Guilielmus Drummond de Havthorn­den
Hos[?] Gloria Reddit Honores

R Gaywood fecit: 1654

THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, From the year 1423. until the year 1542. CONTAINING The LIVES and REIGNS OF JAMES The I. the II. the III. the IV. the V.

With several Memorials of State, During the Reigns of Iames VI. & Charls I.

By WILLIAM DRUMMOND of Hauthornden.

LONDON, Printed by Henry Hills, for Rich. Tomlins and himself, and are to be sold at their houses near Py-Corner.

THE PREFACE TO THE READER.

TO Speak in Commendation of History in general, were so many waies superfluous, that we shall ra­ther leave it to the experience of sober and in­quisitive minds, than injure the High Elogiums given of both the greatest and wisest Antients and Moderns, by a disadvantagious Repetition of them. And for to say any thing concerning the Countrey, which[?] was the Scene of the actions here represented, we conceive it needless and improper, in regard we are immured by one Sea, breath one air, speak one Tongue, and now closed together by an happy Coalition under one Government.

The proper work therefore is to offer what can be said of the Histo­ry and the Author, and so dismiss the Reader to the Entertainment of the Book it self. For his manner of Writing, though he treat of things that are rather many than great, and trouble some than glori­ous, yet he hath brought so much of the main together, as it may be mo­destly said, none of that Nation hath done before him: And for his way of handling it, he hath sufficiently made it appear, how conversant he was with the Writings of Venerable Antiquity, and how generous­ly he hath emulated them by an happy imitation; for the purity of his Language is much above that Dialect he writ in; his Descriptions lively and full, his Narrations clear and pertinent▪ his Orations E­loquent, and fit for the persons that sp [...]ak (for that since Livys time[?] [Page] was never accounted Crime in an Historian) and his Reflections solid and mature; so that it cannot be e [...]spected that these leaves can be turned over without a [...] much pleasure as profit, especially frequent­ly meeting with so many Glories and Trophies of our Ancestours; yet because either of these may a little abate, in respect the beginning seem [...] a little abrupt and precipitious (the Author possibly dying before [...]e could prepare an Apparatus or Introduction, we have taken the pains, out of other Records of that Nation, to draw a brief Represen­tation of some passages necessary to be foreknown.

The direct Royal Line of Scotland failing in Alexander III. (Son of the II. of that name) who when he a few years be­fore had lost both his wife, and all his hopeful and numerous issue, nothing remaining of it, saving a Girl to his Daugh­ter, brought to Hungonan King of Norway. The Nobility hereupon meet at Scone, and put the Kingdom into the hands of six Persons. Edward of England sends to demand the Daughter Grandchild in marriage, as next Heir of the Crown. This was agreed unto, Embassadours sent for her, but the death of the Lady frustrated all that Negotiation. The death of this Margarite (so was she called) was the firebrand that set England on fire, and had almost destroyed Scotland; For two Competitors declared themselves both powerful, and of great Estates in Scotland, and strongly supported with Forein Confederacies; for Iohn Baliol had engaged the English Interest, and Robert Bruce the French: But to be a little clear­er we must look back; The line thus failing they were for­ced to run back to the line of David Earl of Huntington Brother to King William; this David by his Wife Maud Daughter to the Earl of Chester, had three Daughters, Mar­g [...]t married to Allan of Galloway, the second to Robert Bruce sirnamed the Noble, the third to Henry Hastings Earl of Hun­tington, who made no claim. Now thus it stood, Dornagil (the wife of Baliol) claim'd it as grandchild by the Eldest Daughter, and Bruce as great Grandchild by the second, say­ing, It was not fit that Daughters should inherit when there were Sons to represent the Ancestor; Baliol he was neerer, as being in the second degree, and the other but in the third: The Controversie growing high and boysterous, and the Power and Interests of both parties at home being equally formidable and dangerous, they resolved to refer it to King Edward, who comming to Berwick and calling Lawyers to his Assistance, pretends all Equity, but rais'd up eight other pet­ty Competitors, the better to weakon the claim of the other two, and so handled the business whilst the Lawyers were slowly consulting, that (Bruce having refused to accept the Crown in Homage and Tribute from England) he decla­red [Page] (upon his acceptance of those conditions) IOHN BA­LIOL to be King, who was Crowned at Stone. But soon after an appeal being made against him to King Edward by Macduff Earl of Fife, and he refusing to ri [...]e from the Seat where he sate to answer, but being inforced by the King so to do, became so aliened in his affections from the English, that a new quarrel breaking out between the French and the English, and both by their Embassadours Courting the Scot­tish Amity, it was resolved to adhere to the French, and re­nounce the Homage to England, as obtained by Fra [...]d and Force, Edward enraged at this (having obtained a Truce for some few Moneths with the French) assails Berwick by Sea, but with some loss, which enflames him the more, summons Baliol, who refuses, pro [...]ers it to Bruce, takes Berwick by Stratagem, enters Scotland, masters the Countrey, takes E­dinburgh and Sterlin, and forces Baliol to a surrender at For­far, and sends him Prisoner to London▪ whither himself re­turns, having made most of the Nobility do Homage, and left the Earl of Surrey his Deputy. Baliol soon after is sent into France, leaving his Son Edward as Hostage for his fidelity. Edward sets [...]ail for France, the Scots rise and make some little Incursions into the Borders; But about this time Si [...] William Wallas arose, who to his Honour did so Heroically de [...]end his Countrey in her weakest condition, as made it easily ap­pear, if he had had as happy a fortune to advance, as he had a miserable to relieve, he might have been remembred for as great a man as ever was in any age, for having upon a quar­rel slain a young English Gentleman, and enforced to lurk in the Hills for the safety of his life, he became inured [...] [...]uch hardness, that awaking his natural Courage, he [...] the Head of all the Male-contents, and filled both the Kingdoms with his Reputation and Terror, and behaving himself ac­cording to expectation, glean'd up to a tumultuary Army, and (the Nobility being either sloathful or cowardly) com­manded as Baliols Vice-Roy; Thus after some little skirmi­shes, he reduced all beyond the Forth, took Dundee, Aber­deen, and other places, when there arrived rumour of an English Army, which he was not willing to dispute with, but upon his own Terms, Edward that had fortified all the Considerable places, and kept the chiefest of the Nobles as Honourable Pri [...]oners in England, had with-drawn his Army, as thinking all secure, sends the Lord Henry Per [...]y with strong assistance to join with his Officers there (for he had heard of the Reputation of Wallas) who endeavouring to pass the Forth, the Bridge breaking, received a considera­ble loss, which gave Wallas time to reduce the rest of the [Page] Countrey; Wallas then enters England, and for some time ravages, and returns without opposition; and this Fame of his, brought upon him the Envy of the Noblemen, and brought, Edward with an Army hastily gathered together at Stainmore, from whence after looking upon one another they departed without a Blow; from whence Wallas came to be rumoured as affecting the Royalty, and brought him such en­vy among the Brucos and Cumins, that they were resolved by any means to ruin him, as disdaining that the fortune of the Kingdom should rely on so mean a person. But the English entring Scotland again with a great Army, and finding the S [...]ots disposed under three Leaders (who among themselves disputed Priority of Command) marcht up to them, where they found the Cumins (who commanded one Brigade) depart without opposition; The Stuarts (who had another) being all cut to pieces, and Wallas (who had the third) forced to retire to the River Caroon. Thus lost Wallas his title & formal Army, whilst with a Predatory Army he never left to infest the Eng­lish, whilst Edward regained the lost places; but the Scots ha­ving in vain endeavoured Truce or Mediation, were resolved to put all upon the Dy; and made a general insurrection, to oppose which King Edward sent Ralph Conyers, with a consi­derable Army to reduce the revolted places, and make an end of the War, but they, by a Triple Victory, were routed at Rossin the 10. of March 1302. 1302. Edward stung with this, makes an other Entry, in which Wallas perpetually infested him, and again reduces the Countrey, all swearing allegiance at Saint Andrews, but Wallas, who returned into the High-Lands. E [...]ard changing the Laws, carrying away all Records, and [...] with all the Marks of any absolute Conquerour, and among other Monuments the Stone called Iacobs Stone, in which our Kings have been since usually Crowned. But there kindled another flame, for Robert Bruce, son of the other, and Iohn Cumin, Cosen German of Iohn Baliol, sirnamed the Red, wearied by the delaies and unperformed promises of the King, though Competitors, overcame their mutual jealou­sies, and closd together, on condition that Bruce should have the Kingdom, and Cumin all Bruces lands; which agreement notwithstanding, Cumin was after said to have communicated to Eaward; Bruce hath notice, and, by shooing his horses backward, escapes, and arriving at his Castle at Lake Laban, meets with Cumins Letters advising to cut him off, upon which he hastens to S. Iohnstons, and after exprobating his infidelity leaves him, in the Franciscan Monastery, stabb'd as dead, and after stabb'd him out-right,1305. with his brother Robert. About the same time Wallas was betrayed about Glasgow, carryed up [Page] to London, hanged, drawn, and quartered, and his limbs hung up in the most eminent places.

And here (to digress a little) from these cruel carnages, might na­turally arise some pretty questions, as, Where allegiance and obedience begins and determins? who are properly Rebels, or Lawful Enemies? how far the faith of a Nation, or particular men, are concluded in the Oath of their Prince to a Foreiner? and what Limits Conquerours ought to observe to Subjects, not naturally born so? and how far they, ne­ver compacting, are oblig'd in the General Compact? ‘But these be­ing matters proper for the Civilians, and such as cannot be inclu­ded in the shortness of a Preface, or Rigor of an Epitome, we shall dismiss at this Time without any further disquisition. Onely at the present we will raise one Note from this Example of unfortunate Courage, How apt great minds are, even out of false appearances of good of their Countrey (the most powerful charm upon the bra­vest spirits) to rush upon the most violent and dangerous efforts, though it may be their Countrey, by a great deal of devastation and blood, be made a loser by it; and some Territories are so seated, that it is the more happy for them to be under the shade and protection of a greater and more powerful, than be left naked to their own wants, and devastation of prevailing neighbours, under the Notion of preserving an imaginary, Antient, and Notional Liberty, which once launch [...] into will prove no other than a willingness to shackles, and an obstacle, and an obstinacy to the advancement of the Commodi­ties of life.’

‘And again, let us observe what a strange Antiperistasis oppresi­on and Calamity will make in any people, how inconsiderable heads, meeting with an humour of jealousy, discontent and despair, swell into enormity, and become terrible to, nay oftentimes affront▪ [...]gi­timate force, where as Nations wantoning in their deligh [...]nd pleasures (like strong bodyes without Exercise) forget, and weaken themselves, whilest their strength insensibly transpires and vani­shes in the warmth of their fruitions.’

But it is high time now to return unto
ROBERT BRUCE,
who having caused himself (after he had staied for the Popes absolution for the defiling the Monastery with the Murder of the Cumins) to be Crowned King at Scone, 1306. notwithstanding his Endeavours at first to strengthen himself, by the enmity of the Cumins, and timorousness of his own Followers, was routed by Edwards Lieutenants, and forced to the Hills, and for a long time lurkt in great misery, to the great ruin and slaughter of his Family and party; but making together some little force, took Carrick and Inn [...]rness, [Page] by surprisal, and by this means augmented his Train, and withstood the daring of Cumin Earl of Bughan, who with­stood him with a Considerable strength of English and Scotish forces, and though a Treaty were desired, would not com­ply, growing numerous by the accession of other considera­ble persons. Edward the I, dying in an intended expedition thither, left it to Edward II. his Son, who hearing some trou­bles in France, sailed thither, and left behind him an Army, which notwithstanding Robert▪ though sick and forced to be held on horseback, defeated; this engaged Edward to ano­ther Immemorable Expedition, and gave Robert time to take in the Remaining strengths;1310. but the next year, and within two years after, recovered the most considerable, and Edin­burgh it self, and a little after, by means of his Brother Ed­ward, Sterlin upon Conditions. Edward thereupon enters with a great Army, and many forein auxiliaries; But had a great defeat at Bannocks-burn, which occasioned the loss of Berwick, and Bruces confirmation in Parliament, the declaring of Edward (his Brother) to be heir, in case of Roberts want of Issue Male, as also making of him King of Ireland, at the request of some of the I [...]ish, and though they furnished him with some forces for that attempt, yet in the Ex­pedition he and all his followers were cut to pieces. Some few years after were spent in light skirmishes and incursions, and Thomas Randolph obtained the battel called the White, and quieted the English. Robert, this time of Repose, conven'd the Nobles, intending to determine the rig [...] of in­heritances, which many men had unjustly usurped in the times of Rapine and Licence; This brooded a Conspiracy, which [...]eing detected, a meeting was appointed at Perth, where, by the Conviction of their own Papers, many were executed, some pardon'd; but none drew more pitty from the Behol­ders than David Brechin, the Kings Sisters Son, whose ac­quaintance, not concurrence, with the Plot was only Criminal. ‘From whence we may consider, That to be a Traytor, is not actu­ally to engage in Treason, but to conceal it is to foment it: for if in private Friendships it is infidelity not to reveal a danger to a friend, it holds stronger as to the Magistrate, who is not only our Common Friend, but our Parent and Tutor; since the seeds of all Treasons (like them of Vegetables, lurking qui [...]tly, and arising fruitfully) being cunningly manured, do, by the Co-operation of bad influ [...]nces, grow up into poisons, and threaten destruction, where as the Sovereign Power, enlivening and peiroing all, che­rishes the more Noble things, and only discovers the imperfection of the meaner.’

In the mean time a Legate comming from Rome, armed [Page] with all the Thunderbolts of that See (whose force, even that age had wit enough to discern) to threaten them into a peace with England, but missing of his Errand, the Scots followed him with an Army, and marcht as far as Stainmore. The K. of England, in revenge, raises an Army so potent and power­ful, that it might be supposed they came for absolute victory, not uncertain hazard. Robert therefore (like a wise Captain) considering that it was Stratagem not force that must preserve him safe from so great a storm, caused all the Cattel to be car­ryed into the avious retreats of the Hills, lest they might be serviceable to the Enemy, who, confident of their strength, peirced Scotland, and endeavoured to draw him and his For­ces out of their Holes: But having wasted all about (sparing on­ly Churches) and wanting Victuals, were forced to retire. Bruce, knowing this disorderly retreat, pursues them as far as York, and, by a great defeat, was Master of their Baggage, and some Considerable Prisoners; the great occasion of which was imputed to Sir Andrew Barcley, Earl of Carlisle, who was therefore degraded. This begat two Embassyes, one to the Papacy, for a Reconciliation to it, and the other to France, for a Renovation of the old League, both which were ob­tained with equal easiness, with this addition to the latter, That the King of France should be Umpire in controversies concerning the Crown of Scotland. About these times (saies Excellent Buchanan) the Family of the Hamiltons (since so great in Scotland, and pernicious to England) took their rise, one of them upon a Quarrel and murder of an English Gen­tleman flying to Robert for Protection, who gave him lands, which retain the name to this day; the Spensers (upon whose account this quarrel arose) were soon after discomposed, and ruined, and Edward himself dethroned, and (as is said) mur­dered at Pontfract Castle, by means of his wife, and Edward his Son succeeded, the III. of that name; Bruce in the mean time, composing himself to the cares of Peace, by Act of Parliament settles the Inheritance of the Kingdom upon his Son (though a Child) and in case of his decease, to Robert Stuart his Grandchild by his Daughter, and for preventing any pretences of Baliol (being then old and miserable in France) a full release of all his Claim,1320. but the active young Edward filling them with the terrour of a new Bruce, repaired the defects of his age, and travels, by substituting Thomas▪ Randolph his Vice-Roy, whom, with Iames Dowglas, he sent with a flying Army of Horse, into England, the better to e­lude the prevailing force they were to expect, and it happen­ed accordingly, for after tedious Marches, and hardships on both sides, they parted without a stroke, saving onely that [Page] Dowglas with two hundred Horse, beat up the Quarters of the English Camp, and cut (as is said) two Ropes of the Kings Tent, and made a good Retreat; this begat a Truce for three years, and afterwards (1328.) a dishonorable Concessi­on in a Parliament at Southampton of all the Scotish privile­ges, and independencyes of that Crown (for which some after smarted) with the Concession of some Counties, and Rendition of Monuments, the Scots paying thirty thousand Marks: Bruce finding himself wasted by age and toil, left the Tuition of the Nonage of his Son to Randolph and Dow­glas, retiring himself to the Abby of Kilross, confirming the Settlement of the Kingdom upon his Son David (then 8 years old) and Stuart, as he had done before, leaving these three Counsells behind him (Illustrious Spirits that have long moved in great Orbs, being best measured, when they are falling below their Horizon.) 1. Not to let any man solely command the Aebneae. 2. Never to put all their Strength at one hazard with the English. 3. Never to make long Truces with them. The first being to be feared by their power at Sea. The se­cond for the Fertility, Power and Numbers of the English. The third, to prevent the Enervation of a long Peace. Thus he dyed, leaving Charge with Dowglas to convey his heart to the Holy Land (whither himself had designed an Expedi­tion) but Dowglas, assisting them of Arragon against the Sa­ra [...]ens, was there cut to pieces: Thus ended the reign of Ro­bert Bruce. 1330. ‘A Prince, that mounting the Throne over the Car­casses of his neerest kindred, encountring with the greatest difficul­ties and calamities of a Countrey opprest by powerful and martial E­nemies, bravely struggled with the disadvantages, and left behind him the Character of a great Captain, and a prudent Prince, and such an one as whose Reputation relies upon his single virtue, unlesse you will say he had the assistance of the heads and hands of his Coun­sellors and Captains, yet even in the chusing of One, and the obey­ing the Other, it must be confest he was a man excellently squared out for Government, and a man the most fit to arrest our Conquests in that Nation.’

‘Yet, by the way, we shall take up one Remark, How much the for­tune and reputation of any people, depends upon the Conduct of their Supreme Governour; and we cannot have better instance, than by reflecting upon the preceding History. Edward I. (worthily called Coeur de Lion) brought them in their greatest power upon their knees; His Son (an effeminate and weak Prince, enchanted with Flatteries, and lost in Sof [...]ness) could not preserve an acquired Dominion, but lost it with ignom [...]ny; His Son, for a time (which we must call his pupillage of War, he did such wonders afterwards) was unsuccess­ful, and all this through the Opposition, Courage and Conduct of [Page] one unfortunate person; And indeed, upon survay of all Histories, we shall find, that the ability and excellency of the Prince hath been the most powerful ascendent of the Genius of a Nation, and that the Governing mind of the World, when ever it determines any to glo­rious actions, raises up such Leaders, as by their wisdom, and ex­ample, may lead them to the performance of its own secret determina­tions.’

‘And again, How infectious the example of a bad or weak Prince, which, like an unhappy contagion, perverts and infects the manners of a people, and so much the more easily seduces them, by how much the mind of man is inclinable to understand better things, and pur­sue the worse, and most people are more easily emasculated into Vice, than tutured into Virtue.’

This Prince being gone to his long home,
DAVID BRUCE
His Son, succeeding, his Coronation was deferred till permission could be had from Rome to make the business more solemn.1331. The first thing memorable in his reign was the suppression of a sort of Thieves, by Randolph, who (if you will believe the Scotish Story) was soon after poisned by a Monk, yet bore it so, as he eluded another invasion, though he dyed soon after in the year 1331. the Government devolving to the Earl of Mar, in which he was scarce warm, when news was brought that Edward Baliol was seen in the Fryth with a Formidable Fleet; And it was upon this occasion, Lawrence Twine, a Fugitive Englishman, that had planted himself in Scotland, being for his lewd life excommunicated, slew the Bishop of Final, and used such inducements to Edward (Son of Iohn Baliol, formerly King) by the minority of the King, the ra­ging discontents of the People and Exiles, the want of the Regents, Randolph and Dowglass, that he, knowing Edward prepared great Forces against Scotland, perswaded him to im­barque in the Enterprize, and he made so good a Party, that he landed [...] Kingkorn, and defeated Alexander Seatoun, who made some opposition▪ and marching to Perth, did, by a secret passage over the River, rout the Enemy, slay the most con­siderable Commande [...], and take the Town, taking Priso­ners also many of the best quality, so that growing nume­rous, by the accession of such as had a mind to share in his good and unexpected Fortune,1332. he in the year 1332. caused himself to be Crowned King at Scone, by the name of
EDVVARD BALIOL.
But the party of the Bruce[?] not resting here, send him to Philip of France with his wife, and choose Andrew Murray, his Cou­sen, Regent, and making a party, after three Moneths siege, [Page] recovered Perth, Baliol in the mean time was at Annandale, receiving the voluntary submission of the Countrey, among whom (so high was the Reputation of his Acquests) that A­lexander Bruce, L. of Carid and Galloway, forsook his Kins­man, and submitted to the Conquerour, who, by this means, became so besotted with a contempt of the Enemy, and so neglected Discipline; which being known to the Vice-Roy, he sent a party of Horse under Archibald Dowglas, and others, who beat up his quarters, and routed them, himself escaping half naked,1332. and his most considerable Friends slain. The Nobility hereupon flocking to the Party of the Bruces, they consult, and resolve, that Baliol acts but the King of Eng­land's Designs, fortifie Berwick and the Borders, and stand­ing in this posture of Defence, fent to K. Philip and David, to give them account of things. Nor were the English unwil­ling to take the Advantage of the Discord, he therefore pro­tects Baliol, and under pretence of demanding Berwick, which was denyed, brings an Army against Scotland, besieges Berwick by Land & Sea, which to divert, Archibald Dowglas, newly ap­pointed Vice-Roy, makes an attempt upon the English, but was routed with great loss,1333. in the year 1333. Which occasion­ed the Rendition of the Town; Edward hereupon withdraw­ing into England, leaves the reducement of Scotland to the care of Baliol and Edward Talbot, who gained it all except some few Strengths; Baliol (though disturbed with a controversie about the Lands of Iohn Moubray) surveys the Country, fortifies the Castle of Rothsay, narrowly pursues Robert Stuart (after King) who in a small bark escaped to the Garrison of Dumbar­ton, and after laies siege to the Castle in the Lake Leven, which he left to the Management of Sir Iohn Sterlin and others, but Sterlin going to a Fair at Dunfermling, the besieged let the Lake into his Trenches, and raised the siege. The English came in again with an Army, swept all, carryed Baliol home with them, and left Cumin Earl of Athol, Lieutenant of Scotland, who wasted all the Lands of the Stuarts. By this Robert Stu­art unexpectedly breaks out, and being followed by the Cam­bells, takes the Castle of Botan, and having access of many considerable persons, is made Vice-Roy, and forces Cumin to his party, and dispersing the War, called a Parliament at Perth, where nothing could be done by reason of the dissen­tion of Cumin and Dowglas. But the English enter with a great Army, and (though their Auxiliary Guelders were routed) take Perth, but their Fleet being harrast at Sea, were forced to retreat, and the rather in design of a French War; but some of the Nobles still standing out, the English landing in Murray reduced all, and, leaving Baliol, return. Next year [Page] the English besieged Dunbar, 1337. and sent in two Parties under Talbot and Monford, which though they were both routed, yet the siege continued▪ but the English having received loss by the valour of Robert Stuart, after six moneths stay, being called into France, raised their siege; Murray in the mean time dying, Stuart was created Vice-Roy till the Return of David, and having the first year by the means of W. Dowglas, gained some petty Victories,1339. did the next besiege Perth, which after four Moneths stay was reduced, and a little after Sterlin, and (by Stratagem) the Castle of Edinburgh; Alex­ander making a happy Expedition into Northumberland, and taking Roxburgh, and the Scots regaining all their ground, except Berwick. In the year 1342. David, after 9. years stay, returns, and after quieting of some dissentions, resolves an expedition into England, though disswaded by his Council, by reason of want of Victuals, making Iohn Randolph Gene­ral, himself going incognito, and for two Moneths together depopulated Northumberland, but after, declaring himself General, made a second Expedition, which met little opposi­tion by reason of the diversion of the English strength in France, a third to as little purpose. A Peace for two years was treated of, which David would not accept, without the consent of Philip. of France, who having a great defeat given him by Edward, excited him, by all means, to an invasi­on, which his friendship perswaded him to (though things at home were not in Order) and having Marcht so far as the County of Durham, had his Army routed, and was there taken Prisoner; The English limits being enlarged as far as Cockburn, and all Scotland, in a manner, depopulated by the Plague and deadly fewds, yet by the encouragement of Iohn Son of Philip the French King, some were still making In­cursions, and an unsuccessful attempt on Berwick. By this time Iohn of France was Prisoner to Edward, whom the Scots courted as full of Honour and Victory, for the delivery of their own, who (by the Mediation of the Pope) for a great sum of Money, was redeemed, and set free, after eleven years Captivity, and at his Rerurn punished some of those who had deserted him at Durham, and endeavoured to remove the succession of the Crown, from Robert Stuart, to whom he was some years after reconciled. The last five years of his reign were spent in appeasing domestick fewds, and are nota­ble for a great inundation and plague; but things quieting in the year 1363. he retired into a Monastery, and declared (in case of his decease) Edward, or his Son, for their King. This, whether it was caused by some former Oath, or from weari­ness of War, or design of quiet to Both Nations, which be­ing [Page] universally disliked by the Estates it was like to breed a dissention, which his wisdome closed up. All was now quiet but the Highlanders, whom he appeased by their mutual dis­cords; when Fate in the 47. year of his age, the 39. of his Reign, came to Eternal Rest,1370. in the Castle of Edinburgh, in the year 1370.

By this King and his competitor Baliol (who went out in the snuff) we may in part measure the interests and advantages of Princes; the one by the assistance of a Potent Neighbour did unexpected things, yet failed in Conduct and Management; the other, wanting neither spirit nor vigilancy, became a Captive and ineffectuall Prince; which may give us occasion to observe, That though Travel do best inrich the mind with variety of observation, yet it is not so successfull in Prin­ces; for their Minds not being exempted from humane weakness, may draw in tinctures and prejudices not consisting with the humors of them they are to govern, and by knowing abroad grow strangers at home, neglecting to study the humor of the People they ore set over; the disquisition of which is certainly the greatest Mystery and Chain of Government: The People being an unruly Beast, easily led, impos­sible to be forc'd, and the Magick that so powerfully forces them, no o­ther than a piercing, discerning, flattering, or eluding their Hu­mour.

This was Davids Fundamental fault, which, like Error in the first concoction, multiplied it self through the rest of his Reign. He was bred a Stranger, knew not the disposition of his people, met with troublesome Times, and a Formidable Enemy, and therefore he may very well be charged with three oversights; First, after three, not unfortunate, incursions into England, then imployed by France, not to rest there with his proportion of glory and prey: But secondly, By the allurement of the French King, and that upon a score of Friendship; whereas Friendships of Princes and Private Men are different, the one being particular, the other diffusive and concer­ning Millions; besides, that Princes are to consider the interest of their States, not their private inclinations. And for the third, To make an invasion, when he left so high discontents in a turbulent people behind, besides those of his own, that by force, obligation or interest were devoted to a victorious Enemy, and assured of his own Coun­trey, was very imprudential, both in going to find out an Enemy, whose force he knew not, and leaving behind him Subjects, whose ma­lice and force he understood not.

But no more to disturb his ashes; Had he had another Countrey, another Enemy, another Education, and other Circumstances of Time, he might have been as glorious as any of his Predecessors, it is the more probable (though the Change of Time does often heighten and aggravate the Vices of Princes) there is nothing either Cruel or Vicious recorded of him. So that even in the severest sense we may [Page] dismiss him with this Character, That he rather was unhappy than sloathful in his Government.

This mans eyes being for ever closed, the Nobility appointed a meeting for the accepting of
ROBERT STUART
For their King, as he was formerly designed, who appeased the dissention of the Earl Dowglas by marrying his Daughter to the Earls Son. His first two years were spent in making incursions upon the English; the Kings wife dying in the next year, he maries Elizabeth Moor his own Concubine, the bet­ter to legitimate the children he had by her, and them he ho­noured with Titles, and declared his Successors; two years after an attempt is made on Berwick, but in vain, and Talbots Expedition frustrated, but a Truce for three years was con­cluded; which being expired, little quarrels awoke again, and occasioned the Duke of Lancaster to be sent thither with a great Army and Navy, though not with the same fortune at Sea as at Land, which occasioned the return of the Duke, who was pursued by some small depredations of William Dow­glas, though his Son of the same name, and some others, during a Treaty, made an inroad as far as Newcastle. Robert having assistance from France, is forced to retire, especially upon the news of Richards (Grand-child and Successor to Ed­ward the third,) marching with a great Army, fac'd the Scots with an unbloody bravery. The Scots designing to besiege Roxburgh, but quarrelling with the French, it came to no­thing; which occasioned so much dissention, that it arrived at this pass, That the French should pay for their plunder and be dismist, their general remaining as hostage for their satis­faction; whilst William Dowglas (who had maried the Kings Daughter) makes an expedition into Ireland, plunders Ker­lingford, and knowing his Father to be imployed against the English, hastens to his assistance. The attempt was in af­front of Richard then struggling with Domestick difficulties; But they of Scotland being unable to live without War and Rapine, they were resolved to make a business of it, and be­cause the King, and his eldest Son were infirm, came to choose (privately) the second for their Leader; but this being disco­vered by the English, they altered their Resolution, and re­solved to divide themselves, one by the way of Berwick, the other of Carlisle, the former party led by Dowglas gave a de­feat to the Lord Percy, with the loss of his Life (the other not having the like Success) who impatiently fighting be­fore the comming up of the Bishop of Durham's Forces, lost his own and indangered the others. This happened in the year 1388. at Otterb [...]rn in Northumberland. The King being [Page] spent with age, makes Robert his second Son his Vice-Roy, (his eldest being unactive) who to affront Peircey, that seem­ed to lessen the loss, led in an Army, but after facing retur­ned with some little depredation. Soon after a Peace was mediated between the French and English, in which Robert, without consent of a Parliament, would not be comprized; But his doubts were all resolved by death in the year 1390. when he had lived 74. years, and reigned 19. being follow­ed to the grave with such acts of Barbarisin, as have been frequent in that place.

He is a Prince we find little said of, as to his person, and possibly best to be considered in the Negative; We find many things done by his Captains, not by him; which notwithstanding we may rather at­tribute to the stirring and violent humour of that age, than either his age, want of Genius, or love of quiet; yet herein appears some­what of his Character, that meeting with turbulent times, and a mar­tial people, he met not with any Insurrections, and was a gainer; and though he did it by other hands, we must suppose that their Motions were directed by his Brain, that communicated Motion and Spirits unto them, since the Minds of Kings, like the first Mover, turn all about, yet are not perceived to move, and it was no humane wit said their hearts were unscruitable.

The same year his Eldest Son Iohn was called to succeed, who thinking that name ominous to Kings (and there wan­ted not examples) as of him of England, and him of France, and fancying somewhat of the felicity of the two former Roberts, was crowned King by the name of
ROBERT the III.

This man being unactive, the weight of the Government rested upon his Brother Robert. The first seven years of his Reign past in a calm with England, by reason of two Truces, but not without some fierce fewds among his Subjects, one whereof was very memorable between Thomas Dunbar Earl of Murray, and Iames Lindsay Earl of Crawford, and was most high, insomuch that seeing the difficulty of reducing them, he resolved to make this proposition to them, That 300. of each side, should try it by dint of Sword before the King, the conquered to be pardoned, and the Conquerour advanced; This being agreed on, a place was appointed on the Northside of St. Iohnstons, but when they came to join battel, there was one of one side missing, whom when his party could not supply, and none would relinguish the other, a Tradesman stept out, and for half a French Crown, and pro­mise of maintenance for his life, filled up the company. The fight was furious, but none behaved himself more furiously than the Mercinary Champion, who they say was the grea­test [Page] cause of the Victory, for of his side there remained ten grievously wounded, the other party had but one left, who not being wounded, yet being unable to sustain the shock of the other, threw himself into the Tey and escaped. By this means the fiercest of two Clanns being cut off, the remain­der, being headless,1398. were quiet. Two years after the King in Parliament made his two Sons Dukes, a title then first brought into Scotland. Next year Richard the second of Eng­land being forced to resign, Henry the fourth succeeded, in the beginning of whose reign, though the Truce was not en­ded, the seeds of War began to bloom out, and upon this occasion, George Earl of March had betroathed Elizabeth his Daughter to David the Kings eldest Son: Archibald Earl of Dowglas, not brooking this, gets a vote of Parliament for revocation of this mariage, and by the power of Robert, the Kings Brother, made a mariage between Mary his Daughter, and David, and, giving a greater sum, got it confirmed in Parliament. The Earl of March, nettled at this, demands redress, but being not heard, leaves the Court, and with his Family and Friends goes into England, to the Lord Peircey, an utter Enemy of the Dowglasses, wasts March, and espe­cially depradating the lands of the Dowglasses. The Scots de­clare the Earl of March, an enemy, and send to demand him up of the English, who deny to surrender him. This made Hot-spur Peircey and March, make several incursions into Scotland, till at last they were repulsed at Linton-Bridge by the Dowglasses. 1400. This was about the year four hundred, at which time War was denounced, and the English entered with a great Army, took Haddington and Lieth, and laid siege to Edenburgh Castle, David the Kings Son being with­in it, which the new Governour, ambitiously delaying to relieve, the English, satisfyed with the terrour they brought, retired again. After which March did not cease his little in­cursions; which to be revenged of, Dowglas divided his for­ces into two Squadrons, the first to Halyburton, who retur­ned from Barmborough, with some prey; the second and greater to Patrick Hepburn, who unwarily roving with his prey, was set on by the English, and with all the youth of Lothian, put to the Sword. To revenge this, Dowglas gets together 10000. men, and passing beyond Newcastle, met with young Peircey, &c. who at Homildon, a little vil­lage in Northumberland, in the year 1401▪ gave him and his Party such a considerable defeat, as Scotland had not receiv'd the like for a long time. This put Peircey in hopes to reduce all beyond the Fryth, but the troubles at home withdrew him from that design. By this Annabel the Queen dying, [Page] David her Son, who by her means had been restrained, broke out into his natural disorders, and committed all kind of Rapine and Luxury. Complaint being brought to his Father, he commits him to his Brother the Governor (whose secret design being to root out the off-spring) the business was so ordered, as that the young man was shut up in Falkland Castle, to be starved, which yet was for a while delayed, one woman thrusting in some thin Oaten Cakes at a chink, & another giving him milk out of her papps through a Trunck. But both these being discovered, the youth being forced to tear his own members, dyed of a multiplied death; which murder being whispered to the King, and the King enqui­ring after it, was so abused by the false representations of his Brother, that grief and imprecations was all the Relief he had left him, as being now retired sickly to Bote-Castle, and unable to punish him. The King being solicitous of Iames his younger Son, is resolved by the example of the good usage of David, to send him to Charls the sixt of France, & having ta­ken Shipping at the Basse, as he past by the Promontory of Flamborough, whether forc'd by tempest, or that he was Seasick, he was forced to land, taken by the English, and detained, notwithstanding the allegation of a Truce of eight years, and his Fathers Letters. And though it came to the Privy-Council to be debated, yet his detention was carried in the Affirmative. This advantage he had by his Captivity, that he was well and carefully educated; but the News so struck his Father, that he had almost presently dyed, but being car­ried into his Chamber, with voluntary abstinence and sorrow he shortned his life, three daies longer, viz. to the first of A­pril 1406.

[...]e was a man of a goodly and a comely personage, one rather sit for the tranquillity of a private life, than the agitations of Roy­alty, and indeed such an one whose Reigns do little else but fill up Chronologies with the number of their years.

Upon this the Parliament confirm Robert for Governour, a man of parts able enough for that employment, but a man of such a violent and inveterate ambition, as would sacrifise any thing to make it fuel to it self. Soon after March and Dowglas were reconciled.

In the year 1411. Donald the Islander, Lord of the Budae, enters Ross, as his pretended inheritance, with ten thousand men, and easily reduced it, and flushed by this, goes to Mur­rey, which being strengthless, he easily mastered, and pass'd spoiling into Bogy, and approached Aberdeen. To stop this [...]orrent, Al [...]xander Earl of Mar, followed by most of [Page] the Nobility, met him at Harley, a Village beyond Tey, where they joined in so bloody a Battel, and lost [...]o many Noble and Considerable Persons, that though Night parted them, neither could pretend to the Victory. To this year doth the University of Saint Andrews ow its rise. The next ten years nothing was done between the Scotch and English; Henry the V. succeeding his Father, and being wholly intent for France, there was little to do between the two Nations, un­less some small incursions.1419. In the year 1419. auxiliaries were sent into France, and employed in Turain▪ but they making merry in the Easter-Holidaies, the Duke of Cla­rence, being informed thereof, marches with a party to them; but notwithstanding finding a stout repulse, was himself, with many of his Souldiers, slain. Whilst this hap­pens in France, in the year 1420. Robert the Governour dies, and Mordack his Son, a Sot, was put in his place, which he was so fit for, that he could not govern his three Sons, which was the cause of the Fathers and their ruines. This Domestick Change called home the Forces employed in France, but things being settled, others went in their pla­ces. Henry of England, hearing of the Death of Clarence, made Iohn Duke of BEDFORD his Vice-Roy, himself intending to follow, and carry JAMES of Scotland a­long with him, the better either to winn or suspend the hearts of the Scots; but it was in vain, for they said they would not obey a man, that had not his own Liberty. Much action past afterwards between them and the English, but we hasten to close with the Author.

MORDACK, as it hath been said, being Governour, having neglected all Discipline at home, suffered his Sons to come to that petulancy, that they were not only offensive to all the people, but with all disobedient to their Father, who having a brave Faulcon, which his Son WALTER had often begged, but in vain, he snatch'd it out of his Fa­thers hand, and wrung off her neck, which his Father be­ing angry at, Well, saies he, Since I cannot govern thee, I will bring one shall govern us both: And from that day he cea­sed not to further the Redemption of the KING, which was after Ordered at an Assembly at Perth, and an honoura­ble Embassy sent into England, With which this Author be­gins his History, and we conclude this petty Labour.

The succeeding part, which is to continue where he leaves, is expected to be worthily performed by Mr. Saunderson, and the precedent by the ingenious and learned Mr. Christopher Irwin.

But because we have made a part of promise to say somewhat of [Page] the Author, who hath left himself the memory of an ingenious man, by the things we have of his; and for that it is but too com­mon ingratitude, to leave us better acquainted with the thoughts of men, than with their persons and qualities, many excellent Spirits leaving only their Spiritual parts behind them, and little of their Corporal but their names, we shall set down in brief what we under­stand concerning him.

WILLIAM DRUMMOND was the Son of Sir JOHN DRUMMOND, and was born in the year 1585. and was brought up in Edenburgh, where having past through his course of Philosophy, he took the Degree of Master of Arts, and in the year 1606. went into FRANCE, to study the Lawes, as a way to raise him to preferment at Court. But his wit being of a greater delicacy, could not engage on the toyls and difficulties of that study, as being wholly enclined to ease and retirement, and a prosecution of the easier and softer entertainments of the Muses. In this humour (for he was especially addicted to POETRY, having for that p [...]r­pose sufficiently mastered the GREEK, LATINE, FRENCH, SPANISH, and ITALIAN Tongues, as may appear by all his things of that nature) lived retiredly with his Brother-in-Law, till he was five and fourty years of age, at which time he unexspectedly maried MARGARITE LO­GANE, a younger Daughter of the House of RESTELRIG.

He was not more retired in his Person than careless of his Fame, (all his Poems being printed in loose sheets, and only addressed to his Friends.) Yet though he retreated from all the World, yet he was still found out, for all Learned, and men of Quality, gave him his due respect. As for his own Countrey-men, the Earl of STERLIN, LEOCHEM, and Doctor JOHN­SON, Besides, though he were little in ENGLAND, yet DANIEL, DRAYTON, and JOHNSON vi­sit him by their Letters, and testifyed their esteem of him. All that we have of him is this Book, and his Poems, of which when they are to be published, you all have have better information. In this manner be continued a harmless, and a virtuous life, till in the year 1649. he was summoned to pay his great debt to Nature, having left a little before his death, a quantity of books to the Library of Edenburgh.

Having premised thus much to satisfy the Reader, as worthy to be foreknown, though I have had little encouragement for my pains, I shall cease being ingenious in another mans book, and attend the resti­tution of that without which my self cannot subsist.

From my Chamber Ian. 24. 1654/5.
IAMES: I KING OF Scotes. Anō: 1424.

R Gaywood fecit:


THE HISTORY OF THE Reign of Iames the first, KING of SCOTLAND.

THE Nobles of Scotland being wea­ried with the form of their present Government; for though they had a King, they enjoyed not the hap­piness of his sway, by his restraint afar off, under the power of a Stran­ger; some of them were poss [...]ssed with hopes by the change of the Head, to find a change in the Body of the State, and a flow of their eb­bing Fortunes; the Church-men and the Ge [...]try having ever continued loyall and well-affected to the Lawful Heir of the Crown; the Commons, men delighting in Novations, and or­dinarily preferring uncertainties, things unseen and to come, to what for the time they did hold and enjoy; the Governor of the Kingdom also himself, i [...]ritated by the misdemeanour of his Children, and forecasting the danger he might be plung­ed into, if the States should purchase the recovery of their King, he not complying to their Design: all unanimously and together determine without longer prolongings to work the delivery of their Native Prince IAMES forth of Eng­land [Page 2] where he had been detained eighteen years as a Priso­ner.

They who were chosen and got Commission to negotiate his Liberty were Archembald Earl of Dowglass, Son to Archem­ [...]ald Duke of Turrain, William Hay Constable of the Realm, Alexander Irwin of Drumm Knight, Henry Lightoun Bishop of Aberde [...]n, Alexander Cornwall Arch-Dean of Lothian.

These comming to London were graciously received by the State, and severally entertained by King Iames▪ and so many friends as either his Alliance or Virtues had acquired. After some few daies stay desiring to have audience in Counsel they w [...]re admitted, where Bishop Lightoun is said to have spoken to this effect.

The respect and reverence which the Nation of the Scots carryeth towards all [...] is all where known, but most that love and loy­al [...]y which they have to the sacred Persons of their own native Prin­ces: for as Monarchy is the most ancient form of Government, so have they ever esteemed it the best, it being more easie to find one instructed and trained up in heroical virtues, than to find many. And how well soever Governours and Vice-Gerents rule the Common­wealth, yet is that Government but as the light of the Moon or stars in absence of the Sun, and but representations of shadows for reall Bodies. This hath moved the three estates of that Kingdom to direct us here unto you.

Our King these many years hath been kept from us, upon just or unjust Grounds we will not argue, that providence which hath ap­pointed every thing to its own end, hath done this for the best, both to you and us, and we are now to treat with you for his Delivery. Beseec [...]ing you to remember that his Father of sacred memory recom­mended him out of that general duty which one Prince oweth to a [...] other, to your Kings Protection▪ in hope of Sanctuary, and in re­quest of ayd and comfort against secret, and therefore the more d [...]n­gerous, Enemies. And to confess the Truth, hitherto he hath been more assured amongst you, than if he had remained in his own Coun­trey, your favours being many waies extended towards him: ha­ving in all liberal Sciences and vertues bro [...]ght him up. That his a­bode with you seemeth rather to have been a remaining in an Acade­my, than in any Captivity, and thus he had been lost if he had not been lost. Besides, though we have the happiness to claim his Birth and Stemm, ye have the claim of his Succession and Education, He [...]eing now matched with the Royall Blood of England in Marriage. Thus his Liberty which we intreat for, is a benefit to your selves▪ and those Princes which shall claim the descent of his off-spring. For if it should fall forth (as what may not by the variable changes of Kingdomes come to pass?) that this Prince by Vsurpers and Re­bells were disgarnished of his own Crown, they are your Swords which should brandish, to set him on his Royall throne. We ex­pect [Page 3] that as ye have many w [...]ies rendred him yours, ye will not re­fuse to engage Him yet more by his Liberty, which [...]e must acknow­ledge wholly and freely to receive from you: and by benefits and and love to overcome a King, is more than by force of Arms. And since he was not your Pri [...]oner by chance of Warr (having never raised Arms against you) but by way of Protection detained here, and entertained, so ye will, respecting your ancient honour and Ge­nerosity, send him freely back to his own; yet if it be so that ye will have acknowledgem [...]nt, for what ye have bestowed on his edu­cation, the distress of the present estate of his Subjects and Crown considered, We will not stand upon tri [...]les of Money for the Redem­ption of a Prince above all price.

The Lords of the Council were diverse waies inclined to this Embassie, some thought it not fit to dismiss him. For his remaining in England seemed the more to assure the king­dome of Scotland unto them; having the King and his chil­dren in their custody what dared they not enterprise, or not bring to pass? Or if Scotland should plot any thing by way of Rebellion, the King having his party within the Realm, by the assistance of the English would keep under the other Factions; and thus the Estate by both being made weak, it would be a fair breach for a Conquest, and the annexing that Kingdome to the Crown of England.

That he knew too much of the Estate and affairs of Eng­land to be sent away to a Nation ever their Enemies. That being at liberty and amongst his own▪ he might resent the in­jury of his long restraint.

Others of the Council thought it best to dismiss hi [...], They had learned by experience that the keeping of the King of Scots hindered no wai [...]s the Scots from assisting the French, yea rather that it did exasperate their choller, and make them in Revenge addict themselves wholly to the French: the Gover­nour no waies keeping to the English, and siding the French, upon whom to be revenged they could find no surer way than to set at liberty the King, whose return of necessity must needs change the face of the State, and trouble him. As for the conquest of the Crown of Scotland, it was not at that time of such moment for England, they having the most part of France in their Subjection, which was as much, if not more, as they could hold, then it would prove a more harmless and sure purchase to make Scotland theirs, by the Succession of Lady Ia [...]e [...] of Sommerset, than by war, the event whereof is ever doubtful and beyond any assu­rance of Man. The Liberty of the King of Scots might prevent the encreasing strength of the Kings Enemies in France, and s [...]cure the Peace and tranquillity of the Common wealth at home: King Iames being all English by education▪ If he pro­ved [Page 4] not of their Party, yet he must prove neutral to both the Kingdoms.

