds? pag. 3
  • Augustin hath acknowledged a Church of the elect, and never retracted it. pag. 6. & 7
  • He believed that children not baptized are doomed to eternal death. pag. 129
  • Austins opinions rejected by the Roman Church. pag. 139
  • Du Perron corrects St. Austin. pag. 220
  • Austin made the Articles of the Milevitan Council, in which the appeals from Africk to Rome were condemned. pag. 325
  • He was not subject to the Roman Church. pag. 338
  • He makes a doubt whether the Saints hear our Prayers. pag. 394, 395
  • Texts of Austin, against Transubstantiation, depraved by Du Perron. pag. 737
  • And by the corrupters of the new additions. pag. 765
  • Austin impugneth with all his strength the real and oral manducation of Christ, pag. 752 & 794, 755
  • Vindication of Austins Treatises upon St. John, which Du Perron despiseth. pag. 758
  • Vindication of Austin, against Du Perrons reprehensions. pag. 761, &c.
  • Aurelianus, an Heathen Emperour, judgeth of the differences about Paulus Samosa­tenus. pag. 279
  • Of austerity, dirt, and nastiness. pag. 499. & seq.
  • Example of a strange austerity. pag. 500
  • Altar See Table.
  • In old time Altars were wooden and move­able. pag. 758, &c.
  • There was but one Altar in a Temple. ibid.
  • Whether the Churches authority ought to be above that of Scripture. pag. 55. & seq.
B.
  • WHether St. Peter by Babylon under­stands Rome. pag. 233
  • Balsamon Patriarch of Antioch equalleth the Bishop of Constantinople to that of Rome. pag. 294
  • That Baptism conferred by women came from ancient Hereticks. pag. 48
  • That Baptism of things inanimate, Bells, Ships and Agnus Dei, came from Pagans and He­reticks. pag. 48
  • The question of rebaptizing of Hereticks is not a point necessary to salvation. pag. 163
  • In that question both Cyprian and Steven er­red. ibid. & seq.
  • The Baptim of Infants is proved by our Ad­versaries by many texts of Scripture. ibid.
  • The belief of the ancients, that infants dy­ing without Baptism are eternally tormen­ted in hell. pag. 129
  • The Roman Church shuts them in a dark dungeon, eternal, and burning. And that being in a burning fire they feel no pain. pag. 669
  • That sins both before and after Baptism are both alike blotted out by Christ. pag. 618
  • Of the aspersion or immersion in Baptism; That we have no commandment of God concerning that. pag. 70 797, 798
  • Of spittle in Baptism. pag. 53
  • That the Roman Church holds not Baptism necessary, though she make a shew to be­lieve the contrary. pag. 664. & seq.
  • The Roman Church holds, that per [...]ons come to years of descretion may be saved with­out Baptism. pag. 665 & seq.
  • Two calumnies of Du Perron about that mat­ter. pag. 665, 666
  • Explication of this Text, Joh. 3. Ʋnless a man be born by water, &c. pag. 666, 667
  • That Baptism is not absolutely necessary to infants. pag. 667, 668
  • In what sense St. Paul saith, that the children of the faithfull are holy. pag. 668
  • Gregory Nazianzen, Tertullian, Gerson, Lombard, hold Baptism not necessary, so that it be not despised. pag. 669, 670
  • Austins opinion upon this subject. pag. 670
  • The Roman Church holds that the Baptism which Christ conferred, was not necessa­ry. pag. 670
  • She holds the Baptism of water necessary to salvation. pag. 666
  • That in the defect of Baptism the vow suffi­ceth. pag. 668
  • That by Baptism original sin is altogether blotted out in infants. ibid. & seq.
  • That the defect of Baptism by water, is sup­plied by Martyrdom. pag. 668
  • How contemptible Baptism is in the Roman Church. pag. 673. & seq.
  • That it is no less esteemed then confirmation. pag. 674
  • Doctrine of Baptism, and of the vertue and efficacy of the same in the Reformed Churches. pag. 674, 675
  • The Roman Church having deprest Baptism extolleth it with improper praises. pag. 675
  • She makes Baptism conferred by a Pagan better then that which was conferred by Christ. pag. 670 671
  • Second Baptism of the Fathers. pag. 138
  • Baronius maintaineth perjury, and the Popes power to dispense from keeping an oath. pag. 100
  • Destroyeth the succession of Popes. ibid.
  • Understood not the signification of this word Roman in ancient Authors. pag. 117
  • Censureth Fathers. pag. 122
  • A notorious lie of Baronius. pag. 264
  • His boldness to corrupt history, and to bring in Fables. pag. 268
  • He receiveth for true the Fable of Constan­tines Baptism by Sylvester. pag. 275
  • He makes bold to condemn the Councils of Milevis and Carthage. pag. 330
  • He is taxed by Du Perron of Errour in Histo­ry. pag. 337
  • He censureth the Emperour Justinian for making Laws about Christian Faith, and Ecclesiastical policy. pag. 380
  • St. Basil complains of the pride of the We­stern men, and of Damasus Bishop of Rome. pag. 303
  • An opinion of Basil, which the Roman Church rejecteth. pag. 137
  • Basilides and Martial Spanish Bishops, be­ing degraded, have recourse to the Bishop of Rome. pag. 299
  • Cyprian opposeth himself to the judgement of the Bishop of Rome, and hindreth the restitution of those Bishops. pag. 300
  • Saint Bathaeus suffered worms to crawl about his teeth. pag. 500
  • Beating and whipping ones self are not satis­factions before God. pag. 619
  • Beatitude is in the Roman Church a degree and expectative of Saintship. pag. 402
  • Bel and the Dragon, that History is fabulous and condemned by Pope Gelasius. pag. 184
  • It is not held Canonical. pag. 179
  • The Church of Rome teaching to believe without knowing, follows ancient Here­ticks. [Page] pag. 45
  • Bellarmine saith that Faith is opposite to Sci­ence, and is better defined by ignorance then knowledge. pag. 46. & 812
  • That the question of the Popes primacy is the summary of Christian Religion. pag. 96. 97
  • Confesseth that he finds not in Scripture that the Pope is St. Peters Successor. pag. 97
  • That to believe St. Peters Succession in the primacy, is not of divine right. pag. 213
  • That the merits of Christ are in part necessa­ry to all, in part not necessary. pag. 467
  • He saith that a sinner can say to God, Thou wilt pardon me fully by Christ, &c. But I will not have such a great liberality, &c. pag. 468
  • He saith that it belongs not to an Em [...]erour to give Laws about sacred things. pag. 820
  • He believeth that God forgiveth to those only to whom the Priest hath forgiven. pag. 552
  • He saith that God is judged by the Priest, and that the Priest is judge in Gods cause, pag. 552 553
  • He maintaineth that a man is a redeemer of himself. pag. 602, 603
  • He saith, that we can satisfie God with our own works, and with condignity and equa­lity. pag. 605
  • He teacheth that the sacrifices of great cat­tel were more propitiatory then of small cattel. pag. 616
  • He saith that the Popes Canons are Canoni­nical Scriptures. pag. 210
  • Benedict the ninth a Pope of ten years of age. pag. 102
  • Benedict the thirteenth deposed at Constance, retains the Popedom. pag. 106, 107
  • Berengarius condemned by Nicholas the se­cond: His Confession. pag. 27, 28
  • Which is no more received in the Roman Church, ibid.
  • Bernard Abbot of Clervaux complains of the Roman Church. pag. 88
  • He taxeth Pope Eugenius that he had bought the Popedom. pag. 99
  • Bertram the Priest under Charls the Bald of France, writ against the real presence in the Eucharist, and was not troubled or blamed for it. pag. 744
  • The Bible was translated into the Dalmatick tongue by St. Hierome, and into the Go­thick tongue by Ʋlfilas, a Goth Bishop. pag. 823
  • Queen Blanch worshippeth the relicks of St. Edmond, and represents to him the kindnesses she had done him in his life time. pag. 653
  • Her complaints against the Pope. pag. 656
  • The power of binding and loosing; and how far the Pope extends that power. pag. 580
  • How it is proved by the Roman Church. pag. 68, 69
  • Bishop of Bishops an arrogant title for a meer man. pag. 338
  • The calling of Bishops; their office, and how it was corrupted. pag. 94
  • In their reception in the Roman Church, they take an oath of allegiance without any mention of God or his word. pag. 89
  • Titular and imaginary Bishops. pag. 110
  • All Bishops are successours of the Apostles. pag. 224, 225
  • And equal in dignity. ibid.
  • Roman Bishops were elected by the suffrages of the people. pag. 240
  • A Bishop must not meddle with businesses of the world. pag. 241
  • The order of Bishops, and the limits of their Jurisdiction, were according to politick order and jurisdiction. pag. 272, 273, 308
  • An express Canon of the Council of Calce­don for that. pag. 359
  • Proof of the same by many examples. ibid.
  • Bishops of the Roman Church boast, that they give the holy Ghost. pag. 565
  • The Bishop of Rome taxed to pay 4000. Crowns for his entry into h s Office. The other Patriarchs taxed to pay 3000. pag. 820
  • Body of Christ is no more on earth. pag. 702, 703
  • It is presented to us in the Eucharist, not as glorified, but as dying for us. pag. 701, 702 —741
  • The Scripture and the Fathers speak of three sorts of body of Christ. pag. 711
  • The Fathers say, that the bread is the body of Christ. pag. 718
  • The Fathers call bread that which is received in the holy Communion. pag. 727, 728
  • Great quantity of bread was laid upon the Table. pag. 771
  • Every one took with his hand the consecra­ted Bread, and some carried it home. pag. 771 & 772.
  • It was carried to the absent. pag. 772
  • Decretal of Pope Boniface the second speak­ing of St. Austin and of the Africans, as separate from the Roman Church. pag. 334
  • Why that Decretal is suspected to be false. pag. 335. 339
  • How Boniface the eighth came to the Pope­dom, and his end. pag. 105, 106
  • [Page]He instituteth the Jubilee to be kept every hundreth year. pag. 29
  • He attributeth unto himself power both over the spiritual and the temporal of all the world. pag. 31
  • Bull. de Coena Domini. pag. 36, 37.
  • Doctor Bullinger confesseth, that in the first Ages little deference was made to the Roman Church. pag. 251, 252.
C.
  • THe Chalice vomited by a little Girle. page 770
  • Why the Pope took the Cup from the people. page 799
  • Calvin is defended against the accusations of Cardinal Du Perron upon Joh. 3. Ex­cept a man be born again by water, &c. page 671, 672
  • Proofs that the Books of Judith, Tobit, Ec­clesiasticus, Wisdom, Maccabees, are not Canonical. page 177
  • Testimony of Josephus concerning Canoni­cal Books. page 177
  • Enumeration of Canonical Books, according to the Greek Fathers. page 193
  • And according to the Latin Fathers. page 196
  • Austins opinion concerning the Canonical Books. page 204
  • Opinion of Pope Innocent the first, about the same. page 207
  • And of Gregory the first. ibid.
  • Decrees and Decretals of Popes set among, yea above Canonical Books. page 208. & seq.
  • The Canonization of Saints comes from the Heathen Apotheoses. page 50. 401
  • There is great reason to doubt whether they are Saints and happy whom the Pope hath canonized. page 401
  • Corrupt ways and forms of Canonization. ibid.
  • Canonization of St. Edmund, twice denied. page 648
  • And finally granted. page 652
  • Edward King of England canonized two hundred years after his death. page 633
  • Canons of the Apostles, contrary to the Ro­man Church: They approve the marri­age of Priests, and condemn Fasting on Sunday and Saturday. page 241
  • The Roman Church holds the Popes Canons for Canonical, and to have more autho­rity then the Canonical Scriptures. page 208
  • Cardinals, when they begun, and what was their office at the first. page 94
  • By what means Cardinals attain to that de­gree. page 109
  • They are discharged of the care of their Churches. page 110
  • A Cardinal, sirnamed the Ape. page 109
  • Cases reserved to Bishops. page 574
  • Cases reserved to the Pope. ibid.
  • Cassander he complains of the abuses com­mitted about images. page 444, 447
  • Cassian his opinions not approved by the Ro­man Church. page 141
  • The mystagogical Catecheses of Cyrillus of Alexandria are false and supposititious. page 789, 790
  • The Catechetical Prayer of Gregory of Nyssa was depraved by the Eutychians, and is full of Errors. page 784
  • St. Catherine, an imaginary Saint that never was. page 400
  • St. Caterine of Siena, being yet in swadling cloaths, would not suck upon Fridays: She whips her self with an iron chain. page 503
  • In what sense the Fathers take the title of Ca­tholick Church. page 5
  • That the word Catholick cannot be the mark of the true Church. page 79, 80
  • That the Roman Church is not Catholick. page 81. & seq.
  • That Du Perron understood not in what sense the Fathers take the word Catholick Church. page 82. & seq.
  • Celestin the third strikes down with his foot the Crown of the Emperour, Henry the sixth. page 105
  • Celestin the fifth rid upon an Ass: He is co­zened, and finally, put to death by Cardi­nal Benedict, who since was called Boni­face the eighth. page 106
  • Vow of Celibat is contrary to the word of God. page 469
  • The Patriarchs, Prophets, Priests, and A­postles did not live in Celibat. page 470, 471
  • The rashness of the vow of Celibat. page 472, 477
  • It is condemned by St. Paul. page 472
  • In the Roman Church that vow is not free, but forced. page 477
  • Du Perron saith, that in Constantins time the Celibat of Bishops began. page 478
  • And that the Apostles command about it, was but ad tempus. ibid.
  • The doctrine of the Roman Church about the Celibat contradicteth Scripture. page 479 480
  • The Council of Nice forbids the obliging of Clarks to the Celibat. page 484
  • The Council of Fontanet in Lombardy con­demneth [Page] the Celibat of the Roman Church. page 314
  • Coena signifieth a common Supper. page 776
  • The form of administring the Lords Supper. page 768
  • We have no certain precept of the Lord about the hour of celebrating the Lords Supper. page 797
  • When Ceremonies grow, ignorance groweth also. page 658
  • The Chair sanctifieth not the Pastor, but the holiness of the Pastor, and of his Doctrine sanctifieth the chair. page 89
  • The succession of Chairs is set down by the Roman Church, as a mark of the true Church. page 2
  • Austerity and chastity of that Order. page 496
  • The Cherubims of the Tabernacle were no Images of any Angel, and were not wor­shipped. page 439
  • St. Christopher an imaginary Saint. page 400
  • Chrysostom preferreth the City and Church of Antioch before Rome. page 96
  • His opinions not approved in the Roman Church. page 139, 140, 413
  • Chrysostom recommends the reading of Scri­pture unto the common people. page 169, 170
  • He was set in the Patriarchat of Constanti­nople by Theophilus Patriarch of Alexan­dria, without asking the advice of the Bishop of Rome. page 312, 323
  • He was twice deposed by the same Theophi­lus, notwithstanding the intercession of Innocent Bishop of Rome. page 319. & seq.
  • The title of the Epistles of Chrysostom to In­nocent is false and supposititious. page 321
  • Chrysostom is contrary to the invocation of Saints. page 420. & seq.
  • The 26. Homily of Chrysostom upon 2. Cor. is horribly falsified. page 422
  • He puts two persons in Christ. page 413
  • Our adversaries take the question of the Church at the wrong end. page 1, & 2
  • Of the word Church, and the diverse significations of the same. page 3
  • The word Ecclesia imports union, yet now a days is a cause of disunion. page 1
  • And why. Whether the Church must be be­lieved before we be taught what we must believe. page 2
  • The controversies of Religion must not be begun by the question of the Church. ibid.
  • By the Church the Romanists understand only the Pope and the Clergy. page 3, & 4
  • The Church is a word that hath diverse signi­fications. page 4
  • What it signifieth in Scripture. ibid.
  • The diverse appellations of the same. ibid.
  • The Church of the elect, and the triumphant Church, wherein they differ. ibid.
  • What the Church is according to the ancient Doctors, and what according to those of the Roman Church. page 5
  • The Church of the elect is not discerned with the eye. page 6
  • D [...]vers names of the Church of the elect. ibid.
  • Of that of the elect which is invisible. page 6, 7.
  • St. Austin acknowledged it. ibid.
  • Of what Church the symbol speaks. page 5
  • Definition that Du Perron giveth to the Church. ibid.
