THE ESTATE OF THE EMPIRE, OR An Abridgement of the Laws and Government OF GERMANY, CAST INTO Dialogues for the greater conveniency of a young Prince that was instructed therein,

By Lewis Du-May Knight, Sieur de Sallettes, Counsellor to his Highness of Wirtemberg.

Translated into French by D' Alexis Esq Doctor of Laws, and Advocate in Parliament.

Now faithfully rendered into English.

LONDON, Printed by R. Norton, for Richard Royston, Book-seller to the Kings most Excellent Majesty. 1664.

Februarii 13. 1663.

Imprimatur

William Morice.

Ad Amicissimum Gulielmum Godolphin suâ virtute quàm quovis titulo insigniorem.

Intervalla dabant exempta laboribus istum,
Quem tua limâssent otia docta, librum.
Si placeat legisse, sat est; sin judice mendas
Ungue notes, melior fiet, eó (que) tuus.

The English Translator to the Reader.

Reader,

THis Book is a Traveller, as the Prince for whose sake the Author composed it. It was born in Germany; from whence it passed into France, where it was kindly received, and Naturalized: Now being arrived in England, and finding some private welcome, it desires at least to be a Denizen here. What it contains, will brief­ly appear in the following Sum­mary of the Dialogues; But why I undertook to render it into En­glish, besides the entertainment of some of my vacant hours, I have little to justify my self, but the zeal which every Christian should [Page]have at this time, to arm himself with the best weapons he hath, to oppose the Barbarous proceed­ings of a proud and implacable Enemy. My Magazin and Artil­lery extends to no more then Pen and ink; with which I vainly fan­sied I might seem to do some­thing; As when the industrious and judicious Mr. Dugdale Norroy King of Arms, perceiving that slow-paced ruine, or (which was worse) hasty impiety had shaken most of the sacred structures in this Kingdom, and threatened all the rest, thought it a provident (but we may justly call it a gene­rous and meritorious) work, to save them in Effigie, and keep up both their memory and models in exact brass Cuts, adding his own profound Researches and elabo­rate [Page]discourses, which are indeed — monumentum aere perennius; so (though the comparison fall infi­nitely short in most things) there being now too much reason to apprehend, that the dreadful in­undation of the Mahometans (without almost a miracle) is rea­dy to overwhelm the State, Go­vernment, Laws and Princes of Germany, nay, to take away both their place and Nation, I conceived it both pious and seasonable, as far as lay in me, to rescue that noble Countrey from oblivion, by publishing this small Treatise in English, wherein the marks and footsteps of that Empire may re­main amongst us. Thou wilt find it to be a Translation (if the Title-page had not confest it) with that usual & unavoidable imper­fection, [Page]that notions passing out of one Language into another do, as it happens in the transfusion of liquors into divers vessels, carry much dregs along with them, and alwayes taste of the Cask. I may perchance be blamed with reason enough for following the word too close, yet I think I may safely say in general I have not gone far from the sense. But certainly if I had put it into finer Language and more elegant expressions, the work had been so far mine, and so much worse. That, for the style; as for the matter, I give thee that frank verse of the Poet in English,

— If better things be known to thee,
Kindly impart; if not, use these with me.

A Summary of the Dialogues.

THis Treatise contains ten Dialogues between a Prince and his Governor, who teaches him all that there is considerable in the Empire: For this Book comprehends in brief all that the Do­ctors of Law and the Interpreters of the Golden Bull have written thereupon; as may be seen in the reading of it.

I. Dialogue.

This Dialogue serves for an Introduction to the rest, and the Governor having shown his young Prince, that he should learn to be a good Christian, before he learn to be a good Prince; makes him understand, that it is necessary for him to go out of his Fathers Court, and travel through Forein Countries, as a means to become such. Here it is discoursed at large of certain Travellers that learn nothing but the worst fashions and customs of other Nations. Then he showes the advantage of Travelling with judgement, and in company of such as know what is requisite to be observed in every part of Europe. After that, he makes it appear, that it is easy to become a wise Counsellor and an able Souldier by Travelling; wherein a [Page]man learns to know the humour of people, and the Languages. Hereupon he speaks of the cor­ruption of Languages, the cause thereof, and other curious notions. Lastly he maketh his Ger­man Prince understand that he ought to know the French and Italian Tongues; and that, with­out busying himself upon sciences that have more vanity then solidity, he should learn the art of Governing well, and consequently the Estate of the Empire, which contains almost all that a Prince ought to know.

II. Dialogue.

This Dialogue containes the Estate of the Em­pire in general; and therein is shown, that the Emperor is a Monarch, though he have not an absolute power to do all that he pleases, forasmuch as the Princes of Germany acknowledge that all their dignity is communicated to them by and from him. He can create Kings, Arch Dukes, &c. but cannot confer Ecclesiastical Benefices, and why.

In the beginning of this Dialogue the Author sayes, that his Book shall treat of the Head and principal Members of the Empire; of their power & authority; of the Origine, progress, and alliances of the illustrious Houses; of the rank and place they hold in the Assemblies; of the Branches of every Family; of the causes of love, hatred, and [Page]jealousie amongst them, &c. After that, he proves that the Estate of the Empire is Monarchical, and confuting the contrary opinions, he establishes his own. And because the Emperor hath not right to confer Ecclesiastical Benefices, he ren­ders the reason thereof; and makes it clear, that notwithstanding all that, he is the first Monarch in the world. And forasmuch as he is made so by Election, the Author speaks of the Electors, their beginning, their power, their order, and their number; and showing what necessity there was to increase the last, he brings the reasons which the Ancients had to raise to that dignity three Ecclesiastical, and four Secular Princes, who have power to create and depose the Emperor, and the King of the Romans. Then he speaks of the Ceremonies used at their Coronation, and of the power both of the one and the other.

III. Dialogue.

In this Dialogue he speaks of the Estates of the Empire; and having shown that those which are so, have many rights of Regality, he passes to the consideration of the House of Austria, dis­covers its original, how long it hath born the Im­perial Crown, into how many Branches it is di­vided, how it came to be so powerful, and what are its priviledges. After that, he discourses of the Pa­latine, Saxon, and Brandenbourg Houses; and sayes all that the curious can desire to know about them.

IV. V. Dialogues.

In these two Dialogues he treats of all the Se­cular Princes of the Empire, and of every House in particular, assuring the curious they shall there find wherewithal to satisfie themselves in their search after the antiquity, descendancies, rights, rank, titles, alliances, and Branches of the Houses of Brunswick, Meklebourg, Wirtem­berg, Hesse, Baden, Holstein, Saxon-Lawem­bourg, Anhalt, Hohenzolleren, Aremberg, Henneberg, and East Friseland; in like manner as they saw the greatness of the Electoral Houses in the preceding Dialogues. And all along where occasion offers any Political question, he resolves it briefly; not forgetting the praises of men of merit, of Vniversities, and of Colledges, which are very many in Germany. And because it is almost im­possible but there should be some jealousie, hatred or envy between so many Houses of equal condition, he layes down the causes thereof; and shows how those that precede by turns, take their place; and how many voices they have in the Diets of the Empire; who ought to inherit those Houses, in case they come to be totally extinguished; in what Houses there is right of Primogeniture, and what Religion they profess.

VI. Dialogue.

This Dialogue will give you a perfect know­ledge of the Ecclesiastical Princes of Germany; wherein he shows how many there were in former times, and how many there are now, as well Bi­shops, Abbots, Abbesses, as other Ecclesiastical Prelates. How many Orders of Knighthood, what power they have, and what observance they are under. And because ordinarily some Churchman is Director of the Circles of the Empire, he speaks of the Directors of all the Circles; then he dis­courses of every Bishoprick in particular: And afterwards he passes to the Abbots, and to the ori­ginal of the Teutonique Knights; how they be­came so potent, and how they have lost those great Provinces they had acquired. After that, he shows how the Prelates are become so rich; how they obtain their Dignities, which he makes appear not to be after the same manner now as anciently.

VII. Dialogue.

Here he speaks of the Counts and Barons of the Empire; and the word Count, called Graff in Dutch, gives occasion to enquire into the origin of Palsgrave, Margrave, Landgrave, and Bur­grave, and to know how many there be, when, and how they became great: from whence the title of Archduke came: and whether the dignity of a [Page]Duke was alwayes more illustrious then that of a Count: He proves that there are several sorts of Dukes and Counts, and confutes the opinion of those that hold, an Emperor should have four Kings under him, a King four Dukes, a Duke four Counts, a Count four Barons, and a Baron four Castellans. The Counts were anciently no more then Iudges; and he shows how, and at what time they got the inheritance, and became Lords of their Counties. At present those of the Empire have place and voice in the Diets, are al­most equal to the Princes and many of them coyn money. He speaks of the Houses of Nassau, Ho­henzolleren, Furstemberg, and of many others in particular; and then he passes to the Barons, who differ not from the Counts but in name, and sets down a Catalogue of them: Then having distinguished them from those which the Emperor creates in his Hereditary Provinces, he ends this Dialogue with a touch upon the new Barons, who would have the same title that the old ones have.

VIII. Dialogue.

Here will be seen the difference between a Knight and a Gentleman, and between Knights among themselves. There are four kinds of them in Germany, where the Gentlemen are separated from the Body of the Lords, and are not admitted into the Estates of the Empire, though many of them hold immediately of the Emperor; and they [Page]are those onely of Swaben, Franconia, the Rhine, and Lower Alsatia, who observe a kind of Aristo­cratical Republique among themselves, whereof he speaks at large, as also of their Order and their priviledges: Then he passes to the Gentlemen Subjects, and because they prove their antiquity by the Turnaments wherein they appeared as Par­ties, he speaks of Turnaments, and the Laws therein observed heretofore, and at what time, and by whom they were brought into Germany, by whom called together, and in what place: From whence he takes occasion to discourse of the Cit­ties, their beginning, their beauty, their privi­ledges, and their incredible power: Then he tells what each Imperial City hath most conside­rable, and how they preserve their liberty.

IX. Dialogue.

In this Dialogue he speaks of the Vniversities of Germany, of their foundation, their number, and their usefulness. Then he passes to the ad­ministration of Justice, and showes how it was ad­ministred in the time of the first Emperors, and how it is at this present: at what time the Parli­ament or Chamber of Soverain Iustice was made sedentary, of how many persons it is composed, of what quality they ought to be, and of what mat­ters they take cognizance. After that, he discour­ses at large of the Diets, of him that hath the power to call them together, after what manner he [Page]doth it, who are the persons that he calls thither, who they be that ought to come, when, and whi­ther they are to be summoned, and of the rank which the Electors, Princes, Lords and Cities hold, when the Emperor presides there; how suffrages are given; and lastly in what manner Conclusions are resolved on, with all that can be desired upon this subject.

X. Dialogue.

Here is an abridgement of the last Wars of Ger­many, which showes in what condition the Empire was when the Peace was concluded; where may be seen the Confederates of both Parties, and the Battels and Encounters of Armies briefly set down, with the advantage which each Party had therein. After which, the Peace was made; where he speaks of the satisfaction which the Confede­rates obtained, and of the Troops that remain in Germany still. Then he adds a word of the Golden Bull, which contains the fundamental Laws of the Empire.

The State OF THE EMPIRE, OR An Abridgement of the Government OF GERMANY.
Cast into Dialogues for the easier ac­commodation of a young Prince, who was instructed therein by his Governor.

Dialogue the First.
That it is requisite for German Princes to travel, and to learn the French and Italian Languages, and the State of the Empire.

P.

HAving already suckt in the milk of piety, and learnt that a Christian Prince ought evermore to have before his eyes the fear of God, the salvation of his Soul, the good of his Sub­jects, [Page 2]and the honor of his House; I feel my self touched with an emulous desire to equal my ancestors; and to that purpose I would willing­ly joyn Political and Military knowledge with moral and Christian vertues. But considering that life is short, and that I must know many things to attain the end I aim at, I should lose all hope of being able to arrive there, if I were not assured that you will level and smooth the difficulties that may occur to me in the way. Oblige me then, by finding out some new me­thod, and leading me by a short cut to the per­fection I wish for.

G.

All men, and Princes especially, being born to do good unto many, I am glad to un­derstand you are so desirous to learn the means; and that in imitation of your Progenitors you will couple warlike and peaceable vertues toge­ther, to know at all times how to serve the Empire, to rule your own State, to protect your Subjects, to honor the good, and cha­stise the wicked. Though then life be short, and the perfection you pursue not easie to be met with at Court, where every thing seems to stand in opposition against your laudable de­sign; yet if you have a desire to equal your Predecessors, and the courage to overcome those difficulties that may offer themselves, I shall willingly contribute thereunto with my uttermost industry; and endeavour to shew you how much I esteem your resolution. Do me [Page 3]the favour only to change the pleasures of the body into those of the mind, and to seek your sole content in the acquisition of those things which may raise you above other noble persons of your age and quality.

P.

You have no more to do, but to set me down the rules you would have me observe; for the choice which my Lord and Father hath made of your person to be the guide and dire­ctor of mine, and the knowledge I have of your vertue, have made me resolve to submit my will to yours; and I give you my word that nothing shall be able to withdraw me from the resolution I have taken to obey your orders exactly, and to do all that you shall think good and conducible to my progress therein.

G.

Your generous disposition doth not suffer me to question that which you promise me; and for my part I am ready to lay out all that I can and all that I know for your advantage. Now forasmuch as forain languages serve for an ornament to persons of your condition, I am of opinion that you should learn them.

P.

Your will shall be my law in any thing; but if it be possible, make me learn things with languages, which are but their instruments and conveyances.

G.

I mean so; and I judge it necessary that you should learn to discourse in Latine, French, Italian and Dutch, of every thing that Europe affords the most considerable.

P.

I believe it is impossible to learn what you would have me, without travelling; and often­times travelling instructs us but little, or to be­come worse then we went out, at the charges both of the souls and bodies health too.

G.

Few men have reaped the fruit that was hoped of their travel, because there are not many that travel with judgement. Many tra­vellers returning to their own homes bring back from abroad the affected delicacie of the English, the variable modishness of the French, the dangerous dissimulation of the Italians, and the unsufferable pride of the Spaniards. Some others who think they have spent their time ve­ry well, tell you, they have taken notice in England of the magnificence of London, the conveniency of the Thames, and the beauty of whitehall: that in France they admired the throngs of Paris, the sumptuousness of Fon­taine-bleau, and the majesty of St. Denys: that in Italy they considered the wonders of Venice, the curiosity of Belveder, and the nobi­lity of Naples: that in Spain they have seen the Traffick of Seville, the greatness of Lisbon, and the admirable structure of the Escurial. Some come back loaden with ribbons upon their clothes, cuffs at their legs, and towels about their necks. Others return stuft with a false opinion of knowledge in their fancy, an aiery imagination of wisdom in their under­standing, and all kind of vanity in their me­mory.

P.

Were it not better that such men should stay at home, then wander about the world to learn nothing but to become dunces?

G.

Such persons doubtless would do more advisedly to remain in their villages, then to go abroad. Doing so, a man may be ignorant without serving an apprentiship to it: and there is less dishonor in knowing nothing, when one doth not take himself to be an able man, then to fancy much after having seen the world, and yet not be able to open his mouth without being ridiculous to all the company. But all this should not perswade you that tra­velling is useless. Wine is not bad but to those that mis-use it; and Fire burns none but the unwary: it is even so of Travel; it embellish­eth the minds of those that use it prudently, and serves like glue to fasten those in vice who haunt vicious company. The Traveller should make vertue his aim, and having learnt to un­derstand Nations, he should imitate what they have of good, and eschew all the rest.

P.

I have always thought till now, that they who can discourse pertinently of all they have seen in their Travels, have employed their time very well abroad.

G.

It is mere casting away a mans time, his pains, and his expence, to learn only to talk of the Temples of Rome, the Bridges of Paris, the Arsenal of Venice, the Frigats of England, the Chanels of Holland, the Perspective of [Page 6] Ruel, and the Volerie of Fontaine-Bleau. The Prince that travels should heedfully regard the Laws and Fundamental Maxims of States, the Revenew of Principalities, the inclination of Soverains, the order of their Court, their Alliances, their Power, their Favorites, and the Reception which they give one another. In a word, Heroes should learn Heroical Sciences, and the care of a King should be to Reign well.

P.

By Heroical Sciences, do you mean the Treatise of Arms and Heraldry, to which the Author thereof Sieur de la Colombiere gives that Title?

G.

That Treatise is well worth the reading, but it contains not that which I call an Heroical Science. By those Sciences I understand all that leads Princes on to Immortality; for example, the Art of subduing ones self, and of conquering his Enemy; the Mathematicks, and the Art Military, which teaches them to fortify places, to lodge Armies advantagiously, to draw up a Body in Batralia, to lead them on in a Fight, and to shew themselves eminent examples to their followers, both by their quick­ness of Spirit and strength of Body.

P.

Are those things to be learnt by tra­velling?

G.

Travelling layes the seed of those vir­tues in our hearts, which prick us forward to the pursuit of Immortality. For he that hath [Page 7]seen Europe with judgment, knowes at his return every thing that can carry him on to glorious Actions; he understands the Interest of all Princes; he sees what danger Italy is in by having one or more Enemies, and judges of the remedy that may be applied to it; he comprehends the wayes of maintaining the liberty of Germany; and when he comes into a Councel, it must be acknowledged by those that hear him discourse, that he hath profited more in a Travel of two years, then if he had stayed ten in his Study.

P.

I might easily confess to you, that the conversation of several persons increaseth pru­dence; but I do not perceive how the seeing of Forain Countreys can make us able Soul­diers.

G.

Travel teacheth us to understand the plenty of Countreys, the Fords of Rivers, the conveniency of Bridges, the distance of places, the strength of Cities, the number of the people, the inclination of the Subjects, the humour of Princes, the Sympathy and Antipathy of Nations, and many other things which may instruct a General of an Army and a Counsellor of State, giving them particular advantages. Travel doth also give us lessons of Temperance, Modesty, Patience, and the Languages, which are useful to all men, but necessary to those who would have any Com­mand in Armies.

P.

Languages are so necessary to persons of Command, that our Ancestors would ad­vance no man to the Imperial Dignity, that was not able to speak Latin, Italian, Sclavo­nian, and Dutch. And the Emperor Frederick II. besides these advantages could speak elegant French, Spanish, and Turkish; and, which was very rare in his time, he was skill'd in the Ancient and vulgar Greek.

G.

The Emperor Frederick the second of that name, and the last of the House of Suevia or Swaben, with whom the Majesty of the Empire was buried for many years, was both Valiant and Learned; and if you employ your excellent natural endowments well, you will become so too: you have a good Judgment, a happy Memory, a sound Body, and a vigo­rous Complexion.

P.

I am, God be thanked, of a strong Temper; and I retain long enough what I have once learnt. But why is it necessary to learn so many Languages, if Latin be sufficient to hold conference with Strangers, and Dutch to employ my cares upon the good of the affairs of the Empire, and the administration of my Fathers States, if God give me the grace to come to the Government.

G.

I know that the Latin and Dutch Lan­guages may serve your turn, and that a Prince may Reign piously, justly, and religiously, without the knowledge of Forain Tongues. [Page 9]Nay I know one, who is even the Tutelar Angel of his Subjects, and who without have­ing learnt either Latin or French, governs his State in the fear of God, and without oppressing any man hath paid his debts, and built a Castle of a marvellous bigness; while others more knowing than he have brought poverty upon their Subjects, and left it to their own children. But the intercourse of business which we have with Strangers suffers us not to neglect their Languages, without the hazard of incurring some inconvenience thereby.

P.

I understand by what you said last, that one may be a good prince, though he have not studied; and yet that you would have me to possess a reasonable knowledge of Forain Languages, that I may not stand in need of an Interpreter to deal with other Potentates that have affairs in Germany, or Lands lying within the limits of the Empire: which would oblige me as well to understand Swedish and Spanish, as French and Italian; seeing the Crown of Sweden possesseth a good part of the Lower Saxony, and that of Spain more than half of the Netherlands.

G.

It were good to know the Languages you mention; but being it is impossible to master them all, one should endeavour to learn the most necessary. Spanish is the no­blest of all the bastard Languages, and I know [Page 10]never a one of them that pleaseth me more; but the King of Spain making use of Burgun­dians to treat with us, and Dutch being no less common amongst the better sort of Swedes than the Swedish it self, methinks one may better want the Swedish and Spanish, than the French and Italian Languages.

P.

Why do you call Spanish a bastard Lan­guage?

G.

I call it so, because it is not a Mother Tongue, but compounded of the Latin, Gothick, Arabick, and old Spanish; for the Romans, the Goths, and the Moors, having Reigned many ages in Spain, introduced a mixture of all those Languages.

P.

If mixture only be enough to bastardize a Language, there are but few Legitimate; for there be many Greek words found in the Latin, and many Latin and French in our Dutch. And questionless it is for this cause, that Lewis prince of Anhalt obliged those of the Fructifying Company, or the Society of good Wits, to avoid that medley with all possible care.

G.

Greek words that are found in the Latin Tongue, or Forain terms, which vanity rather than necessity hath introduced into ours, do not qualify them to be of the same nature with the Spanish. The Romans and the Germans have admitted those stranger words by way of wantonness, and may do well enough [Page 11]without them, if they will; on the contrary, the Spaniards have so few of their own, that if they should restore to the Latines and Ara­bians what they have stollen from them, they would no longer be able to express their con­ceptions, but would remain as destitute of words, as Horace's Jackdaw saw her self stript of feathers, when every bird had resumed his own.

P.

Is French in any better condition? and can it well pass without those Latin terms which the Romans brought in while they held the Gauls under their jurisdiction?

G.

I do not think it is, being certainly per­swaded that all Nations which have long been under obedience to Strangers, have lost the puri­ty of their ancient Languages. So that we have more reason to wonder that the French brought so few Dutch words into Gaul, when they laid the foundation of a flourishing King­dom there, then that the French Language is half Latin.

P.

Were the Gauls ever subject to a Ger­man power?

G.

Yes; for all Historians do unanimously agree, that Pharamond the first King of France was Duke of Franconia; that he extended his Empire all along the Rhine; that Clodius his Son proceeded as far as Cambray, and that Merovée his Granchild setled his Royal Seat in Paris; from whence Clovis the great [Page 12]brought Burgundy under his Dominion, and forced the Goths to forsake those parts of Gaul about Narbon. Afterwards his successors de­generating from his virtue, and leaving the management of affairs to the Maiors or Stewards of their Palace, Charles Martel (who pre­served Christendom by the victory he obtain­ed at Tours) gave so much reputation to his Son Pepin, that he easily seated himself upon his masters Throne, having thrust Childerick the Lazy into a Monastery.

P.

Therefore Princes ought to take special heed that their servants make not themselves great at the expence of their masters Honour and authority; for a Prince without authority is like a head without eyes, or a body with­out a Soul.

G.

Authority is the soul of Government, and the reputation of a Prince is the support of his State: without these things there is nothing to be seen but contempt, disobedience and rebellion. The most moderate seeing their Prince devoid of these good qualities, desire that he may obtain them; the most Religious pray God to give him them; the most coura­gious grumble; and the most seditious losing all respect talk of putting another into his place. The unfortunate life and death of Henry the Third King of France, are unquestionable evidences of this truth.

P.

How should one do to gain authority and reputation?

G.

Authority depends upon reputation; for the people believing that their Prince is valiant, liberal, and prudent, doth readily obey his will, and receive his Commands with respect, honour and reverence. Now to gain the reputation of a prudent Prince, he should be very careful that his servants and Ministers be friends to the publick good, affable, modest and generous: To be esteemed valiant, it is sufficient that he shew a constant resolution to maintain his People in their ancient Splendor, even at the expence of his life; that adversity cast him not down, nor prosperity make him insolent: And to give a fairer lustre to his li­berality, he should take care that the little he bestowes, arise not out of the oppression of his People. If it be thus indeed, then without being present every day at Councel, without drawing his sword, or giving much, his Sub­jects, his Friends, and his Enemies too, will esteem him valiant, liberal, and prudent, and all of them fearing to offend him, will pay him the duties of Subjects, Friends, and Neigh­bours.

P.

A Prince that carries true piety in his heart, and all Christian virtues in his soul, needs not doubt but God will dissipate and disappoint all the evil designs of his mu­tinous Subjects, and ambitious Neigh­bours. But what Countrey-man was Pepin?

G.

It is generally said that he was originally a German; nay, many think that Charlemagne his son was born near the Rhine: John de Serres in his Inventary of the History of France, Tom. 1. pag. 315. says, he was born at Wormes, crowned at Spire, and buried at Aix; and in pag. 324. of the same Tome, he says, he was buried at Aix where he was born. How ever it be, they were both of them Kings of France, and the latter won so much renown by preser­ving the Church of Rome, and defending the Pope, who was unjustly assailed by Desiderius King of Lombardy, that the Pope, the Senate and people of Rome proclaimed him Emperor in the year of our Lord 800.

P.

I thought it was Pope Leo III. only that divided the Empire, and gave the Western part, with the name of Emperor, to Charle­magne, when he made him Advocate of the Ho­ly See.

G.

The Popes labour to perswade us so, and would have it believed that the Crowns of Lombardy and Rome are essential to the Impe­rial dignity; saying, that the Emperor be­comes King of Germany by the election which the Princes make of his person, but acquires the name of Emperor, Cesar, and Augustus, by the consecration and approbation which he receives from the Pope: But this opinion of the Popes, and of some writers their Votaries, is ridiculous; otherwise the Heathen Emperors [Page 15]would not have been lawful Emperors; and those professing Christianity, who resided at Constantinople since Constantine the Great until Constantine Paleologus, nay, those of Germany since Ferdinand the First till this very day, would have been Usurpers, having been Crowned neither at Milan nor Rome; which cannot be said without the guilt of High Trea­son. From whence you ought to conclude, that the Emperors are so by the Grace of God, without being any way beholden for it to the See of Rome.

P.

Did the posterity of Charlemagne keep possession of the Empire and the Kingdom of France for any long time?

G.

It held the Empire and France together not very long: for the children of Lewis the Debonaire sharing their Fathers Estates, that division weakned the House, occasioned Wars between the brethren, and was the cause that his Grandchildren lost the Empire in the year 912. and the Kingdom of France in the year 987. at which time Hugh Capet made Charles Duke of Lorraine Unckle by the Fathers side to Lewis the Fifth to be declared unworthy to succeed to the Crown of his Progenitors, be­cause he had done homage to Germany for his Dutchy. So the race of Charles the Great, to whom all Christendom doth owe so much, fell totally from their greatness, and made room in Germany for the Saxons, and in [Page 16] France for the Capetians, who set up the Em­pire and France again in their first lustre.

P.

Was Hugh Capet a Frenchman?

G.

He was born in France, but a Saxon by extraction; for Charlemagne coming to an agreement with Witikind of Saxony after a long and bloody War, took one of Witikinds sons into France with him, and did so much for him, that his successors raised themselves with ease to the highest Offices of State; and at length Hugh Capet put the Crown upon his own head, and transmitted it to his descen­dents, who enjoy it still with more happiness and authority then their predecessors did.

P.

I learn by what you tell me, that all the Kings who have reigned in France since Phara­mond, came out of Germany; and I am glad to understand so much, because it is an honor for our Nation, to have given Kings unto so con­siderable a part of Europe. But methinks this discourse draws us much off of our mark; and being to speak of Languages, and of the place where they should be learnt, we allow that subject the least share of our thoughts.

G.

It is true indeed, that we make long di­gressions, but they bring us nearer to the end we aim at; for the best way to learn Langua­ges, is to speak and discourse with those that have the reputation of speaking well.

P.

Do not all Frenchmen and Italians speak their own native Language well?

G.

There are Provinces in France and Italy where you meet with few persons that speak French or Italian purely; and never a one where the vulgar hath not some terms out of use, and rejected by the learned. So that those who travel to learn languages, should take care to make their stay in places where the common people have the best accent, and the least bar­barous phrases.

P.

Where should Italian be learnt?

G.

You know that the inundation of people, who, to show the Romans that they were not invincible, came at several times out of Gaul and Germany, so corrupted the Latine in Italy, that it degenerated into a language exceeding­ly mingled. Since that time the great wits, as Petrarch, Boccace, Ariosto, Tasso, Bembo, and many others, have so cultivated it, that their writings do in no wise give place to the elegan­cy of the Greeks and Latines. Now as Cities are some more or less ingenious then others, the inhabitants of Sienna have surpassed them all in the sweetness and politeness of the Italian tongue; and the Court of Rome, which is com­posed of all the rest, hath brought it to its per­fection.

P.

That being so, I will stay longer at Sienna and Rome, then in other places.

G.

So I advise you; and you may be sure not to repent your self; forasmuch as the people of Sienna are highly courteous and [Page 18]friendly to strangers, and Rome being the Epi­tome of the world, there is more to be seen there, then in any City of Europe.

P.

Tell me likewise, if you please, which are the Provinces and Cities of France, where they speak French the best?

G.

There is no Province in France, where men of knowledge do not express themselves passably well, both in speech and writing; but in many parts of France the Natives are forced to learn the words and rules of their language as well as strangers. Therefore if you desire to know where I think they speak French purely, I shall tell you, it is in the Parliament of Paris, where the Judges and Advocates study to utter nothing in publick, but what may distinguish them from the vulgar; and at Court, where every one speaks excellently well, except some, who being willing to please forain Ladies, bring in a new way of pronunciation, when those Ladies are troubled to pronounce some word right.

P.

I make no doubt but the Presidents of Paris, who are members of the most illustrious Parliament in the world, express their senti­ments in perfection; and no less, that Courti­ers endeavour to excel in all things. But is it of absolute necessity for one to continue in Paris, or at Court, if he would learn the French lan­guage well?

G.

If it were necessary to follow the Court, [Page 19]or abide in Paris, to learn to speak French, ve­ry few would speak it perfectly, because expen­ses at Paris are so great, and most strangers having been pinched by the late Wars are for­ced to be good husbands, and be content with a little.

P.

I am more sensible then I would be of the incommodities of the last War, and doubt not but the greatest Lords are forced to retrench their expenses; but seeing it is not possible for me to be long at Court, what City in France is the most convenient for my purpose; and in what Province may I spend some time at the easiest rate?

G.

Before the War every thing was cheap throughout all the Kingdom; but now I con­ceive that as the Provinces lying in the heart of the Countrey feel less incommodity from the Souldiers then those upon the frontiers, so they have greater plenty of provisions, and may af­ford them better cheap. Thus the Cities that are situate upon the river Loire may give you the satisfaction you desire, because the language there is pure, the people civil, and all things at reasonable rates.

P.

The Maps place this River almost in the middle of France; and the head thereof rising in the mountains of Auvergne, it washes the walls of many fair Cities from Roane down to the Ocean Sea, and by a course of above 150. leagues passes by Marsilly, Nevers, Desise, [Page 20]Sully, Orleans, Blois, Amboise, Tours, Sau­mur, Pont-de-Cé, and Nantes: so that if you do not specifie the City or Cities which are most proper for my design, I shall believe they are all so, and be in perplexity how to make choice of the most convenient.

G.

Considering your humour, I judge that Saumur and Angers will suit best with you; because there are Lords and Gentlemen near those Cities, who will take pleasure to show you that of hunting, and will also furnish you with Greyhounds, Setting-Dogs, and Water-Spaniels, to course the Hare, take Partridge, Quail and wild-Duck.

P.

Do they not fly at the Heron too, and the Mag-pye?

G.

Yes; but it is not ordinary to meet with Gentlemen in France that keep Hawks; and there are few that have not some excellent Dogs, both for their pleasure and their profit. I say, for their profit, because you shall see some of them that provide their Kitchin with the game they take themselves.

P.

Do you think a young Lord that desires to learn sciences and exercises can spend any time at hunting?

G.

Hunting hath always been the most gen­tile, and the most useful recreation of Princes; nor was it ever disesteemed, but by those that know not the benefit of it. It withdraws great men, either from idleness, which is the mother [Page 21]of vices, or from gaming, which is unsuitable to their condition, such as Dice, and those games whereby much money is lost, as Prime and Hoc: it makes them strong, active and bold, and teaches them even to fight, and to beat their enemies.

P.

Almost all Princes love hunting, and ap­ply themselves to it with great industry, be­cause it is a representation of War.

G.

War and hunting have great resem­blance, and the good huntsman is, or may easi­ly become a good Souldier. To surprize the Wolf and the Fox, you must use a certain subtlety, which teaches us to lay ambushes for your enemies; to take the wild Boar, you should know how to present the Boar-spear to the best advantage, just as you do a Pike or a Halbert when two Bodies of Foot come to push a pike; and to shoot a Deer and a Hare running, or a Partridge and a Quail flying, you ought to be as good a marks-man as the best Fuzillier in an army. Besides these advantages, hunting inures you to endure hunger, thirst, heat, cold, rain, snow, and all the incommodi­ties of the air, without which it is impossible to be a good Souldier.

P.

I confess that hunting hardens us to la­bour, and teaches us many things necessary for War; but I think I have heard you say, that Louis de Camoes, the Prince of Portuguez Po­ets, calls hunting furia loca insana, and doth exceedingly vilifie huntsmen.

G.

Louis de Camoes is reproved by his Commentator for having spoken very imper­tinently of the pleasure of Kings; and they that would excuse him, say that he speaks of none but those that make it their only pro­fession, and prefer the pleasure of hunting a Stag, or flying at the Heron, before the safety of their Subjects, and their own Honour. However it be, Camoes was neither your Ma­ster nor your Law-giver; and that which he said, ought not to hinder you from laying ambushes to take wild beasts of all sorts, nor from going a hunting when your mind stands in need of relaxation.

P.

You mean then, that after I have spent some hours at my study, I should bestow some others upon sports; because as a Bow stand­ing too long bent, grows weak; so the mind when it is too long taken up with contempla­tion, begins to disrellish study, if it be not refreshed with some Gentleman-like recrea­tion; in the number of which you place Hunt­ing, as one of the most agreable to Princes.

G.

It is true, but because youth runs so easily down the hill towards pleasures, and that our Nature disaffects and loaths the occupation of the mind, I would have you hunt as little as possibly you can, and that to keep your­self in appetite you would prefer Tennis and Fencing before Hunting: for that exercise hath such catching baits, and the Princes of [Page 23]your House are so vehemently inclined to that kind of pleasure, that we see few of them who set not a greater value upon it then upon their study.

P.

I confess the sway of my inclination is absolutely bent to it, and I could more wil­lingly endure the pains of Hunting a whole day, then of study but two hours. Yet because you think it fit, I will hunt as seldom as I can, that I may keep the promise I made to you, to follow your counsel in all things.

G.

It is no small comfort to me, to hear that you prefer my advice before your pleasure; but I am sorry that you call and esteem that a Labour which is nothing but pure delight. Study would be a sensual pleasure, if the mind were capable of any. They that have once tasted it, can never take themselves off again; and oftentimes it engages those who are born for action, to give themselves over to contemplation in such manner, that thereby they become despiseable, and indeed altoge­ther despised, drawing upon themselves the point of those Lances which they have neg­lected, and the venom of those Pens which they too kindly embrace.

P.

As therefore all kind of studies are not proper for all kind of persons, so neither is it lawful for every one to spend so much time in them as he would.

G.

You say right; for as Alexanders dog [Page 24]thought any creature of less strength and cou­rage then a Lyon to be unworthy of his anger, and would not vouchsafe to stir, if he did not see an object equal to his valour; so men ought to make choice of such studies as are proportion­able to their conditions. And forasmuch as by Gods Providence you are born such a one, as will one day have occasion to render him an account of a Principality, you must of necessity learn to govern it well, without amusing your self upon knowledges more curious then useful, and which would better become a Pro­fessor in Philosophy than the General of an Army.

P.

I know that men do not use to send for Shoe-makers to make their clothes, nor to Taylors to make their boots. Nevertheless many Princes enter upon the Government before they have past an Apprentiship for it, and take the least care of that which concerns them the most. But that I may not be one of that number, I conjure you to instruct me in all that I ought to know; to be able to govern.

G.

The method of good Government is not to be learnt, but from the mouth or actions of Kings and Princes. Therefore I beseech you to give diligent heed to all you shall read in the Books of the Kings, the Chronicles, and the Wisdom of Solomon, in the Sacred Story; in the [...] which James VI. King [Page 25]of Scotland, and first of that name of England, composed for the instruction of his Son; in Guevara; in the life of Marcus Aurelius, in the Romulus, Tarquin, and David persecu­ted, written by Malvezzi; in the lives of Philip II. King of Spain, and Henry IV. King of France; and every where else where pro­fane History takes notice of the vices and vir­tues of great men; that so you may day by day grow to be an honester man, and a more excellent Prince.

P.

I have already read some part of that which you prescribe to me, and should pun­ctually observe this rule, if I were not hindred by my ignorance in the Languages wherein they are written.

G.

That defect would occasion many others to you; and if you did not learn to under­stand Authors in their own Language, you would recieve but little satisfaction: for ordi­narily translations have less grace and orna­ment then the Originals. For which reason I have given order to your Master, to use the easiest method for you, and the greatest dili­gence he can, that you may be a good Proficient in forain Languages. I beseech you to second his laborious endeavours, and help to make them fruitful.

P.

Your will hath alwayes had the authority of a Law with me; and I find it good for me to have learnt what you judged to be for my [Page 26]advantage. Having therefore heard you say that Italian is easily obtainable by those that speak Latin and French, I shall endeavour to get these two in perfection, before I under­take the third.

G.

I like your design, and dare assure you that you will learn Italian with ease by the help of French; for the knowledge of the one smooths the difficulties which occur in the other, especially if one begin with French.

P.

Which of these two do you esteem the finest Language, and the most useful?

G.

Your question doth somewhat perplex me: for my part I think them both equally good and graceful, but not equally useful; for to know the utility of a Language, it should be considered in what part of the world a man inhabits, what persons he frequents, and with whom he hath to do. Italian is in high esteem and exceedingly useful in the Emperors Court, and upon all the Coasts of the Mediterranean Sea. They that trade in Asia, Africk and Europe with the Turks, Greeks, Arabians, Candians, Rhodians; Cyprians, and other Levantine people, may commodiously make use of it. French is in greater vogue towards the North, and is marvellously well entertained in Germany, England; Denmark, Sweden, and Poland, where all the Kings, Princes and Lords speak it exactly, except the Emperor, who neither loves the French nor their Lan­guage: [Page 27]yet it is so much in fashion, that the chiefest Italians, nay even the Spaniards of his Court, and all others that I have known in Germany, speak it, or clip it.

P.

Then would it not be better for a Ger­man Prince to learn French perfectly, and practise it continually, then to amuse himself upon many Languages, and become master of never a one of them?

G.

Every man should take a just measure of his own strength, and not grasp at more than he can hold. But seeing you have a na­tural disposition to learn Languages, and the honour to be a Prince, which gives you the hope, and almost the assurance of being em­ployed in variety of business, and in di­vers Countreys, I lay it as a charge upon you, to love French, and not neglect Italian.

The end of the first Dialogue.

Dialogue II.
Of the State of the Empire in general.

P.

I Understand French indifferent well alrea­dy, and I think if I made a voyage through France I might easily attain to the perfection of it. And therefore I earnestly entreat you to use the power and credit you have with my pa­rents, that by their good leave I may begin to travel, and see what Europe affords worthy of my observation.

G.

I know that travelling is a proper means to accomplish what you have begun, but I can­not allow that you should imitate those who make it their study day and night to learn what was done at Rome 2000. years since, without taking any thought to know how men live in Germany at the present. They that study in such a manner, are like those imprudent busie-bodies, who having their eyes open to see what is done among their neighbours, have no re­gard to understand what is doing in their own houses. My opinion is, that before you go out of Germany, you learn the State of the Empire, lest being skilful in forain things, you re­main [Page 29]ignorant of domestick affairs, and desi­ring to become a Citizen of the world, you be nevertheless but a stranger at home.

P.

You have so often entertained me with re­lating the rarities of Italy, France, England, and Spain, that I am in love with those pleasant Countreys; and then the Wars whereof the Low-countreys have been the Theatre, and those also which the Swedes have succesfully begun and ended in the Empire, inflame my heart with a desire to see Sweden and Flanders. Nevertheless since you think fit that we should take a cursory view of the Empire, I am con­tent, and do therefore pray you to tell me what it is requisite for me to know thereof; that when I am in forain Countreys, I may be able to discourse of my own, and show that I am not ignorant of that which I am concerned to know.

G.

The Ancients have written but few things touching our Empire, and modern writers do so much serve and humour their own passion, that it is hard to see clear in what they deliver: yet because it imports you more to understand Ger­many then other Countreys, I am content to answer unto every thing which you shall be pleased to ask me concerning the State of the Empire. Do me the favour then to think of what you desire to learn upon that subject, and propose your questions freely.

P.

We will speak, if you please, of the head [Page 30]and the principal Members of the Empire; of their power and authority; of the rise, pro­gress and alliances of illustrious Houses; of the order which they observe in Assemblies; of the branches of every Family; of the causes of love, hatred and jealousie amongst them; and of other such like things, which shall come into my mind while we are discoursing of them. And if occasion offer us any question Political or Moral, you will oblige me not to let it pass without a rational discussion. Now because Bodin and some other enemies of our State, out of envy to see us for so many ages in possession of the Imperial Crown, debase the Majesty of the Empire as much as they can, and think that our Government is Aristocratical; do me the kindness to undertake the defence thereof, and acquaint me with the truth of the case.

G

Strangers are to blame, when they speak of what they know not; and all men, when they write contrary to their own judgement. It is better to hold ones peace, then to smo­ther the truth: for although many men hate it, and great ones are not usually fed with this diet, but under a disguise; yet for all that, it is pleasant and acceptable to all good and ver­tuous persons. Well then, there is nothing un­der Heaven that can equal the Empire; and the title of Cesar and of Augustus, is no where to be found but in Germany. True it is, they that speak of the Emperor, as well Germans as [Page 31]strangers, deny him an absolute power; and I agree, that he doth not all that he will; nay, as earthly powers are in perpetual motion, I confess he is no more at such a high period of greatness as Charlemagne and the Saxons were: But they that devest the Emperor of the title of Monarch, and deny the Empire to be the most divine form of Goverment, do equally offend both Him and Us.

P.

I do not think that the State of the Em­pire is purely Monarchical, because the Empe­ror is not absolute.

G.

If it were necessary that a Monarch, to be so, should have absolute power to do every thing that he would, there would be no Mo­narchs at all, but such as those monstrous Ty­rants, the Turk and the Muscovite. There­fore when I yield to you, that the Emperor doth not absolutely do what he will, yet I must not forbear to assure you that he is a Monarch; nay, the first Monarch in the world; and it is actually seen, that all other Monarchs of Chri­stendom do willingly give him place.

P.

Is the Emperor subject to Laws?

G.

The Emperor being a man, and a Chri­stian, is obliged to observe both Humane and Divine Laws; and because he promises and swears not to do any thing contrary to the Capitulation which the Electors prescribe to him after his Election, doubtless he is bound to keep it, in like manner as all Kings are, not to [Page 32]violate the fundamental Laws of their State: But the obedience he yields to his Laws doth in no case derogate from his right of Soverainty.

P.

Is it not necessary in Monarchies, that one alone should command, and all the rest obey?

G.

The word Obey should not be taken here in a strict sense; it is sufficient that all the mem­bers of a Monarchy acknowledge the Monarch for the head, from whence all their power, dignity, and glory is derived. And in the case of our Emperor, the Electors, Princes, and other great Lords do freely confess, that their dignity is nothing but a beam issuing from the Imperial Majesty.

P.

All men are not of your opinion; and there are those who believe, that the Princes of the Empire do not acknowledge to hold their greatness of any but God: And really it seems, that if they did acknowledge to hold it of the Emperor, they would not in plain terms use this kind of style, N. by the grace of God Duke, &c.

G.

That title is communicated to them with that of Elector, Duke or Prince; and experi­ence teacheth us, that when a Count, who was not such by the grace of God, is raised to the de­gree of a Prince, he forthwith takes the quality of Prince by the grace of God: From whence it follows, that as no man is Elector, Duke or Prince, but by the Emperors grant, in like manner these Princes are not qualified so, but [Page 33]by way of Communication. Nay, it is impossi­ble that they should be absolutely indepen­dent of any but God, being (as they are) Subjects of the Empire, receiving their dignity from the Emperor, and doing him Homage for their Principalities.

P.

Can the Emperor create Princes, Counts, and Barons, to have place and vote in the Assemblies, without the consent and concur­rence of the States of the Empire for his so doing?

G.

The Emperor, by that ample power which inseparably adheres to the Imperial Ma­jesty, may raise persons of merit to the highest Secular dignities; but because the States of the Empire might suffer some prejudice, if he ad­mitted into their Assemblies all the persons that his Majesty advances to the quality of Prince, the Emperors have thought it reason­able to have the consent of the said States, conceiving it but just, that what concerns a whole body, should be approved by the same.

P.

Cannot the Emperor confer Ecclesiasti­cal Benefices, and give Bishopricks to whom he pleases?

G.

He hath lost that right by the over­growing authority of Popes, who not content to have robb'd the Emperor of his right to nominate, or at least to confirm those Sove­raine Prelates: have taken from him the power [Page 34]of nominating to the Ecclesiastical dignities of Germany; And they did also oblige him to come and take his Imperial Crown at their hands, but no Emperor hath been crowned at Rome since Charles V.

P.

I would gladly know how the Popes have so much lessened the Imperial Majesty.

G.

The Emperor Constantine the Great having removed the seat of the Empire to Constantinople, the Roman Bishops began to have more Elbow-room, and laying the foundation of their greatness as well upon the distance of the Emperors Residence as upon the piety of Prin­ces, and the respect given unto them, they took upon them the name of Universal Bishop, which their Predecessors never thought of but with horror and detestation. Nevertheless the Lombards kept the Popes in awe, and vexe [...] them often, till the time of Pepin and Charlemagne, who undertook their protection, and enriched them with the estate of those troubleso [...] Kings. The Pope willing to acknowledge these good turns, did Homage to those Princes for the Territories of Ravenna and Pentapolis of Romagnia, which Pepin had liberally bestowe upon him, & obliged his Successors to the sam [...] duty, agreeing that those Princes and their Heirs should have the Right and Prerogative of choosing Popes. Those two Kings mad [...] use of that right; but after the death of Charles, the most potent of the Clergy, fearing they [Page 35]might not have interest enough in the Emperors Court, got themselves chosen at Rome, and afterwards came with an excuse that they were not able to hinder their election, and therefore besought Lewis the Debonaire to confirm them; which he did for fear of disobliging them.

P.

Did this submission of the Popes continue long?

G.

No, but a short time: for pope Ni­colas I. of that name, being better seen in State-matters then his predecessors, disengaged himself of that duty, and using the Thunder of the Vatican in a right season, excommuni­cated Lotharius brother to Lewis King of Italy, and gave so much courage to his Successors, that in a short time they took the boldness to pretend to the election of the Emperors, to degrade them, and to set up another instead of any one that had the misfortune to displease them.

P.

Did not the Emperors withstand those violences?

G.

All that had any resolution resisted that injustice, past over the Alpes, and forced the Popes to keep themselves within their duty: but as Princes are oftentimes some more un­fortunate or less couragious then others, at length Gregory VII. Ʋrban II. and many other Popes trampled the Majesty of the Em­perors under their feet, thunder'd, and decreed [Page 36]against them in their Councils, depriv'd them of their Right, and brought them by force to go and take the Imperial Crown at their hands, saying there was as much difference betwixt Popes and Emperors, as there is betwixt the Sun and the Moon; intending to infer from thence, that as the latter of those two planets hath no light but what is communicated to it by the Sun, so the Emperor had no other glory, nor power, nor Majesty but what the Pope bestowed upon him. But since Charles V. his time no Emperor hath been Crowned by the hands of the Pope; and it seems that the House of Austria hath recovered that to the Empire, which the unhappiness of forme times had rent from it.

P.

It was a great unhappiness indeed, that our Forefathers gave so much way, and parted with so much of their Right to the Popes: But you do also confess, that his Majesty can­not give any Right of suffrage in the Assemblie of the Empire unto those persons whom he raises to the dignity of Prince, without the consent of the States first obtained.

G,

No man having voice or seat in the Diets, but he that is entred in the Registe or Matriculation-Roll of the Empire, which remains in the custody of the Elector of Mentz; it follows necessarily, that no ma [...] can be admitted to sit there without the know­ledge and allowance of that Elector.

P.

That which you tell me, doth in some some sort derogate from the Majesty of the Emperor, who in that respect seems less abso­lute then the Kings of France and Spain; for they can give the titles of Duke and Grande to whom they please, and endue new men with the priviledges of the ancientest Lords of that Order, without pre-acquainting them with it.

G.

Those that the King of France raises to the dignity of Duke, must have their Patent verified in the Pariament of Paris, before they can take their place there: and though this were not so, we should only be bound to con­fess, that the Emperors have used more favour toward the principal Members of the Empire, then the Kings of France do toward their Peers, or those of Spain toward their Grandes. But for all that, neither of those Kings, though great and potent, is so eminent as the Emperor, except in this regard, that both of them have no Superior, nor any equal within their Dominions,

P.

Hath the Emperor any more illustrious marks of Soverainty then those Kings, who give no man an account of their edicts, but in these terms, For such is Our pleasure?

G.

Those Kings are great, and as it were Emperors upon their own Territories, and make Lawes, create Magistrates, Lords, and Gentlemen, as many as they please: but nei­ther they, nor any other person in the World [Page 38]equals the Emperor, who by a plenitude of power creates Kings, and hath a Right to hin­der any other Potentate from attempting to do the like.

P.

The Emperor doth often erect Lands into Baronies, Earldoms and Dukedoms; nay, he makes Barons, Counts, and Dukes, without giving them any land: But I have never heard it affirmed, that he had the power to erect Principalities into Kingdoms.

G.

The Emperor Otho III. made Poland a Kingdom of a Dukedom in the year 1001. Henry IV. did the like for Bohemia in the year 1086. and Charles the Brave Duke of Bur­gundy desired the Emperor Frederick III. to give him the title of King, but could not ob­tain it. All which things do without question elevate the Emperor above all the Monarchs of the Universe, and make it evident that the Imperial dignity is the most eminent upon earth.

P.

I believe, as you do, that no King assumes the authority to erect Principalities into Kingdoms, and that our Emperor in that point hath no equal in the world; but you have not yet proved, that he hath the power of hindring others from giving those eminent titles.

G.

The Pope sayes he hath the same Pre­rogative; but Pius V. having given the title of great Duke of Tuscany to Cosmo de Medicis [Page 39]in the year 1569. the Emperor Maximilian II. opposed it, and made Cosmo receive it from him: And by that action the Pope was obliged to confess that he had exceeded and trans­gressed the bounds of his power.

P.

Parents do not love their children with more tenderness, nor children their parents with more reverence, then I love the Empire; and for that cause you can tell me nothing that affects me comparably to the relation of its greatness. Continue therefore, and as you have touched something of the Majesty of the Head, give me some account also of the Mem­bers.

G.

The principal Members of the Empire are the Electors, which at this present are three Ecclesiasticks and five Seculars. They of Mentz, Tryers, and Collen, are Arch-Bishops and Arch-Chancellors; the first in Germany, the second in France and in the Kingdom of Arles, and the third in Italy: The Seculars are the King of Bohemia, who is great Cup-bearer, the Duke of Bavaria, who is great Steward, the Duke of Saxony, who is great Marshal or Constable, the Marquis of Bran­denburg, who is great Chamberlain, and the Prince Palatine of the Rhine, who is great Treasurer of the Empire.

P,

Are those offices which you now men­tioned, the principal function of each Elector?

G.

There is nothing that makes the Electo­ral [Page 40]dignity so eminent, as the right they have to elect the Emperor, and to depose him when by his enormous crimes, or by an un­manly idleness, he neglects the honour of the Empire, the publick good, and the duty of his place.

P.

Was the Empire alwayes Elective?

G.

Charlemagne having gotten the Impe­rial diginty, transmitted it to his posterity by way of Succession; and that right continued in his House, as long as his descendents retain­ed any thing of the generosity of that incom­parable Heroical person: But when his virtue became totally extinguished in his Successors, the Empire was offered to Otho of Saxony, who refused it, and advised them to confer that honour upon Conrade Duke of Franconia. After Conrade, Henry Son to Otho of Saxony (who had refused the Empire) was chosen into his place, and his Son Otho the I. succeeded him. And that way of succession from Father to Son was observed till the time of Henry IV. who coming to that Dignity while he was under age, and ruling badly enough when he was of years to do better, the Lords of the Empire began to undervalue his authority, and Pope Gregory VII. taking occasion by the fore-top, declared him unfit to Reign, ex­communicated him, and commanded that the Imperial Scepter should be given to another. Then the Germans made a Law, whereby they [Page 41]abolished the right of succession, and assumed to themselves that of choosing the Emperors.

P.

It seems to me that the Empire was ele­ctive sooner then the time you specifie.

G.

Some would have it, that the Electors were instituted after the death of the Emperor Otho III. and others, only in the time of Ro­dolph of Habspurg; so that there is no certain­ty to be known in this matter, and it is free for every man to follow the opinion he thinks most probable.

P.

When the right of succession from Father to Son was abolished, was the power of choo­sing the Emperors given to the Princes that bear the title of Electors at this day?

G.

When the Empire became Elective, all the Princes as well Secular as Ecclesiastical, the Lords, Prelates, and Cities, in one word, all the Estates of the Empire got the power of creating the Emperors: Afterwards in process of time the less considerable were debarred of that right; and at length the confusion which grew from that great number of Electors made it be thought convenient to reduce them to a few. Then they that held the highest Offices in the Imperial Court, excluded all others from them, and the Emperor Charles IV. confirm­ed them in the possession of that right by a re­gulation which he made thereupon in an Ordi­nance called The Golden Bull.

P.

Until what time did that great number of [Page 42]Princes and Lords concur to the election of the Emperors?

G.