Henry the sixth, then King of England, being of under-age was governed by his three Uncles of his Fathers side, Humphrey Duke of Glocester, who was made Protector of his Person and Realm, Iohn Duke of Bedford, who was established Regent of France, and Thomas Duke of Excester. But Henry Beaufoord Car­dinal, Bishop of Winchester and Chancellor of England, a man eminent in Blood and Riches, Uncle to the Lady Iane, in effect governed all. These gave way, rather then approved that the King of Scots should be set at liberty and sent home. And though they would have dismissed him freely, in respect of the Dowry of his Queen, which was not delivered, having use of present moneys for the maintenance of the Wars in France, and the more to cover the injustice of his Captivity, they thought it expedient to set a Ransom upon him.

The Commissioners having met, it was declared, that for a sufficient sum of moneys their King might return and enjoy his own Liberty; the one half to be paid in hand, able Hostages remaining in England till the other half was fully discharged. The Ransom agreed upon was four hundred thousand Merks, but by the power of the Cardinal the third was discharged, for which he was long after accused before the King by the Duke of Glocester.

The Governour and Estate of Scotland, having known the sum laid upon them for the Liberty of the King, though the hasty acquiring of it was grievous unto them, preferring Glo­ry and things necessary to matters of money▪ immediatly dis­patched so much as could be gathered, together with a great many young Noblemen of the Kingdom to remain Hostages for the rest; who (after the English Writers) were David son to the Earl of Athole, Alexander Earl of Crawford, the Lord Gor­don, Iohn de Lyndesay, Patrick▪ Son and Heir to Sir Iohn Lyon, David de Ogleby, Sir William de Ruthen, Miles Graham, David Mowbray and William Oliphant. These were honorably received entertained and kept. The Kings Father in Law, the Earl of Somerset, the Cardinal his Brother, accompanied their N [...]ece to the Borders, and there taking their leave returned back. The King with the rest of their Train, received with many Troops of Nobles and Gentlemen, who swarmed from all parts of the Kingdom to give him a dutifull welcome into his Native soyl, and themselves the contentment of beholding one they had so long de [...]ired and expected, with loud acclama­tions and applauses of the Commons as he held his Progress▪ on the Passion Week in Lent came to Edinburgh.

During his abode there, he assembled many of the Estates, listened to their Petitions, prepared for the approaching Par­liament, [Page 5] which had been summoned before his coming. The Solemni [...]i [...]s of Easter finished, the King came with his Queen to Perth, and from thence in the beginning of the moneth of May to Scone, where the year 1424. by Mordock the Governor, Duke of Albany and Earl of Fife (to whom that charge by custom of the Kingdom did appertain) and Henry Bishop of S. Andrews self and his Queen, being according to the computation of the old Scottish History, the hundreth and one King of Scotland.

At which time Sigismond, son to Charls the fourth, was Em­perour of the West. An. Dom. 1424. Iohn the seventh, the son of Andronicus of the East; Amurach the second, Great Turk; Alphonsus the fifth, King of Spain; Charl [...] the seventh, King of France; Henry the sixth, King of England; and with Martine the fifth, many claim­ed the Chair of St. Peter.

The ends in calling the Parliament were the Coronation of the King, to make the People see a Princes authority was come where they had but lately a Governours; the establishing a Peace amongst the Subjects, and taking away all Factions, the exacting a Subsidie for the relief of the Hostages in England. To this last, the Nobles held strong hand, by reason many of their Sons were engaged. Here a general Tax was condescended up. on through the whole Realm, as twelve pennies of the pound to be paid of all Lands, as well Spiritual as Temporal, and four pennies of every Cow, Ox, Horse, for the space of two years together. When the Commons had taken it grievously that the Subsidie, granted by the States of the Kingdom in Parlia­ment, was exacted mostly of them; after the first Collection, the King pittying their poverty, remitted what was unpayed, and until the Marriage of his Daughter, thereafter never ex­acted any Subsidie of his Subjects. For he would gently strain milk, and not wring blood from the breast of his Countrey, rendring the disposure thereof, chaste, sincere and pure for expences necessary and profitable, not for profusions, which neither afford contentment nor reputation; for money is both the nerves which give motion and veins, which entertain life in a State. Amongst others whom the King honoured, Alex­ander, second Son to Duke Mordock, was dubbed Knight.

The Parliament dissolving, the King came from Perth to E­dinburgh, where having assembled all the present Officers, and such who had born Authority in the State during the time of Duke Robert, and Duke Mordock, especially those whose charg [...] concerned the Rents of the Crown, he understood by their ac­counts, that the most part of all the Rents, Revenues and Land [...] pertaining to the Crown, were wasted, alienated and put away, or then by the Governors bestowed on their friends and followers, the Customs of Towns and Burroughs only ex­cepted. [Page 6] [...]his a little incensed his indig [...]ation, yet did [...] [...]mo­ther and put a fair countenance on his passion, s [...]eming to slight what he most car'd for: occasion thereafter no sooner served when he began to countenance and give way to Promoters and Informers (necessary though dangerous Instruments of State, which many good Princes have been content to maintain, and such who were not bad never denyed to hear, but using them no longer then they were necessary for their ends) to rip up se­cr [...]t and hidden c [...]imes, wrongs suffered, or committed du­ring the time of his detension in England. He received the complaints of the Church-men, Countrey Gentlemen, Mer­chants against all those who had either wronged them or the State, and would have the causes of all Accusers to be heard and examined: Here many to obtain the favour of the Prince, accused others.

Upon pregnant accusations Walter Stuart one of the Sons of Duke Mordock was Arrested and sent to the Bass, to be close kept; so was Malcolm Fleming of Cammernauld and Thomas Foyd of Kilmarnock committed to Ward in Dalkieth. Not long af­ter (the Nobili [...]y interceding) Malcolm and Thomas, goods be­ing restored which they had taken wrongfully, and Fin [...] laid upon them for their Offence, promising to satisfie all whom they had wrong'd, were pardoned all faults, and then set at Li­berty.

The King by listening to Promoters, came to the knowledge of many great insolencies committed by sundry of his Nobles: which as it bred hatred in him, so fear in them, and both appeared to study a Novation; They for their own safety, He to vindicate Justice and his Authority. The Duke had highly resented the committing of his Son, as had his Father in Law the Earl of Lennox. The Male-contents being many, if they could have swayed in one body as they came to be of one mind▪ threatned no small matter. The King from the intelligence of close Meetings, secret Leagues, some Plots of his Nobles▪ be­gan to forecast an apparent storm in the State, and danger to his own Pe [...]son, whereupon (being both couragious and wise) [...]e proclaimeth again a Parliament at Perth, where the three Estates being assembled in his Throne of Majesty, he spoke in this manner;

I have learned from my tender years that Royalty consisteh not so much in a Chair of State, as in such actions which do well become a Prince. What mine have been since my coming Home and Government among you, I take first God, and then your s [...]lves for witn [...]sses. I [...] all of them be not agreeable to you all, and if any rigorous dealing be used against some, Let him who is touched lay aside his particular, and look to the setling of Justice in the State, and publick Good of the whole [Page 7] Kingdom, and he shall find his sufferings tolerable, perhaps nec [...]ssary, and according to the time deserved. I have en­deavoured to take away all Discords, abolish Factions, Sup­press Oppression, as no Forein Power hath attempted ought against you hitherto, so that ye should not endeavour ought one against another, nor any thing against the weal publick and Soveraignty. Slow have I been in punishing injuries done to my self, but can hardly pardon such as are done to the Common-wealth, for this have I called this Parliament, let rapine and out [...]rage no more be heard of, but every man recal himself to a civil and regular form of life, especially you (my Nobles) think vertue and civility true Nobility, that to be accounted noblest which is best, and that a mans own worth begets true glory. By these and the obedience to their Prin­ces, your ancestor acquired what ye now enjoy, there is no stronger means to keep the goods acquired from a Prince, than the same by which they were first purchased, which is still obeying. Though by leagues, Factions, and the con­founding of all true Policy and Order of Government, Man may imagine he can shun the Judicatories of Man, let none how great soever, conceive he can save his wrongs unpunish­ed from the Almighty hand of God. Ye must not hereafter count Authority, honesty and virtue idle names, nor reckon that right which ye may winn or hold by dint of Sword. For me, I will behave my self in my proceedings as I must answer to God, and for you my Subjects do so ye shall an [...]swer to God first, and after to your Prince whom God hath set over you.

No mans Greatness shall appall me in doing right, nor the meaness of any make him so contemptible that I shall not give ear to his grievance; for I will strive to do justice on Oppres­sors, and support the innocent to my uttermost.

Here he easily found the power which the Presence of a Prince hath over Subjects; for having confirmed the minds of the Parliament, a mutual oath passed between him and his Subjects; The Ki [...]g swore if any made warr against Scotland, or went about to overthrow the ancient Laws of the King­dom, to resist and invade him with all his power; The E­states swore if any by open Rebellion should revolt or con­spire against the King, or be found to be the Authors of Facti­ons and Novations, they should assist and side the King with all their forces, after what manner he should command. A Solemn Act was made that none of the Subjects should bind up a league together.

The King the more to assure the Clergy unto him, swore to defend the liberties of the Church, making an Act that all Church lands unjustly detained from them, during the time of [Page 8] his Captivity should be restored unto them.

The Body of the Estate holding good for the King, Mor­dech Duke of Albany with his Sons Walter and Alexander were presently arrested and committed: as were likewise D [...]n­can Earl of Lennox, and Ro [...]rt Graham (a Man that dared give attempt upon those things which no honest man ever could think) they were sent to Faulkland, but the Duke to Carlaverock. Archembald Earl of Dowglass▪ with William Earl of A [...]guss the Kings Sisters son, George Earl of March, Walter Oguyl­ [...]uy were committed, but after set at liberty. Adam Hepburn of Haylles, Thomas Hay of Yeaster, with others were sent to the Castle of St. Andrews. That same day the Duke was com­mitted, the King seized on his Castles of Fa [...]lkland in F [...]fe, and Down in Monteeth, out of which he removed the Dutchess to Tantallon in Lothian. Iames the youngest Son of the Duke, whom former carriage and harmless behaviour had exempted from all suspition of Treache [...]y after the committing of his Father and Friends, whether of [...] youthfull insolency, or d [...]sperate rage, resolving to do and suffer all extremities, or that he was contemned, accompanied with a number of out­laws, and Mountainers on the Holy [...]rood Day called the inven­tion of the Cross, came to the Town of Dumbartoun, set it on fire, surprised there Iohn Stuart of Dondonald surnamed the Red, Uncle to the King, slew him with thirty others; after which cruelty advising with fear and despair he fled into Ireland where he dyed. The Wife of Walter Stuart his Bro­ther, with her two sons Andrew and Alexander, with Arthur a base born, hasted with him, where they remained till the reign of King Iames the third.

The barbarous fierceness of Iames highly incensed the King against his Father and race▪ diverted the cu [...]nt of his Cle­m [...]ncy; for when he thought by [...]entle incare [...] to h [...]ve restrained their malice, now he finds that that deaf Tyran [...] the Law can only secure himself and bring rest to his Subjects Whereupon the year following he calleth a Parliament at Ster­ [...]g, where the esta [...]es assembling, the Duke with his two Sons and Father-in [...]law the Earl of Lennox (accusations be­ing engrossed▪ and arti [...]es exhibited against them out of the [...]cts of former times, of what had been done unjustly, cru­ [...]lly or amiss during the Kings captivity) were presented, ar­raigned, and condemned: Walter Earl of Athole being Judge, to whom were adjoined many noble men and Barons.

That same day on which their fatall sentence was pronoun­ced▪ the two young men Walter Stuart and Alexander Sonnes to the Duke, were taken forth to the Hill which ariseth a­gainst the Castle of Sterling, and had their heads cut off. The day following Mordoch Duke of Albanie late Governour, with Duncane Lennox Earl of Lennox was beheaded.

[Page 9]The deaths of these Noblemen, were so far from breeding any distaste in the common People, that out of their depraved disposition and envy against their betters, they flowted at their fall, reproached their insolencyes, delighted in th [...]ir ex­ecution: and as much without reason railed on them when they were dead, as they had flattered them being alive.

Whether by the wisdome of the King it hath fallen out, who caused abolish the Indictment (being against persons so near unto him in blood) or bluntness of those times, which thought such clear evidences needed no Records, the particulars of the Attaindor of these great men are swallowed up in dark oblivion.

Moved at the Imprisonment of his Son, did Mordoch with Lennox (hating him whom they had wronged) attempt a­gainst the Kings person, and that same very Treason which afterward had success, was it then between the plot, and the execution surprised, and in the very head cut off▪ The Earl of Athol, a man whose desires were both extremly wicked unbounded, was a great actor in this Tragedy.

Did the King, standing in fear of their extraordinary greatness, bend his eyes upon the disposition of the Offen­ders, squaring their actions by the rule of their inten­tions, and weighing what, not how far they did offend? for Princes quickly free themselves from their very shadows in matter of jealousie of State. And they have great reason to prevent such crimes which cannot be punished when they are committed, nor should they expect to amend a mischief when the Criminals are become Masters of their Judges.

People believe not that any conjure against a Prince, till they find the Treason to have taken effect, and distrust the Plot till they see him dead. But the Death of such who are suspected to be the Authors of disorders in a Common­wealth, spareth an infinite number of lives, and much civill blood when they are first surprized, neither are too strict cir­cumstances of Law to be observed when a small delay may abolish all observing of order and Laws.

The Duke to raise his own reputation to the disadvantage of the King with all secrecy of his intentions, had procured himself a vast Authority with the Nobles, by a semblance of liberality wasting the Patrimony of the Crown, as remitting Treasons, restoring again Lands annexed to the Crown. He had studied so conciliate to him the minds of the Commons, that the desire of a King did not much touch them, using such moderation in his proceedings that his Government seemed unto many not only tolerable but desirable.

He had essayed to draw the Earl of Dowglass, and had drawn the Earl of March, to enter into a League with him, [Page 10] and these Noblemen then in the Castle of St. Andrews, divided the Nobility and made them break their Allegiance to the King. Upon which attempt it seemeth that that Act of this Kings second Parliament was made. That no Subjects should l [...]ague themselves together.

The King esteemed all that Government of Robert and Mor­dock to be an [...] of the Crown, and feared the like thereafter.

His Son Iames had burnt Dumbarton, and treacherously kil­led the Kings Uncle, which was not done without his know­ledge, it not C [...]unsel.

Though he relieved the King of his Captivity, he suffered him to remain very long a Prisoner; n [...]i [...]her did he practise his deliverance till he perceived the whole States of the Kingdom resolved to call him Home, and was compelled by the injuries of his own Children.

To exasperate new injuries by old rancours, his Father Ro­bert spurred by Ambition, had famished to death the Kings Brother David in the Castle of Faulkland, to escape whose Ty­rannie, the King yet a childe was committed to the protection of stranger Princes. What ever the particulars of their accusa­tions have been, it is above the possi [...]i [...]ity of any Governor, or Man in eminent place and authority so to carry himself, but a discontented Prince, if he wi [...]l set him to a tryal, shall bring some one or other of his actions to whi [...]l him within compass of Justice. Thus the imprecation of Robert the third took ef­fect upon the race of Robert the Governor; for after the death of the Duke of Rot [...]esay▪ he is said to have cursed him most deadly, praying as he had slain his Brothers Son, and filled th [...]ir house with blood, so God would punish him▪ his Stock and P [...]sterity. There is no [...] any wickedn [...]ss, which beareth not its punishment and repentance at the last, if we can have [...]a [...]ience to attend the last act of those T [...]agedies played on this Theater of the World. By the Attaindor of the Duke, the [...] of Fi [...]e▪ Monteith, and Lennox were div [...]lved to the Crown▪ The C [...]stle of Inch [...]Merin in Loch-Lommond which h [...]d a while been kept good for Iames▪ who fl [...]d into Ireland, by Iohn Montgomery and Humphrey Cunningham was brought to the obedience of the King.

Wh [...]n the Lords and Gentlemen who were in Prisons, at­tending the King [...] pleasure, understood what necessary justice had been executed upon the Duke and his Sons, they were g [...]i [...]vo [...]sly perplexed; yet the King, like a wise Physitian, would take no more blood then might take away the disease and all further causes of Faction. For within twelve moneths thereafter he set them all at Liberty▪ and received them in his wonted favour, upon promise of their loyal demeanour, and [Page 11] dutifull obedience in time to come. But being thus freely dis­charged, the conce it was taken that Mordocks head and his sons, with Lennoxes was only the aim, and that they were used but as a Countenance of State to dazl [...] the eyes of the People.

The Wars continuing between the Engl [...]sh and the French, the one to keep what he was in poss [...]ssion of the other to reobtain what he had lost: Charls the seventh, a wise and victorious P [...]ince, knowing the friendship of Sc [...]tland to be of no small importance to any that would fight against the English, the flower and strength of the Scottish Souldiers which had follow­ed the French Wars being then blasted and spent, sendeth Iohn Stu [...]rt of Darnley, Marshal of a Garrison of Ho [...]semen, with the Earl of Dowglass (as the French write) then Marshal of France, to Scotland, to have a fresh supply of Men of Arms, and Renauld of Charteres Arch-bishop of Rheymes, (who there had Crowned his Master, and was Chancellour of France) to renew the ancient League between the French and Scots. But the main business about which the Arch-bishop came, was the trafficking of a Marriage between Lewis the Daulphine, though then very young, with Margaret Daughter to King Iames. This Match the [...]nglish had either neglected or contemn'd, which afterward [...]hey sued for. The renewing of the old League and Amity between the two Nations was easily condescended unto, it be­ing but a witness to the world of their mutual kindness. The chief Articles of which were;

The War or Injury, moved or done by the English men to one of the said Nations, to be as Common-wrong to both.

If the English men make War on the French Nation, then the Scots at the costs and charges of the French King, shall minister to them succours.

Likewise if the Scots be molested by the English Wars, the French Nation having their charges allowed, shall be to them Ayders and Assisters.

That none of both Nations shall either contract or make Peace with the Realm of England, without the consent and agreement of the other.

The Marriage being found commodious for both Nations, was likewise with great contentment agreed upon, and conclu­ded; fresh recruits of Souldiers were Ievied, and dispatched with the Embassador to France.

The South and Champion parts of Scotland brought under obedience, and a peacefull Government, the King will have the remotest Countreys of his Kingdom, even those blocked up and ba [...]icadoed by the snowy Clifts of Grantsben, to ac­knowledge his Justice. The wildeness of the soyl had made the Inhabi [...]ants there more fierce then Fierceness it self, and let them out to all unlawful Riots and Rapines. To restrain their [Page 12] insolent humors and bring them within compass of Civility in the year 1426. he caused repair the Castle of Innerness, which is situated in the uttermost borders of Murray, and by their incursions which had been turned desolate, hither some years after commeth he in person and keepeth open Court, that being near the evil he might have the better means to provide for and consider it. But he seemed to have arrived in some Territory of the Scythians, having known and found things which none did nor dared relate unto him▪ for he had learned that not many miles of, th [...]re were men some of which had one thousand, some two thousand Robbers at their call, who were accustomed to drive preys from the more civil Neighbours and Borders, pilling and spoiling, po­luting and ravishing without any difference of right or wrong, holy or prophane, but only following their ravenous and in­solent humours. On the qui [...]ter sort th [...]y set Tribute, others they compell to Minister to them sustenance and necessa [...]ies: The God, Prince, Law which they obey are their barbarous Ch [...]iftains, amongst which he is thought the best who d [...]oth most transcend in Villany.

The King seemed to give smal faith to these relations, enter­taining kindly and feasting from all parts▪ all such who daig [...]d to see him, mostly those who were the Chiefs and [...] of the Families in these bounds, by whose [...] did guard came freely to Court, an [...] [...] guilty by fair promises and hopes of the Kings cl [...]nency [...] themselves. Others, though most re [...]ractory and unwilling at first, that they might not seem out of the fashion of th [...]ir Companions, and appear suspect, resorted thither▪ Thi [...]k­ing these Offices might be interpreted to proceed of good will and obedience, which were done of emulation. Fourty of these Leaders and Chiefs, meeting at once and being togethe [...] within the inclosure of the Castle Walls, wer [...] surprized and committed to close Prisons. Some daies after. two whose wickedness was throughly known, Alexander Mack-Rore or Mackrarey and Iohn Mackearture were hanged. Iames Cambell for the murther of Iohn of the Isles (renownd amo [...]gst [...] own) was beheaded. The rest upon hope of further Try [...] were committed to Prisons, of which for example and [...] to others many were executed, the remains in peaceful m [...]n­ner sent home, the King having graciously exhorted them to a life according to the Law of God and Man.

Alexander of the Isles Earl of Ross, being taken in this [...] was brought by the King to Perth, where he was acc [...]sed of op­pression, and many barbarous cruelties were proved against him: yet such was the Kings clemency, he was only some few daies commitied, and after lovely advice at the Coun­cil [Page 13] [...]Table, rather to obey his Prince than render himself Chief [...]tain of Thievish Troops, he was freely dismist, but benefits oblige not ignoble Minds, and mercy shown to a fierce and obstinate nature disgraceth the beauty of the clemency of a Prince; for no sooner was he returned to his own Territories where interpreting imprisonment a dishonour a [...]d sh [...]me to a Man of his Power and Qual [...]ties, and telling a promise made b [...] one imprisoned by the Judgement of Lawyers them­selves was noth [...]ng worth, he gathered together a Rabble of Outlaws and Mountainers, came towards the Town of I [...]ner­ness, which peaceable he entered and was courteously recei­ved, having befor dispersed his men among the Fenns and Hills toward the West, they, so soon as Night had brough [...] the inhabitants to rest, spoiled them and set their houses on fire. And because the Castle was the place in which he had been surprized, he besieged it with a thousand [...]ewd fellows practised in dayly depredations and Robbe [...]ies.

At the noise of this Cruelty the Gentlemen of the Neigh­bouring Shires from all quarters assemble themselves for the defence of their Friends, the King li [...]teth sp [...]dy pr [...]par [...]ti­ons at the approach of which the Clans, Wha [...]t [...]nes and Camerones with other Thieving Troups disp [...]rsed themselves and fled into their lurking holes. Alexander aban [...]oned of their forces wi [...]h so many as he could keep togethe [...] fl [...]d into Lock­quhabarre, from thence passed to the Isl [...]s [...] to go to Ir [...]land, but things answered not his expectation, for by his Spie fining that he was way-laid, and that numbers of people, (a prize being set upon his head) in all places labour [...]d to surprize him: when he had long continued desolate, and a vagabond, at last he began to intercede with his Friends at Court for Mercy to him from the King. Sundry tempt the Kings Clemency, but he will not promise nor assure them of any fav [...]r before Alexander in person as Supplyant render himself and his estate to his disposure. Thus finding no e­scape, and destitute of all help he was imboldned to come p [...]i­vately to Edinbrough; there on Easter day wrapped in a mour­ning Garment, and concealed in the dragg of the multitude, the King being in the Church of the Holy-rood at divine Ser­vice▪ he fell prostrate at his knees, b [...]seeching him for grace, which at the request of the Queen and other Assisters he ob­tained. His life and private estate was granted him, but that he should do no more harm, and be reduced to a more mo­dest behaviour, William Dowglass earl of Anguss was appoin­ted to take him in custody, and that within the Castle of Tan­tallon! his Mother Euphem Daughter to Walter Lesty sometime earl of Ross a Mannish implacable woman, who had solicited and raised her Son to all that mischief, was committed to the Isle to S. Colm.

[Page 14] Donald Balloch, Cousin germain to Alexander Lord of the Isles, a man of a h [...]ughty mind, resenting the Kings proceeding a­gainst his cousin raised a great number of Out-laws and Rob­bers[?], and invaded Lochquhaber, omitting no cruelty, which en­raged Savages use to commit. Alexander Stuart, Earl of Marre, and Alane Earl of Caithness, with such numbers of People as they could in haste raise, came to defend the Country against the incursions of these Highland men, and rencountred them at Inverlochty, where by an over-weening opinion of Victory, which easily deceiveth young Souldiers, Imagining they went to fight with untrained, raw Theeves, who would never abide their march, and misregard of martial Discipline, Allan was slain▪ and Alexander Earl of Marre discomfited, and Balloch in­solent of his Victory, with a great Booty returned to the Isl [...]s. The King at the Rumour of this disaster in all celerity with a great Army came to Dunstaffage, inten­ding from that to pass to the Isles, which when the Clans and other chief men understood, turning their defence into submission, they came in haste to Dunstaffage, & humbly begg'd pardon: laying the fault of the whole Rebellion on Balloch, and some adventuring Thieves, many of which Balloch had pres­sed to that mischief against their minds: the King finding ex­tream rigour at that time a cure unseasonable, taking their oath of fidelity, and that they should persue Bolloch and his fol­lowers accepted[?] them in his favor, only transporting some of the most factious along with him. They in few days, to seem worthy of the Kings mercy, surprized a great number of them, three hundred of which died all on Gibbets; & punishment had taken away a much greater number, had he not considered that there[?] is no man so miserable, who is not a member of the State.

The[?] King, Lest hope of Impunity might cherish Rebellion, resolves to finde Balloch, and hearing he lurked in Ireland in the [...] of one named Odo, he sends to have him delivered; Odo either out of fear of the Kings displeasure, or hope of re­war [...]s, seizeth[?] on him; and suspecting if he sent him alive, he might by power or stratagem slight his Convoy, chopped off his head, and sent it to King Iames, then remaining at Sterling.

The Clans, Whattons, and Camerons, spairing the Magi­stra [...]es sword, yet executing Justice by mutual slaughters one of an other, had rendred the North very peaceable of that scum of Theeves: some Chieftains were shut up in fast Prisons, a­mong which two most eminent in all mischiefs, hating mor­tally others, and hated of all good men, Angus Duff of Strath­N [...] ▪ and Angus Murrey, these the King out of Policy of State let out[?] and set at liberty, of purpose that they might be thrust forward into a greater danger. Returning to their wilde coun­treys, Duff nothing respecting the Kings clemency, accompa­nied [Page 15] with many Theeves and Robbers, driveth a great prey of cattel and other spoils from the Confines of Murrey and Caith­ness▪ which to recover, Angus Murrey, that he might attempt something worthy of his life and liberty, followeth with a great power of like Souldiers; having now Authority to justi­fie his revenge on a guilty enemy, he overtaketh Duff near un­to Strath-Naverne; There strongly is it fought, neither of the parties being inferiour to other in number, cruelty, or despair. This conflict continued so fierce and eagar, that of both sides there remained scarce twelve persons alive, and those so woun­ded that Justice had not whom to pursue. An overthrow de­lightful and commodious for the peace and quiet of all the ho­nest and vertuous Subjects of these Countreys.

These many executions nothing appalled one Mac-Donald▪ born in Ross, a Thief flesht in all murthers, mischievous wi [...]h­out mercy, equally greedy of blood and spoil, who by Robbe­ries had acquired great riches. Amongst other cruelties, he is said to have naild horse shoes to the soles of a Widow, because in her grief she had sworn in haste to report his wickedness to the King. Being brought to Perth by men of his own qualities, with twelve of his Associates, the King caused them in like manner to be shod as they served the woman; and when three days, for a spectacle to the people, they had been hurryed along the Town, his Companions were Gibbeted, and he made shorter by the head.

Gross enormities cut a way, factions repressed, the King ma­keth a Progress throughout all the parts of his Realm, doing Justice upon all sorts of Malefactors; neither did Pardons granted by the late Governour avail, it being alledged, that they expired by his death; and though small faults might have been passed by such remissions, yet horrible and crying crimes were not within the compass of such authority. Whilest he thus continues in the administration of Justice, the favorable eye of Providence looketh upon him, and in the year 1430. in the moneth of October▪ Queen Iane is delivered of two sons at Holy-Road-House, Alexander and Iames; the one deceased in his infancy, the other succeeded to his Father and was King. To highten the joy of his people, and diffuse it universally, many prisoners are set at liberty, amongst which were Archibald Earl of Dowglass, Sir Gilbert Kennedie▪ the Kings Sister sons; the Earl had been keeped in Loc [...]leavin▪ the other in Sterling. They had been committed rather upon suspition of the times, then men; having spoken too freely against the present Govern­ment; Alexander Earl of Ross was also set at liberty. And that the King intended a real and sincere reconciliation, the Earl of Dowglass was made Parent to his Children at the Font; at this solemnity fifty Knights were Dubbed, the first of which was [Page 16] William Dowglas, son to the Earl, who after succe [...]ded to his Fa­ther in the Earldom of Dowglas.

A sweet calm diffu [...]ing it self through every corner of the Realm, the King imagining the rest of his Raign to be but the enjoying of a Crown, sets his thoughts wholly to the works of Peace. Many unreasonable Customs (which were become to the vulgar, Laws) had many years continued in his Kingdom; these he will either have abolished or amended; To this effect, he selecteth persons commended for wisdom, gravity and up­rightness of life through his Realm, to pry into all abuses, here and determine of all sorts, of quarrels and suits, if any were brought unto them, where of the ordinary Judges, either for fear dared not, or power of stronger could not, or for [...]atred or favour would not give any perfect Judgment. To them he gave full Authority to make Inquisition of the breach of poenal Statutes; some hereby were punished by Fines, others in their Lives; he took away the deceit which had been occasioned by variety of measures; for this end certain Iron measures were appointed to be made, unto which the rest should be conform and like; before his Reign not only in every Town and Shire, but in every Mannor and House different measures were cur­rant, which abuse he abolished by Parliament.

The roughness of the times, and perpetual wars and trou­bles of his Ancestors had near taken away the Arts and Handy­crafts, and turned the Sciences contemptible, especially since the Reign of Alexander third. The Commons by the ma­nifold changes and miseries of the Age affecting Barbarity, the Nobles making Arms their whole study and care; to the fur­ther advancement of the Commonwealth, and that his Sub­jects might have occasion to avoid sloth and idleness, the King from the Neighbor Continent, and from England drew unto him the best Artizans and Manufactors, whom either large pri­viledges or moneys could entice and oblige. Of which such a fair number came▪ and were so graciously received, that they forgot their Native Countreys, and here made their perpetual abode. And what till this day Scotland enjoyeth of them, owe all their beginning to these Times. Schools of learning were sounded, to which great Liberties and priviledges were grant­ed, the King well knowing, that what ever is excellent in any Estate, from them had beinning and feed, and that there is no better means to sweeten and same the wilde nature of Men the [...] to busie their spirits with peacefull and sedentary Exer­cises; rude and untrained minds being inclinable of them­ [...]elves to tumult and sedition. To make a necessity of learning, he made an Act that none of the Nobility should succeed to their Ancestors Heritage, except they had some taste of the Civil Law or practice of the Country-Customs, but this after was by them abolished.

[Page 17] Many famous men in all Sciences from the Noblest Univer­sities of Christendom came hither, as to the Sanctuary of the M [...]ses, where often the King himself in person graced their Lessons, and when great matters did not withdraw him, was Umpire to their harmless Conflicts. Being himself religious, he advanced Men learned and of good life to eminent places in the Church, and that the best deservers might be discerned he distinguished the learned in degrees, Making a Law that none should enjoy the room of a Cannon in any Cathedral Church, unless he were Batchelour in Divinity, or at the least of the Canno [...] Law. Though he challenged King David and named him a grievous Saint to the Crown, for dilapidating so much R [...]nt in extraordinary Donations to the Church, yet with great cost and magnificence [...]he founded the Convent of Char­ters in Perth, and bestowed fair Revenues upon it: The ex­cellent skill which he had in Musick and delight in Poesie made him affect Quiristers, and he was the first that erected in his own Chappels, and the Cathedral Churches of Scotland, Or­gans, being not much known before his Reign to the Nati­on.

Peace hath its own dangers no less than Wars, yea often such estat [...]s as have increased their Dominions, and become mighty by wars, have found their ruin in a luxurious peace: Men by a v [...]luptuous life becomming less sensible of tiue ho­nour. The Court, and by that example the Countrey, was become too soft and delicate, superfluous in all delights and pleasures. Masques, Banqueting, gorgeous app [...]rel▪ revel­li [...]g were not only licensed, but studied and admired: No­thing did please what was not strange and far brought, Cha­rity began to be restrained, publique magnificence falling in private Riot. What was wount to entertain whole families, and a train of go [...]dly men, was now spent in dr [...]ssing of some little rooms, and the womannish decking of the persons of some few Hermophrodites.

To these the wife King had while given way, knowing that delicate soft times were more easie to be governed, and a people given to mild arts, and a sweet condition of life, than rough and barbarous, so they turned not altogether wo­manized: and that it was an easie matter to bring them back again to their old posture. At these abuses some of the feve­rer sort of the Clergy began to caip, yet could they not chal­lenge the Prince, who in the entertainment ofr his own per­son, scarce exceeded the degree of any private Man, yea was often under the Pomp and Majesty of a King: But the ble­mish of all this excess was laid on the English, who by the Queen (their Countrey woman) with new guises dayly re­sorted hither, and turned new-fangle the Court. The King [Page 18] not only listened to their plaints, but called a Parliament to satisfy their humours. Here Henry Wardlaw Bishop of S. An­drews, highly aggravating the abuses and superfluities of Court and Countrey, all disorders were pry'd intio, and Sta­ [...]u [...]es made against them. They abolished r [...]ots of all sorts of Pearl (many Riv [...]rs in Scotland affording them not only for use but for excess) only women were permitted to wear a sunall Carkanet of them about their Necks; costly Furs nad Ermins were wholly forbidden, together with abuse of Gold and Silver lace. Penalti [...]s were not only imposed upon the trans­gr [...]ssours, but on workmen which should make of fell them: exc [...]ssive expense in banqueting was restrained, and dainties banished from the Tables of Epicures, with Jeasters and Buf­fones. In this year 1430. the first of Iune was a terrible Eclipse of the Sun at 3 of the clock afternoon, the day turning black for the space of an half hour, as though it had been Night; therefore it was after called or the Commons, The BLACK HOUR.

The as and greatest matter which busied the Kings thoughts, was, the increasing of his Revenues, and bringing back the D [...]measn of the Crown: a work no less dangerous than deep and diffi [...]il, and which at last procured him grea­test hatred. For till then smothered malice did never burst forth in open flames. And though this diligence of the king concerned much the publique weal, yet such as were interess­ed by rendring what they had long possessed (though with­out all reason) esteemed themselves highly wronged. The Pat [...]imony of the Crown had been wasted and given away by the two Governours, to keep themselves popular, and [...]hun the envy of a factious Nobility; Thus the King had neither in magnificence to maintain himself, nor bestow upon his friends or strangers.

He had advisedly perused all evidences nad charters be­longing to the Crown; hereupon he recalls all such Lands as had been either alienated from it, or wrongfully usur­ped

Together what was wont to beidly given away, as forfei­tures, escheats, and wards, were restrained to the Crown and kept to the King himself.

There remained upon considerations of increasing the De­mesns of the Crown, the Lands of the Earl of March, whose Father had rebelled against the Kings Father Robert; though faults be personal, and not hereditary and the heirs of ancient houses hold little of their last possessours, but of their Pre­decessours, those the King seased on. The Earl proved by good evidences and writings brought forth, his Father had been pardoned for that fault by the Regents of the Kingdom; [Page 19] he was answered again, that it was not in the Regents po­wer to pardon an offence against the State, and that it was expresly provided by the Laws in crimes of lese majesty that children should undergo punishment for their Fathers trans­gressions, to the end that being thus heirs to their Fathers ra [...]hness, as they are to their Goods and Lands, they should not at any time with vast ambition in the haughty Pride of their own power, plot or practice to shake and tear the Publick Peace of the Prince nad Countrey.

Thus was the remission by the Parliament declared void, and Earl George himself committed to the Castle at Edenbrough. William Earl of Anguss Warden of the Middle March, William Chreigh [...]oun Chancellour, Sir Adam Hepburn of Hailles imme­diately received the Castle of Dumber, the keeping of which was given to Sir Adam Hepburn.

The King not long after set Earl George at Liberty, and to save him from the like dangers which were wont to befall his Predecessours (to fly into England for every small cross and light displeasure at Court) he bestowed on him, as it were in ex­change, for these lands in the Marss, the Earldom of B [...]chan in the North, with a yearly pension to be paid out of the Earl-dome of March, setting the Tay and the Forth betwixt him and his too kind friends of England. Buchan had faln to the King by the decease of Iohn who was Son to Robert the second and Earl of Buchan, He was slain at Vernueill in France, with the Marshall Duglass and left no lawfull children after him to succeed. The Earldome of Marre was incorporate also to the Demesn Royall by the decease of Alexander Stuart Earl of Marre, who was na­tural Son to Alexander Stuart who was the Son of Robert the second. He was Man of singular prowess, and in his youth followed the warres under Philip Duke of Burgundy; he mar­ried Iane Daughter to the Earl of Holland, and had greatly ob­lieged his Countrey by transporting Stallions and Mares hi­ther out of Hungary, the Stood of which continued long af­ter to his Commendation and the commodity of the King­dome.

The Earldom of Strathern was appropriated also to the Crown by the Decease of David Stuart Earl of Strathern, Un­cl [...] to the King, who having but one onely Daughter (who was married to Patrick Graham a younger Brother of the Lord Grahams) the Earldom being [...]ailed to the Masculine Line was divolved again to the Crown. Thus did King Iames succeed to three Brothers who were Sons to Robert the second.

All Good men with these proceedings of the King were well pleased; for i [...] Princes could keep their own, and that which justly bel [...]ngeth unto them, they could not be urged to draw such extraordinary Subsidies from the blood, sweat, and tears [Page 20] of their people, yet was this the Shelf on which this Prince perished: for, many who were accustomed to be Copartners of such off-fallings, began to storm and repine at his actions, but none was so implacable as Robert Graham, Uncle and Tutor to Miles Graham, the son of Eupheme, daughter to David Earl of Strathern. For plotting mischief, he began to rail, speak in high terms, associate himself with others of his own mind. Notwithstanding that the King Anno 1428. in September had bestowed on [...]is Nephew the Lands and Earldom of Monteeth in compensation of that of Strathern, to which he pretended right, it being an appenage of the Crown.

About this time Embassadors came into Scotland from Eri [...]us the King of Denmark, requiring of King Iames the payment of a yearly Tribute, which was due to him as King of Norway for the Western Isles, according to the Covenant and Agree­ment made by Alexander the third▪ King of Scotland, and his Predecessor Magnus, the son of Acho, then King of Norway; the Embassador was honorably received, and Sir William Creighton Chancellor, directed to go with him to Denmark, who there renued the old League between the Realms, setled question­able matters, and confirmed a perfect amity and stedfast Peace

Embassadors came also from Charles the French King, not only to confirm the old Amity between Scotland and France, but for a better assurance thereof, to have Margaret eldest Daughter to King Iames (already betrothed to Lewis the Daul­phin, who now was thirteen years of Age) delivered to them and convoyed to France. The English foreknowing this Al­liance, had before sent the Lord Scrope with other Associates to Him in Embassage, to have the old League between the French and the Scots dissolved, and to joyn the Kings Daughter in Marriage with Henry the sixth their King; promising if the King would thereunto agree▪ and joyn in League with them, that the Town and Castle of Berwick should be delivered to the Power of the Scots, with all the Lands lyand between Tweed and the Redcross, which when William the Conquerour granted Cumberland to the Scots, marched England and Scotland, and is now a fragment of a Cross in Richmond-Shire, neer the Spittle on Sta [...]moore about which is nothing but a wilde desert.

Having Audience, the Lord Scrope spake before the Coun­sell to this purpose:

[‘I am directed hither by my Master and his Council, about a Business which concerneth the Honour and profit of the two Kingdoms above any other which can be projected; and it is the establishing of a perpetual Peace and Concord between [Page 21] them, and happily (when it shall please the higher Providence) their uniting in one Body, under one Prince, one day. How vain the attempting of this heretofore by Arms hath proved, the world can but too well bear witness; the many proofs of eithers valour against themselves having been but a lavish effu­sion of humane Blood; the fairest way, easiest means to make enmities cease and these ancient Quarrels, was begun Sir, in your person, by the happy Marriage of the Daughter of Iohn Duke of Sommerset, brother to King Henry the fourth, and Son to the Duke of Lancaster; and prosperously hath conti­nued these years past: Now that Peace may be lasting, and the affections and minds of the two Nations soldered together, our Request is, that this Alliance may be again renewed, by the Marriage of your eldest Daughter with our young King, a most fitting and equal match. And in seeking of her, we crave but our own; She is descended of our Royal Stem, and if again she be ingrafted in that stock out of which she sprang, it is but natural. And you (my Lords) where can ye find a Match more Honorable for both Nations? Where can ye finde a better and more profitable Friendship then ours? Are we not a people in habiting one Island, have we not both one Language, are we not of like Habit and Fashion, of like quality and condition of life, guarded and separated from the other World by the great depths of the Ocean? What evil Customs have come in­to your Country by your last Allyance with us? Nay what Civility, Policy, and laudable Fashions (to the confusion of Bar­barity) have not followed hereupon? By this the Glory of both Realms will encrease, either being sufficient not only to furnish necessaries, but even all lawfull and moderate content­ments of life to support others. Besides that, an assurance of Defence, Strength and Power to invade, ease in undergoing publick Charges will hereby follow.’

‘We are not ignorant that your Lady is designed for France; but how long (alas) will ye continue prodigal of your blood for the French? What have ye advantaged your selves by your Alliance with France, save that they engage your bodies in their Wars, and by conferring upon you unprofitable titles of ho­nour, take from you what is truly real? ye are reserved a Po­stern-gate, by which they may enter England, diverting our Forces, and transporting the Stage of the War upon our Bor­ders. Learn to forget your French, or i [...] ye be so enamoured with France, Love her after our manner; Come take a share, be partakers of our Victories. Are not our Forces being joyned, sufficient to overcome, nay bring in chains hither that King of Bruges, and make our selves Masters of his Continent? France, never did so much good to Scotland in twenty years, as Scot­land hath had loss by England for the love and cause of France in [Page 22] one. Are not your wounds at Vernueil and Cravant yet bleeding, and all for the French? It hath been your valour, and not the French which heretofore empeached our conquest and progress in France: were it not for your swords, we had made ere now the loftiest tops of the Alps or Pyrenees bear our Trophies. Ye say ye reverence, and cannot break your old league and confede­ration with that Kingdom (happy Leagues, but wo to the kee­pers of them!) unhappy Scotland, and too too honest; and the more unhappy for that thy honesty is the great cause of thy mishaps. How long shall that old league (counted amongst the Fables of the Ancient [...]alladines) make you waste your lives, goods, fortunes, and lose your better Friends? The Ge­nius of this Isle seemeth to cry unto us her Nurselings to stay our cruel hands, no longer to be her desolation, and the wrack one of another; not to pass over and neglect these fair occasi­ons of mutual Alliances, which will not only effectuate Truces and Leagues amongst our selves, but at last bring a perpe­tual Peace and Union; for by interchange of Marriages (be­ing united) this Isle shall continue stronger by entertaining Peace and Amity, then by all these Giant walls, Rampiers of Mountains, and that huge ditch of Seas, by which Nature hath environed and fortified her. Now that ye may know how dearly we esteem your Friendship and Alliance, whereas others go to take from you, we will give you Roxburgh, Berwick, and all the lands between Tweed and Redcross. If shadows prevail and prove stronger with you then essential reason, and that ye disesteem our offer, losing this good occasion; we as Neighbours and Friends entreat you, that ye do not uphold the French, now in the Sun-set of their Fortunes, and at their weakest; that ye would not shoulder this falling Wall; but that ye would live quiet within your selves, keep­ing your own in a Neutrality; receiving both sides, French and English in the way of Friendship, neither side in the way of Faction.’]

The French Embassadour spoke to this purpose. It seemeth strange to me that it should be questioned and fall within the Circle of deliberation whether old, ever true and assured Friends; or old, never trusted, and only Enemies, should in an honourable suit be pre­ferred: whether ye should stand to a Nation which in your greatest calamities never abandoned you, or embrace and be carryed away with one which hath ever sought your overthrow. The English sue for your alliance and friendship, but it is to make you leave your old [...] and turn the instruments of their ruin, and at last [...] yoak of bondage upon your selves. The French sue for your [...] & alliance, both to support themselves & hold servitude from [...] were not your friendship with France, their power, policy and [Page 23] number had long ere these daies over-turned your Realm; or had France but shown her self an indifferent Arbitress, of the blowes between Scotland and England, ye had scarce till now kept your Name, less your Liberties; can ye prove so ungrateful as not to sup­ply them who supported you? Can ye prove so unconstant, after so many glorious wounds received in the defence of France, as coward­ly to turn your backs upon her in her greatest need, defacing all the Traces of your former fame and glory? with what countenances could ye look upon those Scots, which at Vernueill and Cravant in the Bed of honour left[?] their Lives, if unrevenged ye should adhere and join your selves to their Enemies and Killers? Now though ye would forsake the French, at this time intangled in many diffi­culties, not regarding their well being, nor be solicitous of their standing: at least be carefull of your own.

It cannot subsist with your well and safety, to suffer a bordering Nation, alwaies at enmity with you, to arise to that height and power by such an addition as is the Kingdom of France: so soon as a State hath a Neighbour strong enough and able to subdue it, it is no more to be esteemed a free Estate. The English are already become so potent that no less than united forces of Neighbour Kingdomes will serve to stop the current of their fortune. Neglect not the certain love of the French, your often tryed and antient friends for the uncertain friendship and within a little time, forgotton Alliances of the English your late reconciled Enemies.