  • Reasons of the Adversaries against the Church of the elect. page 8
  • Objections of Du Perron against it. page 8, & 9
  • What the Fathers understand by the Catho­lick Church. page 6
  • Two sorts of Churches. ibid.
  • What the Church of the elect is. page 6, &c.
  • What is the Church grounded upon. page 218, &c.
  • Two differents between the Roman Church and the Reformed Church. page 813
  • Whether the societies of Hereticks ought to be called Churches. page 12, 13
  • Whether there be no salvation out of the Church. page 13, &c.
  • Whether it be always visible. page 15, &c.
  • Whether it can err. page 22, &c.
  • Whether it hath more authority then Scri­pture. page 55, &c.
  • Five rules to limit the authority of the Church. page 56
  • She is not an infallible judge of the sense of Scripture. page 64, &c.
  • Of her pretended authority to change the commandments of God, and to dispense from them. page 70, 795, 797
  • And to add to Scripture. page 148
  • The form and order of the Church in the Roman Empire in St. Austins time. page 340, 341
  • Conformity of the Abyssine Churches with ours in Doctrine. page 21, 22
  • All Churches are first, Apostolical, Original, and mothers. page 341
  • Which and of what nature must the marks of the Church be. page 73
  • Of the true mark of the true Church, which is the profession of the true Do­ctrine. page 73, 74
  • The true Doctrine is more known then the true Church. page 74, &c.
  • Of the duration of the Church. page 110, &c.
  • Of her multitude and extent. page 111, &c.
  • Of Miracles. page 114
  • [Page]Of union in the visible Church. page 116
  • Of antiquity. page 118
  • Of the Greek Church; it is more ancient then the Roman, and is the mother of the Ro­man Church. page 22, 98, 99
  • The Church of Jerusalem is called by the Em­perour Justin, the Mother of the Christi­an name. page 308
  • The Roman Church hath erred, and erreth. page 26, &c.
  • Contrarieties between Scripture and her. page 36, 37
  • Antiquity of the Roman Church: And how her doctrine is descended from Pagans, Jews, and ancient Hereticks. page 38, &c.
  • She teacheth Perjury, Fornication, the re­bellion of Subjects, revenge after pardon granted, and rebellion of children against their parents. page 84, 85
  • The Roman Church of this time is contrary to that of old time. page 130, 131, 132, 133, 143, &c.
  • The Church of Millain was very late sub­jected unto the Church of Rome. page 313
  • Clement the first, his Decretal that goods and women be common. page 134
  • He calls James Bishop of Bishops, govern­ing the Churches of all the world. page 240
  • Clement the second is poisoned by his Suc­cessor. page 203
  • Opinions of Clemens Alexandrin. not appro­ved by the Roman Church. page 166, 134
  • He extolleth Traditions very much. page 149
  • Consent of the Ancients in the number of Gods Commandments. page 130, 131
  • Dissent of the Roman Church about it. page 131
  • Communion under one kind was borrowed from the Manicheans. page 49
  • Is contrary to the Scripture and the Fathers. page 793
  • Du Perron confesseth that by the communion under one kind, the signification of the Sa­crament is diminished. page 794
  • Why the Communion to the cup was denied to the people. page 799
  • The first Council of Nice limits the Jurisdi­ction of the Bishop of Rome within the Provostship of Rome. page 272
  • Council of Sardica: What was done in it? The separation of the same into two Councils. page 291
  • The small authority it had. page 293
  • It was not universal. page 297. & seq.
  • Du Perron makes the Council of Nice, and that of Sardica, to be but one Council. page 298
  • [...] Canons of Sardica help not the Popes primacy. page 299. 300
  • Council of Arles. page 266
  • Commandeth Sylvester Bishop of Rome, and judgeth of his sentence. page 266, 267
  • Council of Sinuessa, and that of Rome un­der Sylvester, both false and supposititious page 267, 268
  • Council the first of Constantinople. page 306, 307
  • Council of Milevis. page 324
  • Council the sixth of Carthage. page 328. & seq.
  • Council the first of Ephesus. page 420
  • Council of Chalcedon. page 364. & seq.
  • The Eliberin Council forbids Images. page 441
  • Council the third of Carthage, and the sixth of Constantinople, are contrary to Tran­substantiation. page 745, 746
  • Council the second of Nice hath erred. page 26
  • The Roman Council under Gregory the se­venth, and what impious Articles were established in it. page 28
  • Council of Lateran under Innocent the third, and the errors of the same. page 28, 639
  • Council of Foutanet in Lombardy. page 314
  • Council of Clermont under Ʋrban the second, in which the Pope usurped investitures. page 631
  • Council of Rhemes under Hugh Capet. page 102
  • The Council of Constance deposeth three Popes. page 30, 31, 107
  • Dispenseth from keeping Faith to Hereticks. ibid.
  • Depriveth Fredrick of Austria of his Do­minions. ibid.
  • Depriveth the Laity of the Communion of the Cup. ibid. page 796
  • Council of Florence. page 32
  • Council of Lateran under Julius the second, and Leo the tenth; Impieties of that Council. page 32
  • Council of Pisa assembled by Lewis the twelfth. page 33
  • Council of Lyons, and the farewell and com­fort of a Prelate given to the people of the City. page 650
  • Councils contrary the one to the other, and excommunicating one another. page 27. 101
  • The Council of Pisa declares two Popes He­reticks. page 106
  • Council of Basil. page 107
  • Council of Trent, and all its errors. page 108
  • It falsifieth Scripture. page 575
  • The Emperour Justinian and Pope Gregory the first, honour and esteem the four Universal Councils as much as the four Evangelists. page 368
  • Since the Apostles there have been no Uni­versal Councils, in the sense that our Ad­versaries [Page] take the word Universal. page 25. 291
  • Whether the Councils can erre. page 25
  • Absurdity of this proposition, that a Coun­cil approved by the Pope cannot erre. page 533
  • Gelasius maintains that the Universal Coun­cils can err. page 377
  • Why the Popes would never be present at the ancient Universal Councils. page 349, 354
  • An Universal Council may be convocated without the Popes consent. page 269
  • The Emperour Constantin, and his Successors have convocated Councils. page 269, 270
  • Constantin hath convocated the first Coun­cil of Nice, without expecting the will of Sylvester, Bishop of Rome. page 269
  • Council of Tyr convocated by the absolute command of Constantin. page 275
  • The same Council transported to Jerusalem. page 289
  • The Council of Sardica was not convocated by the Bishop of Rome. page 291
  • The first Council of Constantinople convoca­ted by the Emperour without, yea against the advice of Damasus Bishop of Rome. page 306
  • The first Council of Ephesus was convocated by the only command of Theodosius the second. page 346
  • The same Emperour convocateth the second Council of Ephesus. page 353
  • Council of Chalcedon convocated by the Em­perour Martian, without, yea against the advice of Leo the first, Bishop of Rome. page 364
  • The Emperors sent an absolute command to the Bishops of Rome to come to Councils, or to send to them. page 348
  • The Popes petitioned the Emperors to as­semble Councils, and many times were re­fused. page 348, 353, 364
  • Hosius Bishop of Cordova (not the Deputies of the Bishop of Rome) presided in the first Council of Nice. page 270, &c.
  • The same Hosius presided in the Council of Sardica above the Legats of Julius Bi­shop of Rome. page 301
  • Damasus Bishop of Rome had no Legats in the first Council of Constantinople. page 306
  • Meletius Patriarch of Antioch presided in the same. page 307
  • Aurelius Bishop of Carthage, and Valentin of Numidia, had the precedence in the sixth Council of Carthage, before the Le­gats of the Bishop of Rome. page 328
  • Count Candidian presided for the Emperour in the first Council of Ephesus. Among Bishops, Cyrillus of Alexandria presideth in that Council in his name, not as Cele­stins Legat. page 350
  • The Popes Legats placed under others. ibid.
  • Dioscorus of Alexandria, presideth in the second Council of Ephesus, above Leo's Deputies. page 354
  • Count Helpidius, presideth in it for the Em­perour. page 355
  • Patricians and Counts preside in the Council of Chalcedon, and command in it abso­lutely. page 365
  • The Tomes of Councils, both Greek and La­tin, are miserably falsified. page 373
  • Du Perron acknowledgeth, that Confession is not of absolute necessity. page 523, &c.
  • He confesseth that auricular confession was not in use in old time. ibid.
  • He saith that Confession is not a Sacrament, but a necessary condition to the Sacra­ment. page 524
  • The Adversaries confess, that the Confession made to the Priest, is not instituted in the word of God. ibid.
  • Publick Confession is necessary. ibid.
  • Four kinds of Confession received in our Churches. page 526
  • St. James saying, Confess your faults, &c. spake not of the confession made to the Priest. page 526
  • Chrysostom exhorted his hearers to confess their sins to none but God. page 531
  • Lombard and Gratian hold the Confession made to the Priests to be unnecessary. The Jesuite Greg. de Valentia, chideth Gratian about that. page 532
  • An obligation laid upon Citizens to confess their sins more exactly then Country people. page 538
  • What we finde amiss in the auricular Confes­sion of the Roman Church. page 537, &c.
  • Foulness of Confessions. page 539, 540, 541
  • Rules for Confessions. ibid.
  • Lucrative Confessions. page 577, 578, 579. 819
  • By Confessions they search consciences, and the secret infirmities of Families. page 819
  • By the Doctrine of the Adversaries, and of M. du Perron, it is better for one to suffer his King, and his Father to be killed, then to reveal a confession. page 542
  • They hold that it were better to suffer Christ to be killed, then to reveal a confession. page 543
  • The boasting of a Spanish Confessor. page 540
  • The Sacrament of Confirmation is a humane tradition, yet is preferred before Baptism, page 674
  • How and in what sense we must be con­formable [Page] unto Christ. Confutation of the Council of Trent about that of Con­formity. page 618
  • Gregory the I. saith that the Apostles did not consecrate but with the Lords Prayer only. page 402
  • The Fathers hold that the consecration of the bread is done by prayer. page 704
  • That in the Mass no consecration is made. page 683
  • A Fable, that the words of consecration ha­ving been pronounced by a shepherd, they were smitten by Gods hand. page 747
  • Conrad, son to Frederick the second; The Croisada is preacht against him. page 656
  • When Constantine embraced the Christian doctrine, page 286. &c.
  • Constantine giveth Judges to the Donatists. One of them was the Bishop of Rome. page 266
  • He will have the judgement of Melchiades Bishop of Rome examined in the Councel of Arles, page 266, 267
  • Constantine raised again, and setled the Chri­stian Church without any communication about it with the Bishop of Rome. page 267
  • Constantine's Baptism and Death. page 286. and 275
  • He is accused by Du Perron of irregularities and actions against all good order. page 266
  • Of the donation of Constantine, and the fals­hood of the same. page 282. &c.
  • The Patriarch of Constantinople placed in the second rank after that of Rome, by reason of the dignitie of the City, by the I. Coun­cel of Constantinople. page 308
  • He governed the Church of all the world. page 343.
  • There was no appeal from his judgement. page 359
  • He is made equal in all things with the Bi­shop of Rome by the Councel of Chalce­don. page 368. &c. 375. &c.
  • The Patriarchs of Constantinople have sum­moned the Bishops of Rome to appear be­fore their See. page 377. &c.
  • Menas Patriarch of Constantinople excom­municates Vigilius Bishop of Rome. page 381
  • The Patriarchs of Constantinople qualifie themselves Oecumenical Patriarchs. page 381, 384
  • Pope Adrian gives that title to Tharasius Pa­triarch of Constantinople. page 384
  • Example of Gennadius Patriarch, shewing that he was not subject to the Bishop of Rome. page 375
  • What is contrition, what attrition. The Do­ctors say, that by the vertue of the keys attrition becomes contrition. page 577
  • That it is the meritorious cause of Justificati­on, and that attrition is an imperfect con­trition. page 659, 660
  • The Councel of Trent hath declared that concupiscence is no sin. page 34, 71
  • In the ancient Church cortines were set be­fore the Holy Table till the hour of the Communion. page 769
  • With how many arts, corruption, and soul dealing the election of the Popes is made. page 108
  • The Image of the Cross according to the Doctors, must be worshipped with adora­tion of Latria. page 447
  • Prayers made to the Cross. ibid.
  • Priviledges of the Crossed, and how they re­deemed themselves from the vow. page 642
  • The Crossed cozened by the Pope. ibid. & 647. &c.
  • Graces granted to them by Innocent the IV. page 650
  • Cyprian had opinions which the Roman Church approveth not. page 136
  • His opinion about St. Peters Primacie. page 225
  • Cyprian, and Steven Bishop of Rome, have a sharp dissention between them. page 247
  • A Schism moved against Cyprian by Nova­tus. ibid.
  • A Narrative of his troubles. ibid. &c.
  • Cyprian calls always the Bishop of Rome his brother. page 248
  • He is held almost over all the West as a Pre­sident; yea and over the Countreys of the East, South, and North. page 295
  • He opposeth the advice of the Bishop of Rome in the business of Basilides and Mar­tial. page 248
  • Bitter invectives of Cyprian against Steven. page 248, 249.
  • He assembleth a Councel against the doctrine received in the Roman Church. page 249
  • Cyrillus of Alexandria is exhorted by Cele­stin Bishop of Rome to proceed against Nestorius page 346
  • He presided in the first Councel of Ephesus in his own name, not as Legat of Celestin. page 349
  • Cyril of Jerusalem is the first that appealed from a Councel. page 358
  • The mystagogical Catecheses are falsly as­cribed unto him page 790
D
  • THe Popes would put their Decretals a­mong Canonical Scriptures. Page 208. &c.
  • [Page]Pope Nicholas the I. puts them above Scri­pture. Page 209, 210
  • Gregory the I. speaks much like that Nicholas. Page 210
  • Décretal of Innocent the I. forbidding the mariage of Clerks. Page 207
  • Decretals of the three first Ages are supposi­titious, and forged by Ruulphus Bishop of Ments. Page 246, 261
  • Of the authoritie of Decretals, and why Du Perron would make no use of them to prove the Popes primacie. Page 253
  • For the interpretation of Decretals publick Schools were erected, an honour not de­ferred unto holy Scripture. Page 252
  • How arrogant Decretals are. ibid.
  • Decretals in many things agree not with the Roman Church. Page 253
  • Barbarous language of the Decrees and De­cretals. Page 255
  • Scripture is prophaned in them. ibid. &c.
  • Ignorance of the Author in History. Page 257
  • Their falshood. Page 258
  • Acknowledged by the Doctors of the Roman Church. ibid.
  • When, and by whom, and why they were forged. Page 263, 264
  • Decretal of Telesphorus, a false and supposi­titious piece. Page 519, 520
  • The Roman Decree calls a second mariage Fornication. Page 72
  • Hinkman Archbishop of Rhemes, acknow­ledgeth not the Decretals. Page 209, 263
  • A notorious falsification of a Canon of the Milevitan Councel by Gratian. Page 324. &c.
  • The like of a Canon of the Councel of Chal­cedon. Page 371, 372
  • How the Dedication or Consecration of Churches is celebrated. Page 424
  • Dennis or Dionysius Alexandrin joyns with Cyprian against Steven Bishop of Rome. He dedicates his Apologie to Steven Bi­shop of Rome. Page 251
  • The Book of Dennis sirnamed Areopagita of the Hierarchy of the Church, is contrary to the Papal Monarchy. Page 212, 240
  • When the Books of that Dennis were writ­ten. Page 779
  • An absurd conjecture of Du Perron. ibid.