It may be made appear to those that will be satisfied with reason, that many had a voice in the Election of Emperors until the time of Frederick II. For Otho Frisingensis assures us, that Henry II. was chosen Emperor by all the Lords of the Empire; and when he was dead, Conrade Duke of Franconia was advanced into his place by the consent of all. Henry III. son to Conrade was also chosen, but there is no mention made of the Electors. The Abbot of Ʋrsperg writes, that Henry IV. was raised to the Imperial dignity by the Bishops and Princes of Germany. The same Author says, that Hen­ry V. was chosen by all; that Lotharius II. was made Emperor by two Archbishops, eight Bishops, many Abbots and Lords of the Impe­rial Court; that Conrade III. was placed upon the Throne, the Duke of Saxony not being cal­led to the Election, and the See of Mentz be­ing then vacant; that Frederick Barbarossa was chosen by all the German princes; that Philip came to the Empire by an Election which the Suevians, Bavarians, and Saxons made of him; that Otho IV. received the Scep­ter from those of Collen, Strasbourg, and some other Cities. The same Abbot of Ʋrsperg says, that the Emperor Otho IV. was excommunica­ted, and that the Princes of Germany, to wit, the King of Bohemia, the Dukes of Austria and [Page 43] Bavaria, the Landgrave of Thuringia, and ma­ny other Princes chose Frederick King of Si­cily, to whom they had formerly sworn Alle­giance, even while he was yet in his cradle: This is that Frederick until whose time, as you see, the number of the Electors was uncertain.

P.

There seems to me to be a contradiction in what you say, that the Empire was succes­sive until Henry IV. and a little after you affirm, that Henry II. Conrade, Henry III. and IV. were Elected.

G.

I had taken notice before, that the Au­thors who write upon this subject, are at vari­ance among themselves; for which reason I alledge those that speak of those Elections: And it is sufficient for me to shew you, it is the opinion of Writers, that the number of Ele­ctors was not reduced to Seven till after the time of Frederick II. And here you may ob­serve, that the Eighth was not heard of till the last peace of Germany.

P.

Why was the number of them increased at the Treaty of peace concluded at Munster and Osnabrug in the year 1648.

G.

In the year 1623. the Emperor Ferdi­nand II. transferred the Electoral dignity from Frederick V. Count Palatine to Maximilian Duke of Bavaria. This translation of dignity, and many other acts of Soverainty, which the Empire remarked in Ferdinand with a jealous eye; as the taking upon himself alone to decide [Page 44]matters which cannot be determined, but by the judgement of all the Estates of the Empire; the resuming of Church-lands possessed by Pro­testants, and giving them to Religious Orders; together with a fear of worse proceedings, ob­liged the Princes to joyn in a League, and to call strangers to their assistance. The War was long, and so bloody, that it swept away more then half the people of Germany. At last both sides being weary, an Assembly was held at Munster to conclude a Peace, and the Ambas­sadors there found themselves in a great strait how to satisfie the two principal branches of that House. Each of them pretended to the Electorate; the first, having had possession thereof for many ages, required the restitution of it; and the second, alledging the signal ser­vices he had done the Empire, by which he me­rited that recompense, would not consent to the Peace, unless it were provided that he should still enjoy that honor. In conclusion, as Maximilian had many friends, so Charles Lewis did not want his supports: Whereupon they came to this agreement, That Maximili­an Duke of Bavaria should have the first Ele­ctorship to him and his posterity, and an eighth place should be new-erected for Charles Lewis Prince Palatine of the Rhine; upon this condi­tion, that if the Gulielmine branch hapned to fail before the Rodolphine, these latter should re-enter into their ancient Electorship, and the [Page 45]other newly created should be wholly abolish­ed.

P.

I do not wonder that these Princes did so earnestly desire, the one to recover, and the other to keep the Electorate in his Branch; since it is believed, that this dignity makes the possessors thereof not inferior to Kings.

G.

The Electoral dignity is very great; and they that are endued with it, are in a more eminent degree then other Potentates of the Empire, because they have power to make the Emperor: But I do not think they may be equalled to Kings. Nay, I remember I have read, that the last Duke of Burgundy, of the blood Royal of France, demanded precedence before the Electors at the Council of Basil, and obtained his pretence.

P.

I know, that Duke alledging his high de­scent, and the many Dutchies, Counties, and other Lordships in his possession, obtained a declaration from the Council of Basil, that in regard of his condition and his great Estates, he should precede the Secular Electors. But you also know, that the Electors have taken place of Kings upon some occasions.

G.

The King of Bohemia gives place to many others, except when he is in the Diet for the Election of an Emperor; and in the like case the Elector of Brandenburg hath disputed the precedence with Rodolph II. King of Hungary. Nevertheless it is out of controversie, that the [Page 46]Electoral dignity is inferior to the Royal: And it may be proved by the order which the Electors themselves observe; for the Elector of Bohemia, when he was but Duke, had the lowest place, but having obtained the title of King, he began to go before his Collegues, only because it was not thought reasonable that a Royal person, Crowned and Anointed, should give way to those that were but barely Electors.

P.

Though this dignity do not stand upon equal terms with that of Kings, it is neverthe­less very great; but who is the chiefest among the Electors?

G.

None of them disputes the precedencie with him of Mentz, who is Dean of the Ele­ctoral Colledge, appoints the day and place of the Election, when the Emperor is dead, or when it is necessary to choose a King of the Ro­mans: The second is the Elector of Tryer, the third of Collen. Thus the Ecclesiasticks take place of the Secular Princes; of whom the King of Bohemia is the first, the Duke of Bavaria the second, the Duke of Saxony the third, the Marquiss of Brandenbourg the fourth, and the Count Palatine the last. Notwithstanding which order I must think the Electors of the Rhine and Saxony to be above all the rest, because during the vacancy of the Empire they are Vi­cars thereof, and can do all that is in the Em­perors power (except giving Investiture to [Page 47]those that hold great Territories or Lordships in Fee of the Empire) without being subject to give an account of their administration.

P.

When is it that they choose an Emperor?

G.

The Empire being destitute of a Head, by the natural death of the Emperor, by his own spontaneous demission, or by his demerit, when for his unworthiness he is deprived of it, they proceed to the election of another.

P.

Methinks it is very strange, that they can dispossess an Emperor; and much more, that there should be any who would voluntarily resign their Crown.

G.

Both the one and the other have been seen more then once; and that we may not go too far back to seek for examples very remote from our time, it shall be sufficient for me to tell you, that Wenceslaus son to Charles IV. being become unfit for the Imperial Crown, was forced to surrender it unto Robert the Ele­ctor Palatine in the year 1400. And when Charles V. had surpassed all his predecessors in merit, and shown by nine voyages, which he made into Germany, six into Spain, seven into Italy, four into France, ten into the Low-Countreys, two into England, as many into Africa, and by passing the Ocean and Medi­terranean Seas eleven times, that nothing was impossible to a Prince of his resolution; he would further manifest, that he knew how to conquer himself, and having called his son Phi­lip [Page 48]into the Netherlands, he put the Scepter of Spain with all its dependancies into his hands, and by William of Nassau Prince of Orange sent the Imperial Crown to his brother, who was already King of the Romans: After which he retired himself to a quiet solitude in the year 1556. where he lived two more in the contem­plation of heavenly joys, and went to receive them the 21. of September 1558.

P.

It is a wonder that a Prince so inclined to honor the holy See, did not resign his Scepter into the hands of the Pope.

G.

That incomparable Monarch loved to have the See of Rome flourish, but was not willing the glory thereof should be illustrated by the eclipse of the Empire. He knew what he ought to the Church, and what to Germany: He was not ignorant that the Constitutions of Popes aim at the weakning of the Empire, and the diminution of its authority; but he knew also how to put a difference betwixt just and unjust. And by that action he maintained the right of the Empire, and yet did wrong to no body.

P.

May a King of the Romans be chosen while the Emperor is living?

G.

There are that think it ought not to be done, because it is as much as to give occasion to one to wish the death of another. Yet expe­rience, which is more to be considered then the speculative fancies of Doctors, teaches us, [Page 49]that Charles IV. Wenceslaus, Maximilian I. and II. Rodolph II. Ferdinand III. and IV. were chosen in the life-time of their predecessors. We have not any example, that a King of the Romans hath been made against the Emperors will; but I think it out of question, that they who can depose an Emperor, may also appoint him a Successor without his consent.

P.

Some say, that when they create a King of the Romans while the Emperor is living, they set two Heads upon the Empire, and two Ma­sters over Germany.

G.

So long as the Emperor lives, the King of the Romans hath no authority of his own, and his dignity is but subordinate to that of the Emperor: from whence it follows, that with­out imposing two Heads upon the Empire, or two Masters upon Germany, a Successor to the Emperor may be nominated, who instead of procuring or desiring his death, may only ease his pains, get insight in business, and learn how to govern.

P.

Where do the Electors meet, when there is question of making an Emperor, or a King of the Romans?

G.

The election should be made at Franc­fort; and indeed the greatest part of the Em­perors received that honor there: Nay, the Elector of Saxony questioned the election of Ferdinand I. because it was made at Collen, in the year 1530. Nevertheless before Ferdinands [Page 50]time, Henry II. was chosen at Mentz, Henry III. at Aix, Henry V. at Collen, Lotharius II. at Mentz, and after him Maximilian, and Rodolph II. and Ferdinand III. received that honor at Ratisbon. From whence you may con­clude, that the place of the Election is not certain.

P.

Wherefore was the number of the Ele­ctors reduced to seven? And what was the rea­son that there were three Ecclesiastical, and four Military?

G.

Religion and Arms being the foundation and sure support of the Christian Common­wealth, the Emperor could not provide bette for the safety of the Empire, then by choosing three Prelates and four Captains, to help him in bearing part of that great burthen while [...]e­lived, and to put another into his place after his death. But there were seven of them, no [...] only because that number is mysterious and ve­nerable, but because being odd, if the voice in an election hapned to be equally divided one of the Electors might cast the ballance t [...] that side where he thought there was the mo [...] merit. Besides there were some of the [...] Church-men for this reason, that being it was impossible for them to come to the Crown [...] they might keep the other Electors within th [...] compass of their duty, and put a bar, that n [...] man should be chosen but he that deserved that dignity: Which, as we have already declared is the chiefest in Christendom.

P.

You place the King of Bohemia amongst the real and true Electors, whereas many as well Germans as Foreiners say, that he is not called to the Diets, nor hath any voice at the election of the Emperor, but when the other Electors cannot agree.

G.

The King of Bohemia hath no voice nor place in the Assemblies, which the learned call the Ʋniversal Senate, and the Epitome of the Empire; neither is he summoned to appear there, because being not registred in the Ma­triculation-roll, nor contributing any thing to the necessities of the Empire, he doth not sit in those meetings: nevertheless, they that say he is no true Elector, and hath no voice at Ele­ctions, do not reflect that King Ladistaus made a bitter complaint because he was omitted at the Election of Maximilian I. that he threat­ned to take arms, and never left clamouring till the Empire came to this accord with him, That whoever should omit him for the time to come, should be condemned to pay 500. marks of gold: And they that are most experienced and skilful in this point, give him the first voice, and say that Sigismond of Luxemburg King of Bohemia, being in the Diet for the choice of an Emperor after the death of Robert of Bavaria, spoke the first according to the custom, and saying that he knew no man more worthy of the Empire then he was, named himself; whereupon the rest of the Electors his Col­legues [Page 52]admiring his freedom and generosity, unanimously gave him their voices.

P.

I see then, the Electors may name them­selves.

G.

Yes, but not all. The Ecclesiasticks have not a passive or reflexive voice in those Diets of Election, that is, they may name another, but not themselves; because the Ancients thought it not fit, that one and the same hand should bear the Crosier and the Sword, nor one and the same head wear the Mitre and the Imperial Crown.

P.

It being necessary then that the Emperor should be Secular, may all Seculars indifferently be raised to that dignity?

G.

The Electors can advance no man to the Imperial Throne, but he that is of an illustrious, rich, and German Family. The reason why the Emperor should be of an illustrious Houst is this, because, being he is to be Head ove [...] many Princes that resemble so many Kings, it is to be presumed they would not willingly yield obedience to a person of mean condition. He should be rich, because the Emperors have alienated almost all the Rights of the Empire, and by their ill husbandry forced the Electon to have an eye to the riches of him they choose, that he may maintain himself out of his ow [...] Revenues with that splendor that is requisite to the Imperial Majesty. He should be a German, because a stranger having but little affection for [Page 53]us, might transfer the seat of the Empire to some other place, and deprive Germany of that prerogative, or put it upon a necessity to keep the same by way of Arms.

P.

It seems to me, that all the Emperors of Germany have not been natural Germans; and consequently, it is not necessary that he that is chosen should be so.

G.

Before the Emperor Charles IV. had made the Golden Bull to be published, it was not required that the Emperor should be a German; but since that time, though it be not absolutely necessary for him to be born in Germany, it is necessary that he be a German by extraction. Such were Charles and Ferdi­nand the First, though the former were born in the County of Flanders, and the latter at Medina in Castile. Likewise Francis I. King of France, alledging that he was a German, when they made scruple to place him upon the Imperial Throne, did not pretend to have it believed that Angoulesme was in Germany, but that his predecessors were originally of Germany.

P.

I conceive it may be seasonable in this place to ask, whether it be better that King­doms should be Elective or Successive; and because I know you will be able to resolve the doubt, I desire you to satisfie my curiosity.

G.

In speculation, each of these forms hath its advantages and discommodities; but I do [Page 54]not think that rationally one can be preferred before the other, but with respect to places, times, and persons. Germany, Denmark, and Poland find it expedient to elect their Princes: The French, Spaniards, and Swedes like it better that the Son or nearest Kinsman should succeed their Kings. The reasons of those that prefer Succession, are plausible. They say, that ordinarily in the time of the Interregnum, Elective Monarchies fall into Anarchy, disorders, and the danger of utter ruine, being like a ship in a storm without a Pilot; that Elective Princes, having no assured hope to transmit the Crown to their children, endeavour to enrich them at the charge of the publick, and that no man hath so great a care to preserve anothers estate as his own. They add further, that persons of low degree are elected, who become insolent upon it, and leave no stone unturned to make the Crown Heredi­tary to their Family; and which is still worse sometimes the Electors being at variance, instead of one Head set many over the Common­wealth. But all these reasons are good and allowable in those States where Succession hath had place for many ages. The Germans had rather have their Emperors by choice; and to prevent those inconveniences, they many times elect a Successor to the Empire while the Em­peror is living: And though that course be not taken, yet the Empire is not in danger to fall [Page 55]into Anarchy or any disorder, seeing the Electors Palatine and of Saxony are Vicars of the Emperor, and Administrators of the Empire during the Interregnum. And so the ship is never without a Pilot in Germany; where to abate the desire which the Emperors may have to agrandize their children by weakning the Monarchy, they usually make choice of the nearest of Kin to the Reigning Prince; and they do not transfer the Crown to another House, but when they find never a Head wor­thy of it in that Family that hath it in possessi­on. This way of continuing the Imperial Dignity in one House doth also hinder the in­convenience of advancing men of low degree to the Throne, and of giving two Heads at a time to one single Common-wealth. For which cause I think it not fit to innovate any thing in a State, and that every Nation should persevere in their ancient customes, forasmuch as all changes in a State are dangerous.

P.

God be thanked, we do not see so many murders and seditions in Germany during the Interregnum, as there are at Rome; but there hath been no means found out to prevent ali­enating the demesns of the Empire▪ The Em­peror hath almost nothing left in Italy, and the best Cities of Germany being enfranchiz'd, the sinew of the State hath lost much of its strength; which could never have been, if the Empire had alwayes been Successive.

G.

There is nothing complete and entire in this World; and it is as hard to find a per­fect form of Government, as a Common­wealth, a King, an Orator, a Captain, a Courtier, an Ambassador, with the qualities which Plato, Xenophon, Cicero, Onosander, Castalio, and Tasso Fancy and desire. When a Kingdom is Successive, the people is often forced to obey a child, or rather those who abusing his authority do oppress and exhaust his Subjects during his Minority. When it is Elective, they are divers times put to no small trouble to find out a good King; and when they think they have chosen an Augustus, a Trajan or an Antonine, it proves too often that they have pitched upon a William, a Henry VII or a Wenceslaus. We must look for perfection in Heaven, and not think to meet with it here below.

P.

Seeing we are in Germany where Election hath place, we ought to prefer it before Suc­cession; and to speak truth, considering the State of the Empire at present, it seems to be preferable. But of what age should a Prince be, to be capable of being placed upon the Imperial Throne?

G.

It were to be wished that he were one, who had beforehand given some proofs of his vertue, and made his name glorious by his Mi­litary actions; nevertheless though by the Law no man can be raised to eminent honours [Page 57]before the age of 25. years, yet the Electors do not alwayes tie themselves strictly to those rules: For they chose Otho III. in his infancy, Henry III. at twelve, Henry IV. at eight, Frederick II. and William at twenty, Wen­ceslaus at fifteen, and Charles V. at nineteen years of age.

P.

I would willingly know what difference there is between the Emperor and the King of the Romans.

G.

You will meet with some Writers, who mean the Emperor when they are speaking of the King of the Romans; and yet they are distinct persons: For no man can be Vicar to himself, and the King of the Romans is the Emperors perpetual Vicar; when the Empe­ror is absent, or taken up with other affairs, he administers the Empire, and the Emperor being dead he succeeds without dispute. The King of the Romans bears for his Arms the Eagle with one head, the Emperor with two; he is styled Augustus, and the Emperor semper Augustus: The Emperor writing to him useth the term of Liebten in Dutch, which signifies Dilection, but he writing or speaking to the Emperor, gives him that of Majesty: To conclude, he acknowledges the Emperor for his Superior, and though in his absence he exercise the same power the Emperor did, it is but by concession, for he hath no authority of his own within the Empire, so long as the [Page 58]Emperor is living: And therefore if he take place of other Kings, it is only because he ex­erciseth the same Jurisdiction which the Em­peror doth.

P.

Is the King of the Romans the only Vicar of the Empire?

G.

Heretofore there were 3. Deputies in the East, as many in the West, one in Africa, and another in Spain: At present there are but two for all, to wit the Electors of the Rhine and of Saxony; whose dignity is derived from the office of great Steward, which they had under the Emperors of Charlemagne's Race. By virtue of that dignity, when the Emperor dyes, and before a Successor be chosen, the first governs the Rhine, Franconia, Swaben, and Bavaria, as far as the Alpes; the other all that Countrey where the Saxon Laws are observed. But if there be a King of the Ro­mans, that right ceases, because he is Em­peror that very moment wherein the other de­ceaseth. So that it may be said, when there is a King of the Romans, he is the only Vicar of the Empire; and when there is not one, the Electors of the Rhine and Saxony alone are the Vicars.

P.

We have hitherto spoken sufficiently of the Emperor, of his Vicars, and of the Electors. Nevertheless before we proceed any further, I would know whether the Emperor take the name of Cesar before his Coronation; and [Page 59]how he is served when he eats in State.

G.

Immediately after the Emperor is chosen, he takes the name of Emperor, of Cesar, and of Augustus: and if he pleases gives priviledges, and does all other acts of Soverainty: After­wards, when he will display the Splendor of his Majesty, he dines in Ceremony; and then the Ecclesiastical Electors say Grace, and hold the Seals; the Elector of Brandenburg gives him water to wash, the Saxon executes the Office of Marshal, the Palsgrave presents him the first dish of meat, and the King of Bohemia the first glass of Wine: But he wears not the Crown upon his head, unless he will himself: And if any Elector be absent, his Deputy per­forms his Office, and not his Ambassador; now the Lieutenants or Deputies of the Electors are, the Lords and Counts of Limbourg, of Walpourg, of Papentheim, and of Hohenzol­leren, for the four ancient Seculars: I do not know who is the Count Palatines Vicar, and the Ecclesiastical Electors have none.

P.

I have heard you say, that at the Inau­guration and Coronation of the Kings of France the Peers carry the Royal Ornaments; do not the Electors do the same at the Coronation of the Emperor?

G.

In those Ceremonies the Elector of Collen did for a long time Crown the Emperor; but because the Archbishops of that See have not been Priests for near a hundred years last [Page 60]past, he of Mentz performed that Office: And at the Inauguration of Ferdinand III. there was a dispute between those two Electors for he of Collen being a Priest at that time, de­sired to recover that honour; and he of Mentz. pleading the possession of his Predecessors, urged that he should be upheld and continued in that Right. In conclusion, notwithstanding the opposition of the Elector of Collen, he of Mentz executed the Office; and some believe that he did but preserve a Right which apper­tained to Mentz before. The Diadem of the an­cients was certain white Scarfs, with which they bound the head of their Kings; at this time it is a Crown, which the Golden Bull calls Infula. It belongs to the King of Bohemia to carry that; as the bearing of the Ball to the Elector of Bavaria, of the Sword to the Saxon, and of the Sceptre to the Brandenburger. The Imperial cloak is richly set with pretious stones, and is fastned together with a golden buckle over the breast.

P.

Your mentioning of the Crown makes me call to mind that which some write, that the Emperor is Crowned at Aix with an Iron Crown, at Milan with one of Silver, and at Rome with one of Gold.

G.

Charlemagnes Crown which is set upon the head of the Emperors at Aix, is of pure Gold, what ever you have read of it; but it shews by its lightness, that the Princes of that [Page 61]time were not profuse in their expenses. And as for the rest, the Emperors go no more to seek a Crown at Milan, nor at Rome.

P.

The Majesty of the Emperor is as a Sea without a Shore, a boundless subject, whereof a man cannot sufficiently discourse; but all that is said of it, seems little in comparison of what remains to be said. Nevertheless, seeing it was not our design particularly to cull out all that makes the Head of the Empire so admi­rable; tell me what power the Electors give him: and then we will pass on to the conside­ration of the Members.

G.

The Electors do not give the Emperor the power he hath; for that power is insepa­rably annexed to the Imperial dignity. But they make choice of a Prince, they declare him worthy of Majesty, they give him the Scepter, they set him upon the Throne, and salute him Emperor. From this dignity proceeds the right of making Universal Laws, of creating Kings, Electors, Archdukes, Dukes, Marquisses, Landgraves, Counts, Barons, Gentlemen; and of depriving them of that honor, when they behave themselves unworthily. For he that can give a dignity, can likewise take it away. He can also make Notaries, Tabellions, and Doctors; nay, erect Universities, where men that deserve it may be declared, created, and made Doctors: He can legitimate Ba­stards, restore to honor, give the benefit of [Page 62]age, erect Parliaments and other Courts of Justice, judge without Appeal, and give In­vestiture to such as hold great Territories in Fee of the Empire: He hath power of life and death, can give safe-guards, set up Posts, and raise ordinary Burroughs into the rank and de­gree of Cities.

P.

Cannot the Emperor declare War, and make peace also?

G.

For the declaring of War, he must have the consent of the Estates, who heretofore might refuse to aid him with men and money. The power of making peace is of the same na­ture; and it is out of question that the Empe­ror cannot conclude it alone, when the whole Empire is concerned: For then all the Estates having interest therein, it is probable that they ought to give their consent thereunto; as they did at the last, which was concluded at Mun­ster, and confirmed at Nuremberg.

P.

I cannot perswade my self that the Em­peror hath more power to make Universal Laws, and erect Parliaments, then he hath to declare War and make peace.

G.

It is true, that the Laws which oblige all Germany to their observation, are made in the general Assemblies; and that Justice is ad­ministred in such place, and by such persons as the Emperor and the Estates appoint: But the single approbation of the Emperor gives the name and force of an Universal Law to the [Page 63]determinations and results of the Estates of the Empire; as he also impowers the Judges and Assessors of Courts to administer Justice: For which cause it may be said, that the Emperor makes Laws, and establisheth Parliaments.

The end of the Second Dialogue.

Dialogue III.
Of the Estates of the Empire in general: And in particular, Of the Austrian and Electoral Houses.

P.

THe discourse concerning the Head of the Empire having held us longer then I ex­pected, I shall pass more lightly over the con­sideration of the Members: Touching whom it seems necessary to me, that you speak se­parately of the Secular and the Ecclesiastical Lords, of the Gentlemen and the Imperial Ci­ties. After which I shall entreat you to add a word concerning the Universities, the Cham­bers or Courts of Justice, and concerning Tournaments. So then, though we have said [Page 64]something of the Electoral dignity, I shall not forbear to ask you what I think requisite for me to know of every Family in particular.

G.

I shall willingly hear your demands, and satisfie them as well as I am able. Only I be­seech you to observe some order therein, that I may answer you with less difficulty, and you understand me with more ease.

P.

I shall do what you prescribe as punctu­ally as possibly I can: And to begin, I desire you to tell me, who they are whom in Germany we call The Estates of the Empire.

G.

All they who are registred in the Matri­culation-roll, and assist the Emperor with their counsel in publick Assemblies, and with their purse in his necessities, according to the diver­sity of times and the custom of Germany, are the Estates of the Empire: And whosoever is not Matriculated, and contributes not to the necessities of the Empire, is not in the number of the Estates, though he be immediately sub­ject to the Empire.

P.

What advantage have the Estates of the Empire above other Germans?

G.

All the Estates of the Empire, having voice in the general Assemblies where those Laws are made that oblige all Germany to their observation, may also oppose any thing that may be to their prejudice, further any thing that is for their interest, take order that they be not oppressed, and concur to the establish­ment [Page 65]of such Laws as they ought to observe. Wherein they have far greater advantage then others, who are forced to submit unto Laws made without them, which they neither had power to contradict, nor are so much as called to approve.

P.

Are there many that have voice and seat in the Assemblies?

G.

All the Estates of the Empire, who are the Electors, the Princes, the Prelates, the Counts, the Barons, and the Imperial Cities. And besides the place and voice they have in general and particular Assemblies, they have also a certain right of Regality, and the privi­ledge of the Austregues, that is, a right not to be convented or brought before any but pe­culiar Judges.

P.

I thought that the Emperor alone had the right of Regality; that this right and Majesty were one and the same thing; and that but few Counts and Barons had place and voice in the Assemblies.

G.

By the Counts and Barons which I told you had seat and suffrage in the Assemblies, you should understand those that are Estates of the Empire, and abstract all others, even those Lords to whom the Emperor gives the title of Prince in his Hereditary Countreys; who are in no small number, the abuse being grown to that height, that few or none are content with the title of Gentleman. As to the other part of [Page 66]your supposition, you should take notice, that Soverainty and Regalities are different things: Soverainty is that which essentially constitute the Emperor, that is, which makes him to be Emperor; and Regalities are the Adjuncts of Soverainty, and the Rights which flow from it as rivulets from their spring.

P.

I beseech you explain your self a little more.

G.

For the better understanding of what I have even now said, you must note that the word Regality is diversly taken, to wit, 1. for great Lordships held in Fee of the Crown; 2. for Churches extraordinarily rich: 3. for the right of giving great Benefices: 4. for the Royal Ensigns which are carried before Kings, and put upon their heads and into their hands: and 5. for the Rights which have been given to Emperors for marks of a Soverain eminence. Regalities may be also distinguished into the greater and the lesser: The greater are Rega­lities of Dignity, which relate to the Emperor person; the lesser are Regalities of Ʋtility which regard his Treasure. The great one are incommunicable, the lesser are communi­cable, and communicated to Princes, Lords, and Cities, to one more, to another less, ac­cording to the good pleasure of the Emperors.

P.

I do not yet fully understand which be the Regalities of Dignity; I pray speak a little more at large of them.

G.

The Regalities of Dignity are the im­mense power which the Emperor hath to give the title of King, Elector, Archduke, Duke, &c. to make Laws, to administer Justice, and other such like things.

P.

I think the Emperor hath communicated the right of administring Justice unto the Im­perial Chambers of his Court and of Spire.

G.

That is true; but the power of the Chambers is no argument why the Emperor alone should not be said to have the Soverain Right of administring Justice: For the Judge of those Chambers bears the Imperial Sceptre, to show that he exercises the Emperors jurisdi­ction there; all judgements are pronounced there in his Majesties name, and sealed with his Arms: Which makes it clear, that all is done by his authority, and in his name.

P.

Was Justice always administred by the Soverain Chambers which his Majesty hath established, the one in his Court, and the other at Spire?

G.

The Chamber of Justice or Parliament of the Empire was ambulatory till the time of Maximilian I. who taking pity of the parties that were necessitated to follow the Court, and seek for Justice there at great expenses, at the request of Berchtold Count of Henneberg, who was then Elector of Mentz, established a Se­dentary Chamber at Wormes in the year 1495. from whence it was soon after removed to [Page 68] Spire, but cannot be withdrawn from that place without the consent of all the Estates.

P.

Doubtless the Emperor hath given an ex­traordinary jurisdiction to that Chamber; for I have heard say, that it hath concurrence of jurisdiction with his Majesty.

G.

The Chamber of Spire can have no con­current jurisdiction with the Emperor, unless it be that his Majesty may concur with himself; for the jurisdiction of the Chamber is nothing else but the Emperors jurisdiction. Besides, the Emperor hath not established the Chamber to concur with him, but to administer Justice in his name. For in transferring thither all the jurisdiction universally, for so much as con­cerns Civil causes, he hath ordered that no­thing shall be dispatched but in his name, and under his Seal. Whereby it is easie to judge, that there is a dependence, and not a concur­rence of the Chamber of Spire with the Empe­ror; who also causeth the Assessors to be pu­nished when they transgress and swerve from their duty.

P.

Seeing the Emperor hath transmitted all his jurisdiction unto that Chamber, certainly it passeth judgement upon all things without appeal.

G.

Except Ecclesiastical and Spiritual mat­ters (as the crimes of Heresie, Adultery, and other such like, the cognizance whereof be­longs to the Church) that Chamber Judges [Page 69]finally and absolutely of every thing: So that an appeal cannot be made unto the Emperor, and much less to the Pope, even in a cause of a pious nature. And there is a Decree to be seen of the 20. February 1512. whereby one that appealed to the Pope was fined a hundred Marks of Gold. But this Chamber takes no knowledge in the first instance, but of the causes which concern some Immediate person, that is, im­mediately depending upon the Emperor.

P.

Are all Immediate persons Estates of the Empire?

G.

The Gentlemen of Swaben, Franconia, the Rhine, and the lower Alsatia, are not Estates of the Empire, though they be immedi­ately subject to the Emperor.

P.

Let us begin to speak of the Estates of the Empire, and tell me, if you please, what was the original of the House of Austria, how long it hath worn the Imperial Crown, into how many branches it is divided, by what means it became so potent, and what are its privi­ledges.

G.

You ask too many things at once; yet I will answer them. But that we may avoid con­fusion, I will speak severally of that which you have proposed conjunctly. And as to your first question, I say, that flatterers think they can never raise the beginning of this Most August House high enough, unless they fetch it from the Trojan horse, and tracing the Fables of the [Page 70]old Romans invent a fine Genealogy from near 500. years before the birth of Jesus Christ. Others would have it to descend from Charle­magne in a direct masculine line. The most com­mon opinion is, that the Counts of Habspourg, who wear the Imperial Crown at this present, are a branch of the Dukes of Zeringuen, from whom also the Marquisses of Baden are descend­ed, and the Dukes of Teck, whose lands are passed by marriage into the House of Wirtem­berg.

P.

That which you say, is not out of contro­versie; for a modern Author affirms confi­dently, that the Archdukes of Austria and the Kings of France come both out of one and the same stock. But because we desire not to enter into dispute, let us go forward; and tell meat what time those Princes put the Imperial Crown upon their head.

G.

Frederick II. having past from this life to a better, the Empire continued some year without a Head: After which Interregnum all Germany esteeming the vertue of Rodolph Count of Habspourg worthy of the Empire, he was set upon the Throne in the year 1278. and reigned 18. Rodolph being dead, Adolph Count of Nassau was chosen in his stead: But Albert, Rodolphs son, being now become Duke of Au­stria by the gift which his Father made him of that Principality, and Lord of Carinthia by the marriage which he contracted with Eliza­beth [Page 71]inheritrice of that Province, because he could not brook a Superior, took arms, slew the Emperor Adolph in battel, and forced the Electors to put him into his place, in the year 1298. and ten years after on May-day 1308. he was killed upon the high way by his Nephew John the son of Rodolph; and his successors were no more admitted to that honor till the year 1438. in which Albert the Fifth Duke of Au­stria, and second Emperor of that name, was raised to that dignity. He reigned no longer then one year, and was succeeded by Frederick III. his Cousin, who reigned 54. years, and got his son Maximilian I. to be Elected whilest he lived. To Maximilian Charles V. his grandchild succeeded, and to Charles Ferdi­nand I. his brother, from whom are descended in a right line of males all the Emperors that have reigned ever since his death, and still reign happily to this day.

P.

I think the sons of Philip, Archduke of Austria, Duke of Burgundy, divided that House into two branches.

G.

That House arriving to greatness by little and little, by the acquisition of the Countreys of Austria, Carinthia, Stiria, Tirol, and Alsa­tia, was raised to a prodigious grandeur by the marriage of Maximilian of Austria with Ma­ry of Burgundy, who brought him in Dowry the 17. Provinces of the Low-Countreys, with the Franche-County. And a little after, it [Page 72]acquired a great part of the world by the mar­riage of Jane of Spain with Philip the sai [...] Maximilians son: For by the death of the Queen of Portugal her elder Sister, Jane be­came heiress of all that her Father and Mother had in Spain, and of the Kingdoms of Naples, Sicily, Majorca, Minorca, Sardinia, and the New World. So that Charles V. seeing he had enough to satisfie the two branches severally quitted all that he had in Germany to his bro­ther Ferdinand, reserving nothing thereof to himself, but the name of Austria, and gave his son all his other Dominions, which are so great that the Sun never sets upon them.

P.

You do not tell me, that Philip II. son to Charles V. got the Kingdom of Portugal partly by right and partly by force, after the death of the King and Cardinal Henry, Unkle by the Fathers side to Sebastian, who was unfortu­nately lost in Africa in the year 1578.

G.

I reserve those things to be spoken of when we shall travel into Spain; and then I shall tell you, that Philip II. having gotten the Kingdom of Portugal, with the East Indies, Brasile, the places of Ceuta, Tanger, Marza­gan, many Isles in the Ocean Sea, and all the Coasts of Africa, unto the great Monomotapa, many lands and fortresses beyond the Cape of Good Hope, in Persia, Arabia, and the In­dies; he and his son possessed them prospe­rously. But Philip IV. his grandchild lost that [Page 73]Kingdom upon Christmas-day 1640. and af­terwards all that depended upon that Crown followed the sway and revolution of Portugal.

P.

This House being most mighty in Europe, Africa, Asia, and America, and having the Imperial Crown upon its head ever since the year 1438. without intermission, it must cer­tainly have priviledges unknown to other Hou­ses of Germany.

G.

The Princes of this House have received extraordinary mercies and advantages from God, from nature, and from men. From Na­ture, inasmuch as they have all a long chin and thick lips; which is a Physiognomical mark of their piety, constancy, and integrity. From God, inasmuch as by giving a glass of water with their own hand to one that hath great Wens hanging at his throat, they cure him; and by kissing one that cannot speak plain, they unloose his tongue; nay, which is more, this House having within 300. years afforded twelve Emperors, five Kings of Spain, and for­ty other Kings, Cardinals, Archdukes, and Dukes, there hath been never a Tyrant a­mongst them all. As for the priviledges they have received from the Emperors of that House, they can create Gentlemen, Barons, and Counts, through the whole Empire; and the Emperor cannot take from them the lands they are seized of, to give them to another. The Archduke of Austria is the first and most inti­mate [Page 74]Privy Counsellor of the Empire, and h [...] Principality is not subject to contribution [...]. These Princes, when they receive the land they hold in Fee, are in Royal habit, wear a [...] Archdukes Cap upon their head, pay nothing for their Investiture, and are not subject to the Justice of the Empire. In Assemblies they take their place on the right hand of the Emperor, after the Electors, before the Ecclesiastical Princes: If they be challenged to fight a Duel, they may take a Champion, though that privi­ledge be denied to their adversary: And if all the Princes of this House happen to fail, the eldest daughter shall inherit all their Estate, and bring all these priviledges to her hus­band.

P.

In real truth this House hath done so ma­ny good offices to the Empire, that I wonder not to see it priviledged above all others. Are these Princes many?

G.

No, That Emperor is since dead, as also his brother, and one of his sons. but few: The King of Spain at the time we are now speaking, which is the year 1657. hath but one son; the Emperor two, and one brother; and the Archdukes of Inspruck are two. Thus the branch of Burgundy is in danger to be totally extinguished; but that of Austria is strong enough still, there being five young Princes of it.

P.

If the Branch of Burgundy should totally fail, should not that of Austria inherit?

G.

I believe of Right it ought to succeed; for it is no less descended of Jane of Spain then that of Burgundy: But being daughters in­herit, it would be known, whether the heiress of the Kingdom will not marry some other Prince; and whether a Spanish Lord will not have a mind to taste so dainty a bit.

P.

It would be a great weakening of the Emperor, to take from him the strong support he hath alwayes found in King Phillips Exche­quor. Let us now look, if you please upon the Palatine House.

G.

By your demands you oblige me to fol­low the order which the Princes observe in their sitting at the Assemblies. After the House of Austria that of the Palatine holds the first rank without dispute. This House enjoyes the first Electorship, and the first place amongst the Secular Electors after the King of Bohemia: And the younger brethren of the Palatine House, who have place in the Assemblies, take it immediately after the Secular Electors, as the Archdukes do after the Ecclesiasticks. Now all the Princes of this House are descended from two Emperors, whose Nephews make two principal Branches, both very Potent and Il­lustrious, but of different Religions, and per­chance no very great friends, since they that [Page 76]are sprung from Lewis of Bavaria wear the Electoral Cap which belonged to the de­scendents of the Emperor Robert: And that change came to pass because Frederick V. Elector of the Rhine, not regarding the Electi­on that was made of Ferdinand of Austria, accepted the Crown of Bohemia, whereby he kindled those fires and forged those irons that have wasted our Countrey for above 30. years.

P.

I have already heard say, that the Bo­hemians drew upon themselves and us the mis­chiefs of the last War by the Election they made of two Kings, when they had but one King­dom to bestow. Let us therefore pass by those causes of our evils; and according to your accustomed method, tell me something of the Original, of the priviledges, of the greatness, and of the alliances of this House.

G.

Many Writers fetch the Original of these Princes out of the loines of Charlemagne, and follow the Genealogie down from him to those that are living at this day. For my part, I know not what to think of it, and therefore refer my self to real evidence. Yet I dare confidently affirm, that the House is very ancient; and that since the year 1253. in which Otho Witelpachius Count of Shiern married Agnes heiress of the Palatinate and Bavaria, this House hath possessed those two great Principalities, with the quality of Elector, and great Steward of [Page 77]the Empire. It hath given two Emperors to Germany, one King to Denmark, Sweden and Norway joyntly, and another to Sweden alone: Without counting I know not how many Ge­nerals, who have commanded armies in Italy, Hungary, France and England.

P.

At what time did those Princes reign in Germany, Denmark, and Sweden?

G.

Lewis of Bavaria was chosen Emperor the 18. of October 1314 and having Reigned gloriously 23. years, made room for Charles of Luxembourg the IV. of that name, who left Wenceslaus his Successor, and he by his into­lerable negligence forced the Electors to put Robert Elector Palatine into his place, a man low of Stature, but of so great courage, that the Empire could have wished him endued with immortality, if that were to be found here be­low. But he dyed the 18. of May 1410. having Reigned ten years. And Christopher his granchild was chosen King of Denmark, Sweden and Norway in the year 1430. and dyed without heirs 1448. But Charles Gustavus, son of John Casimir a younger brother to the Duke of Zweybruck or Deux-ponts, Reigns at this present in Sweden with as much glory as any one of his predecessors, and hath a son of Hedwig Eleonor daughter to Frederick Duke of Holstein.

P.

This House descending from two Empe­rors very renowned in History, and having so [Page 78]many and such brave Princes at present worth to be Emperors, I wish them those Crown they deserve to wear, and desire you to to [...] me, whether it enjoys more priviledges the [...] the other Electoral Houses.

G.

The Electors have very great priviledges and the Golden Bull otdains for them all [...] general, and every one in particular, tha [...] no man appeal from their Justice to any othe [...] whatsoever: Yet none of them have preserve [...] this Right entire to them, but the Electors o [...] Saxony, Brandenburg, and of the Rhine. The [...] can all together choose an Emperor, and de­pose him when he is lazy and negligent. They have right to prescribe a Capitulation to the Emperor when they have chosen him, and to oblige him to swear to the observation thereof. Moreover, they can meet together once every year, without asking leave of any one, and consult in that Assembly concerning the publick and their own private affairs. Besides this Right which relates to the whole Electoral Col­ledge, the Palatine and the Saxon are Vicars of the Empire; and as such, they can legitimate Bastards as well of great men as of inferior per­sons, create Notaries and Tabellions, confer the Benefices which are in the Emperors nomi­nation, give Investiture of lands held in Fee, except of Dukedoms, and of the Principalities which in Germany are called Fansleben (because when the Emperor gives them, he puts a stan­dard [Page 79]into the hand of him that receives them) and which is most considerable, the Elector Palatine can redeem what the Emperor hath sold or engaged, at the same value for which it was sold or engaged; and which is yet more, the Emperor may be convented for Debt before this Elector.

P.

The ancient Emperors gave demonstra­tion of a meekness without example, in submit­ing themselves to the justice of one that is a Subject of the Empire.

G.

No man would deal with Soverains, if they did not oblige themselves in Civil matters to some way of Justice; and in this case the Emperors have been willing that the Elector Palatine should be their Judge: But if the Emperor be accused of Mal-administration, the judgement thereupon belongs to all the Electoral Colledge; in which case the Elector Palatine is Director of the Process, and not he of Mentz, though he be Dean of the Electo­ral Colledge.

P.

Certainly this is no small honour to the Palatine House; but wherein consists its great­ness?

G.

If these Princes did all aim at the benefit, ad­vancement, and glory of the whole House in ge­nerall, and if there were no hatred between the Branches; Bavaria, the upper & lower Palatinate the Landgraveship of Leuchtemberg, the Lord­ships of Simmeren, of Deux-Ponts, & of Weldents, [Page 80]the Dutchy of Juliers, the Archbishopric [...] of Collen, the Bishopricks of Liege, Hildesheim, and Freisinguen, which this House possessseth at this time, would make it formidable to all its Enemies, as well by reason of its vast forces, as because it hath three voices in the Electoral Colledge, and at the least eight or ten in that of the Princes.

P.

I know that the Elector of Bavaria in the quality of Duke hath the first voice among the Secular Princes, that Duke Albert his Unkle hath one as Landgrave of Leuchtemberg, that the Palatine of Simmeren hath another, and he of Newbourg too, and it may be some other younger brethren of the House have voices also for Deux-ponts, in like manner as for the Bishopricks of Hildesheim, Liege, and Freis­inguen. But tell me something of the alliances of this House.

G.

It is allied to all the great Families not only of the Empire, but of Europe. The Em­peror Ferdinand II. married in the first year of the Century current Mary Anne, daughter to William Duke of Bavaria, by whom he had issue Mary Anne wife to Maximilian Duke of Bavaria, Cecily wife to Ʋladislaus IV. King of Poland, Ferdinand III. Emperor, who had for his first wife Mary Infanta of Spain, and by her Mary Anne wife to Philip IV. King of Spain. On the other side Maximilian Duke of Bavaria, son of William and of Renata of [Page 81] Lorraine, left a son who in the year 1650. married Adelaïs daughter to Victor Amedeus Duke of Savoy and to Christina of France, who is allied by consanguinity to all the greatest Kings and Princes in Christendom.

P.

These are indeed very great Alliances.

G.

But this is not all. Frederick V. Elector Palatine in the year 1613. married Elizabeth daughter of James King of great Britain, and by reason of her the House became allied to the Kings of England and Denmark. Philip Lewis his brother in the year 1631. married Mary Eleonor daughter to Joachim Frederick Elector of Brandenbourg; and his sister Eliza­beth Charlotta was given in marriage to George William Elector of Brandenbourg, July 14. 1626. Philip William Duke of Newbourg his first wife was Anne Catherine daughter to Sigismond King of Poland; and John Casimir was the worthy husband of Catherine daughter to Charles, and mother to Charles Gustavus King of Sweden. From whence it may easily be seen that few Houses in Europe are better allied then this, which, besides what we have newly men­tioned, is of kin to the Houses of Hesse, Gon­zaga, Bourbon, Nassau, Saxony, Juliers, Wirtemberg, Rohan, and many others.

P.

Is not this Elector Palatine Charles Lewis married?

G.

I forgot to tell you, that this Prince, who at least equals, if he doth not go beyond [Page 82]all his Ancestors in Prudence and Magnani [...] ­ty, hath taken to wife Charlotta the worth daughter of the incomparable Amelia Eliza­beth Landgravess of Hess; which is sufficien [...] to say; that he could not have made a bette [...] choice. Edward this Electors brother mar [...] ­ed Anne daughter to Charles Duke of Mant [...] and Neuers; and Henrietta their sister dye a little after she was married to the Prince [...] Transylvania: His other brethren and siste [...] are yet to marry. Robert and Maurice hav [...] given proof of their ability and courage upo [...] occasions almost without number; and th [...] Princesses Elizabeth, Loüyse, and Sophia, hav [...] made skilful masters confess, that the Scienc [...] have nothing so sublime, nor Picture-drawi [...] any thing so marvellous, but the wit and hau [...] of these Ladies have been able to reach it.

P.

I hope you will make me a long reci [...] of the Genealogies of great persons; and the [...] you will not omit these Alliances, and these [...] ­lustrious Princes and Ladies: But that it may b [...] done with the less trouble, I shall be conte [...] to hear you discourse it at your leisure. Le [...] us pass, if you please, into Saxony; and do [...] the favour to tell me what you know of the [...] Electoral House.

G.

There is not any House in Europe mo [...] glorious then that of Saxony. It restored the honour of the Empire after the race of Charle­magne had lost its first vigour; and under o [...] [Page 83] Henry and three Otho's it confirmed the Impe­rial dignity unto Germany; it conquered many enemies, gave Princes to Savoy, and (if it be true, that Hugh Capet was descended from this House) it hath likewise furnished France with their Kings.

P.

Do not the Kings of Denmark also come from Witikind of Saxony?

G.

It is said that the Counts of Oldenbourg are a branch of this great Stock; and it is most certain, that after the death of Christopher III. the Danes would have chosen Adolph Duke of Schleswick, who would not accept of the Crown in regard of his great age, declaring that such an honour would be better placed upon the person of Christian Count of Olden­bourg his grandchild and heir apparent. The Danes taking this counsel, and admiring the generosity of him that gave it, chose Christian the first of that name, whose posterity Reigns at this day in Denmark, Norway, Schleswick, Holstein, Stormar and Dithmarsh.

P.

We will take another time to speak of the Kings of France and Denmark, and of the Dukes of Savoy. It will be sufficient for the present to inform me, when the Electoral Cap was first brought into this House, into how many branches it is divided, how many voices it hath in the Diets, and what are its principal forces and alliances.

G.

The Emperor Sigismond knowing the [Page 84]merit of Frederick the Warlike Marquiss o [...] Misnia, and the obligation that the Empire had to his Predecessors, charged Eric V. of the House of Saxon-Lawembourg for having laps [...] his due time of demanding the Investiture of the Electorship, which his Ancestors had pos­sessed ever since the year 1180. and transfo­red the same upon the forenamed Frederick o [...] Twelfth-day 1423. Since that time this House hath without interruption possessed the Electo­ral dignity, with the Dutchy of Saxony, th [...] Marquisate of Misnia, & the Landgraveship o [...] Thuringia: And by a further accumulation o [...] good fortune, it inherited the Principality o [...] Henneberg; nay, since the last War of Bohe [...] the Emperor gave the upper and lower Lusai [...] to Iohn George Elector of this House, who di [...] ­ed the 8. of October 1656. and was interred th [...] 4. of February 1657. with more then Reg [...] ­pomp, there being 3500. persons in mour [...] ­ing, and 24. Horses of State covered with black and the Electoral Escutcheon embroidered thereon, every one of them led by two Gentle­men.

P.

In a late discourse concerning the valiant actions of Duke Bernard Weymar, it was sail that he loved not the House of Austria, be­cause it took the Electoral dignity from th [...] branch.

G.

It is true, that Iohn Frederick furnamed the Magnanimous, having taken arms for the li­berty [Page 85]of Religion, was deprived of his dignity by the Emperor Charles V. who took him pri­soner near Wirtemberg, and gave the Electo­rate to Maurice in the year 1547. Thus passed this dignity into another branch, and the elder became younger brethren. For this cause there was but little confidence and kindness between the Princes of this House: But as there is no grief which is not diminished by length of time, even so the bitterness between these Princes hath been sweetned, and they seem to be en­tirely reconciled: For Frederick William Duke of Altembourg took for his second wife Mag­dalen Sibylla daughter to Iohn George the Elector last deceased; and Maurice son to the same Elector hath married Dorothy Mary daughter to William Duke Weymar, eldest son of that matchless Bernard, whose praises you have heard.

P.

For so much as I perceive, this House is divided into many branches.

G.

Not counting the Kings of France and Denmark, and the Dukes of Savoy, who are the illustrious Ciens that sprung out of this great Tree, the Electoral House of Saxony is divided into two principal branches, in each whereof there have been six Electors. The last of the first branch lost the Electoral dignity, because he was unsuccesful in making War for the liberty of Germany against Charles V. and the first of the second branch left the Electoral [Page 86]Cap unto his brother and his posterity, for ha­ving happily taken and born arms in favour of his Countrey against the same Emperor

P.

I pray make this business out a little clear­er to me.

G.

Frederick III. of that name, Elector o [...] Saxony, having taken Doctor Luther under h [...] protection, left both his dignity and zeal en­tailed upon his son Iohn the Constant, wh [...] likewise transmitted them both to Iohn Frede­rick surnamed the Magnanimous. Now it cam [...] to pass that Charles V. moved with a zeal fo [...] the Catholick Religion, endeavoured to mak [...] the Protestants submit to the doctrine of Rome which Iohn Frederick Duke of Saxony vig [...] rously opposed: But on the other side Mas­rice son to Henry the Pious Cousin to this El­ctor, desiring to fish in troubled water, an [...] do his own business, took part with the Empe­ror, and while that War lasted, taking th [...] advantage of Iohn Fredericks absence, entre-upon some of his Forts and Castles. For which cause the Elector retreated out of Sue [...] ­ben, and came to succour his own Territon [...] The Emperor pursued him, beat him, took him prisoner, and stript him of his Electorship with which he invested Maurice. Not long af­ter, a fear was awakened in Maurice his mind lest Germany might lose its liberty, and the Protestants their Religion; whereupon he ask­ed leave of Philip Landgrave of Hesse, and [Page 87]though he could not obtain it, yet he made himself Head of a Confederacy which forced the Emperor to an accommodation of greater ad­vantage to the Lutherans. A little after, Mau­rice died of the wounds he had received in a battel fought between him and Albert Mar­quiss of Brandenbourg. This Prince was suc­ceeded in the Electorship by Augustus his bro­ther, who having reigned till the first of Octo­ber 1585. left the Electoral Cap to Christian I. Father to Christian II. and Iohn George the first of that name, who died in the year 1656. and was succeeded by his eldest son.

P.

So the Descendents of Iohn Frederick the Magnanimous lost the Electorship for his un­dertaking the defense of the Lutheran Religi­on.

G.

So it was indeed; and that Prince is so much the more to be admired, that during his imprisonment, and after he had lost all, he ex­horted every man to constancy, and opened his purse liberally towards the relief of those that were persecuted for matter of Religion. This great personage coming out of his captivi­ty, which had continued five years, received his lands again (which his Successors possess at this day) and among others left two sons, the elder of whom called by his Fathers name Iohn Frederick, having entertained some Rebels in his Fortress of Gotta, was besieged there, ta­ken, and deprived of his estate, which yet was [Page 88]restored to Iohn Casimir and Iohn Ernest his children. The younger of the foresaid Electo [...] children, called Iohn William, bare arms for the assistance of Henry II. King of France; and afterwards retired to Weymar, where he mar­ried Dorothy Susan, daughter to Frederick Ill. Elector Palatine, by whom he had two sons; from the elder of which comes Frederick Willi­am, who resides at Altembourg; and from the younger the Dukes of Weymar and Gotta are descended, who are the only survivors of te [...] children that he had, of whom the undaunted Bernard was the youngest.

P.

I have heard say, there is some dispute for precedency between the Duke of Altem­bourg, and those of Weymar and Gotta his Cou­sins.

G.

In this point there is no regard had to the proximity of blood, because there is no yield­ing in part without losing all. However this dispute was determined upon these terms, That Duke Frederick William should precede as long as he lived, and after his death the most aged should have that preference, without respect had to any thing else: For in the House of Saxony there being no right of Eldership, all the Princes are equal, and amongst persons of equal condition age only gives the precedency. And it is to be understood that there is no re­gard had to the right of primogeniture, but inasmuch as it concerns the Electorship, in [Page 89]which case the nearest kinsman inherits it.

P.

Iohn Casimir and Iohn Ernest sons of Iohn Frederick II. of that name (who, as you have mentioned above, was kept prisoner in the Fortress of Gotta) did they leave no children?

G.

No; and their Principalities were divi­ded among their Cousins: So as Duke Frede­rick William had the Dutchy of Cobourg, and those of Weymar & Gotta had that of Eiscnach. By means whereof they are all well enough: but as it is the custome of these Princes to share their lands equally, the lots may chance to be­come very little; for William Duke of Weymar hath four sons; and Ernest residing at Gotta, seven.

P.

I perceive then, that the Descendents of the Elector Iohn Frederick are divided into three branches, and after the death of their Fathers they will be sub-divided into three times as many. The Nephews of the Elector Augustus will do no less; since they are four, and likely to have more children. I would wil­lingly know out of what Houses they took their wives, and what every one of them obtained for his part after the death of the Father.

G.

Iohn George Elector of Saxony, Father of another Iohn George, and of Augustus, Chri­stian and Maurice, died in the year 1656. and bequeathed by his last Will to Augustus Admi­nistrator of Magdebourg twelve Bailywicks about Hall, and in Thuringia; to Christian, [Page 90]the Diocese of Marsbourg, and some lands in Fordland, Voidland, and in the Mountains, to Maurice, besides the Dioceses of Naumbourg and Zeitz, all that his Electoral Highness pre­tended to in the Principality of Henneberg; and to Iohn George, who is Elector, besides the lands inseparable from the Electoral digni­ty, he gave the upper and lower Lusatia, with some Bailywicks about Dresden. Ordering like­wise that every one of these Princes should equally participate of the ready money, Artille­ry, and the Utensils and equipage of Hunting, which he left.