But it may be, after mutual marriages have one day joined your two Kingdoms in one, they will seek no preheminency over your State, nor make thrall your Kingdome, but be knit up with you in a perfect union: Do not small brooks lose their Names when they commix their Streams with mighty Rivers, and are not Rivers ingolfed when they mingle their waters with the Seas? Ye enjoy now a kind of mixed Government (my Lords) not living under absolute Soveraignty; your King proceedeth with you more by Prayers and requests than by Precepts and Commandements, and is rather your Head than Soveraign, as ruling a Nation not conquered: But when ye shall be joined in a Body with that Kingdom which is absolutely royal and purely Monarchical, having long suffered the Laws of a Conquerour, ye shall find a change and a terrible transformation. The free mannaging of your own affairs shall be taken from you; Laws, Magistracies, Honours shall depend on them, the wealth of your King­dom shall be transferred to theirs; which to obey and prostrate your selves unto, if ye be found stubborn, ye shall suffer as a Nation con­quered, be redacted in a Province, have Deputies and Governours set over you, Garrisons in your strongest holds and Castles, and by a Calm of Peace and Union receive more fearfull blowes than ye could have suffered by any Tempest of war; The miseries of a most lamentable Servitude. What courtesie can ye exsp [...]ct at their hands, who contrary to all divine and human Laws detained your King [Page 24] eighteen years prisoner, and besides an exorbitant Ransom (as if he had been taken in a lawfull war) did not without Hostages send him home? We of France did never forsake you in your extremi­ties, and we expect ye will assist us with all your power. They are in suit of your Daughter, but it is long after she was assured unto us; in claiming her we claim but our own, this time past ye have only had the custody and education of her, yet if they be so am­bitious of your Alliance, God hath blessed you with more than this. But it is not that which they sue for, it is to make you disclaim your Friends, hate those which love you, and love them which hate you: and they are working upon you as upon a rude unpolisht people. They offer to render you B [...]rwick and Roxbrough, these gifts of Ene­mies are to be feared; they know it is in their own power to re-obtain them when they please.

As for that point wherein they would have you indifferent Specta­tors of the blowes, and that it shall be profitable for you not to med­dle with this Warre, ye are too near engaged; neither is there any thing can be more damm [...]geable unto you; for, if ye be not of the par­ty, ye may assure your selves that your Countrey shall remain a Prey and Reward to the Conquerour, with content and applause of the van­quished, who is not bound to succour those who refused to assist and help him in his necessities. Prove firm and constant to us your first Confederates, combine your forces with ours, and by the assistance of that supreme providence who pittieth at last the oppressed, we have fair certainties and true hopes to cut so much work abroad to the English, that they shall do little or no harm to you at Home.

The King and Nobles though it seemed more profitable for the present time to follow the English (weighing their offers) yet held it more advantageous and sure for comming times, to follow the French, for if the English should make conquest of France, the conquest of Scotland would scarce be one Moneths work to their power? and for matter of allyance, God knows how little Princes regard it, when occasion is offered to en­large their power and Dominion. Thereupon they declare they will not break the antient League and Peace they have kept with France.

The English Ambassadours denyed of their suit, went from Pray [...]rs and Requests to threatnings and menacings, and ha­ving friendship refused, denounced war. If the King gave his Daughter to the French, that they, if they could, would hin­der her passage by Sea, having already a Fleet prepared to this effect, and thus went away the English Ambassadours.

The King was so far from being moved by these threatnings, that imm [...]diate [...] he made ready his Shipps, and knowing more affairs to be brought to a good end and finished by the [Page 25] opportunity occasions than force and power, with an able Company of Marriners and Souldiers setteth his Daughter to Sea.

The English fleet had waited upon her, but (Providence so appointing) she escaped them, and they encountred a fleet of Spaniards keeping their course towards the Netherlands. Them they beset with fourscore Vessels, commanding the Ladies and all of their Company to be delivered unto them; when they would not accept of friendly answers, they fall to handy blows, till in end by loss of men and some Ships they understood their errour: The Lady Margaret thus without danger by the Western Seas arrived at Rochell, having for her convoy a whole Colony of Gentle-women (the Histories say an hundred and fourty went with her) all of noble parentage, of which train were her five Sisters: from Rochel she held her progress to Tours, there with an extraordinary Pomp, and magnificence the 24. of Iune, Anno 1436. was she marryed to the Daulphin Lewis.

The King to defray the charges raised by transporting and marriage of his Daughter (the French seeking with her small or no Dowry (these times preferring parentage and beau­ty before Gold or riches) all that was craved being a supply of Men of Arms for their Support against the English laid a Subsidie on his Subjects, the one half of which being levied, and the people grudging and repining at the exacting of the other half, (it being taken from men who lived hardly in a barren soyl) He caused render a part of it again and discharged the remainder.

At this time by Sea and land the English in revenge of the refusal of the offers of their Ambassadours began to use all Hostility against the Scots. Henry Piercy of Northumberland in­vadeth the Countrey with four thousand men; whether of his own Bravery, abhorring ease and idleness, or that he had a Commission so to do, is uncertain, with him came Sir Henry Clyddesdale, Sir Iohn Ogle, Richard Peircy, and many men of choice and worth, the frontier Garrisons invade all places neer unto them. To resist these incursions William Dowglass Earl of An­guss getteth charge, a man resembling his Ancestors in all vir­tues either of War or Peace, and the most eminent of his time: with him went Adam Hepburne of Hails, Alexander El­phinstoun of Elphinstoun in Lothion, and Alexander Ramsey of Dal­howsie, of all being four thousand strong. These covetous of glory, besides the ancient quarrel of the two Nations, having the particular emulations of the Names and Valour of their Ancestors to be spurs unto them, make speedy journeys to have a proof of their vertue and courage. The Lists of their meet­ing was Popperden, a place not far from Bramstoun, Rhodam, Ro­seden, [Page 26] Eglinghame, all cheared with the stream of a small Brook, named Brammish, which arising out of the Cheviot, loseth its name in the [...]ill, as the Till after many windings disgorgeth it self in the Tweed. Adam Hepburn and Alexander Elphinstoun led the Van-guard of the Scots; Sir Richard Piercy, Sir Iohn Ogle of the English; Alexander Ramsey and Henry Cliddisdail kept the Rears; the two Generals road about the Armies, remembring them of their ancient valour, the wrongs received, the justness of the Quarrel, the glory of the Victory, the shame of the over­throw. No sooner were they come within distance of joyning when the sound of the Drums and Trumpets was out-noysed by the shouts of the Assailants, who furiously ren-countred. The Guns being about this time found out, were here first pra­ctised between the Scots and the English in an open field. When the fight with equal order had been long maintained on both sides, now the Scots, then the English yielding ground, many of the Commanders at length began to fall, most of the English. Then was the Piercy constrained to be at once Commander and Souldier, but ere he could be heard some Companies had turn­ed their backs, among the thickest throngs of which breaking in, he found so great disorder, that neither by Authority, In­treaty or Force he was able to stay their flying. Thus distract­ed between the two courses of honour and shame, he is hurried far from the place of Fight: And Victory declared her self al­together for the Scots; which was not so great in the executi­on, as in the death and captivity of some brave men. Of the Scots two hundred Gentlemen and common Souldiers were slain, amongst which was Alexander Elphinstoun, maintaining the Battel with his sword, voice and wounds, and two other Knights. Of the English died, Sir Henry Cliddisdail, Sir Iohn Ogle, Sir Richard Piercy, with fifteen hundred Gentlemen and Com­mon Souldiers, of which fourty were Knights, four hundred were taken Prisoners.

The King irritated by the way-laying of his Daughter, the invading of his Borders, and encouraged not a little by this little smile of Fortun at Popperden, it being more sure to pre­vent then repel dangers, and with the same Policies to defend by which the Enemies offend, resolveth by open wars to invade England. He was also stirred unto this by his intelligence from his friends in France, who had brought greater matters to pass then in so short a time could have been expected; for concealed envy and old malice, bursting out between Richard Duke of York, and Edmund Duke of Sommerset, Philip Duke of Burgundy being entred in friendship with King Charls, the English began to be daily losers, and were put out of Paris and many Towns of France. To this effect King Iames having raised an Army cometh to Roxburgh (a Place fatal to his) and there besiegeth [Page 27] the Castle of Marchmond, which is Roxburgh, it was valiantly defended by Sir Ralph Gray: but when he was come so near the end of his labours that they within the Castle were driven to terms of Agreement and conditions for giving up the Fort the Queen in great haste commeth to the Camp, representing to her Husband a Conspiracy, the greatness of the peril of which, if it were not sp [...]edily prevented, should endanger his Estate, Person and Race. Whether she had any inckling of the Con­spiracy indeed, or contrived this to divert his Forces from the Assault, and further harm of the English her Friends and Coun­trymen, it is uncertain. The King who found his imagination wounded upon this point, after many doubtful resolutions and conflicts in his thoughts, raiseth the Siege, disbandeth the Ar­my, and accompanied with some chosen Bands of his most as­sured Fri [...]nds returneth back, to provide for his own safety. A strange resolution, to disband an Army for a tale of Treason, where could there be greater safety for a King then in an Army? Yet have Conspiracies been often in Camps, and in his own Time, Richard Earl of Cambridge, brother to Edward Duke of York, Henry Lord Scroope, with Sir Thomas Gray, Knight, at the instigation of the Daulphine of France, for a great sum of money conspired to murther Henry the Fifth, King of England, in the midst of his Armies, if they had not been surprised. The King feared all, because he had not yet heard the names of any, but most the Army, by reason of the Nobility, many of which, who liked not the present form of Government, were irritated against Him. Were the Conspiracy a Rebellion, and in general by them all, they were ready in Arms to maintain their factions, and if upon suspition the King should attach any (being secretly joyned in a league) He could hardly have med­led with their persons, without a Civil War, which in regard of his Engagement with England he endeavoured to spare; per­plexed, pensive, sad, he cometh to Perth, stayeth in the Covent of the Dominicans, named the Black-Friers (a place not far from the Town Wall) endeavouring so secretly as was possible to finde out the Conspiracy. But his close practising was not unknown to the Conspirators, as that there was more peril to resolve then execute a Treason, a distance of time between the Plot and execution discovering and overthrowing the enter­prise: Hereupon they determine to hazard on the mischief, be­fore tryal or remedy could be thought upon.

The Conspirators were Robert Graham, Uncle and Tutor to Miles Graham, Robert Stuart▪ Nephew to Walter Earl of Athole, and one of the Kings sworn Domesticks: But he who gave motion to all, was the Earl of Athole himself, the Kings Fathers Brother, whose quarrel was no less then a pretended title and claim to the Crown; which he formed and alledged thus. His [Page 28] Brother David and he were procreated by King Robert the se­cond on his first wife Eupheme Ross daughter to the Earl of Ross, and therefore ought and should have been preferred to the suc­cession of the Crown, before King Iohn (named Robert) and all the Race of Elizabeth Moor, who was but his second wife, and next them but Heirs to King Robert the second.

They were the eldest sons of King Robert after he was King, Iohn and Robert being born when he was but in a private State, and Earl of Strathern; for it would appear, that as a Son born after his Father hath lost his Kingdom, is not esteemed for the Son of a King, so neither he that is born before the Father be a King. These reasons he thought sufficient, the King taken away, to set him in the room of State. But considered not how sacred the name of King is to the Scots Nation; how a Crown once worn quite taketh away what defects soever: and that it was not easie to divest a King in present possession of a Crown, who had his right from his Father and Grandfather, with the Authority of a Parliament, approving his Descent, and secluding all other; less came it in his thought, that those children are legitimate, and lawfull which cannot be thrust back and rejected, without troubling the common Peace of the Country, and opening Gates to Forreign Invasions, Domesti­cal disturbances, and all disorders, with an unsetled course of Succession: the Common errour making the Right or Law.

Athole animated by the Oracle of a Sooth-sayer of his High­land Countrey, who had assured him he should be crowned in a Solemn Assembly before his Death, never gave over his hopes of obtaining the Crown: and being inferiour and weak in power and faction to the other Brothers, to compass his de­signs he betaketh himself to treacherous devices. It was not in his power to ruine so many at once; for mischief required there should be distance between so many bloody Acts, therefore be layeth his course for the taking away of his kindred one by another at leasure; he soweth jealousies, entertaineth dis­cords; maintaineth factions amongst them; by his coun­sell David Duke of Rothesay, the Kings eldest Brother, was fami­shed in the Tower of Falkland, neither had Iames (then a child) escaped his treachery, if far off in England he had not been pre­served: He perswaded the Earl of Fi [...]e, that, making out of the way the King his brother, he should put the Crown on his own head: He trafficked the return of King Iames, and he be­ing come, he plotted the overthrow of Duke Mordock, by [...]it instrument for such a business, proving the Crimes laid against him in the Attaindor, he himself sat Judge against him and his Children. Thus stirring one of the Kinsemen against another, he so enfeebled the Race of Elizabeth Moore, that of a numerous off-spring there only remained Iames and [Page 29] his Son (a childe not yet six years of Age) upon whose Sepul­chers building his designs, with a small alteration of the State, he thought it an easie step to the Crown.

Robert Graham had been long imprisoned, at last released; but being a man implacable once offended, and cruel, whom neither benefits could oblige, nor dangers make wife, and ene­my to Peace, Factious and Ambitious alike, by many wicked Plots afterwards, and Crimes against the Laws of the Coun­try, driven to an Out-lawry, and to live as banished, he had ever a male-talent against the King since the adjudging of the Earldom of Strathern from his Nephew Miles.

Robert Stuart was very familiar with the King, and his access to his Chamber and Person advanced the Enterprise: being a riotous young Man, gaping after great matters, neither respec­ting Faith nor Fame, and daring attempt any thing for the ac­complishing of his own foolish hopes, and his Grandfathers ayms and ambition. These having associated unto them the most audacious, whom either fear of punishment for their mis­deeds, or hopes of preferment by a change of the Government, would plunge into any enterprise, in the Moneth of February, so secretly as was possible, assembled together, where the Earl spake to this sense unto them.

These engagements which every one of you have to another, and which I have to every one of you, founded on the strongest grounds of consanguinity, friendship, interest of committed and received wrongs, move me freely here to reveal my secret drifts, and dis­cover the depths of my hidden purposes and counsels.

The strange Tragedies which in the State and Government have been acted, since the coming of this English man to the Crown, are to none of you unknown: Mordock with his children hath been be­headed, the Earl of Lennox his Father in Law had that same end, the Nobility repine at the Government of their King, the King is in jealousie of his Nobles, the Commons are in way of Rebellion▪ These all have been the effects of my far-mining Policies. And hitherto they have fallen forth as fortunately, as they were ingeniously plot­ted. For, what more ingenious and cunning Stratagem could be pro­jected, to decline the rank growth of these Vsurp [...]rs, then to take them away by handles made of their own Timber? And if there was any wrong in such proceedings, in small matters wrong must be done, that justice and equity may be performed in great. My fear was (and yet is) that the taking down of the Scaffold of Mordock should be the putting up of ours: Crowns suffer no corrivals, the world knows, and he himself is conscious to it, that the right and title of the Crown, by descent of blood from Robert the second my Father, was in the person of David my Brother, and is justly claimed now by me and our Nephew. As for an Act of Parliament confirming the right of that other Race, and for oaths of Allegiance, no Parlia­mentary [Page 30] Authority can take away Iustice, and the Law of God: nei­ther is an oath to be observed when as it tendeth to the Suppression of truth and right; and though for a time such Acts and oaths have prevailed, our designs having good Success we shall have a Parliament approving our right, abolishing their pretensions, and declaring them Vsurpers. This one man and a child taken away (if we can give the blow) the Kingdome must obey the Lawfull Successor; against whom what Subject will revolt, or who dare take arms? and here is more [...]ear than danger. But think there were, the onely r [...]medie of emmi­nent dangers is new dangers. It was simplicity in him to think by small ben [...]fits that old injuries are abolished and forgot, and that I should take patiently the title of Earl, when I should have been King my self; by his tyrannizing justice, if he be not hated he is not belo­ved, but become terrible to his people, who now through their poverty and [...]rievances affect a novation, and obey him not out of any affecti­on, but through necessity and fear, and now he also feareth that some do that to him which he hath deserved.

Let us resolve his doubts, our ends are honour and revenge, our wills against him all alike and one. The Heavens seem to conspire with us, having brought him to disband his Army, and render himself in the wished place of our attempts; and let us rather follow them and fortune, which favours great actions, than vertue that preach­eth cowardly Patience; Remembring how fair glosses of valour for the most part have been cast on the [...]oulest deeds, and the mightest Families have from them derived their honours, shame seldom or ne­ver following Victory, however it be atchieved and purchased. That Soveraignty at the first was but a violent usurpation of the stronger over the weaker. How great Enterprizes must begin with danger, but end with rewards, that death should rather be prevented than expected, and that it is more honourable to dy than prolong a life in misery, wandring in the scorn of other mens pride be resolute in our Plot, put the enterprize in execution, hast is the spirit of acti­ons of danger, the worst that can befall us is, since we cannot subsist he being alive, that he be taken away whilst we run a hazard of death, which happeneth to all men alike, with only the difference of Fame or Oblivion with the Posterity, which ariseth of an evil action, as well of a good▪ if the action and attempt be great, but let us not spend the time of execution in deliberation.

Not long after when they had ponderated and digested the Design, Graham and Stuart with their accomplices guided by Resolution, and guarded by the darkness of the Night, came to the Black Fryers of Pearth, and having the way made open unto them entered the Gallery before the Kings Chamber-door, where they attended some of their confederates, who should have stoln away the Barr, by which means they might enter the Chamber, but before their comming Fortune casteth the occasion in their hands.

[Page 31]For Walter Stratoun one of the Kings Cupbearers came forth of the Chamber, and finding armed men rushing rudely to force their entrie, terrifyed with the boldness of the fact, with a high voice gave the Alarum of Treason to his Master. While they are working his death, a Maid of honour of the Name of Dowglass got to the door▪ and es [...]aied to shut it, but for that the Bar was now away which should have made it fast, she thrust her arm in the place where it should have passed, but that easily broken, the Conspiratours rush in to the Chamber, and slay­ing all such of the waiters as made defence (amongst which was Patrick Dumbar Brother to George sometime Earl of March they at last stroke down the King; whom, whilst the Queen by in­terposing her body sought to save (being hardly pulled from him) she received two wounds, and he with twenty eight, most towards the heart, was left dead.

Thus was King Iames the first who had so superabundantly deserved well of the Common-wealth,Ann. Dom. 1436. murthered the 21. of February in the end of the year 1436 the 44. of his age when he had reigned 13. years.

This King was for the proportion and shape of his body of a middle stature, thick and square, rather somewhat mean than tall, not such as is counted for dainty, but for gracefulnesse and Majesty. His hair was abourn, a colour between white and red. He was of so strong and vigorous a constitution, that he was a­ble to endure all extraordinary extremities both of travail and want, and surpassed for agility and nimbleness in any exercise his companions. He was of so sharp and pregnant a wit that there was nothing wherein the commendation of wit consisted or any shadow of the liberal arts did appear, that he had not applied his mind unto: seeming rather born to Letters than instructed. He wrote Verses both Latine and English, of which many yet are extant: He exercised all Instruments of Musick, and equalled the best Professours thereof. He had studied all Philosophy, but most that which concerns Government; in which what a Master he was the order which he established in such a confusion as he found in the State doth witness; and ma­ny old Laws commodiously renewed and amended, others for the publick good established. He was a great observer of reli­gious forms: easie for access, fair in speech and countenance, in behaviour kind, using sleep and meat to live, not for voluptu­ousness. He had good command over his Passions, his desires never being above his reason, nor his hopes inferiour to his de­sires. Though he was much obliged to the gifts of Nature, yet was he more to his good education and training in England. Scarce had he passed the nineth year of his age when he was committed to the Sea to shun the Treasons of his Uncle, and was surprized at Flambrough-head in Holderness. Windsor Castle [Page 32] kept him a Prisoner, but by Commandment of King Henry he was so carefully instructed that no Prince could have been bet­ter bred in the Schools of Europe. What his valour was, the wa [...]s of France bear witness: for accompanying the King of England there, he layed siege to the Town of Direx, and with such vio­lence and valour (saith the English History) assaulted it for the space of six weeks, that with main strength he compelled it to be rendred to his hands, and gave it to King Henry. That com­mendation[?] which was given him by that same King of England, being recorded by their writers, proved prophetically true of him. For the King remembring him of his benefits received, and promising him greater, with free liberty to return to his own Countrey, if he could cause the Scots who were adherent to the Daulphin of France to return to their native soyl and leave him; To this he answered, He was a Prisoner, had no possessi­on of his Realm that he was neither sworn to his Subjects, nor they by any Oath of Allegiance bound to him; and though he were bound to them, and they to follow his commandment he would foresee whether it were to him honourable, and to his Realm honest, to leave their Old Friend of France in his extrem necessity[?] without aid or comfo [...]t. With this answer, though the King was not content, when Iames went out of his presence, he is recorded to have said, Happy shall they be which shall be subjects to a King endued with such wisdome[?] of so tender years of age. His se­verity in Justice was traduced by some under terms of cruelty, but considering the Disorders of his Countrey, by the fierce na­ture of the People over whom he ruled, who by often Rebelli­ons did not only exasperate him to some severity, but even con­strain him to keep them in aw his rigour was rather an effect of necessity than of his natural disposition. No Prince did more reverently entertain Peace at Home amongst his Subjects, nor more wi [...]lingly conclude the same amongst Strangers. There is no Prince more cruel than he, who by a facility and evil mea­sured pitty, suffers Robberies, Rapes, Murthers, and all sort of oppr [...]ssion and abuses to overturn his Countrey, by which a whole State is interessed, when the strictest Justice touch­eth but some particular persons. By him abuses were re­formed▪ defects repaired, sedition and discord was put from the Nobles, equity and industry restored to the Countrey, every man had a certainty of enjoying his own and security. Into all Men was either infused a will to do well, or a necessity of so do­ing imposed upon them, virtuous actions being honoured, crimes punished. The mean man did respect the great, not fear him; the great man did precede the mean, not contemn him; favour was mastered by equity, Ambition by Virtue: for the excellent Prince by doing well himself had taught his subjects so to do.

[Page 33]He was one of the worthiest of all the Kings of Scotland till his time, of the former Kings it might have been said, The Nation made them Kings, but this King made that People a Nation. He left behinde him one Son and six Daughters, King Iames the second, Margarite wife to Lewis the eleventh, King of France, Elizabeth Dutchess of Bretaigne, Iane first of Anguss, and then Countess of Huntley, Elenora married to Sigismond, Arch-duke of Austria, Mary wife to the Lord of Camphire, and Anna­bella; he was buried in the Charter-house of Perth which he had founded, where the Doublet in which he was slain was kept al­most to our Time as a Relict, and with execrations seen of the People, every man thinking himself interested in his wrong.

The rumour of his Murther blazed abroad, it is incredible what weeping and sorrow was through all the Countrey, for even by them to whom his Government was not pleasant, he was deplored, and the act thought execrable. The Nobles of their own accord and motion from all parts of the Kingdome assembled and came to Edenbrough, and ere they consulted to­gether (as if they had all one mind) directed troups of armed men through all the quarters of the Kingdome, to appre­hend the Murtherers and produce them to Justice. Such diligence was used (grief and anger working in their minds) that within the space of fourty daies all the Conspira­tours were taken and put to shameful deaths. The common sort, as Christopher Clawn or Cahown and others, that were of the Council in the Conspiracy, having had art or part in the plot were hanged on Gibbets. The chief Actors, that the Common wealth might publickly receive satisfaction, were made specta­cles of Justice by exquisite torments, the punishment of Athole was continued three daies: on the first he was stript naked to his shirt, and by a Crane fixed in a Cart, often hoised aloft, dis­jointed, and hanging shown to the People, and thus dragged along the great Street of the Town; on the second day he was mounted on a Pillar in the Market place, he was crowned with a Diadem of burning Iron, with a Pla [...]hart bearing. The King of all Traytors, thus was his Oracle accomplished; on the third he was laid naked along upon a Scaffold, his Belly was ript up, his heart and Bowels taken out and thrown in a fire flickering before his eyes. Lastly, his head was cut off and fixed in the most eminent place of the Town, his body sent in quarters to the most populous Cities of the Kingdom to remain a Trophie of Justice.

His Nephew Robert Stuart was not altogether so rigorously handled, for that he did but consent to others wickedness, be­ing only hang'd and quarter'd.

But for that it was notorious Robert Graham had embrued his [Page 34] hands in the Kings bloud, a Gallows being raised in a Cart he had his right hand nailed to it, and as he was dragged along the Street, Executioners with burning Pincers, tearing the most fleshy parts off his Carcass, being nip'd, torn and fl [...]y'd his heart and entrails were thrown in a fire, his head exalted, and his Quarters sent amongst the Towns, to satisfy the wrath and sor­row of the injured people; being asked during his torture how he dared put hand in his Prince, he made answer, that having Heaven and Hell at his choice, he dared leap out of Heaven and all the contentments thereof, in the flaming bottomes of Hell, an answer worthy such a Traytor.

A [...]neas Sylvius then Legate in Scotland for Pope Eugenius the fourth (after Pope himself) having seen this sudden and terri­ble Revenge, being a witness of the Execution, said he could not tell whether he should give them greater commendations that revenged the Kings death, or brand them with sharper condemnation that distain'd themselves with so hainous a Parricide.

Iames: King of Scotes Anō. 1436


THE HISTORY OF THE Reign of Iames the second, KING of SCOTLAND.

SCarce were the tears dryed for the loss of the Father when the three Estates of the Kingdom meet,1654. and at Holy­rood-House, set the Crown upon the head of the Son, then a child in the sixth year of his age. The Govern­ment of the Realm is trusted to Sir Alexander Levingstoun of Calendar; the custody of the Kings person with the Castle of Edenbrough are given to the Chancelor Sir William Creightoun, Men for that they had been ever faithful to the Father, without apparent vices, of no capacity to succeed, nor entertaining aspiring thoughts for a Diadem, held worthy of these charges and dignities. Good men may secure themselves from Crimes but not from envy and calumnies; for men great in trust in publick affairs are ever as­saulted by the ambition of those who apprehend they are less in imployment than they conceive they are in merit.

Archembald Earl of Dowglass grudging mightily that the State had bestowed those honours upon men far inferiour to him, as [Page 36] though by this the many merits of his Ancestours had been for­gotten, and his own service neglected; They being ever accu­stomed in times of Peace to be nearest the Helm of the State, and when any danger of war blazed, sent abroad to encounter it. In a confusion of those thoughts being diversly tossed, he retireth to his own Castles, and after great resolves proclaim­eth that none of his Vassals or Tenants, especially within An­nandale and Dowglass-Dale (parts remote from the more Civill Towns of the Kingdom) should acknowledg the present Gover­nment, or obey any precepts, licences, or proclamations wher­unto the Governours or Chancelours hands were set. If any question of Law or contention arose amongst his Friends, Vas­sals, Tenants, He knew none fitter to be their Judge, sentence all their wrongs, attone and take up their quarrels than him­self. To discover to the world the weakness of the two Ru­lers and how men never so well qualified, small in means, and silly of power, were not for great places, he giveth way for the the increasing of evil: overseeing many disorders, of which he was the secret cause, especially the insolencies of vagabound­ing and ravaging Borderers. Men of purpose sent forth to spoil and rifle the more quiet parts of the Countrey, and to cut work to these strengthless States-men, as he named them. Thus as overcome with sloth and pleasure, he passed some moneths amidst Countrey contentments, expecting what effect time would bring forth of the equal authority of those two Gover­nours; for to fit minds equal in authority to so even a temper that they should not have some motions of dissenting, he thought impossible. Neither did this conjecture fail him, the event being the only judge of opinions: for after this the Go­vernour began to jar with the Chancelour for ingrossing whol­ly to himself from his Partner the person of the King, as an ho­nour which could not altogether be separate from his place, and which would give the greater authority to his proceed­ings; urging, the Chancelour in many other matters had usur­ped and taken upon him more than the Parliament granted. The Chancelour was no better affected towards the Gover­nour; what the Governour commanded to be done, he one way or other over-turned. The buildings of the one was by the other demolished: by common and continual brawlings thus living in turmoil, neither of them was obeyed, the Countrey usurped a licentious liberty, every man doing what he thought best for his particular advantage and gain. The remote Villa­ges of the Kingdom are left a prey to the lawless multitude: where their authority is scorned, turn places of robbery; where admitted, places of faction.

The Queen all this time, after her ordinary custom remained in the Castle of Sterling. The divisions, partialities, jealousies [Page 37] of the Rulers, she taketh in an evil part, knowing usually they had a dangerous consequence. She had ever found the Gover­nour sincere and loyal in his proceedings; against his counsel and will her Son was kept from her by the Chancellour whom the great ones hated for possessing the King, for drawing to Of­fices of best trust and benefit his own creatures, displacing such he suspected to favour his partner in Rule; and the Commons loved him not, as managing every thing after his pleasure to their damage and loss. Transported by divers motions she at last resolveth to change the Game of State, and by a woma­nish conceit befool masculine Policy. To effectuate her pur­pose the came to Edenbrough, and by many fair and passionate speeches obtained of the Chancelour to enter the Castle and de­light her self some daies with the company of her Son. Then to countenance her plot, she giveth out a pilgrimage inten­ded by her to the white Kirk in Buchan: There will she make offerings for the health of the King, and perform her other vows. The honest States man, who thought it disloyalty to distrust a Queen, and a Mother, whom years had made reverend; and impiety to hinder such religio [...]s intentions, giveth leave to her self with some Servants to remain in the Castle, and to trans­port her houshold stuff and other necessaries after what manner she pleased. In this time she perswardeth the King; wantonly set and delighting to be obsequious to Her his Mother, to be handsomely couched in a Trunk, as if he had been some fardel of her apparel, and convoyed by one of her trustiest Servants upon a Sumpter horse to Leith: from whence he was put for­ward by water to Sterling, there received by the Governor, and wel-comed with great joy and laughter, at the manner of their so quaintly deceiving the grave Man.

By this advantage the Reins of Ru [...] were now taken by the Governour; The Queens Trick is approved, his own procee­dings are strengthned and confirmed. Proclamations are made against the Chancellour, and he charged to render the Castle of Edenbrough to the King: which he refusing to do, by a great power raised by the Governour of the Countrey, and the Queens, and his own followers, he is be [...]ieged and blocked up within the Castle.

The Chancellour ready to fall in the danger, considering he had to do with too strong a party, imploreth the assistance of the Earl of Dowglass: but the Earl as a matter he had long expe­cted and earnestly wished might fall forth, refuseth to assist any of them, saying it belonged not to the antient Nobility to succor these Mushrooms, whose ambition with no less could be [...]ati­ate than the Government of the whole Realm. This disdainful answer, procured a meeting of the two Rulers, which conclu­ded in the rendering of the Castle to the Governour, and a pro­mise [Page 38] of true friendship between them, that they might not prove a sport to the envious Nobility. The Governour to shew the roundness of his intentions and his honesty, continueth the Chancellour in his office; and restoreth him to the keeping of the Castle of Edenbrough. After this agreement the Earl of Dowglass left this world at Restalrigge the year 1439. leaving be­hind him a Son born of the Earl of Crawfords daughter, na­med William, who succeeded to his Fathers Honours and Am­bition.

Malcolm Flamyne of Calmarnade, and Allan Lawder upon this young Earls oath of Allegiance to the Crown of France, obtain to him from the French King the Dutchy of Tourrain, which his Father had enjoyed, and given to Archembald his Grand-Fa­ther slain at Vernueil. This forein dignity with histitles at home made the young Man very haughty▪ and to forget moderation, Disc [...]etion in youth seldome attending great fortunes. He sur­passed far the King in his followers and Train, being accusto­med to have hundreds of Horse men attending him; most of which were Robbers and men living upon unlawful spoils all under his protection: But however thus he seemed to set forth his greatness, this seemed much to bewray a distrust, and that he rather travelled amongst a people which hated him, than a­mongst his friends and men lovingly disposed.

Iames Stuart Son to the Lord of Lorne about this time marri­ed the Queen Dowager, not so much out of love of her Person or Dowry, as of ambition, by her means intending to reach the Government of the State, and get into his custody the person of the King. And that it might rather seem the work of others out of conveniency, than any appetite of his own, he so in­sinuateth himself with the Earl of Dowglass, that the Earl essay­ed to lay the first groundwork of his aims. The Governour who never wanted his own Spies neer the Queen, at the first inkling of this novation committed both him and his Brother William to in the Castle of Sterlin. The Queen whether she follo­wed her Husband, or was restrained, uncertain, staied with them, and now began to repent her of the former courtesies done to the Governour; wishing her Son had yet remained in the cu­stody of the Chancelour, who, not so displeased at their impri­sonment as he appeared in outward show (delighting in the er­rours of his Partner) by Alexander Earl of Huntley trafficked and wrought their Liberty. Thus insinuating himself in the Queens favou [...], he irritated her against the Governour: whom yet outwardly he entertained with ceremonies of Friendship, ap­proving his Sagacity in preventing astorm in the State before it brakeforth Here the Governor found how that same Key which can open a Treasure can shut it up: for after this Queen pre­pared her Son for a change. The Governour carefully ministe­ring [Page 39] Justice at Pearth, the Chancellour one Morning commeth to the Park of Sterling where the King was hunting, by the pro­vidence of his Mother more early raised for this sport, she be wailed the present estate of his Court, that he was thralled to the covetousness and pleasure of others, living under the po­wer of a Man greedy of Rule: that a King of France is decla­red to be of full years and Major the fourteenth of his age, that a Prince should transfer his affection especially in tender years; that by an escape he might enjoy a princely freedom, better know himself, and make his Rulers relish his Authority; that three houres was sometimes of more importance than three daies, and one hour of more than all the three; that he should take hold of the present occasion offered him. Prepared with such informations he is no sooner accosted by the Chancellour, when approving his motions he posteth towards Edenbrough with him: Received all the way as he went with many compa­nies of the Chancellours friends and attendants. The Govern­our finding the face of the Court altered, by a King young in years and judgement, possessed by his Mother, dissimulating his interest in a patient and calm manner cometh to Edenbrough, there after long conference and mediation of Friends in Saint Giles's Church, he meeteth the Chancellour, and by the Bi­shop of Murrays and Aberdeens diligence an agreement is be­tween them concluded, which was that the King should re­main in the custody of the Chancellour, and the Governour should still enjoy his charge. Amongst these divisions of the Rulers the Queen all this time handsomely kept some authori­ty, affecting and entertaining sometimes the one of them som­times the other, as by turns they governed the King and State.

The many and great disorders in the Countrey invited a Parliament: the authority of Magistrates was despised, no ju­stice was administred in many places, few could keep their Goods, or be assured of their Lives, but by taking themselves to the servitude of one Faction or other. Troubles a rose in the West by the slaughter of Sir Allane Stuart Lord Darnley, killed by Sir Thomas Boyd; and by the Revenge of his death taken by Alexander Stuart of Bolmet his Brother upon the Boyd; the High­land Islanders invade the Territories adjacent to them, spoyl and burn the Lennox, where Iohn Calhowen of Luss is mas [...]acr [...]d. These cruelties and insolencies against all justice and authori­ty being avouched such to be were, held fit to be remedied and courses laid down to obviate them: but William Earl of Dow­glass permitting wickedness, and wincking at mischief, often approving them for lawful and good policy, whilst he neither reformed them himself by his power, nor suffered the Rulers to proceed against them by their authority; purchased to him­self [Page 40] the name and reputation of a lawless and strong oppres­sor. The three Estates assembled, complaints being given up against Oppressours, most against him and his Followers, as the source from which the miseries of the Country sprang, he ap­peareth not, nor any to answer for him.

The Parliament determinateth to proceed by way of Rigour against him; but to this the two Rulers oppose, perswading them that fair speeches and entreaties; was a safer and easier way to draw unto them a young Man, mighty in riches and power, arrogant by his many Followers and Vassals, then to give out a Sentence against him before he were heard, and by threatnings stir his turbulent and ambitious thoughts, which instead of making him calm, might turn his neutrality in a per­fect Rebellion: and his insolency, in madness and despair. Nei­ther as the present estate of the Countrey stood, could he with­out civil blood be commanded and brought in, which by mo­deration might be effectuate; that verity enjoyed not always that priviledge to be spoken in every place and time; it was good to keep up in silence matters concerning him, the speak­ing of which might produce any dangerous effect. Upon this▪ Letters in their Name are sent unto him, remembring him of the splendor and glory of his Ancestors, the place and digni­ty he possessed by them in Parliament: that without his pre­sence they neither would nor could proceed in great matters. If he apprehended any cause of let or stay by the offences and disorders committed by his Attendants and Followers, they would freely remit them, as accidents following the injury of the times, and his yet tender years, his greatest fault being his giving way out of rashness and negligence to the faults of o­thers. That of himself they had conceived such singular hopes of great towardness and all vertues, if he would come and take a part with them, giving in his complaints and grievances, he should not only have full satisfaction, but be honoured with what place or charge in the Government he liked best; by ho­nouring them with his Presence he should oblige not only his Countrey infinitely but particularly every one of them to stand for him to the utmost of their powers and wishes.

This Letter wrought powerfully upon the Minde of the Earl, by nature and years desirous of glory and preferment, and be­lieving easily that which was plausible to his hopes. His friends, who now began to promise to themselves new Heavens, think upon great matters, and forecast to themselves by the change of their Lords Fortune, a change of Offices in the State, per­swade him likewise to come to the Parliament; and they di­vulged the certainty of his Progress. The Chancellour when he understood he was upon his way rode forth of Edinbrough to meet him, & by many obsequious complements and friend­ly [Page 41] blandishments allured and drew him to his Castle of Creigh­ton which was in his way: where some days he rested and was honorably entertained. Amongst many healthfull admoniti­ons by way of counsel, he told him, that the greatness of a Subject consisted in due obedience to his Prince, whom he should acknowledge to be his Lord and Master.

That by obedience he would vindicate the Name and Fami­lies of the Dowglasses, not only from blame of Treason, but from all suspition of Novations; that he would endeavor to execute justice more strictly then he had done in times past, not protect Oppressors against Laws and Equity, but suppress all insolencies of Theeves and Robbers, because cruelties and wrongs never stood secure before either God or man. That the estates of ancient Houses were often maintained more by repu­tation of things done, then any other foundation, which a little disobedience to a Prince might shake, if not altogether ruine. That it was fatal to all Princes in their under-age, and the beginnings of their Reigns, to have troubles and sediti­ons, and be tormented by some of their Subjects who studied novelties; but when these Princes came to perfect years, they knew well to chastise those who troubled the Government in their youth. That he would hereafter rather content himself with mediocrity, then expose himself as a mark to envy. That he would make a proof of his power, not in excess and riot or pride of his ancient honours, but in bounty and religious cha­rity toward his Country-men.

That he wished as his House had long continued, it might by following what he had spoken unto him ever flourish. The Earl of a good inclination, if Flatterers and wicked Company had been removed, took in good part his advertisements and coun­sel, thinking he spake as he thought, and (perhaps) so he did, for he had not yet put on his double Visage, and promised to repair what offences by youth, negligence, rashness or other in­discretion had escaped him: thus with his Brother David, the Chancellor accompanied him to Edinburgh.

He had not long there stayed, when the frequent meetings, many secret conferences of the Governor and Chancellor at their several houses, which often held the greatest part of the night, who were not wont to be so kinde to others, bred a great jealousie and suspition in some of the Earls friends, that some lurking mischief was a plotting to entrap him. That small trust should be had in a reconciled enemy, and his many courtesies, and too exceeding favours were to be suspected. Hereupon some freely counsel the Earl to return home, and to leave off▪ private meetings with them. Others intreat him not to enter the Castle of Edinburgh at all, or if he should, so dis­miss his brother David, to keep themselves scattered that they [Page 42] might not be inclosed in one Net, as upon his Death-bed their Father had instructed and admonished them. For if any vio­lent course were intended against them, men would not dare to put in act against one of them, which they would against both. David presaging some strange accident to follow this sudden kindness of the Rulers was meditating an escape. The Earl took this counsel in an evil part, saying, Great Families never wanted turbulent friends, to whom common confusions served ordinarily for steps to inlarge their States▪ when Peace sendeth the most part of them home to live private men. And they cared not what blame were laid upon their Chiefs, so it stood with their own commodity; that the p [...]etence of his de­parture would be worse then the departure it self, and that he would be obnoxious to worse surmises, and more miserable mi­stakings going away, then if he had never appeared. That he preferred the approved trust of the Chancellor (whose Guest he had been) to all the objections of dangers they could ima­gine; which suspitions he requested them to suppress; for to suspect causl [...]sly, instead of imagined wrong, returned a real injury, and being knowen would be a means to breed new jars, and bre [...]k their begun Friendship. Thus blind-folded by Destinie, and accompanied with some of his dearest Friends, amongst whom was Sir Malcolm Flamin of Cammernald; in so­lemn pomp with his brother he entred Edinburgh Castle the 24. of November: the remainder, who were thrust back, with sad countenances and distrusting hearts, scattered themselves in the Town.

The Governor, that the envy might be divided and [...]bared, and all seem to be done by an universal consent, with a cere­monious welcom, and such as hate and emulation could suffer to be tempered together, did meet him and guide him to the king: at whose Table he was set to dine, which favors turned the heart of the young Earl so soft and relenting, that he wish­ed he had sooner come to Court, and challeng'd himself of his mistrustful thoughts; but more his suspitious friends, whose presence he could have desired to be witness against them­selves. The counsel given him at [...]reighton Castle, by obsequi­ousness, he resolveth to thank: the kings benigne aspect and courtesies of the Rulers had advanced him to the highest de­gree of honour.

Amidst these entertainments (behold the instability of For­tune!) near the end of the Banque [...] the head of a Bull (a sign of present Death in these times) is set down before him: At which sudden Spectacle he leapt from the Table in horror and all ag [...]st; but this doth little avail him, he hath no power, for he is ceased upon by armed Men, who rushing out of a cruel ty­ring House, led him to the utter Court of the Castle, not regard­ing [Page 43] the plaints, cryes, tears of the young King, who pittifully mourned to see him manacled with cords: There with his brother David, Sir Malcolm Flaming his constant friend and com­partner of all his Fortunes, he had his head and ambitious thoughts cut off. With this great blow of State the Parliament brake up, leaving grief, terrour, astonishment in the hearts of all the people, who ever [...]ated the Actors of this Tragedie.

William Earl of Dowglass and David his brother taken away, the Baron of Abercorn their Uncle succeeded to the Earldom, by reason of his stature and corpulency named Iames the Gross: A man free of any Vice or heroical Vertue, whose years we [...]e not many after his Fortune to be Earl. He was Father to seven Sons, the eldest of which by a Dispensation from the Pope he married to Beatrice, the only Sister of his Brothers Son William, named The Fair Maid of Galloway, not so much in respect of her Beauty as her Fortunes; the Lands not tailed in Galloway, Annandale, Balveny and Ormond falling from the Heirs male to be her Portion. This Marriage was much blamed and cryed out upon by the Earl of Angus, Sir Iohn Dowglass of Dalkeith, and other Gentlemen of that Name, not as they gave out for the propinquity of blood, being between Cozen Germans, but that so fair and easie a purchase was taken out of their arms. They had always followed the king, and procured prohibiti­ons of the Marriage; but these with spur-haste advanced the celebration of it, and upon a Friday, which the common People prognosticate to be ominous, and to have some sad event.

This Earl, ambitious, factious, popular, subtile, vindicative, prompt in the execution of his enterprizes, liberal and far from the dor-muse humour of his Father, began to think neither himself nor his kindred in safety, if the deaths of his Brothers and Cousins, wrought by the two Rulers remained unrevenged, and therefore since openly without troubling the common peace of the Countrey he could not, by secret and um­bragious wayes he laboureth to bring it to pass: Procuring a far off a disobedience to their Decrees, and contempt of their Authority, by men in a great distance from him in place, blood, friendship and familiarity; who after any fashion grudged, re­pined, complained of the present form of Government, or ag­gravated imaginary wrongs, are supported and protected by him, his houses turned places of refuge to distressed Male [...]con­tents. One Iohn Gormack of Athole (not without suspition that he wrought by the motion and order of the Earl▪ and under­stood his Caball) essayed with a great number of Out-lawes to hinder the execution of a Malefactor, and take him by main force from the Sheriff of Pearth William Ruthen: but he perish­ed in the enterprize. Patrick Gilbreath in the Castle of Dumbar­toun, for priority of command, killeth Robert Simple, and to [Page 44] save his person, or justifie his homicide, flyeth to the Earl of Dowglass, by whom he is protected, notwithstanding the ma­ny informations given in against him at Court, and his cita­tion to answer to Justice.

The King whose non-age was now near expired, began to relish the Sweetness of Government in his own Person, and became tyr'd of the long and awful tutelage of his jarring Rulers; and the Flower of his youth seeming fram'd for great affairs, promised the fruit of a wise and happy reign; finding it difficult to put men near dayly unto him; long experienced and greedy of Rule, from high Places, except by the enter­taining a stronger and more powerful faction. He setteth his thoughts upon the Earl of Dowglass; small favours to him would be a great umbrage to the ambition of his Tutors, bring them within the compass of answering to what might be ob­jected to them concerning their Service in the State; he would not sue to the Earl, but as occasion served he gave many signs and open speeches, that he had not altogether withdrawn his love and favour from the antient House of the Dowglasses, their passed faults being by them acknowledged and recompenced with fidelity and obedience in times comming. The Earl of Dowglass, whose towardness and liberality had acquired him many Friends at Court, upon assured advertisement of his Prin­ces good-will towards him, cometh to Sterling, and is no sooner presented upon his knees before the King in the Church, when with all demonstrations of benevolence he is received in grace, pardoned, and not manies dayes after admitted to be of the Privy Council. The King imparting to him his greatest af­fairs, sheweth he will follow them by his advice and counsel, honoureth him with the plausible name of Cousi [...], and enter­taineth such familiarity with him that all others give him the place.

The promotion and credit which the Earl of Dowglass in a short time acquired about the King, his faction dayly increas­ing, moved the two Rulers (by their moderation seeking to avoid disgrace) to leave the Court. After which they were both removed from their offices, and their places and authority in Council with their whole Friends and Followers. They are upbraided with disorders, both in their private actions and the manner of their Government, and at last are summoned to answer before the King to such things as they should be legally accused of, The murmurs every where whispered amongst the people, warned and certified them if they should appear and present themselves of some sad and tragick act. Whereupon with protestations of their Innocency declining the time, ap­pealing to the King in his majority, and when he should be of full years, from these Judges their mortal enemies than abusing [Page 45] absolute power▪ they suspend their appearing, declaring withal their readiness in every thing to obey the King.