  • Fable of Dennis held Patron of France. Page 400
  • He preacheth the Gospel in Paris in the year of our Lord 252. Page 844
  • Those Deaconesses that St. Paul speaks of, made no vow of Celibat. Page 473
  • The Death of Gods children, and that of In­fants born in Gods Covenant, is not a sa­tisfactory pain. Page 600, 601
  • How we must understand the depositions and restaurations of Bishops made by a Patri­arch out of his Patriarchat. Page 299, 346, 349, 350
  • What a Diocese was in the ancient Church Page 366
  • That Nicolas the I. corrupteth the word Di­ocese in a Canon of Chalcedon, turning the singular to a plural. Page 367
  • Dioscorus Patriarch of Alexandria presideth in the second Councel of Ephesus. Page 354
  • He excommunicateth Leo Bishop of Rome. Page 300
  • Useless Disputes in Christian Religion are causes of Atheism. Page 3
  • The Roman Church by the distinction of meats imitateth the ancient Hereticks. Page 47, 70
  • Of the prohibition of eating blood & stran­gled things. See Meats. Page 70
  • Dominick whipt himself three times a day with an iron chain. Page 503, 594
  • Dominicans. Their first comming into Eng­land. Page 635
  • Dulia, when it is taken for a Religious ser­vice, belongeth to God only. Page 404
  • Athanasius and Theodoret condemn those that defer dulia unto the creature, Page 407, 408
  • Perpetual duration cannot be a mark of the Church, and fits not the Roman Church. Difference between duration and antiqui­ty. Page 110, 111.
E
  • COntention concerning Easter-day. Page 242, 268
  • The Book of Ecclesiasticus is not Canonical, nor of Solomon, and containeth errours rejected by the Roman Church. Absurdi­ties in it. Page 182
  • St. Austins opinion concerning Ecclesiasti­cus: Page 204, 205
  • Edmund Archbishop of Canterbury twice declared not fit to be admitted Saint. But the third time he is canonized. Page 648, 652
  • Absurd words of the Bull of Canonization. Page 652, 753
  • Queen Blanch worshippeth his relicks, and puts him in mind of the good she had done him. Page 653
  • Edward King of England Canonized 200 years after his death. Page 631
  • Edward the I. a valiant and hardy Prince, makes bold with the Revenue of Abbies and Priories, Page 657
  • [Page]Election of Popes was done in old time by the will of the Emperours. Page 101
  • Foul ways in the election of Popes of the last Ages. Page 108
  • In the ancient Church the Priest did not lift up the Host above his head, but the Priest turning himself towards the people, took up the dish with both his hands. Page 768
  • Constitution of Adrian the first, and Leo the eighth, that a Pope be not elected, but by the Emperors will. Page 101
  • Three Popes deposed by Henry the second. Page 103
  • Henry the fourth deposeth Gregory the 7th. Page 104
  • The Emperour Honorius judgeth of a Schism between two Bishops of Rome, Boniface, and Eulalius. He useth both as his Subjects. Page 327, 328
  • His Imperial Law provideth against the Schisms of the Roman. See Page 328
  • The Emperour Theodosius the second, go­verns the first Council of Ephesus, and presideth in it. Page 350
  • Represseth and punisheth Bishops. Page 352
  • Giveth to Dioscorus, Patriarch of Alexan­dria, the Presidency above the Legats of the Bishop of Rome. Page 354
  • He gives power to Count Helpidius to impri­son the Bishops of the Council. Page 355
  • Obedience of Leo the first, Bishop of Rome to the Emperour Martian. Page 364
  • Pope John sent Embassador by King Theodo­rick to the Emperour Justin. Page 379
  • King Athalarick makes a constitution that the Pope give three thousand pounds for his entry. Page 380
  • Justinian continues the same constitution. Page 380
  • Athalarick by an express Law set against the Popes house, forbids Simony in the electi­on of Popes. Page 380
  • Agapet sent Embassador by King Theodat. ibid.
  • Epiphanius preferreth St. James before the other Apostles. Page 311
  • He tears a vail, where an image was painted. ibid. Page 442
  • Condemneth all Statues and pictures of men. ibid.
  • He condemneth Hereticks that worshipped the Virgin Mary, and called her Queen of heaven. Page 41
  • And those that worshipped Angels. ibid.
  • He sets the Angels above the Virgin Mary. ibid.
  • Opinions of Epiphanius rejected by the Ro­man Church. Page 140. &c.
  • How the Holy Communion is celebrated in Ethiopia. Page 22. 775
  • Eucharist judged necessary to children after Baptism. Page 126
  • Pope Eugenius comes to Paris: Giveth to Peter Amerin the Archbishoprick of Bourges in spite of King Lewis the eighth. Page 632
  • He excommunicates Lewis, and puts his per­son in interdict three whole years. ibid.
  • Eugenius the fourth deposed by the Council of Basil, retains the Popedom in spite of the Council. Page 207, 208
  • Opinions of Eusebius of Cesarea contrary to the Roman Church. Page 138
  • Vindication of Eusebius against the calum­nies of Du Perron. Page 241, 242, &c.
  • Reasons why he is so much hated and con­demned as an Arrian by the Cardinals Ba­ronius and Du Perron, Page 243, 244.
  • He calls Jesus Christ a second essence, and a second God. Page 243
  • He is suspected of Arianism. ibid.
  • He is contrary to images, and calls them an Heathenish custom. Page 40
  • Eutyches his Heresie; he is deposed by Fla­vian Patriarch of Constantinople. This gave occasion to the second Council of Ephesus. Page 353
  • What the Exarchs were in the ancient Church. Page 366
  • Excommunication used to recover things lost. Page 35
  • It is not to be pronounced against an Univer­sity, Colledge, &c. Page 242
  • A Superiour might be excommunicated, by an inferiour. Page 244, 337
  • How the word of excommunication must be understood, when in old time a Superior was excommunicated by an inferior. Page 244, 350, 322
  • Popes excommunicated by other Bishops. Page 360, 361, 643
  • Bishops of what place soever they were, and though never so small, might excommuni­cate an Heretick Bishop. Page 377
  • Menas Patriarch of Constantinople excommu­nicated Pope Vigilius. Page 381
  • Dioscorus of Alexandria excommunicateth Pope Leo. Page 300
  • Pope Innocent the first, excommunicateth At­ticus Bishop of Constantinople, who ne­vertheless remained in his See. Page 323
  • The Bishops of Rome excommunicate Acaci­us, who nevertheless remained peaceable possessour of his Patriarchal See. Page 361
  • The Popes Gelasius and Hormisdas excommu­nicate [Page] all the Oriental Churches; only because they kept the name of Acacius de­ceased in their Ecclesiastical Tables. That excommunication lasted fourty years. Page 379
  • Excommunication of Friderick the second, publisht at Paris in ambiguous terms. Page 649
F.
  • FOur texts of Scripture falsified by du Perron. Page 176
  • Two other falsifications in the same Page. ibid.
  • Du Perron saith falsly, that St. Paul hath ex­cused his low stile. Page 190
  • Falsification of a text of the Epistle to the Galatians. Page 218
  • Falsification of a text of Deuteronomy. Page 383
  • A text of Matth. 22. falsly alledged. ibid.
  • Four texts of Scripture falsly alledged in du Perrons speech pronounced in the full As­sembly of the States at Paris. Page 386
  • A text, 1 Cor. 14. falsified. Page 396
  • The same text falsified otherwise in another place. ibid.
  • A text, 1 Cor. 13. falsified both in words and sense. Page 397
  • He falsifieth 2 Cor. 11. translating [...] ig­norant. Page 190
  • A text of St. Peter falsified. Page 198
  • A text, 1 Cor. 4. falsified. ibid.
  • He affirmeth falsly, that in Scripture Priests abstained from their wives. Page 481
  • He affirmeth falsly, that St. Peter spake of wives, when he said to Christ, Behold we have left all. Page 482
  • Falsification of a Text, 1 Tim. 4. where he makes St. Paul to say, prohibentes ab­stinere, adding this word prohibentes. Page 487
  • A text, Tit. 3. falslely alledged. Page 552
  • A text falsified, 1 Cor. 7. But now they are Saints. Page 667
  • A text of Joshua falsly alledged. Page 777
  • He maintains, against all truth, that Moses and Aaron, speaking to the stone, wor­shipped the stone. Page 781
  • Gregory the first falsified. Page 198
  • And St. Hierome. Page 200
  • And St. Ambrose. Page 217
  • St. Cyril of Jerusalem falsified. Page 234
  • And Athanasius. ibid.
  • St. Chrysostom falsly alledged. Page 235
  • Two texts of St. Cyprian falsified. ibid. Page 236
  • Leo the first, Bishop of Rome, falsified. Page 236, 525
  • Epistle of Pope Anastasius falsified. Page 244
  • St. Ireneus falsified. Page 244
  • A text of Cyprian clipt. Page 250
  • Socrates falsified. Page 270
  • A place of Notitia Imperii falsified. Page 273
  • A notorious depravation of a Canon of Nice. Page 273, 274
  • Verses of Gregory Nazianzen falsly transla­ted. Page 274
  • Three falsifications of a place of Socrates. Page 293
  • St. Ambrose falsified. Page 294
  • Evagrius falsly alledged. ibid.
  • And the Council of Chalcedon. Page 295
  • Allegations falsly affirmed to have been made in the Council of Chalcedon. Page 299
  • St. Basil twice falsified. Page 295
  • And once more. ibid.
  • A place of Ambrose clipt. Page 315
  • Fiction and lie of Cardinal Du Perron. Page 316
  • He alledgeth Letters of Chrysostom to Inno­cent the first, which are known not to be written to Innocent, but to the Bishops in general. Page 320
  • Cedrenus falsly alledged. Page 321
  • And so Prosper and Marcellinus Comes. Page 321, 322
  • A place of Innocent to Victricius falsly al­ledged. Page 336
  • St. Austins Epistles falsly alledged. Page 332
  • A place of the 96. Epistle of St. Austin fal­sified. ibid.
  • Another falsification in the citation of the 162. Epistle of St. Austin. Page 332. 333
  • Falsification in the allegation of the sixth Councel of Carthage. Page 333
  • Justinian's Novel falsly alledged. Page 334
  • Du Perron, after Baronius, brings an Epistle of St. Austin manifestly false. Page 335, 336
  • A place of Fulgentius ill translated. Page 336
  • A place of Optatus falsified. ibid.
  • A place of an Epistle of Chrysostom falsified. Page 337
  • Two falsifications in a place of Liberatus. Page 347
  • He saith falsely that the precedence which Dioscorus had in the Council of Ephesus, was declared a tyrannie. Page 354
  • Acts of the Council of Chalcedon, falsly alledged. Page 357
  • Socrates falsified. Page 358
  • Another Falsification of the same place. ibid.
  • A place of Evagrins clipt. Page 376
  • St. Hilary alledged against his sense, and against truth. Page 183
  • Words of Anthimus clipt, and ill translated. Page 384
  • Place of Athanasius depraved. Page 384
  • [Page]Photius falsly alledged. ibid.
  • Basil falsified. Page 395
  • A place of Thedoret clipt, by the omission of the word St. Michael. Page 405
  • Eusebius falsly alledged. Page 410
  • A place of Origen horribly clipt and falsified. Page 414
  • Ambrose falsified. Page 420
  • Gregory Nazianzen falsified. Page 426
  • A place of Epiphanius wrested. Page 427
  • Chrysostom falsified. Page 461
  • A Canon of Ancyra falsified in the word [...]. Page 484
  • The Elberin Council falsified. Page 486, 487
  • Epiphanius clipt and falsified. Page 489, 490
  • Places of Eusebius clipt and falsified. Page 490, 410
  • A place of Hierom falsified with this addition, that Hierom beat his brest with a stone till blood came. Page 502, 503
  • A place of Basil falsified, with the addition of the word only, and corrupted in the sense. Page 526, 527
  • Another place of Basil falsified in the same manner. Page 527
  • Chrysostom clipt. Page 531
  • A place of Patriarch Jeremiah, and another of the German Doctors falsified. Page 532
  • The Cardinal in his speech before the States at Paris falsly alledged the Council of Constance. Page 545, &c.
  • Cyprian falsified. Page 532. 554
  • Ambrose clipt. ibid.
  • Austin corrupted in the sense, and falsified in the words. Page 689
  • Ambrose falsified. Page 711
  • A place of the third Council of Carthage falsified. Page 692
  • Justin Martyr corrupted, not in the words, but in the sense. Page 716
  • Ambrose falsified. Page 722
  • Theodoret falsly translated. Page 724, 725
  • Horrible depravation of a place of Austin, 12. chap. of the Book against Adimantus. Page 738
  • The Canon Hoc est taken out of Austin clipt. Page 741
  • German the Patriach falsified. Page 774
  • Nicholas Pectoras falsified. ibid.
  • Theodoret falsly translated. Page 781
  • In one place of Cyril of Alexandria three falsifications. Page 790, &c.
  • Four falsifications in another place of Cyril. Page 791
  • Hilary wrested. Page 791
  • Aristotle falsly alledged. Page 789
  • A place of Calvin falsified. Page 383
  • Another falsely alledged. ibid.
  • Fasting free in Scriptures. Page 507
  • Divers customs of ancient Christians in fast­ing. Page 508
  • Fasts of Montanists. Page 509, &c.
  • Ancient fasts were free. Page 509
  • The Devil adviseth to fast. Page 511, 512
  • The Jesuits fast but little. Page 512
  • Fasting upon Saturday and Sunday condem­ned by the ancient Fathers and Councils. Page 514, 519, 134, 339
  • Aerius did ill to trouble the Church about fasting. Page 505
  • Praise of fasting. Page 506
  • What we find amiss in the fasts of the Pa­pists. Page 506
  • Fasts upon weeks days in the ancient Church upon Wednesdays and Fridays. Page 512
  • Absurdities and abuses of fasting in the Ro­man Church. Page 512
  • A strange kind of Fast, consisting not in so­briety, but in distinction of meats. Page 512
  • In the Roman Church carowsing breaks not a fast. Page 512
  • What persons are not obliged to fast. Page 513
  • Of the Fathers, and their authority. Page 120
  • To what end, and how we alledge Fathers. Page 710
  • Difficulty about judging of the doubts of Faith, by the testimony of Fathers. Page 120
  • The Roman Church condemneth the Fa­thers, even in the things about which they agree. Page 121
  • Bellarmin, Baronius, Gregorius de Valentia, Maldonat, Villa, Vincentius, condemn the Fathers. 122, 123, 124
  • Particular opinions of the Fathers, in which they dissent from the Roman Church. Page 133, &c.
  • Du Perron correcteth St. Austin. Page 220
  • He accuseth the Fathers of wresting the Scripture to their advantage. Page 221
  • And useth them as men without faith and conscience. Page 416, &c.
  • He takes in the Fathers that which is evil, and leaveth that which is good. ibid.
  • Examination of Du Perrons shift that the Fathers spake darkly of the Eucharist be­fore the Catechumens and Infidels. Page 756
  • Felicissimus a Priest of Carthage, stirreth a Schism against Cyprian. Page 247
  • Pope Felix put out of the Dypticks. Page 361
  • The Feast of the dedication, in winter, Joh. 10. Page 203
  • Feast of the conception of the Virgin Mary. Page 130
  • The fire came down from heaven upon the [Page] dedication of Solomons Temple, was out long before the ruine of that Temple. Page 161
  • Flavian remains a peaceable possessor of the Patriarchat of Antioch against the will of the Bishop of Rome, who in the end consents to it, not daring to oppose him. Page 316
  • Of those that whip themselves for their own selves, or for others. Rhenanus saith, that this Flagellation comes from the Lacede­monians. Page 499
  • Examples of Flagellation. Page 503
  • Expositions of these texts, The flesh profi­teth nothing, &c. And except you eat my flesh, &c. Page 707
  • Faith consisteth in knowledge. Page 812
  • Implicite Faith, grounded upon the Faith of others, whence it comes. Page 811
  • Faith Theological, and not Theological, of Bellarmine. Page 433
  • The Council of Constance determineth, that one is not obliged to keep faith to Here­ticks. Page 31
  • Fermosus dispenseth from keeping an oath. Page 27
  • He is declared after his death an unlawfull Pope, and his body dragged into the Ty­ber. ibid.
  • The Roman Church, teaching perjury, fol­lows the old Hereticks. Page 45
  • The Pope authorizeth perjury, and dispen­seth from oaths. Page 84
  • Ʋrban the second, forbids to keep faith to excommunicate persons. Page 104
  • Jesuites teach perjury before Judges. Page 542, 543
  • St. Francis, of him and his rule; How absurd and impious it is. Page 497
  • He wallows in the mire. Page 497
  • His perfection. Page 504
  • He is said to have gone beyond Christ. ibid.
  • Franciscans their first coming into England. Page 647
  • They were exactors of moneys, and the Popes Factors. ibid.