P.

Questionless those Princes must have found a vast Treasure; for that Elector caused much money to be coined, and so locked it up, that very little of it was seen abroad. Tell me now something of the marriage of these Princes, and of their Sisters.

G.

The Sisters of these Princes are still living, and the eldest is married to George Landgrave of Hesse Darmstadt, the second to Frederick Duke of Holstein, and the youngest to Frederick William Duke of Altembourg. The Elector was married the 13. of November 1638. to Magdelen Sibyll daughter to Christian Mar­quiss of Brandenbourg, and hath had one son by her of his own name, born the 20. of June 1647. Augustus took to wife November 23. 1647. Anne Mary daughter to Adolph Frede­rick Duke of Meklebourg, and hath three sons [Page 91]by her. Christian and Maurice were married upon the same day; the first to Christina, and the second to Sophia Hedwig, sisters, and daughters to Philip Duke of Holstein: by whom Christian hath two sons and one daugh­ter; and his brother hath had children, but they are dead, as is the Mother also. These are all the Princes of Saxony, who have their habi­tations at Dresden, at Hall, at Marsbourg, and at Naumbourg; that is, all the Descen­dents of the Elector Augustus. They of the other Line, which (as we have said) was the principal, are Frederick William Duke of Al­tembourg, husband to Magdelen Sibyll daugh­ter to John George Elector of Saxony, by whom he hath a son and a daughter; William Duke of Weymar, Cousin to the former, husband to Eleonor Dorothy daughter to John George Prince of Anhalt; and Ernest his brother, residing at Gotta, who married Octob. 24.1636. Eliza­beth Sophia daughter to Iohn Philip Duke of Saxony. By which you see the alliances of these Princes, as heretofore you learnt the number of their children. For what concerns the voices they have in the Assemblies; besides that of the Elector, the Administrator of Magdebourg hath one; the Duke of Altembourg, two; they of Weymar and Gotta, each of them one; and all together one for the Principality of Henneberg.

P.

How did the Saxons come to inherit that Principality?

G.

The Counts of Henneberg having flou­rished for above 800. years, the Emperor of­fered them the quality of Prince, which they accepted. But as things of this world are of short continuance, that House failed totally in the year 1583. and that of Saxony took posses­sion of the estate by vertue of a Confraternity made between those Princes in the year 1554. This Principality is situated partly upon the mountain and forest of Thuringia, partly on this side towards Franconia. It remains undivi­ded still, because the Elector, who hath five eighth shares in it, hath not been willing to make partitions in severalty, as the Dukes of Al­tembourg, Weymar, and Gotta desired him to do. This Countrey lies very commodiously for the Princes of Saxony, because it joyns their Landgraveship of Thuringia with the lands they hold in Franconia, and gives them a pas­sage of great difficulty in that mountain. To conclude, this House is potent by the extent and fertility of its lands, by the great number of Nobility there inhabiting, by its good mines of Silver and Copper, and by the excellent For­tresses of Leipsick, Wittenberg, Dresden, Ko­nigstein, and many others, which put these Princes above parallel, as well as that Soverain Justice they all exercise upon their own lands, from which no man is allowed to appeal.

P.

By what I understand, these Princes are to be reckoned amongst the first and greatest of [Page 93]the Empire, as well because the most illustrious think themselves happy if they can derive their Origin from this House, as also because they are very highly priviledged. And if I be not mistaken, the Marquisses of Brandenbourg have no great cause to envy them.

G.

I do not know of any King that comes in a direct male Line from the Marquisses of Bran­denbourg: Nevertheless this House is allied to all the great ones of Christendom, and is no less potent those that are the most esteemed in the Empire. It hath the Dutchies of Prussia and Cleve, the Principalities of Halberstad, Minden, Sculemberg, and Anspach, the moye­ty of Pomerania, the expectance or next re­version of the Dutchy of Magdebourg, the Marquisate of Brandenbourg whereto the Ele­ctoral dignity is annexed; in a word, it hath so much land, that to put it beyond comparison in Germany, there remains nothing to be wisht, but that the Estates thereof were contiguous.

P.

Are these lands very distant one from another?

G.

They are not so far off, but that a Cou­rier setting out from Cleve to ride to this Ele­ctor in the furthest parts of Prussia, may lye al­most every night in his Masters Territories, from the Countrey of Cleve into that of Iuli­ers, from thence into the County of the Mark, so to Ravensbourg, out of which he enters into the Diocese of Minden, and from [Page 94]thence into the Principality of Halberstad, from whence he reacheth the New Marquisate at night, and so of the rest, passing on through Pomerania. All which voyage is two hundred German leagues long, wherein he is not to be equalled by any Prince in Germany.

P.

The Reformed Religion, whereof this Elector makes profession, differing from that of his Subjects, he is thereby less powerful in my opinion; and if he would embrace the Lu­theran, which his Grandfather forsook, and (as many believe) only out of worldly consi­derations, he would enlarge his power, and (if I be not deceived) his Subjects would have more confidence in him.

G.

This Prince is Reformed, and all his Sub­jects, except those of Cleve, follow the do­ctrine of Luther; but that abates not either the Princes love toward his Subjects, or the Subjects obedience toward their Prince. His Electoral Highness hath Preaching within his Palace after his way, and permits the Luthe­rans to teach their doctrine through all his Estates. Now the diversity of Religion be­tween Kings and their Subjects is little prejudi­cial to a State, except when they would lay vi­olence upon consciences, and force men in that which ought to be free.

P.

I am of another opinion, and am perswa­ded that difference in Religion hath poured out those deluges of blood which our Fathers and [Page 95]we have seen with horror in France and Ger­many.

G.

It is most certain, that Religion hath cost many thousand mens lives; that it were to be wisht, there were but one Religion in a State; and that Philip the Prudent II. of that name, King of Spain, did many times say, he had rather not have a Countrey, then have it infected with Heresie. I do also grant, that France and Germany were in danger to perish in their blood, by reason of different Religi­ons; but it was only when endeavors were used to force men to go to Mass against their will, or to deprive Princes of the means to maintain their Subjects in the liberty of their conscience. Otherwise Religion is a strong bulwark for the preservation of both those States; and the Spanyard did not lose his hope of attaining to the Monarchy of Europe, till he saw the Reformation stop the passage against his Gold as well as against his Armies.

P.

I have heard it said, that when Henry the Great came to the Crown of France, all the Catholicks of Europe bandied their power to hinder him from sitting upon the Throne, and that he had not arrived thither, but by his va­lour accompanied with his Right, and with the services which he received from the Prote­stants; but I do not see wherein diversity of Religion is beneficial to Germany, since the mi­series of the last War proceeded from no other source but that.

G.

Germany receives no less advantage from the Reformation of Luther, then France from that of Calvin. The Empire had been Heredi­tary before this time, and the Princes become Subjects, if the Reformation, and the desire of maintaining Religion had not opened our eyes. The Italians, who are very clear-sighted in matters of State, have perceived this long since; and Bocalini when he brings in Apollo making answer to Sir Thomas Moore, that all people will be Catholicks when the King of Spain will be content with Castile, and the Emperor with the County of Habspourg, shows manifestly that Religion defends us from sla­very.

P.

This digression hath not been unpleasant to me; and I believe, as you do, that Religi­on and the State do mutually support one the other. But do not forget to tell me something of the beginning, progress, priviledges, im­munities, and alliances of the House of Bran­denbourg, of which you have begun to speak already.

G.

All they that discourse of this House, make it the Head, or a Member of the Colon­na's of Rome: As for me, who cannot be per­swaded that the great Houses of Germany came out of Italy, but on the contrary (following the judgement of Thomas Lansius) hold it for certain that many great Families of Italy came out of Germany since the time of Charles the [Page 97]great; I am of their opinion, who would make Peter Colonna that built the strong Castle of Zolleren (from which the first Counts of this Family took their name) to descend from the ancient Guelphes, that is, from the Dukes of Brunswick: which being so, this House gives place to never a one in the Empire for greatness of Origin.

P.

They that pretend to honor our Houses of Germany by fetching them either out of the Trojan horse, or the ruines of Rome, do not know that the Ancient Germans are of more worth then the fugitive Trojans, and the effe­minate Romans. But I am of your opinion, and desire only to be informed, how these Lords acquired the honors and estates which they possess.

G.

The Emperor Rodolph of Habspourg, be­ing desirous to give some testimony of the value he put upon his nephew Frederick Count of Hohenzolleren, made him Burgrave of Nu­remberg in the year 1273. and 156. years af­ter, upon the 18. of April the Emperor Sigis­mond raised Frederick V. Burgrave of Nurem­berg to the Electoral dignity, to recompense him for the acceptable services he had done in the War of Behemia and Hungary: So the Princes of Anhalt who had obtained that Ele­ctorship by the favor of the Emperor Conrade the III. of that name, in the year 1152. lost it by incurring the displeasure of the Emperor [Page 98] Sigismond. Some while after, certain differ [...] ­ces arising between the Houses of Brandenb [...] and Pomerania, they fell to open hostility, a [...] at last to an agreement expresly declaring, Th [...] in case the House of Pomerania hapned to [...], the Marquisses of Brandenbourg should poss [...] the Principalities that belonged to it; and [...] ­bert of Brandenbourg, from great Master of [...] Knights Marianites (as he was) making him­self absolute Prince of Prassia; received the [...] ­vestiture thereof from the King of Pol [...]. The Dutchies of Iuliers, Cleve, and Berg, w [...] the Counties of the Mark and Ravensbourg, were divided between the Elector Iohn Sig [...] ­mond and Wolfgang William Duke of New­bourg, some time after the War which tho [...] Principalities occasioned in the year 1610. As for that which this House possesses in Fran [...] ­nia, it is their ancient patrimony.

P.

Why did not the Elector of Brandenbo [...] take possession of Pomerania as soon as th [...] House was totally extinct?

G.

The Elector neglected not his Right, a [...] would willingly have taken possession of th [...] great Principality, if it had not been in the hands of the Swedes: But the Crown of S [...] ­den being victorious in Germany, and desirou [...] to keep sooting there, would not hearken [...] any peace, but upon condition of leaving this Maritime Province to them, it lying very con­veniently for them. Therefore as Conquero [...] [Page 99]use to give the Law, the Swedes kept the choi­cest of this Province, and left the doctrine of Calvin with a part of Pomerania unto this Ele­ctor; who by way of recompense for his loss, obtained the Bishopricks of Halberstad and Minden, and the expectance or reversion of the Archbishoprick of Magdebourg, converted in­to Principalities.

P.

I wonder why they should give this Ele­ctor three Principalities for the moyety of one; and why the Archbishoprick of Magdebourg was not delivered into his hands immediately after the Peace, as well as those two other Bishopricks.

G.

I do not think the Lower Pomerania, which the Elector hath quitted to the Swedes, yields so good a revenue as the Principalities of Magdebourg, Halberstad, and Minden: Ne­vertheless I am perswaded, this Elector would rather have had that part of Pomerania, then the three Principalities which he received in lieu of it; by reason of the Sea-force he had there­by gotten, and the inconvenience of having a potent Neighbour that keeps him in perpetual jealousie. And therefore the States of the Em­pire having regard to those considerations, have given him voices in the Assemblie, as Duke of Pomerania and of Magdebourg, and as Prince of Halberstad and of Minden. Now be­cause heretofore the Archbishops of Magde­bourg and Bremen took their turns in the Dire­ction [Page 100]of the Circle of Lower Saxony, this Ele­ctor doth in like manner alternate at this day with the King of Sweden in the same quality. As to your other scruple, why the Dutchy of Madgebourg was not presently put into his hands; you ought to remember, that Augustus youngest son of the Elector of Saxony being in possession of it, it was not thought meet to dispossess him thereof so long as he lived.

P.

The Gazette hath often made mention of the difference between the Houses of Bran­denbourg and Newbourg for the Dutchies of Juliers, Cleve, and Berg; yet I could never learn the ground of it. Do me the favour to tell me from whence that contest proceeds.

G.

You are entring into a Labyrinth, out of which Ariadne's clew will not bring us back, if we pass further on. Let it content you then if you please, to know that all the Dukes of Saxony, many Princes Palatine, and amongst others the King of Sweden, bear the name and Armes of those Principalities; and that it is to be feared, they may one day kindle a flame to consume a good part of the Empire. Franski [...] Chancellor of Gotta hath made a long narration of this matter in his Treatise of diverse Resolu­tions, to whom I refer you. It is sufficient for you at the present to learn, that if the Fief fol­low the Males, and that the daughters neither can nor ought to inherit the same, the Dukes of Saxony have a better right to it then any [Page 101]other person; because they obtained the sur­vivorship of the House of Juliers in recompense of the services which Albert the Couragious did the Emperor and the Empire against Matthias Corvin King of Hungary, who molested Au­stria; and against Charles the Brave Duke of Burgundy, who had laid siege to Neus, and laboured to bring all the Archbishoprick of Collen under his Jurisdiction. This grant was made to Albert by the Emperor Frederick III. June 16. 1483. and afterwards confirmed and amplified in the person and posterity of Ernest Duke of Saxony by Maximilian King of the Romans, September 18. 1486. and by him again after he was Emperor, in the year 1495. But in case it be supposed that Females may inherit those Fiefs, it will be then demanded, whether this Priviledge which was granted to Mary only daughter to William Duke of Juliers, ought to be extended unto Mary Eleonor her daughter, and to the Marquis of Brandenbourg and his Successors; or rather to Anne only, Niece to the said Mary Eleonor, excluding Magdalen wife to John Duke of Deux-ponts, and Sibyll Marchioness of Burgon, her sisters (daughters to William, and sisters to John Wil­liam the last of that Family, Duke of Juliers and Cleve) who received the same priviledge from the Emperor Charles V. in the year, 1546.

P.

It is then the inheritance of John William [Page 102]Duke of Juliers, which served for a pretense to the vast preparation that Henry IV. King of France made when he was unfortunately assassi­nated; which hath already occasioned some misunderstandings between the Houses of Bran­denbourg and Newbourg; and which may yet cause greater. But let us leave these intricacies to be disentangled by those that are concerned, and take a further view of the immunities, priviledges, and Alliances of the House of Brandenbourg.

G.

The Golden Bull, which hath in all things been exceeding liberal and free of the graces of the Empire towards the Electors, grants them all in general, and every one in particular, Soverain Justice. Some say that these Electors not regarding this priviledge so much as they ought, carelesly lost it; and having been depriv'd of it may years, at last the Elector Joachim Frederick got himself re­possessed of this Right by the Emperor Rod [...]ph II. For my part, I am of another opinion, and think with the greater number of Writers, that they alwayes preserved and enjoyed it. As for the order of place observed in Assem­blies, this Elector is the last but one, since the creation of the eighth Electorship. We have already said, that he hath many voices; and the younger brethren of his House, to wit, the Marquisses of Culembach and of Anspach have each of them one, but no right to give a de­finitive [Page 103]judgement in their Subjects causes, if the sum exceed 400. Florins of the Rhine.

P.

I would gladly know whether there be many Princes of this House.

G.

At the time I now write, there are three married, and three children. The Elector Frederick William son to George William and Elizabeth Charlotta Princess Electoral Palatine, after long hopes of marrying the matchless Christina Queen of Sweden (who hath since declared that she will dy a Maid) was mar­ried December 7. 1646. to Lo [...]yse of Nas­sau daughter to the great Town-taker Frede­rick Henry Prince of Orange, by whom he hath a son called Charles Amelius, who was born February 2. 1655. and another named N. N. born— 1657. The Electo­ral Branch doth at this time consist of these three Princes. The Marquisses of Culembach and Barheit are, Christian Ernest son to Herman Augustus and Sophia daughter to Joachim Er­nest, also Marquiss of Brandenbourg: This young Prince was born July 27. 1644. and George Albert his Unkle born in 1619. mar­ried Mary Elizabeth daughter to Philip Duke of Holstein in the year 1651. The third Branch which resides at Anspach hath been long in fear of ending without issue Male, there being none but Albert son to Joachim Ernest and to Sophia Countess of Solmes, who in her [...]ife time had but few her equals in vertue and [Page 104]beauty. This Prince, endued with piety as well as magnanimity, was born September 28. 1620. and in 1642. married Henrietta Loüyse daughter to Lewis Frederick Duke of Wirtem­berg, by whom he had only two daughters. But that Princess being gone to receive in Heaven the Crown which her vertues merited upon earth, this Lord hath taken for his second wise Sophia Margaret daughter to Joachim Ernest Count of Ottinguen: And by this Lady, who is a Phenix in beauty, courage and liberality, he had a son October 8. 1655. and is at this time in hopes of having many more. Which I wish he may, and pray God that imitating their Ancestors, they may be as so many Ger­man Achilles and Alcibiades.

P.

Have these Princes any good Forts, full Magazins, and wherewithal to bring Armies into the field?

G.

The Elector hath at this present very considerable forces in Prussia, where he takes part with the King of Sweden; and he is of so high esteem by the means he hath to help and to harm, that he is courted on all hands. His Forts are exceeding well maintained, and as well provided: Custrin hath never been taken; Pillaw and Memel make him redoubted in Prussia, Colberg in Pomerania, Drisen in the Mark, and Landsperg upon the Vard. His Cousins of Culembach and Anspach have their sure retreats at Blassembourg and Melspourg. [Page 105]And forasmuch as Princes strike their enemies more smartly with the head, then with the hand; the Elector and the Marquis of Anspach are as much to be feared for their prudence, as for their valour.

The end of the third Dialogue.

Dialogue IIII.
Of the Secular Princes of the Empire.

P.

If you be so particular in describing the Origin, progress, and Alliances of the Princes, as you have been in those of the Ele­ctors, it will be long before we get out of Germany.

G.

The desire I have to see you speedily comprehend the manners, strength, and Laws of other well governed Nations in Europe, will quicken me to pass as lightly as may be over the consideration of the Princes of the Empire. We must nevertheless speak of all those that have place in the Assemblies.

P.

I am content you should do so; but your undertaking will carry you out of Germa­ny, [Page 106]or into a tedions repetition: for the King of Sweden, the Elector of Brandenbourg, and many Princes of his and other Electoral Houses whereof you have already made mention, are in the number of those who have place in the Diets of the Empire.

G.

Having elsewhere said that this King, and some younger brethren of Electoral Hou­ses have voices in the general Assemblies; I shall not repeat it here, and shall speak of the Duke of Lorraine in another place, because his Estate is at present in the most Christian Kings hands.

P.

By that means you will very much short­en this discourse, and yet not lose the oppor­tunity of entertaining me with the commemo­ration of that House, wherein Valour, Affa­bility, and modesty seem to be natural.

G.

Since there is nothing more dear to me, then to give you content, I shall willingly omit all other matters to discourse upon the Houses of Brunswick, Meklebourg, Wirtemberg, Hesse, Baden, Holstein, Saxon-Lawembourg, Anhalt, Hohenzolleren, Aremberg, Henneberg, and Eastfriseland: And having considered them one after another, I will pass to the Ec­clesiastical Princes, the Prelates, the Counts, and the Barons. But before I enter upon this Theme, I beseech you to consider, that the King of Sweden being a Member of the Empire may very much contribute to the preservation [Page 107]of its Liberty, and the maintenance of the Protestant Religion.

P.

The French accuse the Spaniards for aiming at the Universal Monarchy, and on the other side the Spaniards say that the French seek for an opportunity to seize upon the Em­pire. If it were so, methinks the King of Swe­den might disappoint the designs of those Mo­narchs.

G.

All Princes know, that their tranquil­lity depends upon the equal counterpoise of those two Kings, and therefore use their endea­vours to hinder the one from bringing the other too much under; but I dare not affirm that either of them have such high thoughts: True it is, that every one ought to fear it, and that the wisest Princes seeing the balance too heavy on one side, help to make weight on the other. The King of Sweden, who is prudent in Coun­sel and valiant in fight, will not be the last to apply a remedy, when he sees the danger. And if he should forget his own and the Em­pires Interest, the Venetians, Hollanders, and Swisses would employ their money and power for the preservation of theirs and our Liberty.

P.

Europe breeds a people so ingenuous, knowing, valiant, and so opposite to servitude, that it seems impossible for it ever to come un­der the obedience of one only person. Let us then leave the Ambitious to rack and torture their minds with imaginary conquests; and [Page 108]let us look upon the House of the Guelphes, which heretofore possest a great part of Germa­ny: And if you will oblige me, speak as distinct­ly of it as possibly you can.

G.

This House, which without dispute held the first rank after the Electors, before the Archbishopricks of Magdebourg and Bremen were converted into Secular Dignities, is put back those two degrees. Nevertheless it comes not behind any one in antiquity, and had its Territories all along the Elbe in the Countrey of Saxony, when it followed the fortune of Al­bovin King of the Lombards, first into Panno­nia, and afterwards into Italy; where these people fixt their seat, having driven the Goths out of it, and gave their name to the Province anciently called Gallia Cisalpina about 200. years before the time of Charlemagne. Then it was that this family acquired the Dutchy of Modena, which it possesseth even at this day.

P.

Do you think then that the House of Este, which still holds the Dutchy of Modena, and lost that of Ferrara in the time of Pope Cle­ment VIII. after the death of Duke Alphonso, is a branch of this of Brunswick?

G.

I make no doubt of it; and when the Kingdom of the Lombards was destroyed in Italy by the arms of Charlemagne, some Prin­ces of this House came back into their own Countrey; where they had still so large an estate and authority, that the Emperor Lewis [Page 109]the Debonaire married Iudith a Princess of that family, and had by her Charles the Bald, who was King of France and Emperor. This Em­press had a brother named Henry, to whom Lewis his Son-in-law son to Lewis Germanicus, gave those lands which are now called Bava­ria.

P.

These indeed are fair and advantagious al­liances, which having made those Princes Bro­thers-in-law and Fathers-in-law to Kings, brought them so considerable a Principality.

G.

The Descendents of Henry did not long possess this Countrey; for his line failing in Guelphe IV. his Nephews son, the Emperor Henry IV. gave his inheritance to Guelphe V. son to the Duke of Ferrara, who (as we have said) was of the same House: And in process of time Henry the Proud Duke of Bavaria de­scended from Guelphe V. married Gertrude daughter to the Emperor Lotharius II. who brought him the Dutchy of Saxony for her Dowry. The issue of that marriage was Henry Leo, who together with Bavaria and Saxony, possessed many great Principalities lying upon the Elbe, and elsewhere.

P.

How comes it then to pass that the Succes­sors of Henry Leo have their Estate confined within the Dutchies of Brunswick and Lunt­bourg?

G.

That Prince being of a high spirrit, and not able to comply with the Emperor Frede­rick [Page 110]Barbaross [...] his Unkle, was proscribed and expelled the Empire; and when he was th [...]s driven out of his Estates; he made his retreat into England to King Henry II. who gave him his daughter Matildis or Mawd to wife, and procured his reconciliation with the Empero [...]: But because he had in the mean time disposed of the Dutchy of Bavaria in favor of the Count of Schieren, whose posterity enjoys it at this day, Henry Leo was restored to no more then the Dutchy of Saxony; which Principali­ty past a little after into the House of Saxon-Lawembourg by the marriage of Helen daugh­ter to the Emperor Otho IV. and grandchild to Henry Leo with Albert I. of that name Elector of Saxony. At that time Frederick II. gave the title of Duke of Brunswick and Lunebourg to Otho a prince of that House.

P.

The misfortune of Henry Leo should serve for a lesson to Great ones, and make all men see, that it is necessary to honor Superiors, and not to provoke ones Masters.

G.

Many great Princes desiring to shake off the yoke of their due obedience, have forfeit­ed their right, and lost that which they would not acknowledge to hold of their Soverain. That was the quarrel against the King of Eng­land, who was devested of the Provinces of Normandy and Guyenne by Charles VII. King of France: And if the Guelphes had husbanded their strength better, and paid the Emperor [Page 111]the respect they ought him, they had still been the most potent Princes in Germany.

P.

They are far less at present then they were in the time of Henry Leo; and yet they seem to be very considerable by their own for­ces, and by their alliances.

G.

All the Houses that have admitted the right of Primogeniture, are better kept up then others. This having a large Estate, and four voices in the Assemblies, is divided but into two principal branches, which are equal in dignity; but the elder in years of the two Chiefs precedes the other in the general and particular Assemblies. They all bear the same title; and if one branch happen to fail, the other shall succeed it. They have both of them good Fortresses; Wolfenbottel, Cel, Hanover, Lunebourg, and Giffhorne, are strong places under the command of these Princes. Bruns­wick hath never submitted to their power, still enjoying the right of a Free City, though the Duke hath often used skill as well as force to bring it under his obedience. These Princes can raise and maintain great numbers of Souldiers within their Territories. And the neighbor­hood of Denmark and Sweden may yet make them more considerable; the Emperor being always willing to gratifie them to keep them to him, and strangers to gain them to their side.

P.

It is certain that a Prince whose lands border upon a Forain State, may easily make [Page 112]himself more valuable, then if they lay in the heart of the Empire; but there is a great deal of prudence to be used in such cases.

G.

The Dukes of Lorraine and Savoye have always been very much considered for the situ­ation of their Estates, and the need that neigh­boring Monarchs had of their assistance. For which cause Bocalini having brought them to be weighed at Laurence de Medicis his Scales, finds them as heavy as Kings. Yet if these Prin­ces be not very quick and expert as well as vali­ant and resolute, they may hazard the loss of all. Emanuel Duke of Savoye, who had no equal in courage, and but few in prudence, having a little slackned the Maximes of his ac­customed Politicks, saw himself almost totally ruined, and Duke Charles of Lorraine is still out of his Countrey, for having justled against that party that was able to fall foulest upon him. So that Frontier Provinces stand in need of Princes endued with an extraordinary vertue, and an unparalleled vigilance, otherwise they rather bring bring harm then advantage.

P.

The present Princes of Brunswick and Lunebourg are so great personages, that I make no question but they use a Policy worthy of themselves. Tell me something of their Al­liances.

G.

All the Houses of Germany have great relations, but one shall find few of them like this, that hath had in marriage seven daugh­ters [Page 113]of Kings, one of an Emperor, and four Electoral Princesses: It hath also bestowed three of its Princesses upon Kings, one upon an Archduke, many upon Electors, and far more upon other Princes of the Empire. It hath like­wise had in marriage Palatine Princesses, Dutchesses of Brabant, Saxony, Cleve, Pome­rania, Meklebourg, Wirtemberg, Saxon-Law­embourg, and Berg; Marchionesses of Branden­bourg, Landgravesses of Hesse; and in a word, daughters of all the illustrious Houses of the Empire.

P.

I think this whole Family is of the Prote­stant Religion.

G.

When Duke Julius took the govern­ment upon him, he spent three years in the Reformation of his Countrey, and being assist­ed by the care and knowledge of Doctor James Andrew Chancellor of the University of Tu­bing, brought his design to such perfection in the year 1570. that it continues in vigour to this day, and learning in the highest ascendent by the diligence of the Professors which these Princes maintain in their University of Helme­stad. All this Family follows the doctrine of Luther, except Iohn Frederick, who was born April 25. 1625. and embracing the Roman-Catholick Religion in the year 1650. solaces himself at this time in Italy.

P.

Hath this Prince many brethren?

G.

The whole branch of Luntbourg consists [Page 114]of four young Lords; of whom, Ernest Augu­stus is designed for the Bishoprick of Osnabru [...]; Iohn Frederick may arrive to eminent prefer­ment in the Church, if he engage not in mar­riage; George William shall be setled at Ha [...] ­vick; and Christian Lewis their eldest brother hath married Dorothy daughter to Philip Duke of Holstein. This Prince, who resides at Cel, is obliged to pay to each of his younger brethren 12000. Rix-dollars yearly, and much more to the youngest. Sophia Amelia their sister is married to Frederick III. King of Denmark; and their Mother Anne Eleonor, daughter to Lewis Landgrave of Darmstadt is yet living.

P.

Pass on, if you please, to the branch of Brunswick.

G.

The Head of this branch is Augustus, the most knowing Prince of Europe. He hath but three sons, of whom Rodolph Augustus the eldest hath married Christina Countess of Bar­by, as Antony Ʋlrick hath done Iuliana Dut­chess of Holstein; but Ferdinand Albert is a Batchelor. So that these two Houses are almost equal in number of Princes, as well as in extent of Territory.

P.

I have oftentimes heard mention of the marvellous knowledge of that Duke Augustus, and of the Books he hath published; and the judgement which I have heard made thereupon obliges me to ask you, whether it be necessary that a Prince be learned?

G.

There is no doubt to be made, but that Sciences do enhance and adorn the Titles and Souls of Princes, as diadems do their heads, and jewels their Crowns: And although this quali­ty be very rare, yet it is necessary to those that would rule happily and gloriously. Solo­mon, Alexander the Great, Ptolomee, Iulius Cesar, Augustus, the two Antonines, and Charlemagne, had never attained to so great renown, if they had not associated Letters with the sword, and learning with valour. Wisdom and Knowledge are such Royal en­dowments, that the greatest men do not think any State happy, if the Prince be not Wise and Knowing.

P.

Since we are occasionally fallen upon this discourse, tell me what Science Princes ought to learn.

G.

The first and most necessary Philosophy of a Prince, is to know how to do justice to his People, and defend them from their enemies. And to that end I think he should study to un­derstand those persons that are able to serve him well, and not to neglect the Mathematicks, which teach him both to besiege and fortifie places as he ought, to form Battalions and bat­teries, to entrench a Camp, and to take his advantage. As to other things, I do not desire that a Prince should spend his time up­on Logical notions, nor that he should like a Pedant be evermore bringing out some verse [Page 116]of Horace. It is sufficient that he be ready in Sacred and Prophane History, that he take a delight in Books, and consult the dead, to learn of them what none of the living dare tell him.

P.

Then you do not believe it requisite for a Prince to be as skilful in Natural Philosophy as Bajazet, in Astronomy as Alphonsus King of Aragon, nor in Languages as the Emperor Frederick II. was.

G.

It is as great a fault to aim at knowing too much, as to learn nothing at all. The Prince that hath studied too much, despiseth his Counsellors, and will fetch all his counsels out of his own head; and he that hath learnt nothing, is not capable to make choice of the best advices. He that would oblige a great Lord to make himself as perfect in the Sciences as they that make it their profession, deserves no less blame then if he should forbid him to learn above three words of Latine. Learn then to express your mind in good terms, read such books as may teach you to know the condition of your friends and of your adversaries, be well instructed in truly Christian Politicks, let it be your care distinctly to know those that love the publick Interest, honor them with such offices as they deserve, and leave the rest to your servants.

P.

This subject leads us out of our way; I pray let us recover it: And since we have said [Page 117]something already of the Dukes of Pomerania, that take their turns with the Houses of Mekle­bourg, Wirtemberg, Hesse, and Baden; let us take a view of these four one after the other.

G.

The House of Meklebourg is derived from the Vandal Princes, who joyning with the Goths struck terror heretofore into the Ro­man Eagles, and bore their victorious arms in Italy, Gaule, and Spain.

P.

Do not you believe that Bucephalus his head which they carry in their Escutcheon, is not a sure mark that they are descended of one of Alexander the Greats Generals?

G.

Genealogies that are so far fetcht relish more of the Romance then of History; and Writers that insist upon such Fables, do injury to ancient Houses. For my part I think it bet­ter to confess my self ignorant from whence a Family draws its beginning, then to make even the most credulous to question what is said of it; and freely acknowledging that I do not know whether these Princes be descended from a General of that incomparable Conqueror of Asia, I do know that they are of the most Il­lustrious and most Ancient personages in Ger­many.

P.

If I be not mistaken, the Emperor Charles IV. admitted Albert and John Dukes of Meklebourg (sons to Henry Leo Prince of the Vandals) amongst the Princes of the Empire.

G.

Charles IV. receiving those Lords into the number of the Estates of the Empire, did not give them the quality of Prince, which they had before; but only brought them un­der the protection of the Empire, by making them Members thereof, upon condition they should be subject to its Laws, and contribute to its necessities, and so enjoy the same privi­ledges which other Lords of their degree and quality did.

P.

In the time of the last Wars the Emperor made those Princes feel the weight of his indig­nation, giving their lands to Wallestein a Gentleman of Silesia, who by a strange ingra­titude and a devillish ambition endeavouring to seat himself upon the Throne of Bohemia, and dispossess his Master of it, came to a mise­rable end.

G.

The lamentable death of the Duke of Fridland gives us to understand that Kings have long arms, and that no man ought to abuse their favors, nor follow the motions which an undaunted courage and an inordi­nate ambition inspires. The Duke of Biron, and the Earl of Essex had such like designs, and as Tragical Catastrophes. As to the Dukes of Meklebourg, I am to tell you, that the great­est part of the Potentates in Germany have felt the smart of Mars his rods, and these Princes as much as any other, having seen a great Cap­tain indeed, and a renowned Souldier, but [Page 119]unworthy of their degree, bear the name and Arms of their Principality: Nevertheless they re-entred into it by the vertue of the Great Gu­stavus their Cousin-German; and though the conclusion of the Peace took Wismar from them, yet it gave them in exchange the Bishop­ricks of Ratzebourg and Suerin, turned into Principalities: So as they have lost nothing, if they do not prefer the convenience of that Ha­ven and its Fort before twice its Revenue.

P.

I did not know that these Princes were so near of kin to the late King of Sweden.

G.

The Great Gustavus and these Dukes were sons of two sisters, daughters to Adolph Duke of Holstein; which proximity of blood moved that Heroical Prince to embrace their interest: So after the Battel of Leipsick he turned his victorious arms towards the Dutchy of Meklebourg, and re-placed these Princes there June 25. 1631. Three years after, these Lords were reconciled to the Emperor; and at this time live in peace, divided into two branches, the Chiefs whereof make their resi­dence at Suerin and at Gustron.

P.

Have these two Branches equal shares of the Estate?

G.

They have each of them a moyety of the Dutchy, and in regard thereof, a seat and voice in the Assemblies: But Adolph Frederick hath eight sons and six daughters; and Gusta­vus Adolph, who is Head of the other Branch, [Page 120]had no body to participate with him, being a [...] only son. This latter who resides at Gustron, i [...] of great spirit, knowing, courteous, affable, and generous: He married Magdalen Sibyll, daughter to Frederick the present Duke of Holstein, and hath one son by her. The chil­dren of Adolph Frederick, who resides at S [...] ­nin, are all well made and qualified both in bo­dy and mind. Christian the eldest hath marri­ed his Cousin Christina Margaret daughter to Iohn Albert Duke of Meklebourg: And Anne Mary youngest of the daughters, is the wor­thy Consort of Augustus Duke of Saxony, son to the Elector Iohn George I. All the rest are still to be married, and all worthy of Kings as well for their inward as their outward beauty. These Princes have all conjunctly one Universi­ty at Rostoch, which was established there in the year 1419 by Iohn and Albert first Dukes of this House.

P.

I should willingly desire a more particu­lar recital of the Alliances of this House; but fearing to be too troublesome to you, I shall forbear that, and intreat you to tell me some­thing concerning that of Wirtemberg.

G.

I shall not proceed any further, till I have acquainted you that the House of Mekle­bourg hath had in marriage six daughters of Kings, and five of Electors, within less then 200 years. As for that of Wirtemberg, which after it had for many ages born the quality of [Page 121]Count, was raised to the Ducal Dignity by the consent of all the Estates of the Empire in a Di­et held at Wormes 1495, it comes behind never a Family in Revenue, alliances, piety, magni­ficence, and priviledges. It hath a Countrey, where the Mountains abound in Mines, Wines, and Woods; the Forests are well stored with Timber-trees, Game and Venison of all kinds; the Valleys are a continuation of Meadows co­vered with Cattle, and watered with Brooks full of Fish; the Plains are thick set with Gar­dens, and the Gardens like those of the Hespe­rides, or rather like earthly Paradises. There is in no place to be seen fairer rows of Orange­trees, Grotta's better contrived and beautifi­ed, Fountains more artificial, nor Fruits more pleasant to the sight and taste, then at Stut­gardt. Few Princes have a house of Pleasure and a Heronry within their Garden, as this Duke hath; neither is there any one in the Empire, that hath a greater care of the Scien­ces and of Learned persons. They that have been at Tubing, know how many Princes, Counts, Lords, Barons, and Gentlemen have been bred in the noble Colledge which Duke Lewis caused to be built, and which his Succes­sors do splendidly maintain there.

P.

Since we are entred upon this discourse, make me (if you please) a more particular de­scription of that Colledge.

G.

It would require a more copious and elo­quent [Page 122]tongue then mine, to make you compre­hend the benefit which the Empire receives by this Athenaeum. Princes learn there to fear God, to honor the Emperor, to serve their Countrey, to judge of the sincerity of their Confederates, and to cherish their friends. Counts, Barons and Gentlemen do there learn the ways of winning and keeping the favour of Great men, a sweetness of carriage necessary for the maintaining of a perfect friendship amongst equals, and an infinity of vertues, which are the same thing in their Souls that the Soul is in the body, the eye in the head, pre­cious stones in gold, and flowers in meadows.

P.

I suppose that in this illustrious Colledge the exercises of the body are no more neglected then those of the mind.

G.

One may there learn with little charge and pains that which men go to seek for in Italy and France at the expense of their health and soundness both in body and soul. Florence hath nothing for riding the great horse, nor Rome and Paris for fencing and dancing Schools, which may not be gotten without go­ing out of Tubing; where the University and Colledge have excellent Professors in all facul­ties, and principally in those which are worthy of illustrious persons.

P.

Doth it cost his Highness of Wirtemberg much to maintain the Professors, and Masters of exercises, which you now mentioned?

G.

More then you think; but that expense is not considerable in comparison of the glory which redounds from thence. This Colledge and this University are the Pearls which do wonderfully set off the Crown of this Duke: For although he be exceedingly at his ease, though he have whatsoever he can wish, though the delight of Hunting never fail him, though every day present him some new delicacies made or growing upon his own Territories; yet he would be much less spoken of in Forain Countreys, if Eberhard the Wise had not foun­ded that University, if Christopher the Prudent had not projected this Colledge, if Lewis the Pious had not built it, if Frederick the Magna­nimous had not endowed it, if John Frederick the Peaceable had not preserved it, and if E­berhard the Constant had not raised it to a higher point for the good of the Princes, Lords and Gentlemen of the Empire.

P.

Are none admitted into this Colledge but persons of quality?

G.

This Colledge would not be illustrious, if all sorts might be promiscuously received in­to it: And these Princes having erected it for the education of persons of noble extraction, they have thought it convenient to exclude those that are not Gentlemen born; to the end that whilest there is none there but such as are obliged to aspire unto an eminent vertue, and that have worthy Predecessors to imitate, there [Page 124]may be nothing seen but such examples as may give furtherance to young Lords in the purf [...] of that mark they aim at. Nevertheless it is▪ sufficient qualification for the Masters and Go­vernors of Great men, to be modest, knowing, and pious.

P.

I would gladly know in what manner they live in this Colledge.

G.

Order being the essential principle of all Societies, Laws have been made that appoint every one what he is to do, and what he is to avoid. These Rules are read unto such as enter into the Colledge to remain there, and they all promise and engage before the President of the Colledge to observe them, except great Lords who are not bound to those Laws; but so far forth as decency and the command of their Parents enjoyns them to obey their Go­vernors, who are responsible for them, and are themselves subject to the Laws; which are extreme easie, and require nothing of any man but what he cannot well omit without running counter to honour and honesty.

P.

This Institution is worthy of such Prin­ces: But is the Dutchy of Wirtemberg so great, that it can maintain this Colledge and the Uni­versity of Tubing, without incommodating the Prince?

G.

This Countrey is not so considerable for the extent, as for the goodness of the Soil, and number of Lordships; in which they reckon [Page 125]63. Cities, 158. great Towns, 645. Villages, 537. Water-mills, and 14. Abbeys of large Revenue. Before the War this Duke could have brought together 24000. men in 24. hours; and at this time he hath a fair Militia afwell of Horse as Foot, and many Fortresses, whereof Schocenderf, Habsperg, Anach and Neïf, are indifferent good, and Hoheuvilz one of the best in Germany.

P.

Do me the favour to acquaint me further with the Priviledges and Alliances of this Prince.

G.

There is no Prince in Germany that hath more noble priviledges then this Duke. Not one of his subjects can appeal from his Justice: And for that purpose he hath a Presidial Court at Tubing, composed of five Gentlemen, four Doctors, and as many Burgers, who give de­finitive judgement upon all controversies that happen between his Highness Subjects both in Civil and Criminal causes; also a Consistory formed of certain Divines, and other grave persons who are skilful in matters Ecclesiastical, and such as have any relation to the Spiritual, as Marriages and Adulteries: He hath other Councels also for affairs of State, and of the Exchequor. As to your demand touching the Alliances of this House, I find that anciently the Males married Marchionesses of Brigan, Dutchesses of Lernigen, daughters of Kings of Poland and of Emperors, Dutchesses of [Page 126] Bavaria, Milan, Sav [...]y, and Cleve. Since they were Dukes Eberhard I. married Barbar [...] of Gonzage; Eberhard II. Elizabeth Mar­chioness of Brandenbourg; Ʋlrick, Sabius daughter to Albert the Wise, Duke of Bavaria; Christopher, Anne Mary Marchioness of Bras­denbourg; Lewis, Dorothy Ʋrsula Marchio­ness of Baden, and Ʋrsula Princess Pals­tine; Frederick had Sibyll Princess of Anhalt for the conservatress of his House; John Fre­derick took Barbara Sophia Princess Electoral of Brandenbourg for an assistant and admirer of his Magnificence; and Eberhard III. had Anne Catherine Rhingravess for the comfor­tress of his displeasures in the time of the War, and Mary Dorothy Sophia Countess of Ottin­guen for a partner of his felicity in the time of peace, with whom he lived in such perfect union and harmony, that it seemed as it were a taste upon earth of the life hereafter in Heaven.

P.

Hath this Prince no children?

G.

He had 14. by his first wife, and hath still nine of them, very sweet lovely persons: The five Princesses speak French and dance as if they had been bred at Paris: The eldest son John Frederick is excellent for horsemanship and at his Weapon; William Lewis, Frederick Charles, and Charles Maximilian are but young, but they carry in their countenances such characters of generosity, as easily per­swade [Page 127]me they will one day make the vertues of their bravest Ancestors live again.

P.

Methinks you are very much addicted to this House, and yet you do not tell me, that one of the younger sons of Frederick the Mag­nanimous had Weiltingen and Brents; and the youngest of all, Monbeliard, Ericourt, Granges, Horbourg, Richeville, and their appurtenan­ces, which give him a voice in the Diets of the Empire, and almost all the Nobility in the Franche-County and Burgundy hold of him in Fee: Also that this Princes Lands, depending upon the Empire, enjoy the same right that the Dutchy of Wirtemberg doth; and that the eldest Son had the Dutchy entire, and left it un­divided to his eldest Son.

G.

I have elsewhere said, that the right of Primogenitute takes place in this House: And since you are not satisfied with what I have told you hitherto, you ought to know that the four daughters of Frederick the Magnanimous were married to John George I. Elector of Saxony, John George Marquis of Zeguerendorf, Frede­rick Marquis of Baden, and Francis Julius Duke of Lower Saxony; which are high Alli­ances. The sons of Lewis Frederick Prince of Monbeliard are married, the eldest to Sibyll Dutchess of Wirtemberg, and the younger to Anne of Coligny Dutchess of Chastillon. The younger son of Julius Frederick married a Countess of Aldembourg, and the eldest a [Page 128]Dutchess of Mansterberg, who brought him is dowry the Principality of Ols in Silesia. Ʋlrick a younger son of the present Duke was General of the Forain Horse for the Spaniard in Flan­ders, where he took to Wife Isabell of Arem­berg Princess of Barbanson; but at present he is General of an Army for the King of France. Frederick was Major General with great repu­tation in the Army of Hesse: He is at this time married to Clara Augusta Dutchess of Brunswick. These Princes have two sisters; who whilest the War lasted thinking they could not spend their time better, Antonietta learnt the Hebrew and Latin, and Anne Jane the Mathe­maticks, in perfection. And that I may forget nothing that may serve to illustrate the glory of this House, you shall observe (if you please) that Eberhard Count of Wirtemberg the third of that name, who dyed May 16. 1417. had usually at his Court six Princes, seven Counts, five Barons, and threescore and ten Gentle­men.

P.

I never heard that a Count had Princes in his Court: But tell me, why doth the House of Austria bear the name and Arms of that of Wirtemberg?

G.

When Duke Ʋlrick was driven out of his Estates in the year 1519. his Enemies sold that Dutchy to the Emperor Charles V. and Ʋlrick continued in exile till the year 1534. at which time being assisted by the money [Page 129]of Francis I. King of France, and the Sword of Philip Landgrave of Hesse, he returned into his Countrey, and sent his Son Duke Christo­pher to Ferdinand King of the Romans, who agreed with him at Cade June 24. in the same year, that the House of Wirtemberg should enjoy that Dutchy, holding it in Fee of the House of Austria: Which was accordingly done, till the year 1599. when by a transacti­on made at Prague between the Emperor Rodolph II. and Frederick I. Duke of Wirtemberg, this Dutchy was reduced unto its first condition, the House of Austria only reserving to it self the name and Arms, and the right of Suc­cession, in case it survive all the Males of Wirtemberg.

P.

Let us step into the Countrey of Hesse; and tell me something of a House to which ge­nerosity seems to be natural.

G.

I know never a Family in Germany more illustrious then that of Hesse, whether you consider its antiquity, or the number of He­roical personages it hath produced, or lastly its Alliances. The Landgrave George hath heretofore told me that his House is descended from Charlemagne; and a little after, when I was at Cassel the late Landgravess of Hesse shewed me a Genealogical Table, that deriv'd it from a Collateral branch of that great Em­peror, but by the way of Females. I can hard­ly forbear to explicate the same to you at large; [Page 130]and would do it, if I were not afraid to [...]e troublesom.

P.

I know you could shew me that Gerbo [...] daughter to Charles of Lorraine (Unkle by the Fathers side to Lewis V. King of France, who came in a direct Male line from Lewis the De­bonaire) was married to Lambert II. Count of Lovain, from whom the present Landgrave are descended by the way of Henry V. who was the first of this Family that had the title of Landgrave of Hesse: But because I do not question that at all, declare to me how Henry got this Landgraveship, how his posterity kept it, who were the most illustrious Princes of this House, and into how many Branches it is divided at this present.

G.

You free me from a great deal of pains; which yet would not have been unpleasant to me, for the respect I bear to that House. To begin then to answer your question, I say, that Henry of Brabant (whose predecessors had Born the name of Counts of Lovain, Hai­nault, Rhetel, and Yvoy, and of Dukes of M [...] ­selle, Lorraine, and Brabant) married Sophis Landgravess of Thuringia, who also descended from Charlemagne by the way of Lewis Ger­manicus second son to Lewis the Debonain. This Henry made war nine years together upon Henry the Illustrious Marquis of Misni [...], who pretended (as the other did) to the Principalities of Thuringia and Hesse: And at [Page 131]last they came to this agreement, that the one should have Hesse, and the other Thuringia, upon condition that the surviving Family should inherit both; and this agreement is still in force between the Dukes of Saxony, who are Landgraves of Thuringia, and our Land­graves of Hesse.

P.

Wars between kinsmen are usually cruel and long: At what time did this happen?

G.

Henry of Brabant first Landgrave of Hesse lived 63. years, and dyed in that of our Lord 1308. He left the succession to his son Otho, who was father to Lewis, grandfather to Herman, and great-grandfather to Lewis the peaceable second of that name, and first of his Family that was qualified Count of Zigne [...] ­heim and Nidda. This Prince may serve for an example of moderation to posterity; for when the Imperial Dignity was offered him, and he chosen according to the Laws of the Empire in the year 1442. he refused that which many seek after with much hazard, labour and anxi­ety.

P.

The title of Peaceable which this Prince bore, makes me think he feared the power of Frederick of Habspourg, who took the Scepter which Lewis would not accept; and I am per­swaded that Lewis the Couragious, son to the Peaceable, would rather have canvassed to proture the Imperial Crown, then modestly refused it.

G.

It is very likely the Son would not have done as the Father did; and in all probabily if that House had accepted the Crown then, I would have held it even to this day: For eve [...] since that time, all the princes of Hesse the have reigned, were worthy to reign. Willi [...] the younger, son to Lewis and Matildis o [...] Wirtemberg, had no less courage nor prudence then his Father; Philip the Magnanimous, being no more but Landgrave of Hesse, gave much trouble, and no less apprehension to the greatest of our Emperors; William the bele­ved son of Philip, shewing himself the worthy son of so great a Father, deserved the surname of Wise; Maurice was equal to, or greater then any one of his Ancestors; William the Constant was a pattern of valour and vertue; and William his son cannot but prove a great personage, having had for his Mother and [...] ­tress the most Heroical Lady of this age.

P.

The Ancients by representing Occasion bald behind, would teach us to use prudence, and not to let slip a present advantage; as Lew­is Landgrave of Hesse, and Frederick III. Ele­ctor of Saxony, who refused the Empire, and repented it too late. But go on, I pray.

G.

You must know that Philip the Magna­nimous had three sons, who were all married, and Chiefs of several Branches: Lewis and George had less of their Fathers estate, then William their eldest brother; yet that division [Page 133]weakened the House; and a little after, the in­heritance of Lewis untyed the knot of kindness, and sowed discord between the two other Branches.

P.

I would willingly have a more particular account of that misunderstanding.

G.

The Landgrave Lewis, son to Philip, dyed without issue in the year 1604. and ap­pointed his Nephews Maurice and Lewis to in­herit his estate by equal portions. Now be­cause one of those heirs was of a different Reli­gion from that professed by the deceased Prin­ces Subjects, he added a clause in his Will, to deprive that party of the right of Succession that should oblige his Subjects to change their Religion. Notwithstanding which clause, Maurice forced the inhabitants of his division to embrace the Reformation of Calvin. Lewis taking Maurice to have forfeited the right he had to the inheritance, complained of the non­observance of the Will: Whereupon they took Arbitrators, who judged, that the Clause an­next to the Testament could not deprive Mau­rice of the right he had, as a Prince of the Em­pire, of obliging his Subjects to follow his Re­ligion. Lewis appealed from this Arbitrary sentence to the Court of the Emperor, where he found more favour, and obtained a Decree that condemned Maurice, and an Army that put Lewis into possession of the lands in questi­on. Maurice not being able to withstand the [Page 134]Army and the will of the Emperor, gave wa [...] to power: So Lewis surnamed the pious, and George his son, possest those lands in peace, [...] Amelia Elizabeth Mother to William VI. h [...] ­ving an Army at her command, used it so o [...] ­portunely, that she drove George out of the [...] ­tigious Territories, and forced him to another Agreement, which was mediated by Er [...]. Duke of Saxony in the year 1647.

P.

These contentions must needs begeth­tred between the two Houses: But are they [...] equal puissance?

G.

That of Cassel is the elder, hath pren­dence, and more estate then that of Darmstr [...] but they are so far forth equal, that each [...] them hath a voice in the Assemblies, and nei­ther depends in any wise upon the other. They are both well allied: George Chief of the Branch of Darmstadt is married to the eld [...] daughter of the late Elector of Saxony; his eldest son, to a daughter of Frederick Duke [...] Holstein; and one of his daughters to Phil [...] Lewis Duke of Newbourg. William the present Prince of Cassel hath taken to wife a sister of the Elector of Brandenbourg; and Williams elde [...] sister is married to Lewis of Tremüoille, Dol [...] of Toüars, Prince of Tarante; and the young est to Charles Lewis Elector Palatine.

P.

You have already told me, that Willi [...] VI. was son to Amelia Elizabeth, who go­verned his person and estate from the year [Page 135]1637. till the Peace; and her Regency was so renowned, and so beneficial to that House, that I think my self obliged to propose this que­stion to you, Whether they do not great wrong to Ladies that esteem them unable to govern a State.

G.

I wonder there should be any Philoso­phers, who dare affirm, that the Female Sex is unworthy to bear the Scepter; since Histories tell us that Ladies have preserved and enlarged the Kingdoms of Spain, England, Denmark, Sweden, Portugal, and France; that the five former never flourished so much as under two Elizabeths, Margaret, Christina, and Loüyse; and that the last was freed from the English yoke by Jane d'Arc, commonly called the Maid of Orleans, preserved in peace under the Regency of Blanche of Castile Mother to St. Lewis, and the bounds thereof advanced under Anne of Austria, Mother to the incom­parable Lewis XIV. the present King.

P.

You will acknowledge that this Sex is usu­ally weak, inconstant, and faint-hearted; and that it is not able either to ride, or wear ar­mour for the good of the State.

G.

It is the opinion of those, who to decry Ladies, tell us, they are naturally inconstant, fearful, and cruel; and when we object the il­lustrious examples of Roman, Grecian, Spanish, German, and French Ladies, they say, they are rare things, and such as ought not to be [Page 136]drawn into consequence; and that for one that hath administred the State well, there be two that have abused their authority. I confess they are not all sufficiently qualified to rule; but I deny also that all men are so: And I may confidently say, that never any King of Eng­land was better obeyed then Queen Elizabeth, that the bravest Swedish Commanders freely acknowledged, their victories proceeded as much from the happy Genius of their Queen as from their own valour; that Portugal ows its deliverance to Loyse de Gusman, who governs it still with admirable prudence; that Eliza­beth of France wife to Philip IV. would have re-established the affairs of Spain, if the imper­tinency of a Favourite had not held her at di­stance from the Counsels of the King her hus­band; that the Hessians were never better ru­led then by Amelia Elizabeth, and that no Prince was ever more moderate in his prosper­ty, nor more constant in adversity then this matchless Lady. One example shall make you confess this truth. In the year 1647. her Army besieged Paderborne, and was forced to raise the siege with loss. The news came to her while she sate at Table; she read the Letter, and told me, We have ill news, my Troops have been worsted, and forced to leave a plate which it concerned me very much to have ta­ken: And so sate out her Meal without the least show of any alteration.

P.

No more would a great man be much mo­ved at such a loss.

G.

I know Philip II. seemed not to be con­cerned, when he heard of the victory won at Lepanto, and of the losing of a Fleet which he thought Invincible; but that Prince was singu­lar in generosity and constancy. And to prove that Ladies are worthy to bear the Scepter, it is enough that we find some comparable to the most excellent of men.

P.