This availeth them nothing▪ for at a Parlament holden in Sterling, articles being forged and urged against them, especial­ly of Peculate, as sale of Crown Lands, waste of the Kings Treasure, the laying of their hands upon the Kings jewels, transporting Lands to themselves and their friends, distribu­ting Offices and places of the Crown and state (which should have been by the Authority of the Councel) as Hunters divide a Prey between themselves. Dispensing with Riots, and ta­king the force and vigour from the Laws of the Kingdom; thus as betraying the administration of the Realm into the hands of worthless and corrupted men, they are denounced Rebels, their persons and estates proscrib'd. Charge is given to Sir Iohn Foster of Corstorphane and others the Dowglasses adherents, to bring all their moveables to the use of the Exchequer, demo­lish their houses, invade their friends with fire and sword and all that sided them. Thus the uncertain vicissitude of humane accidents overturns often them who seem to be raised to the highest degree of honour. The Castle of Barentoren is besieg­ed, taken, thrown down, with other houses upon the Go­vernours and Chancellours Lands, their Farms and small Vil­lages are plundered and ransacked. In revenge of which the Rulers waste the Earl of Dowglasses Territories, the Villages of Straw-Brock, Abercorn, Blackness are burnt, with Corstorphane. The ravage begun, continueth with dayly loss to both parties, and the overthrow of the Common-wealth.

The Earl wondreth (now having the Kings Authority) to finde his enemies so strong, and hold so long out against him▪ He suspecteth they have secret support by some not well affe­cted towards him. The most powerfull and eminent of which he guesseth to be Iames Kennedie Bishop of St. Andrews, and Cousin germane to the King. He knew him jealous for his sud­den favours at Court, and that he had whispered amongst his Friends, that he feared the ambition of the Earls unlimited heart was now exalted to such exorbitancy of height, that be­coming top-heavy it would fall by its own weight, and turn up the Root.

The Earl will have this Prelate less powerfull to assist the Rulers, or do harm unto him. To this effect he instigateth the Earl of Crawford his Allie, and Alexander Ogleby of Inuer­wharety, to invade the Bishops Lands, and rifle his Vassals in Fife, without order or declaration of wrongs done by him. The Bishop after the burning and spoiling of sundry of his Farms being weak by power to resist their violence and repair his losses, took him to his Spiritual Arms, and excommunica­ted the Earl of Crawford. Though he made small account of [Page 46] this verbal Thunder, yet did not this injustice long escape the revenging hand of God, who raise [...]h up ordinarily one Op­pressor to execute his justice against another.

Alexander Lyndesay, Son to the Earl of Crawford, pretended a title to the Baylerie of Arbrothe, out of which he was kept by Alexander Ogleby, whose title was equal to his, if not better. This enmity kindled to such a flame, that upon either [...]side they assemble their friends in Arms: The Ogleby calleth the Lord Huntley, the Lindesay the Hamiltons to assist their Rights: fre­quent meetings having been to calm matters, and reconcile them, and nothing agreed upon nor concluded, they resolve at last to decide the cause by their swords. The Earl of Craw­ [...]ord then remaining at Dundee, advertized of the present danger of his friends, posteth in all haste to Arbroth, and co­meth at the very chock of the skirmish, and when they were to enter the fight. Here intending by his wisdom to take up the Quarrel, and presuming upon the respect due to his place and person, he rashly rusheth forwards before his Companies to demand a parly of Alxander Ogleby with his Son: but ere he could be known or was heard, he is encountred by a common Souldier, who thrust him in the mouth with a Spear, and pro­strate him dead upon the ground. This sudden accident joyned the Parties, who fought with great courage and resolution: The Victory after much blood inclined to the Master of Craw­ford. Alexander [...]Ogleby sore wounded, was taken and brought to the Castle of Finelvin where he died; the Lord Huntley esca­ped by the swiftness of his Horse. Iohn Forbess of Pitsligow, Alexander Barkley of Garteley, Robert Maxwell of Tillen, William Gordoun of Borrowfield, Sir Iohn Oliphant of Aberdaguy with o­thers fell on the Oglebies side;1445. they fought the 24. of Ianuary 1445.

Now by attending opportunities to increase publick disor­ders, turn the times dangerous and troublesome and confound the State; the Earl of Dowglass kept himself in the absolute Government; by umbragious ways he nourished discontent­ments in all parts of the Country, amongst the Nobility, Gen­try, Commons of the Realm. Alexander Earl of Crawford put to death Iohn Lynton of Dundee; Robert Boyd of Duchal, and A­lexander Lyle [...]lew Iames Stuart of Auchenmintee; Patrick Hepburn of Haills, surprised the Castle of Dumbar; Archembald Dumbar, as if he would but change places with him, taketh the Castle of Haills▪ where he was besieged by the Earl of Dowglass, and with conditions of safety rendred it. Sir William Creighton all this time kept the Castle of Edenburgh, and when by intreaties nor power he could not be induced to render it to the King, his Castle of Creighton is plundered, a garrison placed in it, and the Castle of Edinburgh by the Earl of Dowglass is besieged and [Page 47] blocked up. Nine moneths the Assailers lie about it: but it proveth impregnable, and without loss of many Subjects can­not be taken, about the end of which time, mens courages waxing colder, conditions are offered and received; which were, that the Chancellor should be restored to grace, place, and whatsoever h [...]d been withheld from him by his enemies at Court, an abolition and abrogation of all former discontent­ments should be granted, the besieged should pass out bag and baggage free. At a Parliament holden at Perth, the Chancellor was purged by an Assise of his Peers of what was laid against him, his lands and goods seized upon by the King or Dowglasses are decreed to be restored, as well to his followers as himself; he is established in his dignities and places of honour, notwith­standing of all Edicts, Proclamation, Confiscation before, which were declared null; all matters past put in oblivion, as not done. This considering the credit of the Earl of Dowglass, was thought very strange; but Iames Kennedie Bishop of St. An­drews, whose respect and authority was great with the Church­men, perfected this Master-piece of State; and the Earl of Dowglass knew, though the Chancellor was unbound, he had not yet escaped.

During these Garboyls in Scotland, Margaret Sister to King Iames, and wife to the Daulphin of France, Lewis, died at Cha­lones in Champaigne; a vertuous and worthy Lady, beloved of all France, but most of Charles the seventh her Father in Law, who for her respect matched her three Sisters, who remained at his Court honourably; H [...]lenora, with Sigismond Arch-duke of Austria; Elizabeth, to the Duke of Bretaigne; Mary with the Earl of Camphire: She was buried in the great Church of Chalones, but after when the Daulphine came to be King, he cau­sed transport and bury her in the Abbey Church of Laon in Poittow: Many Elegies were published upon her death which are yet extant. Sir Iames Stuart, the Black Knight, husband to the Queen, at this time died also: He had turned a voluntary exile, to shun the dangers and envy of the Factions of the Country, which he incurr'd by his free speeches against the misgovernment and miseries of the time, and as he was bound [...]owards Flanders▪ by the Flemings was taken upon the Seas. The Queen out-lived not long her Daughter and Husband; [...]he was buried the fifteenth of Iuly in the Charter-house of Perth, near her first husband Iames, the year 1446. She brought forth to the black Knight of Lorn three sons, Iohn E [...]rl of Athole, Iames Earl of Buchane, Andrew Bishop of M [...]rray.

The Chancellor having recovered his honours and State to the disadvantage of the Earl of Dowglass, though of good years and tyred with the troubles of publike life, yet findeth not any desired rest▪ A Marriage being designed for the King with [Page 48] Mary daughter of the Duke of Guilders, by the instructions of Charls the seventh the French Kings; but secretly by the procure­ment of the Earl of Dowglass, the Chancellor, as a Man grave, great in pl [...]ce, and experimented with the Bishop of Dunkel and Nicholas Otterburn, is sent over the Seas in Embassie. This troublesom and unprofitable honor abroad is laid upon him, that he might be separate from the King, and suspended from opposing to the private designs of the Earl at home. This ob­stacle of his ambition removed (which had neither modera­tion nor limits) the Earl may excluded such Officers in State or Court who were not agreeable to him, and substitute others of his Creation after his pleasure, he hath now room and oppor­tunity for his greatest designs. His kindred are without pausing preferred to Offices of State, his brothers to new honours; Archembald is made Earl of Murray, by the Marriage of a Lady of the house of Dumbar▪ who was Heir of the Lands, and the Kings Ward: George is created Earl of Ormond; Iohn made Lord of Balvenie, and hath his Donation ratified in an Assem­bly of three Estates, who were convented at Edinburgh for matters concerning the Marriage of the King, but in effect that the Earl might pursue his old enemies. The Commissioners are chosen after his pleasure, are prepared and instructed by him, prelimitated; and, to combine power with craft, he entreth in an offensive and defensive League with many Noblemen, Barons, and Gentlemen of the Kingdom. All the wheels and vices of his Clock being right set, Alexander Levingston, late Go­vernor, Alexander his eldest son, Robert Levingston Treasurer, David Levingston, Iames Dundes, Robert Bruce of Clackmannan Knights, for Peculate and converting the Princes Treasure to their private use, are forfeited, taken and committed to sundry Prisons in December 1447. at which time they were brought to Edinburgh; Alexander the Governor, Iames Dundas and Robert Bruce, after Fines laid upon them were permitted back to Dum­barton; there to be kept Prisoners, during the Kings pleasure. Alexander the Governors Son, a young man of great expecta­tion, with Robert Levingston Treasurer, and David Levingston, not so much by any crime proved against them, as by the Di­vine Justice in punishing the severity of the Governor for the execution of the Earl of Dowglass in the Castle of Edinburgh, had their heads cut off; the people much deploring their mis­fortune. By this blow the Earl of Dowglass thought he was more terribly avenged, then if he had proved his power against the old man; having thus as it were killed him twice. Though by this strict Justice he pretended the publick weal, his end was to govern all by his absolute Authority, and make the world see what credit he had to help or harm when he pleased, admire his pompous attendance, his haughtie carrying of all business, and his power in State.

[Page 49]The Chancellor having perfected his Embassie, Mary daugh­ter to Arnold Duke of Guilders, born of the Duke of Borgun­dies Sister, a Lady young, beautifull, and of a masculine con­stitution, arriveth in Scotland, and with great solemnity, ac­companied with many Strangers and the Nobility of the King­dom is married to the King in the Abbey Church of Holy-rood-house; As these Nuptial Rites were finished, the Peace between Scotland and England expired, and the Borders of both King­doms break, and mutually invade others. Amidst must rob­bery, spoil and havock upon either side, the Earl of Salisbury, Lieutenant and Warden, upon the West depopulateth the bor­dering Villages, and burneth the Town of Dumfreis; the Earl of Northumberland spoiling the east, burneth the Town of Dumbar: Iohn Dowglass, Lord of Balvenny, invadeth the Eng­lish bounds, and burneth the Town of Anwich; the ravaging and depradations in a short time turning equal, the two King­doms agree upon a suspension of Arms, and place and day to treat about a general peace; at the last by an assembly of the States 1449. A Truce is condescended unto for seven years. At this time Alexander Seatoun Lord Gordon, is created Earl of Hunt­ley and George Leslie Earl of Rothes.

This Tru [...]e was not long kept by any of the Nations, but, as it had been drawn and plaistered up for the fashion, they conspire equally to break it. New incursions are made, slight skirmishes began to wound either side and banish peace, just arms were constrained at last to be opposed to injurious op­pressions. The Scots having made desolate some parts of Cum­berland, an Army under the leading of the Earl of Northumber­land is raised, commanded by Magnus Red-beard, whom the Scots by reason of the length of his beard named Magnus with the red Main. A man trained from his youth in the Wars of France; who is said to have required no more for his Service to the Crown of England, then what he might by his own valour conquer of Scotland. The English march from the West Bor­ders, pass the River of Soloway and Annand, and encamp near the River of Sark. the Earl of Dowglass declareth his brother George Earl of Ormond Lieutenant for the King against them: who with the power of the South and West loseth no time to encounter: the Earl of Northumberland, the Lord Piercy his Son, Magnus Red-bread, Sir Iohn Pennington, Sir Robert Harrington led the English Battalions: The Earl of Ormond, Lord Maxwell, Lairds of Iohnston, and Craiggy Wallace, the Scottish. Here oc­casion and place serving, is it valiantly fought, the fortune of the day long doubtfull: till Magnus. whose experience and di­rection in War in those days was deemed unparall [...]ld, his cou­rage here turning into temerity, was beaten from his horse and slain. After his fall, many turning their backs, the Earl of Nor­thumberland [Page 50] himself with great danger e [...]caped; more in the chase were lost then in the Battel; such who assayed to pass the River, by the confusion and weight of their Arms were plunged in the water; other who could not finde the Foords, being taken, and brought to the Castle of Lochmaben; amongst which were Sir Iohn Pennington, Sir Robert Harrington, the Lord Piercy, who by saving his Father engaged himself. Few renown­ed amongst the scots were here lost, except Craiggy Wallace, a principal actor, who governing himself by honour and cou­rage, died of his wounds there received not many days there­after. The English to repair their loss raised an Army, but by the daily supplies raised for France, and their projected Civil Wars (the Duke of York, Earls of March, Warwick and Salis­bury beginning to toss the State) it was kept at home for their own use, and a truce was agreed upon the concluded with Scot­land for the space of three years, 1450.

This Victory obtained chiefly by the valour of the Dowglas­ses, advanced highly their credit with the young King, and the Court sounded with nothing more then their praises. But great Fortunes are as hard to bear as to acquire and ordinari­ly prosperity carryeth us into insolencies, without pondering the consequence of our actions. William Colvill Knight, upon a private quarrel having slain Iames Auchinleck a follower of the Earl of Dowglass, the Earl revenged his death, not only with the slaughter of William, but with the throwing down of his House, and spoil of all his Lands: which turned cold the affections of many about the Court towards him, and made him terrible to all of a contrary faction to his. After, whether tyred with his working thoughts, or to shun more hatred and envy, or to try what time would produce, amidst the inward grudges and rancours of Court, or that he held his own Coun­trey too narrow Lists for his glory, he leaveth the Kingdom: substituting one of his Brothers Procurator for his affairs, and in his absence to govern his estate, accompanied with his Bro­ther Mr. Iames (a Man learned, and brought up in Sorbon Di­vinity, Expectant of the Bishoprick of Dunkel, Iames Hamil­ton of Cadyow, the Lords Grahame, Seatoun, Oliphant, Saltoun, and many Gentlemen, he arriveth in Flanders, cometh to France, passeth the Alps, and it being the year of Iubilee stayeth at Rome: where he was honorably recevied and welcomed. Envy never leaveth great actors; he had not been long absent from his Prince, when many are suborned to give up complaints a­gainst the oppressions, riots, wrongs of his Kindred, Servants and Vassals. The faults of his governing the King are pryed into, every oversight and escape aggravated to the height. The King at first was loth to lend an ear to misreports and calum­nies of a man lately so well deserving and dearly of him be­loved: [Page 51] but overcome by importunity and urged by the num­bers of Complainers, he gave way that his Brother and Procu­rators should make answer for wrongs suffered by the Com­plainers: after many citations his brother not appearing is at last by force presented to the Councel: when he could not an­swer to such faults as were laid against the Earls Vassals and Followers, nor acquit them of violent oppressions, he was only enjoined to restore to the Complainers their loss, and re­store all damages. Upon fair promises of Restitution the King bringeth him off the danger, and obtaineth him liberty to re­turn home.

There, after long advisement with his other Brothers and some haughty Vassals, they declare, old Rapines and Wrongs being joyned to new, and recent with which they were char­ged, the restitution was impossible, and like spilt water which could not be recovered. Not satisfied with this Answer, the Councel citeth the Earl of Dowglass upon some days to appear before them, and all his Vassals and Followers with his Bro­thers to answer according to Law, to such Articles as should be given in against them. The Earl was far off, and they con­sidered it consisted not with their weal to hazard their persons to the Arbitrement of Judges, many of which had been ob­noxious to their affronts. Thus for not appearing they are de­nounced Rebels, and Warrants granted in invade and spoil their Lands, as publick enemies to Authority and the present Government. This Decree is followed by open force; and to facilitate the execution of it, and to take up the Earl of Dow­glasses Rents, William Earl of Orkney cometh to Galloway, Dow­glas-dale, Liddes-dale: But he found, Authority not seconded with power against lusty Rebels, to produce weak effects: for he returned disobeyed, contemned, and near spoiled and rifled by the Earls Tenants and Vassals.

The King to vindicate his Authority, since he could not pre­vail by reason, with competent forces in person entreth the same Ter [...]itories, taketh all the strong Fortresses and Castles where b [...] came, demolisheth the Castle of Dowglass, placeth a Garrison in Lochmabane, giveth the custody of such places he spared with the whole Goods and Moveables appertaining to them, to the Complainers and men interested in wrongs or blood, by the Rebels. The noise of this unexpected backblow being heard at Rome, perplexed not a little the Earl of Dow­glass: Many of his train leave him, that where lately he repre­sented a Prince, he seemed now scarce a private Gentleman; he was [...]ssured he lived under a Soveraign who maughre all de­tractions, would hear his own defences. Upon which hopes he resolve [...]h to return, taketh him to his Journey▪ and for his greater haste and safe progress, he obtaineth a Passe through [Page 52] England, come to the Borders of Scotland, his Brother Iames is directed to the Court, to understand the Kings minde to­wards him, and if there were any possibility in this ebb of fa­vors to have access to him.

The King ingenuously promiseth to accept him, and per­formed it for all that hapned by the misdeameanor of his Friends in his absence, requesting that he would but live peace­ably according to the order of the State, without hating that which his Prince loved, or improving that which he approved and authorized; and that as himself and his Brothers were ever the most able and readiest to repel the wrongs of Stran­gers, so they would endeavor to entertain unity and concord in the Countrey it self, and purge their Lands of Theeves and Robbers; if mischievous and wicked men were not punished, there would be no surety nor safety for the good and vertu­ous. Past wrongs are pardoned, the Garrisons removed from his Castles, and they are rendred unto him. Then to put him in assurance of increasing favours, he is made Lieutenant Ge­neral of the Kingdom: a place great and requiring great acti­on, being onely to be bestowed upon a Man active, great in power and friends.

The Earl of Dowglss, again afloat in the stream of his So­veraigns favours, might have continued, if his miseries had not been decreed from above: soon after he falls in new dis­grace; whether upon a promise of return, or that he was sent for, or that he would officiously give thanks for received cour­te [...]ies, when he was in his way homewards, he passeth pri­vately to the Court of England, and without his Masters know­ledge or leave hath many days serious conference with the No­bility of that Kingdom, then many ways distressed by the Re­bellion of Kent, and the factions of the great Men. The pre­tended cause of his journey was given out to be the repairing of his own and his Vassal lsosses, sustained by the in-rodes of the English the time of his travels abroad, and the redressing of other disorders on the West Borders; but his Enemies suggest­ed he intended to enter a League with some of the English to the disadvantage of his Master, and trouble of his Countrey, by changing the form of Government, or the Officers of State. King Iames took this meeting with the English in an evil part; but after great intercession and many requests of the Queen and Noblemen after he had submitted himself to his clemency, and acknowledged his errors, received him. In this mean time he is discharged of all publick imployments; his Of­fices of State are divided between the Earl of Orkney and the Lord Creighton his reconciled Enemies.

Removed from publick imployments he giveth himself to study private revenge, and the whole secret Council turn [Page 53] distasteful unto him: especially Orkney and Creighton, men per­fectly abhorring his ambition, and who greatly feared his dis­measured greatness.

Their suspected affronts and alledged wrongs towards him were increased daily by tales of Sycophants. It was told the Earl that the Lord Creightoun in conference with the King had said, it were expedient for the peace of the Countrey, that the Earl of Dowglass with all his friends and followers were root­ed out, and their memory abolished; but if that were left un­done, neither should the King rule in due Majesty, nor the Subjects ever give him that obedience which they ought. That wise Princes suffered houses to grow as men do Spider-webs, not taking heed of them so long as they were small, but when offensively encreased, they swept them wholly away. Irritated by these and many such like speeches, after much contempt of the Chancellor, one dawning, as he was early coming form Edinburgh to his Castle of Creighton, the Earl who wanted not his own intelligence amongst his followers (Hatred being an evil Counsellor) laid an ambush for him on the high way. But the clearness of the morning discovering it, by swiftness of his horse he escapeth; some of his company being wound­ed and one of the Assailers slasin in the pursuit. Two days af­ter the Chancellor to repair his credit, accompanied with a number of his Friends▪ and Followers, coming in great haste to Edinburgh, had unawared surprized the Earl of Dowglas, then attended but with a small number of his friends if he had not speedily shifted himself form the danger. This contention now bursting forth into open hostility, divided in­to Factions the whole Kingdom; The Earl of Dowglass main­taining his by the long continued grandeur of his House, the Chancellor standing by his Princes favour, and a long practise of the affairs and course of the World; the Earl fearing the Authority of the King might sway the Ballance and make the party unequal, if he should be brought to call to remembrance passed actions and attempts of his Predecessors, findeth no­thing more expedient to curb his enemies, and strengthen his proceedings, then to renew his old Confederation, and com­bine with him many others. Hereupon the Earls of Craw­ford, Ross, Murray, Ormond, the Lord Balvenny Knight of Cady­ow, many Barons, Gentlemen with their Allies, Vassals, Ser­vants to a great number, subscribed and swore solemnly never to desert one another during life; That injuries done to any one of them, should be done to them all, and be a common quarrel; neither should they desist to their best abilities to re­venge them: That they should concur indifferently against whatsoever Persons within or without the Realm, and spend their Lives, Lands, Goods Fortunes in defence of their Debates [Page 54] and Differences whatsoever. This consederation and Cove­nant again [...]enued, turned the Earl imperious in his deport­ments, presumptuous beyond all limits, and his followers and adherents insupportable to their neighbours: The Lands of such who were not of their party, or refused to think all their thoughts and second them in their enterprizes, were plundred; and and go [...]dness was a cause to make men suffer most pillage and ransacking of their Goods, and other miserable calamities. At this time the Thieves and Robbers of Liddes-dale and Annan­dal [...] break into the Lands of Iohn Lord Herress, a Noble Man, who had continued constantly faithful to the King, and drive with them a great booty of Cattel: Complaints being given to the Earl of Douglass of the Depredations of his men, and finding no redress the Lord Herress essayeth to drive the like prey [...]n [...]compence of the damage; but being unequal in power, his fortune was to be taken by the Thieves, and brought as a P [...]isoner to the Earl, who layed him fast in Irons; and notwith­standing of the Kings Letters (full of Intreaties and Threat­nings) without any formality of Law, caused, Hang him as a Felon: The like mischief was practised in other places. Af­ter this contempt of Soveraignty, it was universally blazed that the Earl of Dowglass, in respect of this new Covenant, the power of his Kinsmen and Allies, the entertaining of such who were discontent and discountenanced at Court, the love and favor of the men of Arms in Scotland (ever governed by some of his Name) his riches, the honor of his Ancestors, had resolved to dissemble no longer, but openly to play his game, [...] one day if he could set the Crown upon his own head, be­ing then able to raise an Army of Forty thousand warlike per­sons, men ready to go with him, whither or against whom they cared not, attending onely the occasion and his Command­ment.

The King who before but disdained the pride, after this League became jealous of the Earl of Douglass (a League gi­ving a Law to a King breaking all Bonds of Soveraignty, and inviting people to look for a new Master) and though his modesty and patience served onely to turn the Earl more in­solent, and his boldness more active, yet in a foul game he bare a fair countenance; knowing the last thing which a Soveraign Prince should do is to show himself male­content and offended with any of his Subjects; for instead of chastising him, he would give him fairer means and greater power to do him harm: He would not shew a token of any prejudicial thought to the Earls proceedings, till he had first heared himself.

Thus very calmly he desired him to come and speak with him at Sterlin, whiles he (conscious of his own misdemeanor) except upon a publique assurance under the great Seal for his [Page 55] safe coming and return, refused to do: A safe conduct ob­tained, about the Shrew-Tide, in the year 1452. he came to the Court then remaining at Sterlin Castle,1452. accompanied with many of his Confederates, and a powerful Retinue: The King with a gracious countenance, and all apparent respect re­ceived him, endeavoring rather by kindness and humanity, then by rigor to reclaim him to his former obedience. The day near spent, the Gates of the Castle shut, all removed, ex­cept some of the Councel and the Guards; the King taking the Earl friendly apart, remembred him of favors received, wrongs forgotten, the duties, as a Subject, he owed to his Prince, his ca­pitulation before he would come and speak with him; he tax­ed him with the exorbitant abuses and out rages of his follow­ers: Then he told him what Informations he had of a Cove­nant of mutual defence & adherence betwixt him and some of his Nobles & Gentlemen, which he would scarce believe: He prayed him to consider the murmuring, or rather begun sedi­tion of his people, his long patience in tolerating his proceed­ings, his misbelief of evil reports towards him, until he had heard what he had to say for himself and his innocency.

The Earl answered the Kings towardness in equal terms, trusting much to his confederatiom; for his favors he should strive with all obsequiousness to deserve them; That as he had the honor to command others who obeyed him; he knew very well how to be commanded, and obey his Prince, and in what disobedience consisted, that as none of his Subjects enjoyed more Lands and Honors then himself, there should not one be found who more willingly would engage all his Fortunes and person for the Honor of his Prince: That they who layed snares for his life, being so near his Majesty, for the surety of his person he could not come to Court, except upon a publique assurance, and well accompanied: For the wrongs commit­ted by his Followers and Vassals, he would give what satisfa­ction should be required; Concerning the Band of mutual friendship betwixt him and some Noblemen, they would have adhered together without any writing; they were driven thereunto for their own safety, not out of minde to offer, but repel injuries: That he was infinitely oblig'd to his goodness, in not condemning him before he was heard, and for that he had not lent a credulous ear to his enemies mischievous de­vices.

The King replyed, effects and not words make the affection and submission of a subject known; and could there be any greater surety for him, then to rely on the Laws of the Com­monwealth and Countrey? especially (continued he) in a Countrey where Laws, and not Faction rule, and where a mans own goodness is able to preserve him: But such men as you [Page 56] are, raise these Factions, to the subvertion of all Laws and Au­thority; and for Subjects to make an offensive and defensive League against all persons, is to disclaim all Government, and do what they please without controlment; commit Treason in the highest degree, and make your own Swords and Power justifie your proceedings, which, though ye first use against mean persons, and conceal the progress of your actions (for there are degrees in evil, and wicked men begin at that which seemeth the least of evils, or not an evil at all at the first) your last aim is likely to be the robbing upon the Crown: Consider (my Lord) ye are born under a Monarchy, which admitteth no Soveraignty but it self, and it is natural to Princes to hold it in highest esteem, and in no case to suffer it to be shaken by their Subjects: Take your Prince for your best protection, and an innocent life; renounce that Union and League with your Peers, which excepted, or commanded, or approved, or permit­ted by your Prince, subsisteth not in Law nor in Reason, being forbidden under great pains; and let it not be heard any lon­ger, that ever such an unjust Confederation was, and so wont­ed [...]lemency shall be preferred before deserved Justice; The Earl replyed, The League being drawn up by the common con­sent of many Lords, Barons and Gentlemen, and subscribed, it could not be cancell'd nor renounc'd but by their common consent; nor was it profitable for the King, nor to him other ways to have it done: That being together, they might con­descend to the renouncing and cancelling of it. But (says the King) you to shew good example to the rest, shall first begin; Neither (living) shall any Traytor in my presence disavow and disclaim my Authority, in what is within my possibility of ac­complishing. The Earl requests him to remember, he came to Court upon a publique assurance: A publique assurance can­not so warrant any man, but that he may fall by his own pri­vate misdemeanor, answered the King; withal, considering a mean courage in a King to be an imputation, and that he did neither wrong towards God nor his Fame, in revenging him­self upon the enemies of the State; The place, a strong Ca­stle; his present power, all within being his Councellors and Servants; the danger, if he should escape; the easiness of sup­pressing the Rebellion, the head taken away: (The Earl con­tinuing hot and stubborn, in debating his points of the League, wrath banishing other Doubts and Interests) his Dagger per­formed, what armed Justice scar [...]e dared attempt: The Kings blow (the noise arising) was seconded by a number of his Ser­vants, who rushing in the Room left him dead, upon Shrewd-Eve, the 22. of February, 1452.

About the last Scene of this Tragedy, a pair of Spurs be­tween two Platters (an Emblem of speedy flight) as a part of [Page 57] the Kings Banquet, is directed to Sir Iames Hamilton of Cadyow; This he communicateth to the Lords and Gentlemen of the Union, in which time the News of the Earls death is spread abroad: The Lieguers finding themselves weak to carry so strong a place as the Castle, in hot blood set on fire divers quar­ters of the Town of Sterlin, make Proclamation against the King and his Councel, for violating the assur [...]nce granted to the Earl: Infamous Libels are spread every where, and the safe Conduct of the King and his Councel bound to a wooden Truncheon at a Hor [...]es tail is trailed along the streets: In the Market-place, by the mouth of a Cryer, to the sound of all their hunting-horns, they declare the King, and those that a­bode with him, Faith-breakers, perjured persons, enemies to all goodness and good men. Iames the next brother of the House of Dowglass (a Church-man) being proclaimed Earl, in rage and madness, committing all sort of Hostility; they over­run the Lands and Possessions of those whom they suspected would side the King and not prove of their party: Iohn Lord of Dal [...]eith; their Kinsman, and of the Name of Dowglass, they besiege in his Castle of Dalkeith, for that he hated their pro­ceedings; the Tenants and Vassals of the Earl of Anguss are plunder [...]d for the same cause: The strength of the place rais­ed the Siege of Dalkeith; and the Earl of Auguss, by their many wrongs and insolencies, remained more constant to the King.

In this time the King writeth to all the good Towns of the Realm, and Church-men, giving reasons for the taking away the Earl, imputing the fault to the Earl himself, exhorting the people to make no stir for the just execution of a Man born for the ruine of the Kingdom, and who voluntarily had preci­pitated himself in his own mis-hap; offering all his power to keep the Countrey in quietness, according to that Authority in which God hath placed him: This blow, as particular In­terests made the hearts of men incline, and as passions were various, was variously and in several maners taken: Some without inquiring of circumstances, after what fashion or oc­casion soever done, allowing it, thought the King had more clear and evident inducements for his deed, then could fall within the Labyrinths of reasoning. The Majesty of a Prince, hardly falleth from an height to a midst, but easily is precipi­tated from any midst, to the lowest degree and station; The King (said-they) hath obviated this fall, hath set a foot again and raised his Authority threatned with ruine; he hath vin­dicated his liberty almost thra [...]ld, hath assured the Lives, Ho­nors, Estates of many loyal Subjects which were endangered by not adhearing to the league of the Earl, and keeping their Oath of Allegeance to the King; he (if he please) now with Honor and Reputation may hold his Parliaments, bring to [Page 58] pass his designs for the conservation of his Authority, and the peace of his Subjects. Other blamed this Deed everywhere, and in every circumstance: laying perjury and murther a­gainst him, and the breaking of the publick Faith and Assu­rance, the common Band of humane Society, the common de­fence of all, and the ground of Justice.

To which it was answered, that the Earl was not taken away for his past demerits and misdeservings, but for what he had recently committed in the Kings own presence, having spoken to him with an insupportable irreverence; They which have safe conduct, being obliged to shun all kindes of offence towards him who gives it them, any enormity being sufficient to an­null the benefit of it.

More, for the breach of Faith, the Earl and his confederates were the more perjured; and he the murtherer of himself: they having violated that Natural Oath to their King, which all Subjects owe to their Soveraigns, by drawing up a League among his People, to the breaking of the tyes of Soveraignty, giving by this, occasion and just cause to the King to reward them after their demerits. Most said the killing of the Earl was evil, but that it was a necessary evil. That as Nature suf­fereth not two Suns. so Reason of State suffereth not that in one Kingdom their be two Kings, but that of necessity the one must overthrow the other; and matters going thus, he who giveth the first blow hath the advantage. Thus did Men judge diversly, after their proper interests, of the Deeds of others.

The Torrent of these disorders increasing, Laws are neg­lected, Towns, Villages, Houses, the High-ways are every­where afflicted with Rapine, Fire and Fury, and save needy boldness, nothing is safe and secure in any place.

The changing Multitude (like Mad-men limning Pour­traicts with their won blood) delight in their Proceedings and daily increase the number of the Rebels. In this Insurrection the King is reduced to many extremities, and is said to have thought upon an escape Sea to France, if he had not been di­verted by Iames Kennedie, Bishop of St. Andrews, who told him, that to leave the Kingdom was to give all over to the in­solency of his Rebels, and for fear of burning, to leap into the fire it self. That besides the high and long continued title of a King, which the best part of his Subjects yet reverenced, he had sufficient Friends and Warlike men, who appearing in a Field with him would raise a just fear in the hearts of those who so hainously dared disobey him. That God would be pre­sent to revenge wronged Majesty, and turn their hopes in de­spair; That the Common People were ever changing, and a little time would make them flow to these from whom they did ebb; and all would return again, except such as were guil­ty [Page 59] of other offences, or such whose poverty made them fear a beggerly Peace as their greatest punishment. That his chiefest and principall City stood good for him, which example the other Towns would undoubtedly follow; that Rebellion was like Thunder the noise of which (if observed duely) was of­ten more terrible then the blow, and dissolved ordinarily in tears of Repentance and fair Weather: that here the prudence of Prince manifesteth it self, when he cannot suppress and stop all the evils in his State, to suffer and tolerate the least, and with leasure and time, abolish and extirpate the greater, and make vertue of Rebellion.

The King, by the Bishops Counsel and Assistance, gathereth an Army, but will not try the hazard of a Battel, before those he had advertised and sent for, should-joyn with these already about him, and his Forces from all the Quarters of the King­dom be united. In the North, the Earl of Huntley had raised a goodly Company to come to his aid; but the Earl of Crawford, a Confederate of the Earl of Dowglass, with a power of the men of Anguss, and all who would follow him, guided by some French Commanders essayed to cut off his passage, and ren­countreth him at Breche [...]; the Battel is fought, and the victory inclined where the Kings Standard was displayed by the Earl of Huntley. The equity of the cause laid aside, the occasion of this Victory was ascribed to Iohn Coloss of Bonnymoon, who having one of the wings of the Army to guide, which confist­ed of battel-axes, great swords, and long spears, and the best invasive weapons, in the hottest of the skirmish gave ground, and left the middle Ward naked upon his side: the reason of his revolt is reported, that the night before the Battel, when every man was resolving with his affairs of the world, Bonny­moon requested the Earl of Crawford, of whom he held his Lands Ward and relief, since the next day he was resolved ei­ther to be victorious or die in the field, to subscribe a Precept (himself falling) for entring his Son to his Lands. This the Superiour refusing, the Vassal out of a just indignation, when he should have charged, retired, and his Company with him. Such thoughts possessed not the Earl of Huntlies minde; he dealt not so sparingly with his friends in hope of their good service: To the Forbesses, Oglebies, Leslies, Grants, Irwines, he freely gave many of his own lands, which raised their courage to the height. In requital of which, the King after bestowed upon him the Lands of Badyeeno [...]h and Loch [...]ber. In the conflict the Earl of Huntley lost two Brothers; the Earl of Crawford and Sir Iohn Lindsay his brother, being left on the Field, fled to his house of Phanheaven, where he was heard to say, He would be content to remain seven years in Hell, to have in so timely a season done the King his Master that Service the Earl of Huntley had per­formed, [Page 60] and carry that applause and thanks he was to receive from him: This conflict happened upon the Ascention day, the 18 day of May, 145 [...].

The King by the confluence and resort of many worthy Subjects unto him, having time to breathe, and finding him­self in a calm, keepeth a Convention of the States at Eden­burgh; Ere the Earls of Douglass, Crawford, Ormond, Murray. the Lord Balvenye, Sir Iames Hamilton, and others, are cited to answer according to Law: They instead of appearing, in the Night, upon the Doors of the principal Churches and o­ther places eminent, fix many Placates and Libels, signed with their hands; which bear, the Earl of Douglass nor his Fol­lowers will never obey command nor charge in time coming, nor answer citation, for that the King is not a just Master, but a Blood-sucker, a Murtherer, a Transgressor of Hospitality, a Surpriser of the Innocent and such who deserved no harm at his hands: Not long after the King levied an Army, which by the approaching Winter did little Service; and the Earl of Douglass, to save the Lands of Beatrice his Brothers Widow, unseparated from the House, sought by a Dispensation from the Pope to have her in Marriage, alledging her untouched of his Brother; which being refused him, he kept her in place of his wife, the effect of his Sorbon Divinity, and found hereby more Bryers then Roses.

The Barl of Crawford placing two stricts of Seas betwixt him and the King, spoileth the Lands of all those who forsook him at Brechen; and Arckembald Earl of Murray, burneth the Pile of Srath-Boggy, pertaining to the Earl of Huntley; In re­venge of which, the Earl of Huntley burnt and herried all the Lands of the Earl of Murray beyond the Spey: The King too, in this madness of Man-kinde, defaceth his own Countrey, pulling down the Houses of his Rebel-Subjects, and wasting Annan-dale: This ravage and mutual overturning of all ha­ving continued almost two whole years, the Faction of the Earl, far inferior to the Kings, now weakned with such lasting Incursions, sundry of the chief men and heads considering the least faults were the best, that it was better to strike fail in time, then make a full Shipwrack of their persons, Honors, and the well of the Kingdom and State, counsel the Earl, that Fervors growing colder, since it could not be undone which was done, he would not set greater work on foot, but proceed­ing with conveniency, submit himself friendly to the King, who had as much goodness as generosity, and sought and re­quired nothing of his Subjects but obedience; and having now prove how difficile it was to overcome them by Arms, was (perhaps) as much tyred as they, would pardon these faults which he could not otherways amend. Necessity in Affairs of [Page 61] Princes, constraining them to yield to many things in Govern­ment against their first Conclusions, and resolve to grant that which they could not well hinder: That there were many hours in the day, and the hearts of Princes were subject to change in them; that he should not [...]orsake the publique weal of the Kingdom for his private Considerations: That after this trouble of State, he might be more esteemed and sought after by the King, as it is ordinarily practised among Princes and great men, who affect onely that which is necessary unto them.

To these the Earl answered, That they had went too far for­wards to think upon any cowardly re [...]reat and coming back a­gain; that the onely vertue under a Tyrant, was to die con­stantly; that other vertues did fight, but constancy alone tri­umphed: That for himself, he would never trust his life to the mercy of those who [...]nder colour of friendship and ban­queting, had first made away his two Kinsmen, and after his own Brother; for if they being Innocents, were thus handled, what might he expect who had been the occasion of such di­straction in the State? He that once had broken his faith, ex­cept by a surety, is unable again (in Law) to contract and en­ter in Bond with any; Who will be surety between a King and his Subjects? That Treaties, Agreements, Covenants, Bar­gains of a Prince with Rebellious Subjects, engage him no farther, no longer then the Term-time or day, which pleaseth him to accept, observe and keep them, as they turn or may turn to his utility and advantage; that as in Nature there is no regress found from privation to an habit, so neither in State men once disgraced do return to their former Honors: That Princes mortally hated all Subjects who had either attempted to over-rule them by power, or had cast any terror upon them; and howsoever by constraint they bear sail for a time, in the end they were sure pay [...]masters: That there was nothing more contrary to a good Agreement, then to appear to be too ear­nest and busie to seek to obtain it; he would sue for none: That all his days he had loved sincerity▪ constancy and fidelity, and could not unsay and recant what he had promised and practi­sed, nor do against his heart: His friends and his own stand­ing was by their Swords, which should either advance their en­terprizes and turn them Victors, or they would die Honorably like themselves and men, and not ignobly be murthered like Beasts.

This free and dangerous resolution of the Earl moved many who heard, to provide for their own safety, and resolve not to suffer long misery for other mens folly, finding this war was not like to have any end, and that danger and death would be the only reward of their Rebellion. Amongst others the Earl [Page 62] of Crawford, after great adversity, when he could not move the Earl of Dowglass to submit himself to the Kings clemency, with many tears and protestations of his sincere love and coun­sel to him, left him; and some weeks after, as the King was in progress in Anguss, in a sad penitential manner, accompanied with his best friends, coming in his way with much humility and sorrow, He acknowledged his fault, pleading rather for pity to his house, which had so long flourished, then to his per­son. The King knowing his Example would be no small oc­casion to weaken the power of the Earl of Dowglass, and that of all the Rebels he was the greatest object of his Clemency, was content to receive him, but he would have it done by the mediation of lames Kennedie, Bishop of St. Andrews, and the Lord Creightoun, once his greatest Enemies, which he refused not to embrace. Thus freely remitted with those who accom­panyed him, he returned to his own house of Phanheaven, where within few moneths he died of a burning Ague.

The three Estates, after assembled at Edinburgh, where Iames Earl of Dowglass, the Countess Beatrix, whom he kept by way of a pretended Marriage, Archembold Dowglass, Earl of Murrey, George Earl of Ormond, Iohn Dowglass, Lord of Balveny, with others their adherents, friends and followers, are Attainted of High Treason, and their Lands and Goods are Confiscate and discerned to be seized on to the Kings use. The Earldom of Murrey is given to Iames Creighton, who had married the eldest Daughter of the Earl of Murrey; but he perceiving he could not possess it in peace, turned it back again to the King. At this time George Creightoun was created Earl of Caithness; Willi­am Hay Constable Earl of Arrole, Darly, Halles, Boyd, Lyle and Lorn, Lords of Parliament; the King maketh a rode into Gal­loway, reducing every strong hold and Castle of the Countrey to his Power; Dowglass-dale he abandoned to the spoil of the Souldier.

Matters at home turning desperate, the Earl of Dowglass be­ing brought to that pass, that he knew not to what to wish or fear, Iames Hammilton of Cadyow is sent to England to invite the ancient enemy of the kingdom to take a part of her spoil, and help to trouble the King. But the English had greater bu­siness amongst themselves then could permit them to Wedd the Quarrels of the Earl. After Sir Iames Hamiltoun was return­ed with an excuse, and regret that some of the English Lords could not supply their Confusion, but only by their Counsel, he advised the Earl of Dowglass to trust to his own Power and Forces, which were sufficient, measuring their Courage, and not counting their heads, to hold good against the King. There was no humane affairs where men were not necessitated to run some danger, nor any business taken in hand with such a cer­tainty, [Page 63] which by unknown causes, and even light ones, might not run a hazard of some mishap; That he should study to em­brace and accept of what was most honorable and least dange­rous: it was better once to try the worst then ever to be in fear of it: it was fit for him to commit something to fortune, and wisdom could counsel nothing but to shun the greatest evil. This lingring war would not only tire, but over-come and van­quish them, when one fair day of battel, either by death or vi­ctory would Crown their desires. Others advised him not to hazard upon a Battel, except upon seen and approved advan­tage, and to time it out a while; in this lingring war a Truce might be agreed upon, which ere long might turn in a Peace, in which every thing passed might be forgotten and pardoned; That Wars were managed more by occasions and times then by arms; That the King could not be now but tyred, since he had learned, that by essaying by arms to overcome them he had gained nothing but trained up his Subjects, whom he cal­led Rebels, in all warlike Discipline, and had his Countrey spoiled and the Policy defaced. Should they once enter in blood, all hopes were gone of any conditions of peace.

At this time the King besieging the Castle of Abercorn, to re­lieve the besieged, hither marcheth with all his Forces the Earl of Dowglass; being come within view of the Kings Army, he observeth their march slow, the countenances of his Souldiers altered, much whispering, and their spirits in a manner deje­cted. Countrymen were to fight against Countreymen, friends against friends, and all against their Prince. Interpreting this rather to proceed from their weariedness, then want of good will to enter the Lists, as well to refresh and cherish them to be more prompt and lusty of courage the next morning, as to take counsel what course to follow, and how to dispose of their Game, he stayeth that afternoon and pitcheth his Tents. To men unfortunate every thing turneth an Enemy. Whether Sir Iames Hamilton gave way to this, or not, uncertain; but after (it is said) that in a chase he told the Earl, he had neglected the opportunity of Fight, and should never see so fair a day again, in which he might have hazarded one Cast of a Dye for a whole Kingdom. But his Fortune was now declined, and (perhaps) would never stand upright; that by giving that night to his Souldiers to pause and deliberate on the matter, they would (perchance) take the safest way, be more advised what to enterprise the next morning, readily not fight at all, consisting of a number of bold young Gentlemen, Volunteers, who for the most part out of bravery and compassion follow­ed him; That the Kings Army by his lingring and lying off was encouraged, finding they were to cope with men who would adviseere they fought. After which speeches he bad the [Page 64] Earl farewel: And now, knowing that the way lay open both for Pardon and Favor to him that would first seek it, he in the night breaketh out with some friends, and having got over the fields betwixt the two Camps, was brought sately to the King, who graciously received, and freely pardoned him: The Army having understood the clandestin Revolt and es­cape of Sir Iames Hamilton, disbanded, every man slipping a­way by secret passages to his own habitation, that on the mor­row there was nothing to be seen but the solitary field upon which they had encamped: The King out of joy of this blood­less Victory, caused Proclaim in all his chief Towns, That since Soveraign Authority had no less splendor by the actions of Clemency, then by these of Justice; all those who had fol­lowed the Earl of Douglass, and been of his party, rather by mis-fortune and unadvised rashness, then any evil will against him, should be freely pardoned: Those who would abandon the Earl and come to the Kings Camp, whosoever they were, no Justice, no Law should trouble them, but they should be re­ceived to mercy, and have all pardon: After this Proclamati­on, many submitted themselves to the King and were pardon­ed; though Sir Iames Hamilton was remitted, yet that un­der colour of reconciliation worse mischief might not be plot­ted, the King sent him, with the Earl of Orkney, to the Ca­stle of Rossline during his pleasure, and the taking in of the Castle of Abercorn; remembring also it was some prejudice to a Prince to be obliged to any Rebel.