  • Their sudden increase. Page 647
  • Their equipage. Page 653
  • The language of the Franks was that of Ghelders. Page 843, 844
  • The French Nobility and Gentry in the time of Lewis the ninth, make a League against the Pope, and oppose his exactions. Page 653
  • General lamentation and murmure against the Pope, among the French people, du­ring the imprisonment of Lewis the ninth. Page 655
  • Frederick Barbarossa trodden under the feet of Pope Alexander the third. Page 105
  • He holds the Popes left stirrup instead of the right. Page 632
  • Being excommunicated, he goes into Syria, and conquereth Jerusalem; but the inju­ries done to him by the Pope, force him to leave Syria. Page 640
  • The Templers endeavour to deliver him to the Sultan. Page 640
  • He extorteth his absolution from the Pope. ibid.
  • He is a rare example of patience and meek­ness. ibid.
  • His excommunication is pub [...]isht in all the Provinces subject to the Pope. Page 649
  • He is degraded from the Empire in the Coun­cil of Lyons, by Innocent the fourth. Page 650
  • Innocent corrupteth four of Fredericks ser­vants to stab him. Page 652
  • His death. Page 658
  • His sons, and his bones are excommunicated. ibid.
  • Frumentius Preacheth in India without ordi­nary calling. Page 91
  • Fulbert Bishop of Chartres corrupteth an excellent text of St. Austin. Page 738
G.
  • GElasius Cyzicenus hath written the Acts of the Council of Nice. A place of that Gelasius falsified, and contrary to the truth of the History. Page 271
  • Opinions of Pope Gelasius rejected by the Church of Rome. Page 142
  • Pope Gelasius affirmeth against truth, that Pope Innocent absolved St. Chrysostom. Page 322
  • He is a sworn enemy to the memory of Aca­cius Patriarch of Constantinople, so far as to excommunicate all the Oriental Chur­ches, because in their Ecclesiastical Tables they had the name of Acacius written. Page 377
  • The Greek Churches accuse him of pride. Page 378, 399
  • He teacheth that absolution cannot be given to the dead. Page 142
  • He forbids baptizing at any other time but Easter and Pentecost. Page 377
  • He alledgeth Scripture in derision. Page 378
  • He makes bitter invectives against the Coun­cil of Chalcedon. Page 379
  • He saith that all that Universal Councils say, must not always be believed. Page 379
  • He disputes against Christ about the blasphe­my against the holy Ghost, Page 378
  • [Page]He maintains that Scripture is not alwayes perfect. Page 377
  • He acknowledgeth that Popes are subject unto Emperors in civil matters, and that they must not meddle with temporal bu­sinesses. Page 378
  • He threatens the Emperor Anastasius to be his accuser in the day of judgement. ibid.
  • He assumeth to himself that which Christ saith, He that is not with me, is against me. ibid.
  • He renounceth all Ecclesiastical Canons made in favour of the Church of Rome. Page 379
  • He is contrary to Transubstantiation. Page 142
  • He condemneth the Communion under one kind. Page 142, 796
  • Genebrard speaketh disgracefully of the life and succession of the Popes. Page 101
  • A notable example of Gennadius Patriarch of Constantinople, shewing that he was no subject of the Bishop of Rome. Page 375
  • Genserick King of the Vandals conquereth Spain in the year 408. and leaveth it to the Visigoths. 845
  • St. George was an Arian, enemy to Athana­sius. Page 400
  • Gerbert Archbishop of Rhemes promoted to the Popedom by a paction with the Devil. Page 102
  • The Epistle ascribed to St. Ambrose, which speaketh of Gervasius and Protasius, is false. Page 420, 450
  • Confutation of the distinction of grace ge­neral and sufficient, and grace effectual; whereof the one gives power to do, the other giveth to do. Page 474
  • The Emperour Gratian leaveth the title of Pontifex Maximus in the year Page 385. 311
  • Gratian preacheth the Gospel at Tours a­mong the Pagans in the year Page 253. 844
  • Gregory the I. did not believe that by the Church of the elect the Roman is under­stood. Page 7 & 8
  • Arrogant words of Pope Gregory the I. Page 210
  • He acknowledgeth three chairs of St. Peter equal. Page 226
  • He was offended with that title of universal Bishop. Page 381
  • He praiseth the parricide of Phocas. ibid.
  • He speaks to the Bishops of Alexandria and Antioch, as to his equals. Page 311
  • He chideth Serenus an Image-breaker. Page 451
  • How he speaks of a Priest that abstained from his wife. Page 492
  • Pope Gregory the II. declareth some meats unclean. Page 512
  • Pope Gregory the VII. degradeth married Priests. Page 494
  • What opposition arose upon that ibid.
  • He was the first that made bold to degrade an Emperour, but he sped ill by it. His confession in his death. Page 630
  • Gregory the VIII. taken by Celestus the II. is condemned to perpetual prison. Page 104
  • Gregory the IX. excommunicates Frederick the II. Receiveth two thousand ounces of gold to absolve him. He turneth the Cros­sed against him. He giveth the Empire to Robert, brother to Lewis IX. King of Fravce, who refuseth that gift. Page 640, 641
  • His miserable end. Page 647
  • Grgory Nazianz [...]n had opinions which the Roman Church alloweth not. Page 137
  • He wisht that there were no primacy in the Church. Page 302, 303
  • He is promoted to the Patriarchat of Con­stantinople by Peter Patriarch of Alexan­dria, without the advice of the Bishop of Rome. Page 305
  • He doubts whether the Saints hear our pray­ers. Page 393
  • He is the first of the Fathers in whom pray­ers to the Saints are found. ibid.
  • Opinions of Gregory of Nyssa not approved in the Roman Church. Page 140, 783, &c.
  • That Catechetical Oration which is among his works, was corrupted by the Eutychi­ans. ibid.
  • Gregorius Thaumaturgus giveth rules about Penitence. Page 525
  • Gregorius Turonensis mistaken in history. Page 334
  • Gregorius de Valentia Jesuit, censureth the Fathers upon the point of Transubstanti­ation. Page 124
  • He holds that God exacteth of us more satis­faction then is requisite, according to the rigour of justice. Page 606.
  • He despiseth satisfactions. Page 620
  • He taxeth Scripture of insufficiencie. Page 148
H
  • HEnry the I. of England maintains that the investitures belong unto him. He banish­eth Anselm. Page 631
  • Henry the II. of England invadeth Ireland by the Popes permission, upon condition that every house pay a penny to the Pope. Page 632
  • He prohibits appeals to Rome, and the bring­ing of any Mandat from Rome, and the exacting of Peters pence in England. Page 633
  • [Page]In his reconciliation with Thomas of Canter­bury, he holds his horses bridle twice. ibid.
  • Four of his Courtiers kill Thomas in the Church of Canterbury. Page 634
  • His submissions, even to be whipt by the Monks. ibid.
  • Henry the III. of England makes homage of his Crown to the Pope. Page 641
  • Pope Honorius declares him major. ibid.
  • His submission to Legat Otho, whose knees he touched with his head. Page 643
  • In a Feast at Westminster he yields the royal chair unto the Legat. Page 646
  • His low mind to suffer his Kingdome to be eaten up by the Popes servants. Page 650
  • Notable letters of Henry to Pope Innocent IV. Page 655
  • Henry IV. Emperour, and his miserable end in his old age. Page 631
  • Henry Archbishop of York poysoned in the chalice of the Sacrament. Page 632
  • Whether the societies of hereticks ought to be called Churches. Page 12
  • Whether hereticks may be saved. Page 14
  • Opinions of St. Hierome not approved in the Church of Rome. Page 141
  • Du Perron calumniates Hierome. Page 200
  • Hierome makes all Bishops equal. Page 309
  • Hierome calls Rome Babylon, and the harlot in scarlet, and the Clergy of Rome the Se­nat of the Pharisees. ibid.
  • He saith that the offices of Priest and Bishop are one and the same. Page 310
  • He praiseth the poverty and simplicity of the ancient Bishops of Rome. ibid.
  • Hierome believed that the Saints deceased hear not our prayers. Page 194
  • His vehemencie against Matrimony Page 416
  • He saith that the Fathers writing against the Pagans, write often against their own sense. Page 415.
  • He accuseth St. Paul of fraud and dissem­bling. Page 417
  • He speaks of him with contempt. ibid.
  • He taxeth him of lye, and is therefore bla­med by St. Austin. ibid.
  • In the midst of his austerity his heart was set upon unlawful lust. Page 502
  • He is whipt before Christs throne for being a Cueroman. Page 503
  • He forbids altogether to eat flesh and drink wine. Page 511
  • And contradicteth St. Paul. ibid.
  • Hilary Bishop of Poitiers. His opinions which the Roman Church alloweth not. Page 138
  • Hilary Bishop of Arles. His quarrel with Leo I. Bishop of Rome. The Emperour Valentinian gives sentence in favour of Leo. Page 363
  • Impiety of Pope Hormisdas, in alledging Scripture. His pertinacie to hold the Oriental Churches so long excommunica­ted for the only table of Acacius written in their Records. Page 379
  • Hosius Bishop of Cordova, beloved of the Emperour Constantine, and imployed to oppose Arius, without the advice of the Bishop of Rome. Page 268
  • He presideth in the Councel of Nice. Page 271
  • Hosius sate not there as a Legat of the Bi­shop of Rome, as Du Perron affirmed. ibid.
  • He made the Symbol of Nice. Page 302.
I.
  • FAble of St. James the Apostle beheaded, and his body transported from Jerusalem to Compostella, confuted by Baronius. Page 400
  • The Church of Jerusalem Mother of all Churches. Page 308
  • Jesus Christ, wherein we must imitate him. Page 116
  • He alone was exempt from original sin. Page 129, 130
  • He is the only Mediator. Page 429, &c.
  • Opinions of St. Ignatius rejected by the Ro­man Church. Page 134
  • Ignorances of Cardinal Du Perron in Scripture.
  • Du Perron esteemed that Jesus Christ spake Greek with his disciples. Page 5
  • He takes the custome to deliver a malefactor at Easter for a tradition. Page 160
  • He takes the Fable of the continual fire upon the Altar confirmed by miracle in the time of the transmigration, for an history. Page 161. 227
  • He calls the Books of the Old Testament a Rabbinical supputation. Page 202
  • And will have the Books of Esdras to have been inclosed within the Ark of the Co­venant. ibid.
  • He knew not that the immortality of the soul is proved in the Books of Moses. Page 160
  • Another notorious ignorance. Page 228
  • He believed that the Ep [...]stle to the Hebrews was written to the Church of Jerusalem peculiarly. ibid.
  • His false opinion that the Epistle to the Gala­tians was written before that to the Ro­mans. ibid.
  • He affirmeth that these words, He shall bap­tize you with the holy Ghost and with fire, [Page] were spoken by Christ, whereas they were spoken by John the Baptist. Page 673
  • Another ignorance. ibid.
  • He knew not whether Christ celebrating the holy Communion with his Disciples was sitting or standing. Page 776
  • He will have Moses and Aaron to have wor­shipped the stone when they spake to the stone. Page 777
  • Ignorance of the Cardinal in Philosophy.
  • In pag. 17. a [...]d 222. and 385.
  • He was ignorant that all Faith is relative. Page 404
  • He understood not what Councel is. Page 472
  • He believed that the actions of the under­standing, and the spiritual manducation, are done without the intellect. Page 789
  • He saith that money is a thing not real, but intentional. ibid.
  • He thought that the habits and operations of the intellect are not real. Page 790
  • He teacheth, that from the Genius to the Species, one may argue affirmatively. Page 792
  • He maintains that this word substance signifi­eth accidents. Page 727
  • He puts two substances in bread; the one in­ternal and invisible, the other external and visible.
  • Ignorance of the Cardinal in the Greek tongue, and in the Latine Grammar.
  • He knew not that the Aorist of the Greek in­finitive hath commonly a present significa­tion. Page 154
  • He interprets [...] and [...] trans­marinos; whereas it signifieth dwelling by the sea-side and Islanders. Page 310
  • And [...] reverencing, whereas it signi­nifies thinking. ibid.
  • He believeth that [...], John 1.30. signifi­eth hath been done. He interprets [...] venerable, whereas it signifieth hoary. Page 275
  • He interprets [...] because, whereas it signi­fieth although. Page 293
  • He interprets [...] convocate, where­as it signifieth call, or invite to come. ibid.
  • He interprets fumosum typhum, a smoaky whirlwind, whereas it signifieth the fu­mous or vain pride. It seems he mistakes [...] for [...]. Page 336
  • [...] he interprets judgement, whereas in the place which he alledgeth, the word sig­nifies a vote or advice. Page 337
  • [...] he translates studious, whereas it signfies expetitus, desired by all, taking [...] for [...]. Page 338
  • Concilio evocato, he translates, having convo­cated a Councel, whereas it signifieth ha­ving called the Councel to himself, for the Councel was assembled before. Page 347
  • [...], he translates humane things, whereas it signifieth, the men that are upon earth. Page 410
  • A Greek place of Origen ill translated. Page 415
  • [...], he translates, men of good will, whereas it signifieth men with choise or liberty of will. Page 415
  • He corrupts a place of Chrysostome upon Tit. 1. joyning with [...] the word [...]. Page 477
  • He translateth the word [...] in the Councel of Ancyra, having been received, whereas it signifieth having received, or having obliged themselves with promise, or having undertaken. Page 484
  • He did not understand the word [...] in the Councel of Nice, which signifieth not uxorem, but associatam, or adjunctam, and that without mariage. Page 485
  • [...] he translateth, a Priest that hath been married, whereas it signifi­eth a married Priest. Page 488
  • He hath ill translated the word [...]. Page 490
  • [...] he translateth, that hath been com­posed, instead of that is composed. Page 718
  • He mis-interpreteth a place of Theodoret out of ignorance of the Greek phrase. Page 725
  • [...] in Theodorets Dialogues he transla­teth a beggar, whereas Theodoret meaneth a contributor, or one that payeth his shot. Page 734
  • [...] he translateth consecration, whereas it signifieth in the Fathers, the shewing of the bread unto the people. Page 774
  • [...] he translateth then, whereas it signi­fieth wholly, or altogether, and sometimes lately. Page 775
  • By [...], which signifieth a sacred ceremony, he understands the Sacrament, and by the Sacrament he understands Christ. Page 791
  • [...] he translateth swallowing, which signifieth consuming or spending ibid.
  • [...] he translates impiety, instead of ill thoughts, or ill counsel. ibid.
  • [...] he translates are presupposed, instead of assumed. ibid.
  • Posteri he translates posteriours instead of posterity. Page 236
  • Convenire ad Ecclesiam, he translates to agree with the Church, instead of coming from divers parts unto the Church. Page 224
  • Suffragator he translates a giver of advice, whereas it signifieth, one that helpeth with [Page] his vote or intercession. Page 420
  • He knew not that in the figure of Grammar called [...], one of the substantives is put for an adjective. Page 671
  • He understood not the signification of Ar­chitriclin. Page 705
  • Ignorance in expounding this verse of Vir­gil, Crimine ab uno disce omnes. Page 742
  • He confounds [...] with [...]. Page 798
  • Ignorance in Chronology.
  • He took the second convocation of Bishops at Constantinople for the first. Page 308
  • Ignorance in Geography.
  • He saith that Idumea is seated at the West of Judea. Page 385
  • He puts Babylon in Assyria, whereas it is in Chaldea. Page 233
  • Ignorance in Hebrew.
  • He discerned not that sarbet sarbancel are words that signifie nothing in Hebrew, and that we must read in Origines Shebet sar bene el, that is, the scepter of the Prince of Gods children. Page 203
  • Onias he interprets the strength of the people, whereas it signifieth, God is my strength. Page 191
  • Rabbi he interprets many, whereas it signifi­eth Master and Doctor. Page 321
  • He was mistaken when he put Sammai be­fore Hillel. Page 156
  • Ignorance in the Fathers and Church-history.