I submit to your reason; but withal I think there are not many Amelia Elizabeths to be found.

G.

There are but few indeed, because the malice or envy of men keeps them off from showing their ability, and making their pru­dence and generosity admired. Nay, I make no question, but, if there were as many Ladies as there be Princes upon the Throne, we should often find Female accomplishments superior to ours, enough to make Philosophers recant, and acknowledging their error to confess, that Ladies are as much, if not more excellent then men.

P.

I perceive you love that beautiful Sex, and understand their worth; and if they had no greater enemies then you, they should have the honour that is due to them. I shall always be of the same opinion, and if ten thousand Philosophers would perswade me the contrary, I should not forbear to say and believe, that [Page 138]there be many Ladies worthy to govern, and would be many more, if they were instructed and brought up to great affairs from their youth.

The end of the Fourth Dialogue.

Dialogue V.
Of the same Secular Princes.

P.

I Would gladly have heard something of the Marquisses of Baden in the preceding Dialogue, because they take their turns with the other princes you last mentioned: But I hope there is nothing lost.

G.

These Princes, as well as all that are An­cient, hear many men speak of the beginning of their House, but few that speak truth. I do not desire to confute opinions contrary to mine, nor to entertain you long upon such a subject: It is enough for me to tell you what I have learnt from those Marquisses themselves, who have graciously communicated to me what they have drawn out of their own Records. But before we go any further, I desire you to take notice, that the House of Hesse being di­vided [Page 139]into two Branches, whereof one follows Luthers Reformation, and the other Calvins; each of them hath one Prince that hath with­drawn himself to the Church of Rome: Frederick brother to the Landgrave George of Darmstadt, & grand Prior of the Order of Malta in Germa­ny; and Ernest Unkle by the Fathers side to the Landgrave William of Cassel, who making as if he would dispute with the ablest men of the two Religions permitted by the Laws of the Empire, hath embraced that of Rome, toge­ther with his Wife, who is of the House of Solmes.

P.

I was not ignorant of that change of Re­ligion, which hath made noise enough through­out all Germany. As for those Writers that fetch what they deliver concerning the antiqui­ty of Houses, either out of their own brain, or from weak conjectures, I think they are much to blame: For my part, I conceive there is no better way to know from what source Houses are derived, then by the Charters and Epi­taphs of the Houses themselves.

G.

There are some that think Princes flatter themselves in this point, and report fables for truths, on purpose to appear more illustrious and more ancient. And I am verily perswa­ded, that many endeavour to usurp the Estates of others by vain and false Genealogies; nay, that our nature cannot endure any that doth not flatter it: On the other side I cannot deny, [Page 140]but that Princes themselves, or their learned servants, who have the custody of their Re­cords, must know the truth of their beginning and off-spring better then any other person. Now the Marquiss George Frederick having caused his own to be searcht out with great care, the Prince his Son communicated the same to me such as I here represent it unto you.

P.

The truth is but one, pure, simple, and without mixture: Wherefore I pray tell me what you know, not regarding the device of some that would draw this House from that of the Ʋrsins, and others from that of Della Sca­la or the Scaligers; some labour to show that Baden and Hochberg were two different Fami­lies, and others that they are but one.

G.

They that would have this House come out of Italy, say that Frederick Barbarossa brought Herman Marquiss of Verona from thence, and gave him the Marquisate of Hoch­berg: which cannot be, seeing in the time of the Emperor Conrade II. there were already Marquisses at Baden and at Hochberg. It is therefore more probable, that Berchtold I, ha­ving two sons, divided his Estates between them, giving the greatest part thereof to his eldest son Berchtold II. with the title of Duke of Zeringuen, and a good share to Herman his younger son, with the title of Marquiss. This Herman II. having married Judith inheritrice of Baden, gave occasion to Herman III. whom [Page 141]he had by her, to style himself Marquiss of Ba­den, to take his Mothers Arms, and transmit them to his posterity, as he did. Some while after, the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa ha­ving ruined Milan, and chastised Lombardy, put German garrisons in all the strong places, and left Herman IV. Governor of Verona. When that Prince came back into Germany, he was called Marquiss of Verona in memory of that Expedition; and that name hath occasio­ned the mistake of those who write that the Marquisses of Baden are descended from them of Verona.

P.

Then you hold it for certain, that the Marquisses of Baden are descended neither from the Gothick Kings, nor from the Scaligers, nor the Ʋrsins, nor from any Marquisses of Verona whatsoever; but from the ancient Counts of Vindonissa and Altembourg, who flourished a long time in Swisserland: from whom also the Dukes of Zeringuen and Tek, the Counts of Habspourg and the Archdukes derive their ori­ginal.

G.

That is my opinion; and I believe it as true, as it is certain that Herman Marquiss of Baden founded a Monastery in his Village of Backenau, A. D. 1116. which Bruno Bishop of Spire confirmed at the request of the said Herman 1122. and which Herman the younger his son enriched with many endowments in the time of Lotharius II. or Conrade III. A.D. 1145. [Page 142]All which things were done by Marquisses of Baden (before there were any, according to the opinion of my Adversaries) and by the De­scendents of Herman son to Berchtold Duke of Zeringuen.

P.

I believe your reasons unanswerable, and am absolutely perswaded by them, that the Marquisses of Baden did not come out of Italy. It lies upon you now to prove, that these Princes and those of Hochberg were both of the same House.

G.

On St. Bartholomews day 1490. Christo­pher Marquiss of Baden and Philip Marquiss of Hochberg made an agreement, and a reciprocal Testament, whereby one of the Houses survi­ving the other was to be heir thereof, because they both issued out of the same stock, and bore the same Arms, or with very little diffe­rence. That Will and Testament was confirm­ed by the Emperor Maximilian I. A.D. 1499. which is sufficient (methinks) to prove, that those Houses were but Branches from one and the same root.

P.

I am satisfied with what you have told me concerning the unity and descendance of the Houses of Baden and Hochberg. Let us now see into how many Branches that of Baden is at present divided.

G.

This House, which had been severed in­to two ever since the year 1200. was re-united after the death of Philip the last of the Hoch­bergian [Page 143]Branch, by vertue of that interchange­able Testament made by him and Christopher, as we mentioned before. Now Christopher in­heriting the lands of Philip A. D. 1503. posses­sed the two Marquisates till the year 1515. wherein he dyed; and his lands were parted between Bernard and Ernest his children, who are the Heads of the two principal Branches in­to which this House is divided at this time.

P.

Make a little larger relation of this matter, and show me how the Marquisses of Baden come from Bernard, and those of Dourlach from Ernest, both sons to Christopher, who inherited the entire Estate of Philip Marquiss of Hochberg, except the County of Newchastel in Swisserland; which Jane, daughter to the forementioned Philip, brought in Dowry to Lewis of Orleans, and it is still in the hands of Henry Duke of Longueville his Nephews son.

G.

By the division thus made between those two brethren, Bernard had Baden with its ap­purtenances: He married Frances Countess of Luxembourg, by whom he had Christopher, who (after Philibert his elder brother was slain at the Battel of Moncontour) took upon him the government of his Estate. That Prince married Cecily daughter to Gustavus first of that name and of his Family, King of Sweden: among other children he begat Edward Fortu­natus Father to William, present Marquiss of Baden, Knight of the Golden Fleece, and Judge [Page 144]of the Imperial Chamber at Spire. William hath had two Wives, and many children: by the first, who was born Princess of Hohenzol­leren, he hath yet living Leopold William, who serves the Emperor with great zeal and reputa­tion; Herman, Canon of Collen, with some others, who are yet but young; and Ferdi­nand Maximilian the eldest, who knowing that Mary daughter to Amedeus IX. Duke of Savoy had been married into his House, was desirous to renew that alliance, and to that purpose married Loüyse of Savoy daughter to Thomas Prince of Carignan A. D. 1653. by whom he hath one son. Herman brother to William makes a Branch apart, and hath chil­dren of both sexes marriageable.

P.

Hath not this Prince Herman some land [...] in the Countrey of Luxembourg, and a son Ca­non of Collen?

G.

Yes; Ernest, brother to Bernard, and son to Christopher, who had for his share the Marquisates of Hochberg, Pfortzen, Weiem­berg, Baden, Ʋsysiler, and Rhetel, took to wife Elizabeth daughter to Frederick V. Mar­quiss of Brandenbourg: His son Charles marri­ed Anne daughter to Robert Prince Palatine, by whom he had many children, who all died young, except George Frederick: He was not to be paralleled for valour and magnanimity, yet was beaten at Wimpfen by the misfortune of his powder taking fire while the Battel was [Page 145]fighting, which he thereupon lost when he was half-assured of the victory. This Prince had two Wives, Juliana Ʋrsula daughter to the Rhingrave Frederick, and Agatha daughter to George Count of Erbach. Of the latter there remain but Anne and Elizabeth, Princesses no less knowing then vertuous; and of the former (by whom he had 15. children) Catherine Ʋr­sula, Anne Amelia, and Sibyll Magdalen, who are thus married; the first to Otho eldest son to the Landgrave Maurice, and the other two to two Counts of Nassau Sarbruck: Ernestine is for her rare vertue and admirable knowledge worthy of an eminent fortune; and Frederick their eldest brother, the present Prince of Dourlach, an incomparable man for his skill in Mathematicks and Opticks, hath had five Wives and many children, the eldest whereof called by his Fathers name hath married Chri­stina Magdalen, the worthy sister of Charles Gustavus King of Sweden, and daughter to John Casimir Prince Palatine of Deux-ponts, who in his life-time knew better then any man how to get a powerful ascendent over the hearts of all that looked upon him. He hath very fine children by her both for outward features and inward faculties: The youngest called Charle­magne is eminent for vertue, merit, and milita­ry experience; he is married to Mary Juliana Countess of Hohenloch, and hath by her one son who will equal his courage, and one daugh­ter [Page 146]who will not be inferior to her Mother in comelyness of body and sincerity of heart. Gustavus Adolph a younger brother of this House, is serving his apprentiship in the school of the King of Sweden, and of his brethren, whom he will equal or surpass, if God give him life and health, as I wish him.

P.

You tell me nothing of the controversie between these two Branches, nor of the sen­tence which Edward Fortunatus his Successors obtained against the Marquis George Frederick and his son.

G.

It is not good to rub old sores that are skin'd over, nor to speak of differences that are silenced by a determination, for fear of griev­ing those persons whom we respect. It is suffi­cient for you to know that these Princes are good friends, that they have forgotten all that is past, and endeavour to oblige one another to the uttermost of their power. The branch of Baden is Catholique, that of Dourlach Lu­theran, and both zealous in their Religion; but that zeal will not hinder them from being kind to one another as to their persons, though their interest keep them asunder as to their party. Each branch hath one voice in the Assemblies; and the Marquis Frederick shall have precedence there as long as he lives, but after his death the two Branches shall take their turns, that is, shall precede alternatively, according to the resolution made at Munster by the last Treaty of Peace.

P.

Since we have spoken of Houses in Ger­many that take their turns successively, do me the favour to tell me the manner how that alternation is observed.

G.

You may see in this figure how they sit for ten dayes together; after which they begin again, and continue as they were before; every letter denoting the name of one of the five Houses that take their turns.

PMWHB
MWBPH
WHBPM
HWMPB
BPHMW
PMWBH
MPWHB
WBHMP
HPWBM
BWMHP

The five alternating Houses are,

  • Pomerania.
  • Meklebourg.
  • Wirtemberg.
  • Hesse.
  • Baden.
P.

I wonder the Houses of Saxon Lawem­bourg and Anhalt do not precede these five, or [Page 148]at least alternate with them, seeing they hare had the Electorships of Saxony and Brander­bourg at the same time.

G.

The Houses you last mentioned are so far from preceding those five, that they fol­low that of Holstein, which comes behind the said five. 'Tis not that those two Houses are not ancient; on the contrary, I think their antiquity and greatness hath done them wrong: for as we have elsewhere seen, the Emperor Sigismond deprived them of the Electoral Dig­nity, to give it to the Marquis of Misnia and the Burgrave of Nuremberg; which so mor­rified those Princes, that it made them neglect to appear in the Assemblies, and gave oppor­tunity to others to take their place.

P.

I have read that those Princes kept the title of Elector long after they had lost the Electoral Dignity; and when they could not have place in the Electoral Colledge, they cared but little for taking it among the Princes. But tell me something of the House of Holstein, before we speak more fully of the other two.

G.

I think I have told you already, that the House of Holstein and that of Oldembourg are but one; that it was derived from Witikind of Saxony; and that after the death of Christo­pher III. King of Denmark, the Danes chose Christian Count of Oldembourg into his place, at the intreaty of Adolph Duke of Schleswick his Unkle by the Mothers side, who leaving [Page 149]no issue behind him, made this Nephew of his heir of a great part of the Cimbrick Chersonese: and from that Christian it is, that all the Princes are descended, who have Reigned in Denmark, Norway, Schleswick, and Holstein, ever since that time.

P.

The Kingdom of Sweden having been sever'd from that of Denmark under the Reign of the Princes of the House of Oldembourg, it is fit you shew me when and how that came to pass.

G.

I shall do it with all my heart, both be­cause you desire it, and because I shall be glad (in doing that) to give some testimony of my gratitude to those Princes, who have almost all of them obliged me. You must know then, that Christian the first of that name, being 23. years of age, was chosen King of Denmark A. D. 1448. A year after, he married Dorothy daughter to John Marquis of Brandenbourg, and widow to Christopher the last King of Den­mark. That Prince having Reigned happily 33. years in Denmark, 32. in Norway, and 25. in Sweden, dyed afterwards A. D. 1482. leaving two sons, who succeeded him in this manner; John his eldest was King of those three Kingdoms after his Father, and gave his brother Frederick the moyety of his Heredi­tary lands: Then having reigned peaceably, he dyed A. D. 1513. leaving his son Christian II. to be his Successor. That Prince was born [Page 150] A. D. 1481. and married Isabel sister to the Emperor Charles V. by whom he had Dorothy Electoress of Brandenbourg; Christina Dut­chess of Milan, and afterwards of Lorraine; and John, who dyed bearing arms under the Emperor Charles his Unkle by the Mothers side, in the year 1532. Christiern otherwise Christi­an II. forsook the way of his Father and Grand­father, and became so cruel a Tyrant, that the Swedes drove him out of their Countrey, and placed upon the Throne Gustavus Vasc, son to Erick a Swedish Knight, A. D. 1523. And nine years after the Danes cast him in prison, where he ended his dayes in five more.

P.

Men seem to be of a worse condition then beasts; inasmuch as Eagles do not ingen­der pigeons, nor Lions Stags; yet Heroical persons rarely beget their like. The greatest men are subject to the misfortune of seeing their children unworthy to succeed them. But what came to pass after the imprisonment of Christiern?

G.

We will speak in another place of what followed in Sweden. In Denmark the Nobility had an honourable memory and high esteem of the virtues of Christian I. and of Iohn: where­fore instead of the Tyrant, who was prisoner at Sunderbourg, they placed Frederick his Unkle by the Fathers side upon the Throne, who was very aged, and yet he introduced the Doctrine of Luther into Denmark and his [Page 151]own hereditary Principalities. That Frederick was the first Duke of Holstein, which is held in Fee of the Empire, as Schleswick is of Den­mark; but neither he, nor his son Christian III. durst send any body to the Diets, fearing they should be but ill used for having assumed the place of a brother-in-law to two Empe­rors.

P.

It may be those Princes not daring to send their Deputies to the Diets, lost the Rank they held there.

G.

Frederick I. of that name King of Den­mark, was Duke of Holstein before he came to the Crown; yet I cannot tell whether he had taken place in the Assemblies of the Empire. But to pursue the discourse we have begun, that Prince left two sons, the elder of whom was King after him by the name of Christian III. and Adolph his younger son, Duke of Hol­stein. They had both children, from whom all the Princes of this House are descended: For Christian was Father to King Frederick II. and to Iohn the younger; and Adolph, to Iohn Adolph, and to Frederick Archbishop of Bremen and Bishop of Lubeck.

P.

I pray draw out this Genealogy a little more at length.

G.

Frederick II. husband to Sophia, daugh­ter to Ʋlrick Duke of Meklebourg, had one son and four daughters, very worthy of your knowledge: For as much as Elizabeth the eldest [Page 152]was married to Henry Iulius Duke of Bruns­wick, Anne to Iames VI. King of Scotland, who afterwards got all Great Britain by the death and Testament of Elizabeth Queen of England; Augusta, to Iohn Adolph Duke of Holstein; and Hedwig, to Christian II. Elector of Saxony. His Son and Successor to the Crown, was Christian IV. a great King both in time of peace and war. That Prince, who ad­miring the worth of Henry the Great King of France, made him his pattern in every thing, and had at the least as many sons as he, as well Legitimate as Natural: But there remains no more of the lawfully begotten then his Succes­sor Frederick III. who hath already many chil­dren, and may have more.

P.

This King is esteemed throughout all Eu­rope, for a knowing Prince, and one that sets a value upon good men: Let us see the Descen­dents of Iohn the younger.

G.

That Prince was even goodness it self, and God blessed him exceedingly; for he had 23. children by Elizabeth Dutchess of Bruns­wick and Agnes Hedwig Princess of Anhalt, his wives. Two of those Princes dyed in Hungary, one at the illustrious Colledge of Tubing; two departed in their infancy, and four lived to be married, who are fathers of many Lords, ei­ther residing at Sunderbourg, Nortbourg, Glugsbourg, and Plone, or else seeking their fortune in the Wars. The daughters were thus [Page 153]married; the eldest, to a Duke of Lignitz; three of the youngest, to three Dukes of Pome­rania; Anne Sabina, to a Duke of Wirtem­berg; Eleonor Sophia, to a Prince of Anhalt; and Margaret, to John Count of Nassau. The rest dyed in their Cradle, except Eleonor, who is still unmarried, and leads an exempla­ry life; she is 67. years old, yet very lovely for her age, and worthy to be visited by Kings; for she hath a marvellous way of entertaining those Princes and Ladies that do her the honour to see her: And I can assure you, I never saw better sweet-meats served any where then at her house, nor strangers received with greater civility.

P.

Tell me, I pray, a little more particular­ly, who are the Descendents of John the younger brother to King Frederick II.

G.

Alexander his eldest son had six sons, whereof the eldest married a Countess of Del­menhorst, and at his death left one son and two daughters by her: Frederick, Philip, and Joachim Ernest, brethren to Alexander, are yet living; the first hath three sons, and as ma­ny daughters; the second hath but two sons alive, five Princesses married, and one to mar­ry; the third hath four Princes, two whereof have command in the King of Spains service, and three Princesses still maids, all beautiful and witty, and brought up in the School of a Father inferior to none in the Empire for pru­dence, [Page 154]and of a Mother that hath but few equals in all kind of vertues.

P.

Do not forget the Descendents of Adolph younger brother to Christian III. of that name.

G.

Adolph had many sons that dyed young; one that was Archbishop of Bremen; and John Adolph his eldest married Augusta daughter to Frederick II. King of Denmark. These two had issue, John Bishop of Lubeck, a comely and liberal Prince, who dying left his son John Augustus still very young, but pretty, and exceeding hopeful: Frederick this Bishops eld­er brother hath the moyety of the Dutchies of Schleswick, Holstein, Stormar, and Dith­marsh; and takes turns with the King of Den­mark in the administration of Justice, in having place and voice in the Assemblies of the Empire, and in all other Rights of Regality. This Prince, great in knowledge and magnanimity, hath for a partner in his bed and felicity, Mary Elizabeth daughter to John George Elector of Saxony, by whom he hath still living three sons, and five daughters, four whereof are married, to John Prince of Anhalt, Gustavus Adolph Duke of Meklebourg, Lewis Landgrave of Darmstadt, and Charles Gustavus King of Sweden: And all these Princesses have chil­dren.

P.

If promises be debts, you are bound to tell me to whom the other Princesses of this House are married.

G.

Elizabeth Juliana, daughter to Frede­rick who resides at Nortbourg, married Antony Ʋlrick Duke of Brunswick A. D. 1656. Her Cousins, daughters to Philip, are thus marri­ed; Mary Elizabeth, to George Albert Mar­quiss of Brandenbourg; Augusta to Ernest Gunther Duke of Holstein; Christina, to Chri­stian Duke of Saxony; and Dorothy, to Chri­stian Lewis Duke of Lunebourg: Hedwig is still to marry; and Sophia Hedwig dyed after she had born two children to her husband Maurice Duke of Saxony.

P.

Doth the whole Countrey of Schleswick, Holstein, and their appurtenances, yield a great Revenue?

G.

All these Dutchies together make up above 7000. Crowns of yearly Rent: I would in good manners adde one Cypher more, and make it 70000, lest the Estates of many pri­vate English Gentlemen should exceed the Reve­nue of these Dutchies. And although a great part of the Coun­trey be taken up in Lakes and Forests, yet it abounds with all things, by reason of the O­cean and Baltick Seas that make many Harbors there. There come out of Jutland above 12000. head of Cattle every year, and a great number of Horses, which are to be brought into the Castle of Gottorf, and if his Highness will have any of them, he may take them at 18. Rix-dollars a piece. The Dutchy of Holstein contains 8000. Ploughs, and yet it contributes [Page 156]no more then the City of Lubeck to the necessi­ties of the Empire: The peasants there are slaves; and the Nobility, rich, ambitious and valiant, as much as any in Europe.

P.

I have heard you say, you have drunk so good Spanish Wine at Gottorf, Plone, Redwisch, and Eutin, that I am perswaded the remem­brance thereof hath made you stay so long in Holstein. Yet you must come from thence, and see whether the Romeldenph of Ratzebourg, and the Beer of Zerbst will be able to keep you at the houses of the Dukes of Saxony, and the Princes of Anhalt.

G.

If you would give me leave to entertain you at large about the generosity of the Princes of Holstein, we would speak of the horses, rings, and other gentile presents that were of­fered me at Gottorf, Plone, Redwisch, and Eu­tin: but since we must pass into the Dutchy of Lawembourg, and into the Principality of An­halt, I shall tell you, that the Duke Augustus, and the Prince Christian, have by their favours sufficiently obliged me to be a particular ser­vant to their House, which hath at the same time afforded Electors both of Saxony and Brandenbourg.

P.

I shall be glad to know when and how those Princes got and lost those Electorships, with the antiquity of their Houses, their Titles, their Alliances, their Religion, the number of the Branches whereinto they are divided, and [Page 157]other things that you shall judge requisite for my instruction.

G.

No man denies but that these Houses sprung out of one and the same root, and that they are reckoned amongst the ancientest in Christendom; but I hold it a vanity to enquire for a descent from Father to Son ever since Adams time to ours; because the Ancients were more studious to deserve an immortal glo­ry, then to seek for Writers to transmit the same to posterity. The Author of the Genea­logical Tables which the Prince Augustus gave me at Pleskau in the year 1650. Affirms, that these Princes were Kings, Dukes, and Generals of the Saxons, even before the coming of Christ; and sets down for Head of this Family Berenthobald, who in the quality of King led the Saxons to the War against Hermanford King of Thuringia, A. D. 524. Limneus goes high­er, saying they come from Ascana son to Go­mer, Nephew to Iaphet Noahs son. However it be, this House is extremely ancient, it being above 1000. years since Berenthobald II. and III. were Generals of the Saxons against Clovis II. and Dagobert Kings of France, and since Clovis III. King of France married Batildis daughter to Beranger, a Princess of this House. All which things make it evident, that this Fa­mily was come to full growth before many very noble ones were produced.

P.

Seeing those Princes were Kings, or [Page 158]Dukes of the Saxons, how comes it to pass that they kept not that Dignity?

G.

Those titles were not always Hereditary. Anciently the Saxons, and many other people chose a Duke or a King, when they stood in need of one for the War; otherwise their State was Aristocratical, and Dignities descended not to their heirs. In the days of Charlemagne Witikind Head of the Saxons had Aribo Beran­ger (his Son or Brother-in-law) for his Lieu­tenant General: And when they were van­quished by the valour of Charles, and reconci­led to him by the mediation of Henry Count of Henneberg, Charlemagne honored Witikind with the quality of Duke, and Aribo Beranger with that of Count of Ascania, Ballenstet, and Hircinia, to them and their posterity. When they were dead, the Descendents of that House became Christians, and the Emperor was God­father to Charles, Father to Poppo, who took to wife Syndovine daughter to Lewis the Debo­naire Emperor and King of France; from whom all the princes of this House are propa­gated.

P.

This indeed is a great alliance; but tell me how they came to be Dukes of Saxony and Marquisses of Brandenbourg.

G.

Otho the Great Count of Ascania, Bal­lenstet, and Wolpe, having married Hileta daughter to Magnus Duke of Saxony, had by her Albertus Ʋrsus, who by the favour of the [Page 159]Emperor Conrade III. was made Marquiss and Elector of Brandenbourg, the House of Stade being extinguished, which had enjoyed that Marquisate a long time. A little after, Henry Leo Duke of Saxony and Brunswick having dis­obliged the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa, was degraded from his Dignity, and the same given to Bernard son to Albertus Ʋrsus in the Diet of Wirsbourg 1169. which dignity conti­nued in his Family till the year 1423. as that of Marquiss of Brandenbourg did till 1417.

P.

Do not Princes offend against the ma­ximes of true Politicks, when they make their Subjects too great?

G.

Theodosius Duke of Bragansa and the richest Lord in Portugal, being dissatisfied with Philip III. his Soverain, because he would not suffer the Duke to walk equal by his side, ab­sented himself from Court; and the Kings ser­vants foreseeing what danger there might be, to let a person go away discontented that had so great an estate and authority in a Kingdom full of bad humours, entreated his Majesty to satisfie him before he returned from Castile. The King commanded he should be brought to him; the Duke came, and being at Court, the King with an extraordinary sweetness said to him, Pedid duque, Ask what you would have, my Lord: the Duke, whose heart was swelled up with his riches, answered, Senor, los mayo­res de vnestra Majestad, que tanbien han sido [Page 160]los mios, hizierontantas mercedes a mi casa, que no me queda nada que pedir; Sir, your Majesties Ancestors, who were mine also, have bestow­ed so many favours and bounties upon my House, that there remains nothing for me to ask. Every body was surprized at this dis­course: For although it be honorable for the Sea to communicate it self through the rivers, and for the Soverain to aggrandize his best de­serving Subjects; yet the Sea ought not to co­ver all the earth, nor the King to diffuse his Royal graces too prodigally upon a Subject: Otherwise the rivers will become Sea, and the servant, Master; which cannot but prove very prejudicial. As then the Planets would have but little regard to the Sun, if they had no need of his light; nor the servant to his Ma­ster, if he could do him no more good: So Great men ought to be very circumspect in the distribution of their favours, if they would not lose that honour and respect which their Infe­riors give them.

P.

There are few Houses in Germany that have so long possessed two Secular Electorships at a time, as this hath done. Let us see how it lost them.

G.

Otho and Bernard, sons to Albertus Ʋr­sus, divided this House into two Branches: The first was Elector of Brandenbourg, and the latter of Saxony, who fixed himself at Wittem­berg, and took for his principal distinctive [Page 161]Coat, a Bend Fleury Vert on a Field Barry or and Sable. There have been 13. Electors of Brandenbourg descended from Otho, whereof the last was Iohn IV. of that name. From Ber­nard there came in a direct Male line the Dukes of Lower Saxony and the Princes of Anhalt; the first by the way of Albert I. of that name, and Helen daughter to the Emperor Otho IV. and the second by the way of Henry to whom the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa gave the title of Prince of Anhalt. There have been 8. Electors of Saxony of this Family: The last was Albert II. after whom the Emperor Sigis­mond preferred Frederick the Warlike Marquis of Misnia before Erick V. Alberts Cousin and lawful Successor; to teach us, that all things under the Sun are flitting and transitory, and that the greatest Houses may be humbled and brought low.

P.

Hath a Soverain any power to take Prin­cipalities from one House and transfer them unto another?

G.

A King gives account of his actions to none but God, and can do almost all that he will; he ought nevertheless to act equitably, and not to plunge men of courage into despair, then which nothing is more dangerous. They that have lost their estate, think they have nothing more to lose, and are capable of making the greatest repent of the wrongs they have done them. The Soverain then may take back the [Page 162]benefits he bestowed, when he that received them is become altogether unworthy of them: But before he come to that extremity, he should endeavour to reduce them unto their duty; and having tryed all fair means, he must be very, careful that he do not faintly and loosely execute the resolutions that he hath generously taken; nor rashly undertake a great action, which prudence will afterwards perswade him to abandon. A Prince should think seriously of a thing before he enters upon it; but having begun, he should carry it through: For there is nothing so repugnant to the of authority Kings, as to act by halves; nor any thing that so much encourages Subjects to Rebellion, as to see that their Masters are afraid of them.

P.

Since the death of Francis Albert, who was slain by General Torstenson in Silesia, I hear but little speech of these Dukes; which makes me conjecture, there are but few of them left.

G.

Though Francis II. had ten sons, six whereof were married, yet there remaine but Iulius Henry, Francis Charles, and Francis Henry, brethren, all without hopes of having children; and one son of Iulius Henry called Francis Herman, who probably will have but few, having married his Cousin, who is ex­ceeding weak, and of a stature to bear few or no children. This Prince is at present in the service of the King of Sweden against Poland.

P.

It were great pity that a House so ancient and so illustrious should totally fail; but if that do come to pass, who will be the heir of it?

G.

The Princes of Anhalt, as we have seen, come from the same source; besides which right, they have that of Confraternity. Now, this House is one of the most numerous in the Empire, and because it is equally divided amongst many, the Princes are not of the richest. Ioachim Ernest, who was the only person left of the Family, dyed at 50. years of age, A. D. 1566. and had 16. children; of whom Anne Mary was married to Ioachim Frederick Duke of Lignitz; Elizabeth, to Ioachim George Elector of Brandenbourg; Sibyll, to Frederick Duke of Wirtemberg; Agnes Hedwig, to Augustus Elector of Saxony, and after his death to Iohn the younger Duke of Holstein; Dorothy Mary, to Iohn Duke of Saxon-Weimar; and Anne Sophia, to Gunther Albert Count of Schurtzebourg. The sons divided the Principality into four equal shares, because Augustus said he would be content with a Pension for his life, not intending to marry: But at last upon second thoughts he came back into Germany, where he married Sibyll Countess of Solmes; and his brethren chose rather to give him a part of the land, then pay him a Pension. So Iohn George had Dissau, Christian resided at Berembourg, Augustus fixt his abode at Pleskau, Rodolph at Zerbst, [Page 164]and Lewis at Cotheim; and every one them hath children.

P.

This way of sharing may bring their House to a very weak condition: But how do they govern their Estate?

G.

Being all of equal authority, and one having no power or command over the lands of another, they submit to the eldest of the Family, who hath the direction of affairs, calls the Princes together when there is need of having their advice upon any matter of impor­tance: And as they have but one voice in the Diets, so one of them represents all the rest there. To conclude, these Princes are com­monly brave, learned, active, bold, courteous, and obliging. The two Christians of Berem­bourg, father and son, have born arms with honour; Augustus hath extracted Soverain remedies out of Chymistry; and Lewis hath established the society of great Wits, or the Fructifying Company, whereinto there are at this time admitted and enrolled above 20. Princes, and five or 600. Lords, Gentlemen, or Doctors, and other persons of knowledge.

P.

There is much talk of this Society, and I have not yet learnt what is the principal aim and intent of it.

G.

This Prince having travelled through all Europe, and seen that France and Italy are full of excellent books in the language of the Countrey, whereby Ladies, and Great men [Page 165]who by reason of their weighty employments cannot have leisure to learn Forain Languages, have the means to be instructed in all that con­cerns them; was desirous to introduce the same advantage into Germany, and hath succeed­ed so prosperously in his design, that now the Virtuosi of our Countrey cultivate their Mo­ther-tongue, enrich and adorn it, translating all the books that they count worthy of their pains.

P.

There are some that undervalue Transla­tions, and endeavour to cast an imputation upon them, as pernicious to the Common­wealth, being causes of lazyness and negli­gence.

G.

I know there be some learned men are sorry that an entrance is opened into the Tem­ple of wisdom through an easier door then Greek and Latin: But notwithstanding their opinion, it is certain that Great men should not be debarred of the knowledge necessary for them, under the specious pretenses, that the Latin and Greek Tongues will be lost in Germany, if men may find Learning in their native Language.

P.

If Prince Lewis hath been fortunate in this commendable enterprize, his Countrey is greatly obliged to him: For these translati­ons do not forbid any man to look into the Originals, being only for such as have not time to learn the Languages which furnish us [Page 166]with books. But of what Religion are the Princes of these two Houses?

G.

Duke Francis Herman and Iulius Henry his Father, who are at this time the eldest and ruling Princes of Saxon-Lawembourg, are turn­ed Catholiques; the brethren of the forenamed Iulius Henry are Protestants, as also the Prince of Anhalt residing at Zerbst: All the rest are of the Reformed Religion, and very zea­lous in it. The first sort of these Princes take the title of Dukes of Saxony, Hungary, and Westphalia; the other Princes of Anhalt assume that of Counts of Ascania, Lords of Berem­bourg and Zerbst. Lawembourg is a fine place upon the Elbe, but the Castle is ruined, and the Duke lives at Ratzebourg, though he have nothing there but the Castle, the City belong­ing to the Duke of Meklebourg. The River of Sala crosses the Principality of Anhalt, which makes it no less beautiful then fruitful: But the Countrey is very little, and the Princes stand in need of a greater estate to exercise the liberality to which they have so strong an incli­nation.

P.

Liberality is the proper vertue of Prin­ces, and I think it were better for a great Lord to be profuse then avaritious.

G.

Every man should take a true measure of his ability, and give no more then he can well bear. Prodigality hath a semblance of something more noble then avarice hath, and [Page 167]really it is less odious: nay, they that gain by it, make it pass for a vertue; but perchance it is more prejudicial to posterity, and no less dangerous then the other extreme. Though a King should give away his whole Kingdom, he would not satisfie all that ask, no nor all that think they deserve much of him. It is then more convenient to give with reason, & never to draw so near the bottom, but that Great men may al­wayes have wherewithal to gratifie persons of merit; and above all, they should take special care that their liberality be exercised without the oppression of the People, to avoid murmuring which may produce Rebellion.

P.

There is no need of making Laws against giving too much; Princes are not so free, and there are not many of them that want a Tutor or Overseer in that kind. Let us go forward, if you please, to that which remains concern­ing the Princes of the Empire.

G.

Seeing we reserve the Dukes of Savoy and Lorraine, and the Princes of Orange, for another place; we have no more to speak of, but the Princes of Montbeliard, Henneberg, Zolleren, Aremberg, and East-Frizeland.

P.

Did you not say enough of the Princes of Montbeliard, when you were discoursing of the Duke; of Wirtemberg?

G.

It is true indeed that the Principality of Montbeliard belongs to the House of Wirtemberg ever since the year 1397. at which time Eber­hard [Page 168]the younger married Henrietta heiress of that fair Territory. Yet it is good for you to know, that the present Prince is son to Lewis Frederick, grandchild to Frederick Duke of Wirtemberg, who having had many sons, gave to his youngest the Counties of Montheliard and Horbourg, the Soverainty of Ericourt, the Lordships of Blamont, Clairval, Passevant, and Richeville, with the Barony of Grange [...]. This Prince hath Salt-pits and Iron-works that yield him great profit, and a voice in the As­semblies, but hath never a child: His younger brother keeps his residence at Horbourg, and is married to Anne of Coligny, by whom he hath children.

P.

It is said that the Prince of Montbeliard had heretofore a hundred thousand Rix-dollars yearly Rent. Pass we on to those of Henne­berg.

G.

These Lords have not long had the qua­lity of Prince. Their Family was utterly extin­guished in the year 1583. and their Principali­ty past into the power of the Dukes of Saxony, by vertue of a Confraternity. The seat of the old Race was at Eslesunguen, where their Se­pulchres are yet to be seen, and many [...]pitaphs that evidence the grandeur of that illustrious House, which was in great credit in the time of Charlemagne.

P.

There are few Genealogies to be seen, wherein the Counts of Henneberg have not a [Page 169]place: But since they are all gone, I had ra­ther you should give me an account of those of Hohenzolleren.

G.

The House of Hohenzolleren is a Branch of that of Brandenbourg; and so this Prince is Vicar to the great Chamberlain of the Empire, and gives the Emperor water to wash when he eats in Ceremony, if the Elector of Branden­bourg be not present. Ertel Frederick Count of Hohenzolleren was made Prince at the Diet of Ratisbon in the year 1623. and all the eldest brethren of his House bear the same quality. The present Prince married the daughter and heiress of the Count Henry of Berg; his young­est brother is Gentleman of the Chamber to the Emperor, and the middlemost Canon of Col­len. These Lords have estate enough, and might be rich, yet they are in bad condition for want of order and good husbandry.

P.

The Princes of Hohenzolleren are of very high extraction, and have a very noble habi­tation at Echingnen, where the Castle is mag­nificent; and Hohenzolleren is seated upon the brow of a high hill. I would willingly know how those of Aremberg were made Princes of the Empire.

G.

These Princes having performed great services to the House of Austria, and specially to the King of Spain, were advanced to the highest Commands in the Low Countreys, where they were often honoured with the Col­lar [Page 170]of the Golden Fleece; and at last obtained a place among the Princes of the Empire by the favour of the Emperor Maximilian II. Duke Albert, son to Robert Duke of Aremberg and Claudina Countess of the Rhine, married Mary daughter and heiress to Everard Prince of Bar­banson, by whom he hath left Octavius (who at this day bears the quality of Prince of Arem­berg) and Isabel married to Ʋlrick Duke of Wirtemberg. This Princess is of incomparable beauty and prudence, and the Prince her bro­ther extremely courteous.

P.

Being this House hath its lands and habi­tations upon the King of Spains Territories, you may discourse of it more at large in ano­ther place. Let us now see that of East-Frise­land; and tell me when it obtained the quality of Count, and lastly of Prince.

G.

The Counts of East-Friseland and those of Oldenbourg did always maintain great feuds and emulations between one another till the year 1656. At which time Antony Gunther dying without issue lawfully begotten, left the King of Denmark and the Duke of Holstein for his Successors. And I believe the cause of that mis-understanding might proceed from hence; That Mary of Jeuer being married to Eno Count of East-Friseland, and having children by him, did yet make John Count of Olden­bourg her heir; and again, that the Counts of East-Friseland being less ancient then those of [Page 171] Oldenbourg, are as rich, as well or better alli­ed then they, and do also exercise Soverain Justice over their Subjects.

P.

I know the Counts of Oldenbourg are the ancienter: But when did those of East-Frise­land begin?

G.

Ʋlrick Sirxena, Lord of Gietziel and other lands, was made Count of East-Friseland by the Emperor Frederick III. A. D. 1454. That Lord married Folca, who brought him in Dowry the Lordships of Escui and Steten­dorf. Of that marriage came Edzar l. of that name Father of Eno, who married Mary of Ieuer, by whom he had Edzar II. That Count aspired higher then his Predecessors, and took to wife Catherine daughter to Gustavus I. King of Sweden, of whom he begat Iohn (from whom the Counts of Ritberg are descended) and Eno II. who married Anne daughter to Adolph Duke of Holstein, by whom he had Ʋl­rick husband to Iuliana daughter to Lewis Landgrave of Hesse Darmstadt. This Princess remains a Widow, and makes it her business to bring up her children well; of whom Edzar Ferdinand is still travelling abroad, George Christian is at home with her, and Eno Lewis her eldest son having continued some time at the Imperial Court, was there made Counsel­lor to the Emperor, and Gentleman of his Chamber. Afterward in the year 1653, he was raised unto the rank and dignity of Prince [Page 172]by the Emperor Ferdinand III. at the Diet of Ratisbon. This Prince was contracted to Henritt­ta daughter to Frederick Henry of Nassau Prince of Orange, while they were both children; but the parties not liking one another, the Artitles of marriage were broken, and Eno Lewis mar­ried Iustina Sophia Countess of Barly, No­vember 7. 1656. I am told for certain that this Prince hath 150000. Crowns Revenue, and thereby is well enabled to maintain the quality he bears; which is annext to the eldest alone, the other being no more then Counts, and ha­ving no part in the Countrey.

P.

We are at length arrived to the end of this journey. Let us rest a while, and after­wards we will take a view of the Ecclesiastical Princes.

G.

I am content, and shall in the mean time prepare my self to tell you, how the Ecclesiasti­cal Princes live in Germany, how many they are, what order of place they observe in the Assemblies, by whom and how they were rai­sed to their dignity, to what Jurisdiction they are subject; and all other necessary things that shall come into my head.

The end of the Fifth Dialogue.

Dialogue VI.
Of the Ecclesiastical Princes of the Empire.

P.

THe Princes Ecclesiastical hold the first rank in the Empire, and you place them after the Seculars; but it matters not much, since it is neither for want of respect, nor of knowing their due place. Well then, let us see whether the Empire be as venerable by the Mitres of its Prelates, as it is formidable by the Sword of its Souldiers.

G.

There is never a Countrey in Christen­dom where Prelates have so much power as in Germany. They are almost all Great Princes, and as absolute over the Temporalty of their Benefices, as a Secular Elector is over his Lands. These riches are now and then misapplied to bad uses; and the debauches made by Church­men, their great Train, the dogs, the horses they maintain, the Jesters they keep for their pleasure, and their dissolute life, obliged our Predecessors to upbraid them with it, and al­low us to believe that they gave occasion to Doctor Luther to preach against their Doctrine [Page 174]as well as their evil conversation. Yet still it is often seen that the same Prelate possesseth two, three, nay a greater number of huge Benefices of the Empire, and spends the Revenue thereof without any scruple of conscience in worldly pomp, continual debauches, and other things unworthy of their rank and profession.

P.

These Princes give themselves but little (if at all) to their studies, misusing their rich­es, and think it beneath their greatness to preach the word of God, and do other Eccle­siastical functions: But they do not all live a­like.

G.

Whatever is spoken against ungodly per­sons, doth nothing concern the truly religious. There are Prelates of sundry conditions, and different humors; some are voluptuous, and others chast; some love nothing but dogs and bouffons, others make much of worthy per­sons. Heretofore, besides the three Ecclesiasti­cal Electors, there were five Archbishops, and thirty Bishops that had seat and voice in the Assemblies of the Empire: At this time there are not so many, because the Archbishopricks of Magdebourg, Bremen, and Riga, and the Bishopricks of Halberstad, Minden, and Ver­den, have been changed into Secular Principa­lities; as those also of Besanson, Verdun, Mets, and Toul, were dismembred from the Empire, and inseparably united to the Lands of Spain and France by the last Treaty of Peace: And [Page 175]those of Valesia, Losanna, and Chur, have been abolished by the Suisses. So that at pre­sent there is none but Saltzbourg that holds the rank of Archbishop in the Colledge of the Prin­ces, and about twenty Bishops.

P.

The German Church must without que­stion have lost very much by the last Treaty of Peace, where three Archbishopricks and six Bishopricks were Secularized.

G.

Riga was cut off from the Empire before, and all those other Benefices were in the power of the Lutherans, who had no mind to let them slip out of their fingers: And so methinks the generality of the Protestant Princes hath lost more by this Treaty then the German Church; seeing the Princes have now no more means to provide for their younger brethren, as they had before. For in real truth the Elector of Saxony had Magdebourg, the King of Den­mark Bremen, and some other Lords the Bi­shopricks whereof we have last made mention.

P.

The King of Spain having the Archbi­shopricks of Besanson and Cambray in his pos­session, there is little likelyhood that those Archbishops should come to the Diets of the Empire.

G.

I do not know whether those Prelates have lost the right they had to sit in the Assem­blies of the Empire; but it is certain that Cam­bray doth not challenge the place of an Arch­bishoprick there, though it have gotten that [Page 176]name amongst the Prelates of the Low Coun­treys by the augmentation of Bishopricks in Flanders, which King Philip II. made in the be­ginning of his Reign. That Prelate keeps his ancient title, and always qualifies himself Duke of Cambray, Count of Cambresis, and Prince of the sacred Empire. The Bishops of Mets, Toul, and Verdun, do also bear the title of Princes of the Empire, though they neither send any more to the Diets, nor have the same power which formerly they had.

P.

There being so many Lutheran Bishop­ricks converted into a Secular State, I do not think the Protestants have many in their pos­session.

G.

They have none but Lubeck, which be­longs to the House of Holstein ever since the year 1547. when Balthasar of Rantzau died. When I was in that Countrey, John Duke of Schleswick and Holstein was Bishop thereof, and laid out the Revenue of his Benefice in do­ing good to the poor, and maintaining Gentle­men that had not means to raise themselves at their own charge. That Prince dyed A.D. 1650. and had one of his brothers sons for his Successor, young in years, but very hopeful. This Prelate makes his residence at Eutin, a fair seat upon a Lake, four leagues distant from Lubeck.

P.

Since you have done with the Benefices in Germany which have suffered some alterati­on, [Page 177]you will be so kind as to speak of the o­thers, and to begin with Saltzbourg so much famed for its abundance of Salt, which makes that Prelate extraordinary rich, and for the si­tuation of the City, which puts it into the rank of the fairest and strongest in Europe.

G.

Dignities are not only considerable for the strength, riches, and beauty of a place, but also, and more especially, for the rank they give unto the persons that possess them. The Archbishop of Saltzbourg is Legate born of the Apostolick See; he alternates with the Arch­dukes in the Diets of the Empire, and gives place to none but the Electors. Paris, Count of Ladron, was long in possession of this Be­nefice with great honour, and when he dyed, made room for Gardobaldi Count of Thurin, who comes not behind him either in vertue or magnificence.

P.

There is enough said of the Archbishop­ricks, let us see the Bishopricks.

G.

The Catholick Bishops that still enjoy a seat and suffrage in the Assemblies of the Em­pire, are, Bamberg, Wirsbourg, Wormes, Spire, Eichstedt, Augsbourg, Constance, Hil­desheim, Paderborne, Munster, Osnabrug, Pas­sau, Strasbourg, Frisinguen, Liege, Trent, Brix, and Basile; of which nevertheless Osna­brug belongs to the Catholicks only by turns, and after the death of Francis Count of Wir­temberg, a most venerable Prelate, who was [Page 178]plenipotentiary of the Ecclesiastical Electors at Munster, and gave great proof of his pru­dence, dexterity, and magnificence, to the sa­tisfaction and with the admiration of all the As­sembly; I say, after his death, Ernest Augu­stus Duke of Lunebourg shall be Bishop of Os­nabrug, though he be a Lutheran. All the rest that I mentioned, do absolutely belong to the Catholiques, greatly fortifying the Popes autho­rity in Germany, and bringing a large Revenue to Rome by the obligation the Prelates have to send thither for their Bulls.

P.

I think I have heard, that Prague and Olmuts were Suffragans to the Archbishoprick of Mentz; and yet you make no mention of them.

G.

These two Bishopricks were Suffragans to Mentz, but afterwards united to make up the Archbishoprick of Prague, which sends no Deputy to the general Assemblies of the Em­pire, nor hath any place or voice there, no more then the Kingdom of Bohemia: And that is the reason why I speak not of them here.

P.

Tell me something in particular of every one of the Bishopricks.

G.

That of Bamberg is the first of the Em­pire; it acknowledges no Metropolitan, but depends immediately upon the Pope, and its Subjects cannot appeal from the Justice there­of. This Bishoprick is of Imperial foundation, and the Bishop hath right to receive the Oath [Page 179]which the Electors are to take to the Emperor for their Offices of Great Cup-bearer, Great Steward, Great Marshal, and Great Cham­berlain: And which is to be admired, these Electors were anciently hereditary great Cup­bearers, great Stewards, great Marshals, and great Chamberlains to this Bishop, who in that had the same honour the Emperor hath, though every one thought it strange to see the greatest Princes of the Empire in the service of a Gentleman. He that is Bishop at present suc­ceeded Melchior Otho Voite of Salsbourg, and is of the same House that he was of. This Pre­late is exceedingly well lodged at Bamberg, where he hath pleasant gardens, and excellent walks of Orange-trees: but the City is weak, which enforces the Bishop to betake himself unto some other place in the time of Wars.

P.

If I be not mistaken, Francis Count of Hasfeld, brother to him that was General of the Imperial Forces, had this Bishoprick and that of Wirsbourg both together; and after his death they were given, the one to Melchior Otho Voite, and the other to John Philip Schem­borne, Gentlemen of Franconia.

G.

That is true; and Anselm Casimir Ele­ctor of Mentz departing this life soon after, John Philip Schemborne was put into his place with the general applause of all that know him. This Prince is fortifying Wirsbourg Castle, which is marvellously well situated upon a lofty [Page 180]rising-ground, at the foot whereof runs the river Meyn. The City is large and fair, entire­ly Catholique, as Bamberg is. This Bishop bears the title of Duke of Franconia, and it is deny­ed him by none but the Marquisses of Bran­denbourg. His Countrey is pleasant and well peo­pled; his Subjects are free from all other Ju­risdiction, and his Fortress of Konigshoiffen is excellent: So that this Prelate is able to assist his friends with great forces, if he will make use of his men and his money.

P.

He cannot be poor, being both Arch­bishop of Mentz and Bishop of Wirsbourg: But Churchmen do oftentimes think more of enriching their kindred then succouring their friends. Let us look upon the rest, if you please.

G.

Wormes is the Head and Director of the Circle of the Rhine, joyntly with the Prince Palatine of Simeren. The City is vast, as well as Spire; and both of them being fit for no­thing but to exhaust the Treasure, and employ the Army of him that holds them in time of War; the Great Gustavus upon that considera­tion judged it necessary to dismantle them. Spire belonged heretofore to Philip Christopher of Sotteren Elector of Tryer, who having fortified Ʋdenheim, a Village upon the Rhine where he had a Castle, called it Philipsbourg: At pre­sent the French have a garrison there, which costs the Bishop nothing, but may in time of [Page 181]war annoy both him and the rest of his neigh­bours.

P.

Is not this Elector he, whom Ferdinand II. caused to be secured; and who, after he got out of prison, engaged himself to France in a perpetual bond of amity and interest?

G.

The very same, who to the great grief of his enemies lived till he was 80. years old, and dyed A. D. 1652. He was succeeded in his Electorship by Charles Gaspar de Legen, and in his Bishoprick of Spire by a Gentleman called Lotharius Frederick of Meternik.

P.

I think it very reasonable, that every great Benefice should have its own Prelate.

G.

And I am of the same opinion; but the contrary is often seen in Germany, as well as elsewhere. Passau and Strasbourg are in the hands of the Archduke Leopold William, who is no Priest, but administers them by Vicars General.

Eichsted is a Member of the Circle of Fran­conia; the Bishoprick was founded by Willibald son to Richard King of England, who dyed Iuly 7. A. D. 781. This Prelate is one of the most considerable for power in the Empire, whether you look upon his Revenue, or the Lords and Gentlemen that depend on him. Neither he, nor the Bishop of Wirsbourg are Directors of the said Circle; but the Bishop of Bamberg, when the Circle is assembled about Ecclesiastical affairs, and the Marquis [Page 182]of Culembach, when it is called together about matters purely Secular.

P.

You make a distinction here which is not used in other places; for the Bishop of Con­stance and the Duke of Wirtemberg are Di­rectors of the Circle of Swaben, and preside in the Assemblies, whether the business under debate be Ecclesiastical or no.

G.

Most of the Circles have one Ecclesiasti­cal and one Secular Director, who call Assem­blies together, and preside therein, without distinction of the matters to be treated on. In the Electoral Circle the Electors of Mentz and the Palatine have that right; in that of the Rhine, the Bishop of Wormes and the Palatine of Simeren, in whose room the Landgrave of Darmstadt was substituted during the last war. In the Circle of the Upper Saxony that Elector alone hath the presidence of the Assembly; in that of the Lower, the Archbishop of Magde­bourg and the Duke of Brunswick had formerly that right; but now the King of Sweden as Duke of Bremen takes turns with that Arch­bishop, without prejudice to the Con-direction of the Duke of Brunswick. In the Circle of Westphalia the Bishop of Munster and the Duke of Iuliers have that right; in that of Swaben the Bishop of Constance and the Duke of Wirtemberg. In the Circle of Bavaria the Archbishop of Saltzbourg and that Duke are Presidents; in that of Franconia, there having [Page 183]been a great difference between the Bishop of Bamberg and the Marquis of Brandenbourg residing at Culembach, it was resolved. [...]hat if matters purely Ecclesiastical be the occa [...]on of assembling the Circle, the Bishop of Bam­berg alone should have power to convoke it, and then he presides there without controul; but when the Province is to be called together upon business purely Political; the Marquis of Culembach hath the sole right to do it, and to preside in the Assembly: And this agreement is punctually observed.

P.

Though we be run into another Theam, I am glad I have learnt who are the Heads and Directors of the Circles of the Empire: And if it be not troublesom to you, do me the favour to tell me who presides in the Circles of Austria and Burgundy; and then continue your discourse of the Bishopricks.

G.

The Princes of the House of Austria having exalted themselves to a degree above admitting any Peer, will have no Companion in the Direction of their Circles; and so the Archdukes alone are Directors of the Circle of Austria, and the King of Spain of that of Bur­gundy. This Prince since the war he had with the Hollanders, hath sent no more Deputies, as Charles V. promised to do when the Low Countreys were put under the protection of the Empire.

Now to pursue our discourse concerning the [Page 184]Bishopricks, you shall take notice before we go forward, that four Protestant Princes have Canonryes at Strasbourg, to wit, the Dukes of Brunswick, Meklebourg, and Wirtemberg, and the Marquis of Dourlach.

P.

I am informed that those Benefices are but little worth.

G.

Those Princes value the Canonryes more, because upon that account they are Members of the Chapter of Strasbourg, then for the Revenue they yield, which in truth is hardly sufficient to maintain a servant.

Augsbourg is famous throughout the World, for the beauty of the City, for the great num­ber of Goldsmiths and other Artisans that make a thousand curiosities, and because in the year 1530. the Protestant Princes did there present their Confession of Faith to the Emperor Charles V.

Constance is known throughout all Chri­stendom by reason of the Council held there, by order whereof John Hus and Hierome of Prague were burnt without any respect had to the Safe-Conduct of the Emperor Sigismond.

P.

They say Catholiques believe, that faith ought not to be kept with Heretiques.

G.