The Earl of Douglass gathering together the split pieces of his Ship-wrack, with his Brothers, and so many of his Confe­derates as would not forsake him, flieth to England; here with much Travel, by many promises of Rewards, great hopes of spoil, gathering unto him a power of Out-laws, Felons, Banc­ker-outs, and such as lived by Rapine, as well of his own Nation, as of the English, he maketh a Rode upon the West Borders of Scotland; some Villages being burnt, many preys, much spoil driven into England; at last, he meeteth with the valiant men who were appointed ro defend the Marches, the Maxwells and Scots; here in a furious skirmish his Companies are discomfited: Archibald Earl of Murray's Brother is slain, and his head sent to the King; the Earl of Ormond is taken Pri­soner; himself with the Lord Balvenny with great difficulty es­capeth in a Forest; when he sought to return again into Eng­land, he findeth all Passages stopped up, the wayes layed for him, and begining to feel much want, he is constrained in a dis­guised habit to lurk meanly in the inmost parts of Scotland, till he wandred toward the far High-lands, where finding Do­nald Earl of Ross, Lord of the Isles, one of his League, a man cruel, arrogant, unpolisht, after many discourses and long con­ference [Page 65] with him (being no less eloquent then active) he pos­sesseth him with great hopes (after a division of the Kingdom between them two) of an absolute power and Government of of all the High-lands, besides the wealth and treasure which he would purchase by the spoil: He requireth onely he would break upon the more civil Countries, bring all the Fire-brands he could to kindle and trouble them, and cut work for the King, whilst he with new supplies, and a great Army to be raised in England, should invade the Marches and bordering Countries: The Earl of Ross, who thought nothing impossi­ble to him, being to himself in these barbarous parts by phan­tasie a King, and was used to vaunt of a long pedegree from Fergus, relisbeth the profit and possibility of this Enterprise, sweareth to leave nothing undone for the accomplishing of it; and parting with him upon mutual assurance, intreateth one­ly celerity and swift performance of what they had con­cluded.

Scarce was the Earl of Douglass in England, when the Earl of Ross, the two pillars of his Designs being Injustice and Vio­lence, supported by fair hopes from, the South with his wilde Mountainers and Islanders (like an inundation) over-runneth the Neighbor bounds: Argile suffereth the first effects of their fury; the Isle of Arrain is taken, & the Castle made a Bon fire (as if they were the sacrifice for the sinns of the rest) the Bishop of the Isles saveth himself by flight, and taketh Sanctuary; Lochqua­bar and Murryland are spoiled, the Town of Innerness is set on fire, the Castle surprized, Murthers, Ravishings, Robberies, with what insolency the barbarous Canibals could commit, are every where, and the sad image of death ravageth amongst the common people: The Earl of Douglass now at his last shifts and efforts, leaveth no shifts nor helps unsought out; such who lived upon prey and spoil resort unto him; he maketh hot in­incursions, and after a most hostile maner, which purchased him the hatred of all his Countrey-men, and turned those who were indifferent in his quarrel, his professed enemies: This ravage continuing, Henry Earl of Northumberland (after slain at Caxtoun-field) whom love of the valor of the house of Doug­lass, and true commiseration, had brought to take arms with him, invadeth one quarter of the Marsh, and the Earl of Dowglass turneth towards another: But whilest they are dis­persed, and more eager and intentive to carry away spoil, then to look to their own safety and military discipline, the Earl of Auguss, with Sir Iames Hamilton of Cadyow, put them both (with number and confusion overborn) to flight, slaying ma­ny, and taking more prisoners: After this overthrow, during the Kings reign, the Earl of Douglass deliberating not to oppose longer to necessity, but to be still till better times, never at­tempted [Page 66] tempted to invade his Countrey.

Amidst these incursions, the Earl of Orm [...]nd at Edinburgh is beheaded: the Countess of Dowglass, Beatrice (all hopes being lost of restoring her Husband) despoiled of her Lands and fair Heritage, turned now a Monster of Fortune, the blame of her unlawful Wedlock laid upon the Earl, consented to [...]y her out of a certain fear of her life, submitteth her felt to the Kings Clemency. The King▪ who denied not mescy to any sought it of him, that the less guilty amongst the seditious might with­draw themselves, and the obstinate remain the less powerful and weak, receiveth her; and giveth her in Marriage to his Brother Iohn, Earl of Athole, son to the Black Knight of Lorne, designing for her Dowry the Lordship of Balveny.

By her example the Countess of Ross, abhorring the fierce­ness and cruelties (as she gave out) of her barbarous Hus­band, but rather out of policy to be an Agent for him, flyeth to the King, and hath Revenues allowed her for the mainte­nance of her Estate. Not long after the Earl of Ross himself, the misadventure of his Confederates having taught him now some wisdom, having seen the Kings clemency towards others equal to him to Treason and Rebellion, by many humble sup­plications craved pardon, and begged peace. The King by his great prudence, and the course of the affairs of his Kingdom, knew that it was necessary sometimes to condiscend to the imperfections and faults of some Subjects and having com­passion▪ apply and accomodate himself to that which though according to the strictness of equity was not due, yet for the present occasion and reason of State was convenient answered, he would neither altogether pardon him, nor [...] eject him▪ there being many signs of his wickendness, few of his changed minde; when honestly without fraud or guile, he should erave a Pardon, and give satisfaction to those whom by blood and pillage he had wronged and by some noble action deface the remembrance of his former crimes, then should it be good time to receive him. Notwithstanding this should not discourage him, but he should know he had a desire to make him relish the effects of his bounty▪ so he himself would finde the means and subject. In this interim he wished him to keep the common peace of the Countrey, and not oppress any of his Neigh­bours. About this time the University of Glasgow wa [...] found­ed by William Turnbul Bishop of that Sea; William Hay Earl of Arole, George Creighton Earl of Caithness William Lord Creighton, died 1455. and the Bishop of St. Andrews is made Chan­cellor.

The King partly having loosed, partly cut in pieces that Gor­dian knot of the League of his Nobility, began to reobtain a­gain the ancient Authority of the Kings his Predecessors, gi­ving [Page 67] and imposing Laws to his Subjects, according to reason and greatest conveniencies. Shortly progressing through the Quarters of the kingdom, by the sound counsel and instructi­ons of the Bishop of St. Andrews, Iames Kennedy and William Saintclare Earl of Orknay, used such clemency, that in a short time he reclaimed all his turb [...]lent subjects. In the year 1455. he held a Parliament, where he ratifyed what was resolved upon to be done for the peace and weal of his People, establishing ma­ny profitable Laws for the posterity; after this time Ambassa­dors came from England and France unto him.

Henry the sixt King of England, a soft facile Prince and more fit to obey then command having restored in blood, and al­lowed the descent of Richard Plantagenet Duke of York; the Duke under pretence and countenance of reforming the State and removing of bad Counsellors from the Court (the um­brage of all Rebellions) by one Iack Cade an Irish, a bold man, and who had a Spirit which did not correspond with his low condition, who f [...]igned himself to be a Cousin of his, of the House of Mortimer, and other his Instruments, raised a Rebel­lion; which began amongst the Kentish men and was after con­tinued by his confederacy with the Duke of Norfolk, Earls of Warwick, Salisbury, Devon, and others; and notwithstanding he had sworn fealty to King Henry at Blackheath, again openly took arms against him at St. Albans; where in pitched field Ed­mond Duke of Somerset, his greatest Competitor, and who had been preferred to his place in the Regency of France, was kil­led, the King wounded, taken and committed in the Tower of London. At a Parliament after, the Duke is made Protector of the kingdom: at another Parliament he maketh claim for the Crown as in his own Right, laying down thus his Title. The Son of Anne Mortimer, Daughter and Heir to Roger Mortimer, Earl of March▪ Son and Heir of Philip, the Daughter and sole Heir of Lionel Duke of Clarence, the [...]hird Son of King Edward the third, and elder Brother to Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lanca­ster, is to be preferred by very good right in Succession of the Crown, before the Children of Iohn of Gaunt the fourth Son of the said Edward the third; but Richard Plantaginet, Duke of York, is come of Philip, the Daughter and sole Heir of Lionel, third Son to King Edward the third, then to be preferred to the Children of the fourth Son, who was Iohn of Gaunt, and so to Henry the fourth the Usurper his Son, to Henry stiling himself Henry the fifth his Son, and Henry the sixth now wrongfull cal­ling himself King of England. This Parliament chosen to the Duke of Yorks own minde, at first various, at last unanimous­ly enacted that Henry during his life should retain the name and honour of a King, but that the Duke of York should be conti­nued Protector of the Countrey, and be declared Heir Appa­rent, [Page 68] and Successor of the Crown after the death of Henry; Margarite the Queen, Daughter to Rheny King of Sicily, more couragious then her Husband, disclaimeth the Parliamentary Authority, and this Agreement of her King with the Duke of York, as a matter done to the prejudice of her Son, and against the Laws of Nations, which admit not a forced Contract, and done by a Prisoner.

The Crown of England hanging at this point, the Queen to her defence imploring the aid and assistance of her best, great­est Friends and Allies, sendeth Embassadors to King Iames. These remembring the duties one King oweth to another a­gainst Rebels, and the Usurpers of their Crowns, the corres­pondency and amity of King Henry with King Iames during his prosperity, expostulating the cruelty of the Rebels against Ed­mond the late Duke of Somerset, Uncle to King Iames, slain by them in defence of his Prince, promise in their Kings Name, Queens and their Sons, with the approbation of the Noble­men of their Party, to restore to the Kings of Scotland, the lands of Northumberland, Cumberland and Bishoprick of Durham, after the manner the Kings of Scotland in former times had held these Territories of the Kings of England: so he would raise an Army, and advance to their aid and supply.

The Duke of York sent hither also his Ambassadors, giving in many complaints against King Henry; he had oppressed the peo­ple with taxations, and all kinds of exactations; he had pre­ferred to places of State and Government new men, by whose Counsel, and his Queen, he governed only; he despised the old Nobility, he had lost Normandy and Gascony, as France had been lost by him; England was likely to run the same danger. They could not longer suffer his dull sluggishness, and his Wifes ex­orbitant pride; he was courageless in War, and base in peace. For the Duke of York, if Justice did not warrant his claim, ex­cept his Descent were undisputable, and his Title without all exception, he would not desire the possession nor succession of the Crown. King Iames should remember, it was King Hen­ry who entertained the late Dissentions and Civil Discords of Scotland; he supported the banished Scots in England; and after they had much enlarged their discourse with reasons of a just War against King Henry, if King Iames will arise in arms a­gainst him, and assist them, They promise to restore and ren­der all the Forts and Places of importance taken in the old Wars from the Kingdom of Scotland, to him and his Successors. King Iames answered the English Ambassadors, that he was not ignorant of the State of their Kingdom, neither to whom their Crown did appertain, but that he would not take upon him to be umpire of their strife; for the raising an Army, he would think upon it, though he had small assurance for the [Page 69] performance of their promised conditions: he had long pro­jected the recovering of the lost Fortresses of Scotland, in their hands, and now he would try whom he might trust. The Em­bassadors dismissed, the King raised an Army, but left to the Divination of the posterity, which of the Parties he was to side. The English and French Writers affirm he was to aid King Henry, and revenge the death of the Duke of Somerset his Mo­thers Brother, the Scottish to assist the Duke of York, and that by a counterfeit Legate from the Pope after he had been upon his March, he was moved to return. It seemeth perswaded by the French King (the ancient Confederate of Scotland, and who for that end had sent his Ambassador) to keep the English with­in their own Countrey, and disable them in their Conquest of France, he intended upon the advantage of this Civil discord to make a rode in England, as the French made an Algarad by Sea upon Kent.

The Kings Army being gathered, that it should not loyter in idleness, attending greater intelligence from the event of the English Factions, having passed the Tweed, invadeth the Town of Roxburgh, which with little travel is taken and equalled with the Ground; the Castle a strong Fortress is besieged. Whilst the King here passeth the time, inviting it more by courtesies and blandishments, then Ammunition and Warlike Engines to be rendred to him, Commissioners come from the Duke of York, requiring him to leave his Siege, and contain himself within his own kingdom, unless he would run the hazard to engage himself in a War against the whole Body of the king­dom of England; they give him thanks for his forwardness to their supply; all things succeeding after their desires now, and as they could have wished, they request him to return home; when their necessity required his aid, they would implore it, and not prove forgetful for what he should do towards him. King Iames asked the Commissioners, if the Duke of York and his Associates had sent any direction concerning the keeping of their promises to him, when he should appear with an Army; They assuring him they had no such Commission; I (answered the King) before their Embassie came, had resolved to take in and throw down this Castle builded upon my bounds, and be­ing by no benefit obliged to any of your Factions, will not for words leave off what I am about by arms to perform. The Com­missioners departing the King caused apply his Battery against the Castle, which couragiously defended it self, and holding good beyond expectation bred an opinion that famine would be the only Engine to make it render.

The Kings Army daily at this Siege increased, and amongst all the Companies none were more forward and prompt to dis­charge their duties in this Service, then those of the late League [Page 70] with the Earl of Douglass; above others the Earl of Ross, to testifie his remembrance of the Kings clemency in his be­half, with a great company of his Irish came to the Camp, men onely fit for tumultuous fights and spoil. Alexander Earl of Huntley coming, the King with the Earl of Auguss would take a view of the Trenches, and as to welcome a man, whose pre­sence seemed to presage good Fortune, caused discharge a pale of Ordinance together; but his coming to this place was as fa­tal, as at Sterlin prosperous; For at this Salve, by the slices of an over-charged piece or wedge, the King, his Thigh-bone bro­ken, was stricken immediately dead, and the Earl of Auguss was [...]ore bruised: This mis [...]fortune happened the third of Au­gust, the 29, or as others, the 30 of the Kings life, of his Raign 24. the year, 1460.

Who will take a fair view of this Prince, shall finde him to have been endowed with what conditions and qualities are to be desired or wished in a Monarch, both for minde and body, of an excellent feature and pleasant aspect, a strong vigorous complexion, given to all Knightly exercises: He is said to have had a broad red spot upon one of his cheeks, from which by his Country-men he was named Iames with the fiery face, which would make Physiognomists conceive, he was of an hot, active, violent disposition, and one who had more need of restraint then encouragement in all difficulties; yet in his actions we finde him temperate, stayed, and of a well setled humor, pro­ceeding upon sound grounds, and after mature deliberation, being much given to follow the advice and counsel of grave men about him; He was upright, sincere, affable, courteous, loving to his Domesticks, humane towards his Enemies, gra­cious and benign to all men, a lover of Justice, liberal, but without oppression of his loyal Subjects, wise, in adve [...]sity industrious and diligent, politick in Affairs of State; having always raised up one Faction to relieve him from the hazard and burthen of another, and expose the Faction he most fear­ed to the nearest hazard: He was wisely diffident, and put on a judicial distrust▪ often to be governed as occasions should va­ry, and could dissimulate according to the fashions and chan­ges of the time: He seemeth to have been indifferent in keep­ing his Favorites, and that he could ever as well transfer his fancy, as he had setled his affection; For like the Sun he would make a round, and not always shine upon one Ho­rizon.

The death of the two Earls of Douglass were fatal to him; and though he was innocent of the first, the second chanced deservedly in his hand; Couragious Princes are not to be pro­voked by any Subject how great soever: Confederations and Leagues are fearful attempts against Soveraignty, and for the [Page 71] most part end with the ruine of their Authors: The extirpa­tion of the Earls of Douglass in the person of Iames (a Church [...]man) proceeded rather from his own stubbornness, then any male-talent the King had against him. In all Nations it is ob­served, That there are some Families fatal to the ruine of their Common wealths, and some persons fatal to the ruine of the Houses and Race of which they are descended: Since in King­doms some have no compassion of their Prince, nor the loss of his Honor, a Prince should not much regret their loss, nor the ruine of their persons and Estates: His great clemency ap­peared in this, That the heads taken away of that long Re­bellion, he followed no particular revenge upon their follow­ers, not onely granting pardons, but forgetting the offences; knowing it was better to heal and cure the faulty and sick members of a State, then to abolish and cut them away; and more valor for a Prince to overcome his own passions and just wrath, then to vanquish and subdue his proudest enemies; yet was not his clemency a soft weakness, it being no less cru­elty to forgive all then to spare none, but an order and discre­tion in Justice, temperate with severity towards some more then towards others, according to their demerits: He was ve­ry sensible of the afflictions of such as were distressed, as wit­ness the Countesses of Douglas and Ross: His life having set in the Orient of his Age and hopes, he deserveth in the Records of Memory and Fame, a place amongst the best but unfortu­nate Princes.

He had Issue of his Queen, Iames who succeeded, Alexander Duke of Albany, Iohn Earl of Mar, Margaret Countess of Ar­rain by the Boyd, and after Lady Hamilton, Cecily. He was bu­ried with all Funeral-pomp, within the Monastery of Holyrood­house at Edinburgh.

Iames. III. king of Scots Anō. 1460:

R. G. fecit


THE HISTORY OF THE Reign of Iames the third, KING of SCOTLAND.

THE Queen having tidings of the dis­aster of her Husband, full of griefs and cares with her Son, came to the Army at Roxburgh; and the publick loss being revealed (for till then it was whispered) with more then a masculine courage caused give new and desperate assaults to the Castle; many Turrets being shaken, some Gates broken, parcels of walls bea­ten down, the Mines ready in diverse quarters to Spring, the besieged ignorant of the Assailars misfortune, and by the dis­sention of their Countrey-men from all hopes of relief, treat upon a surrender; conditions being obtained peaceably to de­part with their lives and goods, the Fortress is given up: and shortly after, that it should not be a Residence of oppression in following times, is demolished and equall'd with the ground.

Many of the three Estates being here assembled, the Times not suiting with other Solemnities, at K [...]lso the Peers of the kingdom in a Military Pomp, set the Crown upon the head of [Page 74] the King, then some seven years old, and give him their Oath of Fidelity. At their coming to Edinburgh the education and go­vernance of him and the other Children is committed to the Queen their Mother: the Credence of what could make for Peace at home, or War abroad, is trusted to Andrew Stuart Lord Annandale, the Lord Cassils, Earl of Orknay▪ the Lord Boyd Chancellor, the Lord Grahame, the Bishops of St. Andrews, Glasgow and Dunkel; the Civil Wars increasing in England, the Governors of Scotland, under colour of preserving the bor­dering Countreys, sent forth some Companies, which upon oc­casions made Roads in Northumberland, and threw down all the Fortresses out of which Incursions were wont to be made up­on the Scottish bounds, most especially the Castle of Wark: af­ter which ravaging, the Winter recalled them home.

The milder parts of the Kingdom reduced to order, Some turbulent Chiefs of the Mountainers taking the occasion of the Non-age of the King, and of Rumors of Dissentions a­mongst the Governors, essay to trouble the Peace of their far and wilde Countreys: Allan Lord of Lorn, throweth his eldest Brother in close Prison, with intention to rob him of his Life and Estate; but he after is surprized by the Earl of Ar­gile; Donald of the Is [...]es taketh the Castle of Innerness; and pla­cing there a Garrison, proclaimeth himself King of the Isles, compelling the neighbour Towns and simpler sort of people to pay him Taxes. At the Rumor of this insolency all wicked Out-Laws resort unto him; by whose power he invadeth the Castle of Blair in Athole, out of which the Earl the Kings Uncle with his Lady (once Countess of Dowglass) flie and take San­ctuary in the Church of St. Bride, where the Church about them set on fire, they were irreligiously taken, and transported to the Island Ila. Whilst the Governors were raising an Army, and advancing such forces as were in readiness against the A­ctors of these mischiefs, they were ascertained that as these Sa­vages were lanching forth of that Island in their VVherries and small Vessels made of boards and wicker, by a violent tempest from Heaven, the most part of them were dashed a­gainst the rocks and drowned: and those who had escaped were strucken with Pannick fears, and deprived of their right judgments and understandings, an ordinary accident to men blinded with Superstition, and guilty of Murther and Sacri­ledge; amidst which distractions, the Earl of Athole with his Lady was safely returned to his own Castle.

MARGARET Queen of England, after the second over­throw and taking of her Husband at Northampton with the Prince her Son, and the new Duke of Somerset, having fled to the Bishoprick of Durham (whilst Richard Duke of York was establishing his Title and right to the Crown at London) raised [Page 75] in the North of Scots and English, a strong Army which march­ed towards York; the Duke of York leaving the King in the Cu­stody of the Duke of Norfolk and the Earl of Warwick, though he knew himself inferior in power and number to his enemies, by the pride of his former Victories and over-weening of his Souldiers valor, with Edmund Earl of Rutland his yonger Son, the Earl of Salisbury and others, rencountreth her at Wak [...]field-Green, and here by his own rashness with his Son yong Rut­land, he is killed.

The Earl of Salisbury is taken, and with other Prisoners be­headed at [...]romfret Ca [...]tle; their heads were fixed upon Poles a­bout the Walls of the City of York; that of the Dukes was mocked with a Paper Crown, and exposed to the barbarous mirth of the beholders: The Queen encouraged by this Vi­ctory, desiring to disannul all Act [...] made lately in prejudice of her Husband, marcheth couragiously towards London; In which time Edward Earl of March, Son to the late Duke of York, overthrew the Earls of Pembrook and Ormond, both of the Queens Faction; at Mortimer-Cross, in her way to London, the Queen meeting the Earl of Warwick and the Duke of Nor­folk at St. Albans (who carryed King Henry her husband along with them) overthrew them, and recovered the person of her King: It is observed, that Victory always fled from where this King was present: The Citizens of London, at the approach of the Queens Army fearing Hostility▪ shut their Gates against her, and armed for resistance: At this time Edward Earl of March having joyned his [...] Army with the remainder of the Earl of Warwicks, entred in triumph the City of Lon­don, and with great applause and acclamations of the people, was proclaimed King: Queen Margaret and her Faction reti­ring to the North, wa [...] so the hearts of that people, that they gathered an Army able to stand for her defence, consisting of Threescore thousand fighting men; Edward Earl of March, choosing rather to provoke then expect his enemies▪ advanced towards them; the place of their meeting was between Caxton and Tewton: In this fight the Earls of Northumberland and Westmerland, the Lords Beaumont and Dacres, Grey and Wells were slain, and above Thirty six thousand English struck down; The Dukes of Somerset and Excester flie to York to carry the News to the unfortunate King, leaving the Victory to Edward who is again saluted King.

King Henry after this overthrow, perceiving how desperate his hopes were in his own Countrey, with his Queen▪ his Son, and the remainder of his dispersed friends, secured himself by flight into Scotland; Iames Kennedy Bishop of St. Andrews, to whose person the Authority of the State was then reduced▪ re­ceived him with magnificence and honor, and put him in hopes, by the assistance of Scotland, to restore his fortune: [Page 76] King Henry, as well to reserve some Refuge and Sanctuary for himself, as to win the heart, and insinua [...]e himself in the favor of the people of Scotland, caused render the Town of Berwick to them, which the English had violently possessed since the days of Edw. 1. For which favor the Scottish Nobility vowed at all times to come to his supply, and defend him to their ut­termost; and that the friendship begun might continue with­out all vacillation, the Queens of Scotland and England, both descended of the French Race, began to treat of an Alliance, promising Edward Prince of Wales should be marryed with the Lady Margaret, the King of Scotlands Sister, none of them then having attained the years of marriage.

The miseries of King Henry increasing, suffered not these two Queens to stay long together; Margaret with her Son Ed­ward, to implore the ayd of her friends, maketh a Voyage to­wards France to her Father Rhene King of Sicily, Naples and Ie­rusalem, Duke of Anjou, a Prince large of Titles, short of Pow­er: These who had followed King Henry into Scotland, whilest he is left onely intentive to devotion in the Cloyster of the Gray-Fryers at Edenburgh, return back again to sollicite their friends in England for a second rencounter. Upon the arrival of Queen Margaret in France, the obtaineth of her cousin Lewis the eleventh, that those who favored and assisted the Duke of York, were prohibited Traffique, and commanded to remove out of the Frenh Dominions, and that Five hundred Soldiers should come to her ayd; a number so small and so un­worthy the name of an Army, that it was but a competent re­tinue for so great a Princess: with these she came to the coast of Scotland, and from thence sailed to Tinmouth, where being repulsed by the Inhabitants, and forced again to put to Sea, s [...]e was by a furious Tempest driven to Berwick.

Here leaving the Prince her Son Edward, with the en [...]rease and supply of some Scots, taking the King her husband with her, she advanced into the Bishoprick of Duresm, in her march through Northumberland, her Army increased to a great num­ber: The Duke of Somerset, Sir Ralph Percy, and divers of King Henrys well-wishers having resorted unto her; King Ed­ward finding King Henry by the fresh air of the North to have acquired new Spirits, prepareth to oppose him, and having sent down the Lord Mountague, brother to the Earl of Warwick, he himself with greater Forces shortly followed: Mountague ha­ving through the Shires where he went, and the Bishoprick of Duresm, gathered a convenient Army, marched directly against King Henry: In the mean time Henry [...]eaufort Duke of Somerset, the Lords Hungerford, Ross, Moulines, Sir Ralph Percy, present themselves to hinder his further progress; They are over­thrown, and King Henry with great difficulty escapeth to Ber­wick. [Page 77] At the news of this overthrow King Edward being in his March towards Durham, finding the presence of his Person, or Army needless, turned towards York, and gave the Earl of Warwick command to take in all the Castles and Fortresses which as yet held good for King Henry in the North.

Amongst the Garrisons placed in Northumberland by the Queen there was a Garrison of the French in the Castle of An­wick, under the Command of Peter Bruce, otherwise named le Seigneur de la Varoune Seneschal of Normandy, which held long good against the English. This Peter Bruce was in great account with Charles the seventh, father to Lewis but sent over with Queen Margaret to make wrack upon apparent dangers; having esca­ped Tempests at Sea, he took the Castles of Bambrough and Dunstanbrough, which he demolished. After he essayed to keep the Castle of Anwick; but the Earl of Warwick, King Edward lying near to Durham, there beleagured him: Whether this man came from the Race of the Bruces of Scotland, or no, is uncertain; for the vulgar Writers in this detract him, naming him Bryce and a Bretone, or that the Scots would give a proof of their friendship to the Queen of England, and of their valour to the French; whilst he is everywhere beset, and near past hope of relief, the Earl of Anguss, then Warden of the Marshes, raised a Power of twenty three thousand horse [...]men, remark­able for their Valour. These about the midst of the day co­ming near the Castle of Anwick, and by their colours and arms being known a far to Captain Bruce, he taketh a resolution to sally out and meet them; the strongest of the Scottish Horse­men rrceiving them, convoy them safely to their Borders; some of the Besiegers would have fought in the pursuit, but the Eng­lish General gave him fair passage.

King Edward having taken all the Castles and Forts which in the North held out against him, placing Garrisons in them, returned to London: as King Henry, void both of counsel and courage, came back to Edinburgh. Here he had not long stay­ed, when tired with the tediousness of his exile, the prolong­ing of a wretched Life, being more grievous to him then death it self, and allured by false hopes of his Friends, he resolveth to hazard upon a return to his own Kingdom; his Grown lost, all his Favorers and wel-wishers almost slaughtered, he cometh into England; then disguised, and by night journeys, shifting from place to place, at last betrayed by some of his Servants, he is found out. It is recorded a Son of Sir Edward Talbots appre­hended him as he sate at Dinner at Wadding Town-hall; and like a Common Malefactor, with his legs under the horse belly, guarded him up towards London. By the way the Earl of War­wick met him, who led him Prisoner to the Tower. Margaret [Page 78] his desolate Queen with her Son, is driven once again to flie to their Father Rhene into France.

King Edward, his Competitors all dead or suppressed, find­ing a Cessation of Arms expedient, and a breathing time from War, to settle and make sure his new Government, as to other his neighbour Princes for peace, sendeth Embassadors to Scot­land, to treat for a Truce for some years.

The Earl of Argile, Bishop of Glasgow, Abbot of Holyrood-house, Sir Alexander Boyd, Sir William Cranstoun, being chosen to this effect Commissioners, come to York▪ and the English Commissioners there attending them, a Truce for fifteen years is agreed upon, and solemnly by both Kings after confirmed.

Mary Queen of Scotland, daughter to Arnold Duke of Gil­ders, and mother to King Iames (the projected Marriage of her Daughter with Edward Prince of Wales, by the miseries of King Henry and Queen Margarite her kinswoman proving de­sperate; her son Alexander, either as he went to the Low-Countries to see his Grand-father, or returned from him, be­ing by the English taken upon the Seas) limited in credence of governing her children by the insolency of a proud Nobility, her Reputation branded, after a long languishing with inward discontentments, turned as it were recluse, and began to bid farewel to this world. Her melancholy growing incure­able, amidst her last Trances when her Son had come to vi­sit her, the is said to have spoken to him almost to this sense.

That Providence which brought me upon the Earth, and set a Crown on my head, doth now recal and remove me to a better Kingdom; and my happiness is not in this a little, that I leave this life without change of that estate in which I peaceably lived. Death now sheweth me as in a mirrour, the frailty of all worldly Pomp and glory, which before by the marble colours of false greatness was overshadowed and covered from me. My Griefs have been many, few my Contentments; The most eminent of which, was the hopes I conceived of you, and my other children: And now may greatest regret is, that I leave you before I could see my wishes accomplished towards you. My onely care was to have you brought up in all vertue, and goodness: But Heaven shall bestow that charge to more prudent Governors: Always take these motherly directions from me, who can leave you no better Legacy. Be earnest to observe these Commandments which are pre­scribed unto you by Religion, for this supporteth the Scepters of Princes: and a Religious King cannot but have obedient Subjects. What an unreasonable thing is it, that a King will have a People to acknowledge him for their Soveraign Prince upon Earth, and will not acknowledge God for his supream Lord in Heaven? A King who rebelleth against God, all subordinate Creatures will rebel against [Page 79] him. Love my children, and laying aside the Port and Stateliness of a King, receive them with the affection of a Brother. Endeavor to make your Subjects obey you more out of Love then Fear: or make your self beloved and feared both together, seeing love alone of it self is often cause of contempt, and fear alone begets hatred. Re­member ye Govern not the▪ soft effeminate People of the South, but a sierce Warlike Nation of the North, which oftner use to be intreat­ed then commanded by their Princes. Be sparing to lay Subsidies on them, which maketh many Male-contents; and live upon your own, suffering others to enjoy what is theirs: Beware of Flatterers, and exalting undeserving Persons above your ancient Nobility. Suffer not your Prerogatives to come in Question; but foreseeing the danger, rather give way to all that with reason is demanded of you. Mode­rate your Passions; He shall never Govern a Kingdom, who cannot govern himself, and bring his Affections within the Circle of Reason. It fears me, Envy and Malice arm themselves against you, which to overcome, endeavor to be Martial in your self; for a Prince that is not Martial in himself, shall never be freed of Rebell on amongst his subjects: a strong arm should hold the Ballance of Iustice: When dissention ariseth, be not a Loyterer and Sluggard, but with all celerity suppress it in the infancy. Rebellion is like fire in a City, which should be quenched, though with the pulling down of the neighbour Houses: Others will instruct you in the art of Governing, with greater curiosity and wisdom, but not with the like love and af­fection. I wish this Counsel be ingraven in your heart and conscience after my death, for a perpetual testimony of my sincerity in your education. And if by the unjust counsel of others, ye be brought to practise ought contrary to these instructions, Remember ye cannot shun inevitable dangers both to your State and Person. But now I am warned from above to deliver this grief [...]full Body to the rest of a de­sired Grave.

After she had thus counselled and blessed her Son, not living many days, she was buried with all Solmnities and Funeral-Rites at Edinburgh in the Colledge of the Trinity, which she her self had Founded in the year 1466.1466.

The King as he increased in years, increasing in strength and ability for exercises either of recreation or valour, by the Re­gents is given to a Brother of the Lord Boyd to be bred in Knightly Prowess; a man singular for his Education abroad and demeanor at home. The Kennedies were now aged, and be­come tyred to give such assiduous attendance at Court as they were wont, and the times required. The Lord Boyd by the weakness of his Co-partners governed the State alone, as Sir Alexander his Brother did the young King To whose Natural inclination he did so comply and conform himself, that he had the whole trust of his affairs, and the King had no thoughts but his. So soon as the King began to know himself, he turned im­patient [Page 80] of being subject to the Laws of Minority, that he him­self should be restrained by that Authority which did derive from him, to loath the Superintendency and Government of others, and to affect an unseasonable Priviledge to be at his own disposal and the governing himself. Many things are done without the advice of the Governors, and occasion is sought to be disburdened of their Authority. The Lord Boyd and his Brother in a little time increasing in greatness, and ha­ving an intention to transfer the Power of the State and Glo­ry of the Court to their Family, fail not to finde opportunity to free the King from the severity and rigour of the Governors Schooling, and to frame him an escape. Whilst the King re­mained at Linlithgow, the Lord Hayls, Lord Sommervail, Sir Andrew Carre of Cesford, Sir Alexander Boyd, agree upon a match of Hunting, and will have the King Umpire of the Game; Early, the morning following, the Gentlemen who were upon the Plot failed not in their Attendance. The King being a mile off the Town, and holding the way towards E­dinburgh, the Lord Kennedy, whose quarter then was to attend, and who had leasurely followed, suspecting this Hunting to be a Game of State, the King continuing his Progress, laying his hands upon the Reins of his Bridle, requested him to turn a­gain to Linlithgow, for that he perceived the time was not con­venient for him to go further, neither was heat a convenient match in absence of his best deserving followers: Sir Alexander Boyd impatient that the King should have been thus stayed, af­ter injurious words stroke the Reverend Governour with a Hunting-staff upon the head, and took the King along with him to Edinburgh. At a frequent meeting of the States, the Kennedies urged to have the King continue under Minority, the Boyds to take the Government in his own Person; after long contesta­tions, wisdom being overcome by boldness, the Authority of the better party was forced to give place, and yield to the will of the greater. Thus the Faction of the Boyds prevailed.

After this the Kennedies full of indignation, and breathing Revenge, leave the Court; cares, grief and age about this time brought Iames Kennedie, Bishop of St. Andrews to his Tomb, which in great magnificence he had raised in a Church builded by himself in the City of St. Andrews: where also he founded a Colledge of Philosophy, and indued it with many Priviledges, and sufficient Endowments to entertain Professors. By the Death of this Prelate, venerable for his Wisdom, sin­gular for his Justice and the tranquillity following his Govern­ment, and magnificent in all his actions, the Glory of the Court and Country suffered a great Eclipse.

For, he taken away, the Boyds laying Foundations for their power and greatness, began to turn all to their own advantage; [Page 81] The first mark of their envy was Patrick Graham, the Brother of Bishop Iames Kennedie by the Mother, who was Sister to' King Iames the first; after this man had been chosen Bishop of St. Andrews, as the Custom then was, by the Chapter appointed for that Election, he was barred from his Place, and violent­ly repulsed by the Faction at Court: To repair which indig­nity he made a journey to Rome; where, being a Man noble by birth above others, for his Learning and many Virtues, in a little time, by Pope Sixtus the fourth, he was re-established and confirmed in his Place.

During his abode at Rome, the old Question concerning the liberty of the Church of Scotland, began to be exagitated.

The Archbishop of York contested, that he was Metropolitan of Scotland, and that the twelve Bishops of that Kingdom were subject to his Jurisdiction. Patrick Graham remonstrated how the Archbishop of York, considering the usual Wars be­tween the two Kingdoms, was often unaccessable to the Church-men of Scotland, especially in Causes of appellation. The Pope, after the hearing of both Parties, erected the See ofs St. Andrews to the dignity of an Archbishops See; and Patrick Graham, not only was made Primate and Metropolitan of Scotland, ordained to have the other Bishops under him, but for the space of three years designed Legate for the Pope, with full power to Correct and Restore the Ecclesiastical Disci­pline; and examine the Manners and Conversation of the Clergy: Notwithstanding these favors of the Bishop of Rome, and the worth and excellencies of the man himself he dared not return home to his own Country before the declining of the Fortunes of the Boyds.

This Family seemed now in the Zenith and Vertical point of its greatness, no imputation could be laid to the Boyds in the time of their Government, except that they brought the young King by their private working, without the consent and approbation of the other Regents, to Edinburgh, for the assuming the Government in his Minority. In approbation of their innocency, and to warrant them from this danger, the King in a Parliament declareth publickly, that the Boyds were not the Authors, nor Projectors of that business, but on­ly the Assisters of him and his followers, being not formal but instrumentary causes of his coming to the Helm of the State himself: That they were so far from being obnoxious to any blame or reproach for this deed, that they deserved immor­tal thanks, and an honorable Guerdon in all time to come, ha­ving obeyed him in that which was most just, honest and ex­pedient for the well of the Kingdom. Upon this Declaration of the King, the Lord Boyd required the present action might be registrated amongst the Acts of Parliament, and he ob­tained [Page 82] what was desired, but not with that success was ho­ped for.

In this Parliament, the other Regents are rid of their charge, the Lord Boyd being made only Governor of the Kingdom, and the object of all mens respects: having the whole power and authority to minister justice of all kinds to the Subjects during the Kings non-age, and [...]ill he had fully compleat one and twenty years, the defence of the Kings Person, of his bro­thers, the keeping of the two Ladies his Sisters, are trusted un­to him: He hath all the Towns, Castles, Fortresses, Sea-ports, Places of Importance at his Command. These proceedings of the Parliament seemed to some very strange in advancing Men already great enough, and bestowing upon them all offi­ces of State, and adding power to such who wanted only will to do mischief, except that they knew well how to abase and pull them down again, making their fall the more sudden. Robert Lord Boyd, having the Reins of Government in his hands, and the custody of the Kings Sisters, dazelld with the golden Sun of honour, to lay more sure the foundation of his greatness, joyneth in Marriage Thomas his eldest Son, a youth of extraordinary endowments, both of minde and body, with Margaret the Kings eldest Siste [...]; Not long before designed by her Mother to have been given in Marriage to Edward Prince of Wales, and he is created Earl of Arran. The Father know­ing how easily the conversation of young persons breedeth a liking, had brought them up together, which turning in a love and delight of others company, concluded last in ma­riage. This match though royal, great and rich, instead of supporting the Fortunes of the Boyds much weakened them turning them the objects of envy. The Nobles repined at it, and the common people (lighter than the wind and more variable than the Rain-bow) made it the subject of their fool­ish discourses. Now (said they) the Boyds aspire to the Crown; for the King with his Brothers removed, it appertaineth to them, a Kingdom being the Dowry often of a Wife of the blood Royal. The Kennedies, and such who disliked the pre­sent Government take the occasion of the discontentment of the Nobility, and the rumors of the people, to shake the Kings minde towards the Governor, and change the brawl of State. To this end they give way to great and universal oppressi­ons, most of which were hatched and occasioned by them­selves. By these in a short time the Commons turn licentious and dissolute, contemning all Government, every man do­ing what seemed best in his own eyes, and the Gentry divide in Factions: Such who wont to live upon Rapine and Theft return to their wonted Trades: honest men are spoiled of their goods; the seditious and wicked are maintained and defended [Page 83] against all Laws and Justice by their Parties. The State thus troubled, and all order confounded, by slie and crafty men, who at first pretended great friendship and interest towards the Boyds, the Kings affection towards them is assailed, and resolutions tryed. Many times having been plausibly listened unto, at last, pulling off their masks, they lay imputations against them. They remonstrate to him what great disparage­ment was between the King of Scotlands eldest Sister and the Son of the Lord Boyd; that by this match he was robbed of one of the fairest jewels of his Crown; the Boyds should not have appropriated that to themselves of wich they had only the keeping; she should have been reserved for some neighbor Prince, by which Alliance the state of the Kingdom, and the Person of the King might have been in great safety. For, if the King should chance to be infested by some insolent nobility, the name and power of a neighbor Prince were sufficient to keep him safe on his Throne, which by this match was endangered. They suggested that the Boydes builded their estimation in the air of popular applause, and endeavored to endear them­selves in the opinion of the multitude. A Prince is not a Lord of that people that loveth another better then him. Should the Boydes be accused of peculate & robbing the King and the commonTreasure, the King might make a prey of their un­lawful conquest, and by their Attaindors reward the services of many of his necessitated friends, it being acquired most height to which their riches was increased should be feared; the faults of all the disorders of the Common wealth are laid upon the Boydes, as the Authors of every breaking out & sedi­tion: that they might the more securely possess the places neer the King At this time complaints from all parts of the Kingdom, and by all sorts of persons, incessantly being given unto him, advance the intentions of their enemies, and the Kings minde naturally inclined to fears and superstition, be­ing long tossed and perplexed, began to turn away from the Boydes, and with their power in some degrees brought lower and lessened (Preambles of Ruine) but he would go lea­surely to produce this effect and make one change bring forth another.

The King increasing in yeers and youthful perturbations, is councelled for the continuing of the Race and Succession, and the keeping hi [...] Person without the common disorders of the world, to think upon some match profitable for his coun­try, and honorable for himself. He is courted by many, and courteth others; the Duke of Burgundy had offered him his daughter, as to other Princes his friends and neighbors, but his minde was not to have her married at all during his life­time.

[Page 84] Andrew Stewart Lord Evandale, then Chancelour of the Kingdom, with the Bishops of Glasgow and Orkenay, being sent Embassadors to Christern King of Denmark for an accommo­dation, and taking up some business concerning the Isles of Orkenay and Schythland 1468. the quarrel was taken away by a marriage to be celebrated between the King and Lady Margaret, King Christerns daughter; a Lady thought worthy of his bed, in respect of the excellency of her beauty, her royal descent and greatness of her birth. All matters being agreed upon, these Isles engaged for her Dowry, there wanted onely an honorable retinue and convoy to bring home the Lady. To this negotiation, by the craft of some about the King, and vanity of others who gloryed to see their friend promoted to such great honour, Thomas Earle of Arran, as a man flourishing in fame and riches, and able to maintaine and discharge all magnificence, is deputed as the fittest per­son. Thus by the ambition and unattentiveness of his friends, his worth was made the Scaffold of his ruine; the lament­able condition of men of high desert. In the beginning of the Harvest, accompained with some young Noblemen and Gallants, most of which were his select friends and well-wishers, he ascendeth his ships. Whilst as the King of Scot­lands brother in law, he is some moneths riotously entertain­ed at the Danish Court, the rigor of that Northern climate, by the congealing of the Ocean moored up his ships, and barred all return till the following Spring. In this absence of a man so neer unto the King, his Father and Uncle, by age, sick­ness and their private affaires, not so frequently haunting the Court as they were accustomed: the Kennedyes and they of the contrary faction having shaken the Kings affection, and broken these bands (his pleasures, idlenese, and vacancy from the publike affairs of the State) by which the Boydes thought they had kept him sure, move him, now a litile delighting in action, to proceed to the consideration of such matters as might be objected against the government of the Bodyes. But that this might not appear to be an act of Faction, but the u­niversal consent of the Kingdom apart, a Parliament was summoned to be holden in November at Edenburgh. Here Robert Lord Boyd, with his brother Sir Alexander, are sum­moned to answer in Judgement to such points as should be exhibited against them. At the appointed day the Lord Boyd appeared, but accompanyed with such multitude of the com­mon people, and numbers of his friends, vassals, and follow­ers all in arms with such ostentation and boasting, that the King and Courtiers were well pleased to suffer them dissolve & scatter of their own free wills. At this insolency and malapertness (yet to our own time an usual custome in Scot­land) [Page 85] the King conceived such indignation, that he raised a strong guard to attend justice and his commandments, and laid secretly Forces to assist these if the Boydes should oppose his laws by convocation of the Lieges. The Lord Boyd after private intelligence of the Mines of the Court to blow him up, rather amazed then in choler at the change of his Ma­sters mind, fled into England; his brother Sir Alexander arested by sickness, and relying upon his own integrity more then he ought to have done, considering the malice of his enemies was brought before the Parliament; his brother and he were challenged, that upon the tenth of Iuly 1466. they laid hands upon the Kings Person▪ and against his purpose brought him on the high way to the Castle of Calendar; and that by their private power and consent, contrary to the established order of the State, and the other Regents advice, they brought the King to Edenburgh; when Sir Alexander sought to produce an act of Parliament for abolition or approbation of this deed as good service, it was kept up, and he being condemned had his head cut off. Their other accusations contained the topi­cal faults of Favourits, that they had enriched themselves out of the Kings Treasure, monopolized things belonging to the Crown, diminished the Revenues thereof, removed wor­thy men from the Counsel, placing such in their rooms as had dependency from them. Thomas Earle of Arran imployed in a publike charge by the kingdome, absent, unheard, is decla­red Robel with his father, and his moveables escheated to the King: to his original faults was added, that he dared mar­ry the Kings sister without consent of the States, the King being of non-age. At the noise of this thunder clap, Robert Lord Boyd left this world at Anwick: No sooner had the Spring rendered the Baltick Seas Navigable, when the Danish Lady with her Fleet Anchored in the Forth: The Earle of Ar­ran who was the Paranymphe and her convoy, in that general gladness, by the perswasions of some of his friends, was pre­paring to come on shore, and to submit himself to the Kings clemency; but his Lady who had afar discerned his danger, coming aboard disguised, and giving him particular infor­mation of the calamity of his house, the weakness of his friends at Court, and the many snares envy and malice had laid to surprise him, he hoisted [...]ails, and with her, who would be partaker of all his misfortunes, returned to Den [...]mark; from Denmark by Germany, he came to King Lovys in France, who interposed his requests to King Iames for his regress and restoring; but the Letters in his favour produ­cing no effects, Charles Duke of Burgundy making war against his Rebel Subjects, he was graciously received by him and entertained as his Ally; his Lady remained at Antwerp, [Page 86] where she bore him two children, Iames and Gracile.

1469. Lady Margaret the 10. of Iuly 1469. or after others 1470. maketh her entry into Edenburgh, and scarce having attained the sixteen yeer of her age, is married to King Iames in the Abby Church of Holy-rood house; and in the moneth of No­vember following by a convention of the three Estates was Crowned Queen.