  • He affirmeth ignorantly, that before Hie­roms time none of the Latine or Western Church rejected the Book of Maccabees. Page 196
  • He mistakes a particular Councel assembled in Italy for the Councel of Sardica. Page 300
  • He mistakes the Councel of Rome under Da­masus for that of Constantinople, and Theodosius for Gratian. Page 306
  • He affirmeth falsly that Flavianus and Pau­linus were cited to Rome by the Pope. Page 316
  • And that Chrysostome appealed to Innocent the I. by Letters. Page 320, 321
  • He understood not that word of transmari­nas Ecclesias in the 162. Episte of St. Austin. Page 304
  • He thought that the Councels of Christians gave Laws to the Pagans. Page 405
  • That Christ spake Greek, and used the word [...] among his disciples. Page 5
  • That in the ancient Church an inferiour could not excommunicate one greater then himself. Page 244
  • That all the Churches of the Empire were called suburbicary. Extream ignorance! Page 273, 274
  • He mistakes one Alnulfus for another. Page 330
  • He falsly supposeth that the Council of Sar­dica was held part, or an Appendix of the Council of Nice. Page 298, 334
  • And that the Roman Church cited the Ca­nons of Sardica, as belonging to the Council of Nice. Page 334
  • Great ignorance in History, to believe that the Bishop of Rome in St. Austins time had the power to send bands of souldiers into Africa. Page 336
  • He saith that a Bishop of Alexandria was ab­sent, when the same was dead, and his See vacant. Page 371
  • Ignorance about the names of Emperours, set in the title of Imperial Laws. Page 363
  • He confoundeth the whole History of Sylve­rius and Vigilius, and makes the Eutychi­an letters of Vigilius to be written before the death of Sylverius, though they were written a long time after. Page 385
  • He was ignorant of the origine of Lent, and of the sense of the word Quadragesima. Page 517
  • He knew not what women were those Asso­ciate or Adjoyned, that are mentioned in the Councel of Nice. Page 485
  • Against all reason and likelyhood he makes the first Councel of Constantinople, which was universal, to be but an Appendix of the Councel of Rome, which was particu­lar. Page 306
  • Images of God made by the ancient Hereticks. Page 39
  • Images of God. The old Heathen Romans had no Images of God, for the space of 170. years. Page 436
  • It is but lately that the Roman Church hath begun to make images of God. Page 437, 438
  • Impious excuses brought for that. In what habit God is represented. Page 438
  • The Emperour Adrian built Churches with­out images for Christians. Page 441
  • The Heathen excused their images with the same reasons as are used now in the Ro­man Church. Page 39
  • The Heathen called Images the books of Ide­ots. Page 39 449, 450.
  • The attire of Images is derived from Paga­nism. Page 51
  • Of the words Image and Idol. Page 437
  • The Jews have abhorred Images ever since they returned from the Captivity of Ba­bylon. Page 439
  • [Page]The ancient Christians had neither Images nor Painters. Page 440
  • The Eliberin Council prohibits Images, and is therefore taxed by Melchior Canus of imprudence and impiety. Page 441
  • They are condemned also by the Council of Franckford. Page 445
  • And by that of Paris. ibid.
  • Eusebius calls the images of Cesarea a Pagan custom. Page 442
  • Epiphanius, Ambrose, Hierom, Austin, con­demn images, Page 442, &c.
  • We object the same things as the Fathers did against the images of God and Saints. Page 442
  • The second Council of Nice commands the adoration of Images. Page 445
  • Paps of flesh grow upon the image of the Virgin Mary. Page 635
  • The eighth Council of Constantinople com­mands that the image of Jesus Christ be a­dored. Page 27
  • The Doctors of the Roman Church will have us to adore the Cross with the cult of La­tria. Page 446
  • Birth and progress of Images. Page 451, 452
  • What moved the Popes to be Patrons of I­mages. Page 452
  • Image of Jesus Christ in Cesarea of Philippi. ibid.
  • Reasons of the Roman Church for the ado­ration of Images. Page 448
  • Custom of covering images in Lent, whence it came. Page 771
  • Why Images were removed from the Temples of the Reformed Churches. Page 811, 812
  • Immortality of the soul, proved out of the five Books of Moses against Du Perron. Page 160
  • Impossibility of being without sin, doth not excuse the sinner. Page 474
  • Incense in Churches, Lactantius and Arnobius despise it and jear it. Page 444
  • Of Indulgences and treasure of the Church. Page 463, &c.
  • Horrible abuse in Indulgences. Page 464
  • What a plenary indulgence is. ibid.
  • Indulgences disgrace and clip the benefit of Christ. Page 467, 468
  • Many Doctors of the Roman Church con­fess that the doctrine of Indulgences is new and unknown to Antiquity. Page 466, 467
  • Why the Ancients speak so seldom of Indul­gences, and the new Doctors so often. Page 466
  • Signification of the word indulgence in the ancient Church. Page 568
  • Indulgences to the dead by way of suffrages. Page 579
  • Judgement of Cajetan, Roffensis, and Na­varrus about Indulgences. Page 580
  • Effect of Indulgences. Page 621
  • Innocent the first, Bishop of Rome, did not make himself judge of the cause of Chry­sostom, and could not help him. Page 320
  • His Deputies to the Emperour are sent back with contempt. ibid.
  • He never excommunicated the Emperour Arcadius, nor Eudoxia his wife. Page 321
  • He excommunicates Atticus Patriarch of Con­stantinople, who kept his place nothing the less. Page 323
  • His Epistles inserted among those of Austin, are absurd and suspected of falshood. Page 342
  • Errour of Innocent about the necessity of administring the Eucharist to infants, Page 343, 344
  • His ignorance and his Decretal forbidding Clerks to marry. Page 207
  • Innocent the third Excommunicates John King of England, deposeth him and puts England in interdict; bestoweth it upon Philip August, upon condition of conquer­ing it. He receiveth homage from King John, and makes England a Fee of the Roman Church, and the King his vassal. Page 636, &c.
  • He publisheth the Croisada between the Waldenses and Albigenses. Page 638
  • He excommunicates the Barons of England. Page 639
  • He assembleth the Council of Lateran where Transubstantiation is establisht, and the power of dispossessing Princes is attribu­ted to the Pope, and a degree of glory in Paradise is given above other Saints to them that should cross themselves for the voyage of Syria. Page 639. 28, 29
  • His ignorance in deriving the word Pascha from passion. Page 168
  • He saith that the suffrage of Saints is neces­sary to us. Page 418
  • He did not believe the absolute necessity of the Baptism of water. Page 670
  • Innocent the fourth his Wardrobe is burnt, and in it his Charter of England. Page 649
  • His arrogant words against the Kings of France and England. Page 649
  • He makes a Sermon at Lions. ibid.
  • He deposeth the Emperour Frederick the second. Page 650
  • His death. Page 657
  • Intention requisite in him that conferreth the Sacrament. Page 108, 109, 576, 674
  • Intention habitual or virtual. Page 802
  • [Page]What the Interdict is in the Roman Church. France put under an interdict, by Pope Julius the second. Page 33
  • An Interdict put upon Normandy by Walter Archbishop of Roven for the space of two years. Page 635
  • The person of Lewis the seventh of France put under an interdict by Pope Eugenius. Page 632
  • An interdict put upon England. Page 636
  • The Roman Church is not an infallible inter­preter of Scripture. Page 64. &c.
  • Two sorts of judges of the sense of Scrip­ture. Page 65
  • Many things in Scripture need no interpre­tation. Page 64
  • Seven differences between our interpretati­ons, and them of the Roman Church. Page 67
  • Impious and profane interpretations of the Roman Church. Page 68
  • Investitures causes of great troubles under the Papal Empire. Page 33. 629, 630, &c.
  • Pope Paschal yieldeth the investitures to the Emperour Henry the fifth. Page 632
  • Invocation of Saints. See Saints.
  • Du Perron confesseth that in the Fathers be­fore the first Council, no invocation of Saints is to be found. Page 409. 388
  • Difference between the Intercession and the invocating of Saints, and that Du Perron confounds those two things. ibid.
  • Paction of Cyprian with Cornelius that the first deceased should pray for the outliver. Page 393
  • That Saints must not be invocated, Page 402, &c.
  • Invocation of Saints condemned by the Fa­thers. Page 406, &c.
  • Especially by Origen. Page 407, 411, &c.
  • Chrysostom contrary to it. Page 420, &c.
  • Some places in Chrysostom falsified to esta­blish the invocation of Saints. Page 422, 423
  • Athanasius contrary to praying to Saints and Angels. Page 423, &c.
  • Austin contrary to the invocation of Saints. Page 424
  • And Epiphanius. Page 425, &c.
  • And Hierome. Page 426
  • John King of England quarrels with Pope Innocent the third, about the election of an Archbishop. Page 636
  • John deposed by the Pope, and his Kingdom given to Philip August for the remission of his sins. ibid.
  • King John humbleth himself, and makes his Crown tributary to the Pope. Page 637
    • He makes homage to the Pope. ibid.
  • Kneels before the Archbishop to obtain ab­solution. Page 638
  • Sends to Admiral Murmelin Mahumetan to crave help against the Popes oppression. Page 638
  • He makes a second Homage, and gets the Charter renewed, which is sealed with gold. ibid.
  • Pope John the tenth, a man of prodigious wickedness. Page 101
  • John the twelfth deposed by the Emperour Otho for his crimes. Page 101
  • Taken in adultery, and so beaten by the De­vil, that he dyeth of it. ibid.
  • Createth infants Bishops; Drinks the Devils health, &c. ibid.
  • John the fifteenth, having killed two Popes, gets the Popedom by violence and bribery. Page 102
  • John the eighteenth buyeth the Popedom. ibid.
  • John the two and twentieth, electeth him­self Pope. Page 106
  • Denieth that souls see God before the re­surrection. Page 106
  • He is excused by Bellarmine. Page 393
  • John the three and twentieth, deposed. He denied the immortality of the soul. Page 99
  • John of Antioch deposeth Cyrillus of Alex­andria, and Cyrillus in revenge deposeth him. Page 349
  • Josephus makes Hercules, the Monster killer, son in Law to one of Abrahams daughters. Page 187
  • Irenaeus, some of his opinions not approved by the Church of Rome. Page 136
  • Du Perron in the fifth chap. of the fourth Ob­servation against King James, p. 719. saith that Ireneus said such things, which had he said in our days, he should be held an Arrian. ibid.
  • A man is irregular if he cannot drink wine, or if he be gelded, not if he be a Sodo­mite. Page 564
  • The Jubilee was instituted by Pope Boniface the eighth. Page 29
  • It is the most famous, and the most lucrative Fair of Babylon. Page 29
  • The Book of Judith is fabulous. Absurdities of the said Book. Page 178, &c.
  • It is not Canonical. ibid.
  • Julius the first, Bishop of Rome, chosen Ar­bitrator in the cause of Athanasius against the Oriental Bishops, abuseth his autho­rity. Page 290, &c.
  • The Oriental Bishops rebuke him for his au­daciousness. Page 291
  • And tell him that all Bishops are equal. Page 291
  • [Page]Justin Martyr his opinions, in which he is dissenting from the Roman Church. Page 131
  • Justin the Emperour makes the Patriarchs of Constantinople to bow under the Bishop of Rome, and causeth the name of Acacius to be rased out of the Diptychs of Con­stantinople. Page 379
  • Justification by faith alone, is odious to the Roman Church. Page 132
  • The Emperour Justinian made many Laws and Constitutions about Christian Faith and Ecclesiastical Policy. Page 380
K.
  • OF killing Kings rather then reveal a Confession. Page 542. &c.
  • Kings and Emperours degraded and deposed, and their Crowns enslaved by Popes. Page 545
  • The Council of Constance speaks not of Kings, and secureth not their life. Page 546
  • The power of Kings is of divine institution. Page 548
  • By the Kingdom of heaven often the Church is understood. And the keys of the King­dom of heaven are the power to Govern the Church. Page 556, 557
  • Two sorts of keys in the word of God. Page 556, 557
  • The key of the Kingdom of heaven signifie the Government of the Church. Page 557
  • Abuse of the keys in the Roman Church. Page 573, &c.
  • The power of the keys is given to all the A­postles. Page 224
L.
  • LActantius his opinions in which the Ro­man Church dissents from him. Page 142
  • He condemneth Images. Page 441
  • He calls them great puppets before whom incense is burnt. Page 444
  • Latria and Dulia, in what sense St. Austin us [...]t [...] that distinction. Page 431
  • The Roman Church in the Psalter of the Vir­gin Mary deferreth unto her the service of Latria. Page 434
  • Absurdities of the distinction of Latria and Dulia. Page 446, 447
  • The Narrative of Lazarus and Dives is not an History but a Parable. Page 399
  • Lent is not instituted by God. Page 515
  • Texts of Scripture upon which Du Perron groundeth Lent. Page 515, &c.
  • True origine of Lent. Page 516
  • Diversity of customs about Lent. Page 517, &c.
  • Lent is little observed by the Pope, and Car­dinals. Page 521
  • The Emperour Leo makes a Law that the Church of Constantinople be the first of all Churches. Page 363
  • Leo the ninth Pope is overcome in battel, and taken. Page 103
  • Liberius Bishop of Rome submitteth himself to Athanasius. Page 301
  • He is sent into exile by the Emperour. ibid.
  • He fell into the Heresie of the Arians, and subscribed their confession. ibid.
  • The Limbus of infants came from the Pela­gians. Page 44
  • Confutation of Limbus. Page 669, &c.
  • A Bishop of Lincoln cals the Pope Antichrist, and detesteth the Roman Court. His Let­ters to Pope Innocent the fourth. Words of indignation of the Pope against him. Being dead he appeareth by night to Pope Innocent the fourth, who dieth out of fright at that apparition. Page 656, 657
  • Linus first Bishop of Rome after St. Peter. Page 240
  • Liturgie of Ethiopia described out of Al­varez. Page 775
  • Lewis the seventh of France, excommuni­cated by Pope Eugenius, and his person put under an interdict. His oath upon re­licks. Of which oath he is absolved by Ber­nard Abbot of Clervaux. His unfortunate voyage into the Levant. Page 632
  • He passeth into England to visit the relicks of Thomas Becket. Page 635
  • His vows and prayers to Thomas to avoid the perils of the sea. ibid.
  • Lewis the eighth of France, son to Philip August passeth into England to the help of the Barons. Page 640
  • Lewis the ninth stops the moneys levied in France by the Pope. Page 646
  • He buyeth with a great summ of money the crown of thorns from Baldwin Emperor of Constantinople, and from the Venetians a piece of the true Cross. Page 446
  • He meets with Pope Innocent the fourth at Clugny, and another time at Lyons, whence the King returneth with great in­dignation. Page 650, 651
  • The Pope gives him leave to levy upon the Clergy the tenth part of their revenue. And he to requite him, giveth the Pope leave to levy the twentieth part for three years. Page 652
  • He prohibits the Popes exactions, and sends back his Legats with division. Page 653
  • He imbarques himself at Marseille for the voyage of the Holy Land. Ill success of his affairs. His imprisonment. The mourn­ing [Page] of France, which at the same time is exhausted with the Popes exactions, who thereby hindereth the Kings relief. Page 654, 655
  • Lamentation of the French people. ibid.
  • Lewis the ninth commandeth that the Pope be expelled out of Lions. Page 655
  • Lewis the twelfth assembleth a Council at Pisa against Pope Julius the second. Page 33
  • Lewis Vives complaineth of the superstition of Christians about serving the Saints. Page 429
  • The Moral Law is nothing else but the Law of Nature. Page 439
  • Confutation of the Looking Glass in the es­sence or face of God. Page 388, 389
M
  • THe Book of Maccabees is fabulous, and full of absurdities. Page 185, &c.
  • St Paul excuseth not the lowness of his stile, as the Author of the second book of Mac­cabees. Page 190
  • Opinion of Gregory the first, about the Mac­cabees. Page 207
  • Christ, Joh. 6. speaks not of the Sacrament, or of oral manducation. Page 705
  • Comparison between the corporal and the spiritual manducation. Page 708
  • The oral manducation exposeth Christ to contempt, and is full of contradictions. Page 708, 709
  • All the Fathers acknowledge a spiritual man­ducation of Christ, and reject the corpo­rall. Page 751
  • St. Austin more then any. Page 752, 753
  • The wicked eat not the flesh of the Lord. Page 754, 755
  • The Fathers of the Old Testament ate the same meat as we do. Page 760
  • The Fathers acknowledge the same participa­tion to the body of Christ in Baptism, as in the Lords Supper. Page 767
  • The Spiritual manducation is real. Page 791
  • Christ in the Communion is eaten and ap­prehended by faith in the Sacrament as dying for us. Page 790
  • Reason why the Fathers never speak of eat­ing the Godhead. ibid.