The most rational Catholiques abhor that maxime; which if allowed, destroyes Commerce, ruines Treaties, foments Wars, sowes Discord, quenches Charity, and disannuls Religion. A Prince should esteem nothing more [Page 185]precious then his word, nothing more vene­rable then his faith, nor more sacred then his promise. King Francis I. said, that if faith were utterly vanisht out of the World, it should be found in his word: And Charles V. having given his to Doctor Luther, observed it religiously. It is true indeed, that the Spa­niards, not willing that Luthers Reformation should be charged upon that incomparable Emperor, say that he kept his faith, because Doctor Luther had already written much, and that it would have been more prejudicial to the Church to put him to death, then to let him live. But that cannot be affirmed without too much diminution to the Glory of that great Prince. Be careful then of promising a thing, the observing whereof may be of damage to you; but make good your promise what ever it cost you; and though you should have past your word to a Turk, do what you have undertaken.

P.

It is generally said, that a man should keep his promise, but doth that rule admit of no exception?

G.

Those things that cannot be promised with good reason, do with as little reason bind to their observation. For example, If any one had promised to kill, to betray, to sell his Ma­ster, or any other such like thing, he would not be obliged to make good his promise; for as much as he that promiseth those unlawful [Page 186]things, promiseth that whereunto he neither hath nor can have any right: And a promise takes its strength from the right which the pro­miser hath over the thing promised.

P.

Is it not as unlawful to give an Heretique his life (which he employes in seducing the People) as to kill or beat another man?

G.

Those things are not of the same nature: A man cannot be beaten or killed without a violation of all Lawes; but by keeping faith with Heretiques none at all are infringed. All well-governed Nations have thought it just and necessary to keep their word where it was engaged. When Croton a notorious robber presented himself, Augustus commanded that sum to be delivered to him, which he had pro­mised to the person that should bring in the Bandites head: And Pompey gave Pirates both their lives and means to live quietly, only be­cause he would not falsifie his promise. But certainly there is no less obligation to keep faith with an Heretique, then with a High­way-man, and a Free-booter; unless one be­lieve that a Christian is less bound to make good his word then a Heathen; or that keep­ing faith should be thought convenient among all other Nations, and inconvenient to those that profess the Faith: as if the People that are enlightned by the brightness of the Gospel, ought to be less just then those that are immerst and mudded in the darkness of error and ido­latry.

P.

You conclude then, that it is requisite to keep faith even with Infidels and Heretiques; and I am of the same opinion. And in very truth, a Prince that should have Subjects of a Religion which would teach the contrary, could have no confidence in them, no more then they in him, if he had no regard to keep his word with them, upon pretense that he believed them Heretiques. But let us turn into our Road again.

G.

Constance having shewn us the incon­stancy of humane promises, hath drawn us a little out of our way; yet it is no hard matter to strike into it again. Ferdinand Count Pala­tine of the Rhine, Duke of Bavaria, and Elector of Collen, held the Bishopricks of Hildesheim, Paderborne, Verden, Munster, and Liege, all together; by means whereof he might have given himself much ease, and enjoyed his plea­sure, if the War had not engaged him in great disquiet and excessive expenses. The Jesuits have heretofore told me, that the two first of these Bishopricks had a miraculous foundation, after this manner; while Lewis the Debouaire was at Hildesheim, it snowed so much all night, that on the morrow the snow was a foot deep every where, except in the place where the Cathedral Church was afterwards built: And Charlemagne desiring to encamp on that ground where Paderborne stands, wherein there was want of water, the first pin that was struck into the earth to fasten his Pavillion, gave issue [Page 188]to a plentiful spring that drives some water­mills. Upon which source the Emperor caused the Church to be built, and endowed it with a Revenue necessary for the maintenance of a Bishop. Liege is known to all those that have read the History of Charles the Brave Duke of Burgundy, who lay very heavy upon it at di­vers times, and upon sundry occasions. This Bishoprick and that of Hildesheim are still in the possession of the Elector of Collen; but Verden and Minden were Secularized.

P.

I knew before that those two Bishop­ricks were given to the King of Sweden and the Elector of Brandenbourg. Tell me something of Munster.

G.

That City is of special note, because its Bishop is the Head of the Circle of Westphalia, and because it was the place of the Assembly wherein many Bishopricks altered their proper­ty; but much more, for having been the seat of John of Leyden, that petty King, and sedi­tious Anabaptist, who for some years carried the Sceptre and Ball for marks of his Royalty: At last he was besieged, taken, and put on the top of a Steeple in an iron Cage, where he was eaten up by flyes and wasps, together with two of his companions who were placed a little lower, after they had been carried in triumph and mockery unto several Princes. That punish­ment, fit for their Rebellion, and other crimes of theirs, was inflicted upon them. A. D. 1536.

P.

You said ere whiles, that Ferdinand Archbishop of Collen held many Bishopricks together; and I would willingly know whe­ther the Church of Rome permit one single per­son to have so many Benefices, every one re­quiring residence.

G.

The Canon Law is directly against plura­lity of Benefices; and according to the doctrine of the Casuists, just as Christians are forbidden to have many wives at one time, so are Priests to have many such Benefices together: For where the Scripture ordains, that a Bishop should be the husband of one wife, they say it is meant of one Bishoprick. But the Pope doth easily dispense, when the Bishop is of high ex­traction; and at this time there are some great Lords that hold more then two of the best Bi­shopricks in Germany.

P.

I wonder Dispensations are granted in that case, seeing by how much the Prelate is of greater condition, by so much is he the better enabled to support his Dignity with the estate of his House. But the Pope is to answer for those Dispensations; and it may be, he that is subject to no Law here, will find himself much to seek when he is to give an account of his acti­ons before the Tribunal of a Judge that hath no respect to Mitres, and shows no more fa­vour to the great then to the little, to the rich then to the poor. Let us go on to the Bishop­ricks that remain.

G.

Being I have no intention to speak of those that lye within the Hereditary Countreys of the House of Austria, because they sit not in the Diets of the Empire; it remains only that we say something concerning those of Frisinguen, Brix, Basile, and Trent. The first is possessed by Albert Sigismond, son to Albert brother to the late Maximilian Elector of Ba­varia. The second is so ancient, that they say it hath had Bishops ever since the year of Our Lord 360. The third hath no power over the City, and the Bishop hath his seat and resi­dence at Poirentrus. The last is known through­out all Christendom, by reason of the Council which was held there under five Popes, and brought to an end under Pius IV. A. D. 1563. In that Council some conclusions passed which strike at the Liberties and Priviledges of the most Christian King; the Spaniards also dispu­ted the precedence with him, which the Kings of France had enjoyed till that time without contest, and enjoy it still in despite of their ad­versary. You may here remark, that Gabriel Bucelin a Monk of Weingart having said that Henry of Bourbon is Bishop of Metz, makes a great exclamation thereupon, that France hath bestowed a Bishoprick upon a Natural son of King Henry IV. yet speaks not a word of the abuses committed in other places, only (as I think) because the French King hath the nomi­nation of the great Benefices of his Kingdom; [Page 191]but that Monk doth not take notice, that there be more learned and pious Prelates in France, then in all Christendom besides.

P.

Is there never an Ecclesiastical Prince in Germany, that is not a Bishop?

G.

The Great Master of the Teutonick Or­der; the Abbots of Fulda, Hirsesfeld, Mur­bach, Kempten, Corbay, Prum, Stabel, and Luders; the Grand Prior of Malta; the Pro­vosts of Eluang and Beressolagaden, are Prin­ces, and have place in the Diets of the Empire; the first immediately after the Archbishop of Saltzbourg, and the rest after the Bishops.

P.

Tell me what you know of these Princes.

G.

The Knights Templers and of St. John having fought prosperously against the Infidels, raised an emulation in some German Gentle­men, who waited upon the Emperor Frederick I. in his expedition to the Holy Land, to take the Croisado; and because they were installed in the Church and Hospital of St. Mary at Ie­rusalem, they were called Marianites. Their Order differed nothing from those above men­tioned, but in the form and colour of their Cross, and was approved by Pope Celestin III. Afterwards when Ierusalem was taken by Sala­din, those Knights betook themselves to Ptole­mais; from whence the Emperor Frederick II. sent them back into Germany, and employed them against the Prussians and Livonians, who at that time were still Pagans; but by the va­lour [Page 192]and piety of those Knights, their souls were brought into subjection to Christ, and their bodies to the Order, which began that War in the year 1220. A little while after, those Knights found themselves Masters of a Coun­trey of very large extent, which obeyed the Order till the year 1525. at which time Sigis­mond King of Poland gave the Investiture of Prussia unto Albert Marquiss of Brandenbourg. In the year 1563. the Great Master became Se­cular again, and took a part of the lands sub­ject to the Order, with the name of Duke of Curland: And Livonia having been the sub­ject and Theatre of many Wars between the Polanders, Muscovites, and Swedes, these last did at length become Masters of it, and have it in possession still. So there is no more re­maining of the Teutonick Order, but some Commanderies scattered here and there in Germany; and the Great Master hath the seat of his residence at Manenchal or Morkenthal. He is at present the Archduke Leopold William, only brother to the Emperor Ferdinand III.

P.

All things here below being subject to change, I do not wonder that the zeal of those first Knights should grow cold, and that they (like the Templers) abused their riches. Tell me something of the Abbot of Fulda, and the Grand Prior of Germany.

G.

This Abbey is one of the richest and most celebrious in Europe. It was founded upon the [Page 193]river of Fulda (between the Countreys of Hesse, Franconia, and Wetteravia) by Charle­magne and Pepin Kings of France, in the year 744. This Abbot is first of the Empire; he is Arch-Chancellor to the Empress, calls himself Primate of Gallia, and disputes precedence with the greatest Lords. They say that here­tofore he could raise 60000. men; and though there were a Cypher too much in the account, he would be yet be too potent for an Abbot, who should have no other care but to direct the Monks in the path of vertue by his doctrine and example. The Grand Prior of the Order of Malta in Germany, is at this time Frederick Landgrave of Hesse brother to him of Darm­stadt, who was created Cardinal within these few years; and when from being a Lutheran he turned Catholick in the year 1636. he was made one of the Great Crosses of Malta by Ʋrban VIII. and a little after, being General of the Galleys of that Order, for an Essay of his prowess he entred with five Galleys into the Port of Carthage at Goletta, and came out again in spite of the Turkish Canon, which continu­ed playing upon him as thick as hail, each of his Galleys towing one of Caragoges the great Pirates Ships at her Stern, the biggest whereof carried forty pieces of Ordinance, and as ma­ny Murderers. That action got this young Prince a great deal of honour amongst the Knights of his Order, two hundred whereof [Page 194]were partners in his fortune, and admirers of his resolution.

P.

The Landgraves never do any dishonou­rable thing; and if this Prince had pursued his point, and continued in the warlike profession, he had cut out work for the common Enemy of Christians. Let us see the rest, if you please.

G.

The Abbey of Murbach (whereunto that of Luders is united, because they have both suffered the injury of the times) was once so potent that it could maintain 1260. Horse. It was founded in the mountains of Alsatia by Eberhard Duke of Almaine (now called Swaben) to the honour of St. Landegat one of his Ancestors. These two Abbeys are at this time in the possession of the Archduke Leo­pold William. The Provost of Elvang is usually chosen out of the body of the Chapter of the Provostship, the Canons whereof are Gentle­men. He is rich, and well lodged in a Castle situate upon a high ground near the City of Elvang. Corbay is an Abbey in Saxony, so called, because St. Adelar Cousin to Charle­magne, Abbot of Corbie in Picardy, was the Founder thereof in the year 822. and since that time it hath produced great personages. Prum had the honour within its own walls to see Lo­tharius son to the Emperor Lewis the Debo­naire change a Crown for a Monks Cowl: And Stabel is an Abbey in the Bishoprick of Liege. All these Prelates go before the Secular Princes.

P.

I think there are some Prelates that come behind the Secular Princes; and though they sit in the Assemblies, have no voice there but in Body, as the Counts have.

G.

Those Prelates are three and twenty in number; and fourteen Abbesses, to wit, of Quedlimbourg, Essen, Hermord, Nidez, and Obermunster at Ratisbon, of Lindau, Heren­roda, Buchau upon the Lake, Federsic, Rotem­munster near Rottevil, Hagbaen, Guttenzel, Beind, Dandelan, and Gunderthem. These La­dies have right to sit in the Assemblies, but for the decorum of their Sex they are excused from coming thither in person, and yet are ob­liged to send their Deputies. The Prelates do all bear the quality of Abbot, Provost, or Bai­liff, and are so rich and powerful, that if their Revenue were well employed, they might just­ly strike a terror into all those that would meddle with them.

P.

I know the power of the Churchmen in Germany is too too boundless; and it may be their riches gave occasion to the Princes to make themselves Masters of a part of the good things which they abused.

G.

Although the errors which were crept into the Church, and the depraved conversati­ons of Churchmen, were the first motive of those changes that hapned in the last age; ne­vertheless it is certain, that if that had not been, some other cause would have been found [Page 196]out to abate the Revenues of Priests, which were every day encreased by ways unjust and violent.

P.

How did the Churchmen come to be so prodigiously wealthy?

G.

The piety of the ancient Christians be­gan that which the avarice of the Priests hath accomplished; and to speak more clearly, Christians of every condition seeing men of the Church afflicted, beaten, and martyred for the Gospels sake, gave them both in their life­time, and left them after their deaths a part of their Estates, either upon money lent out for their use, or upon lands set at a perpetual rent, or upon other goods. After which, Priests went on even to excess, and by Legacies in Wills and Testaments got Dutchies, Counties, Baronies, Fiefs, Castles, Rent-charges as well as Services and Fee-farm-rents, and Houses both in City and Countrey: by which means Successions fell to them on every side; and so they purchased, exchanged, & negotiated with the Revenue of their Benefices, employing the profits thereof to compass other estates, which being in their hands became exempt and free of all charge. It was that vast enriching of Church­men which made the People so bare and mise­rable, being forced to contribute towards de­fraying the expenses of War, and the mainte­nance of Princes, although the poor contribu­tors enjoyed but the least part of the land; [Page 197]which obliged Kings at last to forbid Priests all kinds of further acquisitions. If that had not been done, they had swallowed all long since; for heretofore there was an order, that no Will should be made without bequeathing something to the Church: And if any one dy­ed intestate, an estimate was made of his inhe­ritance, and according to the value thereof a portion was allotted and given to the Priests. For the remedying of that excess very excellent Laws have been made in England, the Low Countreys, and at Venice; and the Parliament of Paris it self, seeing the immense riches of the Carthusians and Celestins, made orders ex­presly prohibiting them the acquiring of any more immovables.

P.

Those regulations are just, where Churchmen live in plenty; but they should not be hindred from making moderate acquisi­tions, it being reasonable that they who feed us spiritually, should be maintained corporally.

G.

Your argument is very good: Poverty should not be permitted in the Church; for it is impossible the Priest should carefully attend upon preaching the Gospel, visiting the sick, comforting the afflicted, and administring the Sacraments, and at the same time labour to get bread. While Clergy-men were under continual suffering, they stood in need of ex­traordinary assistance, to keep them from fal­ling into despair; but growing too rich, they [Page 198]were swallowed up in lazyness, from whence there flowed streams of ignorance, wanton­ness, impiety, luxury, superstition, idolatry, and other vices, which brought Christendom almost to utter ruine.

P.

Let us not enter into the consideration of the lives, manners, and humours of Priests, who have constrained good men to procure their reformation, and that reformation caused ri­vers of blood, which have very near drowned Christendom. Tell me rather how the Ecclesi­astical Princes come by their Dignity.

G.

The Prelates of Germany are not all rai­sed to their Dignity after one and the same manner; and the order observed now differs from that which was observed when Germany received the Faith. In the beginning of Chri­stianity Bishops were every where chosen by the Clergy and the People joyntly. After which, when the Roman Emperors were be­come Christians, they sometimes gave Bishops to the principal Churches by their own autho­rity, or of several that were proposed to them, they made choice of him that pleased them best: So Constans made Liberius Bishop of Rome, and Theodosius the younger chose Ne­ctarius to be Bishop of Constantinople, from amongst many that were named to him. Since the fourth age (before which there were few or no Bishops in Germany) the Kings made a Decree, that no man should be promoted to [Page 199]the Episcopal Dignity without their consent; and when Germany was united to France, the French Kings made such use of that right, that no man was made Bishop but by their nomina­tion, or at least their approbation: for if the Clergy and the People chose a Bishop, he was to be confirmed by the King. In Bavaria (which at that time had its own Kings) some­times the People, and sometimes the King chose the Bishops, but so as there was no need to have Bulls from Rome. Pepin gave the Arch­bishoprick of Mentz to Boniface; and that Prelate being grown old, he obtained a Coad­jutor from the same King, without having re­course to the Pope.

P.

I believe indeed that Pepin raised that Prelate to the Episcopal Dignity, but some think he had obtained permission to do so from Pope Zachary.

G.

The creatures of Rome would make us believe so; but that is not probable, since Pe­pins Predecessors had the same power, and his Successors maintained it: insomuch that Leo, or rather Gregory IV. durst not make Colonus the Deacon Bishop of Reale without the per­mission of Lewis the Debonaire; and the Fa­thers of the Synod held at Aix-la-Chapelle en­treated the same Emperor to have a great care of giving good Pastors to the Churches. Nay, all the Popes from Leo VIII. to Gregory VII. were created or confirmed by the Emperors.

P.

But have not the Emperors made, not confirmed any Popes since that time?

G.

Gregory VII. took away from Kings and Emperors the power not only of creating and confirming the Popes, but the Bishops also in the Countreys under their obedience; and ha­ving excommunicated the Emperor Henry IV. he commanded Hugh Bishop of Die his Legat in France to procure a Decree to be made against Lay-men that would name persons unto Bishopricks. The year after, he forbad Church-men the receiving of any Bishoprick, Abbey, or other Benefice from the hand of a Lay-man, though he were King or Emperor: and within two years more he pronounced, that the power of choosing Bishops and Pastors belonged to the Apostolick See. Victor III. confirmed the Decrees of Gregory VII. Ʋrban II. went further, and at the Synod of Melfi Can. 8. and at that of Clermont Can. 15. and 16. forbad Clergy-men to take the Oath of Al­legiance unto their Princes. Those Decrees drew the Emperor Henry V. into the field, who took Paschal II. prisoner, and made him re­store the Empire unto its first condition. But when Popes had once tasted what a pleasure it was to be independent, and to keep the Empe­rors under their authority, they forced the Councils of Lateran and Vienna held in the year 1112. to declare Heretical the Collations of Benefices made by Lay-men. The Emperors [Page 201]on the other side desiring to keep up their po­wer, named one Bishop, and the Pope or the People, another; and the stronger party held the Bishoprick, to the great scandal and preju­dice of Christendom. At length Paschal II. ex­communicated Henry V. Calixtus II. con­firmed the proceedings of his predecessors at the Council of Reims A. D. 1120. and Henry being both strucken by the Popes thunderbolts, and wearied by the obstinacy of the Princes, renounced his own right in the Diet held at Wormes A. D. 1122. In this manner the right which the Emperors had to choose Bishops pas­sed from them to the Clergy and the People; but a little after, the Canons of Cathedral Churches assumed that right to themselves, and keep it still.

P.

I observe that many of the Councils wherein the Empire lost so much of its power and dignity, were held in France.

G.

Those Kings seeing that Germany had se­parated it self from France, and kept the Im­perial Majesty which their first Predecessors of the second Race had gotten, were glad to see it humbled; and for that cause they sided with the Popes, when they would vex the Empire; helping by that means to forge and hammer those chains of servitude, which would have oppressed them and their Successors, if the Popes had not met with Parliaments and a French people more inclined to obey their own [Page 202]Kings, then to follow the orders of Rome.

P.

Those Subjects who prefer the obedience they owe to their Soverains before any other consideration, are highly to be commended. Tell me how the Prelates in these times obtain their Benefice [...].

G.

There are two ways of creating Prelates in Germany; the one is called Election, and the other Postulation. When the Chapter being Canonically assembled chooses one of the mem­bers of their Body to be the Head thereof, or at least two thirds of the Canons give him their voices, he is made Archbishop or Bishop by Election: And if the same Canons think it fit to raise unto that Dignity some Prince or Pre­late that is not of their Body, they call that kind of proceeding Postulation. Both these are lawful, and the only practised ways in the Em­pire: And it is all I had to tell you concerning the Ecclesiastical persons of Germany; which may suffice you, unless you desire to know whether they do homage to the Emperor.

P.

I question not but Church-men receive their Fiefs from the Emperor, and pay him ho­mage for their Principalities; but I would gladly know whether they be more strictly tyed to the Emperor or to the Pope, and which side they would take, in case his Holiness should make War upon the Empire.

G.

The Holy Scripture teaches us, that no man can serve two Masters; and I believe the [Page 203]Churchmen of Germany would find the experi­eace of it, if the Emperor and the Pope should have any quarrel or controversie: For they are obliged to the Pope as Priests and Prelates, and to the Emperor as Feudataries of the Em­pire. They that prefer the Grandeur of Rome before that of Germany, would forsake the Emperor; and they that undervalue the ful­minations of the Vatican, would bear up the interest of the Empire against the Pope. Now if I durst tell you my thoughts, I do verily believe that of ten there would hardly be found one that would depart from the Popes interest.

P.

I think so too, and hold it for certain that Popes have brought down the authority of Soverains by the help of Churchmen.

G.

That may well be; for the bond of Re­ligion holds men more strongly then any other duty. And though wise men distinguish be­tween the true zeal and the capricious humour of Popes, yet the greatest part of Christians being perswaded that S. Peter cannot have any unjust pretension, doth turn to his side without knowing at what he aims; and whether it be by simplicity or malice, the Priests have often brought misery upon their Countrey to bring their Princes under the Pope, not considering that Soverain estates depend of none but God, and that all Churchmen (not excepting the Pope himself) owe obedience unto their Princes.

P.

The Doctrine of the Popes is absolutely contrary to yours: The Holy Father may judge of all, without being subject to the judge­ment of any body, being the Sun of the earth, and the Emperor but the Moon, and therefore 6645. times bigger then he; and having power to free the Subjects of another from the Oath they have taken to obey him, with how much more reason may he exempt and withdraw himself from the obedience of every other Prince?

G.

Flatterers give that power to Popes, who abusing the same, have oftentimes been the cause of great Rebellions. But the people of this age are not so simple as those of former times, who believing these fables, forsook their Kings, and brutishly spilt the blood of their Countreymen. Christians now a dayes turn the eyes of their understanding upon the Primitive Church, and see it evidently there, that Popes were not alwayes so potent as they are now, and indeed that they ought not to be so, seeing they style themselves Lieutenants to Christ, and Successors to S. Peter; the first of whom did alwayes protest, that his King­dom was not of this World; and the other teacheth us as well as S Paul, that every soul should be subject to the Higher Powers: From which words S. Bernard concludes, that Popes ought to be subject to Princes.

P.

Many things should be that are not; [Page 205]But let us speak no more of the Pope or of his power: Let us (if you please) see how those that preach against him, obey their Princes; and how Church-matters are administred amongst the Lutherans and the Calvinists in Germany.

G.

It is most certain that the Reformation of Luther and Calvin makes Church-men sub­ject to the Prince under whom they live. It is nevertheless to be observed, that Protestant Princes do not submit Ecclesiastical affairs to every Tribunal, but they have each of them a Consistory where those matters are decided, when they are of importance.

P.

Have the Lutherans any Bishops, to whom Priests are subject?

G.

In Sweden and Denmark where both Kings and People received the Reformation of Luther, they observe almost the same order as in the Church of Rome, and persons consti­tuted in Ecclesiastical Dignities have power to prescribe rules to others. In Germany where the Lutheran Bishops are as absolute as the Secular Princes, they have the right of com­manding the Priests of their Diocese to do their duty. The other Princes having in their Dominions Deacons, Priests, particular and general Superintendents, do also oblige the inferior Clergy to give an account of their doctrine and lives to their Superiors, and to receive their correction. These Superintendents [Page 206]visit their Diocese once a year, and make an exact enquiry into the Doctrine and mannen of all the Pastors under their inspection.

P.

And have these Superintendents also any Superior?

G.

G. No man is exempted from an obligation to obey the Laws; and the greatest of the Clergy have a Superior, who can and ought to chastise them when they commit any scan­dalous offence. The complaints that are made against the lowest Priests being come to the Superintendents ear, he makes inquisition thereinto, and reports it to the Consistory, where the ancientest or the most worthy Pre­late of the Principality doth usually preside; and that Consistory fortified by the power and authority of the Prince, ordains what is just and reasonable, imprisoning or degrading the offender when they think it necessary. Briefly, those Consistories are alwayes vigilant for the maintenance of Religion, the enlargement of the Kingdom of Christ, the peace of Consci­ences, the good of the People, and the up­holding of Ecclesiastical Discipline.

P.

Do all the Evangelique Lords (so they term Lutherans) observe the same order in their Territories?

G.

When the errors that had slipt into the Church, obliged Princes to reform within their own Dominions, every one made choice of one or more personages of great piety and [Page 207]eminent learning, by whose advice he framed and set up that order which he would have to take place in the Churches of his Countrey. In the Dutchy of Wirtemberg, where the Re­formation was introduced by Duke Christopher, a Prince of incomparable wisdom, the Prin­cipality is divided into six Dioceses, and for every one of them there is a Prelate called Su­perintendent General, who is inspector thereof. Those six Prelates have many special and parti­cular ones under them, and over them the Provost of Montgarat, who presides in the Consistory, where all the Ecclesiastical contro­versies of that Dutchy are decided. The Pre­sident at this time is Melchior Nicolaï Doctor in Divinity, very famous for his writings, and no less worthy of that eminent rank for his piety.

P.

Do the reformed Protestants called Cal­vinists observe the same order?

G.

There is no mention of Archbishop or Bishop in the places where the Calvinists pre­vail: Yet in Germany they observe some order, and they that are but Pastors, yield obedience to the Superintendents.

P.

I do not think there be many of that way in Germany.

G.

The Laws of the Empire permit three Religions, whereof the Reformed is the least numerous and powerful, yet considerable in regard of the neighbourhood of the Swisses [Page 208]and Hollanders: The Electors of Brandenbourg and the Palatine, Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, the Princes of Anhalt, the Palatines of Simeren and Deux-ponts, and the Counts of Lippe, make publick profession of that Religion; but the first hath almost none of his Subjects of the same Confession; the second hath lost the greatest part of his estates by the last Treaty of Peace, and his Subjects are of a different Religion; the Princes of Anhalt and the two Palatines are but weak, and the Counts of Lippe of small consideration. The Catholiques have for them the Imperial Majesty, the Houses of Austria and Bavaria, part of the Palatine and of Baden, that of Zolleren, all the Ecclesiastical Princes, and the Prelates whose power is extraordinary, and some Imperial Cities. The Lutherans have all the rest of Ger­many, to wit, all that the Crown of Sweden possesses there, all the Principalities of the Houses of Saxony, Brandenbourg, Brunswick, Lunebourg, Holstein, Meklebourg, Wirtem­berg, Darmstadt, Dourlach, Lawembourg, and East-Friseland, a great number of Counts, and the most able Imperial Cities, as Hambourg, Lubeck, Strasbourg, Brunswick, Ʋl [...]e, Nuremberg, and many others, which being backed with the neighbourhood of Denmark and Sweden, are able to strike an awe into all those that would disturb their peace; and if they hold together, they will easily disappoint all [Page 209]the evil designs of their Enemies, because the Reformed Calvinists will alwayes joyn with them, when hostility is used against them for Religion, being well assured that their preser­vation is linked in one common concern with that of the Lutherans.

The end of the Sixth Dialogue.

Dialogue VII.
Of the Counts and Barons of the Empire.

P.

BEing we are now to speak of the Counts, it comes into my mind that we have already discoursed of the Princes without any light given me by you why they are called Archdukes, Dukes, Marquisses, Landgraves, Palsgraves, and Burgraves: And therefore before we proceed any further, I would gladly learn the Etymology of the names whereby those Dignities are exprest.

G.

They were purposely deferred till we came to this place, that you might have them all together, or to avoid repetitions which are usually very irksom. And because most of [Page 210]these names are compounded of the word Grave, I will begin with that. Touching which you are to observe, that the Germans call Counts Graven, which in old language sig­nifies Judge; and the Latins call them Comites, because anciently Justice was administred at the Court, and those Judges did alwayes accom­pany the Emperor. Afterwards that name was given to those who administred Justice in Cities and Provinces, because the chiefest of the Judges were sent thither from the Court out of the Emperors followers.

P.

The derivation which you make of that word, as well Latin as Dutch, pleases me well; but from whence do you fetch the words Palsgrave, Markgrave, Landgrave, and Burgrave?

G.

All these names are compounded of Grave, which signifies Judge, Bailiff, or Go­vernor in general, and being restrained by the words Phaltz, Mark, Land, and Burg, signify the Judges or chief Bailiffs of the Palace, the Borders, the Countrey, and the Fortresses: So that Palsgrave signifies the Lord Chief Justice of the Imperial Palace; Margrave, the Judge of a Frontier Province; Landgrave, of a Midland Province; and Burgrave, the Governor of a considerable Fortress, to the com­mand whereof was annext the duty of admi­nistring Justice in the whole extent of the juris­diction of his Government.

P.

I pray enlarge your discourse a little more concerning these Offices.

G.

The Palsgrave being the head of Justice in the Empire, all appeals were brought to him, and he joyntly with the Emperor decided all matters of importance. Now as every thing here below is subject to alteration; the abuses committed by the Landgraves, the Marquisses, and even by the Counts, obliged the Empe­rors to send Palsgraves into several places of the Empire: and at last those Counts Palatine craftily making use of the Emperors negligence, appropriated unto themselves the Provinces of Saxony, Bavaria, Franconia, and the Pala­tinate. Neither did the Margraves and Land­graves continue in the same state: For in the beginning their principal aim was the preser­vation of equity between the Subjects of the Empire; and a little after, they took upon them the care to hinder the Forain Enemy and the seditious inhabitant from doing wrong to those that were under their jurisdiction. There are others that draw the word Margrave from Marka, which in old Dutch signifies a horse; & if that Etymology be allowed for true, I think the Marquisses were Generals of Horse, and the Landgraves of Foot. Those Lords having raised their Commands to so high a point, and the Emperor losing his authority by little and little, from Officers they became Proprietors of the Provinces they had in charge. The reason [Page 212]why I think that Marquisses were first Judges, then Governors, and at last Princes of some Frontier Provinces, is because the ancient Marquisates are all upon the Borders of the Em­pire, where the Emperors in former times maintained some Troops of Horse to hinder the inroads of disaffected Neighbours.

P.

I believe the Marquisates of Germany are all ancient.

G.

There is no doubt but they are so, much more then those of France and Spain: For besides what you may have observed before, when we spoke of the Houses of Brandenbourg and Baden, Albinus writes that Henry I. ap­pointed the Marquis of Misnia in the year 931. to withstand the incursions of the Bohemians; those of Lusatia and Moravia, to keep out the Silesians, who were then under the obedi­ence of the Polanders; and that of Schleswick, to oppose the attempts of the Danes. Those of Austria and Stiria had been established be­fore by Charlemagne, to bridle the Hungari­ans, and keep them within their duty.

P.

Methinks there are not so many Marqui­sates in Germany as you mention.

G.

Austria, Stiria, and Schleswick, have been erected into Dukedoms; and the Saxons who possess the Marquisates of Misnia and Lusatia, prefer the title of Duke before that of Marquis, because the Electoral Dignity is an­next to the Dutchy of Saxony; and Moravia [Page 213]is in the possession of the Emperor. By which means there is never a House left in Germany that is honoured with the quality of Marquis, but that of Brandenbourg and of Baden, and those Lords prefer it before all other titles.

P.

I do not think there be many Landgraves.

G.

There is none but the House of Hesse that takes its chief title from thence. The Land­graveship of Alsatia was transferred to the King of France by the Treaty of Munster; that of Leuchtemberg, to the House of Bava­ria by the marriage of Duke Albert with Ma­tildis heiress of that Principality; that of Thu­ringia belongs to the Duke of Saxony, that of Sausemberg to the Marquiss of Baden, and that of Nollembourg to the House of Austria. Be­sides these Landgraveships, the Counts of Fur­stemberg take upon them the quality of Land­graves of Stillinguen and Bath; and those of Sultz are styled Landgraves of Klegeu: But these two last prefer the title of Count before that of Landgrave; from whence you may judge, that the Landgraves are not all Princes.

P.

I conceive there is no Landgrave nor Bur­grave but in Germany, and strangers know not those names in their own Countreys.

G.

Certainly there is no Landgraveship out of Germany, but some think that Burgrave is that which Forainers call Viscounts or Vigui­ers. I refer my self to the truth in this case, and shall only tell you, that they who fansie [Page 214]and take delight in Quaternions, say there be four of them in Germany, to wit, of Nurem­berg, Magdebourg, Strombourg, and Reinek. The two last whereof are no longer acknow­ledged for such: For Strombourg is a Castle situate between Simeren and Creisenach, which belongs to the Elector Palatine; and Reinek is fallen to the inheritance of the Counts of Issem­bourg. The Elector of Brandenbourg doth still bear the title of Burgrave of Nuremberg; though Frederick V. of that name, who was made Elector on St. Johns Eve, A. D. 1417. sold unto the Burgers of Nuremberg the Castle which he had in that City, and some Villages and Forests, with the right of the Schultets or Aldermen, for 240000. Florins, reserving to himself the name and some rights: That of Magdebourg belongs to the Elector of Saxony, who bears the title thereof, and the Arms, which are a Demy-Eagle Argent in a Field Gules. There are some other Burgraves, as those of Kirchemberg, Donau, and Fridberg; but they are not equal to the former.

P.

Are the Archdukes ancient?

G.

That name was unknown before the time of Frederick III. and I think Maximilia [...] of Austria was the first that bore it: And all the world affords no Archdukes but those of Austria. As to the cause for which those Princes took up that glorious title, I judge, that the Emperors of that House seeing their [Page 215]Family arrived to the highest degree of power and dignity, were desirous that it should have a peculiar name to it self; and for that reason they would never communicate it to any one else, though they have been entreated so to do very often and very earnestly. Now the word signifies Prince or chief of Dukes, as that of Archbishop signifies Prince or chief of Bishops: But I do not see that the Archdukes have any Suffragan Dukes, as the Archbishops, who have Bishops under them.

P.

I do not believe that the Archdukes pre­tend to have any Dukes their Suffragans, but only to shew by that title, that there is as much difference between them and other Dukes, as there is between an Archbishop and a Bishop. Tell me something of the Dukes.

G.

The title of Duke is very ancient, but it hath not alwayes been so considerable as it is now. The Romans honoured their chief Offi­cers of war with that name, because they led on the souldiers to the battel. After that, and in process of time, the state of affairs obliging the Emperors to have Officers of quality and long experience in war to guard the Frontier Provinces, they sent some of their Dukes thither.

P.

The Emperors did not appoint Dukes only for the Government of Frontier provinces, seeing those that ly in the midst of the Empire, are honoured also with the title of Dukedom.

G.

The first Governor that bore the quality of Duke was he of the Marches of Rhetia, a Countrey betwixt Germany and Italy which at this time we call the Grisons. To that Pro­vince the Emperors sent a Duke to withstand the Germans, who oftentimes endeavoured to make irruptions into Italy through that pas­sage, since which, several Governors as well of other Provinces in the Empire as those on the Borders, have had the same honour, be­cause it was thought necessary to send garrisons into those parts, to keep the People in obedi­ence, and also by that means to provide an ho­nourable entertainment for those Lords that had served well in the wars. But as nothing is enough for ambition, those Governors in the end made themselves masters of the Pro­vinces which they had in charge: And so the Dukes grew great by the diminution and en­feebling of their Head, as the Marquisses, Land­graves, Burgraves, and Counts in like manner did. The word Duke is borrowed from the Latin Ducere, as Hertzog in Dutch from words that signify a Conductor of an Army.

P.

Are all Dukes of the same condition?

G.

There is not one in Germany but is a prince, and allied to Kings; those of other Countreys are not so: And whether you con­sider their antiquity, or cast your eye upon their estates, Alliances, and manner of living, they ought certainly to be preferred before [Page 217]those of Spain, France, and England, and to be ranked equally with the greatest of Italy.

P.

I know that in France the ancient Duke­doms have been united to the Crown; that in Spain the proud Morisco humour gave the title of a Kingdom to the lands that are not worth a good County; and that in England there is never an ancient Duke. But before we enter upon a particular consideration of the Counts of the Empire, I pray tell me whether the Dukes were alwayes greater and more illustrious then the Counts.

C,

We have seen already that the ancients called them Duces that led on souldiers to the battel, and Comites those that were taken out of the Emperors Court to administer Justice to the Subjects of the Empire. A little after, the na­ture of those employments were altered, and the Dukes became Generals of Armies, or Governors of Provinces; and the Counts, chief Justices in the Cities and Provinces of the Empire: And both of them made them­selves Masters of the lands whereof they were Judges or Governors. All those Lords assisted the Emperor in the beginning, some at the Councel-board, and others in the field, all of them performing useful and beneficial service to the State: Nay, I believe, without regard­ing the title either of Duke or Count, the Em­perors employed those Lords indifferently in the Palace or in the Armies; so that it is hard [Page 218]to judge whether title was the more honour­able. Yet it is to be observed, that there were some Counts by Office, and others by Dignity; that the former sort were raised to places of authority without regard had to their birth, and the others were equal, or very little inferi­or to the Dukes.

P.

There are some that presume to say, that heretofore Counts were greater then Dukes.

G.

Gariban a diligent Spanish Historiogra­pher, following the opinion of Vasco, affirms that Counts were greater then Dukes, and en­deavours to prove it from that which is found in the Councils held at Toledo, where some that subscribed them styled themselves Comites Proceres, and Comites Duces. And the reason whereupon they ground that assertion, is, be­cause all those that have many titles, set the greatest in the first place: Which neverthe­less is not alwayes true; for the Cardinals of the Church of Rome when they sign any thing, write Deacon Cardinal, Priest Cardinal, or Bishop Cardinal, not to perswade us that the dignity of Deacon, Priest, or Bishop is above that of Cardinal, but to inform us that they are not barely Deacons or Priests, but Deacon Cardinals, that is, the most eminent Princes of the Church: And so it was with the Lords that subscribed those Councils; they styled themselves Counts, and for a distinction from [Page 219]others they added Duke as the more eminent.

P.

You will confess that the sons and bre­thren of Kings, and the greatest Officers of the Imperial and Royal Houses have anciently con­tented themselves with the title of Count; and if the Ducal dignity had been greater, they would without question have desired, sought for, and obtained it.

G.

The titles which Kings have formerly given to their children, as also those of Count of the Palace, Comes Stabuli or Constable, and others which satisfied the principal Officers of the Imperial Court, do in no wise derogate from the quality of Duke: For at last those Princes better bethought themselves, and ac­knowledging that the name of Duke was al­wayes a higher quality then that of Count, they desired to be honoured with the same. I know very well, that the Counties of Castille, Portugal, Flanders, Tyrol, Tolouse, Pro­vence, and Wirtemberg, were very illustrious; but I know also that the Countreys of Burgun­dy, Bavaria, and Lorraine, did anciently bear sometimes the title of Kingdom, sometimes of Dukedom, and that the latter imported no less authority then the other. The Princes of Poland, Hungary, and Bohemia, who are at this time great Kings, did for many ages bear no more then the quality of Duke: Nay, some Provinces in Spain were governed by Dukes a thousand years before the birth of [Page 220]Christ; and when that Countrey was assaulted by the Carthaginians, and afterwards by the Romans, it was vigorously defended by the same Dukes, who were Soverain and indepen­dent. From whence you may judge, that the title of Duke was almost equal to that of King, before ever there were any Counts; and so conclude, that albeit in certain Countreys and times the title of Duke hath been somewhat abased, yet it was never inferior to that of Count, but alwayes greater.

P.

The Counts Palatine and the Marquisses of Brandenburg are nevertheless as much, or more then the greatest Dukes in Germany.

G.

I agree with you; but that derogates nothing from the title of Duke in general, for­asmuch as those Princes are not barely Counts, but Counts Palatine, Margraves, and Electors; and as such, placed amongst the first Princes of the Empire.

P.

I am satisfied; and having seen that a Duke is, and alwayes was greater then a Count, I beseech you declare unto me those of the Em­pire: But before we go any further, tell me whether you think that true which some Writers affirm, that a Duke should have four Counts under him.

G.

I have just now demonstrated unto you, that a Count was alwayes less then a Duke: But I esteem it a mere dream, and a folly be­low a discoursing soul to resolve, that an Em­peror [Page 221]should have under him four Kingdoms, a King four Dutchies, a Duke four Counties, a Count four Baronies, a Baron four Castella­nies, and a Castellan four Fiefs. Those maxims of Quaternions should be expelled out of your thoughts as ridiculous: Otherwise all they that have four Kingdoms would be Emperors; and the Emperor losing one of those four which he had, would cease to be Emperor. Besides all Kingdoms are not equal; and it would re­quire a great many such Kingdoms as Valencia, Murcia, Grenada, Algarvia, Majorca, Mi­norca, Ivica, and Yuetot, to make one great King. And on the other side, if any one could have three Kingdoms equal to that of France in richness of soil, abundance of People, and number of Nobility, he might equalize the greatest Emperors; and the Count of Cham­pagne, to whom seven other Counts did ho­mage, would almost double the proportion of a Duke.

P.

Having seen in your former discourse the force of the Latin word Comes, and the Dutch Grave, together with all its compounds, and other things which I desired to know con­cerning the Counts in general; you will oblige me now, to come in particular to the Counts of the Empire, and tell me what was their original, what their power is at present, and what their dignity.

G.

Stephanus Paschalis, a famous searcher [Page 222]of Antiquity, saith there were as many, nay more Counts then Cities in Gaule, when the French made themselves masters of it; and that the Conquerors desiring to use their new Kingdom favourably, and give a subdued Peo­ple no cause of complaint, kept up all the offi­ces and commands which the Romans had in­troduced amongst them. The Laws of Charle­magne and of his son Lewis the Debonaire are full of the order which the Counts were to observe in the administration of justice. From whence you may gather, that the Counts of those times were not raised to such a height of Dig­nity as they are now.

P.

If the Counts were but Judges, who usually are such no longer then their Prince pleaseth; how came it to pass that they made themselves masters of the lands which were under their Jurisdiction?

G.

Though the Emperors had power to deprive the Counts of their Offices, yet for the most part they let them. enjoy them during their lives; and if they had any sons capable to succeed them, they were preferred before any other: And that they might be the better enabled to attend upon the administration of Justice, and defend the People when need should require, the Emperors granted them Fiefs within the Territory of their Jurisdiction, which Fiefs gave them opportunity to make themselves Masters of all the rest, and to transmit the same unto their heirs.

P.

Is it long since the Counts made their Counties hereditary?

G.

It is hard to say under what Emperor that remarkable change hapned in the Empire; but it is probable that it was under the Descen­dants of Charlemagne, in the time when Charles the Bald and his son Lewis the Stammerer made their residence in France, and were at variance with the sons of Lewis Germanicus their kins­men, who said the Imperial dignity belonged to them.

P.

By what you have hitherto said I can sufficiently comprehend what was the power of the ancient Counts: Do me the kindness to tell me what that is they have at present.

G.

I do not believe it is your desire to know what Rents, Fortresses, Cities, or Subjects every Count hath; much less, what they might be able to do all together: For it would be im­possible for me to answer you. Imagining then that you only ask, what place they have in the Assemblies, and after what manner they give their suffrages there, I answer, that they sit immediately next after the Princes, and that they have two voices, one for the Bench of Wetteravia, the other for that of Swaben. For the rest, in their particular Meetings every one hath his voice, and being agreed, they make choice of one out of their Body to carry their opinion unto the Colledge of the Princes.

P.

Have all the Counts right to sit in the general Assemblies?

G.

They only that are Estates of the Empire enjoy that priviledge; and those that are not inscribed in the Matriculation-Roll, nor con­tribute any thing to the necessities, nor have any land immediately held of the Empire, are absolutely excluded from thence.

P.

Seeing the Counts that the Emperor makes in his hereditary Provinces, are not admitted into the Assemblies, there will be but few that have place there.

G.

There were more formerly then at this time, because some Counties have been erected into Principalities, and many are swallowed up into the power of the Princes. Tyrol, Hen­neberg, Montbeliard, Tubing, Oldenbourg, Spanheim, and Weldents, belong to the Houses of Austria, Saxony, Wirtemberg, Holstein, and the Palatine: Schawenbourg, Hohenzolle­ren, and East-Friseland, have been made principalities, the two first by Ferdinand II. and the last by Ferdinand III. who having Reigned twenty years almost in continual trouble, entred into the rest of the Blessed, the 2. of April in this present year 1657. Now those Lords taking place among the Princes, encrease their number and power by the diminution of that of the Counts.

P.

Are all those Counts, whose lands have not been erected into Principalities, of the same con­dition and dignity?

G.

To provide a satisfactory answer to your [Page 225]question, you must know, there be three sorts of Counts in Germany, not comprising those of Austria. The first are Estates of the Empire, as well in regard of their persons, as of their Fiefs; the second having one or more Lands holding immediately of the Empire, and by reason thereof being Estates of the Empire, do also hold a Fief of some particular Prince, in regard whereof they are his Subjects, and ob­liged to do him some service: The third sort have no Fief holding immediately of the Em­pire, and consequently no place in the Diets. And thus some have more interest in the bene­fits and affairs of the Empire then others, and seem to be of a higher condition.

P.

All the Immediate Counts of the Empire are like so many little Kings, and pay but very few acknowledgements to the Emperor. Many of them coyn money, and exercise other Re­galities, whereby they draw near to the rank and condition of Princes; and for that cause the very Electors are not thought to marry be­low themselves when they take such Countesses to be their Wives: I do not know whether it be so or no when they take others.

G.

It is certain that the Electors have marri­ed Immediate Countesses; and I think they might have married others without wronging their posterity. There are some Counts who are Subjects, and yet have born the quality of Princes for a long time, being no way inferior [Page 226]to the greatest. I shall not bring many ex­amples of it, since it will be sufficient to make you confess this truth, when I tell you, that if a Prince should marry a Countess of Egm [...]n [...] or of Horn, he would do nothing contrary to his Dignity, although those Counts were Sub­jects to the Duke of Burgundy; because the first were Dukes of Guelderland, and the other are of the House of Montmorancy, which is the prime Family of France.

P.

Give me a list of the Counts that have session in the Diets of the Empire.

G.

I shall reckon you those that are come to my knowledge, and place them after the or­der of the Alphabet, for fear I should offend against that of their rank. Badembourg, Barby, Bentheim, Bramersdorf, Castel, Delmenhorst, Eichemberg, Erbach, Eberstein, Furstemberg, Glerchem, Hanau, Helfenstein, Hohehohe, or Holach, Hohengeroldseck, Hohenlandsberg, Kir­chemberg, Lewenstein, Limbourg, Lupfen, Lei­ninguen of Absperg, Lippe, Mansfeld, Mont­fort, Nassau, Oldenbourg, Ottinguen, Orte [...] ­bourg, Reitpolskirchem, Rhingraves, Reuss [...]n, Salme, Saym, Solmes, Sults, Schwartzbourg, Stolberg, Tenguen, Waldek, Walpourg, Wied, Wineberg, Wolkenstein, Zimberen. The Counts of Schwartzbourg hold lands in Fee of the Dukes of Saxony; those of Waldek, of the Landgrave of Hesse; and the Rhingraves ac­knowledge the dependance of Salme and M [...] ­range [Page 227]upon the Duke of Lorraine.

P.

I do not believe you can give me so exact a relation of all these Counts, as you have done of the Princes; but if you know any thing con­cerning them, you will do me a pleasure to im­part it to me.

G.

I have used my uttermost endeavour to get a Genealogy of the Counts, but could ne­ver compass it, because for the most part they are ignorant themselves of the root of their own Houses. So that I know but very little; yet if you desire it, I shall acquaint you with what I know.

P.

Tell me something of the House of Nas­sau.

G.

I intended to have spoken of the Lords of that House in another place; yet reserving li­berty to insist upon them, when we shall dis­course of the Republick of Holland (in the esta­blishment and preservation whereof they have had the greatest hand) I shall tell you, that some there be who seek the Origin of that House in Cesars Commentaries, where he speaks of one Nassua a Prince of Suevia: Others would have it come from Rome with the same Emperor, and say he gave them the County of Nassau. The most incredulous find it illustrious in the Empire many ages since; and cannot deny but that Otho Count of Nas­sau, son to John and nephew to Eberhard, was General of the Army of the Emperor Hen­ry [Page 228]the Fowler against the Hungarians, and th [...] he dyed and was buried at Nuremberg. At that time it had been long in possession of the Castle of Nassau in the Countrey of Hesse upon the river of Doüa, near the place where the Moselle falls into the Rhine. A little while af­ter another Otho son to Walderam II. having married the heiress of Guelderland, was made the first Count thereof by the Emperor Henry IV. A. D. 1079. and his Successors possessed it in the quality of Counts till the year 1339. at which time the Emperor Lewis of Baveris made Reinold of Nassau Duke of Guelderland. A little after, that Branch was totally extin­guished, and the Principality of Guelderland was united to that of Juliers. The House con­tinued howsoever potent in lands and number of great personages: For Walderam II. left Walderam III. (from whom came the Empe­ror Adolph, and the Branch of Sarbrug) and Otho III. from whom are descended the Prince of Orange, and the Counts of Nassan, Bred [...], and Dilembourg, who are great in number and consideration.

P.

I know that House hath produced Heroi­cal spirits that have made the world understand, the King of Spain was not invincible; and that William, Maurice and Frederick Henry of Nassau stopt his Chariot when he was driving apace to the Universal Monarchy. Tell not something of their Alliances.

G.

There are few Houses in Europe which are not allyed to that of Nassau. Otho married the heiress of Guelderland, and brought that County into his House, as that of Zutphen also in the year 1079. Another Otho was husband to Adelais, who brought him the County of Viande, and the Baronies of St. Vit and Grum­berg, about the year 1350. Enguilbert grand­child to Otho took to wife the heiress of Breda; John married Anne Countess of Catzenellebo­guen, by whom he was Count of Dietz; and Henry son to John married Claudina of Chaa­l [...]s, upon whom he begat Renatus the univer­sal heir to Philibert of Chaalons Prince of O­range: Now Renatus leaving no children by Anne daughter to Antony Duke of Lorraine, had for the Successor of his whole estate Willi­am of Nassau, who was Founder of the Com­monwealth of Holland. That Prince had four wives; Anne of Egmont Countess of Barc, Anne daughter to Maurice Duke of Saxony, Charlotta of Bourbon Dutchess of Montpensier, and Loüyse of Coligni: His daughters were married to William Lewis Count of Nassau, Emanuel son to Antony King of Portugal, Phi­lip Count of Hohenlohe, Frederick IV. Elector Palatine, Henry de la Tour Duke of Bouillon, Claude de la Trimouille Duke of Toüars, and Philip Count of Hanau.

P.

I did not think that House was so well al­lied.

G.

Philip William eldest son to the said William married a sister of the Prince of Conde: And William son to Frederick Henry his young­est son (while he was in minority) was marri­ed unto Mary eldest daughter to Charles I. King of Great Britain. John brother to Willi­am had three Wives, and amongst them Cune­gonde daughter to Frederick III. Elector Pala­tine. John who was husband to Margaret Dutchess of Holstein, and Ernest Casimir to Sophia Dutchess of Brunswick. The Counts of Nassau are also very highly allied: Lewis mar­ried Anne Amelia, and John Sibyll Magdalen, both daughters to George Frederick Marquiss of Baden. From whence you may easily see, that there be few Princes so well allied as those of Nassau. Lastly, those of Sarbrug do still bear the title of Count, and all the rest that of Prince.

P.

That which you have told me of the House of Nassau encreases the desire I have to know the other Counts. Give some particulars con­cerning those of Hohenzolleren.

G.

We said something of them when we were speaking of the Princes; to which I now adde, that Eitel Frederick, who was living in the year 1202. married Elizabeth daughter to Adelbert Count of Habspourg, the Emperor Rodolph I. his own sister; from whom the Ele­ctors of Brandenbourg and the Counts of He­henzolleren are descended. Frederick the Blad [Page 231]is very famous for his military exploits, and Justus Nicolas for re-edifying the Fort of Ho­henzolleren, which had been ruined by Henri­etta Countess of Wirtemberg and Montbeliard: That action was the more illustrious, because Philip Duke of Burgundy, Albert Elector of Brandenbourg, Albert Duke of Austria, and Charles Marquiss of Baden, laid the first stone of it, using a Tray, a Trowel, and a Mallet, all of Silver, about the year 1480. The Lords of that House are Hereditary Chamberlains to the Emperor since the time of Maximilian I. who to recompense the services of Eitel Frede­rick VII. of that name, honoured him with that Office to him and his Successors.

P.

The House of Furstemberg is very re­nowned in History; I would gladly know something of it.

G.

Those Lords were grown very illustri­ous in the time of Henry the Fowler, to whom Lewis Count of Freibourg and Furstemberg performed great services, maintaining at his own charge threescore men at arms against the Huns; and he was a party in the Turnament held at Magdebourg in the year 935. He was son to Frederick and to Agnes daughter to a King of Scotland; and from him are descended all those that at this time bear the name and arms of Furstemberg. Conrade son to Egon and to Agnes Dutchess of Zeringuen, being Bishop of Losanna and Cardinal of the title of [Page 232]St. Ruffina, was chosen Pope, and refused it.

P.

There are more to be found that sollicite for the Popedom, then that reject it when it is offered.

G.

Egon brother to Conrade added to his other titles that of Count of Aurach, and his Successors enjoyed it till about the year 1443. at which time that County past into the House of Wirtemberg. Henry V. accompanied the Emperor Frederick III. when he went to be Crowned at Rome; Henry his son dyed at Tournay in the service of the Emperor Maxi­milian 1. And William son to Courade is cele­brated in the History of France for having ser­ved and disserved King Francis I. To conclude, all those that are living at present, are descen­ded from Frederick and Anne Countess of Heclehemberg, who left two sons, Christopher and Joachim: From the first come, Elizabeth the worthy Spouse of Frederick Marquiss of Baden Dourlach; Eleonor, married to J [...]hu Eusebius Fugger Count of Kirksberg; John Maximilian, Frebemus Maria, John Martin, and Frances a young Lady still, and of extra­ordinary beauty. From Joachim are descended Francis Egon Canon of Collen and Strasbourg, great Steward, great Chamberlain, and Coun­sellor of State to the Elector of Collen; Her­man Egon, and William Egon, both Church-men; Mary Frances widow to William Pala­tine and Duke of Newbourg; and Ferdinand [Page 233]Frederick Egon, Counsellor, Chamberlain, and Captain of the Halberdiers Guard to the Empe­ror Ferdinand III. This Count was born Febru­ary 6. 1623. and communicated his Genealo­gy to me upon the ending of the year 1654.