The King in exorable in the behalf of the Earle of Arran, and breathing his total Ruine, sendeth Letters to Antwerp, filled with promises and threatnings, to move his sister to return to Scotland. These at the first prevailed nothing with this La­dy to make her forsake the husband of her youth; many let­ters, and from several friends and well-wishers in several fashions and stiles, coming to her, at last she was brought to believe her presence would mollifie the minde of her ene­mies, and work her husband a re-establishment of his former favors with the King her brother, and restore him to all his possessions and dignities: Upon which hopes she comes to Scotland. But these hopes proved all false; for in stead of having access to her brother, she is kept at Kilmarnock the chief house of the Boydes, as in a free prison; and her hus­band is summoned within threescore dayes to adhere to his wife under pain of Divorce: the unfortunate Earle for fear of his head, not appearing, his marraige is declared null; his wife is divorced from him, and is constrained by her brother to marry Iames Lord Hamilton, to whom also the Earledome of Arran was given for Dowry. Not long after her two children to Earle Thomas, Iames and Gracille are brought to Scotland who in the proceeding of time proved little more fortunate then their father; for Iames was slain by Hugh Montgomry of Eglin­ton, and Gracille though first marryed to the Earle of Cassiles, and after to the Lord Forbess, was barren. Some have re­corded that the Earle Thomas, after this violent bereaving him of his wife, dyed of displeasure at Antwerp, and had a Tomb ra [...]sed over him with an honorable Inscription by Charles Duke of Burgundy; others who hate the Boydes, tell he dyed not at Antwerp but at Florence, and that he was killed by a Merchant of Florence out of jealousie of having abused his wife.

Queen Maragret the third yeer after her marriage in the month of March brought forth a son who was named Iames; and Christern King of Denmark to congratulate the happy de­livery of his daughter, and of expectation of a continued suc­cession to the Crown of Scotland of his Race, released all the right, title, claim, which he or his successors might have to the Isles of Orken [...]y & Scythland. The King calleth after a Par­liament at Edenburgh, wherein, though the Reformation of [Page 87] abuses, as wearing of silk and other foraign triffles, the build­ing of Ships, and enacting Laws for the present time were pretended, a liberal Subside was the greatest aime. His Ex­chequer being empty, and many of his best friends turning necessitous and needy, Iohn Lord of the Isles was attainted for his own and his Father misdemeanour, the King raiseth forces to pursue him; the Earle of Crawford being made Ad­miral, the Earle of Athole the Kings Uncle Lieutenant of the Regiments by land, such means in a short time was used by the Earle of Athole, that the Lord of the Isles submitted himself to the Kings elemency, and in a convention of the States at Edenburgh, he resigned all the right he had to the Earledome of Ross, the lands of Knap-den and Kintyre, which the King annexed to the Crown.

Patrick Graham Arch-Bishop of Saint Andrews, having at Rome understood the fall of the Boydes returneth to his own countrey; where first amongst his friends, and the most peaceable sort of the Clergy, he divulgateth the Bull of the Pope for his supremacy over the other Churchmen of the Kingdome, and his power of their tryal and promoting to benefices, and after caused proclaim it at all publike places. The laudable Elections anciently used about the Places and Offices of Churchmen by the corruption of the times, being taken away, and that Power altogether assumed by the King. The Courtiers, who were accustomed to sell Bene­fices, and the Churchmen who were wont to buy them, re­ject the Bull, and set themselves against him; by their traf­fick he is discharged to take the Place or Ornaments of an Archbishop, or carry any other Cross or Cap then what the former Bishops used to have. But here they set not up their rest, William Schevez a man in those times admired for his skil in Astrology, and promoted to be Arch-Dean of Saint An­drews, seconded by Iohn Lock the Rector of that University, a better Grammarian then Christian, excommunicates this Archbishop for his presumption, and that he sought to bear rule over his Brethren Bishops. When this censure had pas­sed upon him, he is degraded and shut up in Prison. William Schevez is after promoted to his place, and consecrated upon the Passion Sunday in Lent at Holy-rood house, the King being present: he likewise receiveth the title and faculty of Legate, and is confirmed Primate of the Realm; notwithstanding the impediments objected to Patrick Graham by the Church­men concerning that same dignity and preheminencie; So various and deceitful are the wayes of Men.

The King being slow to action, and more inclined to a so­litary form of life, then to travel and business; his brothers being Princes of unquiet and restless Spirits, to whom pub­like [Page 88] like imployments were recreations; and withall being am­bitious, prodigal desirous of Rule, and to be Governors of the people themselves, and Kings in fact, how ever their elder brother was in title; they set themselves altogether to study novations, and bring the King in contempt with his subjects, and divert their minds and love towards him. To this effect they had drawn by their towardness and familiarity, many of the young Nobles and Gentlemen to follow them. The King was obnoxious to some publike scandals, for by his too great frugality, care to increase his Treasure, and study of purchasing, by taxations, sale of Church Benefices, and too exact taking up of fines, supervaluation of Wards; he had gotten the Name of covetous, and was not small distast a­mongst the Commons. Edward King of England that the Scots by the instigation of the French, should not trouble his new and scarce settled government, imploying all his coun­sels and diligence to divide them amongst themselves, wrought not alittle on the unquiet spirits of these young men. The Duke of Albany having been taken upon the Seas by the English, was honorably intertained by him, and with great hopes sent home; after which time King Edward and he kept alwayes private intelligence together. The Duke being promoted to the keeping of the Castle of Dumbar and Town of Barwick; the King of England, to insinuate himself in his affection, was wont to whisper unto such who loved him, that if his brother kept not fair with England, he would one day set him in his Place upon his Royal Throne.

At this time the King was served by men whom his opinion of their worth and love towards him had advanced to places, and whose fortunes and estates wholly depended upon his safety, and who were less apt to do him harm. His counsel was likewise of men approved for their affection to him; and thus secluding great men from his familiarity and affairs, he gave them cause of offence. His brothers long masking their ambition under discontentment, stirr the male con­tents to complain against the Government, which ordinarily falleth forth, not because a people is not well governed, but because great ones would govern themselves. These upbraid­ed the King with inglorious sloath, and endeavour by his dis­honour to increase the credit of his Brothers. These spared not to speak evil of him every where, and what they pleased of his Ministers and Favorits; they said he neither used rule nor moderation in his proceedings, that his counsel was base, and of men of no great account, who consulted only to hu­mor him; That a Mason swayed [...]a Kingdome (this was Ro­bert Cochranne, a man couragious and bold▪ first known to [Page 89] the King by his valour in a single combat, and after from an Architect or Surveyor of his buildings, preferred to be of his counsel) a silly Wretch swayd the soul of a great King, and curbed it, as it were interdicted or charmed to his pleasure. His contributions were the rewards of Parasites, to whom fortune, not merit gave growth and augmentation; that ho­nors wept over such base men who had not deserved them; and the stately frames of ancient houses upbraided with re­proaches the slender merits of those new-up-starts who en­joyed them; that he began to look downwards into every sordid way of enriching himself: That his Privado [...]s abused him in every thing, but in nothing more then in making him believe, what was plotting against them, was against his Per­son and Authority; and that it was not them his brothers and the Nobility sought to pull down but his Soveraignty.

His counsellors, servants, and such who loved him, having long busied their wits to save their Masters reputation, and that no shadow of weakness should appear to the Common people, understanding by whom these rumors were first spread abroad, and observing many of the Nobility and Gentry to favour the proceedings of his brothers, not daring disclose themselves to the King what their suspicions made them fear would come to pass, knowing him naturally su­perstitious, an admirer and believer of Divinations, suborn an aged woman one morning as he went a hunting to ap­proach him, and tell, she had by Divination, that he should beware of his nearest kinsemen; that from them his ruine was likely to come. This was no sooner told when the wo­man was shifted, and some who were upon the Plot began to comment the Prophesie of his brothers. A Professor of Phy­sick, for his skill in Divination brought from Germany, and promoted to some Church-benefice, about that same time told the King, that in Scotland a Lyon should be devoured by his Whelps. William Schevez, then Archbishop of Saint Andrews, by way of Astrological predictions, put him in a fear of imminent dangers from his kindred, though truly he had his knowledg by Geomancy and good informations upon earth, by the intelligence between the Nobility and Church­men.

Many such like aspersions being laid upon the King, the people cryed out that he had only for his fellow-companions Astrologers and Sooth-sayers, whom as occasion served, he preserrd to Church-benefices and Bishopricks. Patrick Graham▪ then Prisoner in Dumferling, a man desolate and forgotten, as if there had not been such a man in the world, taking the opportunity of the rumors of the time, sent a Letter to the King, which contained.

[Page 90]That the misery of his imprisonment, was not so greivious unto him as the sad reports which he heard of his Majestyes estate; he was hardly brought to believe them, but by his long detention and imprisonment, he was assured his great enemy was in great credit with him. That he had brought the King very low in making him jealous of his brothers by giving trust to his vain Divinations; and no wonder these Arts bring forth dissentions, which have their precepts from the father of lyes and discord: to foment discord a­mong brothers, was reproachful to Religion, and outragious to Policy, to seek to know things to come by the Stars was great ig­norance, that Oracles leave a man in a wilderness of folly.

That there was no other difference betwixt Necromancy and A­strology, saving that in one, men run voluntarily to the Divel, and in the other ignorantly. Humanity attains not to the secrets above, and if it did, it is not wise enough to divert the wisdom of hea­ven, which is not to be resisted, but submitted unto; that never any had recourse to these Arts, but they had fatal ends; that Al­mighty providence permitting that to befal them out of his justice of necessity, which before the Oracle was sought, was scarce contin­gent; that he should rest upon the Almightyes Providence, and then all things would succeed well with him, whose favors would wast him out of the surges of uncertainties.

After this free opening of his minde, Patrick Graham was removed out of Dumferling to the Castle of Lock [...]leven (a place renowned long after by the imprisonment of Mary Queen of Scotland where in a short time he left the miseryes of this world.

The people now throughly deceived and incensed against their King, the most audacious of the Nobility had brought his brothers on the way of taking the Government to them­selves, their power being able to perform what their ambiti­on projected; and the murmuring of the people seeming to applaud any Insurrections. The Earle of Marr, young and rash, purblind in foreseeing the events of things, is stirred up to begin the Tragedy; some of the Nobility of his faction being present, with more liberty then wisdom, he broke out in meanacing and undecent speeches, as that his brother did wrong to his Majesty in keeping neer him, and being so fa­miliar with such contemptible fellows, as these of his Bed­chamber and Officers; withal, railing against the Goverment of the State and Court. The King passionately resenting his words, caused remove him from his presence, and he per­severing in his railing, was committed to the Castle of Craig­millar, where surmising that he was in a Prison, his anger turned into a rage, his rage kindled a Feaver, and his Feaver advanced to a Phrensie: This sickness increasing, that he might be more neer to the Court and his friends, in the night [Page 91] he is tra [...]sported to the Cannons Gate in Edenburgh: the King compassionate of his disease, sendeth his Physitians to attend him, they, to restore his understanding which was molested, open some veins of his head and armes, in which time whether b [...] his own disorder and misgovernment in his sickness, the bands being loosed which tyed the lancing, or that they took [...] great a quantity of blood from him, he fainted, and after sowning, dyed unawares amongst the hands of his best friends and servants. These who hated the King, gave out that he was taken away by his command, and some writers have re­corded the same; but no such faith should be given unto them▪ as to B. W. E. who was living in that time, and whose records we have followed, who for his place could not but know, and for his profession would not but deliver the very truth; certain Witches and Sorcerers being taken & examin­ed and convicted of Sorcery at this time, and being suborned, they confessed that the Earle of Marre had dealt with them in prejudice of the King, and to have him taken away by incan­tation. For the Kings Image being framed in wax, and with many spels and incantations baptized, and set unto a fire, they perswaded themselves the Kings Person should fall away as that image consumed by the fire, and by the death of the King, the brothers should reach the Government of the State; with such vanities was the common people amused.

Alexander Duke of Albany imputing the death of his bro­ther to the favourits of the King, and avouching them to have been the occasioners of his distraction, stirred the Nobility and People to revenge so foul a deed; but whilst he keeps private meetings with them of his Faction in the Night to fa­cilitate their enterprise, betrayed by some of his followers, he is surprised, and imprisoned in the Castle of Edenburgh. Out of which about the appointed time of his tryal, by the killing of his keeper he escaped, and in a Ship which to that effects was hired, sailing to the castle of Dumbar, of which he had the keeping, he passed to France. After the escape of the Duke of Albany, the Lord Evandale Chancellor of the Kingdome, raising the power of the nearest Shires, beleaguer­ed, the Castle of Dumbar: the besieged unprovided of victu­als, as men expecting no such alterations, betake themselves in small Boates to the Sea, and came safe towards the Coasts of England. The Castle having none to defend it, is taken; some Gentlemen in persuit of the flying souldiers, by their own rashness perished.

The Kings of Scotland and England tossed along with civil troubles, and affecting peace with all their neighbors, by an equal and mutual consent of thoughts send at one time Am­bassadors to one another who first conclude a peace between the two Nations; and that the Posterity might be partakers [Page 92] of this accord, contract afterwards an Alliance between the two Kings. It was agreed that the Princess Cicilia youngest daughter to King Edward, should marry with Iames Duke of Rothsay, when they came to yeers of discretion. A motion heard with great acceptance; but it was thought by some fa­miliar with King Edward and in his most inward Counsels, that really he never intended this mariage▪ and that this nego­tiation aimed onely to temporize with Scotland, in case that Lovys of France should stir up an invasion of England by the King of Scotland. King Louys at this time had sent one Doctor Ireland a Sorbonist to move King Iames to trouble the King­dome of England, and to give over the projected marriage; which when King Edward understood, knowing what a di­stance was between things promised and performed, to ob­lige King Iames, and try him more strongly to the bargain, that this marriage might have more sway, he caused for the present maintenance of the Prince, and as it were a part of the Dowry of Lady Cicilia, deliver certain sums of money to King Iames. Notwithstanding of which benevolence the the witty Louys wrought so with the Scottish Nobility, that King Iames sent Ambassadors to the King of England, entreat­ing him not to assist the Duke of Burgundy his brother in Law against King Louys, which if he refused to do, the Nobility of Scotland who were now turned insolent, would constrain him by reason of the ancient league between the French and the Scots to assist the French.

The Duke of Albany during his aboad in France, had mar­ryed a daughter of the Earle of Bullogine (she was his second wife, his first having been a daughter of the Earle of Orkenay, a Lady of great parentage, and many friends) who incessant­ly importuned King Louys to aide the Duke for the recovery of his inheritance and places in the State of Scotland, out of which he was kept by the evil Counsellors of his brother. Louys minding to make good use of his brother, and under­hand increasing discords and jealousies between him and the King of England, slighting his suites told him, he could not justifie his taking of Armes to settle a Subject in his inheri­tance; That Princes ought to be wrought upon by perswa­sion; not violence, and he should not trouble a King other­wayes then by Prayers and Petitions, which he would be earnest to perform. Upon this refusal the Duke of Albany (having burryed his Dutchesse) troubled with new thoughts came to England. King Edward with accustomated courtesies receiving him, giveth him hopes of assistance, entring of in communication with him how to divert the Kingdome of Scotland from the invasion of his Dominions at the desire of the French, the Agents and traffickers of Louys lying still in Scot­land, [Page 93] and daily bribing and soliciting the Scots Nobility to necessitate the English to stay at home. The Duke freely, and in the worst sense revealed the weakness of his Kingdom, that his King was opinionative, and had nothing of a Prince in him but the name: His ungoverned Spirit disdained to listen to the temperate Counsell of sober men, obeying only his own judgement. Such who govern'd under him, were mean persons and of no account, great only by his favour, and indued with little vertue, who ruling as they listed, and excluding all others, made use of his Authority for their own profit and advantage. The Nobility were male­contents, and affected a change in the Government; which might be easily brought to pass by the assistance of King Ed­ward. If he would help to raise some civill broyls and dis­cention in the Nation it selfe, he needed not to be in fear that they could or would trouble his Country by any inva­sion: The King hearing the Duke manifest what he most affected, approving his judgement, promised him all neces­saries, and what he could desire to accomplish the design: and he undertaketh by some fair way to traffick with the No­bility of Scotland for an alteration of the present form of Government. After a dangerous intelligence, the Lords of Scotland, who under the shadow of the publick good, but really out of their disdain and particular interests, conspired against the King send the Duke word, the golden Age could not be fram'd, nor Arms taken for the good of the Com­mon-wealth, nor the State alter'd, without the frequestring of those from the King who misgovern'd him. And these could not be remov'd by that power which was amongst themselvs, without great danger and trouble, considering the Kings faction and the malignant Party. If King Edward would agree to the raising of an Army in England, in favour of the Duke of Albanie, and for restoring him to his Places and inheritance, out of which he was most unjustly ejected: and other pretences, of which they should afford the occa­sions; which no way should do harm to the Kingdom of Scotland disorder'd already, and laid waste, more by the li­cense of a Tyrant in peace, then it could have been by war; and at this time bestow upon them favours, as they might one day hereafter challenge to receive the like; The No­bility of Scotland should be ready with an other Army, not to fight, but to seize upon the Kings Favourits, and Misgover­nors of the State: for which the English should have many thanks. That this Enterprize could not but prove most successfull, the hatred of the Commons considered against such violent oppressions. The King was fallen into so low esteem, that assaulted by the English, he would be constrain'd by the submission of his Crown to intreat for safety. The [Page 94] K [...]ng of England understanding this was to touch the finest string of State and Dominion (for it is a matter of much con­sequence and main importance, to defend the subjects of an other Prince; for under this Mask and pretence of protect­ing the Liberties of a People, of assistance and aid, an usur­pation and oppression of all liberty might be hidden; and ma­ny have established and settled themselves in those King­doms, which they came to relieve from tyranny, and the oppression of their Rulers, keeping by force what was gran­ted to them at first by way of trust, and under the colour of helping usurped a Soveraignty) agreeth easily to what was demanded and resolved upon.

The Lords of the Association to play more covertly their Game, and mask their intentions (the Commons ever suffe­ring and paying for the faults and errors of the great ones) give way for the breaking loose of the Borderers. Fierce incursions by the English are made upon Scotland, and by the Scots upon England, some Villages on either side are burnt. The secrecy to this business, which was inviolably observed, was of great importance, which is the principal knot and try of great affairs. Rumours are spread that the Dukes of Gloucester and Albany, with Iames late Earl of Dowglass, and Alexander Ierdan and Patrick Halyburton, men proscrib'd, and upon whose heads a price was set, were at Anwick with a powerful Army, and in their march towards Kelsoo. The King wakened out of his Trances by the Alarms of his No­bility and clamours of the people, made proclamations to all between sixty years and sixteen to meet him at Edenburgh, and to be in readiness to oppose their old enemies of England now come upon the Borders.

After many delayes and much loytering an Army is assem­bled by the Nobility, which consisted of and a number of C [...]rts charged with small Ordinance. New incursions being blazed to have been made by the English, the King amidst these Troops marched to Lawder. The Ar­my was encamped, and all things Ordered the best way the occasion could suffer them, little or nothing being left to Fortune, if the English should invade, whom the Lords knew were not at all yet gathered, and though gathered, and in a Body, and upon the Bord [...]rs, or nearer, would never in­vade them.

The King at this time is m [...]rvellously perplexed, and be­come suspitious of the intentions of his Nobility in this Ar­my, in this confusion of thoughts, fell upon two extremes. In his [...] conversation too familiar and inward with his [...] Servants and favourites, which ren­dred them [...] believing the bare name of King to be [Page 95] sufficient whilst weakness and simplicity had made him de­spised, and them hated) and too retired, reserved and e­stranged from his Nobilitie, which made them malici­ous.

This he did as his pensiveness conjectured, that his No­bles should not attempt any thing to the prejudice of his royal Authority, independent of any Council. But what he most feared came to pass; he resolved and dispatched all matters by his Cabinet Counsel: where the Surveyor of his Buildings was better acquainted with the affairs of the State than the gravest of his Nobility. This preposterous course of favour made the great men of the Kingdom to fall head­long upon their rest, though long projected attempt. Af­ter many private conferences in their Pavilions, the Chiefs of the Insurrection, as the Earls of Anguss, Lennox, Huntley, the Lords Gray, Lile and others, about midnight come together in the Church of Lawder with many Barons and Gentlemen. Here every of them urging the necessity of the times, and the dangers the Common-wealth was like to fall into, requireth speedy resolutions: and having before premeditated, deliberated and concluded what to follow, they draw up a League and confederation of mutual adhe­rence in this order.

Forasmuch as the King suffereth himself to be governed by mean persons and men of no account, to the contempt of the Nobility, and his best Subjects, and to the great loss of the Commons: The confederates considering the imminent dangers of the Kingdom, shall endeavour to separate the Kings Majestie from these naughty upstarts, who abuse his Name and Authority, and despise of all good men; and have a care that the Common-wealth receive no dammage. And in this quarrel they shall all stand mutually every one to the defence of another. The design agreed upon, and the con­federacy sworn, the chiefs of them in Arms enter the Kings Pavilion, where, after they had challenged him of many mis­orders in his Government, contrary to his honour, the Laws and good of his Kingdom, they took Sir William Roger, a man from a Musitian, promoted to be a Knight, Iames Homill, Robert Cochran, who of a Surveyor of his works was made Earl of Mar, or as some mittigate that title, Intromittor and taker up of the Rents of that Earldom, by whose devise (some Authors have alleged) copper moneys had been coy­ned, by which a dearth was brought amongst the Com­mons; which (as others have recorded) was an unjust impu­tation, for that copper money was coined in the Minority of the King, in the time of the Government of the Boyds, with others. All these being convicted by the elamours of the [Page 96] Army, were immediately hanged upon the Lidder. Iohn Ramsey a youth of eighteen years of age, by the intreaties, Prayers, embraces of the King was preserved. Thus they the late objects of envy, were turn'd and become the ob­jects of Pity and Compassion. The body of the Commons and the Gentry of the Kingdome by this notorious act at Lawder, being engaged, and being made Partakers of the Quarrel of the discontented Noblemen, and for their own safety tyed to second and assist all their intentions, and to ad­vance their ends: The King is conveyed to Edenburgh, and shortly after he either enclosed himself in the Maiden Castle as his lodging or, which is more probable, was there, by the contrary faction committed as his Prison, the Earl of Athole and some other Lords being appointed to attend him.

During this time the general humour of the kingdom be­ing ripe for mischief, Alexander Duke of Albany (every thing falling right as it was plotted) prevailed so with King Ed­ward that the Duke of Gloucester the King of Englands Bro­ther, with the title of Lieutenant general for him set for­wards toward Scotland. The Army consisted of two and twenty thousand and five hundred. In his retinue went of the Nobility, Henry Earl of Northumberland, Thomas Lord Stanley, with them was the Duke of Albany. The Earl of Dowglass came not, being reserved for an after game. The Duke of Albany having been before Commander of Berwick, and a Man who was still in his absence beloved of that Gar­ [...]ison, diverted the Duke of Gloucester from Anwick where he had incamped in lune, to assail the Town of Berwick. By his intelligence they enter the Town without great opposi­tion, and it is given up to their discretion. The Castle by the Lord Haills the Captain, was made good against their as­saults. The Duke of Gloucester fore-seeing that this Siege would spend much time, considering the uncertainty of e­vents, and being invited to march forward by the Lords of the association of Scotland, committing the charge of assail­i [...] the Castle to the Lord Stanley, Sir Iohn Elrington, and Sir W [...]lliam [...]arr, with the body of the Army marched directly to [...].

The Countrey lay open to their invasion; no Army taking the Field to oppose them, they came in Scotland the twentieth day of August 1482. the Army encamped at Restlerig, [...] Duke himself entred the Town of Edenburgh which at the intreaty of the Duke of Albany, who was his Harbinger, he spar'd, recei­ving such presents as the Citizens offer'd unto him. His en­try seeming rather a Triumph than hostile invasion. The Ki [...]g being shut up from him and immured in the Castle, the Duke by a publick writing at the Market Places gave out [Page 99] high Demands; That King Iames should perform what he had covenanted with his Brother King Edward; That he should give satisfaction for the damage done the English du­ring the last inroads of the Borders, which if he refused to accomplish. He as Lievtenant to his Brother was to exact of him and take satisfaction of his Countrey, denouncing him open war, and proclaiming him all Hostility. King Iames for saken of his People, and wrong'd by his Lords, laying a­side his Passions, and taking to him more moderate and dis­creet thoughts, as a Man in Prison, answered nothing to his Demands.

The Lords, who by their Kings misfortune had reckoned their felicity, having obtain'd what they chiefly desir'd, to obviate the common and last danger, the thraldom of their kingdom by these strangers whom they had drawn into the Country for the recovery of their Liberties, assemble them­selves together at Hadington with some Companies, not to fight but to supplicate. They sent the Lord Darnley and the elected Bishop of Murray to intreat a suspension of Arms, and require a firm and lasting Peace for time to come: The beginning of the war, and taking of Arms was for the safe­ty of this the neighbour Countrey of England, miserably thral'd by a licentious Prince: there was nothing more unwor­thy of a King or Republick, than not to keep their promis'd Faith. The English could have no colour for executing their indignation further upon this Countrey, which already by the rapine of their own Men was impoverish'd and unma­nu'd: Only now to be recover'd by entertaining Peace with their Neighbours, and amongst themselv [...]s. They re­quire that the Marriage contracted between the Prince of Rothesay and Lady Cicily King Edwards Daughter might be accomplish'd when it should please the King of England, and the age of the two Princes might suffer it. For any spoyl taken in these last incursions, the interest consider'd upon both sides, satisfaction should be given out of the publick contributions. The Duke of Glocester as forgetting and seeming not to know the grounds of their coming into the Country, and looking to nothing more then his own fame and Glory, Answer'd, his coming into Scotland, was to right the honour of his Country so often violated: and to restore the Duke of Albanie, unjustly commanded to exile, to his own native soyl, and the dignity of his Birth: as concern­ing the Mariage of the Prince of Scotland with the Daughter of England, He knew not how his Brothers resolution stood at the present; whereupon he requir'd repayment of the mo­nies lent to their King upon the first agreement: and withall a delivery of the Castle of Barwick up into his hands: or if [Page 100] they could not make the Castle to be render'd, they should give their oaths upon the holy Evangelists that they should neither assist the besieged, nor harm the Besiegers, till the Castle were either by force taken, or upon fair conditions rendred.

The Lords having received this answer, yielded freely to all the Conditions, except they found themselves perplex­ed in the rendring of Berwick: it being a Town of old apper­taining to the Crown of Scotland, though by force and vio­lence the English had a long time kept it, that did not take away their right and title. After much contesting, agreeing to the surrender of Berwick, they desired that the walls of the Town should be demolished, that it might not be a place of Tyrannie and incursion over their bordering Countreys. No arguments could prevail against the Duke of Gloucesters resolutions, and being stronger in power he persever'd in his demans, and in [...]ll likelihood this was agreeed upon be­tween the Duke of Albany and the confederate Lords, and the English, before their entring Scotland. Thus the Castle and Town of Berwick returned to the English the 24. of Au­gust 1482. after it had been delivered by Queen Margarite to gain Sanctuary for her Husband King Henry (when expelled England) and remained in the possession of the Scots twenty and one years.

They likewise appointed a day for restitution of all the moneys lent by King Edward, and promised upon a full dis­cussion to make satisfaction for all dammages done the Eng­lish by any in-road of the Scottish Borders. For the Duke of Albanies provision, whose safety was principally pretended in this expedition, a general pardon was promised for him and all [...]is followers; Together with an abolition of all dis­contents; Whereby he had given unto him the Castle of Dumbar, with the Earldoms of Mar and March; he should be reinvested in all his former Dignities and Places, and by consent of the Nobility of Scotland, he was proclaim'd Lieu­tenant of the Kingdom.

The Peaceproclaimed, the Duke of Gloucester in all so­lemnity of greatness returned towards London, being wel­comed by the King with many demonstrations of great joy. He to show how much he approved the conditions of this Peace, went solemnly in procession from St. Stevens Chappel, now the Parlament House, accompanied with the Queen his Sister, and a mighty retinue of the greatest Lords into Westminster Hall. Where in presence of the Earl of Anguss, the Lord Gray, and Sir Iames Liddale, Embassadours extraor­dinary [Page 201] from Scotland, the peace was ratifyed. At the re­turn of the Scots Embassadours to their Countrey, King Ed­ward sent an Herauld with them, who in his Masters name gave over the marriage contracted between the Lady Cicilia and the Prince of Rothsay, and required the money which had been delivered upon hopes of consummation to his King. The Citizens of Edenburgh had given their Bond for the redelivery, and a day being granted to them for the pay­ment, they at the appointed day intirely delivered the sum. Some thought King Edward recalled this marriage of a sus­pition he conceived, that the Ambition of the Duke of Al­bany, and the hatred of the Subjects against their King amidst the manifold distractions of the Realm, might hazard the Succession of the Prince of Rothsay to the Crown. But king Edward having gained what he had endeavoured most to ac­quire, a division amongst the Nobles of Scotland, and by this a Security from their assisting the French, rejected the Match. Besides the Duke of Gloucester, who after his comming in Scotland, was laying the foundations of the u­surping the Crown of England, his Brother once dead, thought the alliance of his Brothers Daughter with a King of Scotland, too strong a Support to that Race, which he was to declare Bastards, and a Rock upon which he was confi­dent he should make a fearful shipwrack. Neither his Bro­thers Daughter being marryed to a King of such martiall and turbulent Subjects as the people of Scotland, durst he ever at­tempt the taking away of her Brothers: and King Edward in neglect of this match committed a greater errour of State than he did in his marrying the Lady Elizabeth Gray, and for­saking the Lady Bona Daughter to the Duke of Savoy.

According to the Records of some Authors whilst the King is kept nine Moneths in the Castle of Edinburgh, the Duke of Albany, the Lord Evandale Chancellour, the Earl of Arguile, the Arch [...]bishop of St. Andrews, the Earl of A­thole his Uncle (who for the preservation of his person and honour of his Office accepted the charge to attend him in that Fortress) governed the State.

The King (say the honest Records) had all honour which appertained to a Prince, save that he could not come abroad, and none was permitted to speak unto him, except in the audience of some one of his Lords Keepers; and that his Chamber doors were shut before the setting of the Sun and long after the rising opened. Proclamations are publisht in his name and Authority, and other publick writings. Such who only heard of him could not but take him to be a free [Page 102] and absolute Prince, when near he was but a King in phan­tasie, and his Throne but a Picture, the regal Authority be­ing turned into a cloak to cover the Passions of those who did govern.

The Duke of Albany dayly importuned by the solicitati­ons, Prayers and tears of the Queen (a calm and temperate Lady) for her Husbands Liberty; finding himself not so re­spected by the other Governours as his birth and merits did deserve; being a man who delighted in nothing more than in changes and novations of Court and State; after so ma­ny scorns and rebukes offered to his Brother, and King, com­miserating his long sufference, and believing that good turns would make past offences be forgotten, and recent benefits were sufficient to blot away old injuries, withall remem­brance of former discontents, whilst the other Governours at Sterling, securely passed the time, posted in the night to Edenburgh. Here a meeting being appointed of some of his friends and Vassals, who knew nothing of his intentions, by the assistance of the Citizens of Edenburgh (men intirely loving their King and devoted to him all the time of the in­surrection of his Nobles) who gave the first assault, (yet was it rather their intelligence than force) the Castle is surprised, the King and all his Servants set at libertie. This unexspected and noble act of the Duke of Albany, having so fortunate a success, brought a mighty change on the Court and State. The King is now again reinstall'd, and hath this residence in his own Palace, to which many Noblemen and Gentlemen, have frequent concourse; rejoicing to see such evident to­kens of love pass between the two Brothers, if their affecti­on could have continued. The Provost and Baylies of Edin­burgh in recompence of their service, were made Sheriffs within all the bounds of their own Territories, and rewar­ded with other privileges contained in that patent, which they call their golden Charter 1482. The Lords of the con­trary faction, who remained at Sterlin, by this new accident, betook themselves to new thoughts and considerations, eve­ry man full of fears and repinings flying to his own dwel­ling place, and conceaving a great hatred against the Duke of Albany. They said he was inconstant, rash, mad, in set­ting at liberty the man who would prove his Executioner, and one who would never forget any profer'd injury: that if he perished before them, it was but his own just deserving and procurement. The Duke contemning those reproaches, and answering their calumnies and evil words with patience and good deeds, by the mediation of the Earl of Anguss, Stu­died a reconciliation between the King and his discontented Lords. And his endeavours had such good success, that in a [Page 103] short time after this Atonement; some of them turned so fa­miliar and inward with the King, that, like the Ivy, they be­gan to sap the wall by which they had been supported. They made the wound of the Kings old jealousies ranckle again, and added poison to former discontents; remembring him of the unnaturalness of his Brothers first Rebellion, and as­suring him that his antient Ambition had yet more power of him than his new fears of honesty and respect. That howso­ever he shewed outwardly the arguments of a reconciled Brother, he loved yet to govern, and aimed at the Crown. That he had wrought his liberty to bring a greater confusion in the State than he had ever done before. The King, who e­ver had a watchful eye over his reconciled Enemies, and who desired to be freed and fairly quited of them all, gave way to their calumnies. And they after long deliberation re­solve upon a plot to bring the Duke within compass of law: and summoned him to answer upon Treason. And this was the rendring of the Town of Berwick to the English: which they undertook to prove was only by his intelligence, pro­curation and being in company with the Duke of Gloucester, in that expedition. Though the Duke had an absolute and general pardon and an aboli [...]ion for all was past, and the Kings hand at it, they doubted not to null and make it void. All being done by a King constrained by a powerful Army, and a close prisoner, which writing could not oblige any private man far less a King: what he then bargained was up­on constraint and yielded unto upon hopes of saving his life, and an act exacted by force. The Duke of Albany finding by the malice and detraction of a malignant faction, his brothers countenance altered towards him: and danger the re­quital of his late setting him at liberty, the established re­conciliation being shaken by suspitions and fancy of revenge, obeying necessity, fled to his Castle of Dumbar, out of which he came to England to present to King Edward and the Duke of Gloucester the consideration of his grievances.

In his absence he is convinced of many points of treason, besides the being accessarie to the taking of Berwick by the English. As his dangerous and long intelligence with the King of England: his sending of many Messengers at all oc­casions unto him. That, without any safe-conduct or pass from his Brother, and not so much as acquainting him▪ he had left the Countrey, come into England to devise conspi­racies against his King and native Kingdom. The Lord Creighton as his friend associate and complice, is forefeited with him, against whom Informations were given, that of­ten and divers times, under the pretence of hunting, secret­ly with the Duke at Albany, he road into England, and there [Page 204] meeting with Commissioners sent by King Edward, he delibe­rated of matters concerning novations and of the altring the state, That there he kept appointments with Iames Earl of Dowglass, the often quench'd fire-brand of his Country. That in spight of the Kings forces sent there to lie in Garrison, he kept the Castle of Creighton. The greatest discontent the King conceived against him was love to one of his Sisters, and some feminine jealousies. When the Duke understood the proceedings against himself and the Lord Creighton, and that for their contumacy and not appearing to answer and give in their answer, they were convict of Treason, and their lands to be seased upon; He caused give up the Castle of Dumbar, of which he was Lieutenant, to King Edward, who immediately placed by Sea a Garrison in it.

About this time Edward King of England left this world 1483. and his brother Richard Duke of Gloucester, did first take the name of Protector and Governor of the Kingdom of England, and after his brothers Sons put in the Tower, and their Mother the Queen taking Sanctuary, in the moneth of Iune possest himself of the Crown.

The Duke of Albany finding that Richard by his change of Fortune had not changed his affection towards him, implo­reth his aid in restoring him to his own, and repairing not his wrongs alone, but a wrong done in his sufferings to the King of England, sith there was now an open breach of the Truce and Peace so solemnly by him set down and confirm­ed by his Brother. If he could be furnished but with a few number of choice men of reputation and power to pass into Scotland, and take a tryal of the Minds and good will of his f [...]iends and confederates, he douted not at his entring the Countrey to finde numbers who by his presence would haz­zard upon the most desperate dangers.

Richard finding the man his Supplicant with whom he en­deavoured once an intire frindship, and whose advancement in Authority he had most studied, condescendeth that five hundred men and Horses should be chosen upon the borders, with others who were ontlawes and necessitated sometime to make incursions, and with Iames the old Earl of Dowglase, a man well known and renowned in the West-borders, should make an in-road into Scotland.

The two and twentie day of Iuly, the banished Champion having chosen a good number of their borderers put forward towards Loch. Maben to surprize a Fair, spoil a publick Mar­ket, seise upon all the Buyers and Sellers, which here meet and traffick every St. Magdalens festival, under pretence of Devotion and the liberty of trading many English had hi­ther relsorted: at the twelfth hour of the day when the Mer­chants [Page 107] and Countrey-people were in greatest security, the bur [...]e is invaded and not bloud but wares sought after; the Lard of Iohnstoun who was warden, and lard of Cock-pool, with many stout borderers having surveyed and Ridden through the places where the people were met, to prevent and hinder all disorders and dangers, at the noise of an in­cursion of the English, dispatch Poasts to the adjacent bounds for supply, and in the mean time rencounter the plunderers of the Fair. Here is it fought with greater courage than force, and in a long continued skirmish the danger of the loss stir'd up and incited the parties as much as fame and glory.

The day was neer spent leaving the advantage to either side disputable, when the supply of fresh men come to de­fend their Countrey, and friends turned the Fortune of the fight, and put the English borders all to the rout. The Duke of Albany by the swiftness of his Horse, and the good atten­dance of his Servants winneth English ground: but the Earl of Dowglass loaden and heavy with years and armes, is taken by Robert Kirken-patrick(who for that service got the lands of Kirk-michael) and brought as in triumph to Edenburgh. It is recorded that when the Earl was come in the Kings presence, he turn'd his back & refused to look him in the face, consider­ing the many outrages he had perpetrated against his Father, and this late offence. The King taken with the goodly per­sonage, gravity and great age of the man, commiserating his long patience and cross fortune being in his young daies de­signed to be a Church-man, confined him as in a free Prison in the Abacy of Lyndores.

Besides he considered that when occasion served he might bring him out of this solitariness, and in these turbulent times by his counsel and presence play more advantageously his game of State, being a man of long experience in the af­fairs of the world, and the most learned of all his Nobility. He was now become tyred of the Earl of Anguss, the re­membrance of his first offence remaining deeply ingraven in his heart, and to counterpoise his greatness this was the only weight. The Duke of Albany found little better enter­tainment in England, the battel being lost, some men taken and killed (this being the first roade upon Scotland under the reign of Richard, who had been formerly so fortunate in his own person) his fame injur'd, and reputation by this dimini­shed, the Duke began to be disliked, and was not received with that kindness he was wont, whereupon by the assistance and convoy of Iohn Liddale, he secretly retired to France.

After the road of Lochmaben sundry incursions are made by the Scots upon the English borders, and by the English upon the Scottish: The Champian ground is scoured, houses [Page 108] are burnt, booties taken, with great loss to both, and little advantage to any of the parties, Richard having his reign in the infancy, and not yet settled nor come to any growth and maturity, being obnoxious to the scandal of his Bro­thers Sons, and possessed with fears of Henry Earl of Richmond then remaining in France, who by all honest and good men was earnestly invited to come home, and hazard one day of battail for a whole Kingdom, knowing it necessary for the advancement of his designs to have peace with all his neigh­bour Princes to render himself more secure and safe at home, and terrible to his enemies abroad, sendeth Embassadours to Scotland to treat a Peace, or a suspension of Arms for som years; King Iames no soflier rocked in the Cradle of State than Richard; chearfully accepteth this Embassage; for by a peace he may a little calm the stormy and wild minds of tu­multuous Subjects, reducing them to a more quiet fashion of living, and seclude his Rebels and banisht from enter­tainment in England, and all places of Refuge and Sanctua­ry. The two Kings agreeing in substance, Commissioners are appointed to meet at Nottingham the seventeenth day of September. For the King of Scotland appear'd the Earl of Ar­gu [...]l, William Elphinstoun Bishop of Aberdeen, the Lord Drum­mond of Stobhall, the Lord Olyphant, Archebald Whitelaw Se­cretary, Doncan Dundass, Lyon King of Arms. For Richard of England appeared the Duke of Norfolk, the Earl of Nor­thumberland, the Lord Stanley, the Lord Gray, the Lord Fitshugh, Iohn Gunthrope privy Seal, Thomas Borrow, Master of the Rolls, Sir Thomas Bryan Chief Justice.

In the latter end of Septemb. these conclude a peace between both Realms for the space of 3 years. The same to begin at the rising of the Sun Septem. [...]9. in the year 1484. and to continue unto the setting of the Sun on the 29. of Sept. in the year 1487. During which time it was aggreed that not only all hostili­ty and war should cease between the two Realms, but that al­so all aid and assistance against enemies should be afforded.

It was agreed, the Town and Castle of Berwick should remain in the hands of the English for the space of the fore­said term, with the same bounds the English possessed.

That all other Castles, Holds, Fortresses during the term of thr [...]e years should remain in the hands of those that held then at that present, the Castle of Dumbar only excepted, which the Duke of Albany delivered to the English when he left his Countrey. Which Castle for the space of six moneths should be exposed to the invasion of the Scots, if they could obtain it, and during the assaulting of this Castle, the Truce sh [...]uld not be broken. Neither should the English within the castle do any harm to the Scots dwelling thereabouts, except [Page 105] to those who invade the Castle, and at that time. And that it should be lawful to any of the Parties to use all Statagems, and extend their power either for winning or defending the said Castle.

It was agreed, That no Traitor of either Realm should be re­ceived by any of the Princes of the other Realms: and if any Traitor or Rebell chance to arrive in either Realm, the Prince ther­of should deliver him upon demand made.

Scots abiding within the Realm of England and sworn there to the King, may remain still, so there names be made known to the King of Scotland within fourty daies.

If any Warden of either Realm shall invade the others Subjects, he to whom such a Warden is subject shall within six daies, pro­claim him Traitor, and certifie the other Prince thereof within twelve daies.

In every safe conduct this Clause shall be contained, Providing alwaies that the Obtainer of the safe Conduct be no Traitor.

If any of the Subjects of either Prince, do presume to aid and help maintain and serve any other Prince, against any of the Contractors of this Truce, Then it shall be lawful for him to whom he shewed himself enemy, to apprehend and attach the said Subject, comming or tarrying within any of their Dominions.

Collegues comprehended in the Truce (if they would assent there­unto) on the English part were, the King of Castile, the King of Arragon, the King of Portugal, the Arch-Duke of Austria and Burgundy the Duke of Bretaign. Vpon the Scottish part, Charles King of Denmvrk[?] and Norway, The Duke of Guilderland, this treaty was appointed to be published the first of October in all the great and notable Towns of both Realms.

It was agreed that Commissioners should meet at Loch-maben the 18. of November as well for redress of wrongs done on the west Marcbes, as for declaring and publishing the peace, where the greatest difficultie was to have it observed.

Richard after this truce intreated a marriage between the Prince of Rothsay eldest Son to King Iames, and Lady Anne de­la Pool, Daughter to Iohn Duke of Suffolk of his Sister. To this effect Embassadours meet at Nottingham, others say at York, and it is concluded. Writings thereupon being drawn up▪ ingrosled and seal'd. And affiances made and taken up by Proctors and Deputies of both parts. Lady Anne there­after being stiled the Princess of Rothsay. But by the death of her Uncle she injoyed not long that title:

After the league and intended marriage, King Iames wrote friendly letters to Richard concerning the Castle of Dumbar, Whether he could be content that the same should remain only six moneths in the power of the English, or during the whole space of True? That he was not minded to seek it [Page 106] by arms during the term of the whole Truce. Notwith­standing he earnestly required out of the bond of Love and Frindship between them, since it was given unto the English by Treason, and neither surprised nor taken in lawful war, it might be frindly rendred: Richard dal [...]yd with him, and pass'd away that purpose with complemental Letters all the time of his Government, which was not long; for the year 1486. Henry Earl of Richmond came with some companies out of France (of which that famous Warriour Bernard S [...]uart Lord Aubany, Brother to the Lord Darnley in Scotland, had the lea­ding) which by the resort of his Countrey men turned into an Army, and rencountred Richard at Bosworth where he was killed, and Henry proclaimed King of England: To which victory it was uncertain whether virtue or fortune did more contribute.

Alexander Duke of Albany before this disaster of Richard, at a Tilting with Lovys Duke of Orleance by the splint of a Spear in his head had received his death-wound 1483 He was a man of great courage, an enemy to rest and peace, de­lighting in constant changes and novations. He left behind two Sons, Iohn Duke of Albany begotten of his second mar­riage upon the Earl of Bulloignes Daughter, who was Tutor to King Iames the fifth and Governour of Scotland, and Alex­and [...]r born of the Earl of Orkenays Daughter his first wife, Bish [...]p of Murray, and Abbo [...] of Skroon. Into which places he was intruded, to make the Government of his other Bro­ther more peaceable.

Margarite the Queen about these times, a good and ver­tuous Lady, died 1486. and was buried at Cambu-kennel the 29. of February.

The overthrow and death of Richrd being known abroad, King I [...]mes, taking the advantage of the time, besieged the Castle of [...]umbar. The garrison'd Souldiers finding no re­liet nor assistance from their Countrey, and ascertained of the change of their Master, rendered up the Fort to the hands of the Scots; it was of no great importance to the English, and only served to be a fair bridge of Treason for Scottish Rebels, and a Cittadel of Conspiracies.

Henry King of England after his victory and Coronation, sent Richard Fox Bishop of Excester, and Sir Richard Edge­comb Embassadours to King Iames, for renewing the Truce, and if it were possible, to agree upon a stable and lasting Peace between the Realms. King Iames taking a promise of the secrecy of the Embass [...]dours, that what he imparted to them, should not be laid open to his Nobility, told, He ear­nestly affected a Peace with all his Neighbours, but above all others with their King, as much for his own valour, as for the honour [Page 107] and interests of the two Kingdoms: But he knew his people so stubborn and opposite to all his designs, that if they understood his mind and resolutions, they would endeavour to cross his intenti­ons; wherefore publickly he could only condescend to seven years truce, a long peace being hardly obtained from men brought up in the free licence of war, who disdained to be restrained within the Nar­row limits of Laws. Notwithstanding they should undertake for him to King Henry, in the word of a Prince▪ that this Truce before the exspiring of it should be renewed, and with all solemntyes again confirmed.

The Embassadours respecting his good will towards their King, accepted the conditions. Thus was there a Truce or Peace convenanted and confirmed for seven years to come be­tween the two Realms.