  • Manfred Son to Frederick the second, de­feats the Popes Army, who causeth the Croisada to be preacht against him. Page 657
  • St. Margaret never was in the world. Page 400
  • Marosia and Theodora, Harlots, have long ruled the Papal See. Page 99
  • Marriage. See Celibat.
  • The dissolution of Marriages sprung from ancient Hereticks. Page 50
  • They that have not the gift of continence, ought to marry. Page 469 &c.
  • Prophets and Apostles married. Page 470. &c.
  • M [...]rriage cleared from the disgrace which Du Perron puts upon it. Page 470, 476
  • Marriage of Clerks approved by the Coun­cil of Nice. Page 484
  • Baronius and Du Perron confesse that in the time of the Apostles, Bishops were mar­ried. Page 478
  • Marriage of Clerks approved by the Elibe­rin Council. Page 487
  • And by that of Gangra. Page 488
  • And by the Emperour Constantine. Page 488
  • And by Syricius, Socrates, Hierome. Page 488, 489
  • And by Epiphanius Page 489, 490
  • And by Athanasius, Theodoret, Austin, Pope Pelagius, Isidorus. By the Council of Anjou, and by that of Trulla. And by Pope Gregory the first. Page 490, 491, 492
  • Examples of Bishops married. Page 492, &c.
  • Synesius Bishop of Cyrene married. Page 493
  • Confession of the Adversaries. Page 494, 495
  • The marriage of Clerks is hold less tolerable in the Roman Church then fornication and Sodomy. Page 479
  • St. Martial a supposititious Saint that ne­ver was, is put in the number of the A­postles by that intruder and wicked Pope, John the twentieth. Page 103. 399
  • Pope Martin the fifth, his proud titles. Page 32
  • Another Martin is the plague of England, the executioner of the Popes horrible ex­actions and extortions in England. Page 648
  • The Mass is contrary to Christs institution. Page 37
  • Impious prayer in the Mass. Page 413
  • One cannot tell what the Priest breaks in the Mass. Page 696
  • Nor what is poured in it. Page 698
  • Of the two cups. Luke 22. Page 699, 670
  • Opposition of the Mass with the Lords Supper. Page 701
  • Examination of the Mass by the Institution of the Lords Supper. Page 702, &c.
  • That Mass which is called Secret, was un­known in the ancient Church. Page 146
  • The Sacrifice of the Mass serves only to re­mit the temporal pain of sins already pardoned. Page 683
  • Why part of the Mass is said in a low voice, and with a deep silence. Page 747
  • Why the Mass is said in Latine. Page 828, &c.
  • Clauses of the Mass which would offend the hearers if they were understood. Page 828, 829, &c.
  • [Page]In the Mass Christ is compared to a beast. Page 829
  • The Canon of the Mass is contrary to tran­substantiation. Page 730
  • Efficacy of the Mass ex opere operato. Page 802
  • Private Masses are contrary to Christs in­stitution, to the practice of the ancient Church, to the Canons of the Roman Church, and to the very words of the Mass. Page 804
  • Shamefull traffick of private Masses. Page 804, 805
  • Miracles are no marks of the true Church. Page 114
  • Of the miracles of Hereticks. Page 114
  • Of false miracles. Page 115
  • The Government of the Universal Church must not and cannot be Monarchical. Page 211. &c.
  • Monks, when the Monastical profession be­gan at Rome and in Gauls, and by whom. Page 318
  • Monks of Syria and Egypt Anthropomor­phites. Page 501
  • Their origine and discipline. Page 500
  • Their rules grounded upon Scripture curi­ously applied. Page 501
  • They durst not piss without leave. Page 501
  • Were beaten by the devil. ibid.
  • Their beginning at Rome. Page 501
  • The people of Rome abhorred them. Page 502
  • The Montanists were authors of austere fasts. They disputed with the Orthodox Chri­stians with the same reasons that the Ro­manists use against us. Page 507
  • The multitude and large extent is not a mark of the true Church. Page 111
  • Du Perrons reason against us for it. Page 113, 114
  • The mysterie of the Sacrament was hid to the Penitents and Catechumens. Page 146
  • The Church ought not to be troubled about a question of meats. Page 505
  • Abstinence from meat is a weakness. Page 506
  • Distinction of meats abolisht by the Apostle. Page 506, 507
  • Yet we must use it to edification. ibid.
  • Ancient Hereticks excused their distinction of meats with the very reasons of the Ro­man Church. Page 508
  • Of the prohibition of blood, and things strangled. ibid.
  • The Council of Ancyra forbids abstinence from flesh. Page 509
  • Meats unclean by the Popes judgement. Page 512
N.
  • Navarrus his judgement concerning Indul­gences. Page 579
  • Nectarius is created Patriarch of Constanti­nople without the advice of the Patriach of Rome. Page 308
  • He abolisheth the Penitentiary Priest and the secret Confessions without the advice of the Bishop of Rome. Page 311
  • Nestorius being Patriarch of Constantinople, governeth the Church of all the world. His heresie and his condemnation. Page 346
  • He is banisht by the Emperour by the advice of John of Antioch. Page 352
  • Nicolas the first Pope denieth the truth to be in the multitude. Page 112
  • He falsifieth a Canon of the Council of Chal­cedon. Page 359
  • He abuseth Scripture to maintain the Popes primacy. Page 360
  • He attributes to Christ infirm actions. Page 504
  • Pope Nicolas the second, reduceth the Church of Milan to his obedience, and takes from the Clerks their wives, Anno Christi, MLVIII. Page 314
  • Novatus and Novatianus, both of them Schismaticks. Page 247
  • Novatian chosen Bishop of Rome by a clan­destine election. Page 247, &c.
  • He admitteth not those that are fallen to a publick penitence. Page 661
  • An Interdict put upon Normandy, for the space of two years by Walter Archbishop of Roven. Conditions of agreement be­tween him and King Richard. Page 635
O.
  • THe Ambrosian Office different from the Roman. Page 313
  • And was more esteemed then the Roman for a great while: till the year 771. when Pope Adrian condemned the Ambrosi­an Office. Page 313
  • A trial of both the Offices by a miracle. ibid.
  • The Ambrosian office lasted till the time of Charlemain. Page 845
  • The Mozarabick Office abolisht in Spain a­bout the year, MLXXX. and the Roman establisht. Page 314, 845
  • Oath. The Roman Church swearing by the Creatures, imitateth the ancient Here­ticks. Page 44
  • The ancient Christians did not swear [Page] at all. Page 128
  • The Pope dispenseth from Oaths. Page 27, 99
  • How religiously an oath ought to be kept. Page 100
  • Oath of Bishops in their consecration. Page 37
  • Offerings of the people upon the holy Table, and how they were disposed. Page 768
  • The Form of the Ordination of Readers in the Roman Church. Page 825
  • The holy Orders in the Roman Church, how uncertain, being grounded upon the inten­tion of him that conferreth them. Page 108
  • Origen is against the invocation of crea­tures. Page 411
  • Judgement of the ancient Church about O­rigen. Page 411, 412
  • None of his adversaries ever blamed him for rejecting Images, and Transubstantiation, and invocation of creatures. Page 412
  • Praises of Origens Books against Celsus. Page 413
  • He rejects Images. Page 441
  • And Transubstantiation. Page 723
  • Du Perron is very sharp against him. Page 411, 724
  • The Ossenian hereticks taught to pray in dark words. Page 810, 811
P
  • PAganism and Papism how like. Page 52, 53
  • God never forgiveth the fault, but he remits the pain. It is false that in sin there is both poena & culpa. Page 595
  • Three sorts of pain. Page 592
  • Pain of loss, and pain of sense. Page 669
  • How the Archiepiscopal Pall is made, and for how much it is sold. Page 110
  • Councel of Paphnutius Bishop of Thebaid, about the mariage of Priests, followed by the first Councel of Nice. Page 484.
  • In what sense Pastors forgive sins. Page 551, &c.
  • The repenting sinner hath obtained pardon of God before he presents himself before the Priest. Page 552
  • Pastors cannot forgive sins in Gods judge­ment. Page 555
  • Confession of the Adversaries. Page 563, 570
  • Testimony of Fathers. Page 567, &c.
  • Pardon of sins in the Roman Church is sepa­rated from the preaching of the Gospel. Page 577
  • Pardon upon condition of committing some wicked act. Page 587, 588
  • God pardoneth not by halfs. Page 593
  • Parish. What that word signifieth in the an­cient Church. Page 366, 367
  • Pope Paschates the II. his cruelty to Henry the IV. How Henry the V. used him, and made him quit the investiture. Page 104, 632
  • Four Patriarchs equal in power, pretending that to each of them belonged the care of all the Churches of the Empire. Page 295
  • Each of them qualified Head of the universal Church. Page 295
  • All of them together held for one Head of the Universal Church of the Empire. Page 296
  • What the Patriarchs were. Page 366, 341
  • Their Order changed in the I. Councel of Constantinople. Page 308
  • And in that of Chalcedon without the advice of the Bishop of Rome. Page 367
  • Paulin and Flavian competitors of the Bi­shoprick of Antioch. Page 316
  • Popery imitates Pelagianism. Page 43
  • Africa troubled by the heresie of Pelagius and Celestius. Page 324
  • Signification of the word Penitence in holy Scripture. Page 658 &c.
  • In the Fathers the word Penitence is found in the singular number only. Page 661
  • The Fathers call publick penitence exomologe­sis, and a second plank after the shipwrack. ibid.
  • The Fathers take the word Penitence two wayes. Page 660
  • Four degrees of Penitence in the ancient Church. Page 524, 525.
  • The ordering of publick penitence in the an­cient Church. ibid.
  • The penitence of the Ancients how different from that of the Church of Rome. Page 353, 610, 611, 146, 147
  • The Fathers speak not of secret absolution. Page 553
  • When bodily penance was first exchanged for pecuniary. Page 104
  • Extravagant penances. Page 585. &c.
  • To whip ones self singing. Page 586
  • Penitence without satisfaction. Page 587
  • Redeem satisfaction with money. ibid.
  • The way how to be dispensed from penances imposed by the Priest. Page 612
  • Leo the X. condemneth Luther for saying that a new life is the best penitence. Page 659
  • Amendment of life is better then bodily pe­nances. Page 659
  • The Novatians admitted not those that were fallen to publick penance. Page 661
  • Tertullian and Ambrose were of opinion that penitence can be done but once. ibid.
  • Impious penances. Page 587, 588
  • Of the Sacrament of Penitence. Page 555
  • It is very lucrative to the Church of Rome. Page 673
  • [Page]Du Perron placing the Sacrament of Penitence in the Absolution only, contradicteth the Councels of Florence and Trent. Page 533
  • The parts of the pretended Sacrament of Penitence are no Sacraments, nor parts of a Sacrament. Page 534
  • Davids penitence was no Sacrament. ibid.
  • There is no Sacrament of penitence. Page 635. &c.
  • In the 20. of Joh. ver. 23. Whose sins soever you pardon, &c. the Sacrament of penitence is not instituted. Page 552, 553
  • The Jesuit Pererius opposeth the consent of the Fathers upon the point of Predestina­tion. Page 127
  • Du Perron his Journey to Rome. Page 109
  • His behaviour in the States of Paris. Page 544
  • Summary of his Speech to the States. Page 545
  • His ignorance in correcting Erasmus and Calvin. Page 232
  • His ridiculous distinction between the nego­tiating and the judiciary person of the Pope. Page 329
  • He saith that God marketh or sealeth the E­lect, not in them, but in himself. Page 9
  • He saith that the merit of Faith is greater, where there is less intelligence. Page 46
  • He confesseth that by the communion under one kind, the signification of the Sacra­ment is diminished. Page 802
  • He makes bold to condemn all the Bishops of Africa, among whom were those holy men, Aurelius and Austin. Page 335
  • He blames the Emperour Constantine for not deferring enough to the Pope. Page 339
  • The absurd interpretation which he giveth to the 8th. Canon of Chalcedon. Page 372, 373
  • Notorious absurdities of Du Perron upon the prayer for the dead in the Mass. Page 458
  • He frameth an absolute Faith and a relative Faith; a Faith Theological, and a Faith not Theological. Page 433
  • He alledgeth Scripture in derision of Lent. Page 515, 516
  • His absurd proofs for St. Peters Primacy. Page 235, 236
  • He saith that the word substance signifieth the accidents. Page 727
  • He speaks of St. Austins Treatises upon St. John with contempt. Page 758
  • He disputes against St. Austin. Page 762
  • He proves by the Quatrains of Pibrac, that the Apostles sitting at the Table adored the hoast. Page 776
  • He holds that the spiritual manducation is done without the soul. Page 789
  • His manner of disputing, and what con­troversies he avoids with all his pow­er. Page 550, 551
  • He saith that God, after the Consecration, preserveth the bread in the universal lati­tude of being. Page 720, 721
  • To excuse that Prayer on the Mass for the souls that sleep in peace, he saith that they sleep in peace, not in regard of themselves, but in regard of the Church. Page 458
  • He calls Purgatory a Metaphorical fire. Page 460
  • He accuseth Scripture of absurdities. Page 160
  • He saith that the greater the ignorance is, the greater is the merit of Faith. Page 812
  • Impious doctrines of Card. Du Perron.
  • His impious Exposition of the Text Tu es Petrus, &c. Page 221
  • He accuseth the Apostles of ignorance. ibid.
  • He saith that this proposition, The Church is founded upon Christ, is not a propositi­on of perpetual truth, and that it was not from the beginning. Page 221, 222
  • He makes two sorts of Christian Faith, abso­lute and relative. Page 404
  • He accuseth the Fathers of dissimulation and hypocrisie. Page 413
  • He saith that one should suffer his King to be killed, yea and Christ himself, rather then reveal a Confession. Page 543
  • He maintaineth that the Church hath autho­rity to change the Commandements of God, and to dispense from them 70. Page 795 797
  • And that the Church may add unto Scrip­ture. Page 148, 149
  • He makes two sorts of redemption of our souls; the one original, the other appli­cative. Page 691
  • He maintains that in the Books of Moses the immortality of the soul is not to be found. Page 160
  • He hath gathered all the absurdities that he could pick out of Scripture. Page 175
  • He maintains that the precept of the Apo­stle, Let the Bishop be husband of one wife, was but for a time. Page 478
  • In the same manner as in his Speech to the States of Paris, he maintained that the A­postles command, Let every soul be subject to the higher powers, was but provisional. Page 548
  • He saith that the Sacraments of the old Te­stament were but vain monuments and cenotaphia. Page 763
  • St. Peter had no Successor in his power over the Universal Church. Page 95
  • Comparison of St. Peter and the Pope. Page 97. &c.
  • St. Peter had no power of jurisdiction over [Page] the other Apostles; and in what sense he was the first among them. Page 214
  • Authorities of Fathers upon that subject. Page 216, &c.
  • Examination of the Text, Thou art Peter. Page 218. &c.
  • And of this, Simon lovest thou me? Page 224
  • How St. Peter is the foundation of the Church. Page 220, 221
  • Of St. Peters fabulous combat with Simon Magus. Page 227, 228
  • Fables about the death and form of punish­ment, and burial of St. Peter. Page 230
  • Athanasius saith, that his throat was cut, not that he was crucified. Page 230
  • The next successors of St. Peter at Rome are doubtfull. ibid.
  • Absurd proofs of Du Perron for the Popes primacy. Page 232, &c.
  • It matters not for the Popes primacy, whe­ther St. Peter was at Rome, or died there. Page 226
  • Reasons that make us doubt of St. Peters abode at Rome. Page 227, &c.
  • The time of his abode at Antioch and Rome cannot be found. Page 232. 233.