P.

I should be glad that you would run through all the Houses of the Counts of the Empire, that I might know them well; but seeing that is impossible, I shall content my self with what you will be pleased to tell me of them.

G.

I will tell you what I know; but that will be no great matter. The Counts of Barby are allied to the Dukes of Brunswick, and to the Princes of Anhalt and East-Friseland; they use the title of Noble Lords. Those of Castel are as ancient as the Empire in Germany; they are of the chiefest persons of Franconia, fruit­ful in vertue, great in merit, happy in alli­ance, soverain in their Justice, and might raise envy in many, though they had none but Wolf­gang George, President of the Councel of State, and great Steward of the Court of Wirtemberg, a most excellent pattern of piety, justice, and integrity. The Counts of Oldenbourg and of Delmenhorst are totally extinguished by the death of Antony Gunther, who having made his name known amongst all the greatest Prin­ces, and secured his lands by the great number of Horses which he gave away, to save himself from losing 1200. breeding Mares which he [Page 234]had in his grounds, dyed without children lawfully begotten in the year 1656. at least, if I may believe the Gazette, where I read it, though some men do not agree to it. The King of Denmark, and the Duke of Holstein, inhe­rited his Counties; Iohn Prince of Anhalt, the Lordship of Iever; and Antony Count of Ol­denbourg his natural son, all the rest of his lands. Those of Erbach find their original in the affection which a daughter of Charlemagnes bore to a Gentleman in her Fathers Court, who being recommended by his own merit, as much as he was favoured by the generosity of Charles, had the honour to marry her, after he had had that of being carried upon her back through the Court of the Palace. The Counts of Hanau have as large an estate as a great Prince, and in that a Justice from which their Subjects cannot appeal: And having often both given and taken daughters to and from the best Houses of the Empire, they have been so happy as to see a noble Lady of their family steer the State of Hesse, and bring it succesful­ly into the Port during the most dreadful storm that ever blew upon the Empire for many ages.

P.

You pass many Houses over in silence.

G.

Those of which I say nothing, are un­known to me. The Counts of Helfenstein, having flourished above a thousand years, ex­pired some years since. Those of Leininguen judge their Subjects causes without any Appeal. [Page 235]The House of Hohenlohe would be very migh­ty, if it had not divided its lands into many portions: The Lords thereof are naturally Souldiers, brave, well made both in body and mind, and glorious as well through their own merit, as for that of their Ancestors. The Barons of Limbourg, whom all Writers place amongst the Counts, have a title of Semperfrey, always free, that no body bears but they: They are so ancient, that they know not their own beginning; and so well known in Germa­ny, that their priviledge of being Vicars to the King of Bohemia Great Cup-bearer of the Em­pire, is obvious to every one. They of Mans­feld are of different Religions: One of the Ca­tholiques is Governor of Raab in Hungary, the other is Master of the Horse to the Empe­ror: Of the Lutherans, Iohn George is travel­ling to enable himself to answer the hopes which h [...]s Countrey conceives of his vertue. This County is plentiful in Copper and other Minerals, and famous for many things, but especially for Eiseliben where Doctor Luther was born in the year 1484. and dyed there 63. years after. The Counts of Montfort have nothing common with those in France, but the name; they are certainly very noble, very an­cient, and very vertuous.

P.

If you say nothing of the Counts of Ot­tinguen and of the Rhingraves, I will tell you what I know of them.

G.

I speak of the Counts in an Alphabetical method, not always suitable to their merit; otherwise many should have come behind those Houses so abounding in extraordinary perso­nages. That of Ottinguen is divided into two principal Branches: That of Waldenstein is Ca­tholique, that of Ottinguen Lutheran, and both perfectly well allied; but specially Iea­chim Ernest, who having already had one Countess of Solmes, and another of Hehenlobe, is in the last place married to a Princess Pala­tine; and had of the two former, besides many sweet children, Sophia Margaret, and Mary Dorothy Sophia, Princesses whose graces and endowments of body and mind have acquired, to the first the chast love and conjugal bed of Albert Marquiss of Brandenbourg of Anspach; to the second, that of Eberhard Duke of Wir­temberg; and to the Father, two Sons-in-law equal in Grandeur, piety, and magnificence. The Rhingraves have furnished matter to so many Histories ancient and modern, that no body is a stranger to their vertue, nobility, and generosity. The Counts of Schwartzbourg are great in riches, vertue and alliances: When I passed through their Countrey, Clara Dut­chess of Brunswick, and Sophia Agnes Princess of Anhalt, were widows to two Lords of that House; and Antony Gunther had a Princess Pa­latine. Many believe the Counts of Solmes are issued out of those of Nassau: They are not [Page 237]rich, but you will meet with few Lords so well allyed. Frederick Henry Prince of Orange, the honour of the Captains of our age, had the ge­nerous Amelia; Joachim Ernest Marquis of Brandenbourg had the Phenix of beauty and chastity, Sophia; Frederick Marquis of Dour­lach, the incomparable Eleonor; Augustus Prince of Anhalt, the pious Sibyll; Ʋlrick Duke of Wirtemberg, the amiable Sophia Doro­thy; Maurice Landgrave of Hesse, the fair Agnes; and Ernest his son hath at this time Mary Eleonor, all Countesses of Solmes. From whence we may conclude, that this House is fruitful in beautiful and vertuous Ladies.

P.

I would willingly have heard a word of the Counts of Salme and Stolberg; but if you find it difficult, pass on to the consideration of the Barons of the Empire.

G.

The Counts of Salme were raised to the rank of Princes, though their lands be held of the Duke of Lorraine: They are Rhingraves, and all the Rhingraves bear the name and Arms of Salme. They of Stolberg are inferior to none either in antiquity of Nobility, or great­ness of Alliances, or priviledges: They coyn money both of gold and silver, and bear for their Arms a Stag Sable, because one of the ancient Counts of that House giving an enter­tainment of hunting to the Emperor Conrade of Franconia, a black Stag was taken, and the Emperor would transmit the memory [Page 238]thereof to posterity by that change of Arms. As to the Barons, you ought to know that they who are Estates of the Empire, do hardly differ from the Counts but in name: In all things else they are equal; they marry their daugh­ters, they are in the same Classe at the Diets of the Empire, they give their Suffrages there after the same manner, and enjoy the same immunities; lastly they are both alike styled Illustrious.

P.

Methinks we have a great many Barons in Germany.

G.

There are but few Barons of the Empire: To be such an one, it is necessary to be Matri­culated, and contribute to the necessities of the State; which belongs not to any one of those whom the Emperor creates upon a new score in his hereditary Countreys, how rich and potent soever they be: And for that cause they have neither voice nor place in the Assem­blies of the Empire. Many of the ancient Ba­rons have taken the quality of Count; those which remain are Creange, Fleckenstein, Fugger, Hohengeroldseck, Konigseck, Limbourg, Max­elrein, Perlestein, Plaven, Rapolstein, Schom­bourg, Scheuk of Tautemberg, Wolfenstein, Winemberg, Walbot, and it may be some others that are not come to my knowledge. Part of those of Creange are Counts; but the others are not inferior to them, being allyed even to Princes, and very near to the Houses [Page 239]of Nassau and the Rhingraves: They of Fleck­enstein have signalized themselves in the last War, where they got honour, and served in the quality of Generals: The Fuggers are not very ancient, but remarkable for vertue, and for their priviledge of Soverain Justice upon their Lands. The Barons or Counts of Rapol­stein, who are otherwise called Ribaupierre, were Dukes of Spoleto; and having lived many ages with splendor, and appeared at several Tur­naments, are now reduced to John Iames, to whom I wish issue male, for the preservation of his illustrious House, which will otherwise end in him. All the rest are unknown to me.

P.

It is something to be Baron of the Em­pire, in regard of the place they have in the Assemblies; otherwise I think there is but little difference between one Baron and an­other.

G.

They that bear the same title, are not alwayes of the same condition: One who hath been declared Doctor in an University where no man is received but he that hath given proof of his learning, is to be preferred before him who hath gotten Letters in another University for a piece of money. And so it is in this matter: They that are Barons by merit, and are allyed to great Families for many generations, are and ought to be preferred before those that have not the like advantages. Otherwise, I do not think that for having place in the Diets one is [Page 240]much to be preferred before another that is equal in vertue, merit, and antiquity.

P.

I am of your opinion: But from whence comes the word Baron?

G.

I think it was derived from the Latin Vir; for as Baron signifies a personage illustri­ous for virtue and birth, so also the Latin word Vir signifies a man separate and distinct from the vulgar by his Virtue. Now this title hath been diversly taken according to the di­versity of times and places. By the Barons were anciently understood in France all the Subjects that held immediately of the King; and so the word comprehended Dukes, Counts, and other Lords indifferently. This opinion may be ve­rified out of Aymonius, and some other Histo­rians, who sometimes bring in the King speak­to the Lords his followers, and when he would exhort them to some generous action, begin­ing with these words, My Barons. The Spa­niards speaking of some illustrious persons, call them Varones or Barones: And therefore Lewis de Camoes in his description of the Conquest of the Indies by the Portugneses, begins his Poem in this manner, As armas e os Var [...]nes assinalados. The Italians only do sometimes take the word Baron for a beggarly fellow.

P.

Have not the Italians Barons also amongst them?

G.

Yes, more then Baronies; and it may be they are beggars, because there are so many [Page 241]of them. However it be, Barons are every where reckoned above the lowest rate and rank of Nobility, except by abuse some one have been raised to that degree who was not a Gen­tleman before: In which case, I think the an­cient Nobility ought not to give him place, nor he to pretend to it; because the Letters Patent which a Secretary of the Emperor puts into a piece of Parchment, are not of such validity as to make those worthy of that rank, who are ob­noxious to such notable defects. And though the Emperor himself should have commanded his Letters to be dispatched, yet were it not to be presumed that he intended to raise an Up­start above him that brought the right of pre­cedence from his mothers womb.

P.

There is not the meanest Baron, but thinks himself more then the highest Gentle­man.

G.

Usually men flatter themselves, and set a greater value upon themselves then they really deserve. Even Philosophers take their own measures amiss; and the greatest Saints had need to pray earnestly, and say from their heart, Lord, make me to know both my self and Thee; that knowing my self, I may be humble, and knowing Thee, I may magnifie thy Name: Grant that we may all know our selves; banish out of our hearts that common vain pretense to place and precedence; teach us to neglect that honour which shines not but [Page 242]in the smoke of vanity. Certainly it troubles Germany more then any other Countrey in Europe.

The end of the Seventh Dialogue.

Dialogue VIII.
Of the Knights, the Gentlemen, the Turnaments, and the Cities of the Empire.

P.

TO see the title of this Dialogue, one would judge that you put a difference between the Knight and the Gentleman; and yet throughout all Germany the Nobility goes under the name of Knighthood, and the Gen­tlemen writing in Latin style themselves Equi­tes, that is, Knights.

G.

Though German Gentlemen be called Equites in Latin, yet it is certain there is diffe­rence between the Knight and the Gentleman: For first, the Knight hath been alwayes more priviledged then the Gentleman: 2. The chance of birth makes the Gentleman, without his contributing any thing to it; but worth and [Page 243]valour raises the Knight to that degree of ho­nour. 3. Princes and Lords do not seek for the title of a Gentleman, as they do very ear­nestly for that of a Knight. And 4. the Gen­tleman is born so, the Knight comes to be so, that is, a Gentleman begets a Gentleman, but a Knight begets not a Knight.

P.

I have heard say, that the sons of great Princes are Knights from their cradle; which if it be so, it may be said, that a Knight begets a Knight.

G.

I know the French say that the sons of their Kings are Knights in the very moment of their birth: Nevertheless Lewis XI. received the Order of Knighthood by the hand of Philip Duke of Burgundy the day of his Inauguration the 16. August 1461. Francis I. before the Bettel of Marignan September 17. 1515. re­ceived the same honour from Peter Bayard a Gentleman of Dauphine, who for his valour was surnamed the Knight without reproach. And when William Count of Holland was cho­sen King of the Romans, he would be created Knight before he received the Crown. Where­by it appears, that some great Princes thought they were not born Knights: And though I should allow that the sons of Kings are so from their Cradle, it is certain that others are not so, seeing Princes themselves do not assume that quality, if they have not solemnly received that honour.

P.

I know that commonly they that are cal­led Knights, are associated into some Order Regular or Secular; but I do not know the difference between those Orders.

G.

The Regular Orders have been approved by the Pope under some Rule, and the Secular have been instituted by some other Prince. The former oblige their Knights to the vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience; the other, only to endeavour and procure the honour and advantage of the Head of their Order. Now as men are received into the number of Knights for their merit, or for the hope which he that bestows that honour hath, that the person ad­mitted will do worthy actions; so a Knight forfeits and becomes deprived of the same ho­nour for the enormous crimes he commits con­trary to the expectation of him that received him into the Fellowship of the Order.

P.

All Knights are not received after the same manner, nor degraded for the same of­fence.

G.

Into the greatest part of Regular Orders they admit Gentlemen that have attained to the age of 18. years, and consequently before they have given any proof of their merit; and they are degraded for murders basely committed by lying in ambush, or other crimes unworthy of such persons: But Kings admit none into their Orders but those that have performed good and considerable services, and for that cause [Page 245]a man is oftentimes well in years before he can obtain that honour; of which also he cannot be deprived but for High Treason Divine or Humane, or for notorious cowardize, as ha­ving run away from his Colours, and forsaken his Chief.

P.

If it be so, there is less honour in being admitted into a Regular then into a Secular Or­der.

G.

I do really think so; because for the ob­taining of the latter, it is requisite that a man joyn his own vertue unto that of his Ancestors: And the Order which makes him that is admit­ted into it Companion of a Soverain, and fa­miliar with his King, hath doubtless something more eminent in it, then that which only makes him brother and Companion of certain Gentlemen.

P.

I would willingly know why so many Orders of Knighthood have been instituted.

G.

Necessity was the first and principal cause of all those Orders. The Regulars began after Godfrey of Boullion had taken Ierusalem; when some valiant Gentlemen having voluntarily un­dertaken the defence of the oppressed, the maintenance of Hospitals, the care of Pilgrims, and the securing of the ways, Popes gave them priviledges, and bestowed honours upon them, to draw on others to the same profession: Which is honourable to the Church of Rome, as well for the zeal which Catholiques show in [Page 246]visiting the Holy places, as because all the No­bility also that embraces a Rule, becomes sub­ject to the Pope.

P.

Had Kings the same design?

G.

Conquerors made Souldiers willing to follow them, by sharing the fruit of their Con­quests with them; and when their Successors had not estate enough to reward all the glori­ous actions and eminent services which Gentle­men did for them, being perswaded that a man of courage values nothing comparably to ho­nours, which distinguish him from other men, they invented those Orders, which without exhausting their Treasure would gain them the Flower of their Subjects, and enflame all others with an extreme desire to make themselves worthy of the same honour. I think it was for that reason, that anciently they created Knights just before the Battel, to make them engage more resolutely; or presently after it, to recompense those that had the greatest hand in the victory.

P.

I would know whether there be many Knights in Germany.

G.

There be Knights of four sorts, who ought to be Princes, Lords or Gentlemen. The Emperor dubs some by touching them lightly upon the shoulder with a naked sword, and saying to them, Esto miles Dei & Sancti Stephani, Be a Souldier of God and of St. Ste­phen; and those wear no Collar, or other [Page 247]mark to distinguish them from other Gentle­men. The Kings of Spain, England, and Den­mark, do also send their Order to such Lords as they set most value upon: The first wear the Golden Fleece, the second the Garter, and the third the Elephant enamelled with white, and enchased with a Cross of five great Dia­monds. All the other Knights are of the Mili­tary Orders of Prussia, or Malta: The form­er have the Black Cross, and are named Teu­toniques; the latter wear a white one, and are called Knights Hospitallers of St. Iohn of Ieru­salem. Heretofore all of the last Order were Catholiques, but there are some of them now that are not so, and possess the Commanderies which the Protestant Princes have not incorpo­rated into their Demesnes. But if you happen to see any German, Suisse, or Hollander wear­ing the Collar of the Order of St. Michael, you may take notice that the most Christian King sometimes confers the honour of that Order upon those that have done him some acceptable service.

P.

Do all Emperors and Kings of the Romans make Knights?

G.

If they do not, at least they may all do so: And at the Coronation of Charles V. there was such an abuse, that all those that would have that honour, received it, although they were not Gentlemen. In our days it hath not been so abused: For when the last [Page 248] Ferdinand was crowned at Ratisbon, he created 28. Knights, the greatest part of them very il­lustrious both by their birth and merit.

P.

Now I see what difference there is be­tween a Knight and a Cavalier: I pray dis­course something of the Nobility.

G.

There are Countreys in Europe, where the Nobility is distinguished into Princes, Lords, and Gentlemen; who all together make one part of the State, and are the Kings right arm, the support of his Crown, and the prop of his authority. It is not so in Germany; where the Princes, nay the poorest Lords would take it for an affront to be called Gentle­men: Who, as we have seen before, are ab­solutely separated from the Body of the Nobi­lity, and have their interest apart.

P.

I know already that the Princes are Estates of the Empire, and have no communi­on with the Nobility: But I would willingly know whether all the Gentlemen of Germany make one Body, whether they be equal in pri­viledges, and whether they mutually assist one another in their necessities.

G.

The Nobility of Germany is of two sorts: One Immediate, acknowledging none but the Emperor; the other Mediate, that acknow­ledges the Emperor as Head of the Empire, yet without being exempt from the jurisdiction of another Prince. This latter hath not so much liberty as the former, but is for all that excel­lent [Page 249]in its degree, there being never a Gentle­man in Germany that doth not prefer a poor Gentlewoman before a rich Burgers daughter, and wonders at the mixture of different quali­ties used in other places. But this Body being united only by the ligaments of name and con­dition, there is little or no help to be expected from one to another.

P.

Is the Nobility that depends upon Princes equally priviledged through all the Empire?

G.

Nobility being a quality acquired by vertuous actions and eminent services which some Houses have performed to the Prince and State, it is impossible but that there should be some Houses more Noble and better priviledg­ed then others: And although fortune should have more influence then merit upon the dis­pensing of those qualities, yet the same judge­ment were still to be made; because Soverains are subject to their passions, rewarding more bountifully, and raising higher some of their servants then others. It happens also that one Prince hath occasion to make use of his Nobili­ty more often then another; and receiving more considerable services from them, he doth also recompense them with greater and more signal benefits.

P.

There is no doubt but merit or favour hath made the difference which is found be­tween those Houses that hold in Fee of a parti­cular Prince: But I am perswaded that all the [Page 250]Nobility immediately subject to the Empire is equal.

G.

I fear your opinion is not right. Many Houses of the immediate Gentlemen are de­scended from the first Noble personages that accompanied Henry the Fowler to the War a­gainst the Huns, nay that followed Charle­magne to the Conquest of Austria, Hungary, and Saxony: And many others coming from other places have been admitted into that Bo­dy, being Gentlemen acquainted and habitu­ated in those parts: Lastly, some have been priviledged by the Emperors, and by vertue of their Letters are Matriculated amongst the im­mediate Gentlemen. Those do all enjoy the same priviledges in appearance, but not in re­ality: For although these last have right of Session amongst the other Gentlemen, yet they have it not in the Chapters, out of which the Electors of Mentz, Trier, and Collen are made; no, nor in those from whence Bishops and Prelates are taken: Because to have place in those Chapters, it is necessary to prove two and thirty Coats of Nobility by Father and Mother, against which the most severe Critique can make no exception; which is impossible for new-comers, neither indeed dare they pre­tend to it, knowing there is such difference be­tween Gentlemen.

P.

Who are those Immediate Gentlemen, or holding immediately of the Emperor?

G.

All within the Circles of Swaben, Fran­conia, the Rhine, and the Lower Alsatia, who are inscribed in the Matriculation-Roll of the Nobility, and oblige their Subjects to contri­bute towards the maintenance of Officers or­dained for the preservation of the priviledges, immunities, and franchises of that Body; which being remote from its Head, and expo­sed to the envy of many for the favours it re­ceives of the Emperors, hath need of a Trea­sure, prudence, and union to support it self.

P.

I pray, inform me how the Nobility of those Circles make good the close relation of the Head with the Members, and of the Mem­bers amongst themselves.

G.

That Nobility is cherished under the special favour and protection of the Emperor, not only for the services they do him (being always forward and ready to advance the Ma­jesty of the Empire, the glory of the Emperor, and the honour of his Crown) but also for the considerable presents they make him when his necessities require. The Emperor on his part doth willingly interpose his care to see that no body oppress his Nobility, because he is glad to have a sure and confident party within those Circles, that acknowledges their liberty to de­pend upon the preservation of his Majesty. As to what concerns that Nobility in general; the desire of freedom, the common interest, the ambition which they observe in some potent [Page 252]men, and experience which teaches all men that united force is the strongest, demonstrate to the Gentlemen that they are better able to defend themselves all together then single; which holds them in unity, and disposes them mutually to lend their hands, their heads, and their purses to one another.

P.

The Immediate Nobility being thus one Body, doth it choose a Head to take care of all the Members in general, and of every one in particular?

G.

Those Gentlemen have made among themselves a kind of Aristocratical Common­wealth; and having divided the Circle of Swa­ben into five parts, that of Franconia into six, and that of the Rhine into three, they have ap­pointed unto every part a Head, whom they call Director in Swaben and the Lower Alsatia, and Captain of the Nobility in Franconia and upon the Rhine. This Head doth nothing a­lone, but by the advice of two or three other chosen Gentlemen (who are given him for aids, and counsel) and of one Doctor to help them when there is occasion to expound the Laws. He decides differences, prevents Law­suits, takes up quarrels, and keeps a vigilant eye upon the preservation of the priviledges and franchises of all the Body. Now if any Gentleman in particular be wronged, the Di­rector takes his part, and supports him with the forces of all his Quarter; and if he be not [Page 253]strong enough, he calls to his aid all the Nobi­lity of the Circle, nay, of the Three Circles and the Lower Alsatia.

P.

You represent unto me a Free Nobility, as a most considerable Body whereof the Prin­ces ought to make great account: Do me the favour to tell me more particularly which are those Quarters, and who are the Directors of them.

G.

The Quarters of Swabeu are, the Da­nube, the Hegau, Algau, and the Lake of Constance, the Neckar, the Schwartzwald and Orthenau, the Coquet and Cresgau: Whereof the Directors are, of the two first, one of Ow, and one of Holtz; of the three others, one of Gueminguen, and two of the House of Sleim. The Quarters of Franconia are, Odenwald, the Mountains, Rhen, and Verra; Sterguerwald, Altemuhl, and Baunach: The Captains of which are, one of Gueminguen, one of Streit­berg, one Schtitz of Marts, one of Valpstal, one of Eyb, and one Truchsez of Vetzhausen. The Quarters of the Rhine are, the Upper and the Lower Rhine, and the Wetteravia; where­of the Captains are, one Kuben of Catzenelle­boguen, one of Ley, and one of Karben, who is also Burgrave of Fridberg. The Lower Al­satia being but of small compass, is not cast into several parts. All this Nobility is of one and the same mind, when there is question of defending themselves, and all the Gentlemen [Page 254]strive who shall contribute most to the expen­ses that are to be made for that end. Here you are to take notice, that the Directors are not always of one and the same Family.

P.

This Body seems to me to be great and formidable: Do you know how many Houses or Families it comprehends, and how many Gentlemen it might be able to bring into the field?

G.

I do not know, neither perchance do they know it themselves: For although every part hath a Secretary, who by Letter invites all those that are to meet together, when the Di­rector thinks it fit, for the good of the whole Body, or for the particular affairs of the Quar­ter; yet they conceal their strength and Re­venue as much as they can, not desiring that any one should penetrate into the mystery of their Corporation.

P.

I would willingly know, whether the Of­fice of Director be worth any great matter to him that possesses it; and whether none but Gentlemen be admitted into that Body.

G.

The Directors of the Nobility have more honour and pains then profit, by being Heads to so great and generous Bodies; but as ho­nour is preferable before any other advantage, there be few but are willing to take the pains that comes along with it. But no man is admit­ted to the enjoyment of the priviledges of the Nobility, nor taken into the protection of it, [Page 255]unless he be noble or ennobled: And stranger Counts and Barons that have no place in the Assemblies of the Empire, take it for an honour to be enrolled in the Matriculation of the No­bility; because all that live within a Princes Territories, are Subject to his Justice, if they be not immediate subjects of the [...]mpire.

P.

Can the Director and his Councel enforce Gentlemen to submit to their Judgement?

G.

The Quarters of the Nobility do usually meet together once a year; and besides the publick affairs which are debated in those Assem­blies, they do also judge the differences there that happen between the Gentlemen. And when they have judged a thing reasonable, they entreat the parties to acquiesce therein, and so doing to comply with their duty, and prevent Law-suits, which nourish misunder­standing and hatred between those that should love one another, and which might give occa­sion to those that look upon the flourishing No­bility with an evil eye, to contemn and despise it. If one of the parties think himself wronged, he prayes the Court of the Nobility that they would be pleased once more to consider his right and his reasons: Wherein they gratifie him, and when that is done, the parties are again en­treated to agree; but then if they refuse to sub­mit to the Judgement, they are permitted one to convent the other before the Imperial Cham­ber.

P.

If it be so, the Directors of those Quar­ters have not power to oblige the Nobility to the doing of that which they think just and reasonable.

G.

Equals neither ought nor can pretend to any jurisdiction over their equals: Neverthe­less it is very rare to meet with a Gentleman there, who doth not yield to and acquiesce in the Judgement of the Assembly, and who had not rather depart with some of his right, then send or go to Spire, where suits are spun out to a tedious length.

P.

All honest men hate going to Law; and the Nobility should leave that plague to quar­relsom and litigious persons: And indeed I think a true Gentleman had rather talk of war, and be present at assaults and Battels, then dis­course of the Orders and Decrees of a Parlia­ment, and be bound to court and cringe to the Judges to get a favourable sentence. Tell me something of the advantages which that Nobility hath.

G.

The Franchises and priviledges of Gen­tlemen of the Empire are great, and in so great number, that it would require a volume to lay them all down in writing. Those which I value the most are, that every well-bred Gen­tleman may pretend to become Elector or Ec­cle siastical Prince, if his Religion do not stand in his way; for the Electors of Mentz, Trier, and Collen, and the Bishops of Bamberg, [Page 257]Wirsbourg, Spire, Wormes, Constance, Augs­bourg, and Eichstet, are ordinarily chosen out of this Body. Every Gentleman is as free upon his own lands as the Chiefest Lord in the Em­pire; no man besides himself can impose upon his Subjects; there are many Chapters and Nunneries, and other Church preferments, which cannot fall but into the hands of the Nobility: And, which surpasses all the rest, he that touches one Gentleman, touches them all; and the Emperors are still ready to favour and support them, thereby to gratifie the Pre­lates, and have them alwayes at their Devo­tion.

P.

The Mediate Gentlemen, that is, such as do not only depend upon the Emperor; but are also under the Jurisdiction of some other Prince, have they not right to come into the Chapters you lately mentioned?

G.

There are very few or no Canons in the last above-named Cathredral Churches, who are not Members of the Free Nobility of the Empire. Other Gentlemen have their advan­tages, and Churches whereinto they may and ought to admitted, as Hildesheim, Paderborne, Osuabrug, Munster, &c. And besides, they are not obliged to appear in Judgement, unless the Judge give them a summons in writing; the Judge makes them sit down while he hears them; they are free from paying Toll; they are not put in prison for debt; and if they be [Page 258]accused of any Crime, they are not to be put to the question or rack; nay, if they be con­victed, they cannot be condemned to the Gal­leys. And so in every Countrey Gentlemen have their advantages.

P.

Can they that are Subjects to a particular Prince, appear at Turnaments?

G.

The Ordinances of that exercise do ad­mit thereunto all those that can make proof of their Nobility, not excluding, any that have lived in the fear of God and with reputation in the World. So that any Gentleman may and ought to be received thereunto, who is not debarred or kept off by reason of some Crime.

P.

Seeing it is necessary to make proof of two and thirty Coats of true Nobility, it is certain that new Gentlemen cannot have en­trance: But do you think that Patricians of Cities should be permitted to enjoy that ho­nour, and that great Princes should honour those actions with their persons?

G.

There is no question, but they that be­gin the Nobility of their Houses, are excluded from that honour; and that it is allowed to a Patritian of a good and ancient Family to come in, if he renounce all, right of Burgership, and promise to live Nobly for the time to come. But the unfortunate hurt, which was followed by the death of Henry II. King of France, ought to serve for an example to all Princes, not to expose themselves to that danger.

P.

The misfortune of King Henry II. should oblige Great men to wear their Beaver down, and to look carefully to the safety of their per­sons, but not to hinder them from coming into the Lists, when they are able of body, and skilful at that exercise; which I think was here­tofore in very much use and credit in Ger­many.

G.

Those sports which the ancient French called Behours, were brought into Germany by the Emperor Henry the Fowler, who com­ing from the war of Hungary exceedingly sa­tisfied with the Nobility, would oblige them to exercise themselves continually in handling their arms and managing their horses; to which pur­pose he instituted those exercises in the year 935. Since that time so many of them have been held, that they who have written expresly of them, do forget some of them in their reckon­ing: The first was opened at Magdebourg in the foresaid year 935. After that Rottembourg, Constance, Mersbourg, Brunswick, Trier, Hall in Saxony, Augsbourg, Gottinguen, Collen, Nuremberg, Wormes twice, Wirsbourg as often, Ratisbon four times, Bamberg twice, Stutgard as often, Swinfort, Ravensbourg, Inguelheim, Eslinguen, Schafausen, Darmstadt, Hailbrun, Landshut, Mentz, Heidelberg, Anspach, and many other places have been honoured with the like Assemblies.

P.

Being taught by you, that Henry I. was [Page 260]the Introductor of these sports into Germany, I would gladly learn who celebrated the rest.

G.

The Emperor Henry the Fowler celebra­ted the first: The three Otho's that succeeded him, had other matters to think on: Conrade II. and Henry III. and IV. celebrated each of them one of those that next followed, and gave licence to the Princes, Cities, and Free Nobility, to appoint and celebrate the like: So almost all the Turnaments were opened at the request and charges of particular Princes, the Imperial Cities, and the Nobility.

P.

How comes it to pass that this Exercise is almost totally abolished?

G.

Those sports being not alwayes free from emulation and jealousie, because every one desired to make a better appearance there then his fellow, it hapned at the three and twentieth Turnament, which was held at Darmstadt in the year 1403. that the Gentlemen of Fran­conia and those of Hesse drew so much blood upon one another, that there remained dead upon the place seventeen of the former, and nine of the latter. And yet some have been celebrated since; but either that jealousie, or the wars which suffer not men to think on such pastimes, or other causes to me unknown, have absolutely banisht those Exercises; by means whereof the Nobility was powerfully attracted to vertue, and obliged to accomplish and per­fect [Page 261]themselves in all kind of Chivalry.

P.

I believe that as none but Illustrious or Noble persons entred into those Turnaments, the number also of the Knights and Squires was limited.

G.

They confined the number of parties allowed to appear, for fear it might otherwise grow too great; and to avoid the confusion which would arise from too many Masters and Servants: For that cause, and in regard every mans charges were born there, besides that they would admit no new Nobility, no Bastard, no Usurer, none guilty of High Treason, no Oppressor of Widows and Orphans, none born of Parents whereof one was of base extraction and ignoble, no Heretique, Murderer, Tray­tor, no Coward that had run away from the Battel, nor indiscreet person that had given offence to Ladies by word or deed; they did also refuse to admit more then one of the same Family at a time. Princes came into the Lists with four Squires apiece, Counts and Barons with three, a Knight with two, and a Gentle­man with one.

P.

It may be those Exercises will be set up again in their pristine honour; and in case that should come to pass, I would gladly know what a man should do to be admitted thereunto, and how he ought to behave himself being come into the Lists.

G.

The place and hour for the Turnament [Page 262]being resolved, they that had a desire to break a Lance there, came thither at the time appoint­ed, and went to the Presidents Lodging to have their names written down; which was done in the presence of three Heralds, to whom the Champion delivered his Helmet and Sword, and after he had been at Confession, he pre­sented himself in the Lists with one, two, three, or four Squires, according to the quality of the persons. The horses of the Combatants were to be without fault or exception, the Ca­parisons and furniture such as to give no offence, their Saddles without any extraordinary raising before or behind, and all equal. After which, they performed all kind of exercises on horse­back; and when the Jousts were ended, every man repaired to the President of his Nation, to wait for the sentence of the Judges: And he that had best deserved the Prize, received it, either from the hand of some Lady, or from the Prince that gave it.

P.

If the Emperor should ever have a desire to see the skill and sufficiency of his Nobility in that way, I would endeavour to make one there; and though that should never come to pass, I will howsoever take pains to make my self a good Horseman. Now since we have dis­coursed enough concerning Turnaments, tell me what you know of the Cities of the Em­pire.

G.

All the Cities of Germany are either free [Page 263]or subject, or partly free and partly sub­ject: Those of the first sort acknowledge none but the Emperor, are Estates of the Empire, and participate in the right of Soverainty; the second depend upon Princes, Lords, and Gentlemen, give respect to their Orders, and obedience to their Justice; the last are those which having been subject, have ob­tained some priviledges from the Emperor, from their Princes, or by their swords: And though they be almost Free, yet have they nei­ther voice nor place in the Assemblies, nor do they quietly enjoy their pretended priviledges. These Cities being rich and potent, make bad use of their power, endeavouring to shake off the yoke of obedience which they owe to their Masters, to whom they give very little respect, but try their uttermost to make themselves Im­perial Cities. Such are Brunswick, Erfort, and Embden, which have evermore some mat­ter or other of dispute; the first with the Duke of Brunswick, the second with the Elector of Mentz, and Embden with the Princes of East-Friseland.

P.

I imagine that the Cities belonging to Princes are neither so wealthy nor so fair as the Imperial.

G.

That rule doth not alwayes hold: There are some Imperial Cities to he found of no great consequence, as Fridberg, Aalen, Weiler, Gue­minde, Biberac, Dunkelspiel, and several others; [Page 264]on the the contrary there are divers Cities sub­ject to Princes, surpassing in beauty, magnifi­cent in buildings, and considerable for riches, as Munchen, Ingolstadt, Dresden, Wirsbourg, Mentz, Magdebourg, Bamberg, Stutgards, and Lunebourg; but they have not the same right which those lesser places we last mention­ed enjoy.

P.

I have often heard say, that the Cities of Germany are neither so ancient, nor of so fair structure as in other Countreys.

G.

Many good Antiquaries assure us, that the Cities on the East-side of the Rhine were built about the time of the Emperor Henry I. but those very Authors say, that the City of Trier is one of the Ancientest in Europe, and that Strasbourg, Wormes, and Spire flourished before the time of Julius Caesar. As for the beauty and number of Cities, our Germany yields to no Province in Europe. The Italians who for the most part undervalue all that is on the other side of the Alpes from them, cannot deny us that prerogative; anst John Botero con­fesses, that for that matter we may give them fifteen and a bisque, using these words to that purpose, I Thedeschi avanzano di gran lungai Romani. And I am sure that the Constable of Castille, who to disgrace the greatness and magnificence of Paris told Mareschal d'Ornano, that he had left behind him the fairest Cities in Christendom; would have changed his opinion [Page 265]if he had seen Germany, and been forced to ac­knowledge in his heart (though according to the Spanish vapours he would not have exprest it with his mouth) that there is nothing in Spain equal to Antwerp, Amsterdam, Ham­bourg, Collen, Nuremberg, Strasbourg, Erfort, and Augsbourg.

P.

If the Cities of Germany excell all others in beauty, then they are inferior to them in nothing; for Bocalini esteems them without comparison richer then those in other places, when he saith that Laurence de Medicis going about to weigh them, the balance where­in he had already weighed all the Estates of Christendom, broke, not being able to bear so great a burthen. But I suppose the houses of Great men are not so embellished in Germany as in Forain Countreys.

G.

I pray, be of another mind; for when you have seen all Europe, you will confess that the Cities and Castles where the Princes and Prelates of Germany make their residence, are so stately in buildings, so delicious in gardens, so artificial in Grots, so abounding in Fountains, flowers, fruits, and even Orange-trees, that there is nothing comparable to be seen else­where. The Elector of Bavaria is lodged at Munchen in the fairest Palace of Europe; the Archbishop of Saltsbourg hath no reason to wish for those at Rome; the Bishop of Bam­berg hath seen nothing more recreative then [Page 266]his own Gardens; Heidelberg hath one of the proudest buildings, Stutgardt one of the most commodious, Cassel one of the most regular, Wirsbourg one of the strongest, and Plone one of the most delightful that can be seen. Wolfen­bottel is a true seat for a Prince, Berlin for a King, Dresden for an Emperor, and Munchen for a God on earth. Weymar, Gotta, Gottorf, Cel, Baden, Auspach, Dourlach, and Echinguen, are very little inferior to the fairest in Europe.

P.

I am glad to hear that our Countrey hath an advantage of other Provinces in Cities, Castles, and Gardens, as well as in civility. Tell me a word of the Free Cities.

G.

I do not think you require a Catalogue of the Imperial Cities: Nevertheless if you have such a desire, you shall find them here, of every one whereof I shall say something in an Alphabetical order. Aix, which the Latins call Aquisgranum, from the hot and holesome Baths that Granus brother to the Emperor Nero found there, is the place where De Serres saith that Charlemagne was born, and where all Historians agree that he lyes buried. Many say, that Heroical person made this City the Metropolis of the Empire on this side the Alpes, and it may be for that reason it is styled the Royal City. The Golden Bull ordains that the Emperor receive the first Crown there; and if he take that honour in another place, they bring the Royal ornaments from thence, with [Page 267]the Persian sword which Great Charles wore by his side, and with which the Emperor cre­ates Knights.

P.

I believe the Emperor Charlemagne in­dulged that City so much, because it stands in a place from whence he might commodiously look after the Government of both his King­doms, France and Germany.

G.

I think so too. Argentina, so named from the silver or money brought thither from all parts, as to the Custom-house which the Romans setled there, is now called Strasbourg. This City is very populous, strong, and well built: The Church there is one of the won­ders of the world, for the bigness thereof, the sumptuousness of its building, the marvellous height of its Steeples all made with through­lights, and its inimitable structure. There are two and twenty Tribes, which have every one an Eschevin or Alderman, out of whom they choose the Consul whom they call Ammeister, who joyntly with the Aldermen elects Ten Gentlemen of the City to be Senators, and all together make up the Senat. They take four of those Ten Gentlemen to be Statmeisters or Pre­tors, who at debates ask the voices, first of the Consul, and then of the other Senators. The Office of the Consul is annual, and cannot be possessed by any Gentleman; that of the Al­dermen is for two years. The Senat consisting of thirteen, and the Councel of fifteen, are [Page 268]perpetual. The first treats of Confederations and Military affairs, the latter hath power to exhort the Consul, if he fail in his duty. The Arsenal of this City is provided with so great a quantity of all sorts of Canon, Pikes, Mus­quets, Halberds, Partisans, Swords, Bucklers, Pistols, Head-pieces, Back and-brests, Gant­lets, Vambraces, and other Arms as well of­fensive as defensive, that there be few of the like to be seen any where else.

P.

I have read in Limnaeus that this City hath many priviledges, and that the Nobility had the administration of it till the year 1332. I would willingly know something of Augs­bourg.

G.

Augsbourg by abbreviation from Augu­sti Burgum, that is, the City of Augustus, was so called, because Augustus setled a Ro­man Colony there, after Claudius Drusus Ne­ro Germanicus had brought it in subjection to the Roman Empire. This City was anciently called Drusomagus, and afterwards Augusta Tiberia, but now Augusta Vindelicorum. It is so well built, that it comes not short of any one in Europe; and the Guild or Town-house is a Palace worthy to lodge the Emperor. In the year 1368. the People took the administra­tion of affairs out of the hands of the Patrici­ans, which Charles V. restored to them again 180. years after.

P.

This City is very famous for its magnifi­cence, [Page 269]and Goldsmiths work; but Aalen and Biberac are not considerable: Therefore let us see Collen.

G.

As for Aalen, you must know it is but a little hole, where there are not above thirty Burgers, which belonged heretofore to the Counts of Wirtemberg, and was lost during that War which Eberhard the Riotous waged with the Cities of Swaben.

Collen is the Rome of Germany, and the Ca­pital City of the Ʋbians: It is called Colonia Agrippina, because Marcus Agrippa subdued it to the Romans, or because Agrippina, daughter to Germanicus and Wife to Claudius, was born there. That Lady was very lascivi­ous, and it is said that the women of this Town use but little modesty when they are in the Baths. It is an Imperial City, and yet does homage to the Archbishop in these terms; We Free Burgers of Collen, to day for to day, and for the days hereafter promise to N. Archbishop of Collen to be faithful and favourable unto him as long as he preserves us in right and honour, and in our ancient priviledges, us, our wives, our children, and our City of Collen: So help us God and his Saints. And the Archbishop obliges himself to the said City after this manner; We by the grace of God Archbishop of the holy Church of Collen, Elector and Arch-Chancellor of the Empire throughout Italy, to the end there may be between us and our dear Burgers and the City of [Page 270]Collen an amiable confederation, entire confi­dence, and sincere peace, and that the same may remain inviolable; do make known by these pre­sents, that we have promised and assured, and do promise and assure, in good faith and without fraud, that we confirm all the rights and franchi­ses, written or unwritten, old or new, within and without the City of Collen, which have been granted unto it by Popes, Emperors, Kings, or by Archbishops of Collen, and will never violate or infringe the same: In witness whereof we have caused the Seal of our Arms to be put unto these presents, the, &c. Now the Senat makes pro­cess in criminal causes, and the Elector hath right to condemn or to free offenders.

P.

If you say so much of all the Imperial Cities, it will be long before we make an end. Do me the favour to pass lightly over the rest.

G.

Campidunum, which the Germans call Kempten, was the ordinary residence of the ancient Dukes of Swaben, and the native place of Hildegardis daughter to Hildebrand Duke of Swaben and wife to Charlemagne. Colmar is a good City of Alsatia, where Berthe mother to Charlemagne, and Adelais his daughter, have founded many Monasteries. Donavert was a Free City till the year 1607. at which time the Burgers endeavouring to hinder the Catholi­ques from burying a Corps with the ceremo­nies of the Church of Rome, it incurred the Im­perial Ban or Proscription, which was execu­ted [Page 271]by the Duke of Bavaria, who brought it into subjection, and holds it still under his Laws. Dunkelspiel hath been so often taken and re-taken in the last Wars, that it will carry the marks thereof a great while. Eslinguen is a pretty Town upon the Neckar, within the Dutchy and under the protection of the Duke of Wirtemberg; to whom it sends every first day of the year a hundred Florins of gold in a green velvet purse for the honour he doth them in being their Protector.

P.

If I be not mistaken, this City hath been honoured with the celebration of some Turna­ment.

G

Not with a Turnament only, but also with an Imperial Diet: And produces great store of excellent Wine. Francfort, which was anciently called Tentoburgum and Hellenopolis, signifies the passage or Ford of the Franks, and was so termed, because it served them for a re­treat, when they went into, and came back from Gaule. This City is renowned for its Fairs, for the Article of the Golden Bull which or­dains that the King of the Romans should be chosen there, for its Fortress, and for the river of Mein, which parts it into two Towns, whereof one retains the old name, and the o­ther is called Saxenhausen.

P.

You have told me elsewhere, that that clause of the Golden Bull is not observed, and that many Kings of the Romans have been ele­cted in other places.

G.

That is true; but yet the Town is very considerable for all that. The Religion pro­fessed there is of two sorts, and the Jews drive a great Trade amongst them. Fridberg, a very small City in Wetteravia, had not above 60. Burgers when I passed that way; but it hath great priviledges. There is a Castle near it, the Lords whereof are called Burgraves. Guemunde, which seems to signifie Gaudia Mundi, the joys of the world, in regard of the Turnaments or other pastimes which the Lords of Swaben have heretofore given their friends there, is entirely Catholique, and an Imperial City since the death of Conradine who was beheaded at Naples. Gostar, a City of Hircynia, was fortified in the year 1207. The Castle is called the Imperial Palace, and the Town the Royal City, because the Kings of Germany were wont to make their aboad there, and some Emperors have honoured it with their residence. Guelnehausen after the same manner as Fridberg hath City and Castle, and place in the Assemblies, though the Ele­ctors Palatine use their utter most endeavour to bring it under their subjection.

P.

I wonder how these petty places are able to maintain their liberty.

G.

They are supported by others; and the Emperor would not willingly see Princes make themselves Masters of them. Haguenau, a City of Alsati [...], is Head of a Bailywick that com­prehends [Page 273]the Imperial Cities of Colmar, Sele­stad, Weissembourg, Landau, Oberhenheim, Rosherim, Munster in the valley of St. Grego­ry, Keichersberg, and Turgkeim. This Baily­wick was given to the most Christian King, with its appurtenances, and the right which the House of Austria had to it heretofore. This City was very much a favourite to the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa, who caused it to be walled about, after he had built a house there for himself, and six for the principal Gentlemen belonging to his Hunting, which the Lords of Flekenstein, Durcheim, and some others do still hold in Fee of the Empire.

P.

I think the Lords of Durcheim are your kinsmen.

G.

Margaret of Rottembourg, a Gentle­woman of a very ancient family in Lower Al­satia, was married to John Albert of Anweil, of which marriage came Anne Margaret of Anweil my wife, by whose means I find my self allied to the Houses of Anweil, Rottem­bourg, Scheling, Welward, Spest, Durcheim, Stursel, Dalbourg, Bernehausen, Flekenstein, Stein, and many others. But this is besides our purpose. Hambourg, situate upon the Elbe, where the reflux of the Sea makes a good Port, is one of the richest Cities in Germany, the greatest in Vandalia, and the best fortified in Europe. It doth ordinarily maintain a thou­sand Souldiers; and for a time of necessity it [Page 274]hath 15000. Burgers listed in fifty Companies. Trade is exceeding quick there, by reason of the river which joyns it to the Sea, and a mul­titude of Portuguese Jews who have liberty of conscience there. This City hath been subject to several Lords, but at last it is become free, notwithstanding all that the Duke of Holstein could do, or the King of Denmark, who hath built Glugstadt, and a Fort in the river to an­noy and incommodate the City of Hambourg.

P.

The neighbourhood of the Swedes may entrench much upon their liberty.

G.

The Crown of Sweden hath the possessi­on of Stade, near the river of Elbe; and the King of Denmark hath Glugstadt on the other side of the same river: So that if those two Kings should conspire to ruine Hambourg, it would be in great danger; but it is sheltered under the jealousie that is between those two Crowns. Although this City be indeed so pro­digiously rich, that if the Kings should agree together, it is probable the Senat would be able to guard themselves, and preserve their li­berty, by the expense of their Treasure. And questionless if Hambourg make good use of its own strength, and the friendship of those that are concerned for its preservation, it hath no cause to fear: For the King of Denmark and the Duke of Holstein apprehending the Swedes, will be always glad to fortifie themselves by the good affection and forces of Hambourg and [Page 275] Lubeck, which are as so many Bulwarks to their States.

P.

Is Lubeck also in the entrance of the Cim­brique Chersonese?

G.

These Cities are not far distant from one another: They have the same interest; and are powerful, Hambourg upon the Ocean, and Lubeck upon the Balthique Sea, in the entrance of the Cimbrique Chersonese, which contains the Dutchies of Holstein, Schleswick, Stormar, and Dithmarsh, with the Countrey of Jutland. The City of Lubeck was built by Adolph Count of Holstein in the time of the Emperor Conrade III. and a little after, it was taken by Henry Leo Duke of Bavaria and Saxony, who found­ed a Bishoprick there, as I have read over the Gates of the Castle of Eutin, the place where the Bishop resides. After the death of that Henry, it returned to its first Master, and pas­sed from him into the power of Canute King of Denmark; but the Danes being overcome in the time of the Emperor Frederick II. it be­came an Imperial City, and enjoys that privi­ledge to this day. When it began, it was of no great consequence; but now it is large, fair, and potent by land, and by water too, the ri­ver Drave encreasing its Trade, and giving it opportunity to put great store of shipping to Sea.

P.

If the King of Denmark had the command of these two Cities, it would enable him to at­tempt [Page 276]upon his neighbours: For I have heard say, that Hambourg hath a vast Revenue, and that these two Cities can set out above 200. Ships.

G.

No man hath every thing that he de­sires; and few Countreys have all that they stand in need of; one wants Corn, another Wine, a third Salt, or something else. But now we speak of Salt, Hall in Swaben hath three Salt-pits where they make a great quanti­ty. Haïlbrun is an Imperial City, and yet pays the Tenth of its Wine and Grain to the Duke of Wirtemberg. Kaufbegeren was so cal­led, because it bought its liberty for 15000. Livres of the Emperor Conrade II. Landau, seated near the mountain Vogesus on the French side of the Rhine, was mortgaged by the Em­peror Lewis of Bavaria, and afterwards re­deemed and enfranchised by Maximilian I. Lindau was heretofore a Convent, then a Vil­lage, and at last a City, subject at first to the Lady Abbesse, afterwards to the Duke of Swa­ben, and finally to the Emperor, who hath gi­ven it the priviledge of coyning money. This City stands upon an Island in the Lake of Con­stance, and is joyned to the firm-land by a bridge 290. paces long.

P.

This place is exceeding strong, being so remote from land.

G.

I believe it is; and indeed the Swedes hovered thereabout in vain, watching to have [Page 277]surprised it. Meminguen is very ancient, and at this time well known for the Almanacks of Schoret. Mulhausen is abundant in Gardinage and Mills; become famous also for the folly of Thomas Muncerus, who preached there, exci­ting the Countrey people to rebellion, which occasioned the ruine of many: For that Im­postor, holding forth that all things ought to be common, had drawn an infinite number of people from their labour and husbandry.

P.

I have observed in Sleidan, that many false Prophets arose about the time that Doctor Luther undertook the Reformation of the Church, and that this Muncerus was one of the most seditious.

G.

His folly cost him his head, with the lives of Pfeifer his companion, and a great many poor wretches more. But let us continue to reckon up the Cities; amongst which you may take notice, that Nuremberg is one of the fair­est, most priviledged, richest, and best govern­ed in Europe. The Patricians are the chiefest men there, and of 42. persons of whom the Senate is composed, there are but eight taken out of the Plebeians. The new chosen Empe­ror ought to hold his first Diet there. This Ci­ty keeps many of the ornaments used at the Co­ronation of the Emperors, and there is to be seen the Royal Crown, about which there is a Mitre enriched with numberless Diamonds, Rubies, Emeralds and Pearls; and on the [Page 278]forepart thereof a Cross of Diamonds of very great value; the Dalmatique Gown of Charle­magne embroidered with huge Pearls; the Im­perial Cloak set all over with Eagles embroide­red, the border whereof is full of great Eme­ralds, Diamonds, Sapphires, and Chrysolites; the Buskins covered with plates of gold; the Gloves embroidered with precious stones; the Ball, golden Sceptre, and Sword which the Electors bear in Ceremony. But there is ever­more some jealousie between the Marquisses of Brandenbourg and this City; the Burgers whereof have the power to imprison their chil­dren, and to cast them alive into the river.

P.

That is a strange priviledge indeed, and which ought to keep children in the respect they owe their parents.

G.

Nortlinguen is neither so big, nor so wealthy, but it is peopled with inhabitants per­fectly martial, and its name is known every where, because of the Battel which the Swedes lost there September 6. 1634. Northausen hath often had Imperial Assemblies held in it, and Henry Landgrave of Thuringia kept a Tur­nament there. Ratisbon, which the Latines anciently called Augusta Tiberia, is famous for having as many Churches as there are days in a year, and five Estates of the Empire within her walls; but more, because Diets are often held there, and because while the Empire was assem­bled there, General Bannier went thither to make a Bravado in the year 1632.

P.

It was an act of great confidence, but he got very little by it.

G.

Generals do some actions now and then that show more gallantry then judgement, and sometimes they meet with a bound and check to their victories before a weak place. In the year 1643. the French lost before Rotwil Mareschal Guebriant, whose person was more worth to France then the taking of twenty such Towns. It is the seat of a Presidial Court; and served for a retreat to the Cimbri, after they had been beaten by the Romans. Reutlinguen is not great, but exceedingly priviledged: It received Luthers Resormation from the time he began to preach; and as Eslinguen, it is under the protection of the Duke of Wirtemberg. Rot­tembourg upon the Tauber was put into the number of Imperial Cities after the Reign of Frederick I. Selestadt is one of the Cities with­in the Bailywick of Haguenau. Schweinfort is a fair and strong City, and was in the hands of the Swedes when the Peace was made in the year 1648.

P.

Methinks you forget Spire.

G.

I do not forget it, but leave it out in this place, because we shall speak of it when we come to treat of the Justice of the Empire. Ʋberlinguen was honoured with the residence of the Dukes of Swaben, and is situate upon the Lake of Constance. Ʋlme belonged formerly to the Abbey of Reichenau, of which it bought its [Page 280]liberty: It is a strong and rich City. Vauguis is a small Town of Swaben, where there grown excellent red Wine. Veissembourg received great priviledges from Dagobert King of France. Vecler is a little hole rather then a City, the in­bitants whereof are good Souldiers, and the only Catholiques in the Dutchy of Wirtemberg. Veinshein was founded by Vindegast General to Pharamond King of France A.D. 425. Wormes was destroyed by Attila, and re-edified by Clovis King of France. And Winfelan, signi­fying as much the German word Weibspria, be­cause there the Huns committed unheard of cruelties upon that Sex, stands within the Dut­chy of Wirtemberg upon the Neckar; where April 17. 1622. fortune triumphed over va­lour, and Magnus Duke of Wirtemberg died in the Battel; wherein also George Frederick Mar­quiss of Dourlach taught us by his defeat, that forces and resolution are not sufficient to gain the victory, if God do not give a blessing to them.