After so many back-blows of fortune and such canvassing, the King enjoying a Peace with all his Neighbours abroad, became exceeding religious; the miseries of life drawing the mind to the contemplations of what shall be after it. Du­ring hisresidence at Edenburgh he was wont to come in Pro­cession from the Abby of Holy-rood-house to the Churches in the High-Town every Wednesday and Fryday. By which devotion he became beloved of his People: Nothing more winning their hearts than the opinion they have of the San­ctity of a person. And that he did not this for the fashion nor hypocrisy, the application of his wit and power to the administration of strict justice did prove; for he began to suppress the insolencies of strong oppressors, defend and maintain the Rights of the poor, against Tyrants and abu­sers of their Neighbors. He sitteth himself in Council dayly, and disposeth affairs of most weight in his own person.

In the Moneth of October following the Peace with Eng­land, 1487. a Parlament was called, in which many acts were made against Oppressours. Justices were appointed to pass thorough the whole Kingdom, and see malefactors deserv­edly punished. Acts were made that no convention of friends should be suffered for the accompanying and defence of cri­minal Persons: But that every one attainted should appear at the most with six Proctors; that, if found guilty, they should not be reft from Justice by strong hand. Such of the Nobility who feared and consequently hated him, finding how he had acquired the love of his people by his piety in the observance of Religion, and his severity in executing Justice, were driven unto new meditations. They began to suspect he would one day free himself from these turbu­lent Spirits who could not suffer him to enjoy a Peace, nor raign. He had advanced at this time to Offices of State and Places men whose Fortunes did wholly depend upon his [Page 108] safety and wel-fare: at which some Noblemen whose Am­bition was to be in publick charge and of the Counsell, pre­tending to that out of right, which was only due unto them by favour, did highly storm and look upon those others with envious eyes. The King thus falling againe into his old sickness, they bethought them how to renew their old re­medie. They were also jealous of the remembrance of the dis-service they had done him, and that he would never for­get old quarrells; They were prepared and ready to make a Revolution of the state, but had not yet found their Cen­ter to begin motion, nor a ground for Rebellion. All this while there was not matter enought for an insurrection, nor to dispose the Peoples Hearts to a Mutinie.

The King delighted with his Buildings of the Castle of Sterlin, and the amenity of the Place, for he had raised there a faire and spacious Hall, and founded a College for divine service, which he named the Chappel Royal: and begin­ning to be possest and taken up with the Religion of these times, endeavoured to endow this foundation with constant Rents, and ample Revenues, and make this Rock the choyse Sanctuary of his Devotions. The Priory of Coldingham, then vacant and fallen in his hands, he annexed the same to his Chappel Royal, and procured an Act of Parliament that none of the Lieges should attempt to doe contrary to this union and annexation, or to make any Impetration thereof at the Court of Rome under the paine of Treason. The Priors of this Convent having been many years of the Name of Hume, it was by the Gentlemen of that Name surmi'sd that they should be interested and wronged in their Estates, by reason of the Tithes and other Casualtyes appertaining to this Benefice, if a Prior of any other Sirname were promoted to this Place. The King being often petitioned and implored that he should not alter the accustom'd form of the Election of that Prior, nor remove it from their Name, nor suffer the Revenues to be otherways bestowed than they were wont to be of old; and he continuing in his resolution of annexing them to his Chapel: after long pawsing and deli­beration amongst themselves, as men stirred up by the male­contents and a proud faction, fit for any the most dangerous entrprise, they proceed upon stronger Grounds to over-turn his intentions and divert his purpose. The Lord Hailles and others, of the Sirname of Hepburn, had been their constant friends, Allies and Neighbours; with them they enter in a combination, that they should mutually stand to the defence of others, and not suffer any Prior to be received for Col­dingham if he were not of one of their two Sirnames. This Conv [...]nant is first privately by some mean Gentlemen sworn, [Page 109] who after draw on their Chiefs to be of the Party. Of how small beginnings doth a great mischief arise [...] the male con­tended Lords knowing those two Sirnames to be numerous, active and powerfull in those parts of the Countrey where they remayn'd, lay hold upon this Overture, and beginning from their particulars they make the cause to be general. They spread Rumours abroad that the King was become ter­rible and not to be trusted; notwithstanding all his Protesta­tions and outward demeanour, that he yet meditated Re­venge, and had begun to invadea nd shake the ancient pri­vileges of the Humes, more out of Spight and discontent against them for having assisted and follow'd the Lords of the Reformation of the State, than any intention of the increa­sing the Rents of his new erected Chappel. That ere long he would be avengedupon all whom he either knew were acce­ssary, or suspected to have been upon the Plot of Lawder Bridg, or his committing in the Castle of Edenbrough. That it was some time better to commit a fault unpardonable than venture under the Pardon. That the King had taken a Resolution to live upon the Peoples contributions, and give his owne Revenues to particular Men. The faults of his Counsellours are highly exaggerated. They were base Per­sons, and he himself given to dissimulation, misdevotion and revenge; as occasion served he would remember old wrongs: It was good to obey a King but not to lay the head upon a Block to him, if a Man could save himself.

After along smother of discontent and hatred of the No­bility and People, rankor breaking dayly forth into Seditions and alterations. The Lord Hume and Haylles be­ing the Ring-Leaders, many Noblemen and Gentlemen under fained pretences, especially the courses of swift Horles, keep frequent meetings. Where they renew their Covenant agreed upon at Lawder Church, the necessity of the times and the danger of the Common-wealth requiring it, and gave their oaths that at what time soever the King should chalenge them directly or indirectly, or wrong them in their Rights, Possessions, Places, Persons, They should abide to­gether as if they were all one Body, marry each others quar­rells, and the wrongs done to any one of them should be done to them all.

When the King understood the con [...]ederacy of the Lords, to anticipate the Danger, he made choyse of a Guard for the preservation of his Person and Servants, Of which he made Iohn Ramsay of Balmayne, a Man whom he had preserved at Lawder and advanced to be Maister of his houshold at Court, Captain: giving him a warrant not to suffer any Man in Arms approach the Court by some miles. This in stead of [Page 110] cooling, exasperated the Choler of the Male-contents, and stirr'd them to assemble with numerous Retinues all in Arms. The King scarce beleeving the Mindes of so many were corrupted, and perswading himself the Authority of the publick name of a King would supply the want of some Power, summond certain of them upon fourty days to an­swer according to Law.

Of those some rent his Summons, and beat shamefully his Heraulds and Messengers for discharging their Offices: O­thers appeared, but with numbers of their Adherents, Friends, Allies and Vassals: And here he found that the faults of great Delinquents are not without great danger taken notice of, and reprehended; he used some Stratagems to surprise the Heads and chiefs of their faction: But unadvisedly giving trust to the promises of those who lent their ears, but not their hearts to his words, his designs were discovered before they produced any effect; his secrets all laid open to his great hatred and disadvantage, the discoverers taking themselves to the factious Rebells, and cherishing unkind thoughts in all whom they saw distasted with his Government; Perceiv­ing himself betrayed and his intentions divulged, he remai­ned in great doubt to whom he should give credit. The na­ture and manner of all things changed by the League of the Confederates, he thought it high time to remove a little fur­ther from that Torrent which might have overwhelmed him, and made them Masters of his person. To temporize and win time, caused furnish the Castles of Edenburgh and Sterling with provision of Victual, Ammunition, and Garri­sons to defend them from the dangers of war; he resolved to make his aboad beyond the River of Forth, and to leave the [...]outh Parts of the Kingdom. After which deliberation he entred a Ship of Sir Andrew Wood (a famous Navigator and stout Commander at Sea) which pretended to make sail for the low Countreys, and was lying at Anchor in the Forth. These who saw him aboard, spread a rumour that he was fly­ing to Flanders. The Lords of the insurrection making use of this false report seised on his carriage in the Passages to­wards the North, rifled his Coffers, spoiled his Servants of their stuff and baggage. And then after certainty that he was but landed in Fyfe, and from that was in progress to the Northern parts, preparing and directing his good Subjects to be in readiness to attend him at his return, they surprised the Castle of Dumbar. The Moneys found in his Coffers wage Souldiers against him, and the Harness and Weapons of his Magazines arm them. Having gathered some compa­nies together, tumultuously they overrun the Countreys upon the South of the Forth, riffling and plundering all men [Page 111] who went not with them, or whom they suspected not to favour their desperate and seditious ends. In his progres, the King held Justice Courts at Aberdeen and Inneress, where William Lord Creighton, not long before impeacht with the Duke of Albany, submitted himself to his Clemency, and was received in favour and pardoned: after which grace he shortly left this world. Whilst the King in the North, the Lords in the South are making their preparations; When they were assembled at Lithgow they find themselves many in number and strong in power; the success of their proceedings being above their hopes: there only wanted a Man eminent­ly in esteem with the people, and noble of Birth, to give lu­streto their Actions, shadow their Rebellion, and be the ti­tular and painted head of their Arms. When they had long deliberared upon this great Man, they assented all that there was none to be paralleld to the Prince of Rothsay the Kings own Son. So strongly providence befools all human wisdom and foresight; his keepers being corrupted by gifts, pensions and promises of divers Rewards, he is delivered into their hands: and by threats, that they would otherwaies give up the Kingdom to the King of England, he is constrained to go with them. To heighten the hatred against the King, and the closlier to deceive the people (for the love of subjects is such towards their natural Kings, that except they be first de­ceived by some pretence and notable sophism, they will not arise altogether in arms and rebel) they make proclamations and by their Deputies by way of Remonstrances spread a­broad seditious Papers, in what a Sea of blood would these men launch into? that all true Subjects should come in de­fence of the Prince, and take arms; because his Fathers jea­lousies and superstitious fears were risen to that height that nothing but his Sons death or imprisonment could temper­ate them. That he was raising an Army to take his Son out of their hands, that he might do with him as he had done with his own Brothers. That force was the onely means to work his safety and keep the Plotters of this mischief within bounds, they also should take arms to reduce the Govern­ment to a better form, for that the Kingdom was oppressed with insupportable grievances: the King being altogether given to follow the advice, projects and counsels of base men; to amass and gather great sums of money from his peo­ple, upon which he studied to maintain his Court and State, and give away his own.

When the Engin was prepared for the people, and spread abroad, they sent to the Earl of Dowglass, then closely as a Monck shut up in the Abby of Lyndores, to come out, be of the Party, and assist them with his Counsel and Friends pro­mising [Page 112] if their attempt had happy Success, to restore him a­gain to his ancient possessions and Heritage, former dignitys and the Places of honour of his Ancestors. The Earl, whom time and long experience had made wary and circumspect, having a suspition the Earl of Angus, who possessed the grea­test part of his estate, had been the chief motioner of this liberty, and that rather to try what he would do, then that he minded really to set him free, refused to come out of his Cloister. And by his letters disswaded them from their bold enterprize against their Prince; wishing they would set his house and himself for a pattern & precedent of Rebellion. He sent to all such of his Friends whom his disasters had left un­ruined to take arms for the King, as the Dowglasses of Kayvers and others.

The King neither losing courage nor councel for the great­ness of the danger of the Rebellion, trusting much to his good fortune, with such forces as came with him from the North, in Captain Woods Ships and other Boats and Vessels prepared to that end, passeth the Forth near the Blackness, an old Fortress and Sea port in West Lothian, not far from the Castle of Abercorn, and that place where the Forces of the Earl of Dowglass left him, and the King his Father obtained so harmless a victory. Before the arrival of the King at this Place, the Earls of Montross, Glencarn, Lords Maxwell and Ruthven with others, advertised by Letters of the Rende­vouz, had come to the Place, had encamped, and were at­tending him. And he mustered a sufficient Army to ren­counter the Lords of the association, who from all quarters were assembled, having with them the Prince to add Autho­rity to their quarrel. The two Armies being in readiness to decide their indifferences by a Battail, the Earl of Athole the Kings Uncle so travailed between the Lords of either party and the King, that a suspention of Armes was agreed upon and reconcilement: and the Earl of Athole rendered him­self a pledge for the accomplishing of the Kings part of the reconcilement, to the Lord Haylles, and was sent to be kept in the Castle of Dumbar.

This was not a small fault of this Prince: the Confede­rates forces were not at this time equall to his, neither had they essayed to hinder the landing of his Army, being but in gathering; the Castle of Blackness was for his defence, and his Ships traversing up and down the Forth, in case of necessity for succour. That if he had hazarded a battail, he had been neer to have recovered all that reputation he had before lost. Now upon either side some common Souldiers are disbanded, some Gentlemen licensed to return to their own dwelling places. The King in a peaceable manner re­tireth [Page 113] to the Castle of Edenburgh. The Earl of Athole was now removed from him, and many of the other Lords who loved him returned to their houses; the Counsel of man not being able to resist the determinations of God. The Lords suspecting still the King to be implacable in their behalf and unaccessible in his Castle, keeping the Prince alwaies with them, entring upon new meditations hold sundry meetings how to have his person in their power, and make him a prey to their ambitious designs. The Town of Edinburgh is pe­stered with troups of armed men, the Villages about reple­nished with Soldiours. The King warned of his danger, for­tifies of new the Castle of Edenburgh for his defence, and is brought to such a tameness, that resolving to do that with love of every man which he feared in end he should be con­strained unto with the universal hatred of all, and his own damage and danger, out of a passive fortitude sent Commis­sioners, indifferent Noble men, to the Lords and his Son to understand their intentions and what they meant. Why his Son was kept from him, and continued the head of their faction. Why his Uncle was so closely imprison'd, and him­self as it were blocked up by their tumultuous meetings in Arms? He was content they should have an aboliti­on of all that was past, that their punishments should not be infinitely extended, and that they should think upon a general agreement after the best and fittest manner they could devise, and set it down. They finding their offences flew higher than hope of pardon could ascend unto. Their suspitions, and the conscience of their crime committed, breeding such a distrust out of an apprehension of fear, an­swered that they found no true meaning. Open war was to be preferred to a peace full of deceit, danger and fears, that being assured he would weave out his begun projects against them, they could not think of any [...]afety, nor have assu­rance of their lives nor fortunes, unless he freely resigned the title of his Crown and Realm in favour of his Son, and voluntarily deposed himself, leaving the Government of the People and Kingdome to the Lords of his Parliament, divesting himself wholly of his Royall dignity. Neither would they come to any submission or capitulation, until he consented to this main point and granted it submissive­lye.

King Iames notwithstanding of this answer, after a cleer prospect of the inconveniences and mischiefs which were growing, and the many injuries, indignities, and affronts put upon him, yet really affecting a peace, sought unto Hen­ry King of England, as also to the Pope and King of France to [Page 114] make an attonment between him and his Subjects. The King accordingly interposed their Mediation in a round and Princely manners, not only by way of request and perswa­sion; but also by way of protestation and menace, declaring that they thought it to be the common cause of all Kings, if Subjects should be suffered to give Lawes unto their Sove­raign; a ligitimate King, though a Tyrant, was not subor­dinate to the Authority of Subjects. Iames was not a Tyrant; his errours proceeding most part form youth and evil Coun­sel. That suppose the King had done them wrong, it was not wisely done, for a desire of revenge, to endanger their particular Estates, and the peace and standing of the whole Kingdome. What State was there ever so pure, but some corruption might creep into it? That they should be very ment too far; That they would accordingly resent and re­venge it. Rage prevailing against Reason and fears, the Lords made that same answer to these Embassadours which they had sent to the King himself before. As for the Popes Em­bassy which was sent by Adrian de Castello, an Italian Legate was comming, and the Lords fearing the danger of it, for in those times it might have drawn the most part of all the Towns, and the Commons, for fear of Ecclesiastical Cen­sures, to have adhered to the King, or stood in an indiffe­rency, made all possible haste before it should have been de­livered, to make head against their Soveraign, and decide their quarrel in a battel; Vraban the fourth armed Henry the third King of England against all those that would not re­turn to their due and old obedience to him, and all his dis­loyal subjucts.

The King was in a strong Fort, and if he had remained still there, matters in a little time had faln forth more to his wishes; and his Enemies might have been brought to a sub­mission: for his good Subjects of the North, as the Forbesses, Oguilbuyes, the Graunts, Frazeres, Meldrums, many of the Gordounes, Keethes, and others who adhered to him out of affection and duty, were advancing towards him. But whe­ther misinformed or betrayed by some his own, who made him believe that unless he could command the Countrey a­bout Edenburgh, the Castle was of no such importance as was the Castle of Sterlin for him, in consideration of the passage over the River of Forth at a Bridge for those were coming to his aid: The Lords of the association counterfeiting a Re­treit and dispersing themselves in the Countrey, that they might draw him from that bold, he rashly and unadvisedly issued out of the Castle and left his beloved Town of Eden­burgh. The Earls of Montross, Glencarn, Lords Maxwell [Page 115] and Ruthen accompanyed him to the Blackness; his Forces here encreasing he marched towards Sterlin, the Rendevous and destinated Place of meeting for all his loyal Subjects, there he displayed his Royal Standard. Here the perfidi­ous Constable (an unparralleld example of ingratitude) who had betrayed the Son, in an hostile manner kept the Father out of his own Castle, Cannons mounted, Pistols cockt, and leveld at him, and exposed him a prey to his Robels, In the amazement and deliberation what to go about, being thus shut out of his Castle, Tidings came to him, that the Con­federates were come neer to Falkirk, a little Town six miles eastward from Sterlin, that his Army should not be discou­raged by this unexspected accident, trusting to his right and present Power; being more stout than prudent, he resolv­eth to set all upon the hazard of a Battel. The Confederates had passed the Carron, a River under the Falkirk, and were encamped above the Bridge neer the Torwood: The King set forwards with his Army upon the other side of the Torwood, neer a smal brook named Sawchy-Burn. This field is a plain not far distant from that Bannoch-burn, where King Robert the Bruce overthrew the great Army of Edward Carnar­van. Here both Armies advance forward in Battail ar­ray.

The Lords rang'd their Host in three Squadrons; the vant­guard was led by the Lords, Hume and Hailles and their friends consisting of east Lothian and Marss-men; The middle ward was composed of the Liddesdale, Annandale, Ewesdale, Tivot­dale, Twededale, Galloway-Men: the mayne battail was of west Lothian-men, where most of the Lords were, and amongst whom the Prince was kept. In the Kings Army the Earle of Monteeth, Lords Aresken, Graham, Ruthen, Maxwell commanded the vanguard. The left wing which consisted of Westland and Highland men, was commited to the Earle of Glencarn. The Lords, Boyd, Lyndesay, the Earl of Crawfoord commanded in the Reer or great Battaill, amongst whom was the King armd from head to foot upon a great Coursier, easie to be known and discern'd from the rest. The first charge is valiantly given and Launce meeting with Launce, the vanguard of the Lords began to yield ground, and was strongly repulsed. But the next charge being given by Annandale Men and the ranck Riders of the Borders, The middle ward of the Kings Army is beaten back to the mayn Battaill; Notwithstanding of which it is fought a while with marvellous obstination and great hardiness and assurance, untill the standard Royal was beaten downe, and those who defended it were slain, the violence of the bickering being mostly where it was plan­ted. The Kings army now beginning to bow, nor being [Page 116] sufficient to resist the numbers of fresh assailers, the Horse­men obeying no direction, turned their backs. In this rowt and confusion of horse and foot men, the King seeking to re­tire towards the River of Forth, where not far off som Boats and the Ships of Sir Andrew Wood attented the fortune of Battail, by the fall of his Horse, in leaping a Ditch, being sore bruised, was carryed by such who knew him not, to a Mill at Bannoch-Burn. The day was now the Confederates and wrong had prevailed against Right, when the Prince of Rothsay amazed at the noise and clamours of the flying and following Souldiers, and in suspition of the worst, gave out express and strait Commandement with threatnings to the Disobeyers, that none should presume to pursue his Father, nor others in the chase. Notwithstanding which, he was fol­lowed and killed in a Mill in cold bloud. These who follo­wed him were the Lord Gray, Robert Sterlin of Keer, Sir An­drew Borthick a Priest, whom fame reporteth after shiriving to have stobb'd him with a Dagger.

The Ensigns taken, the Army dissipated and put to flight, the Baggage rifled, the Death of the King being rumoured through the Armies, the Victors turned slow in the chase, and gave field-room to all that would fly, no severity being used against any found unarmd; for the Lords of the associati­on pursu'd the King not the people. The discomfitted fled to­wards Sterlin; the victorious retir'd to their Camp, and the next morning to Linlithgow. On the Kings side Alexander Cunningham Earl of Glencarn was slain, and as some have re­corded, the Lords Aerskin, Simple, Ruthen, Iohn Ramsay of Bal­mayn created Earl of Bothwell, and his chief favourite, with their friends and Vassals: the Lard of Inneys, Alexander Scot Director of the Chancery, with some Noblemens Friends and Vassals: many were hurt who recovered of their woundes, and this Battail seem'd rather a brave encounter and meeting of Launces in some lists, than a Field of great deeds of arms, and the victory was obtained rather by disorder, and the rashness of the vanquished than by the valour of the victori­ous. This battel was fought the year 1488. the eleventh day of Iune which is the festival of St. Barnabas, the 29. year of the Reign, and thirty five of the age of this King. He had issue Iames the fourth who succeeded, Alexander Arch-bi­shop of St. Andrews, and Iohn Earl of Marr: The Conspira­tors with all funeral Rites and and Royal Pomp, as in expi­ation of the wrongs they had done him living, neer his Queen in the Abby Church of Cambuskynneht, buryed his body.

This King concerning his personage was of a Stature som­what higher than ordinary, well proportioned, his hair was [Page 117] black, his visage was rather long then round, approaching in colour more to those in the Southern than Northern Cli­mates. Concerning his conditions, He was a Prince of an haughty and towring Spirit, loved to govern alone, affect­ing an absolute Power and Royal Prerogative over his peo­ple. He knew that Noble-men were of his Predecessors making, as the coyn, and why he might not put his stamp upon the same mettal, or when these old Medails were de­faced, that he might not refound them and give them a new print, he thought no sufficient reason could be given. His reign seemeth a Theater spred over with mourning and staind with bloud, where in a revolution many Tragedies were acted. Neither were the neighbour Kingdoms about in a calmer estate during his reign. France under Lovys the ele­venth, England under Henry the sixth, Edward the fourth, and Richard the Usurper, Flanders and Holland under Charles the War-like; Arnold Duke of Guilders was imprisoned by his own Son. As if the heavenly Influences were sometimes all together set to produce upon this Ball of the Earth nothing but conspiracies, treasons, troubles, and for the wicked­ness of the Inhabitants to deprive them of all rest, and con­tentment.

This King is by the most condemned, as a rash, imprudent dangerous Prince: good People make good Kings; when a people run directly to oppose the authority of their Sov [...]raign, and assume Rebellion and arrogancy for obedience, resisting his fairest motions and most profitable commandments, if a King be martial, in a short time they are beaten and brought under. If he be politick, prudent and foreseeing in a longer time (as wild Dear) they are surprized, and either brought back to their first order and condition, or thrall'd to greater miseries. If he be weak and suffer in his Reputation or State or person by them, the Prince who suc [...]eedeth is ordinarily the Revenger of his wrongs. And all conspiracies or Sub­jects if they prosper not in a high degree, advance the Sove­raignty: This Prince seemeth not to have been naturally e­vil inclined, but to have been constrained to leave his natural inclination and necessitate to run upon Precipices and dan­gers: his turbulent Subjects never suffering him to have rest. Many Princes who in the beginning of their reigns have bin admi [...]ed for their fair actions, by the ingratitude of their Subj [...]cts, have turn'd from one extremity to another, and be­come their rebellious Subjects executioners. He was provo­ked to do many things by the in solency of private men: and what some call tyranny and fierceness in a Prince, is but just severity. He sought to be feared, believing it to be the onely way to obedience. It is ture, injuries took such deep impres­sion [Page 118] in his mind, that no after service could blot them away. The taking away of his Favourites, made him study revenge, which if he had not done, he had to much of the Stoical virtues, little of the Heroical.

These who blame Princes, under a pure and absolute Mo­narchie for having favourites, would have them inhumane, base and contemptible, and would deprive them of power to confer favours according to the distinguishing power of thier understanding and conceptions. The choise a Prince maketh of men whom he advanceth to great imployments, is not subject to any mans censure. And were it bad, yet ought it to be pass'd over, if not approv'd; least the discretion and judgement of the Prince be questioned, and his Reputa­tion wounded: Favourites are shrines to shadow Princes from thier People, Why should a people not allow a Prince some to whom he may unmask himself, and discover the se­crets of his Heart? If his secrets should be imparted to ma­ny, they would be no longer Secrets? Why should it be im­posed on a Prince to love all his Subjects alike, since he is not beloved of them all alike? This is a desire to tyrannize o­ver the affections of Princes, whom men should reverence.

He seemeth too much to have delighted in retiredness, and to have been a hater of business; nor that he troubled himself with any but for formalities sake, more desirous of quietnes than honour. This was the fault of the Governours of his youth, who put him off business of State, that they might the more easily reach their own ends, and by making him their shadow, govern after their pleasure; Of this delight in solitariness his Brothers took their advantage and wan the people to their observance.

He was much given to Buildings and trimming up of Chap­pels, Halls, and Gardens, as usually are the Lovers of Idleness: and the rarest frames of Churches and Pallaces in Scotland were mostly raised about his time. An humour which though it be allowable in men which have not much to do, yet is harmfull in Princes; As to be taken with admiration of Wat­ches, Clocks, Dyals, Automates, Pictures, Statues. For the the art of Princes is to give Laws and govern their people with wisdom in peace, and glory in war; to spare the humble and prostrate the proud.

He is blam'd of Avarice yet there is no great matters recor­ded of it, save the encroaching upon the dealing, and taking the giving to whom he pleased of Church Benefices; which if he had liv'd in our times, would have been held a virtue. He was of a credulous Disposition, and therefore easie to be [...] moved some to record He was given to [...] to inquire of future accidents: which if it [Page 119] be credible was the fault of those times. Edward the fourth of England is said to have had that same fault, & that by the mis­interpertation of a prophecy of a Necromancer, which fore­told that one, the first Letter of whose name was G. should u­surp the Kingdom, and dispossess the children of King Ed­ward, he took away his Brother George Duke of Clarence; which being really practised in England, some Scottish writers (that a King of Scotland should not be inferior, to any of his Neighbor Princes in wickednes) without grounds have recor­ed the same to have bin don by this King, his love was great to learned men, he used as Counsellors in his important affairs Iohn Ireland a Doctour of Divinity, and one of the Sorbon in Paris, made Arch-deacon of St. Andrews, Mr. Robert Blacka­dore, whom he promoted to be Bishop of Glasgow, Mr. Willi­am Elphinstoun, whom of an Official or Commissary of Lothi­an, he surrogated in the place of Mr. Robert Blackadore, and made Bishop of Aberdeen; and his faults either in Religion or Policy may be attribuied to these and his other Counsel­lours.

Many have thought that the fatal Chariot of his Precipice was, that he had equally offended kindred, Clergy, Nobili­ty and People. But suppose this had been true, why should such an horrible mischief have bin devised, as to arm his own Son against him? and that neither the fear of Divine justice, the respect of infamy with the present or after times, the dan­ger of the example, had power to divert the minds of men from such a cruel Design! This was really to seeth the Kid in the Mothers milk, and to make an innocent youth obno­xious to the most hainous crime that could be committed. What ever courtains could be spred to overshadow and co­ver this mischief, the horrour of this fact possest this Prince to his last hour, and God out of his Justice executed the re­venge of this cruelty upon the Nobles, Commons, and the Prince himself at the field of Flowden: where some of the chief Actors of this paricide were in their own persons, o­thers in the persons of their Successors, sacrificed to the Ghost of this King.

Iames IIII King of Scotts Anō 1488


THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE & REIGN OF Iames the fourth, King of Scotland.

THe Lords who had chosen rather to be reputed famous Rebells than contemn'd Subjects, by their bold­ness of enterprizing, skill of ma­naging the publick affairs, and continued purchases, swelling to that greatness of power, that they found none to counterpoise, few to oppose to their Designs; To make their Rebellion lawful, and show the world they intended not the subversion of their Countrey, but of their opinionative King, nor that they did dislike Soveraignity, so they might have a Prince who would be ruled by their directions, take the name, and leave to them the Majesty and Authority of his Place: after the killing of the Father, call a Parliament [Page 122] for the installing of the Son in the Royall Throne; few of the three Estates here meeting, except themselves, and the Commissioners of Burroughs, in the Moneth of Iune the year 1488. at Edenburgh the Prince is crowned, then having not attained the sixteenth year of his age. Though these men had assumed the Government, yet in divers parts of the Coun­trey they had bur doubtful obedience, nor was their Autho­rity universally acknowledged, the flames of dissention see­ming yet neither to be extinquished, nor altogether smothe­red with the life of the late King. On the Sea Sir Andrew Wood, who had attended the event of the last Battel, main­tained resolutely the Quarrel of his dead Master. Five tall Ships sent by the King of England to his Confederates aid (but which came too late) pretending a Revenge upon his disloyal Subjects, pillaged the maritime Towns, and forra­ged the adjacent parts of the Countrey, shut up the mouth of the River of Forth, and interrupted the Commerce of Merchants. To repel which violence, the Ships gathered by the Lords struggled in vain, being every way inferiour and weak to supprels their incursions and Algarads. On the land the Forces of those who had stood out for the late King had rather been by the last conflict scatter'd, than throughly bro­ken and brought under. The ablest and most convenient com­panies which were gatherd to his assistance, having never as­sembled and joind in one body, the fight being inconsideratly precipitated and the Dye thrown, before they could descend from the far Mountains, and cross the Foord-less Rivers; And of those who were in the Fray not many being taken prisoners, fewer killed, falling under the weight of friend­ly arms.

The prime Men of those who had chosen rather justly to follow the King, than profitably his Rebells, finding them­selves, for their loyaltie, and that good will which they had carryed to their Soveraign, persecuted and proscrib'd in their Fortunes and Persons, inflamed with indignation and shame resolve to oppose wisdom to Fortune, courage to strength, and hazard some one day more for the repairing the losses of former: the Pillage begun upon the Seas by the English a­nimating them. And being desirous to make as many fellows of their danger as they could, they send Letters thorough all the Quarters of the Kingdom to their Friends, Familiars and Confederates, encouraging them to ply the business ge­nerously, opposing their valour and courage to the strength and power of the abusers of the Prince. By publick writings they cast aspersions on the present Government. After that battail of Sterlin, and since the Coronation of the King they had not fallen in the power of a Monarch, but under an O­lygarchy, [Page 123] the most depraved form of all Governments, the name and Title of a King a young man searce sixteen years of age enjoyed, but he governed not, but was by the Killers of his Father misgoverned, who under false pretences intended the ruin of the State. What reproach and shame would it be not onely with all men now living but also with Posterity to suffer these who had hazarded what they had dearest for the honour and pre­servation of their Prince, to be branded with the name of Traytors, be banished and followed to death. Whilst the Transgressors and Abusers of all Laws, divine and humane, sit Judges over them, as Revengers of general wrongs, usurping the Titles of Deliverers of the Countrey, and Restaurers of the Common-wealth, amongst whose pawes the present King could not be assured and safe. They being the men who to justifie their injustice, and make their fact meritorious, brought him in Arms, not knowing whither, against his King and Father, most wofully taken away: besides the abusing of his Name and Authority in every civil matter. The late King had lost the day and himself by his own errours, not by their power and designs. Now they should oppose to their proceedings, & though they might be esteemed inferiour in number to them, yet (if they met together) they might be found equal to them in worth and courage, being puft up by the last misfortune, and only put­ting their confidence in that they mastered their Designs.

Much being projected and designed for their meeting in arms, in the North Alexander Lord Forbes, a Man born nei­ther to rest himself, nor suffer others, in Aberdeen, and other Towns on the point of a Launce displayed the shirt of the slaughtered King purpled with his bloud, inviting the Countrey as by an Herauld to the revenge of his Murther. In the West the Earl of Lennox, a man eminent by his Birth and Fortunes hath the same resolution; the Earl of Marshall, Lords Gordon and Lyle, with their confederates in other parts of the Kingdom, where their power or eloquence could pre­vail, move all their Engins to advance the enterprize, and put every thing in readiness.

The Lords of the insurrection having the young King in their hands to countenance their proceedings, joining dis­cretion to their good succes, determine except upon neces­sity not to spill more civil blood. And to disperse the clouds of that appearing storm, they encourage Sir Andrew Wood, now received in favour and brought not onely to be no ene­my, but to be their friend and fellow-helper (having ob­tained from them the Barony of Largow, disposed to him hereditarily of which before he had only a lease of the late King for his first service) with his Ships to clear the Forth, and scoure the [...] of the English. And they launch out to his assistance the Vessels and Boats of the Havens neer adja­cent. [Page 124] At that same time Iohn Lord Drummond stuart of Stra­thern, a Nobleman, couragious and adventurous, is directed to wait upon the Earl of Lennox, stopt his ravaging and wa­sting the Countrey, and kept him back from joining with his Confederates of the North, and infesting the more civil parts: being the greatest, ablest and nearest Man of that Faction. The Earl had raised many high-land and West-land men, re­corded to be two thousand; but when he could not pass the River of Forth at the bridge of Sterlin, the Lords having in­vested the Town, he assayeth to pass amongst the Fens and Marishes at a Foord not far from the head of the River, where other his Confederates had appointed to meet him. Whilst he is encamped at Tilly-moss, far from all appearance or suspition of danger, the Lord Drummond by the advertise­ment of Alexander Mackealp (who had taken Arms with the Earl only to find out his waies) in the Night invadeth his Camp, the sentinels and these of the formost Guard seised upon, or killed, or driven back, they in the neerest Cabines amazed with the suddain mischief, rise to arm themselves and think of fight, but finding the danger to be on all sides and thorough the whole Camp, neither seeing before them nor hearing any Directions given them for the great noise of the Invaders, it being impossible to put themselves in ar­ray, confusedly each overthrowing other take themselves to hopeless and disordered slight. Sleep here to some is con­tinued in death, many disburthening themselvs of their arms, seek sanctuary amongst the winding pathes of these Marshes. Others are taken, but by their acquaintance and friends suf­fered after to escape. Revenge is only followed against such who in malice had enterprized any thing against the present Government, and persevered in their attempts.

This defeit of the Earl of Lennox by the Lord Drummond, is seconded with the rumour of a Sea victory obtained by Sir Andrew Wood against Steven Bull, a man excelling in ma­ritime affairs, who had come upon the Scottish seas to re­venge the Quarrel of his Matters Ships not long before taken and spoyled by Sir Andrew, They had met neer the Island of the May at the mouth of the River of Forth, and arranging themselves for fight had been two daies by the waves and winds carryed along the coast of Fife, driven at last amongst the M [...]unts of Sand where the Tay looseth his name in the Sea, the English ships taler, and of a greater burthen than the Scottish by ignorance or negligence of their Mariners em­banqued and stuck moor'd upon the Shelves: and being forc't by necessity to render were brought as Prizes to Dun­de [...]: The rumour of these Victories spread abroad, so amaz'd the Companies raised in the North by the Lord Forbess, and [Page 125] other his Confederates, that they, changing their opinions with the event of actions, gave over further prosecution or desire of war, and every Man retired to his own home. Af­ter which by indifferent friends having sought a reconcilia­tion (it being more expedient to take them in by Policy than by force) they were easily received in favour: amongst which was the Earl of Lennox and the Lord Forbess.

The Governours to ingratiate themselves more with the people, by calming the present troubles, and uniting the divided members of the Common-wealth; that every man might have a publick assurance for the freedom of his Person and private estate and fortunes, call a Parlament, and it is held at Edinburgh in February, having the Law in their own hands, that the insurrection might be thought just; here was it adjudged that those who were slain in the field of Ster­lin had fallen by their own deservings, and justly suffered the punishment of their rashness: that the Victors were inno­cently guiltless of the blood there shed, and fairly acquitted of any pursuit: The three estates testifying the same by their subscriptions and Signets.

It was Ordained, That they who came against the present King in aid of his Father, should take remissions or pardons: and so many of them as were in hereditary Offices, as Wardens, Iustices, Sheriffs, Stewards, Baillyes, Lieutenants, or in other publick Charges, should be suspended from them for the space of three years, that such who had offices for term of life, or for terms, should be dispossessed and dennded of them altogether.

All which, though done under a colour of Punishment, was only to invest Places, and to turn some of themselves rich by their spoils. The punishment of mean men challen­ged of these garboyls is either made little or passed over. All Donations howsoever made by Patent from the King or by Parliaments in prejudice of the Crown, beginning from the moneth of September before, till the day of his decease are repelled and annihiled. All honours bestowed on such the late King sought to obliege unto him were recalled. The Earl of Crawford was divested of his title of being Duke of Montross, as the L. of Balmayn was of his, of being Earl of Bothwell. Embassadours are directed to the Emperour, Pope, Kings of France and Denmark, and other Princes, to renue the Leagues, antient Confederacies and Allyances, as in times past had been the custome of the Kings of Scotland to their neighbour Princes, but especially to take away the blame of their Kings slaughter from the Governours: and manifest to all the world the candor of their minds, and ju­stice of their proceedings. For that some few English Ships had shut up the narrow Seas of Scotland, and interrupted the [Page 126] commerce of Merchants, pillaging the Coasts, Order was established for building of many Ships, and that every Sea­port should be stored with them, as well to maintain traffick abroad with Strangers, as for fishing, and to be walls to the Countrey at home. In a matter so important, and near concer­ning the weal and standing of the State, the Barons were ordained to share and bear a part with the Merchants and Burroughs. And in so fair a project, to encourage his peo­ple, the King himself was content first to begin, and to build ships for his own and the publick service of the Kingdom. This being one of the greatest miseries of the late King that he suffered himself to be misgovered by (as they term'd them) worthless men, some Prelates and Noble-men eniment in learning and virtue are selected who should still be resident with the King, and of his Council without the advice con­sent and decree of six of which if any matters of importance were proceeded on and concluded, they should be void and [...]ull: Governours are appointed to bring up his Brothers.

Now is every thing ordered to the best, Justice is executed on oppressours and Robbers, and in the remotest parts of the Kingdom, the King himself in person seeth it admini­stred. He is of so contrary a temper to the humour of his Predecessors that he granted freely to every man what could be demanded in reason. To give a testimony to the world of the Agonie of his mind, for the Death of his Father, and what remorse and anguish he suffered for the faults of those who brought him to the Field against him, he girded himself with a chayn of Iron, to which every third year of his life thereafter he added some rings and weight. Though this might have proved terrible to the Complices of the Crime, yet either out of conscience of his gentle disposition and mild nature, and confidence in his generosity, or of the trust they had in their own power and Faction, they bewrayed no signs of fear, nor attempted ought against the common peace and tranquility, some records bear that they forewarned him by the example of his Father not to take any violent course against them, or which might irritate the people a­gainst him and every thing to embrace their counsels: and that finding him repining and stubborn, beyond mediocri­ty giving himself over to Sorrow and pensiveness, they th [...]ea [...]ned him with a Coronation of one of his Brothers, tel­ling him it was in their power to make any of the race of his [...] their King: if he were Head-strong and re­fractory to oppose to their wholsom directions and grave Couns [...]ls.

Amidst this Grief of the King and overweening of his su­percilions Governours Andrew Forman Secretary to Alexan­der [Page 127] the sixth Bishop of Rome arrived in Scotland with instruti­ons for the Clergy, and Letters from his Master to the King and the Nobles.

The Kings were full of ordinary consolations to asswage his passions, and reduce his mind to a more calm temper for the accident of his Fathers death.

The most glorious victory a Prince could acquire, was sometimes to overcome himself, and triumph over his disordered passions. In all perturbations, to which we are subject, we should endeavour to practise that precept, No thing too much, but chiefly in our passions of sorrow and wrath: which not being restrained over­whelm the greatest and most generous Minds, that by passion the fewest actions, and by reason the most do prosper.

Though a King he must not imagine himself exempt from things casual to all mankind, especially in Seditions and civil tumults: from which no kingdom nor State hath been free. There being no City which hath not sometimes wicked Citezens, and alwaies and ever an headstrong and mad multitude; he should take what had be­faln him from the hand of his Maker, who chastiseth those he lo­veth. What comes from heaven be should bear necessarily, what pro­ceedeth from Men couragiously; there was no man so safe, excel­lent and transcendent, who by an insolent Nobility and ravaging Populacy might not be compell'd to perpetrate many things against his heart and intentions.

The will being both the beginning and subject of all sin, and the consenting to and allowing the action being the only and main point to be considered and look into▪ of which he was free, the sin com­mitted was not his, nor could the punishment which by the divine Iustice might follow belong unto him.

Sith he had done nothing of himself, but as a bound man had been carryed away by mutinous Subjects: these that lead trans­gress, not alwaies they that follow. To these men remorse and tor­ture of conscience belong'd, it was they should lament and mourn who under false pretences had abused the people, maskt their Am­bition and malice with a reformation of errours in the State, whose rage could not be quencht but by the bloud of ther Soveraign. It was these should bewail their in justice and cruelty, the sin, shame and judgement, for so hainous a fact followed these men; He should not impute the wrongs and wickedness of others, by which he had been a sufferer with his disastered Father, to himself. Re­venge belonged to the Almighty, to whose Tribunal he should submit his quarrel. He should not decree the worst against his mutinous Subjects, nor turn them desperate, as if there were no place to re­pent. Great offenccs, ordinarily were seldom punisht in a State, that it was pro [...]itable for a Prince sometime to put up voluntarily an injury, the way to be invincible was never to contend, and to stand out of danger was the benefit of peace, that he should apply soft [Page 128] Medicine where it was dangerous to use violent; That following his Maker he should endeavour to draw Good out of evil.

As he was for that disaster of his Father pittyed by Men upon Earth, so assuredly he would be pardoned in Heaven. If his Sub­jects returned to their crooked Byas and did revolt again, he would make the danger his own, use his Ecclestastical censures and spiri­tual power against th [...]m till they became obedient, and submitted themselves to the sway of his Scepter.

In the Letters to the Nobles he exhorted them to obedi­ence.

Ambition was the cause of Sedition, which had no limits, and which was the bane and wrack of States & Kingdoms of which they should beware of; Kingdoms subsisting upon the reputation of a Prince, and that respect his Subjects carryed towards him. He was the Eye and Sun of Iustice; the Prince weakned or taken away, or his authority contemned; the Common-wealth would not only fall into a Decadence, but suffer an Earth-quake and perish▪ Either after by Forrainers be invaded, or by intestine dissentions rent a­sunder. Confusions followed where obedience ceased and left: Con­tempt deposed Kings as well as death, and Kings are no longer Kings when their Subjects refuse to obey them.

That good people made good Kings, which he requested them to endeavour to be, as they would answer to God whose Lientenants Princes were, and by whose power they ruled.

After, this time the Lord Evaindale being dead, the Earl of Anguss, was made Chancelour, and the Lord Hume, ob­tained the place of great Chamberlain of Scotland, the Coun­trey enjoyed a great calm of peace, the grounds of dissention seeming to be taken away.

The King in the strength and vigour of his Youth, remem­bring that to live in Idleness was to live to be contemned by the world, by change of Objects to expell his present sadness and to enable himself for wars when they should burst forth, gave himself to recreations by Games, and with a decent Pomp entertained all Knightly exercies keeping an open and magnificent Court. When time and Exercise had ena­bled him, and he thought he had attained to some perfection in marital Sports, Tilting and Barriers proclaimed; Re­wards propounded and promised to the Victors, Challenges are sent abroad unto Strangers either to be Umpiers or A­ctors of Feats of Arms.

Charles the eight the French King, having an Ambition to reannex, the Dutchy of French Bretaign to the Crown of France, either by arms or the Marriage of Anne the apparent heir, under the pretext and shadow of those painted Ju­stings, sendeth to Scotland some of the bravest Gentlemen of his Court, desiring privily the assistance of King Iames a­gainst [Page 129] the English, if it should fall forth that the King of Eng­land troubled his Designs.

Not long after well and honorably accompanied arriveth in Scotland a young man naming himself Richard Duke of York son to Edward the fourth, true Inheritour of the Crown of England, divers Neighbor Princes testifying the same by the Letters, which contained,

That Edward the eldest son of Edward the fourth who succee­ded his Father in the Crown, by the Name of Edward the fifth, was murthered by Richard Duke of Gloucester their unnatural Vn­cle; but Richard the younger Son his Brother, by the Man who was employed to execute that Tragedy (making report to the Tyrant that he had performed his command for both Brethren) was saved, and with speed and secrecy convoyed to Tourney, there conceal'd and brought up by his Fathers Sister Margarite Dutchass of Bur­gundy; Nhat King Iames should acknowledge this for Truth, and friendly assist this young Man, who was that very Richard Duke of York, to recover his inheritance, now most unjustly usurped and Possessed by Henry Tuder Earl of Richmond; That the right of Kings extended not onely to the safe preservation of their own, but also to the aid of all such Allies, as change of time and State hath often hurled down from Crowns to undergo an exercise of sufference in both fortunes: and Kings should reposses Kings wrongfully put from their own. As his Predecessors to whose roy­al vertues he was heir, had repossessed Henry the sixth King of England, spoiled of his Kingdom and distressed, by which Chari­ty obliging all virtuous Princes unto him, he should find ever as his own, Maximilian of Bohemia, Charles of France, and Mar­garite Dutch [...]ss Dowager of Burgundy.

King Iames graciously receiving this young man, told him That whatsoever he were, he should not repent him of putting him­self into his hands, and from that time forth, though many gave Informations against him as a Counterfeit, entertain­ed him every way as a Prince, embraced his quarrel, and sei­ling both his own eyes, and the eyes of the world, he gave consent that this Duke should take to wife Lady Katherine Gordoun daughter to the Earl of Huntley, which some thought he did to increase the Factions of Perkins in England, stir the discontented Subjects against King Henry, and to encourage his own Subjects to side on his quarrel.