  • Three Chairs of St. Peter, and all three equal, by the confession of Gregory the first. Page 226
  • St. Petronel St. Peters daughter. Page 470
  • Petrus Rubeus raiseth three thousand pounds for the Pope in Scotland. Page 647
  • Popery imitates Pharisaism. Page 42, 43
  • Pharisees and Scribes were not the same or­der. Page 156
  • Philip August King of France hath England given him by Pope Innocent the third, for the remission of his sins, upon condition of conquering the same, with his own costs and danger. Page 636, 637
  • He raiseth for that end a powerfull Army, but is prohibited to go on that work by the Pope, who doth not defray his char­ges. Page 637, 638
  • His generous language, upon that the Pope called England his patrimony. Page 638
  • Against the Popes will he sends his son Lewis to help the English Barons. Page 640
  • The Emperour Phocas peferreth the prima­cy to Boniface the third. His parricide ap­proved by Pope Gregory the first. Page 381
  • Pope Pius the second acknowledgeth, that in the first Ages the Roman Church was little regarded. Page 245
  • He confesseth that the ancient Councils were convocated without the Popes authority. Page 251, 252
  • His opinion is, that wives should be restored unto Clerks. Page 495
  • Polycarpus Bishop of Smyrna comes to Rome and conferreth with Anicetus Bishop of Rome. Page 242
  • Being dead a Martyr, the Jews fear lest he be adored by the Christians. Page 406, 407
  • Polycrates Bishop of Ephesus resisteth Victor Bishop of Rome. Page 242
  • The title of Summus Pontifex was one of the titles of the Pagan Emperors: Gra­tian the Emperor quits it. Page 311
  • True source and origine of the Popes prima­cy. Page 367
  • Usurpation, and proud titles of Popes. Page 584.
  • Arrogant titles of Martin the fifth. Page 32
  • Aurelius Bishop of Carthage is called the holy Pope, and his Holiness. Page 329
  • The Popes power over the temporal of Princes establisht by the Council of La­teran. Page 28
  • In what time the Pope began to raise his tem­poral power. Page 323, 324
  • By what means the Popes have increased their temporal Empire. Page 629
  • The Popes dispense from keeping oaths. Page 72, 99, 100
  • The title of God ascribed to the Pope, and the right of Canonizations, and the kissing of his feet, come from the Pagan Empe­rors. Page 50
  • The Popes give a glory to some above the other Saints, and bear themselves as accu­sers in the day of Judgement. Page 29
  • They dispense of the precept, Poenitentiam agite. Page 575
  • They dispense against the Apostle, and change the commandments of God. Page 37, 71, 564
  • The Pope is called the foundation of the Church. Page 97
  • He assumeth the power of adding to the Symbol. Page 148
  • Impious titles that Thomas Aquinas gives to the Pope. Page 573
  • Why the Popes would never be present at Universal Councils. Page 349
  • Why Popes entring to the Popedom, and ta­king a new name, never take the name of Peter; yea if one had the name of Peter before he was Pope, he leaveth it. Page 98
  • Two Popes, Liberius and Felix, sitting toge­ther without a Schism, in the Bishop of Romes Chair. Page 302
  • The Pope is not Successor of St. Peter in the quality of Apostle, or head of the Univer­sal Church. Page 95, 96, 213, &c.
  • The first Bishops of Rome were elected by the [Page] suffrages of the people. Page 240
  • Comparison of the Popes of this time with the ancient Bishops of Rome. Page 98, 99
  • All the Countryes that Princes conquer to the Christian Faith by force of arms, are challenged by the Pope as his. Page 632
  • Popes deposed by the Emperours of Germany. Page 101
  • Three Popes deposed in the Councel of Con­stance, An. 1414. Page 107
  • Height of the greatness and glory of Popes. Page 98
  • Two Popes, Adrian the IV. and Marcel. II. confess that a Pope cannot be saved. Page 108
  • Popes excommunicated by other Bishops. Page 360, 361
  • The Pope dying asketh absolution of his Con­fessor. Page 565
  • The Pope forgiveth himself. Page 574
  • Impiety of Navarrus, saying that the Pope may sell the remission of sins. Page 578, 579
  • Popes Hereticks, erreneous, Idolaters.
  • Liberius and Felix Bishops of Rome, Arians. Page 302
  • Innocent the I. erreth in his opinion that the Eucharist is necessary to infants. Page 99
  • Boniface by his Legats brings forth false Ca­nons in the VI. Councel of Carthage. Page 329, 330
  • Pope Leo's Legats bring forth in the Councel of Chalcedon a falsified Canon of Nice. Page 369
  • A false and supposititious Epistle of the Coun­cel of Chalcedon to Leo forged in the Popes favour. Page 374
  • Real Presence in the Eucharist, and Transub­stantiation.
  • Exposition of these words, This is my body. Page 701
  • How many figures the Romanists forge in this matter. Ibid.
  • Circumstances of the action of the Lords Supper contrary to Transubstantiation. Page 702, &c.
  • The end of the Sacrament overthrown by Transubstantiation. Page 709
  • Testimony of the Fathers. Page 710, 723, &c.
  • The word Transubstantiation establisht in the year 1214. Page 723
  • Of what change the Fathers speak. Page 723
  • Canon of the Mass contrary to Transubstan­tiation. Page 730
  • The Fathers call the consecrated bread and wine, signs, figures, tyes, and Symboles. Page 572
  • Councels contrary to Transubstantiation. Page 745
  • A Canon of the third Councel of Carthage contrary to Transubstantiation. Ibid.
  • The seventh Councel of Constantinople con­trary to Transubstantiation. Page 746
  • The High Priest of the Church of Israel was a figure of Christ our High Priest. Page 212
  • The calling of Priests. Corruption of their charge. Page 89, 94
  • A Priest being in mortal sin, may yet give ab­solution. Page 565
  • Priests have not the power to impose bodily or pecuniary pains. Page 611
  • The penitentiary Priest abolisht by Necta­rius. Page 528
  • Du Perron did not understand that History. Page 529
  • We are sooner heard by our prayers then by the intercession of others. Page 423
  • What Prayer is. Page 814
  • Prayer must be made with faith and intelli­gence. Page 814, 815
  • Excellent art of the Prayer that Christ gave to his Disciples. Page 815
  • Prayer for the dead in the ancient Church was done for another end then to fetch souls out of Purgatory. Page 455, &c.
  • The ancient Church prayed for the Saints, Martyrs, &c. Page 456, 457
  • Epiphanius expounding the utility of prayer for the dead, saith nothing of Purgatory. Page 457
  • The prayer in the Mass for them that sleep, and how Du Perron excuseth it. Page 458
  • End for which the Ancients prayed for the dead. Page 458, 459, &c.
  • Ancient prayers for those whom they believ­ed not to be in torment. Ibid.
  • Prayers for a deceased Cardinal, speak not of Purgatory. Page 462, 463
  • Prayers in a language not understood. See Tongue.
  • Prayers in a barbarous language and dark words come from the Ossenian hereticks. Page 46, 810, 811
  • Prayers of private persons in a tongue not known to themselves. Page 813, &c.
  • Absurdities which they fall into, that pray in Latin which they understand not. Page 813, 814
  • Prayers in an unknown tongue condemned. Page 814, 815
  • They are contrary to the practice of the Church of the Old Testament. Page 822
  • In the Ancient Church every one prayed in his own tongue. Page 816
  • The ancient custom of praying standing from Easter to Pentecost, is contrary to the cu­stome of the Apostles. Page 163
  • Pope Julius the first pretends to primacy by vertue of a Canon which forbids to make ordinances for the Church without the Bi­shop [Page] of Rome. That Canon is examined. Page 292, 293
  • That Canon overthroweth the Popes prima­cy; And the following Popes have re­nounced it. Page 293
  • Athanasius and Meletius governed the Church of all the world. Page 302, 345
  • Gregory Nazianzen wished that there had been no Primacy in the Church. Page 302, 303
  • The Bishops of Gauls, called head [...]. Page 305
  • Basil deferreth the primacy to the Insular Bishops. Page 304
  • Prohibition by the fourth Council of Car­thage to call any Bishop Prince of Bishops or Soveraign Bishop. Page 338
  • What was the primacy and order among Bishops in Austins time. Page 340
  • Law of Theodosius the second, contrary to the primacy of the Bishop of Rome. Page 341
  • Leo the first, in his Epistles takes no other title but that of Bishop of the City of Rome. Page 362
  • The Emperor Leo decreeth that the Church of Constantinople have the primacy over all other Churches. Page 363
  • The 28. Canon of the Council of Chalcedon equals the Patriarch of Constantinople with that of Rome in all things, even in Eccle­siastical matters. Page 368
  • Procession of the Holy Ghost; the dispute a­bout it with the Grecians, proceeds out of animosity. Page 163
  • Purgatory came from the Pagans. Page 46
  • That Purgatory which the Fathers speak of, is the fire of the day of Judgement, through which they make the Saints to pass, even the holy Virgin Mary. Page 459
  • Du Perron seemeth to laugh at Purgatory, calling it a Metaphorical fire. Page 460
  • The Fathers hold that souls separated can suffer no punishment. Page 461
  • Purgatory of Gregory the first, in Baths and River [...], and at the wind. Page 461, 462
  • Roffensis acknowledgeth that among the An­tients there was no mention of Purgatory, nor of indulgences to the dead. Page 580
R.
  • THe Romanists exalt in hyperbolical words the ransom that Christ paid, that they may more speciously debase it. Page 594, 595
  • Bellarmine esteemeth not that the satisfaction of Christ be actual. Page 594
  • He saith that Christ did not satisfie for our whole pain. Page 594
  • What words are used in the ordination of Readers. Page 825
  • Reading of Scripture forbidden by the Do­ctors appointed by the Council of Trent, confirmed by Popes. Page 35, 167
  • Herein the Roman Church followeth anci­ent Hereticks. Page 45
  • Order taken by the Council of Trent to hin­der the reading of Scriptures. Page 167
  • God hath commanded the reading of Scrip­tures. Page 168
  • Reading of Scripture recommended by the Fathers, to women, artificers, &c. Page 171, 172, &c.
  • The abstinence of the Rechabites makes no­thing for the Fasts of the Roman Church. Page 508
  • In what sense a man may redeem his own sins. Page 615
  • Du Perron makes two sorts of redemption, the one original the other applicative. Page 691
  • That applicative redemption is a Chimaera. ib.
  • False Religion loveth obscurity; the true, lay­eth open her doctrine. Page 810
  • Another difference. Page 811, 812
  • When Christian Religion was spread in Gauls. Page 843
  • The Roman Religion holds things for good, which in Civil conversation should be held unreasonable. Page 814
  • Relicks for the use of women with child, came from the Pagans. Page 51
  • Pope Innocent the 4th. having drained Eng­land of money, sends them in recompence a bottle full of Christs blood. Page 654
  • Lewis the ninth, buyeth the Crown of thorns and a piece of the true Cross. Page 646
  • In old time the remnant of the sacred bread was either burnt, or given to little chil­dren to eat. Page 773
  • Reservation of the Sacrament was forbidden. Page 774
  • Rest of Esther contains things contrary to the Book of Esther. Page 184
  • Earl Richard, brother to K. Henry the third of England, crosseth himself for the voyage of Syria. He detesteth the Popes wicked­ness. Page 545, 646
  • Riculphus was the forger and inventer of Decretals. Page 263, 246
  • How the Romans were clad according to their diverse qualities, Page 187
  • The Roman was the Language of Countrey People in Gauls. Page 843
  • Whether Rome be called Babylon by St. Peter. Page 233
  • The Roman Church must not be called univer­sal. Page 117
  • Ruffinus is injuriously handled by Du Perron. Page 244
  • Du Perron misuseth him wrongfully about the word suburbicary. Page 273, 274
S.
  • SAbbath changed into Sunday, even in the Apostles time. Page 162
  • How the word Sacrament is taken by the Fa­thers. Page 731, &c.
  • Several significations of the word Sacrament. ibid.
  • Du Perron calls the Sacraments of the Old Testament, vain monuments, and cenota­phia. Page 763
  • To look upon the Sacrament was forbidden to Catechumens and Penitents. Page 769, 770
  • Sacrifice. See Mass.
  • What are the true Sacrifices. Page 425
  • The Sacrifice of the Eucharist. Page 680, 681
  • In what respect the sacrifice of beasts was propitiatory. Page 616
  • The Sacrifice of the Mass was not instituted by Christ. Page 681, &c.
  • In what sense, and for what reasons the Fa­thers called the Lords Supper a Sacrifice. Page 687, 692 &c.
  • Du Perron wandereth from the question. Page 680
  • An absurd proof of the Sacrifice of the Mass in the Council of Trent, by these words, Hoc facite, Do this. Page 681
  • The death of Christ is the only propitiatory Sacrifice for our sins. Page 682
  • Of the commemoration, and application of the Sacrifice of Christ. Page 686, &c.
  • Opposition of the Mass, with the Sacrifice of the Lords death. Page 691
  • Sacrifices or oblations for sins are no more necessary. Page 683
  • The difference between Sacrifice and Sacra­ment. Page 805
  • Holiness in doctrine, which the Romanists put among the marks of the Church, can­not serve the turn of the Roman Church. Page 84, 85
  • Difference between the holiness, and the truth of a doctrine. ibid.
  • The doctrine of the Roman Church is not holy since it teacheth vices. ibid.
  • Saints. See Invocation of Saints and Canoni­zation.
  • Before the year of Christ 375. there was no Invocation of Saints. Page 428
  • The titles and offices attributed unto Saints, are an imitation of Heathens. Page 51
  • The Saints know not our hearts. Page 388, &c.
  • Texts of Scripture upon that Subject. Page 389, &c.
  • Places of Fathers. Page 391, &c.
  • Doubt of Gregory Nazianzen about this question. Page 393
  • Imaginary Saints, that never were, are wor­shipped in the Roman Church. Page 103, 399, &c.
  • Old Saints are contemned, and the late ones more esteemed. Page 402
  • They that are not yet admitted Saints, are declared Beati, which is a degree and ex­pectative of holiness. Page 401, 402
  • The Roman Church is not contented to call upon Saints, but makes them also our Redeemers. Page 429
  • Some condemn not invocation of Saints, but think it to be unnecessary. The true ho­nour which ought to be given unto Saints. Page 429
  • The incredible fervency of the Roman Church, about the worship of Saints. ibid.
  • Lewis Vives complains of it. ibid.
  • Bellarmine saith, that the Saints are in some respect our Redeemers. Page 594
  • Opinion of the Fathers, that all Saints must pass through the fire of the last judge­ment. Page 392
  • What knowledge Saints have of things done in the world below.
  • Opinion of the Fathers about that: Chryso­stom and Austin vary about that question. Page 391, &c.
  • And Gregory Nazianzen. Page 393
  • Du Perron saith, that the Church hath not yet determined any thing about that. Page 392
  • Saracens abolish the Kingdom of the Goths in Spain. Page 845
  • Some kinds of Satisfaction very gentle. Page 586
  • Some Satisfactions are crimes. Page 610. 587, &c.
  • Two kinds of Satisfaction. Page 590
  • The Roman Church holds, that we can sa­tisfie God with our own merit, ex con­digno, by equality, and equipollence. Page 591, 605, &c.
  • And that God exacteth of us more satisfa­ction then the rigour of Justice requireth. Page 606
  • Unjust Satisfactions. Page 607
  • Exchange of bodily Satisfactions into pecu­niary. Page 609, 586
  • Uncertainty of the Satisfactions of the Ro­man Church. Page 611
  • A sinner may say to a Priest, I will have none of thy penance, for I choose rather to sa­tisfie in Purgatory. Page 612
  • A sinner may say to God, Thou wilt pardon [Page] me wholly by Christ, &c. But I will not have so great a liberality, &c. Doctrine of Bellarmine. Page 467, 468
  • Means to be dispensed from satisfying. Page 612
  • Christs satisfaction is not applied by our sa­tisfactions. Page 613
  • Gregory of Valentia despiseth satisfactions, Page 620
  • None can satisfie for another. Page 621
  • In what sense the Fathers take the word sa­tisfaction, and that they make two sorts of them, the one towards God, the other towards the Church. Page 662
  • Satisfaction is made to God by humility, and by craving pardon. Page 663
  • In what sense St. Paul saith that he suffers, that which is wanting to the sufferings of Christ. Page 623
  • Places of Fathers to that purpose. Page 624
  • Confession of Estius, Doctor of Doway. ibid.
  • The Pope affirmeth himself to be the Keeper and Steward of the Treasure of the super-abounding satisfactions of the Saints. Page 30
  • Saturninus Preacheth the Gospel at Tolosa, An. Dom. 252. Page 844
  • Satyrus brother of St. Ambrose not baptized, hangs the Sacrament at his neck, and throweth himself into the sea. Page 769
  • Scotland will not receive the Popes Legat, saying that never Legat entred into it. Page 644
  • But soon after, another that bore not the title of Legat, entred into it, and exhau­sted the Kingdom of money. Page 647
  • Prohibition to read Scripture. Page 35, 167, 90
  • Scripture is contrary to the Church of Rome. Page 36, 37
  • Scriptures authority above the Church. Page 55.