P.

Will you not tell me whether there be any difference between the Cities you now menti­oned, and the Hanse-towns?

G.

Bodin writes, that the Hanseatique Cities are Imperial; but the greatest part of them are not so. Those Cities are 64.80. or 83. which for the good of Trade entred into a Consede­ration in the time of the Emperor Frederick II. and setled one Staple at London in the year [Page 281]1250. another at Bruges, which a little after­wards was transferred to Antwerp, A.D. 1262. The third was established at Novograd a rich City in Russia, then at Revel in Livonia, and lastly at Nerva; and the fourth at Berg in Norway. Heretofore the Confederates met once a year at Lubeck, to take their measures and resolve their affairs there; but now that Confederation is of little use to the advance­ment of Trade, since every City doth their own business apart.

The end of the Eighth Dialogue.

Dialogue IX.
Of the Ʋniversities, the Justice, and the Diets of the Empire.

P.

LEarning being one of the principal or­naments of man, and one of the pillars of the Commonwealth, I beseech you tell me whether it be esteemed in Germany as it was heretofore in Greece and Italy.

G.

There were never so many learned men in the world as at this time; and there is never a Countrey in Europe where there are more, [Page 282]nor more famous Universities then we have in Germany. All Princes have founded some, and strive who should maintain them the best; be­cause they know them to be the Universal reme­dies against an infinite number of evils which ig­norance and idleness bring into the World. They are not so ancient in this Countrey as in Eng­land, France, and Italy; but they are more magnificent, better ordered, and fitted with Doctors, and furnished with Scholars. We read that Charles IV. Emperor, and King of Bohemia, having founded the University of Prague, gave equal priviledges to the Bohemi­ans, Polanders, and Germans; and when he would retrench his favours towards strangers, there went out of the Town in a weeks time 24000. Scholars, and a little after 16000. more: Whereby you may judge, that there were more Scholars in Prague, then other persons in some great City.

P.

If I did not know that you flatter no body, but love truth above all things, I should hardly believe there were ever so many Scholars in Germany, as you say there went out of Prague.

G.

The last War hath so drained our Empire of men and money, that I do not believe all Germany maintains so many Students at this time, as there were at Prague in the year 1409. when they reckoned 44000. Scholars under the Rectorship of John Hus. Neither would it be [Page 283]thought strange that a War of 30. years, during which time the Muses durst not appear any where, should have exhausted the Empire both of Masters and Scholars: Yet the Chairs of 32. Universities resound every day with the most sacred notions of Divinity, the most equitable of Civil Law, the most salubrious of physick, the most sublime of Metaphysicks, the most solid of Natural Philosophy, the most recreative of Mathematicks, the most pruden­tial of Politicks, the most subtile of Logick, the most perswasive of Rhetorick, and the most pleasing of Poetry.

P.

Is it possible there should be so many Universities in Germany?

G.

There are no less: For Princes seeing that riches had infected the Cloysters with laziness, and that the Sciences which heretofore seemed to be wholly confined within them, were ba­nished from them; being desirous to preserve that Treasure which doth marvellously con­tribute to the glory of God, the honour of the Prince, and the peace of the Provinces, they founded so many of them, that Justus Lipsius saith, there are more Universities in Germany then in all Christendom beside.

P.

You believe that Learning is useful to keep the people in quiet; and many men think, that the Study of Divinity hath occasioned the growth of Heresies, as that of the Law hath produced multitudes of Controversies and [Page 284]Suits which were unknown in the time of our Ancestors, and that of Physick serves but to shorten our lives.

G.

As an evil stomach turns the best food into putrifaction, so a corrupt soul changes vertue into vice and light into darkness Divi­nity is a sacred Science, which fights with and overcomes Heresies; the Civil Law is the rule of Right, which maintains Justice, and bani­shes quarrels from amongst men; and Physick teaches the vertues of Minerals and vegetables, whereby the sound may preserve the health they enjoy, and the sick recover that which they have lost. If then Divines breed Heresies, Lawyers processes, and Physicians diseases, it is not the fault of the Profession, but of the Professors, who abusing their knowledge do convert the goodness thereof into evil.

P.

You will confess, there were fewer Here­sies, Law-suits, and diseases, when there were not so many Universities in Europe.

G.

The world growing old, becomes so much worse and worse, that if the Ancients should live again, they would be astonished to see the corruption of our age. The Heresies and suits in Law which you see, are the fruits of humane malice; and diseases are the effects of Navigations and avarice, which have made men despise and hazard their lives to find out Sugar, Pepper, Cloves, Nutmegs, Cinnamon, and other Spices that were unknown to the [Page 285]ancients; who through that ignorance lived more piously, more healthfully, and longer then we do. Ascribe then (if you please) the Original of Heresies, Law-suits, and diseases, to mans covetousness which hath discovered the Indies, and not to Universities, which op­pose them, and had destroyed them too, if impiety, gluttony, and drunkenness did not entertain and keep them amongst us.

P.

I suppose you count the Universities of the Low Countreys among those of Germany, otherwise there would not be so many; and yet the Germans make scruple to acknowledge them for Doctors who have taken their degree at Leyden, Franeker, Groninguen, and Ʋtrecht.

G.

The Low Countreys being part of Ger­many, it is reasonable that I rank their Univer­sities among those of the Empire; and I think they have good title to that honour, because that of Doway was founded by Philip II. King of Spain A. D. 1562. that of Leyden was instituted by the States of Holland and by Wil­liam Prince of Orange, 1575. That of Frane­ker was established by the States of Friseland, 1581. That of Groninguen, 1614. and lastly that of Ʋtrecht, 1636. As for the first, there is no doubt but a King of Spain hath right to found Universities; and the others having been founded in a time when the Soverainty of the States was still under dispute, some question [Page 286]might jnstly be made whether they had power to give those priviledges which accompany the honour of Doctorship: But now that all Europe acknowledges them for Soverains, no man can make any more question of it And indeed the States General have so great care to procure eminent Professors for their Universi­ties, that Youth cannot but learn all kind of ver­tues there, and ought to repair thither, though they could not receive the Doctoral Cap in those places.

P.

The Universities of Swisserland, of Mar­purg, Altorf, and Strasbourg, are of no great­er antiquity then those of the Low Countreys: But because those men that administer Justice are commonly taken out of the Universities, I think it not amiss that you tell me something of those in the Empire.

G.

All the Universities in the Low Coun­treys are not so new. That of Lovain began in the year 926. Afterwards John Duke of Bra­bant bestowed great priviledges upon it; then it was confirmed by Pope Martin V. and at this time in the judgement of Iohn Becanus there are none in France, Spain, and Italy, that are so magnificent, and send forth so ma­ny excellent personages. As to your question, I shall tell you, that in the Empire every Prince, Count, and Lord hath within his own Lands High, Middle, and Low Justice, which in some Principalities passes a definitive sentence with­out [Page 287]Appeal, and in others unto a certain sum, above which they may appeal to the Imperial Chamber.

P.

I know that every Lord administers Justice to his own subjects within his Territo­ries; but I would learn of you, where addresses were made heretofore, and where they are made now, to obtain right against Illustrious persons, as well touching Ecclesiastical as Se­cular affairs.

G.

In the time of Charlemagne and some of his Successors, the Bishops and Officers of the Crown, joyntly with the Emperor, decided all Ecclesiastical causes: The Prelates, Counts, and other persons of quality were convented at the first instance before the Imperial Court; the Secular Princes could not be judged but in the Diets where the Emperor presides. If there were any complaints to be made against the administrations of the Emperors, it was done in the same Assemblies; and when the matter deserved it, they might depose them, but only with the general consent of all those that had right to sit there. So it happened to Lewis the Debonaire in the year 838. to Charles the Grosse, 887. and some ages after, to Henry IV. Otho IV. and Frederick II.

P.

I remember you have said somewhere else, that the Electors only have the right of choosing and deposing the Emperors.

G.

Things here below do never continue in [Page 288]the same state; and the Electors being ar­rived to a very great power, assumed to them­selves alone the authority of Electing and de­posing the Emperors, though in the beginning it were not so. But all dignities run in the same strain: Popes heretofore acknowledged they held their greatness of the liberality of Pepin and Charlemagne; yet a little after the death of the latter they lifted up their hornes; Gregory IV. would have excom­municated Lewis the Debonaire; Nicholas I. would have done as much to the Emperor Lo­tharius, and Adrian to Charles the Bald; and they had done it, if they had not found the Clergy and People resolved to oppose their unjust proceedings. But in process of time Gregory VII. surpassed all his Predecessors in resolution, and finding a good game put into his hands by the ill will of the Emperors Sub­jects towards their Soverain, he excommunica­ted Henry IV. and afterwards by the same pre­sumption Henry V. Frederick I. Philip, Frede­rick II. and Lewis V. were excommunicated by the Popes.

P.

We have seen elsewhere, that the Counts administred Justice to the People within the Provinces, and that appeals might be made from their sentence to the Count Palatine: So that I have nothing more to enquire after, but when & why the Parliament of the Empire became fixt and sedentary, how many Judges there be, & of what matters they take cognizance.

G.

Law-shits growing numerous in propor­tion to the malice of men, the Court of the Empire was alwayes full of Clients: For which cause Maximilian I. having compassion on them, and desiring to spare both their labour and money, setled a sedentary Parliament at Worms or at Francfort in the year 1495. which was soon after removed to Spire, and cannot be withdrawn from thence but by the consent of all the Estates, except in time of Plague or War. The Assessors were but 16. at the first, but the number of them hath been encreased to 50, who are nominated by the Head and the principal Members of the Empire. The Emperor names the Judge and four of the prin­cipall Officers. The Judge ought to be a Prince or Count, and well skilled in the Civil and Municipal Laws. Every Elector names one Assessor, and all therest are preferred to that employment by the Circles. All these perso­nages ought to be Gentlemen or Doctors; and as they that name them are Catholiques or protestants, so are the Assessors of different Religions, and judge of all cases that are in the power of the Emperor.

P.

Doth all the Empire make application to this Parliament for justice?

G.

All appeals go thither; but at the first instance none go but priviledged persons, and they too as seldom as they can, the greatest part taking Arbitrators to determine their diffe­rences, [Page 290]for as much as justice is so very slowly administred there, as well because there is no other place of Judicature in all the Empire but this Parliament and that of the Imperial Court, as also because there is such an infinite number of old suits to dispatch.

P.

I find in History, that many Controver­sies of great importance, wherein Princes were the parties, have been judged by the Emperors, without taking the advice of that Parliament, nay, without summoning the parties to the Diets.

G.

The first of a Family that gets upon the Throne, cannot have so little authority, but he esteems it great; and when Princes of the same House bear the Sceptre for a long time together, the greatest authority seems but little to them. From hence it comes to pass that the present Emperors do no more take or expect the consent of the Estates when they have a mind to act or determine against the Princes. Charles V. did alone proscribe and by his own authority condemn Iohn Frederick Elector of Saxony, and Philip Landgrave of Hesse. The same Emperor did alone decide the controver­sie between the same Landgrave and the Count of Nassau. Rodolph II. took upon himself alone the cognizance of the difference that happened betwixt the Pretenders to the Dutchies of I [...] ­liers, Cleve, and Berg. Matthias rejected the claim and request of the Landgrave M [...] ­rice, [Page 291]who at the Diet of Ratisbon in the year 1613. prayed his Majesty to allow him Princes for his Judges in the cause between him and the Landgrave Lewis his Cousin. And Ferdinand II. did alone decide the business between George Frederick Marquiss of Baden, and the heirs of Edward Fortunatus. So that matters of great weight are no more decided either at Spire, or in the Imperial Diets; but of right they ought to be decided there.

P.

Let us see, if you please, to what Justice Church-men are subject.

G.

Their Principalities are subject to the Ju­stice of the Emperors, and their persons and Dignities did heretofore acknowledge none but the Pope, but now it is otherwise: For al­though since the time of Frederick II. till the last age no Emperor durst undertake to depose a Bishop, and many Popes have attempted it, and brought it to pass with ease; yet Charles V. and his Successors seem to have resumed their power. When that incomparable Prince had proscribed John Bishop of Hildesheim, the Pope Paul III. exprest his displeasure by pro­testing against it; but it was answered, that it belonged neither to him nor the See of Rome, to judge of the validity or invalidity of the Im­perial Edict or Proclamation called the Ban, and that the Emperor did not care a straw for the sentence which the Pope had given for the re-establishment of the foresaid Bishop. The [Page 292]same Emperor deposed Herman Count of Wie­da Archbishop of Collen in the year 1545. without having the Popes consent for so doing. And Ferdinand II. caused Cardinal Clesel and the Elector of Trier to be arrested, without any fear of incurring the Excommunication wherewith the Bull De Coena Domini threatens those that dare attempt such things.

P.

I am very glad that the Emperors reco­ver their authority; but what Justice do the Monks and inferior Priests obey?

G.

The goods of Priests ought to contribute something to the necessities of the Empire. The persons of Monks are immediately subject to their Priors or Guardians, they to the Provin­cials, the Provincials to the General of the Or­der, and he to the Pope. The Secular Priests are all under the Jurisdiction of the Bishops, except the Protestants, whose persons are sub­ject to the Consistory of their Princes, and their goods to the same Justice as the Seculars.

P.

Though you have often made mention of the Assemblies of the Empire, I could not meet with an opportunity till now to desire a sum­mary account and information thereof; which I pray you therefore to give me now.

G.

All well-governed States have their As­semblies, wherein they resolve matters of im­portance. The old Romans called theirs Comi­tia; and because suffrages were given there by Tribes or Wards, Curiae or Parishes, and Cen­turies, [Page 293]they added to the general word Tribu­ta, Curiata, Centuriata, according as voices were given there. In Germany they have gene­ral and particular Assemblies: The latter are of four kinds; some whereof are the Assemblies of the Electors, others are those of Deputation, the third are those of the Visitations of the Cham­ber, and the last are the particular Assemblies of the Circles.

P.

Enlarge your discourse more upon the particular Assemblies, before we pass to the general.

G.

When the Electors meet together to choose a King of the Romans, their Assembly is called The day of Election, and then the King of Bohemia is not present there: And when they meet upon other affairs, that King is not called then neither, though it be so ordained by the Golden Bull; because the Electors see­ing that the Emperor for the most part had the Crown of Bohemia in his possession, they thought it fit to exclude him from those meet­ings, and have done so by the Capitulations drawn up and made with the late Emperors. These Assemblies are called Churfursen Tag, that is, Days of the Electors. The Assemblies of Deputation are held at Francfort, to dispatch that which could not be resolved in the Diets. The third kind of Assembly is for nothing but to visit the Chamber of Spire, that all things may be kept there in good order. The Assem­blies [Page 294]of the Circles are made after three manner of ways: 1. When the Directors of all the Circles make a general Congregation, 2. When several Circles appoint a day and place for a meeting, and 3. when the Members of one Circle come together to resolve matters of con­cernment to the whole Body; for example, the value or other considerations of their coyn, the Contributions which the Circle is obliged to pay, the Assessors which it is to present to the Chamber of Spire, the means to preserve peace, and enforce them that refuse to obey their Ordinances.

P.

Do me the favour to inform me of the Diets, as you have done of the other Assem­blies; and instruct me, who, how, when, and where they are convocated, what persons are called thither, after what manner they sit there, how they give their voices, and lastly how they come to resolutions in business.

G.

The Emperor only can appoint Diets, and that by consent of the Electors, without which the conclusions there taken are null and void, forasmuch as that consent is the essential form that gives life and vigour to all that is con­cluded there. And the Emperors have obli­ged themselves to ask it, by the observation which they promise to the Capitulations offe­red to every [...]mperor since Maximilian I. The causes for which the [...]mperor may convo­cate these Assemblies are, the necessity, the [Page 295]good, and the safety of the Empire. Now the Emperor, when he hath obtained the consent of the Electors, doth not assemble the Diet by a general Ordinance, but by Letters which his Majesty directs in particular to every one of them that are obliged to be present there. In these Letters, wherein is specified the place, and the occasion of calling the Assembly toge­ther, his Majesty doth not use the way of Com­mand, but of exhortation and entreaty, al­though his Predecessors have made use of these terms, Gebiscen, heissen, befeslen, which signifie to command and enjoyn. The time of continu­ance is not prefixt but by the necessity of af­fairs; and it is always lawful and just to call them when need requires.

P.

Seeing the consent of the Electors is ne­cessary to the convocation of general Assem­blies, the Emperor cannot appoint them alone: But in what place ought they to meet?

G.

As to the place where the Diets ought to be held, it is to be noted, that according to Goldast, Constantine II. ordained that they should be held every year and perpetually at Arles; Charlemagne having translated the Em­pire into France or Germany, would have them at Mentz; and Frederick II. preferred Franc­fort upon the Meyn before that place. The Golden Bull decrees, that the first Diet after the Election of the Emperor shall be held at Nuremberg; that none shall ever be called [Page 296]without the bounds of Germany, and that it be always in a convenient place. The Capitulati­on of Charles V. explains and limits that con­veniency, saying it ought not to be either high­er then Augsbourg, or lower then Collen. And that being observed, all other circumstances are left to the Emperor, who usually pitches upon an Imperial City, where he may be com­modiously received and entertained.

P.

That Article was inserted into the Capi­tulation with Charles V. because he had many Principalities out of the Empire, and they were affraid he might have a mind to convocate the Diets in some place out of Germany. It seems just however that a place be chosen where those that are called thither may not be very ill ac­commodated. But who are the persons that are called to the Assemblies?

G.

All the Estates of the Empire whom we have formerly mentioned are by the Emperor called to the Diets. It is only to be observed, that he calls the Ecclesiastical Princes thither after they are once elected, though before they have their Bulls from the Pope; that in place of Princes under age, he calls their Guardians who administer their Estates; and that Princes actually Governing are called thither, though they have not yet received Investiture for what they hold in Fee of the Empire. You shall fur­ther observe, that in places where the right of Primogeniture prevails, as in Austria, Bava­ria, [Page 297]Lorraine, Brunswick, Holstein, Hesse, Wirtemberg, Baden, and Montbeliard, the Emperor calls none but those that are in posses­sion of the Government; and in places where the Principalities are divided into equal shares, he calls all that have priviledge to sit in Diets, as for example, the Dukes of Weimar, Altem­bourg, and Gotta, who have all voices for their particular Principalities; But if all the divided Estates of Princes have but one voice, as the Principality of Anhalt, all the Lords together appoint one Deputy. The Emperor doth also call thither some persons that have not right of Session; as Count Papenheim, who is always present there to execute the Office of Vice-Marshal: And Charles V. caused Doctor Lu­ther to be at the Diet of Wormes in the year 1521. And Rodolph II. called the Assessors of Spire to that of Ratisbon, to give an account of their Judgements and Decrees in the year 1608.

P.

What is the Office of Marshal Papenheim at the Diets?

G.

The Office of Vice-Marshal is, 1. To choose Lodgings, mark them, and set them out for the Princes the most commodiously that possibly may be; 2. To take care that all things necessary for the Assembly be brought thither, and distributed at a just price, weight, and measure; 3. To survey the Hall or room where the Assembly is to be held, and to see it [Page 298]be adorned and fitted suitable to the Dignity of the persons that are to assist there; 4. To have a special eye and regard to the publick safe­ty; 5. To signifie unto the Princes and other Estates the day and hour when they are to be present at the propounding of affairs, and at debates and consultations, where he also ga­ther [...] the voices; and lastly, he hath Jurisdi­ction over strangers that come to that place to sell and retail any commodity; and the wo­men of pleasure that come thither, are obliged to present themselves before him to have their names registred.

P.

As far as I perceive, Count Papenheims Office bears a great resemblance with that of Grand Provost of the Household to the King of France: But are all the Estates of the Empire obliged to appear in these Assemblies?

G.

The Jurisdiction of the Grand Provost of the King of France his Household extends five Leagues compass about the place where the King resides; he puts a price upon all that is sold for the use and entertainment of the Court; and in that, as in many other things, he equals or exceeds the authority of Papen­heim: But that wherein he surpasses him in­deed is, that it brings him in 20000. Crowns yearly. As to your question, you must know that all the Princes of the House of Austria, and the Duke of Lorraine, are called to the Di­ets, yet go not but when they please.

P.

Are all the other Estates to assist there in person?

G.

All other Lords and Estates, as well Ec­clesiastical as Secular, having right of Session, ought to go thither in person, unless they be excused by age, sickness, or other such impedi­ments; in which case they are permitted to send their Ambassadors. Now when I say All, I do not in that generality comprehend the Ab­besses, who cannot appear with decency to their Sex; nor the Cities, which cannot be transported: It is sufficient then for the Ab­besses and the Cities to send their Deputies to the Diets. The Estates that go thither in per­son present themselves to the Emperor when he is present, and to his Commissioners when he is absent; and they acquaint the Chancellor of Mentz and the Vice-Marshal with their arri­val, that they may receive advertisement of the day and hour when the Councel is to be held. The Ambassadors and the Deputies do not pre­sent themselves to the Emperor, but to the Elector of Mentz, into whose hands they put the Commission or Power by which they are authorized to come.

P.

I am sufficiently informed touching the persons that ought to appear at the Diets: Ob­lige me now to tell me the Order that is obser­ved there.

G.

The Emperor usually goes thither first, to the end it may be taken notice of that all [Page 300]other Princes repair to him: On the day ap­pointed for opening the Diet, the Electors, Princes, and Ambassadors come to the Empe­rors Lodging; and when the Emperor comes forth to go to the place where the Assembly is to be held, all the Ambassadors of absent per­sons march before in good order two and two, or three and three; after the Princes the Ele­ctor of Trier walks alone, and directly after him the Elector of Saxony carrying the Sword naked, with the Electors of Bavaria and Bran­denbourg at each side, the first bearing the Im­perial Ball, and the other the Golden Sceptre. Those Electors are immediately followed by the Emperor, who hath on his right hand the Elector of Mentz, and on his left him of Col­len. After the Emperor the King of Bohemia goes alone, and after him the Empress when she is in place; and her Majesty is followed by all the Ecclesiastical Princes, who observe the same Order that the Seculars did.

P.

I believe it is a very fine sight: But when they are come to the room which Count Papen­heim hath caused to be furnished as richly as can be, how do they sit?

G.

Being entred thereinto, the Emperor seats himself on a Throne raised upon a scaffold covered with rich Tapistry: The Electors sit a degree lower in this order; the Archbishop of Mentz, followed by him of Collen, and he by the Duke of Bavaria, take place on the [Page 301]right hand; the King of Bohemia, when he is present (which happens very seldom) the Duke of Saxony, the Marquis of Brandenbourg, and the Count Palatine, sit on the left; and the Elector of Trier directly over against the Em­peror. Some say, that when there is a King of the Romans, the Elector of Trier sits where I said the King of Bohemia was to take his place, and the King of the Romans in that place which the Golden Bull assigned to the Elector of Trier. Others would have the Elector of Mentz, King of Bohemia, and Count Palatine to sit on the right hand; those of Collen, Sax­ony, and Brandenbourg on the left; and he of Trier right opposite to the Emperor. The other Princes, Prelates, Counts, and Barons, are a degree lower then the Electors; the Ecclesiastiques taking the right hand, and the Seculars the left.

P.

There is nothing to be seen so illustrious as those Assemblies; and I fancy that he who hath the honour to speak at the first opening of them, sayes very handsom things.

G.

When every one hath taken his place one of the Emperors Counsellors, or a Prince, on whom that charge is imposed, rises up, salutes the Company, and in an excellent dis­course gives thanks to all the Assembly, for that in compliance with the Emperors order all those Princes and Lords have freely and cheer­fully resorted to that place. After which, his [Page 302]Majesty continuing the Speech, desires the Assembly in few words that they would contri­bute with all their might, so as their Countrey may receive the fruit expected from them. That being done, a Secretary reads the Proposition; which usually contains no more then the points which the Emperor touched in his summons of calling the Estates together. After that is read, the Electors, Princes, and Ambassadors rise up, and having conferred together a very little while, one of the company answers the Em­peror in the name of all the rest, that by the pro­position even now made unto them they under­stand the importance of the affairs which ob­liged his Majesty to call the Assembly together; that they know he hath alwayes had, and still hath a very particular care of the publick good; for which they most humbly thank him, assur­ing him they will do all that lyes in their power for the advantage of the State; and to the end they may more maturely deliberate, they be­seech his Majesty to cause a Copy of the Propo­sition to be delivered to them, and to take their persons and fortunes under the shadow of his protection. The Emperor having heard that discourse, gives command that the Propo­sition be communicated to them all, exhorts them to give their advice upon every point, and promises them his favour and affe­ction. Which being done, his Majesty goes back again to his Lodging in the same Order as he came.

P.

They say that in those Diets there is more time spent in regulating of places, then in deli­berating upon business; that seldom any thing is resolved there, and that one Diet alwayes begets another.

G.

In Germany as well as in other places one equal submits not to another but against his will; and the Emperor doth not willingly de­cide those controversies, where the sentence cannot but de displeasing to one of the parties. Now because the taking of places is not regulated in every respect, nor perchance will ever be, there ariseth always some stop to affairs; which would not happen, if every one were of Ʋlrick Duke of Wirtemberg his humour, who upon a certain occasion, where much time was lost in those vanities, said that they should put him be­hind the door, so they concluded that for which they came together. As to the other branch of your objection, they do rarely resolve any business, because it is hard to reduce many heads and different interests unto one and the same opinion.

P.

It were well that every one should know his place, or be less concerned for it; but since that cannot be, we must let those abuses take their course. Tell me now how they sit when they give their suffrages.

G.

The Estates of the Empire having had some time to consult among themselves, the Elector of Mentz sends a note to him of Saxony, and he [Page 304]to the Vice-Marshal of the Empire, requiring him to give advertisement unto all whom it may concern to repair the next day unto the place appointed at such an hour in the fore­noon: Which order the Vice-Marshal obeys. The Estates having received such notice, meet together every one in their own Classe, whereof there are three: The first is that of the Electors; the second, that of the Princes as well Eccle­siastical as Secular, of the Abbots, Counts, and Barons; the third, of the Imperial or Imme­diate Cities. The Electors being met together, he of Mentz sits at the upper end, those of Trier and Collen on his right and left hand by turns; they of Bavaria and Brandenbourg al­wayes on the right, and the Saxon and Palatine alwayes on the left hand.

P.

As far as I perceive, the Electors know their places; do not other Princes and Lords know theirs as well?

G.

The Golden Bull assigns a certain place to each Elector; but it is not so with the other Lords, no nor with the Imperial Cities, which have alwayes some protestation to make against the wrong they pretend to be done them. The second Classe is distinguisht into two Benches: Upon the first sit the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, and Abbesses, the Grand Master of the Teutonique Order, the Archdukes, and the Duke of Burgundy; upon the second are placed all the Secular Princes, Counts, and [Page 305]Barons, that have right to sit in those Assem­blies. As to those of the first Bench; the Duke of Burgundy seldom sends thither; the House of Austria take then turns of precedence with the Archbishop of Saltzbourg, who is now the only man left of that quality that sits in the Di­ets; and the Grand Master of the Teutonick Order precedes all the Bishops: And further then this, I do not know what Order the Bi­shops and the Abbots observe in their Session. As to the Secular Princes, the younger sons of the Electoral Houses precede the other Princes, whose manner of sitting hath been sufficiently declared already. The third Classe is that of the Cities, which are also distinguisht into two Branches; the Deputy of Collen holds the first rank amongst the Cities of the Rhine, and he of Rutisbon amongst those of Swaben.

P.

I can give a near guess of the order ob­served by the Princes in taking their places; and would now understand how they give their voices.

G.

In the first Classe the Elector of Mentz takes the voices, proceeding after this manner: He first asks the Elector of Trier his opinion, and then him of Collen, in the third place of the Duke of Bavaria, then of Saxony, after of Brandenbourg, and lastly, of the Count Pala­tine. After all which, the Elector of Saxony asks him of Mentz his suffrage; which is of great importance, because being the last, he [Page 306]can sway the Balance to which side he thinks good.

P.

The Electors have every one a voice in the deliberations: Have other Princes and Lords the like?

G.

In the second Classe, the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, and Abbesses that bear the quality of Princes, the Grand Master of the Teutonick Order, and the Secular Princes, have for every person one or more voices; the other Prelates have two voices amongst them all, and the Counts with the Barons as many. I say there are some Princes that have more then one voice, because it happens that one Prince hath more then one Principality, and then he hath as many voices as Immediate Lordships to which that right is annext. For example, the King of Sweden hath a voice for Bremen, for Verden, and for Pomerania respectively; as al­so the Elector of Brandenbourg for the same Pomerania, and for the Principalities of Hal­berstad and Minden. If there were but one Duke of Brunswick, he would have four voi­ces; and one Duke of Saxony would have above five or six.

P.

I think I am skilful enough in this point: Let us proceed to the suffrage of the Cities.

G.

We have seen before, that the third Classe is distinguisht into two Benches: The first contains all the Free Cities of the Rhine, Alsatia, Landfortey, Haguenau, Wetteravis, [Page 307]Baxony, and Thuringia; the other contains all the other Free Cities of Germany. The City wherein the general Assembly is held, hath the Directory, that is, the Deputy of that City is seated near a Table with some Senators, and a Register or Clerk of each Bench, and gathers the voices, asking the opinion first of the De­puty of Collen, then of him of Ratisbon; after­wards he returns to the Bench of the Rhine, and so to that of Swaben, continuing in that manner till he hath done. By which it is easily seen, that there is not the meanest City, but hath a voice amongst the Cities, if it have right to sit amongst them; but they have but two voices for them all together in the Body of the Empire represented compendiously in the Di­ets.

P.

What affairs are treated on in those As­semblies?

G.

The matters handled in the Diets are all very important, regarding Religion or the Ci­vil Government; as may be seen in the Recesse of the Empire, which contains the resolutions taken in the general Assemblies, and the Ordi­nances therein made. Here you are to take no­tice, that in the Assemblies plurality of voices is usually followed in all sorts of business; but because the Catholiques taken in grosse are in greater number and have more voices then the Protestants, it hath been thought necessary for the peace of the Empire, to take an equal num­ber [Page 308]of persons, when they would decide any thing in matter of Religion, and where scruple of Conscience might strain too hard upon Ju­stice. Which is very useful in a Countrey where two Religions are permitted, and speci­ally where the parties are almost equal.

P.

Having discoursed of the time, the place, and the order of Diets, as also of the persons that call them, and of those that ought to meet there, and of the matters there treated on; I pray, tell me how the Conclusions are made.

G.

The Conclusion of the Diets is taken as followeth: The Electors having pitched upon a Conclusion amongst them, send it to the Colledge of the Princes, who approve or reject it, and that either in whole or in part, and send back their opinion to the said Electors. Upon this opinion of the Princes the Electors delibe­rate again, and return their deliberation to the Princes, desiring them to weigh their reasons: if they rest satisfied therewith, the business is done; but if they persist in a contrary opinion, an Appeal is made to the Deputies of the Cities, who sometimes adhere to the opinion of the Electors, and sometimes to that of the Princes; and when they also dissent from both the other Classes (as oftentimes they do) they propose new Conclusions, to which the Electors and the Princes make answer, endeavouring to draw them unto their opinion. These con­trarieties are very often longer then were need­ful, [Page 309]and then the Emperor exhorts them all to agree, and in all things to prefer the publick before their own private Interest. Such exhor­tation doth oftentimes prevail so far, that eve­ry one abates a little of his opinion, and comes to an agreement in the whole or in part; and when they conceive that things are brought to as good terms as they can expect, they send them to his Majesty for his approbation. From this difficulty of bringing persons to be of one mind, whose interests and desires are so diffe­rent, proceeds that ordinary saying, That one Diet is the mother of another, and from thence also come those Assemblies of Deputation which we have briefly touched before.

P.

You forgot at that time to tell me who they are that use to sit in the Assemblies of De­putation.

G.

There were anciently called thither all the Electors (except the King of Bohemia) the Archduke of Austria, the Bishops of Wirsbourg and Munster, the Duke of Bavaria, the Ab­bots of Weingardt and Ochsenhausen, the Count of Furstemberg, and the Cities of Collen and Nuremberg: At this present, besides those above named, there are also called the Dire­ctors of the Circles of Swaben and Burgundy, the Dukes of Brunswick and Pomerania, and the Landgrave of Hesse. In these Assemblies the Emperors Deputy makes the Proposition to the rest, who have every man one voice; but [Page 310]when they are voting upon a Conclusion, all the Electors together have but one voice, and all the other Deputies another.

P.

I am well satisfied in this point, but your preceding discourse having informed me, that opinions in the Diets are oftentimes stiffely and obstinately held on both sides, hath left me in a doubt which obligeth me to ask you, whether in case the Estates cannot agree, the Emperor should have the power to resolve matters, and decide the controverted difficulties according to his own will.

G.

You throw me into a field where Writers fence to the right and to the left, all of them bringing probable reasons on their side. Ex­cuse me (if you please) from examining them; for I am of opinion for my own part, that Con­clusions ought to proceed by the consent of the Emperor and the Estates together, and that neither the Emperor nor the Estates can con­clude any thing alone: Nevertheless in your case, submission should be given to the Empe­rors judgement; because the obstinacy of the Estates might occasion dangerous factions, fa­ction Civil Wars, and Civil War the universal ruine of the Empire. And moreover, it is to be thought that the Emperor being as a com­mon Father to the Princes and the Estates, hath as great a care of their good as of his own.

P.

I do confess, that in that case obedience should be yielded to the Emperors judgement, [Page 311]and that sober and rational men should always choose rather to quit a little of their priviledges and immunities, then to kindle a flame in their native Countrey. Let us see what is done when the Conclusions are taken.

G.

When the Assembly is come to an agree­ment, and the Head hath prevailed upon the Members, or the Members brought the Head to consent unto their opinion, the resolutions are set down in writing, and signed before they be published. Heretofore the Emperor alone signed them, or in his absence the King of the Romans; afterwards there was added thereunto the Sign and Seal of two Electors, two Princes, one Abbot, one Count, and the Deputy of the City where the Assembly was held. At this time the signing is as followeth: The Recesse, that is to say, the Act being writ­ten in parchment, the Emperors Seal is applied below upon two small silken cords joyned toge­ther, which are then parted in two again to the right side and to the left; upon the right­side cord there is impressed the Elector of Mentz his Seal, if he be present, or in his ab­sence one of the Ecclesiastical Electors; below that, the Seal of the first Ecclesiastical Prince there present, and of one of the Prelates in the third place: On the left side of the Imperial Seal the first Secular Elector there present puts his, just over against that of the Elector of Mentz; then the Duke of Bavaria, or in his [Page 312]absence the most eminent Secular Prince then present; and in the third place a Count of Wet­teravia or of Swaben by turns: Lastly, the two cords are closed again, and fastned with the Seal of the City where the Assembly is kept. When that is done, the Elector of Mentz reads it openly, and then all the Princes and Lords wait upon the Emperor to his Lodging.

P.

Are all these formalities absolutely neces­sary?

G.

They are all so necessary, that without them the Recesse or Act would not have the po­wer of a Law, nor oblige any one to the ob­servation of it. But I should have told you, that two Originals are drawn, Signed and Seal­ed in the same manner; one of which is laid up in the Chancery of the Empire, whereof the Elector of Mentz hath the custody, and the other in the Chancery of the Emperor: There is also a Copy sent to the Chamber of Spirt. Here you must take notice, that these Acts are framed and written in the German Tongue, to the end that all the Subjects of the Empire may understand them; neither can they be in any other Language, by an Edict which the Empe­ror Rodolph made to that purpose in the year, 1274.

The end of the Ninth Dialogue.

Dialogue X.
In what condition the Empire was when the peace was concluded at Munster, 1648. And of the Golden Bull.

P.

WHen the unwelcome news of the Em­peror Ferdinand III. his deplorable death had sounded in the ears of all Germany, it struck a sensible sorrow upon the hearts of all those that love peace, which he had procured for us, and fear the disorders which usually happen in the time of an Interregnum. I am one of that number; and that fear carrying my thoughts back to the sad and calamitous times of his Reign, I desire you to tell me some­thing of it.

G.

Ferdinand III. Son to Ferdinand II. Ne­phew to Charles Archduke of Gratz, and great Nephew to the Emperor Ferdinand I. being born the 13. of July 1608. was placed upon the Throne of Hungary in the year 1625. and two years after, upon that of Bohemia. Then ha­ving given proof of his valour, prudence, and [Page 314]piety, he was chosen King of the Romans at Ratisbon in the year 1636. and on the 9. of July 1637. when his Father dyed, he took the Reins of the Empire into his hand, and was ef­fectually Emperor, though his Enemies refu­sed to give him the title, till the beginning of the Treaty of Peace which was concluded at Munster the 24. of October 1648. That Prince having enjoyed but little health, and less quiet­ness upon earth, entred into the fruition of Eternal rest in Heaven the second of April in the year 1657. which was the 20. of his Reign, and the 49. of his Age.

P.

The decease of that pious Prince was the innocent cause of the dispute which is at this day between the Electors of Bavaria and Pala­tine, the first pretending that the Vicarship of the Empire is inseparably annext to his Elector­ship, and the other, to the possession of the Lower Palatinate: And I remember I have heard you say, that Frederick V. Father of this Palatine accepted the Crown of Bohemia, which Charles Emanuel Duke of Savoy, Bethle­lem Gabor Prince of Transylvania, John George Elector of Saxony, and Maximilian Duke of Bavaria, had justly refused, when the Bohe­mians desirous of novelty rejected their King; out of which temerarious engagement grew that War which hath afflicted Our Countrey for a long time. Now being I hold it more ne­cessary to know the condition wherein Germa­ny [Page 315]was at the beginning and end of our trou­bles, then to learn in what state Rome was at the time when Julius Cesar broke and dissolved the Triumvirate; I pray tell me what you know of it.

G.

It is good to know ancient Histories, but much better not to be ignorant in the modern. I therefore commend your curiosity, and for the satisfaction thereof shall tell you, it is worth your observation, that the peace of many years had filled Germany with riches, debauchery, and evil humours, which could not let Great men be quiet in the enjoyment of their super­abundant happiness. I do not know whether it be, that our nature is always longing for new things, or that God usually punishes our ex­cesses, even in this life: But so it was, that the Head and principal Members of the Empire en­tred into a misunderstanding and distrust of one another; while the first endeavouring to en­large his authority, found himself in danger to lose it; and the latter desiring to preserve their priviledges, filled their states with misery, de­solation and infinite mortalities.

P.

Some think that the House of Austria being arrived to a formidable greatness, pro­jected designs proportioned to its strength, and would have made it self absolute as well in Ger­many, as in its Estates of Spain and Italy; the apprehension whereof possessing our Nation, made it resolve upon the dangeroufest way of [Page 316]preserving it self, which is, to call in Strangers.

G.

As in eating, one bit whets the stomach for another, so it is in rule and Government, where every addition creates a desire of enlarge­ment. Yet I do not believe the House of Au­stria, which is naturally pious and just, had ever a design to enrich it self out of the spoils of another; but the affection it bears to the Reli­gion of Rome doth easily perswade me, that it would willingly have leaped over any other consideration, to see the Protestants under the yoke of the Pope.

P.

Do you think, that the zeal of Religion which is remarked in those Princes, was the cause of our Civil Wars?

G.

It is not impossible but that zeal might have carried the pious disposition of Ferdinand II. upon some enterprize which might clash with that liberty of Religion which was tolera­ted by the Edicts of his Predecessors; and if you adde thereunto, with what ease he dissi­pated the dreadful Forces which Frederick V. Elector Palatine, Bethlehem Gabor, and his other Confederates had drawn together, you will make no further doubt, but that his good success inflamed and heightned that zeal of his; and that the same great Prince, believing his victories to be visible evidences that God called him to humble and bring down every thing that did not acknowledge the See of Rome, would have endeavoured to force consciences, [Page 317]and make Rome to be reverenced in every place where his Sceptre was obeyed.

P.

Malvezzi pretending to show that the House of Austria took up Arms only in its own defence, says that the greatest part of the world conspired its ruine in the year 1625.

G.

That Marquiss desiring to raise beyond all comparison the merit of Don Gaspar de Gus­man, Count of Olivares, and Duke of Saint Lucar, favourite to Philip IV. King of Spain, says that by vertue of a League made at Avig­non, Europe and Africa laid their heads and joyned their hands together against the House of Austria; and that the felicity and prudence of that Favourite was such, that the King his Master remained victorious every where: For, says he, when it was resolved that the Hollan­ders should set upon Brasile, the Armies of France and Savoy should assault Genoa, the King of England should send a Fleet to Cadiz, the King of Denmark, with the Protestants of Germany should trouble the Empire, Venice should assist the Duke of Savoy with money, and the Grisons with money and ammunition, to enable them to enter into the Valteline; that means should be used to make peace between the Turk and the Persian, to the end the first should invade Germany through Hungary, and Bethlehem Gabor through Transylvania; that the Hollanders should furnish Canon and Ca­noneers to the Moores of Africa to besiege [Page 318] Mamora and Larache: Yet that whirlwind was scattered by the breath of God, by the prudence of the Catholique King, and by the counsel of the Conde Duke; for that Lord sent a Fleet to Brasile, which recovered the Bay of Todos los Santos that the Hollanders had taken; Genoa and the Valteline were relieved by two Armies, which rescued the first when it was brought to the last gasp; and preserved the Catholique Religion in the second; the Eng­lish were forced to let Cadiz be quiet, after they had lost 5000. men there; the Hollanders lost Breda, the Africans were repelled from Mamora and Larache with notable loss; and after the King of Denmark was beaten at the Battel of Lutter, and many other encounters, he was finally shut up into a corner within his Isles.

P.

It is true, that Christian IV. King of Den­mark did his business but ill in Germany; and that after the defeat of Frederick V. Elector Pa­latine, of Charles Count of Mansfeld, of Christian of Brunswick Bishop of Halberstadt, of George Frederick Marquiss of Dourlach, and of that King, the Emperor was at a high point of prosperity and power.

G.

After all those victories the greatest part of the World thought Ferdinand II. unconque­rable, as well as he had been unconquered be­fore. Now all Europe looking with an evil eye upon the too flourishing condition of the [Page 319]House of Austria; and the Emperor endeavou­ring to re-plant the Monks in their Cloysters from which they had been long excluded, and it may be to force all the Members of the Em­pire to go to Mass; Gustavus Adolphus King of Sweden, animated with the desire, or at least with the pretense of maintaining the Pro­testant Religion; and Lewis XIII. King of France, fearing that the oppression of Germa­ny might bring both the Empire and Europe into slavery; they confederated with the Stares of Holland and some German Princes. So the Emperor had his hands full, on one side with the valiantest Prince that ever wore sword for many years past, and on the other the wisest Cardinal that ever was honoured with the Purple: And then Ferdinand knew that be had not fastened and secured the instability of For­tunes wheel.

P.

Hercules had not been strong enough to resist so many powerful enemies; then it is no marvel, if both the counsel and courage of the Emperor were shaken.

G.

The Emperor was not alone to bear that shock: For having honoured Maximilian Duke of Bavaria with the Dignity of Frederick V. Elector Palatine, he found him ready to fol­low his fortune, and serve him with all the strength of his mind, body and estates: Ferdi­nand Elector of Collen, brother to Maximilian, did the same; and the Duke of Lorraine forget­ing [Page 320]his own Interest, embraced that of the House of Austria; the Prelates and some o­ther Princes of the Empire did the like, and entred into a Confederacy for that purpose.

P.

Those were strong parties indeed; espe­cially being amongst Nations that do not easily take Arms, and when they are once taken, do more hardly lay them down.

G.

When the Forces of two Enemies are equal, if piety employ them to preserve liberty of Conscience, or vain-glory to get more Crowns, they produce sad and dismal effects, and bring destruction upon many Provinces. And so it hapned here, where love to Religion having united the Protestants of Germany to the King of Sweden, the current of his prosperi­ties was so great and so sudden, that if death had not put a stop to his victories, without doubt his best friends would have had cause to entertain both jealousie and fear of him. But when that Mars had shot like thunder from the four corners, and through the midst of the Empire, so that neither powerful Armies, deep Rivers, thick Forests, nor impregnable Forts could stop the Torrent of his good suc­cess; he was slain at last the sixth of November 1632. That death did somewhat slacken those unparalleled prosperities; but a little after, the Generals that succeeded him, being assisted with the counsel and good instructions of Cardi­nal Richelieu, and with the Treasure of France, [Page 321]laid the foundations of a longer and bloodier War: Which obliged the Elector of Saxony and some other Princes to change Interest, and endeavour to keep up the greatness of the House of Austria. So the Emperor being supported by the Catholique King, some Electors and other Potentates of Germany and Italy, and the Swedes assisted by the Forces of France, Hol­land, and some Protestant Princes; the match became so equal, that the War held on, some­times with gain, sometimes with loss, from the year 1630. till 1648.

P.

It is said that the last War of Germany continued 30. years without intermission.

G.

It is true, that the Bohemians being per­swaded that the Emperor Matthias derogated from their priviledges and the liberty of their Religion, when he gave judgement for the Ca­tholiques in the case concerning some Churches which the Protestants had built at Brunaw and Clostergrab, conceived strange designs of re­venge, and trusting to their own Forces, and those of their Confederates, they threw the principal Officers of the Realm headlong down from a Tower, created a new King, and took the field so suddenly, that Ferdinand II. their lawful King, and new Emperor, had cause to say, that Crowns have as much sharpness from their thorns, as lustre from their precious stones. But all that the Elector Palatine, the Counts de la Tour and Mansfeld, the Marquiss [Page 322]of Dourlach, and the King of Denmark at­tempted, did but serve to augment and im­prove the Forces, glory, and confidence of the Emperor. I count here only from the King of Swedens entring into Germany till the Peace, in which time there were fought within the Em­pire seven pitcht Battels, fourteen exceeding bloody Fights, and divers others of less note, which have reduced our Countrey unto so mise­rable a condition, that one can hardly find a whole unruined house in the Campania, nor one Province throughout all the Empire that hath half so much people in it, as it had before the last troubles.

P.

Famine and Plague, those usual attend­ants of War, came also into play, and rifled a world of people. But since the relation of past evils is pleasant to those that have gone through them, it will not be troublesome to you to tell me, at what time, in what place, and by whom those Battels and Combats were fought, and who had the better or the worse in them.

G.

The first Battel was given at Leipsick in Misnia, between Gustavus Adolphus King of Sweden of glorious memory, on the one part, and the Imperialists with their Confederates under the command of Count Tilly on the o­ther, wherein the Swedes got the victory Sep­tember 7. 1631. The second was fought at Lutzen not far from Leipsick, November 6. 1632. between the Swedes having their King [Page 323]for Generalissimo, and the Imperial Army commanded by Albert Wallestein Duke of Frid­land. In that Battel the Swedes had the victo­ry by the resolution of Bernard Duke of Saxo­ny and their other Generals, but it cost them their King, who was the Cesar of our age; and the Emperor on his side lost the flower of his Souldiers, and the Achilles of Germany, I mean the incomparable Godfrey Count of Pa­penheim.

P.

That King, whose valour was beyond all example, ought not to dye but triumphing; and Papenheim could not fall but in the compa­ny of so great a Prince: But it is a thing very extraordinary, that an Army should remain victorious, where the Commander in chief was slain in the very beginning of the Fight; and we hear but of few Princes that have triumphed in their death. Pass we on to the other Battels.

G.

The third was at Hamelen, July 28. 1663. between the Swedes, Hessians, and Lune­bourgers, commanded by George Duke of Lune­bourg General of the Circle of Lower Saxony, and the Imperialists under the conduct of the Counts of Merode and Grandsfeld; where the latter were worsted. The fourth, which was the first wherein the Emperor had the victory, and was one of the bloodiest that had been seen in 30. years before, dyed with generous blood the Plains of Nortlinguen an Imperial City of Swaben, September 6. 1634. Ferdinand King [Page 324]of Hungary, who afterwards was Emperor, commanded his Fathers Army; and being se­conded by the Troops and person of Ferdinand Infante of Spain, and of Charles Duke of Lor­raine, he assaulted and vanquisht Bernard Duke of Weymar and Gustavus Horn Marshal of Sweden, who commanded the Swedish Troops. That victory was so great, that the Swedish party had apparently fallen to nothing, if the most Christian King had not contributed his cares and forces to set them up again.

P.

After that Battel John de Werdt took and stript above 50. Gentlemen or Gentlewomen at the Castle of Neuberg.

G.

I have reason to remember that misfor­tune; for though I were at a great distance from thence, yet I lost very much there. The Fifth made Wistock in the Marquisate of Bran­denbourg much spoken of. It was there that John George I. of that name, Elector of Saxony, who had embraced the Imperial Party, and was assisted by General Hatzfeld, was beaten by John Bannier that Heroical Swede, September 24. 1636. The sixth was fought at Leipsick, in the same place where the first was, without any alteration, but that the Imperialists took that ground which the Swedes had before: but though they changed their place, they did not change their fortune; for Torstenson overcame the Archduke Leopold William and Octavio Pico­lomini Duke of Amalfi, renowned Generals of the Imperial Army.

P.

The Catholiques have hitherto won but one of the six Battels wherein they engaged with their enemies: Who got the last victory?

G.

The Swedes that were entred into Bohe­mia under the command of Leonard Torstenson, did there at a place called Jancou set upon Count Hatzfeld General of the Imperial For­ces, and utterly routed him, Feb. 24. 1645. These two last Battels, together with many combats and taking of Towns, gained an im­mortal name to that Swedish General, who was forced to leave the exercise of Souldiery before he was forty years old, the Gout having taken away the use of all his Limbs, except his Tongue, which I have heard him use in accu­sing of fortune for having too early deprived him of the means of gaining Crowns of Laurel. That great personage having thus made him­self illustrious by Military actions, Christina Queen of Sweden gave him the name with the County of Ortila; and History bearing the marks of his eminent vertue, will always give him this testimony, that he was equal to the greatest Captains of ancient times.

P.

If the gallant men that commanded and dyed in those Battels, had been employed a­gainst the Turk, I am perswaded he had been brought to bow down to the Cross, and yield obedience to the Christians.

G.

I think so too; and it is a wonder that so much blood being run out of the veins of our [Page 326] Germany, hath not brought her even to her grave. Yet this is not all; she hath lost more valiant persons in the Fights which I am going to relate, then in the pitcht Battels. The first was that of the King of Sweden, who set upon the Imperial Army entrenched and command­ed by Wallestein at Furts upon the Old Moun­tain, August 24. 1632. and was forced to re­treat with very great loss, giving a remarkable example, that Great men commit great errors, and that the courage of the Lion doth rarely cohabit with the subtilty of the Fox; because in some, that heat of the heart which is requi­site to make a man undaunted, dissipates and quickens the coldness of the brain; in others, that predominant temper of the brain commu­nicates such a faint and languishing quality to the heart as obstructs and fetters its activity. The second was fought by the Electors of Saxo­ny and Brandenbourg (when they were confe­derated with the Swedes) against the Imperia­lists, who were worsted near Lignitz in Silesia May 3. 1634. The third was that of Rheim­feld, where Bernard Duke of Weymar beat the Duke of Savelli and John de Werdt, who com­manded the Imperial and Bavarian Troops, in several encounters from the 18. till the 21. of February, 1638. The fourth was given at Wittenvoyer in Brisgou, where the same Duke of Saxon-Weymar did again beat the Imperialists and Bavarians commanded by the Count of [Page 327] Gotzen and the Duke of Savelli, July 30. 1638. Then that Prince crowned all his former actions, when he sent some Generals prisoners to Paris, and obliged all Europe to confess, that few things were impossible for him to do, since, notwithstanding all the power of his Enemies used to the contrary, he forced the Virgin City of Brisac to submit her self unto his will.

P.

If I be not mistaken, Marquiss Virgilio Malvezzi speaking of the Duke Bernard in a little Treatise which he made and intituled, Of the successes of the Monarchy of Spain, which hapned in the year 1639. says, that Prince was more often vanquished then victorious; and you say, that he obtained two great victories in one year.

G.

I never said he was invincible; but I dare confidently affirm, that he was never beaten for want of courage or conduct: And Mal­vezzi himself acknowledging that he won more then he lost, doth also confess, that the design which he had to keep in a Body by himself, and to exchange the places he held in Burgundy for those of Colmar, Selestadt and Benfeld, thereby to make himself master of Strasbourg, and by the means of that great and wealthy Ci­ty to maintain a high reputation as long as the War lasted, and to enter upon a Peace with ad­vantage, were great thoughts, but nothing disproportionable to the spirit, fortune, and valour of that excellent Prince. The fifth Com­bat [Page 328]hapned, April 4. 1639. near Kemnitz in Misnia, where Bannier the Swedes General overcame the Imperialists and Saxons command­ed by General Salis. The sixth was an action of the Archduke Leopold and Picolomini, more bold then well advised, when they set upon the Swedes, French and Lunebourgers in their Trenches at Wolfenbottel, and were beaten back with the loss of their Foot, and the left wing of their Horse, June 19. 1641. The seventh signalized Mareshal Guebriant in the Archbi­shoprick of Collen, where having the conduct of the French Army, he beat and took prisoner Baron Lamboy General of the Emperors Con­federates, January 17. 1642.

P.

After the taking of Lamboy, Mareshal Guebriant was very seasonably backed by Fre­derick Henry of Nassau Prince of Orange.

G.

That German Alexander did a special piece of service to his Allies at that time, taking up his Quarters between Rhimberg and Orsoy, to succour the Mareshal in case the Spaniards should draw towards him. The eighth Com­bat hapned near Schweinitz in Silesia, where Torstenson surprised Francis Albert Duke of Saxon-Lawembourg, General of the Imperia­lists and Saxons, who were so soundly beaten there, that their General remained dead upon the place, May 21. 1642. In the ninth there was but little blood shed, but a total rout of the French Army, which after the death of [Page 329]Mareshall Guebriant, being commanded by Count Iosias de Rantzau, was surprised by the Bavarian Forces under the conduct of Hatzfeld, and Iohn de Werdt at Dutlinguen a little Town in the Dutchy of Wirtemberg, and nothing was saved but a part of the Horse led by General Rose.