  • Invectives of the Romanists against Scrip­ture. Page 57, 61
  • They compare it to dumb men, and to actors of dumb shews. Page 61
  • The Church gives no authority to Scripture. ibid.
  • The pretended authority of the Church to interpret Scripture infallibly. Page 64, &c.
  • Perfection of Scripture. Page 152
  • Testimonies of the Fathers for that purpose. Page 157, &c.
  • It is wrongfully accused of obscurity. Page 173
  • The Fathers affirm that it is clear. ibid.
  • And that it expounds it self. Page 174
  • Vindication of the purity of Scripture against Du Perrons accusations and falsifications. Page 175
  • Wonderfull Arts of Satan to suppress Scrip­ture, or take all authority from it. Page 209
  • Blasphemie of Nicolas the first against Scri­pture. ibid.
  • And of Cardinal Ximines against the Hebrew and Greek texts of Scripture. Page 172
  • Epithetes which the Roman Church gives to Scripture. Page 149, 150
  • Confession of the Doctors of the Roman Church for the perfection and authority of Scripture. Page 158
  • Whether the learned only ought to read it. Page 168, &c.
  • Sixtus Senensis saith, that to give Liberty to Shoo-makers, Fullers, &c. to read Scripture, is casting holy things unto Dogs. Page 170
  • Why the people of the Roman Church are frighted from reading Scripture. Page 811
  • It ought to be read by all sorts of persons, and in a known tongue. Page 828, &c.
  • In the ancient Church the Holy Scripture was set on the Table at the entry of Councils. Page 352
  • Instead of that it is laid at the Popes feet in the entry of the late Councils. ibid.
  • Pope Gelasius the first, alledgeth Scripture in derision. Page 377
  • And maintains that the word of God in the Scripture is not always fulfilled. Page 378
  • Scripture wickedly alledged by Pope Hor­misdas. Page 379
  • Schisms in the Popedom. Page 101, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107
  • Schisms between three Popes, Gregory the twelfth, Benedict the thirteenth, and John the twenty-third. Page 107
  • Schism between Eugenius and Felix. Page 108
  • Schism between Damasus and Ʋrsicius, with much slaughter. Page 302
  • Schism between Boniface and Eulalius. Page 327
  • Description of Schism and Schismaticks: And whether Schismaticks can be saved. Page 13, 14
  • How God marketh his Elect with his Seal. Page 9
  • Papism imitates Semipelagianism. Page 44
  • Septimania, The Romans called so in Lan­guedoc, and a little part of Guyenne. Page 844
  • Serenus Bishop of Marseille breaks Images. Page 451
  • Gregory the first chides him for it. ibid.
  • The brazen Serpent was not an Image of Christ, and was not worshipped. Page 439
  • Publick Service was spoken aloud in the an­cient Church. Page 146
  • Why it is celebrated in an unknown tongue by Hereticks. Page 811
  • [Page]Publick service in a tongue not understood, contrary to the word of God and reason. Page 817
  • And to the practice of the Church of the Old Testament. Page 822
  • Publick Service must be celebrated with a clear voice. Page 820
  • The Ancient Christian Church over all the world used an intelligible Language in the publick service. Page 823
  • In Russia and Moravia Divine service is cele­brated in the Dalmatick Language. Page 826
  • Among the Abyssins in the Ethiopick tongue. Page 826
  • In Greek in Greece. Page 825
  • Why Divine Service is said in Latine. Page 826, 827, 828
  • How the Latin Service got into France and Spain. Page 843
  • How it got into England and Germany. Page 846
  • And into Africk. Page 849
    • Sidonius Apollinaris, Of him and his E­pistles. Page 363
  • In all his Epistles to the Bishops of Gauls no trace is seen of the Popes primacy. ibid.
  • He attributes to Lupus Bishop of Troyes the titles which the Pope assumeth. ibid.
  • He preacheth at Bourges, and complains of the decay of the Latine tongue. Page 844
  • Two sorts of signs according to Du Perron, some of a thing absent, some of a present which appeareth not. Page 743
  • All signs are helps to know, not hinderances and coverings. Page 743, 744
  • Two Simeons Stilites, and their prodigious lives. Page 500
  • Statue erected at Rome to Simon Magus. Page 227, &c.
  • He caused his Statue, and that of his concu­bine, to be worshipped by his Disciples. Page 39
  • Simoniack Popes, and therefore unlawfull by the Rules of the Roman Church. Page 99
  • Why Heresie and Idolatry, and Atheism, and scorning, are not set among mortal sins in the Roman Church. Page 538
  • St. Paul had the power to lead about with him a sister, wife, that is, a Christian wo­man joyned to him in Marriage. Page 471
  • Ridiculous distinction of Du Perron, who saith that a man that sleeps not in respect of himself, may sleep in respect of ano­ther. Page 858
  • Socrates the Historian is wrongfully charged with Novatianism. Page 321
  • Spiridion a married Bishop. Page 492, 493
  • He serveth pork before a stranger in Lent. Page 511
  • Spittle in Baptism came from the Pagans. Page 53
  • Of the Suburbicary Countreys and Chur­ches. Du Perron did not understand that word. Page 274
  • Succession of Chairs, that it is not a mark of the true Church. Page 85, &c.
  • In what sense Tertullian and Irenaeus prove their doctrine by the succession. Page 87
  • Of the succession of the Pastors of our Chur­ches. Page 89, &c.
  • The Papal chair was vacant, and without suc­cessor for two years. Page 105
  • And a little after, two years and a half. Page 106
  • Succession of the Papal Chair interrupted for many years, in which, of three contend­ing Popes, one could not tell which was the Lawfull. Page 106. 107
  • Succession of the Popedom broken under Eugenius. Page 107, &c.
  • The first Bishops of Rome are uncertain. Page 230
  • The Succession of the Church consisteth in the Conformity with the Doctrine of the Apostles. Page 86
  • Succession of St. Peter in the Primacy is not of Divine Right, according to Bellar­mine. Page 211
  • Examples in which Superstition changeth the precepts of piety into exteriour gestures. Page 658
  • Superstition counterfeiteth true Religion, but cannot attain to the purity of conscience, nor to the brightness of truth. Page 626
  • Lords Supper. vide Coena.
  • Pope Stephen the eighth condemned by Baro­nius. Page 100
  • Stephen Bishop of Rome calls Cyprian false Christ, and false Apostle. Page 249
  • The Book of Susanna is fabulous. The ab­surdies of the same. Page 183, 200
  • Sylverius, he is deprived of the Popedom by Vigilius, who bought it of Belizari­us. Page 99
  • Sylvester the second, made Pope by a com­pact from the Devil. Page 102
  • Sylvester the third made Pope, being ten or twelve years old. Page 103
  • Symmachus recommends Pagan Religion for the Antiquity. Page 119
  • [...], that word signifying an asso­ciate or adjoyned person, was not under­stood by Cardinal Du Perron. Page 485, 486
T.
  • IN old time there was but one Table or Altar in a Church, and that Table of wood, which might be removed. Page 768
  • Telesphorus Bishop of Rome, ordaineth the Fast of Lent for the Clerks of Rome. Page 242
  • To none but God temples must be consecra­ted. Page 777
  • Our bodies are Temples of God. ibid.
  • Tertullian, many of his opinions rejected by the Church of Rome. Page 155
  • He condemneth Zepherinus Bishop of Rome. Page 246, 278
  • He calls the Roman Bishop, Bishop of Bi­shops; but it is in scorn. ibid.
  • He is contrary to Transubstantiation. Page 733
  • How Du Perron corrupteth an excellent Te­stimony of Tertullian. ibid.
  • Opinions of Theodoret not approved by the Church of Rome. Page 140
  • Places of Theodoret against Transubstantiati­on. Page 724, 725
  • Vindication of Theodoret against the accusa­tions of Du Perron, and Gregorius de Va­lentia. Page 726
  • Theophania or Christmas day was celebrated in the Church upon the sixth of January. Page 340
  • Theophilus of Alexandria a persecutor of Chrysostom. Page 319
  • He was not subject to the Bishop of Rome. Page 323
  • Thomas Aquinas, his reasons examined about the judiciary absolution. Page 570
  • He accuseth Christ of importunity. Page 573, &c.
  • He applyeth to the Pope that which is said of Christ, Of his fulness we all receive. Page 574
  • He saith that the Pope can make a new edi­tion of the Creed. Page 71
  • Thomas Becket, being Lord Chancellor, is invested by King Henry the second with the Archbishoprick of Canterbury. Page 633
  • He retireth to Sens. Excommunicates all that maintain the Kings Rights. Page 633
  • In his reconciliation with the King, he makes him twice hold his horses bridle. Page 633
  • He is slain by four of the Kings Servants. Page 634
  • He is Sainted by the Pope. His relicks do miracles. Lewis the seventh of France comes to worship them. Page 634, 635
  • Pope Alexanders Letters whereby he com­mands him to be worshipped. Page 406
  • Thuanus, in the first Book of his History de­scribes the abuse of Papal Indulgences. Page 463, 464.
  • He makes a memorable Narrative of Cardi­nal Simia, and Pope Julius the third. Page 109
  • Tinel is a custom at Rome to give the posie about, and make the Banket to go from house to house. Page 521
  • Tobit is no Canonical Book. Absurdities of the same. Page 178
  • Old Hereticks grounded themselves upon Traditions, and upon the unwritten word. Page 38
  • Of Traditions, and the power of the Church to add to Scripture. Page 148, &c.
  • In the Roman Church Traditions are of grea­ter authority then Scripture. Page 149, 209 &c.
  • Why Traditions are preferred before the ho­ly Scripture. Page 150
  • Moses gave not unwritten Traditions to the people of Israel. Page 153
  • What Traditions ought to be received. Page 151
  • What Traditions the Fathers admit. Page 162, 163
  • Traduction of the Bible. See Version.
  • The Roman Church praying in a tongue not understood, imitates the ancient Hereticks. Page 46
  • The ancient Church over all the world used an intelligible tongue in Gods service. Page 128. & seq.
  • A strange language is rather a mark of a curse then of a blessing. Page 819
  • The Latin tongue was once more usual in Gauls, then that of Gauls. Page 843, &c.
  • By what means the Latin tongue came to be used in the Divine Service in France, and Spain. ibid, &c.
  • When and how Latin was corrupted. Page 844, 845
  • The Latin tongue once usual and familiar in Spain. Page 845
  • The Jewish tongue though degenerated from Hebrew, is yet called Hebrew in the New Testament. Page 822, 823
  • Traffick of Absolutions and dispensations. Page 35, 557, &c.
  • And of the remission of sins. Page 577, 609
  • Shamefull traffick of holy things in the Ro­man Church. Page 578
  • Cardinal Tolet excuseth it. Page 578
  • Infamous plundering and exactions of the Pope in England. Page 644, 645, &c.
  • Merchandize under colour of a Croisade, and dispensing from the vow. Page 647
  • [Page]A no [...]orious precedent of sordid exaction. Page 653, 654
  • Ancient Hereticks believed Transubstantia­tion. Page 49
  • The sixth Council of Carthage contrary to Transubstantion, falsified in the Latin Tomes. Page 338
V.
  • LEtters of the Emperour Valentinian the third, deferring the primacy to the Bi­shop of Rome. Page 362
  • Vices and baseness of that Emperour. Page 361
  • The Emperour Theodosius despiseth the Let­ters of that Monster, written in the be­half of Leo the first, Bishop of Rome. Page 362
  • These Letters were extorted. Page 362
  • He constrains Hilary Bishop of Arles to yield to Leo. ibid.
  • The Emperor Valentinian died without Bap­tism. Page 670
    • Varro condemneth Images of the Gods. Page 436
  • The Vulgar version authorized by the Coun­cil of Trent, is false and full of corrupti­ons. Page 34
  • It cannot be comparable to the Hebrew and Greek originals. Page 171, 172
  • Anciently the Bible was translated into all Languages. Page 170, 171
  • Horrible blasphemy of Cardinal Ximenes, comparing the Hebrew and Grek Text of Scripture to two thieves, and the Vulgar Latin version to Christ. Page 172
  • The vulgar Latin version hath falsified the words of the institution of the Lords Sup­per. Page 35. 695
  • That falsification troubleth the sense. Page 698
  • Eight thousand texts corrected in the Latin Bible. Page 34
  • In the end of the third chapter of the rest of Esther, the Vulgar version clips a clause, as contrary to the kissing of the Popes Feet. Page 35
  • Other corruptions. ibid.
  • Veronica, or Christs face on a cloth being carried in Procession, turns it self the beard upwards. Page 641
  • Praying to that cloath. Page 641, 446
  • Victor the first Bishop of Rome separates all the Oriental Churches from his Commu­nion for the question about Easter day. Page 242
  • The Oriental Bishops, and Irenaeus resist him. Page 242
  • His excommunication was without effect. Page 242, 243
  • Victor the second and third poisoned in the Chalice. Page 103, 104
  • Of the adoration of the Virgin Mary a­mong Hereticks. Page 41
  • St. Epiphanius sharply rebuketh those that worship the Virgin Mary, and those that call her Queen of heaven. Page 426
  • Blasphemy of some that in the Virgin Mary was fulfilled that which Ahasuerus promi­sed to Queen Esther, to give her half his Kingdom. Page 433
  • Blasphemies of the Romanists, under pre­tence of honouring the Virgin Mary. Page 434
  • She was not free from sin. Page 129, 130
  • Pope Vigilius excommunicated by the Bi­shops of Africk. Page 244, 335
  • He usurpeth the Popedom with money. Page 99
  • He kills Sylverius his predecessor. ibid.
  • Villa Vincentius, an Augustinian Monk, cen­sureth the Fathers. Page 125
  • Vincentius Lirinensis. Page 82, 83
  • Virginity, the advantage of it above Matri­mony. Page 469
  • Whether the Church be always in sight. Page 15, &c.
  • The Visigeths in Spain observed the Moza­rabick Service. Page 845
  • Ʋnion, it is not a mark of the true Church. Page 116
  • The word unus in Latin, as also [...] in Greek, signifie one alone, or only. Page 430▪ 705, &c.
  • Vocation of Pastors. See Succession.
  • In the time of Christ and his Apostles, ma­ny have preacht without ordinary calling, as Aedesius and Frumentius in India. Page 90, 91, &c.
  • Difference between a charge, and the ways to enter into it. Page 92
  • Our advantage in this cause above the Ro­man Church. Page 93, 94
  • An Archbishop of five years of age, Page 101
  • Of the creation or election of Popes. Page 108 109
  • Means how Cardinals, and other Prelates, attain to their charges. Page 109
  • How Archbishops receive the Pall. Page 110
  • How and how far vows ought to be kept. Page 473. &c.
  • Rashness of the vow of Celibat. Page 474
  • Form of the vow of a Novice Dominican when he becomes a Profess. Page 475
  • Ʋrban the second usurpeth investitures. Page 631
  • [Page]Ʋrsula, an imaginary Saint, that never was in the world. Page 390, 400
W.
  • THe Ancient Church used not a round wafer upon the holy Table, but a good quantity of bread for the whole Congre­gation to communicate. Page 768
  • Scripture takes often the word washing for the remission of sins, and for regenerati­on. Page 551, 552
  • Whip ones self. See Flagellation.
  • Of the Widows servants of Churches, and of their vow. Page 473
  • The Roman Church puts good works among penances. Page 608
  • They are not meritorious. Page 616, 617, &c.
  • Wisdom of Solomon, the book so entituled, is Apocrypha, and falsly attributed to Solo­mon. Page 181
  • Absurdities and untruths in it. Page 181, 182
  • Austin reprehended for alledging it. Page 199
  • It is held to be made by Sirach. Page 199
  • St. Austins opinion about it. Page 204
  • Whole habitual, there is no such thing, it is a conceit of Du Perrons invention. Page 82
Z.
  • POpe Zachary declareth many sorts of meats unclean. Page 512.
  • Zepherinus Bishop of Rome reproved by Ter­tullian. Page 246
FINIS.

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