P.

The death of the Count de Guebriant occa­sioned that defeat; and the loss of his person was valued at no less a rate, then that of all his Troops, because of the good services he had, and might still have performed.

G.

That Mareshal was exceedingly beloved by the German Troops, being a man of singular courage and conduct, and so careful of them, that in his time they were alwayes very well paid. The tenth would have strucken the very trees with fear and admiration, if they had had any sense, for Lewis de Bourbon, then Duke of Anguyen and now Prince of Conde, made five assaults upon the Bavarian Army entrenched upon a mountain near Fribourg in Brisgou, where he slew their General Gaspar de Mercy in the yeare 1644. forced the Enemies army to quit their Poste, and afterwards went to take Philipsbourg and some other places, though he had lost very much brave Nobility. The Fleventh made Merkendal in Franconia to be talked of, where Mareshal Turenne General of the French Forces was surprised by Francis de Mercy General of the Bavarians, November [Page 330]14. 1645. The loss nevertheless was not so great as some Writers would perswade us, if that be true which I have been told upon the place. The Twelfth was fought by the French and Hessian armies against the Bavarian, where­in the loss was almost equal; but Francis Baron de Mercy was slain there, and the Duke of An­guyen, Mareshal Turenne, and Geis remained masters of the Field, and had the spoil of the dead, May. 5. 1646.

P.

It seemes there is a kind of fatality in things of this world: here were two brethren, both Generals of the Bavarians, and both slain in fight by the Duke of Anguyen. It is further remarkable, that the French got few or no victories, but they cost them very much blood.

G.

Ordinarily the French would carry all by main force, and think those victories but little honourable that are gotten by surprize: Nevertheless the Generals that are sparing of their Souldiers lives, ahve alwayes been, and are still more esteemed, then they that part with them at so cheap a rate. The thirteenth Fight was a sudden unforeseen engagement, wherein the Armies of Sweden and France commanded by the Mareshals Charles Gustavus Wrangel, & Henry de la Tour Prince of Turenne, both equal­ly resolute and prudent, having accidentally fallen upon the Imperial and Bavarian Forces under the conduct of Melander (otherwise [Page 331]called the Count of Holt zapfel and Gronsfeld) forced them off their ground, and pursued them about two Leagues with great effusion of blood, which yet had been far greater, if Ʋlrick Duke of Wirtemberg had not stopped that Torrent by a resolution worthy of his Courage, with­standing all the Enemies Forces only with two squadrons of Foot & two Bodies of Horse, and so giving leisure to those of his Party to rally and recover a place of safety after the death of Melander General of the Imperialists; which action in the opinion of both Parties preserved Austria and Bavaria The last Combat was fought Iune 4. 1648. near Grewembrouck in the Country of Iuliers, where the Hessian Army un­der the conduct of General Geis had a great ad­vantage over the Imperial, commanded by Baron Lamboy.

P.

I have heard it said by persons of credit, who had principal command in that Engage­ment, that Frederick Duke of Wirtemberg did wonders there.

G.

I know if it had not been for that Prince, the Hessians had been beaten; for their Horse gave ground; and they had not gotten the day but for that Duke, who commanded the Foot, and both by his example encouraged those that remained in the field, and by his resolution called back those that were fled. But that was not the only place where Duke Frederick of Wirtemberg made his courage to be taken no­tice [Page 332]of. It was he himself, that with his Regi­ment, having the Van in the Fight at St. Antony, pulled down the Palissades, and made way for the Horse to pass, when Mareshall Guebriant took Baron Lamboy prisoner: So that it may be said, without flattering him, or wronging the other Officers, it was he that got the victory in those two Combats.

P.

I imagine that you speak not here of any but the most memorable actions, it being al­most impossible there should have been so few engagements of Armies and encounters of Par­ties in a War wherein all Europe was concer­ned, and where strangers, French, Spaniards, Swedes, and Lorrainers were mingled with the Germans, & plaid their parts for many years together.

G.

You have reason; And I confess, to write that war would make a great Volume, which is not my intention. Nevertheless I shall tell you, that Iuly 31. 1633. Prince Christian Pala­tine of Birkenfeld, having the sword of Iosias Count of Rantzau to assist him, and some Swedish Troops under his command, beat the Lorrainers near Pfaffenhoven in the Lower Al­satia, March. 2. 1634. the Rhingrave Otho Lewis, General of some confederate Swedes, defeated the Count of Salme at Wateweil in the upper Alsatia: and October 7. 1638. Count Hatzfeld an Imperialist, scattered the Troops which Charles Lewis Elector Palatine had joyn­ed [Page 333]to some Swedes near Blotu in the County of Lippe.

P.

So many Fights and Battels, so many ta­kings and desolations of Cities, and so many Mortalities having afflicted and wasted Germa­ny for many years continuance; at length the two parties being weary as well of beating as of being beaten, a resolution of peace was mutu­ally taken. Tell me, I pray, in what condition affairs were when that was concluded.

G.

You have already heard, there was never a Province in the Empire, which by fire and sword, by plague and famine, had not lost above half its people, and which was not reduced to extreme misery: yet to recover the Treasure of Peace, Germany was content to lay down a­nother, and pay the Swedes five millions of gold for the charges of the war; one part whereof was employed to satisfie the souldiery, another to recompence the valour of those that had ser­ved well, and the rest to be disposed in libera­lities by their Queen.

P.

Did the French lay down armes, without being re-imbursed what they spent in that War?

G.

That Nation did not consent to the Peace without knowing why and wherefore; but it rather gave, or promised money, then received any: And all its recompence consists in a part of Alsatia, and the Fortresses of Brisac and Philipsbourg; from which France reaps more [Page 334]honour then profit, the Province being unable to furnish wherewithal to keep those places, and pay the Civil Officers that should administer Justice there.

P.

I know the most Christian King obliged himself to pay the Archduke of Inspruck three millions of Livres, in case he could prevail with the Catholique King to quit the pretensions he had or might have upon Alsatia. But had the Crown of Sweden and its Confederates many Troops and places in Germany, when the Peace was made?

G.

The Crown of Sweden had at that time five Regiments of Swedish and Finland Horse, four and forty of German Horse, and five of Dragons, which reckoned with some Troops that were in Garrison, amounted all together to 411. Companies. It had also threescore Regiments of Foot, of the same Nations as the former were, to wit, one and twenty of Swedes and Finlanders, and nine and thirty of Germans; but they were not all of like strength: For the five Regiments of Swedish and Finland Horse had but one and thirty Troops in all; and those of the Foot of the same Nation were of four, five, six, seven, or eight Companies at the most; and of the Ger­mans, that of the Kings Guards was of Twenty Companies, and those of the higher Officers, nay the greatest part of the rest, were of twelve Companies apiece.

P.

By what you said last, I perceive Germany made War upon Germany, and the Swedes made use of us to overcome our selves: Let us see whether the French did not so too.

G.

We are blamed for loving money too much, and the honour of our Nation too little. Now it is certain, that although the Swedes have always had Commanders worthy of Em­pire, and that after their King, Gustavus Horn, John Bannier, Leonard Torstenson, Charles Gustavus Wrangel, Wittemberg, and some others have equalled or surpassed the an­cient Heroes, signalizing their valour in our late Wars; yet they had gone out of the Empire with as much shame, and as well beaten as the Danes and Transylvanians, if they had not had Religion for a pretense, our bodies for a buck­ler, and our courages for the instruments of their glory. The same thing may be said of the French: They have had Generals of their Na­tion who have always performed the duty of wise Captains and valiant Souldiers, and have no less deserved the name of Gallant men, though they have fought with less success then the Swedes; but as to the rest, the French Troops were oftentimes the least part of their Army. The French that have commanded in Germany, are the Mareshals of La Force, Guebriant, and Grammont, the Cardinal de la Valette, the Dukes of Longueville and Anguyen, and the Prince of Turenne, who had under his com­mand, [Page 336]at the time when the Peace was made, a hundred and nine Cornets of Light Horse, and sixteen Companies of Dragoons, in four­teen Regiments, not reckoning two Compa­nies which were in the Lower Palatinate, two in the Bishoprick of Spire, and three in the Dut­chy of Wirtemberg. Besides that Cavallery, the French had a hundred and threescore Com­panies in eleven Regiments of Infantry, and ten Companies at Brisac, three and forty in Brisgou, four in the Bishoprick of Strasbourg, twenty in several Imperial Cities of the Palati­nate and Alsatia, fifteen in the Bishoprick of Spire, nine in the Lower Palatinate, thirteen in Lawinguen, eleven in the Dutchy of Wir­temberg, six in Swaben, twelve in the Arch­bishoprick of Mentz, and three in the Marqui­sate of Baden; which make in all three hundred and six Companies as well French as Germans.

P.

So far as I perceive, the Confederates had prodigious Forces.

G.

That is not all; the Amazon of Germa­ny, Amelia Elizabeth Landgravess of Hesse, who raised up her Estate when it was beaten as it were down to the ground, and by an unpa­ralleled prudence enlarged the straits she was brought into, and augmented her Forces when she was thought to be overwhelmed with cala­mities after the death of William V. her hus­band; had at the conclusion of the Peace eight and fifty Cornets of Horse in five Regi­ments, [Page 337]and 166. Companies of Foot in thir­teen, without putting into the account four­teen unregimented Companies.

P.

I do not wonder that so many Troops conducted by good Heads obliged the Empe­ror to a disadvantagious Peace: For I cannot think that his Majesty and his Allies had so ma­ny Forces, after they had been worsted in se­veral encounters.

G.

I do not certainly know the number of the Imperial and Bavarian Troops; but doubt­less they were very powerful, since their Confe­derate Adversaries were obliged by the Treaty to restore 210. strong places wherein they had garrison, and out of which it is probable the whole Empire would hardly have been able to drive them by force.

P.

I know the Swedes had Garrisons in 125. places of Germany, the French in 46. and the Hessians in 39. But some of the best are theirs still.

G.

It is true, that by the Treaty of Peace the Empire agreed to yield unto the most Christian King, for him and his Successors, Kings of France for ever, the Cities and Bishopricks of Mets, Toul, and Verdun, with Moyenvic, Pig­nerol, Brisac, the Landgravedom of Alsatia, the Ʋndgerih, the Bailywick of Haguenau, and the Fortress of Philipsbourg: That by the same Treaty the Empire quitted and granted unto the Queen and Kingdom of Sweden all the Hi­ther [Page 338] Pomerania, with the Island and Principali­ty of Rugia, and the Cities of Stetin, Garts, Dam, Holnau, the Isle of Wollin, the River of Oder, and the Port which it makes by the name of Frischehaff; the Collation of those Ecclesi­astical Benefices which the Dukes of Pomerania heretofore had in the Bishoprick of Camin, and the expectance or Reversion of that Bishoprick, nay, of the rest of Pomerania, and even of the new Marquisate of Brandenbourg, in case the heirs male of that Family should happen to fail.

P.

The Swedes received five millions of gold for the money they disbursed in that War; and besides such a considerable summe, Pomerania (which is more worth then Alsatia) is left in their hands.

G.

They have not only received that summe, and Pomerania, but Wismar also a Port of the Baltique Sea, the Fortress of Walfisch, the Bai­liwick of Poel and Neucloster, which hereto­fore belonged to the House of Meklebourg; and which is yet more, the Archbishoprick of Bremen and Bishoprick of Verden converted into Dutchies, together with the City and Bailywick of Wilshausen. In all which lands and Principalities the Swedes have Soverain Justice, right to erect an University, and to set Imposts upon all commodities that enter in­to, go out of, or grow within the Countrey by them conquered and possessed. So by that Peace the King of Sweden hath gotten the names [Page 339]and titles of Duke of Bremen, Verden, and Po­merania, Prince of Rugia, and Lord of Wis­mar.

P.

You told me before, that during the last War the Swedes had more Forces in Germany then the French; and I see now, they have reaped much more profit: make me understand what satisfaction the Heroical Lady of Hesse re­ceived.

G.

That Princess which reigned in the hearts of all those that have had the honour to speak with her, had too well served the victorious Party to remain without satisfaction. It was therefore accorded unto her, for her self, her son William, and their Successors for ever, that besides the general clause of the Article Tandent omnes, they should enjoy the Abbey of Hirch­feld, with all its appurtenances, as well Ecclesi­astical as Secular, as well without as within the Territory of the said Abbey; and the right, Lordships, and demesnes of the Cities and Bailywicks of Schaumbourg, Bukembourg, Sax­enhaguen and Stathaguen, which heretofore be­longed to the Bishoprick of Minden, and 600000. Crowns in money payable at Cassel within nine moneths after the publication of the Peace. And for an accomplishment and full measure of satisfaction, the Assembly of Munster ratified the transaction between the two Branches of Cassel and Darmstadt made by the mediation of Ernest Duke of Saxon-Gotta, [Page 340]April 14. 1649. and the right of Primogeni­ture in those two Branches.

P.

Those satisfactions were (without que­stion) of very hard digestion to the contrary party; but a good Peace cannot be bought too dear.

G.

The Emperor lost nothing; for by gi­ving up his right in Alsatia, he made the King­dom of Bohemia Hereditary to his House: But the Spaniards will not easily be able to comfort themselves for that loss, because if Alsatia and Lorraine remain in the hands of the French, it will be impossible for them to joyn their Forces of Italy with those of the Low Countreys, un­less they transport them by Sea with great ex­pense and greater danger, or through the Ter­ritories of others; which cannot be done, without buying the friendship of those that are not willing to see the formidable forces of Spain united: And from hence grows a great advan­tage to the French by that Treaty.

P.

Methinks I am now sufficiently instructed in that which concerns our Germany: But ha­ving heard nothing hitherto of the Golden Bull, except some words which you have scattered here and there, I would gladly hear you dis­course more amply of it.

G.

That Bull is the Diamond Nail which holds together these remainders of the Empire, and keeps them from dissolution, by the wholesome Ordinances which it contains, [Page 341]touching the time, the place, and the persons which ought to concur to the Election of the Emperor; the number, immunities, and pre­heminences of the Electors; the integrity, can­dor, and probity which they ought to use in choosing the first Prince of Christendom; the order they ought to keep in their Assemblies, as well while they accompany the Emperor, as in their seats and places; and to cut off all oc­casion of dispute between the Princes of the Electoral Houses, the Emperor by that Edict sets down and prescribes the order they are to observe in their successions, who ought to be Tutor and Guardian of their sons during their Minority, and at what age they are to come out of Wardship. Now because Elective Estates have no symptom more dangerous, then while they lie under an Interregnum, the Bull pro­vides a remedy for that inconvenience, ordain­ing that the Electors Palatine and of Saxony shall be his Majesties perpetual Vicars, and shall have the same power after his death, or in his absence, that the Emperor had while he was living and present. Lastly that Bull con­tains the office of every Elector at the Coro­nations, Processions, and publick Feasts of the Emperor.

P.

Methinks in that Bull the Emperor Charles IV. hath had more care of the Electors, then of all the Empire besides.

G.

The Electors are the principal Pillars of [Page 342]our State; and the Emperor thinking the de­struction of the Empire might follow upon their dissension, his special aim was to keep them united together by his Ordinance, and to provide for the time to come that there should be no disorder in the Election of the Emperors, nor in the Succession of the Princes Electors; that the septenary number should continue for ever, as most proper for an action of so great importance.

P.

Is that Bull of any bigness?

G.

It is a little book, the Original whereof bing written in parchment, containes 24. leaves, and 30. Chapters, of which the 23. first were published at Nuremberg the 10. of Ianuary, 1356. and the other seven at Mets on Christ­mas day in the same year, by the full power of his Majesty, in the presence and with the consent of the most part of the Princes, Lords, and other Estates of the Empire, the Empe­ror wearing the Imperial Cloak, and having the Crown upon his head, the Scepter in one hand, and the Ball of the Empire in the other.

P.

Why is that little book called The Golden Bull?

G.

The Letters Patents of Emperors, Popes, and some other great Princes are called Bulls, by reason of the seal which gives them their strength and validity. Those Bulls or Seals are not alwayes of the same matter, nor of the same [Page 343]bigness; but according to the importance of the Letters the Seal is greater or less, and of different wax or metal. The ordinary Letters are sealed with an impression made upon wax, the colour and bigness whereof encreaseth ei­ther the respect to, or the honour of those persons to whom they are directed; and those that contain Edicts, are sealed with lead, sil­ver or gold, according to the importance of the Laws which the Prince publishes. From hence it was, that this perpetual and irrevo­cable Edict, containing the fundamental Laws of the Empire, ought to be sealed with his Majesties great seal, and not upon wax, lead, or silver, but upon gold, to show that as that metal is incorruptible, & the most excellent of all; so the matters contained in that Bull, being the principal Laws of the Empire, should be preserved there without alteration.

P.

Tell me more particularly of what fashion that Bull is.

G.

The Bull which hangs at the Parchment book which we last mentioned, is a great round seal of pure gold, fastened unto small cords of yellow and red silk, on one side whereof there is the Portraiture of the Emperor Charles IV. seated upon his Throne, with the Crown on his head, the Sceptre in one hand, and the Ball in the other, having at his right hand the Imperial Arms, and those of Bohemia at his left, with this Inscription round about [Page 344]the Bull, Carolus quartus, Divinâ favente cle­mentiâ, Romanorum Imperator, semper Au­gustus, & Bohemiae Rex. On the other side of the Bull there is a Castle with two Towers, at the bottom and middle whereof there is seen a Gate with these words, Aurea Roma, and these in the Circumference, Roma caput mundi, regit Orbis froena rotundi.

P.

Those Laws are fortified with a Seal that declares their importance; and I am confident the Emperor will derogate as little from them as he can.

G.

Usually Laws cannot be abrogated but by those that made them, and for that reason I believe, though the Emperor should be de­sirous to annul the Golden Bull, he would not be permitted so to do, because it was published by the advice, and with the consent of the E­lectors, and many other Princes and Estates of the Empire, who are to concur to its abro­gation. But the Bull is so advantagious to the Electors, that they have no reason to desire the suppression of it, nor so much as give way that any thing in it should be changed or al­tered.

P.

I do not think the Laws contained in the Golden Bull should be totally abolished: yet on the other side I do not doubt but something of them may be changed, if the necessity of the Empire require it.

G.

It is certain that those Laws will never [Page 345]be wholly abrogated, unless the face of the Em­pire be changed by becoming Hereditary; in which case they would all fall of themselves. As to particularities, it is as certain that something in those Laws may be changed, since the Le­gislators have often derogated from them, and even in a matter of great importance, the Sep­tenary number of the Electors having been altered into another less convenient by the last Treaty of Peace: Besides, we have else­where seen, that although the Election of the King of the Romans ought to be made at Francfort by vertue of that Bull, yet Ferdinand I. received that honour at Wormes, and other Emperors since at other Cities. That Bull doth also ordain, that all the Electors should assist at the Mass of the Holy Ghost, before they begin the Act of the Election; and yet the Pro­testant Electors are not obliged to be at Church while the Ceremony of the Mass lasts. From whence it may be concluded, that some of the Laws of the Golden Bull may be altered and dis­pensed with. But I believe I have entertained you long enough upon things that concern the Empire; and therefore I shall proceed no fur­ther, but make an end of this Treatise, praying the Almighty that by his grace he would ena­ble you to learn from hence how to serve your Country well, & me to give you as good an ac­count of the other principal parts of Europe as I have done of Germany.

THE END.

A Table of the particular matters contained in this Book.

A.
  • AAlen 269.
  • Aix, why called A­quisgranum and the Roy­al City, and why so much indulged by Charlema­gne 266.
  • Dukes of Altembourg, from whom descended 85.
  • Alternation what, and the five Houses in Ger­many that take prece­dency by turns 147.
  • Princes of Anhalt, their origin 161.
  • When they lost the E­lectorship, and why 97.
  • Government of the Estate of the Princes of An­halt 164.
  • Religion and titles of the Princes of Anhalt and Lawembourg 166,
  • Situation of the principali­ty of Anhalt ibid.
  • Marquisses of Anspach, younger brethren of the House of Brandenbourg 102.
  • How many Archbishopricks anciently in Germany, and how many now, that have place in the Assem­blies of the Empire 174.
  • How many Archbishopricks and Bishopricks made Se­cular by the Peace of Munster ibid.
  • Title of Archduke no where but in Aust [...]ia, and why those Princes took it 214. 215.
  • Counts of Aremberg, how advanced, and become Princes of Barbanson 169.170.
  • Four sorts of particular As­semblies in Germany 293.
  • Assemblies called Dayes of Election, what ibid.
  • Assemblies of Deputation, what. ibid.
  • Assemblies of Visitations, what ibid.
  • Assemblies of the Circles three manner of wayes, and how 294.
  • Assemblies of the Diets, what they are, who takes suffrages there, and after what manner 294. & seq.
  • Augsbourg, wherein consi­derable, and for what famous, whence and why so called 268.
  • Titles of Augustus and Ce­sar, found no where but in Germany 30.
  • [Page]Austregues priviledges, what 65.
  • House of Austria its ori­gin 70.
  • Archdukes of Austria, and Kings of France of the third Race, sprung from the same Root ibid.
  • How the House of Austria became great 71. 72.
  • The lands & Estates which it got by marriages. ibid.
  • How long it hath been in possession of the Empire 73.
  • Graces and priviledges which the Princes of Au­stria have received from God, Nature, and Em­perors ibid.
  • Number of Emperors, Kings, Cardinals, Dukes, and Archdukes come out of that House ibid.
  • The losses and advantages the house of Austria re­ceived by the peace of Munster 340.
  • How the Princes of that House take their place in the Assemblies. 74.
  • Daughters of Austria suc­ceed when the Males fail ibid.
  • Princes of Austria their pri­viledge in case of Duell. ibid.
  • How many Princes of Au­stria there be at this pre­sent ibid.
  • The Branch of Austria hath right to succeed that of Burgundy when it fails 75.
  • Why the House of Austria bears the Arms of Wir­temberg 129.
  • Authority of a Prince the soul of Government 12. 13.
B.
  • Origin of the Marquisses of Baden 141.
  • Princes of Baden and Hoch­berg, both of the same House 142.
  • Baden and Dourlach princi­pal Branches of the Mar­quisses of Baden at this time 143.
  • Their alliances, and several Estates 143. 144.
  • Bamberg, the first Bishop­rick of the Empire, and its priviledges 178.
  • Prince of Barbanson of the House of Aremberg 170.
  • Alliances of the Counts of Barby 233.
  • What Barons are Estates of the Empire 238.
  • Number of the Barons of the Empire ibid.
  • Difference of Barons one from another 239.
  • Basile, a Bishoprick. 190.
  • Seven pitcht Battels and other bloody engage­ments [Page]in Germany from the King of Swedens coming in till the Peace 322.
  • Battel of Leipsick ibid.
  • another at Leipsick 324.
  • Battel of Lutzen 323.
  • of Hamelen ibid.
  • of No [...]tling [...]en 323. 324.
  • of Wistock 324.
  • of Jancou in Bohemia 325.
  • Ba [...]aria, possessed at this day by the descendents of the Count of Schieren, and by whom before. 110.
  • Benefices requiring resi­dence not to be multipli­ed upon one person 189.
  • Biberac 269.
  • The Bishops of Mets, Toul, and Verdun take the style of Princes of the Em­pire 176.
  • Catholick Bishops that sit in the Assemblies of the Empire 177.
  • Bishops by whom anciently chosen. 198. & seq.
  • Bishops & Archbishops de­posed by Charles V. 291. 292.
  • Kingdom of Bohemia made hereditary to the House of Austria by the Peace of Munster 340.
  • Schemia erected into a Kingdom 38.
  • King of Bohemia the first secular Elector 46.
  • hath neither voice nor place in the general As­semblies of the Empire, and why 51.
  • How Sigismond of Luxem­bourg King of Bohemia named himself to be Em­peror 51.
  • Why the Bohemians revol­ted from the Emperor, and chose a new King 321.
  • What Books are fit for a Princes reading 24.25.
  • Extent of the Elector of Brandenbourgs lands 93.
  • Religion of his Sub­jects 94.
  • Origin of the House of Brandenbourg 97.
  • How it got title to the in­heritance of Pomerania. 98.
  • How the Lords of Branden­bourg attained to the ho­nours and Lands they possess. ibid.
  • What the House of Bran­denbourg hath in lieu of Pomerania, which was taken from it by the Peace of Munster 99.
  • What disadvantages it re­ceives by the loss of Lower Pomerania ibid.
  • In what quality the Elect­or of Brandenbourg hath [Page]voices in the Assemblies of the Empire ibid.
  • He alternates with the King of Sweden in the Direction of Lower Sax­ony 100.
  • Differences between the Houses of Brandenbourg and Newbourg concerning the Dutchies of Juliers, Cleve, and Berg 101. 102.
  • Brandenbourg the last but one of the Electors. 102.
  • The number of the pre­sent Princes of Branden­bourg, and their chil­dren 103.
  • Forces and Forts of the Elector of Brandenbourg, and of his Cousins of Culembach and Ans­pach 104.
  • Why the Elector of Bran­denbourg is not yet put into possession of the Dutchy of Magdebourg 100.
  • Origin of the Counts of Breda. 228.
  • The taking of Brisac. 327.
  • Brix, a Bishoprick 190.
  • Brunswick, a free City 111.
  • Estates of the Dukes of Brunswick & Lunebourg, wherein considerable. ibid.
  • The Princes, alliances, O­rigin, and Religion of the Branches of Br [...]nswick and Limebourg 113:
  • Golden Bull, what it con­tains, when published, and why so called 342.
  • The inscription upon the seal of the Golden Bull 344.
  • Whether the Golden Bull may be abrogated, and what alterations have been made in it 344. 345.
  • Burgrave what, and from whence so called. 210.
  • Who bear the title of Bur­grave in Germany 214.
C.
  • Calvinist Princes in Germa­ny, who 208.
  • Archbishop of Cambray his titles, and whether he have place in the Assem­blies of the Empire 175. 176.
  • Canonries of Strasbourg be­longing to Protestant Princes 184.
  • How Hugh Capet born in France, but originally a Sa [...]on, came to be King 16.
  • Catholick Princes in Ger­many, who 208.
  • The power of the Imperial Chambers depends on the Emperor 68.
  • How long the Imperial Chamber was ambula­tory, [Page]when made seden­tary, and where 67.
  • What the Imperial Cham­ber takes cognizance of. 68.
  • No Appeal from the Judge­ment of that Chamber. 69.
  • Charlemagne a German by extraction. 14.
  • When and why proclaimed Emperor by the Pope. ibid.
  • Why the Empire and the Kingdom of France con­tinued so short a time in the race of Charlemagne. 15.
  • How it made room for the Saxons in Germany, and the Capetians in France. ibid.
  • Charles V. his voyages by sea and land, his volun­tary leaving the Govern­ment, and his death. 47. & seq.
  • Why Charles Duke of Lor­raine Uncle to Lewis V. was declared unworthy to succeed unto the Crown of France. 15.
  • Circles of Germany, and their several Directors. 182.
  • Circles of Sawben, Franconi­a, and the Rhine, divided into quarters; a kind of Commonwealth. 253.
  • Cities of Germany. 263. & seq.
  • their beauty and magni­ficence. 265.
  • Classes of Assemblies in the Diets, their division and order 304. 305.
  • Elector of Collen, third Ecclesiastical Elector 46.
  • Collen, why called Colonia Agrippina. 269.
  • Form of Homage which the Burgers of Collen make to their Bishop ibid.
  • The Bishops confirmation of their priviledges 270.
  • Colmar ibid.
  • Peter Colonna, from whom descended 97.
  • Mixture of Conditions de­tested in Germany 249.
  • Constance, a Citty for what remarkable 184.
  • What every Elector bears at the Coronation of the Emperor, & what Elector crowns him 60.
  • Counts anciently no more then Judges of Cities and Provinces. 210.
  • How the Counts Palatine appropriated their seve­ral Provinces. 211.
  • Counts of Office, & Counts of Dignity 218.
  • Whether Counts were grea­ter then Dukes ibid. & seq.
  • How Counts became Pro­prietors [Page]of their Lands, and made them heredi­tary 222.
  • The present Counts, what place they have in the Assemblies, and how they give their voices there 223.
  • Immediate Counts, and their prerogatives 225.
  • Counts of Schwartzbourg, Waldek. Salme and Mo­range, of what Princes they hold 226.
  • Courage and prudence sel­dome meet 326.
  • The Lombard and Roman Crowns not essential to the Imperial Dignity. 14.15.
  • Crowns of the Emperor, and where he receives them 60.
  • Marquisses of Culembach 103.
D.
  • Landgraves of Darmstadt and Hesse-Cassel, their Religion, differences, and alliances. 132. & seq.
  • Counts of Delmenhorst ex­tinguished in Antony Gun­ther, and who inherited his Lands 233. 234.
  • Genealogie of the Kings of Denmark and Dukes of Holstein 151.
  • When and how the King­dom of Denmark was severed from that of Sweden 149.
  • Assemblies of Deputation, who have place & voice there 309.
  • The Emperors Diademe what anciently, and what now 60.
  • Diets called by the Empe­ror, but with consent of the Electors 294.
  • Time, necessity, and place of Diets 295.
  • Not to be appointed out of Germany 296.
  • First Diet after the Election of an Emperor where held 295.
  • What persons the Empe­ror calls to the Diets 296.
  • The office and power of the Vice-Marshal at the Diets. 297.
  • Cities and Abbesses appear in the Diets by their de­puties 299.
  • Order observed in the Diets 300. & seq.
  • How they proceed upon debates in the Diets 305. & seq.
  • What matters are treated on in the Diets 307.
  • How conclusions are made in the Diets 308.
  • Directors of each Circle 182. 183.
  • [Page]The Ecclesiastical Disci­pline of Protestant Lords within their Territories 205. 206.
  • Donavert, how it became subject to the Duke of Bavaria 270.
  • Lands and alliances of the Marquisses of Dourlach 144, 145.
  • Religion of the Branches of Dourlach and Baden, their voices and places in the Assemblies 146.
  • Duke of the Grisons the ancientest Duke. 216.
  • Why Dukes were sent to the Frontiers ibid.
  • German Dukes all Princes, and more considerable then those of France and Spain ibid.
  • How Dukes became so great; etymology of the name 217.
  • The Princes of Poland, Hun­gary, and Bohemia, anci­ently Dukes 219.
  • Title of Duke anciently e­qual to that of King 220.
E.
  • Counts of East-Friseland 170. & seq.
  • Ecclesiastical Princes (not Bishops) that sit in the Diets of the Empire 191.
  • How the Ecclesi [...]sticks grew so rich 196.
  • What Ecclesiastical Go­vernment among the Pro­testants in Germany 205.
  • Counts of Egmont subject; to the Duke of Burgundy, 226.
  • Eichstedt a Bishoprick in Franconia, by whom founded 181.
  • The Electors, three Ecclesi­astiques and five Secu­lars, with their respect­ive Offices 39.
  • Electors have right to choose and depose an Emperor 40.
  • The number of Electors why seven 50.
  • Why they are Eight now 44.
  • Dignity of Electors as to precedence 44.
  • The Ecclesiastical Electors precede the Seculars 46.
  • The Electors Palatine and of Saxony are Vicars of the Empire during the vacancie ibid.
  • What every Electors Office is when the Emperor eats in Ceremony; and who are their Deputies, if they be absent 59.
  • How the Electors lit in the Assemblies. 304.
  • What Electors and Bishops are usually chosen out [Page]of the Body of the Nobi­lity 256. 257.
  • Younger sons of Electoral Houses precede other Princes in the Assem­blies. 305.
  • Where the Election of an Emperor or King of the Romans ought to be made 49.
  • whether it be better that Kingdoms be Elective or Successive 53.54.
  • The Emperor is a Monarch 31.
  • Confers no Ecclesiastical Benefices 33.
  • No Emperor crowned at Rome since Charles V. 34.
  • How the Emperors lost the right of choosing Popes 35.
  • The Emperor onely can create Kings 38.
  • The Emperor ought to be of a German Family 52.
  • Of what age a Prince should be when chosen Emperor 57.
  • The difference between the Emperor and King of the Romans ibid.
  • What Emperors have been excommunicated by Popes 288.
  • Whether the Emperor can determine matters where the Estates of the Em­pire do not agree 310.
  • When the Empire was suc­cessive 40.
  • When it became Elective, and why ibid.
  • The Estates of the Empire, and their priviledges 64. 65.
  • At first all the Estates of the Empire chose the Emperor 41.
  • The House of Este in Italy a branch of that of Bruns­wick 108.
F.
  • Faith to be kept with He­retiques 184. & seq.
  • Ferdinand III. his several Elections and death 314.
  • Fourteen bloody Fights in Germany from the time of the Swedes entrance till the Peace 322.
  • The Fight of Furts 326:
  • of Lignitz in Silesia ibid.
  • of Rheimfeld ibid.
  • of Wittenvayer in Bris­gou ibid.
  • of Kemnitz in Misnia 328.
  • of Wolfenbottel ibid:
  • of St. Anthony ibid.
  • of Schweinitz in Silesia ibid.
  • of Dutlinguen in the Dutchy of Wirtemberg 329.
  • of Fribourg in Bris­gou [Page]ibid.
    • of Merkendal in Fran­conia ibid.
  • The twelfth & thirteenth Fights 330.
  • The Fight of Grawem­brouck in the Countrey of Juliers 331.
  • Other Fights lefs bloody 332.
  • Barons of Flekenstein 239.
  • Francfort why so called, and wherein considerable 271.
  • What Forces France had in Germany when the Peace was made 336.
  • What recompence the French had by that peace 333.
  • French Commanders in the war of Germany 335.
  • Fridberg 272.
  • Frisinguen, a Bishoprick 190.
  • The Fructifying Company, its end and progress, and by whom established 164.
  • Barons of Fuggers 239.
  • The Abbey of Fulda, and its priviledges 193.
  • Counts of Furstemberg, their origin, &c. 231. &. seq.
G.
  • Difference between a Gen­tleman and a Knight 242.
  • Immediate Gentlemen of Germany, who 251.
  • Why the Emperor supports them Ibid.
  • The order and government amongst those Gentlemen 252.
  • Their priviledges and ad­vantages 256. & seq.
  • Causes of the War of Ger­many 315. & seq.
  • Gluckstad, and the King of Denmarks Fort there 274.
  • Gostar, called the Imperial Palace, and Royal City 272.
  • Descent of the Dukes of Gotta. 88.
  • Death of Mareshal de Gue­briant 329.
  • Guelnehausen 272.
  • House of the Guelphes, their antiquity and Territories 108. & seq.
  • The voices, branches, and Fortresses of that House 111
H.
  • Counts of Habspourg a Branch of the Dukes of Zeringuen 70.
  • When and how Rodolph of Habspourg became Em­peror ibid.
  • Haguenau, Bailliage in Al­satia given to the French 273.
  • [Page]Salt-pits of Hal in Swaben 276.
  • Hambourg, its strength and Trade 273. & seq.
  • Counts of Hanau 234.
  • Hanse-towns, and their Commerce 280. 281.
  • Heilbrun 276.
  • Helmestadt, an University of the Dukes of Bruns­wick 113.
  • Counts of Henneberg, when they failed 92.
  • How the House of Saxony inherited that of Henne­berg ibid.
  • Origin of the House of Hesse 129.
  • Henry of Brabant first Land­grave of Hesse 131.
  • Agreement between him and Henry Marquis of Misnia son the Principa­lities of Hesse and Thu­ringia ibid.
  • Lewis Landgrave of Hesse refused the Empire ibid.
  • The vertues and good qua­lities of the Landgraves of Hesse 132.
  • The Religion, and diffe­rences between Lewis and Maurce Heads of the two Branches of Hesse-Cassel and Darmstadt 133.139.
  • Hesse-Cassel, the elder, the richer, and hath the pre­cedence 134.
  • Alliances of both the Houses ibid.
  • Frederick Landgrave of Hesse, Grand Prior of Malta in Germany, his Expedition at Carthage 193.
  • The excellencies of Ame­lia Elizabeth Dowager of Hesse 134.136.
  • Her Forces when the Peace was concluded 337.
  • The advantages she and he [...] son had by that Peace 339.
  • Hildesheim, a Bishoprick of miraculous foundation 187.
  • The Princes of Hochberg and Baden, of the same House, their agreement and reciprocal Testa­ment 142.
  • Lords of Hobenlohe 235.
  • Counts of Hohenzolleren 169.
  • Origin of the Houses of Holstein and Oldenbourg 148.
  • Dutchy of Holstein, its ex­tent & Revenues 155.
  • Counts of Horne, Subiects to the Dukes of Burgundy, their origin 226.
  • The benefits and advanta­ges of Hunting 20.21.
I.
  • Assessors of the Imperial Chamber, how many, and by whom appointed 289.
  • Functions of the Intendents and Superintendents o­ver the Lutheran Pastors and Priests 205.206.
  • Order of Justice in the time of Charlemagne 287.
  • Jutland, what quantity of Cattle and horses come yearly out of it 155.
K.
  • Kaufbegeren, why so called 276.
  • Kempten, in Latine Campi­dunum 270.
  • King of the Romans, what authority he hath 49.
  • The Arms and Titles of the King of the Romans 57.
  • Kings should not make a Subject too great 159.
  • Dangerous for Kings to execute their resolutions by halves 162.
  • Difference between a Knight and a Gentleman 242.243.
  • Knights Marianites, why so called, their progress and difference from the Tem­plers 191.192.
  • Example of Kings that have received Knight­hood 243.
  • The cause and Original of the Orders of Knight­hood 245. & seq.
  • How the Emperor makes Knights 246.
L.
  • Ladies not unfit to Go­vern 135. & seq.
  • The taking of General Lamboy 420.
  • Landau 276.
  • Landgrave Judge of an In­land Province 210.
  • How Landgraves became powerful 211.
  • Landgraves Generals of Foot ibid.
  • What Houses in Germany bear the title of Land­grave 213.
  • Landgraveship no where but in Germany ibid.
  • Usefulness of Foraine Lan­guages 8.
  • where the French Lan­guage in best spoken 18.
  • What other Countries use it most 26.
  • Where the Italian Lan­guage is the purest. 17.
  • Where it is most currant 26.
  • [Page]Dukes of Lawembourg and Anhalt, their origin and antiquity 157.
  • Religion and titles of the Dukes of Lawembourg 166.
  • Laws that oblige all Ger­many are made in the General Assemblies 62.
  • League of the French, Swedes, Hollanders, and Princes of Germany a­gainst the House of Au­stria 319.
  • League of the Princes for and with the Emperor ibid.
  • Whether a prince ought to be Learned 115.
  • Counts of Leinneguen 234.
  • The Tragical end of John of Leyden 188.
  • Liege a Bishoprick ibid.
  • Barons or Counts of Lim­bourg, their titles and an­tiquity 235.
  • Barons of Limbourg Depu­ties to the King of Bohe­mia as Great Cup-bearer of the Empire ibid.
  • Lindau 276.
  • Duke of Lorrain considera­ble for the situation of his Countrey 112.
  • Lubeck, its situation, by whom built 275.
  • Princes of Lunebourg and their Alliances 113.
  • Who brought the Doctrine of Luther into Denmark 150.
  • Lutheran Princes of Ger­many 208.
  • Lutheran Cities ibid.
  • Luther was born and died at Eiseliben 235.
M.
  • Counts of Mansfield 235.
  • Margraves how they be­came potent 211.
  • Margraves or Marquisses Generals of Horse ibid.
  • Marquisates of Germany an­cienter then in other Countries 212.
  • What Houses still bear the quality of Marquis 213.
  • Matriculation-Roll of the Empire in whose custo­dy 36.
  • Origin of the House of Me­klebourg 117.
  • Deprived of their Estates in the last War. 118.
  • Restored by the King of Sweden their kinsman 119.
  • What they had in ex­change for Wismar ibid.
  • Children and alliances of the two branches of Meklebourg 119.120.
  • Meminguen 277.
  • Elector of Mentz Dean of the Electoral Colledge 46.
  • [Page]His voice of greatest weight in the Electoral Classe 305.
  • Two Barons de Mercy bre­thren, both slain in battel by the Duke of Anguyen 330.
  • Minden a Bishoprick secu­larized 188.
  • Minks and Priests to whom subject 292.
  • Princes of Montbeliard their alliances 127.
  • When the Principality of Montbeliard came into the House of Wirtemberg 167.
  • Counts of Montfort 235.
  • Mulhausen in Thuringia 277.
  • Thomas Muncerus a sediti­ous falfe Prophet ibid.
  • Munster a Bishoprick 188.
  • Murbach Abbey by whom founded 194.
N.
  • Origin of the House of Nassau 227.
  • Alliances of the House of Nassau 229.
  • Neuchastel in Suisserland belongs to the Duke of Longueville 143.
  • Nobility in Germany Medi­ate and Immediate 248.
  • Government of the Imme­diate Nobility 252.
  • Northausen 278.
  • Nortlinguen, famous for the Battel fought there ibid.
  • Nuremberg, its Senate and priviledges 277.
O.
  • How the word Obey is to be understood in a Monar­chy 32.
  • No man is bound to Ob­serve what he cannot reasonably promise 185.
  • The House of Oldenbourg 148.
  • The Counts of Oldenbourg failing by the death of Antony Gunther, who in­herited his lands 234.
  • Origin of the Princes of Orange 228.
  • Cause and beginning of the Orders of Knight­hood 245.246.
  • Several Orders of Knight­hood 247.
  • Counts of Ottinguen, their branches, Religion and alliances 236.
P.
  • Paderborne, a Bishoprick of miraculous foundation 187.
  • Count Palatine the last se­cular Elector. 46.
  • Elector Palatine first Vicar of the Empire 58.
  • Elector Palatine Judge of [Page]the Emperor in case of debt 79.
  • The Palatine House de­scended from two Em­perors, now divided into two Branches of dif­ferent Religion 75.
  • Emperors and Kings sprung out of the Palatine House 77.
  • The power, voices, and al­liances of the Palatine House 80.
  • Palsgrave, Chief Justice of the Imperial Palace 210.
  • The death of Count Papen­heim 323.
  • Pepin put Childeric the Lazy into a Monastery, and made himself King 12.
  • Pepin a German by extra­ction 14.
  • Pharamond first King of France, was Duke of Franconia 11.
  • How Philip II. got the King­dom of Portugal 72.
  • When Philip the IV. lost it 73.
  • Philipsbourg to whom it be­longs 180.
  • Places and provinces left to the Swedes by the peace of Munster 338.
  • When Poland was made a Kingdom. 38.
  • How the House of Pomera­nia fell to Branden­bourg 98.
  • How Popes have diminished the Imperial Majesty 34.
  • When Popes took the title of Universal Bishop ibid.
  • How Emperors lost their right of choosing Popes 85
  • Popes created or confirmed by Emperors 199
  • Prague an Archbishoprick, hath no voice in the ge­neral Assemblies 178.
  • Number of Scholars in the University of Prague 282.
  • Precedence amongst the Princes of the House of Saxony determined 88.
  • Some Prelates have voice in the Assemblies only in Body or by way of Repre­sentative 195.
  • Prelates in Germany created by Election or Postula­tion 202.
  • Why Priests were forbid­den all kind of acquisi­tions 196.
  • Authority of a Prince, his greatest support 12.
  • How a Prince may get the reputation of vertuous 13.
  • What books are fit for a Prince to read 24.25.
  • The Princes of the Empire own a dependence on the Emperor 32.
  • What German Princes and [Page]Lords are not admitted into the Assemblies of the Empire 65.
  • What Sciences are necessa­ry for Princes 115.
  • Principalities in Germany called Fanslehen, and why 78.
  • What the Protestant Prin­ces lost by the Peace at Munster 175.
  • The persons of Protestant Priests subject to the Consistory of their Prin­ces 292.
  • Prum Abbey 194.
Q.
  • The Quarters of the Circles of Swaben, and their Di­rectors 253.
  • The Quarters of the Rhine, and their Directors ibid.
  • The maxime of Quaternions ridiculous 221.
  • Eminent and renowned Queens 137.
R
  • Barons of Rapolstein or Ri­baupierre 239.
  • Ratisbon for what observe­able 278.
  • Recesse or Acts of the Em­pire, how signed and sealed 311.
  • Two Originals of the Re­cesse, where laid up 312.
  • Benefit of the Reformation in Germany and France 96.
  • The Reformation of Luther and Calvin makes Church­men subject to their own Princes 205.
  • Difference between Regali­ties and Soverainty 66.
  • Great and lesser Regali­ties ibid.
  • Three Religions allowed in Germany 207.
  • Resolutions of the Diets how signed 311.
  • Reutlinguen. 279.
  • The Rhinegraves 236.
  • Rostoch an University of the Dukes of Meklebourg 120.
  • Rottembourg 279.
  • Rotweil where Mareshal Guebriant was slain ibid.
S
  • Counts of Salme made Princes 237.
  • Saltzbourg, its abundance of Salt 177.
  • Archbishop of Saltzbourg his priviledges ibid.
    • takes place in the Assem­blies by turns with the House of Austria 305.
  • Duke of Savoy considerable for the situation of his Countrey 112.
  • Duke of Saxony the third [Page]Secular Elector 46.
    • the second Vicar of the Empire 58.
  • The merits of the House of Saxony 82, 83.
  • When Frederick the War­like of Saxony got the Electorship 84.
  • Why Eric V. of Saxon-Law­embourg lost it ibid.
  • How Frederick the Magna­nimous lost that Elector­ship 86.
  • How Maurice of Saxony obtained it, whose poste­rity enjoyes it at this day ibid.
  • The principal Branches of the Electoral House of Saxony 85.
  • Primogeniture not re­garded in the House of Saxony 88.
  • Alliances of the present Princes and Princesses of the House of Saxony 90. & seq.
  • Princes of Saxony their voices in the Assemblies. 91.
  • Power of the House of Saxony. 92.
  • How the Dutchy of Sax­ony fell to the house of Lawembourg. 110.
  • Counts of Schwartzbourg, and their Alliances 236.
  • Schweinfort 279.
  • Selestadt ibid.
  • Counts of Solmes, and their Alliances 237.
  • Stabel an Abbey in the Bi­shoprick of Liege 194.
  • Counts of Stolberg, and their arms 237.238.
  • Strasbourg why called Ar­gentina 267.
  • Government, armory, and o­ther remarkables of Strasbourg. 267.268.
  • In what Kingdoms Suc­cession takes place, and why 54.
  • The inconveniences of Suc­cession 56.
  • Counts of Sultz call them­selves Landgraves of Klegeu 213.
  • Directors of the Circle of Swaben 182
  • When and how the King­dom of Sweden was separated from Den­mark 249.
  • Progress of the King of Swe­den in Germany, and his death. 320.
  • What money the Swedes had for their charges in the German War 333.
  • What Troops the Swedes had in Germany at the end of the War 334.
  • Swedish Commanders in the German War 335.
T.
  • Dukes of Teck descended from the Dukes of Ze­ringuen 70.
  • Teutonique Order, their pos­sessions in Germany 192.
  • The great Master precedes all Bishops 305
  • Leonard Torstenson a Swe­dish General, his praises 325.
  • Whether Translations of books be useful 165.
  • The benefits of Travelling 6.7.
  • Trent a Bishoprick 190.
  • Tryer the second Ecclesi­astical Elector 46.
  • The Elector of Tryer his imprisonment and death 181.
  • Tubing an University of the Dukes of Wirtemberg 122. & seq.
  • None but Gentlemen ad­mitted there 123.
  • Laws and customes of the University of Tubing 124.
  • What persons were admit­ted unto Turnaments 258.
  • Who brought the use of Turnaments into Germany 259.
  • Principal Turnaments held there ibid.
  • What persons excluded from appearing at Turna­ments 261.
  • Laws and formalities ob­served at Turnaments 262.
V.
  • Vauguin 280.
  • Vberlingue 279.
  • Vecler 280.
  • Verden a Bishoprick Secu­larized 188.
  • How many Vicars of the Empire anciently, and how many now 58.
  • Who are the Vicars or De­puties of the Electors 59.
  • Power of the Vicars of the Empire 78.
  • Vniversities of Germany 282. & seq.
  • A Prince hath as many Voices in the Assemblies as he holds Immediate Principalities 306.
  • The Voices of every Order in the Diets, and how they are taken 305 & seq.
  • Plurality of Voices pre­vails in the Assemblies except in matter of Re­ligion. 307.308.
W.
  • Weinshein 280.
  • Weissembourg ibid.
  • From whence the Dukes of of Weymar are descended 88.
  • Duke Bernard Weymar his [Page]actions in the war 326. 327.
  • Winfelan 280.
  • Wirsbourg a Bishoprick, and its Castle 179
  • Bishop of Wirsbourg styled Duke of Franconia 180.
  • Counts of Wirtemberg when made Dukes 121.
  • Description of the Duke of Wirtembergs Countrey ibid.
  • His Forces and Fortresses 125.
  • Alliances of the house of Wirtemberg 125. & seq.
  • Eberhard Count of Wirtem­berg his Court and mag­nificence 128.
  • Principality of Wirtemberg divided into six Dio­ceses 207.
  • Wormes 280.
  • Bishop of Wormes part-Di­rector of the Circle of the Rhine 180.
Z.
  • Dukes of Zeringuen of the same stock with the Marquisses of Baden 70.141.142.

The most considerable misprintings or mistakes you may be pleased to cor­rect thus;

Page.Lin. 
21.14.for us read you.
80.14.for too read two.
93.11.read, lesse potent then those.
1611.for or read Or.
162.14.read, to the authority of Kings.
207.12.for Montgarat read Stutgardt.
240.17.read, speaking.
272.19.for Germany read Almaine.
286.18.for those read that.
305.16.for Branches read Benches.
328.12.read, of Collen, near St. Antony, where

The rest, it is hoped, are so little, as they may easily escape by your connivence or oversight.

Books and Sermons written by J. Taylor D. D. Lord Bishop of Down and Connor.
And sold by R. Royston Book-seller to the Kings most Excellent Majesty.

[...], A Course of Sermons for all the Sun­dayes of the year; together with a discourse of the Di­vine Institution, necessity, Sacredness and Separation of the Office Ministerial, in fol.

2. The History of the Life and Death of the Ever-bles­sed Jesus Christ, the third Edition in fol.

3. The Rule and Exerci­ses of holy Living, in 8.

4. The Rule and Exer­cises of holy dying, in 8.

5. The Golden Grove, or A Manual of daily Prayers, fitted to the dayes of the week, together with a short Method of Peace and Holi­ness, in 12.

6. A Collection of Pole­mical and Moral discourses in fol. newly reprinted.

7. A Discourse of the Na­ture, Offices and Measure of Friendship, in 12. new.

8. A Collection of Offices or forms of prayer fitred to the needs of all Christians, taken out of the Scriptures and Ancient Liturgies of se­veral Churches, especially the Greek, together with the Psalter or psalms of Da­vid after the Kings Transla­tion, in a large octavo, new­ly pub.

9. Ductor Dubitantium, or the Rule of Conscience, fol. in two volumes.

10. The Doctrine and practice of Repentance, de­scribing the necessities of a Strict, a Holy and a Christi­an Life: Serving as a neces­sary Supplement unto the Rule of Conscience.

11. [...], A Supplement to the [...], or course of Ser­mons for the whole year. All that have been preach­ed and published (since the Restauration) to which is adjoyned, his Advice to the Clergy of his Diocese.

12. The Worthy Commu­nicant, or a Discourse of the Nature, Effects, and Bles­sings consequent to the worthy receiving of the Lords Supper printed for J. Martin.

13. A Discourse of Con­firmation in 8. new.

14. A Dissuasive from po­pery in 8 new.

Books lately Printed and Sold by Richard Royston at the Angel in Ivie-lane.

ΒΑΣΙΛΙΚ'Α: The Works of King Charles I. with his Life and Mar­tyrdom: printed in a large Folio with Figures.

COENA quasi COINH, or the common Right to the Lords Supper asserted, wherein that Question is fully stated. By Sir William Morice, Knight, one of His Majesties most Honorable privy Council, and principal Secretary of State, fol

The Tears, Sighs, Com­plaints and prayers of the Church of England, setting forth her former constitu­tion, compared with her present condition: Written in the late times of Rebel­lion and Usurpation, by John Gauden D. D. Bishop of Worcester, fol.

Dr. Hammonds [...], or degrees of Ardency in Christs prayer defended from the impertinent ca­vils of Mr Jeanes: by Willi­am Creed D. D. Regius pro­fessor of Divinity in the University of Oxon.

Certain Considerations of present Concernment touching the Reformed Church of England; with a Discourse upon the case touching the Division be­tween the English and Ro­mish Churches upon the Reformation: by H. Ferne D. D. late Bishop of Chester.

A brief Survey of Antiqui­ty for the Tryal of the Ro­mish Doctrine; especially in these points. 1. Of the worship of Saints and An­gels. 2. Of the Invocation of Saints and Angels. 3. Of the worship of Images. 4. Of Justification by Works. 5. Of the Merit of good Works. 6. of purgatory. 7. Of Real presence. 8. Of Communion under one kinde: By the said Lord Bishop of Chester. New.

The Calvinists Cabinet unlock'd: By Tilenus Junior. New.

The Syracusan Tyrant, Or the Life of Agathocles, with some Reflexions on the practices of Cromwell. New.

De Confirmatione, sive Be­nedictione post Battismum sollenni per Imposi ionem Manuum Episcopi celebrata, Authore H. Hammond.

The Merit of the Old English Clergy asserted, and the Demerit of the [Page]New Clergy discovered: By Anonymus. New. 8.

The Right Rebel: A Treatise written to pre­vent a new Rebellion by the Fanatick parties of these times. New. 8.

Memoranda, Touching the Ex Officio, and the al­teration of some Old and making some New Lawes: Written by Sir Edw. Lake Baronet, Chancellor of Lin­colne.

The Catechism of the Church of England Para­phrased, By R. Sherlock, D. D. Rector of Winwick. The fifth Edition.

The Refin'd Courtier, or a Correction of several in­decencies crept into Civil Conversation, in 12. New.

Lex Legum, or the Law of Lawes, shewing the ex­cellencie of the Civil Law above all other Lawes whatsoever, by Sir Robert Wiseman Knight, in 4.

Rex Theologus. The preachers guard and Guide in the Didactical part of his duty, or vindication, shew­ing that the Kings Majesties Letter to the late Lord Archbishop of Canterbury is most conformable to the Judgement and practice of Antiquity.

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