Not long after in person with this Duke of York in his Company, who assured him of powerful assistance, he en­tered with an Army into Northumberland, but not one Man comming to side with them, the King turned his enterprize into a Road, and after he had spoiled the Countrey return­ed into Scotland. It is said that Perkin acting the part of a Prince handsomely, where he saw the Scots pillaging and [Page 130] wasting of the Countrey came to the King, and in a deplo­ring manner requested him to spare his afflicted people, that no Crown was so dear to his Mind, as that he desired to pur­chase it with the blood and ruin of his people: whereun­to King Iames answered he was ridiculously careful of an interest another man possessed, and which perhaps was none of his. The King of England who delighted more to draw treasure from his people than to hazard the spilling of their blood, to revenge the predatory war of the Scots, and find out Perkin, requireth a subsidy of his Subjects: and though few believed he would follow so far a flying Hart, he was levying a puissant Army.

No sooner this Subsidy began to be collected amongst the Cornish-men when they began to grudge and murmur, and afterwards rebelled; which when it was understood of the King, he retained the forces raised, for his own ser­vice and use. In the mean time dispatching the Earl of Surrey to the North to attend the Scots incursions, whilst the Cornish-men are in their March towards London, King Iames again entered the Frontiers of England with an Ar­my and besieged the Castle of Norham in person. But un­derstanding the Earl of Surrey was advancing with greater forces, loaden with spoil he returned back again; the Earl of Surrey finding no Enemy, sat down before the Castle of Aytoun, which he took, and soon after returned into Eng­land; the cold season of the year, with the unseasonableness of the weather driving away time, invited a Treaty of Peace on both sides.

Amidst these turmoyls and unprofitable incursions of the two Kingdoms, Ferdinando and Isabella of Spain sent one Peter Hialas to treat a marriage between Katherine one of their Daughters, and Arthur Prince of Wales. This allyance be­ing agreed upon, and almost brought to perfection King Hen­ry desirous of quietness, and to have an end of all Debates, especially these with Scotland, communicateth his intenti­ons to Hialas a man wise and learned, and whom he thought able to be employed in such a service: for it stood not with his Reputation to sue unto his enemy for Peace.

But Hialas a stranger unto both, as having Direction from his Master for the Peace of Christian and Neighbor Princes, might take upon him this reconciliation.

Hialas accepteth the Embassage, and comming to King Iames, after he had brought him to hearken to more safe and quiet Counsels, wrote unto King Henry, That he hoped that Peace might easily be concluded, if he would send some wise and temperate Counsellour of his own, that might treat of the Conditi­ons.

[Page 131] Whereupon the King directeth the Bishop of Duresm, Ri­chard Fox, who at that time was at his Castle of Norham, to confer with Hialas, and they both to treat with some Com­missioners deputed from King Iames. The Commissioners of both sides meet at Iedbrough, and dispute many articles and conditions of Peace. Restitution of the spoils taken by the Scotish, or dammages for the same is desired: but that was passed as a matter impossible to be performed. An enterview in person at Newcastle is desired of both Kings: which being referred to King Iames his own arbitrement, he is reported to have answered that he meant to treat a Peace, and not go a begging for it.

The breaking of the Peace for Perkin Warbeck is highly aggravated by the Bishop, and he demanded to be deliver'd to the King of England; That a Prince should not easily believe with the common people, that Perkin was a fiction, and such an one that if a Poet had projected the figure, it could not have been done more to admiration, than the house of York by the old Dut­chess of Burgundy, Sister to Edward the fourth, having first rai­sed Lambert Simnel, and at last this Perkin, to personate Kings and seduce the people. His birth, education, not residence in any one place proved him a Pageant King, that he was a reproach to all Kings, and a person not protected by the Law of Nations.

The Bishop of Glasgow answered for his Master, That the love and Amity grounded upon a Common cause and universal con­clusion amongst Kings to defend one another, was the main foun­dation upon which King James had adventured to assist Edward Duke of York; that he was no competent Iudge of his title; he had received him as a Suppliant, protected him as a person fled for refuge, espoused him with his Kinsewoman, and aided him with Arms upon the belief that he was a Prince; that the People of Ireland, Wales, and many in England acknowledged him no less than their King, whether he were so or not; sith for a Prince he had hitherto defended him, he could not leave him upon the Re­lation of his most terrible Enemy and the present Possessour of his Crown. That no Prince was bound to render a Subject to another who had come to him for Sanctuary, less a Prince who had recourse unto him for aid and Supply, and was now allyed with the antient blood of the Countrey.

Much being said at last they conclude upon a truce for some moneths following.

After this treaty of Peace the Counterfeit Duke of York, with his Lady, and such Followers as would not leave him, sailed over into Ireland.

This Truce happily concluded and continued, by a tri­fling and untoward accident went neer to have been given up and broken.

[Page 132] There were certain Scottish young men came into Norham Town, and having little to do went sometimes forth and would stand looking upon the Castle. Some of the Garrison of the Castle observing them, and having not their Minds purged of the late ill-humour of Hostility, either suspected them or quarrel'd with them as spyes, whereupon they fell at ill words, and from words to blows, so that many were wounded of either side, and the Scots (being strangers in the Town) had the worst: Insomuch that some of them were slain, and the rest made hast home. The matter being com­plained on, and often debated before the Wardens of the Marshes of both sides, and no good order taken, King Iames took it to himself, and sent Marchmond Herauld to the King of England to make protestation, That if reparation were not done according to the Conditions of the Truce, his King did de­nounce war. The King of England (who had often tryed fortune, and was enclined to Peace) made answer, That what had been done was utterly against his will, and without his privi­ty; But if the Garrison Souldiers had been in fault, he would see them punished, and the Truce in all points to be preserved. This answer pleased not King Iames. Bishop Fox understanding his discontent, being troubled that the occasion of breaking the Truce should grow from his men, sent many humble and deprecatory Letters to the King of Scotland to appease him. Whereupon King Iames molified by the Bishops submiss and discreet Letters, wrote back again unto him, That though he were in part moved by his Letters, yet he should not be fully satis­fyed except he spake with himself, as well about the compounding of the present difference, as about other matters that might con­cern the good of both kingdoms. The Bishop advising first with his Master, took his journey to Scotland: the meeting was at the Abby of Melrose where the King then abode. The King first roundly uttered unto the Bishop his offence con­ceived for the breach of the Truce by his Men at Norham Castle, after speaking with him a part, he told him, That these temporarie Truces, and Peace were soon made and soon broken: but that he desired a straiter Amity with the King of England, discovering his Mind, that if the King would give him in Mar­riage the Lady Margarite his eldest Daughter, That indeed might be a knot indissolvable; That he knew well what Place and Power the Bishop deservedly had with his Master; therefore if he would take the business to heart, and deal in it effectually, he doubted not but it would well succeed.

The Bishop answered soberly, That he thought himself ra­ther happy than worthy, to be an instrument in such a matter, but would do his best endeavour. Wherefore the Bishop of Dur­h [...]m returning from Scotland to his King at London, and giving [Page 133] count what had pas [...]ed, and finding his King more than well disposed in it, gave the King first advice to proceed to a con­clusion of Peace, and then go on with the Treaty of Mar­riage by degrees; hereupon a Peace was concluded to con­tinue for both the Kings lives, and to the overliver of them one year after. In this Peace there was an Article contained, That no English man should enter into Scotland, nor no Scotch man into England, without Letters Commendatory from the king of either Nations.

During this Treaty of the Marriage it is reported that the King of England referred this matter to his Council, and that some of the Table in freedom of Counsellours (the King be­ing present) had put the case, That Issues Males and Females failing of the race of his two Sons, that then the Kingdome of England would fall to the King of Scotland, which might preju­dice the Monarchy of England. Whereunto the King himself replyed, That if any such event should be, Scotland would be but an accession to England, and not England to Scotland, for that the greater would draw the less, and that it was a safer union for England than that of France.

Shortly after, the espousals of Iames King of Scotland with Lady Margarite the King of Englands eldest Daughter follo­wed: which were done by Proxie in all solemn manner. The Assurance and contract was published at Pauls Cross the 25. of Ianuary at London, in applause of which Hymns were publickly sung in the Churches, and Bonfires with great feasting and banqueting set throughout all the City.

Iulius the second in the beginning of this Treaty did grati­fie King Iames with a Sword and Diadem wrought with flowers of Gold (which the Popes on Christmass even used to consecrate, a custome first brought in by Sixtus Quartus) which were presented to him at Holy-Rood-House; the mar­riage was in August following consummate at Edenbrough, King Henry bringing his Daughter as far as Colliveston on the way: where his Mother the Countess of Richmond aboade; and then resigning her to the attendance of the Earl of Nor­thumberland who with a great Train of Lords and Ladies of Honour brought her into Scotland to the King her Husband, solemn daies were kept at Court for banquetting, Masks and Revelling, Barriers and Tilting proclaimed. Challenges were given out in the Name of the Savage Knight (who was the King himself) Rewards designed to the Victors. Old King Arthur with his Knights of the Round-Table were here brought upon the Lists. The fame of this Mariage had drawn many Forreign Gentlemen to the Court. Amongst others came Monsieur Darcie, naming himself Le Sieur de la Beautie, who tryed Barriers with the Lord Hamilton, after they had [Page 134] tilted with grinding Spears. Some of the Savage Knights Company (who were robust high-land men) he giving way unto them, smarted really in these feigned Conflicts, with Targets and two-handed Swords to the Musick of their Bag­pipes, fighting as in a true battel, to the admiration of the English and French, who had never seen men so ambitious of wounds and prodigal of blood in sport. All were magnifi­cently entertain'd by the King, and with honourable Lar­gesses and Rewards of their Valour, licensed to return Home.

During the Treaty of this Marriage with England, a Mon­ster of a new and strange shape was born in Scotland near the City of Glasgow, the body of which under the waste or middle varied nothing from the common shape and propor­tion of the bodies of other men, the members both for use and comliness being two, their faces looking one way; sit­ting they seemed two men to such who saw not the parts be­neath, and standing it could not be discerned to which of the two Bulks above the thighs and legs did appertain. They had differing passions, and diverse wills, often chiding others for disorder in their behaviour and actions: after much de­liberation embracing that unto which they both consented. By the Kings direction they were carefully brought up, and instructed in Musick and Foreign Languages. This Monster li­ved twenty and eight years, and dyed when Iohn Duke of Albany Governed. Claud Gruget maketh mention of the like Monster born in Paris before the marriage of Henry the fourth the French King with Margarite of Valois, but the birth and death of it were neer together.

The King by his great Liberality unto Strangers abroad, and his lavi [...]h spending at home, for religious Places were founded, Castles repaired, Ships builded (three of an extra­ordinary greatness) finding himself needy of Treasure to support the dayly expences at Court, engaged to many and sunck deep in debt; and that Subsidies he could not levy ex­cept by the Suffrages of his Parliament, by whose power they were imposed and rated setteth the most learned Coun­sellors at Law and men experienced in foreign Policy to find out new means and waies to acquire and gather him monies by Laws already made and Ordained, which was in effect to pole the people by executing the rigour of Justice, the For­tunes of wise men arising often on the expences of Fools, after the example of King Henry the seventh of England, his Father-in law, who taking the advantage of the breach of his penal Statues gave power to Sir Richard Empson and Ed­mond Dudley by Informers and Promoters to oppress and ru­in the estates of many of his best Subjects, whom King Henry [Page 135] the eight to satisfy his wronged people, after his decease cau­sed execute. Old customes are by these men pryed into, and forgotten absolet Statutes quickned.

Amongst the titles of possessing of Lands in Scotland there is one, which in process of time of an ungodly custom grew strong and is kept for a Law, being fetched by imitation from the Lawes of the neighbouring States; That if the possessour of Lands dy, and leave a Minor to succeed to him his Tutelage belongeth to the King, and the profit of the Lands until the Minor be of the age of one and twenty years. This is of those lands which are termed Wards. The King causeth bring up his Wards, but bestoweth no more of their Rents upon them than is useful to such of that age. By a­nother Law they have not any thing better than this, which they call Recognition, that if the evidences of any possessour of Ward-lands be not in all points formal, and above excep­tions of Law, the lands (the possessours put from them) shall return to the Lord Superiour: and like to this, That if a Possessour of Ward Lands without the consent of the Supe­riour, sell and put away the half, or above the half of his land and Farm, the whole land and Farm returneth to the Superiour or Lord Paramount. They have lands held with clauses which they call irritant, that if two terms of a few duty run unpaid into the third, the Land falleth unto the Su­periour. When those lawes and other like them by reason of the Neighbourin cursions and troubles with England, and the civil broyls at home had been long out of use amongst the Subjects, and the execution of them as it were in a man­ner forgot, these Projectors and new Tol-masters the king gi­ving way to enrich his Exchequer, awakned them. Many of the Subjects by these inquirles were obnoxious to the king and smarted, but most the most honest, who were con­strained either to buy their own lands and inheritance from the Exchequer, or quit and freely give some portion of them to those Caterpillars of the State. The King was so dearly beloved of his people, that in the height of those Grievan­ces (which reached near the exorbitant avarice of his Fa­ther) none refused or made difficultie to give all that the laws ordained. The King seeing their willingness to perform, and knowing their great disability thereunto, out of his singular Grace and Goodness remitteth not onely the rigour, but even the equity almost of his lawes, insomuch that thereafter none of his Subjects were damnified in their persons or e­states by his proceedings: which gain'd him the hearts of all: And to put away all suspitions and jealousies from their minds (an Ordinary practice amongst Princes) acts that fill Princes coffers ever being the ruin of their first Projectors, [Page 136] of any wrong intended, He suffered the Promoters and Pro­jectors of this polling, with others of the most active to be thrown into Prisons, where some miserably ended their daies.

The year 1507. Iames Prince of Scotland and Isles was born at Holy-rood-House, the 21. of Ianuary: the Queen in her throwes of birth, being brought neer the last agony of death, the King (overcome with affection and religious vows) taketh a Pilgrimage for her recovery on foot to Saint Ninian: in Galloway; a place in those credulous times famous for the burial of St. Ninian the Apostle of the Britains, and notorious by the many Processions and Visits of the neigh­bour Countreys of Ireland and England; at his return he fin­deth his Queen recovered, the child after dyed at Sterlin, with the Bishop of Galloway, who was appointed to attend him. The year following the Queen brought forth another son named Arthur at Holy-rood-House, but he died also in the Castle of Edenburgh: and Henry the seventh his Grandfather accompanyed him to the other world. King Iames to the Coronation of the young King his Brother-in-law sendeth Embassadours.

After the death of his two Sons, and his Father-in-Law, as if he had been warned from above to think upon his own mortality (whether he had resolute intention so to do, or that for reasons known to himself, he would have it so ap­pear) he giveth out, That out of remorse for bearing arms in the Field where his Father was slain, he had a resolution to leave his kingdom and visit the holy Sepulchre. Then to prepare his way Robert Blacka-Towre Abbot of Dumfermling is directed; but the Abbot in his journey is arrested by death, and the King findeth other hinderances to keep him at Home.

Amidst these deliberations his Queen is delivered in the Pallace of Linlithgow of her third Son, in the Moneth of A­pril 1512. who succeeded to the Crown, and was named Iames.

About this same time Bernard Stuart that famous Warrior under Charls the eight of France, who commanded the French in Bosworth Field, came to Scotland, followed by Andrew For­man then Arch-Bishop of Burges, and Bishop of Murray, with Alexander Stuart the Kings natural son, after promoted to be Arch-Bishop of St. Andrews. The cause which was given out to the rumours of the people of their comming, was, That the French King having no male children, crav'd the advice and counsel of the King of Scotland his Confederate, concerning the marriage of his Eldest Daughter: whether he should bestow her upon Francis of Valois, the Daulphine [Page 137] and Duke of Augulesm, or upon Charles King of Castile, who had presented her with many tokens of affection, and by his Embassadours earnestly sought her from her Brother. But their great errand was to divide the King from his Brother-in-law King Henry, and make him assist Lo [...]ys: these two Potentates intending a war against other.

Anne Daughter of Francis Duke of Bretaign after the death of her Sister Isabella remained sole heir of that Dutchy, her wardship falling to the French King Charles the eight; He terrified so her Subjects, guided her kinred, and the princi­pal persons about her, that making void the pretended mar­riage of Maximilian king of the Romans, which was by Proxie, she was married unto him. Notwithstanding he had the Daughter of Maximilian at his Court, with great exspectation of a mariage to be celebrate with her. After the death of King Charles, Lovys the twelf having marryed Iane the Sister of Charles and Daughter to Lovys the eleventh, by his many favours bestowed upon Pope Alexander the sixth, and his Son Cesar Borgia, obtaineth a Brief of Divorce against her, by the power of which (her weakness for the bearing of Children (the necessary upholders of a Crown) by his Physi­cians being proved) he had married Anne of Bretaign, for he would not loose so fair a Dowry for the blustering rumour of Malecontents, which in a little time would grow stale and vanish. Pope Alexander dead, Iulius the second, a turbulent, unquiet, but magnificent Prelate, and a stout defender of Church-Patrimony, suspitious of the power of the French in Italy, and that they would not rest content with the king­dom of Naples and Dutchy of Milan, but one day hazard for all; fearing also they would, because they might, put him out of his Chair, and substitute in his Room their Cardinal of Amboise, or some other of their own, began to study no­vations and means to send the French back to their own Countrey, his ordinary discourse being that he would one day make Italy free from Barbarians. He requireth King Lo­vys to give over the protection of the Duke of Ferrara, and of Annibal Bentivoglio whom he had thrust out of Bulloign. The King refusing to forsake Confederates, the Pope betak­eth him to his spiritual Arms, and threatneth with Excom­munication the Duke and all who came to his aid and sup­port, especially the French; they decline his Sentence, and appeal to a true and lawful General Council, with which they threaten him. Henry the eight then in the fervour of his youth, amidst a great Treasure left by his Father, and by more than ordinary bands of love and friendship tyed to the Pope, (as having dispensed with the marying his Brothers widdow) interposeth himself as an Indifferent [Page 138] Mediator and Intercessor for Peace between the two parties, but in effect was the chief maintainer of the Quarrel, effect­ing nothing because he would not. Conditions being refused by King Henry he essayeth draw the French arms from the Popes territories by cutting them work neerer home, and bringing a nec [...]ssity upon them to defend their own. Upon this determination he desireth king Lovys to restore and ren­der to him his Dutchies Guyenne and Normandy with his anti­ent inheritance of Anjow and Mayne, and the other old Pos­sessions of the English in France, which wrongfully had been detained and kept from him and his Ancestors. The war of Italy by [...]hese threatnings was not left of: for the Pope con­ming to Bollogn with intention to invade Ferrara, is besieged with his Cardinals, and he sendeth Declarations to the Chri­stian Princes, protesting the French not only thirsted after the Patrimony and Inheritance of S. Peter, but even after Christian blood. Mean while he absolveth the Subjects of King Lovys from their oath of Allegiance, abandoneth his kingdom to any can possess it; at a Council at Lateran he dis­patched a Bull wherein the title of most Christian King is transferred upon Henry king of England, who to his former titles of France having now the approbation of the Pope, and the kingdom interdicted, prepareth an expedition in per­son. After which with five thousand barded Horses, Fourty thousand Foot, comming in Picardie, he encampeth before Therovenne, a Town upon the Marches of Picardie: Here the Emperour Maximiliam, resenting yet his old injury, entreth into the King of Englands pay, and weareth the cross of Saint George: But so long as he staied in the Army, it was gov [...]rned according to his counsel and direction.

King Iames before his meeting with Bernard Stuart and Bi­shop Forman, was fully purposed to prove an indifferent be­holder of this War: but Bernard having corrupted the Cour­tiers, and the Bishop the chief Church-man of the king­dom, after their long and earnest intercession he was drawn altogether to affect and adhere to the French.

To throw the apple of Dissention, Bishop Forman is sent to king Henry to demand certain Jewels by their Fathers Will, or her Brothers Prince Arthurs; appertaining to Queen Margarite his Sister.

King Henry mistrusting that Embassy, offereth all and more than they demand from him. Shortly after the English beginning to interrupt the traffick of the French by Sea, king Iames will send his Ships, lately well mann'd and equipp'd for fight, which not long before had been prepared (as was given out) to transport the king into Syria to his Cosin Queen Ann, supposing this Gift would rather seem a Pledge of friend­ship [Page 139] and alliance to the English than any Supply of Warre. But Iames Earl of Arrain having got the command of them, instead of falling towards France, arriveth in Ireland, whether by tempest of weather, or that he would disturb the Kings proceedings in assisting the French, instigated and corrupted by King Henry, it is uncertain: and after he had spoild Knock-Fergus a maritime village, returneth with them to the Town of Ayre.

The King taking in an evil part the invasion of Ireland, but more the lingring of the Earl, for he had received Let­ters from Queen Anne and Bishop Forman, regretting the long and vain expectation of his Ships, giveth the Earl of An­guss, and Sir Andrew Wood a Commission for both him and them. The Earl of Arrain by his Friends at Court, under­standing his Masters displeasure, ere they could find him, hoiseth up Sails, and committeth him self rather to the un­certain fortune of the Seas, than the just wrath of a King. After great Tempest arriving in French Bretaign, these Ships built at such extraordinary Charges, Sayls and Cordage be­ing taken from them, rotted and consumed by weather, in the Haven of Erest.

Now matters grew more exasperate between the Brother Kings; Robert Car Warden of the Borders is killed by three English, Hieron, Lilburn, Struthers. Andrew Barton, who up­on an old quarrel begun in the reign of King Iames the third, had purchased Letters of Reprisal against the Portingals, by Thomas Howard the English Admiral is slain, and his Ships ta­ken. To this last Grievance (when it was expostulated) King Henry is said to have answered, That truce amongst Princes was never broken for taking or killing of Pyrates.

Alexander Lord Hume Warden of the East Marches in Re­venge of accumulated injuries with three thousand men in­vadeth the English Borders, burneth some Villages, and for­rageth the Fields about. But having divided his forces, and sent a part of them loaden with spoils towards Scotland, he falleth in an ambush of the English: where Sir William Bul­mure with a thousand Archers put him to flight, and took his Brother George. During these border incursions, the Lord Dacres and Doctor West came as in an Embassy from England, not so much for establishing a Peace, and settling those tu­mults, begun by the meeting of Commissioners (who as­sembled and concluded nothing) as to give their Master cer­tain and true Intelligence of the Proceedings of the Scots with the French, and what they attempted.

Monsieur de la Motte was come with Letters from the French to stir King Iames to take arms against the English, and had in his voyage drowned three English Ships, bringing seven [Page 140] with him as Prizes to the Harbour of Leyth. Robert Bartoun in revenge of Andrew Bartouns death, at that same time re­turned with thirteon Vessels all Prizes. King Lovys had sent a great ship loaden with Artillery, Powder and Wines; in whicd Mr. Iames Oguylbuy Abbot of Drybrough arrived, with earnest request for the renuing of the antient League between France and Scotland, and Letters froom Queen Anne for the invasion of England. In which she regretted he had not one Friend nor maintainer of his Honour at the Court of France (after the late delay of the sending his Ships) except her self and her Ladies: that her request was, He would for her sake whom he had honoured with the name of his Mistress in his Martial sports in time of peace, march but one mile upon the English bounds, now in time of an appearing war against her Lord and Countrey.

The King thinking himself already engaged and interest­ed in his fame, drawn away by the promises, eloquence, and other perswasions of the French, assembleth the three Estates of his Kingdom to deliberate about a war with England. Ma­ny oppose it, but in vain; for at last for fear of the Kings dis­pleasure it is concluded, uncertain whether by a worse Coun­sel or event. But before any hostility against the English they determine and decree that King Henry shall by an Herauld be fairly advertised and desired to desist from any further inva­sion of the Territories of the French King, or Duke of Guil­ders (who was General of the French Army) the King of Scot­lands Confederates and Kinsemen: which not being yiel­ded unto, the Warre as lawfull and just shall be denoun­ced.

Henry the eight then besieging Therovenne, answered the Herauld who delivered his Commission: That he heard no thing from him, but what he had expected from a King a Despiser of Gods and Mans Law; for himself, he would not give over a War so happily began for any threats. Neither did he care much for that Mans friendship, of whose uncon­stancy he had so often had experience, nor for the power of his Kingdom and ambitious poverty.

After this answer of the King of England, A Declara­tion by the King of Scotland was published almost to this sense.

Though Princes should direct their Actions more to conscience than Fame, and are not bound to give an account of them to any but to God alone, and when Armies are prepared for Battel, they look not so much to what may be said, as to what ought to be done; th [...] [...] being over thought to have had reason upon their side, and the justest cause: yet to manifest our sincerity, and the up­rightness of our proceedings, as well to these present times as to po­sterity, [Page 141] who may hereafter enquire after our deportments, that all may take a full view of our intentions and courses, we have been mov'd to lay down the justness and equity of our Arms before the Tribunal of the World.

The Laws of Nations and of Nature, which are grounded upon the Reason by which Man is distinguished from other Creatures, oblige every one to defend [...]imself; and to seek means for ones own preseration is a thing unblamable; bnt the Laws of Soveraignty lay greater Obligations upon us, and above all men Monarchs and they to whom God hath given the Governments of States and King­domes, are not only bound to maintain and defend their own Kingdomes, Estates and Persons, but to relieve from unjust Op­pression, so far as is in their power, being required, their Friends, Neighbours and Confederates, and not to suffer the weak to be o­verthrown by the stronger. The many Innovations and troubles raised upon all sides about us, the wrongs our Subjects have suffer­ed, by the insolencies and arrogancy of the Counsellors of Henry King of England our Brother-in-Law, are not onely known to our Neighbour, but blazed amonst remotest Countreys. Roads and Incursions have been made upon our Borders; Sundry of our Leiges have been taken, and as in a just warr, turned Prisoners; the Warden of our Marches under Assurance hath been miserably kelled; our Merchants at Sea invaded, spoiled of their goods, li­berties, lives: above others, the chief captain of our Ships put to Death, and all by the kings own Commission; upon which breach­es between the two kingdomes, disorders and manifest wrongs com­mitted upon our Subjects, when by our Embassadours we had divers times required satisfaction and Reparation, we received no justice or answer worthy of him or us, our Complaints being rejected, and we disdainfully contemned, that longer to suffer such Inso­lencies, and not by just force to resist unjust violence, and by dangers to seek a remedy against greater or more imminent dan­gers; Not to stand to the defence of our Lieges, and take upon us their protection, were to invite others to offer the like affronts and inju­ries to us hereafter.

Besides these Breaches of Duty, Outrages, Wrongs done unto us, his Brother Henry king of England without any just cause or vio­lence offered to him or any of his by the king of France, hath le­vyed a mighty Army against him, invaded his Territories, using all hostility: Continuing to assault and force his Towns, make his Subjects Prisoners, kill and ransom them, impose Subsidies, and lift moneys from the quieter sort, which wrongs, dammage and in­justice we cannot but repute done unto us in respect of our earnest intercessions unto him and many requests rejected, and that an­tient League between the two kingdomes of France and Scotland, in which these two Nations are obliged respectively, and mutually bound to assist others against all Invaders whatsoever; that the [Page 142] Enemy of the one shall be the Enemy of the other, and the Friends of the one the Friends of the other. As all motions tend unto rest, the end of a just war being Peace, that our Brother (who hath no such Enemy as the too great Riches and abundance in which he swimmeth) may entertain Peace with his Brother Princes, and mo­derate that boundless ambition, which maketh him usurp Domi­nion over his equals; we have been compelled to take us to defen­sive arms; for our Brother hath now declared himself, and vaun­teth that he is sole Iudge and Umpire of the Peace of Europe, and that from his will, the differences of Successions and Titles of Prin­cipalities, wrongs and other interests depend, as that all should be obsequious to his authority; and what particular Authority can be more intolerable, than that he should hinder so great and just a Prince as the King of France to claim his own and defend his Subjects?

If our Brother the king of England by the supply and assistance of many neighbour Countreys, now by the Provocation of the Bi­shop of Rome, arising upon all sides against the French, should extend his Power and Victory over France (under what colour and pretence of Iustice so ever) to what an extremity shall the kingdom of Scotland be reduced, having so powerful and ambitious a Neigh­bour? Fear of any neighbour Princes Greatness, when it exten­deth it self over adjaeent Territories, is a Good cause of Defence and taking of Armes, which cannot be but just, sith most neces­sary.

We are not ignorant that here will be objected against us, The breach of a League contracted between our Brother and us: We have not broken that League; but for great Causes and Reasons separate our selves from it, our Brother having taken away the means, occasions, reasons, were had to observe it. In all Leagues, Confederations, Alliances and Promises amongst Princes, the last Confederation is ever understood to be contracted without preju­dice to the Rights of any former Alliances: and when our Embas­sadours made that League with our Brother, it was to be understood that it should hold no longer, nor we longer be bound unto it than he should keep to our first Allies and antient Confederates, not breaking their Peace, nor troubling the Government and Estates of their Countreys. A National League is ever to be preferred before any personal, an antient to a new; the Leagues between the king­domes of France and Scotland having continued many ages, should justly he preferr'd to that which we as a new Ally of the house of England did contract, which yet we are most willing to keep: but the love of our Countrey passing all private respects hath mov'd us to separate our selves for a time from it.

All Leagues, Confederations, Alliances, Promises amongst Prin­ces are respectively and mutually understood, with this condition and Law, providing both keep upon either side; the one party [Page 143] breaking or departing from the League, Allyance or Promise, the o­ther is no longer bound to keep nor adhere unto it. So long as the King of England kept unto us, we kept unto Him: He now ha­ving many waies broken to us, we are no longer obliged to keep to him; That same oath which obliged and tyed us, after his breach absolving and making us free; and of this we divers times ad­vertised him, giving him assurance, except we would betray that Trust and confidence our Subjects and Confederates had in us for the maintenance of their peace and safety, we could not but assist them in their just cause (howsoever the justest actions have not e­ver the mrst profitable events) and be constrained to have a recouse to arms for a remedy of their present misery.

And now notwithstanding of our advanced Expedition, and preparations for war, that the world may judge rightly of our in­tentions, We declare and manifest that if our brother shall leave off the Invasion of our Confederates, use no more hostility against them, and give satisfaction for the wrongs done unto our Subjects, that we shall disband our forces: and are content that all matters of difference aswel between the King of France, and our brother, as our brother and us, be amicably judged, decided and taken away. As that not only a Truce and Cessation of their Miserie for a time, but a perfect and lasting Peace be concluded and established, to the full contentment, and lasting happiness of the three kingdoms and our posterity.

Whilest the King staied at Linlithgow attending the gathe­ring of his Army, now ready to set forward, and full of cares and perplexity, in the Church of St. Michael heard Even­song (as then it was called) while he was at his Devotion, an antient Man came in, his amber coloured locks hanging down upon his Shoulders, his fore-head high and enclining to bald­ness, his Garment of azure colour, somewhat long girded a­bout him with a Towel or Table Napkin, of a comely and reverend aspect. Having enquired for the King, he intru­ded himself into the prease, passing thorow till he came to him, with a clownish simplicity, leaning over the Canons Seat where the King [...]ate, Sir (said he) I am sent hither to in­treat you for this time to delay your expedition, and to pro­ceed no farther in your intended journey: for if you do, ye shall not prosper in your enterprize, nor any of your follo­wers. I am farther charged to warn you, if ye be so refra­ctory as to go forward. not to use the acquaintance, compa­ny or counsel of Women, as ye tender your honour, life and estate.

After this warning he withdrew himself back again, into the prease; when service was ended, the King enquired earnestly, for him, but he could no where be found, neither [Page 144] could any of the Standers by (of whom diverse did nar­rowly observe him, meaning afterwards to have discoursed further with him) feel or perceive how, when, or where he passed from them: having as it were vanished in their hands.

After his Army had mustered in the Borrow-moor of E­denburgh (a field then spacious and delightful by the shades of many stately and aged Oaks) about the midst of the Night there is a Proclamation heard at the Market Cross of the Town, summoning a great many Burgesses, Gentlemen, Ba­rons, Noblemen to appear within fourty daies before the Tribunal of one Plot-Cock; the Provost of the Town in his Timber Gallery having heard his own Name cited, cried out that he declined that Judicatory and appeal'd to the mercy of God almighty.

Nothing was the King moved with those advertisements, thinking them Scenick pieces acted by those who hated the French and favoured the English faction: being so boldly and to the life personated that they appalled and stroke with fear ordinary and vulgar judgements, as Trage-Comedies of Spirits. The Earl of Anguss disswaded him from that expe­dition, and many of the most reverend Church-men, but the Angel which most conjured him was Margarite his Queen who at that time was with child; her tears and prayers shook the strongest beams of his Resolutions. She had acquainted him with the Visions and affrightments of her sleep; that her Chains and Armelets appeared to be turned into Pearls; she had seen him fall from a great Precipice; She had lost one of her eyes. When he had answered these were but Dreams, arising from the many thoughts and cares of the Day, but it is no Dream (saith she) that ye have but one Son, and him a a weakling; if otherwaies than well happen unto you, what a lamentable day will that be, when ye shall leave behind you, to so tender and weak a Successour, under the Govern­ment of a woman, for inheritance, a miserable and bloody war? It is no dream that ye are to fight a mighty people; now turned insolent by their riches at home and power a­broad: that your Nobilitie are indigent ye know, and may be brib'd to leave you in your greatest danger. What a folly, what a blindness is it to make this war yours, and to quench the fire in your Neighbours house of France, to kindle and burn up your own in Scotland? ye have no such reason to as­sist the French, as ye have to keep your promises to England, and enjoy a Peace at home. Though the English should make a conquest of France, will they take your Crown, or disin her [...] their own r [...]ce, this is even as the left hand would cut off the right? Should the Letters of the Queen of France, (a [Page 145] woman twice married (the first half in Adultery, the last al­most Incest) whom ye did never nor shall ever see) prove more powerful with you, than the cryes of your little Son, and mine, than the tears, complaints, curses of the Orphans and Widdows which ye are to make? If ye will go, suffer me to accompany you; it may be my Countrey-men prove more kind towards me than they will to you; and for my sake yield unto a Peace. I hear the Queen my Sister will be with the Army in her husbands absence; if we shall meet, who knowes what God by our means may bring to pass.

The King answered all her complaints with a speedy march which he made over the Tweed: not staying till the whole forces came to him, which were arising and prepared.

The twenty two of August comming into England he en­camped neer the water of Twisel in Northumberland, where at Twisel-haugh he made an Act, that if any man were slain or hurt to death by the English, during the time of his aboade in England. his heirs should have his Ward, Relief and ma­riage. Norham, Wark, Foord, Eatel, are taken and cast down. Amidst this hostility the Lady Foord (a noble Captive) was brought in a pitty-pleading manner, with her daughter (a Maid of excellent beauty) to the Camp. Not without the Earl of Surreys direction, as many supposed, for they have a vigorous Prince and his Son (though natural by the gifts of Nature and Education above many lawful) to try the Magick of their eloquence and beauty upon. The King delighting in their Company, not only hearkeneth to the discourse of the Mother, but giveth way to her counsel: which was, if she should be dismissed, to send him true and certain intelligence of what the English would attempt, tak­ing her way to their Camp: but in effect proved the winning of time to the Earl of Surrey, and the losing of occasion to him. Her few daies stay bred in him a kind of carlessnesse, sloath, procastination and delay, a neglect, and as it were a forgetfnlness of his Army and business: eighten daiestary­ing in England, in a Territory not very fertile, had consum'd much provision, the Souldiers began to want necessaries, a number in the night by blind pathes returned to their own Countrey. In a short time only the Noblemen and their Vassals attended the King. These request him not to spend more time on that barren Soyl, but to turn their Forces a­gainst Berwick, which Town was of more importance, than all the Hamle [...]s and poor Villages of Northumberland, neither was it impregnable or diffic [...]le to be taken, the Town and Castle being no waies provided and furnished to endure a siege. The Courtiours move the King to continue the belea­guering of Berwick till their comming back: which would [Page 146] be an easie conquest Northumberland once forrag'd, in absence of the bravest of the English then in France.

Whilest the Army languished, and the King spent time a Foord, the Earl of Surrey directeth an Herauld to his Camp, requiring him either to leave off the invasion of his Masters Countrey, and turn back giving satisfaction for wrongs com­mitted; or that he would appoint a day and place wherein all differences might be ended by the Sword. This Chal­lenge being advised in Counsel, most voices were that they should return home, and not with so small number as rema [...] ­ned endanger the State of the whole Kingdom, enough be­ing already a [...]chieved for fame, and too much for their frien­ [...]hip with France; why should a few Souldiers, and these al­ready tired out by forcing of Strengths, throwing down Ca­stles, be hazarded against such multitudes of the English, sup­plyed lately and encreased with fresh Auxiliaries? Thomas Howard Admiral, a Son of the Earl of Surrey, having new­ly brought with him to New Castle out of the Army lying in France five thousand men, and one thousand tall Sea men. If they should return Home, the English Army could not but disband, and not conveniently this year be gathered again, consisting of men levied from far and distant Places. Again if they should be engaged to come to a Battail; their own Countrey, being fields to them well known, would prove more commodious and secure to fight upon than English ground, besides the opportunity of furnishing and provi­ding the Camp with all necessaries at less charges. The French Embassadour and others of his faction remonstrate to the King, what a shameful retreit he would make, if at the desire of the Enemy he returned, and without the hazard of a Battel, being so neer unto him; that by fighting in England, he kept his own Couvtrey unforraged; and consum'd the Provision of his Enemy which at last would weaken his for­ces: That for contentment to both Armies, Islay a Scottish Herauld should return with Rouge-Cross the English, and con­descend upon a day, promising them the mean time tarrying and aboad till the righteousness of the cause were decided in a Battel.

The set and appointed Day by the Heraulds in which the two Armies should have joined being come and the English not appearing, nor any from them: The Nobility again resort to the King; show how by the [...]light of the Enemy matters were prolonged from one day to another: the English forces daily encreasing, whilst the Scottish wear away and waxed fewer: that [...]light should be opposed to [...]lights; the day de­signed by the Heraulds not being kept, it would be no re­proach to them to turn home without battel, or if retiring, [Page 147] to fight upon their own ground. If this counsel pleased him not, but that he would there give them battel, The next was to study all advantages for victory, either by stratagem, or the odds and furtherance of the Place of fight; Where the Chiviot hills decline towards the plainer fields arising behind them with high tops with best Ordnance should be fortified; the water of Till running deep and foord-less upon the right hand, and but passable at the Bridge, the first Companies of the enemy being passed, before they could be relieved and succoured by their followers, the Bridge by the Artile­ry should be beaten down, and the enemy charged when they began to pass the Water.

The King, impatient of Counsel, answered, though their number encreased to as many more as they were, he with that remainder of his Army would fight them. That ad­vantages were to be imbraced according to the occasion of the fight without tedious deliberation, if any man was afraid he might if he pleased return Home. A strange Resolution in a Prince, who imagined every man in his Army to have the same strength, courage, boldness and resolution with himself.

This answer astonished the Nobility, and since they could not perswade him to a fair retreat, but that he will fight and that without the advantage of the Bridge, being inferiour in number to the English (for they were reckoned by the Scouts fix and twenty thousand) they fortify themselves ac­cording to the Commoditie of the Hill where they lay en­camped with a resolution not to suffer the King to hazard his person in the battel. If victory should incline to them, their Gains were but smal and Glory less, extending but over some few of the Nobility, and a small parcel of the Body of the State of England, a number of yeomen, and pressed Horsemen, the flower of the Kingdom being in France. But if they were overthrown, theirloss would prove uncōparable, yea unspekable, a martial yong King either k [...]l'd, taken or put to flight; wherfore they think it fitting, not ne­cessary, the King be pleased with so many as either chance or election might separate with him, to be a Spectator of the fortune of the day. To this the King replyed, he neither wanted ability to discharge the part of a Souldier, nor wis­dom to command as a General, and to outlive so many va­liant Countrey-men would be more terrible to him than death it self. When forced to give way for his personall presence in the field; they appoint some to be arraied in like furniture of Arms and a like Guard as the King; Sha­dows to per [...]onate him in sundry quarters of the field, that the enemy should not set one man as their chief mark to [Page 148] invade, from whose death the victory and conclusion of the war might depend: and if the King should fall, the Army should not lose courage, nor be brought to believe he were lost, so long as they saw a General with his Coignoscance and Guard present and neer them to be a witness of their valour and atchievements, as not long before at the battel of Fornou in Italy had been practiced by the French to their king Charles the eight.

By this time the Earl of Surrey with the power of the North of England, was come within three miles of the Place where the Scottish Army was encamped, and perceiving he could not but with great disadvantage fight them; he sendeth an Herauld requiring the King to come forth of his strength to some indifferent ground, where he would be ready to en­counter him. The King being forward to condescend to this request, the Lords cryed out, it was madness to accept of opportunity of fighting from his Enemies, and to set all at a main chance according to their appointment, it being their advantage to prolong time, and trifle with him, in whose Camp there was already scarcity of victuals, which ere long might put him to such a stand, that he should not know well what to do. Neither was it likely he could be furnished from the inner parts of the Countrey, by reason of the cum­bersom waies for carriage to pass, after the falling of so great and continued rains, and the softning of the Ground; that by sitting still, and committing nothing to Fortune, he might have his enemy at his pleasure; if they dared assail him at their perils be it. He lacked nothing but patience to be victorious.

The Scots keeping their Trenches, the earl essayeth to draw them out, and the ninth of September removing his Camp marcheth towards the same Hill of Flowden where they lay encamped; his Vant-guard with the Cannon passeth the water of Till at Twysel bridge, the Reer-ward going over at Mylnfoord. King Iames seeing them pass the water imagineth they meant to win a Hill between his Camp and them; To prevent which (setting fire to the Cab [...]nes raised of boughs of Trees and Reeds) he removeth to another Hill, before the English could observe his motion, the smoak darkning the aire between the two Armies. Whilst the Scottish Army was removing the English advance to the foot of Flowden hill, by which they have double advantage, the Scottish ordinance could not much annoy them, they marching upwards and un­der the level thereof, again by their shot they might easily gall their enemies as they came downwards upon them.

The fatal hour of the Battel approaching the English draw up in good order six and twenty thousand men (some write [Page 149] thirty) in two Battails any of which was equall in number to the whole Scottish Army. Thomas Lord Howard Admirall had the Vant-guard, of which Sir Edmond Howard his Bro­ther led one of the wings, and Sir Marmuduke Constable the other; The Lords Dacres and Cliffoord, with Sir Edward Stan­ley kept the Rear: the Earl of Surrey with Latymer Scroop, Sir Stephen Bull kept the main Battail. The Scots by their few­ness of number not being able to order many Battailons, marshal themselves in four, three of which should enter in fight and the fourth attend for supply. The King kept the middle or main; Alexander Gordoun Earl of Huntley had the right wing of the Van; the Earls of Crawford and Montross led the other, and some have recorded the Lord Hume: The third Army was guided by Matthew Earl of Lennox, and the Earl of Arguyl, where was Mackenney and Mackclean▪ with the fierceness of the High-landers. Adam Hepburn Earl of Bothwell with his Friends and the flower of the Gentry of Lothian, kept off for suddain dispatches and chances of the Battel.

The Earl of Huntley making down the Hill where they en­camptneer the foot of Branx Town, encountreth that Wing of the English Host which was led by Sir Edmond Howard, which after a furious and long fight he put to flight, and so eagerly pursued the advantage, that Sir Edmond had either been killed or taken, if he had not been rescued by Bastard Hieron and the Lord Dacres, the Battaillon which the Earls Lennox and Arguyl led (being High-land men) encouraged with this first glance of victory, loosing their Ranks, aban­doning all order (for ought that the French Ambassadour La Motte by signs, threatnings, clamours, could do to them) brake furiously upon the enemy, and invade him in the Face, of whom they are not onely valiantly received, but by Sir Edward Stanleys traversing the Hill, enclosed, c [...]t down at their backs and prostate. The Middle ward which the King led, with which now the Earl of Bothwell with the po­wer of Lothian was joined, sought it out couragiously body against body, and Sword to Sword. Numbers upon either side falling till darkness, and the black shadows of the Night, forced as it were, by consent of both▪ a Retreit: Nei­ther of them understanding the fortune of the day, and unto whom victory appertained.

Many brave Scots did here fall, esteemed to above five thousand, of the noblest and worthiest Families of the king­dom: who choosed rather to dy than out-live their friends and Compatriots.

The Kings natural Son Alexander Arch-Bishop of St. An­drews, the Bishop of the Isles, the Abbots of Inchjefray and [Page 150] Kill Winny, The Earls of Crawfoord, Mortoun, Arguyl, Lennox, Arrel, Cat [...]ness, Bothwel, Athol; the Lords Elphinstoun, Aerskin, Forbes, Ross, Lovet, Saintclare, Maxwell, with his three Brothers, Simple, Borthick; Numbers of Gentlemen, Balgow­ny, Blacka-Towre, Borchard, Sir Alexander Seatoun, Makenny, with Macklean, George Master of Anguss, and Sir William Dow­glass of Glenbervy, with some two hundred Gentlemen of their name and Vassals were here slain.

The English left few less upon the place, but most part of them being of the common sort of Souldiers, and men of no great mark▪ compared with so many Nobles killed, and a King lost, the number was not esteemed nor the loss thought any thing of.

The Companies of the Lord Hume had reserved themselvs all the time of the fight, keeping their first order, and when by the Earl of Huntley, he was required to relieve the Battallion where the King fought, he is said to have answer­ed That that man did well that day who stood and saved himself. After the retreat his Followers gathered a great bootie of the spoils of the slaughtered. This fight began Sept. 9. about four of the clock after Noon, and continued three houres the year 1513.

About the dawning of the next Morning the Lord Da [...]res, vvith his Horse-Troops taking a view of the Field, and see­ing the brazen Ordnance of the Scots not transported, with most part of the faln bodies not rifled, sendeth speedy ad­vertisement to the Howards and the pensive Army: inviting all to the setting up of Trophees, Spoil, and transporting of their great Ordnance to Berwick, amongst which were seven Culverins of like size and making, called the Seven Sisters.

Divers diversly report of the Fortune of the King; We without affirming any thing for certain, shall onely set down what Fame hath published, a false Witness often of human accidents, and which many times by malignant brains is forged, and by more malignant ears received and believed. The English hold that he was killed in this Battail; the Scots that many in like Arms with the like Guards, were killed, e­very one of which was held for the King: Amongst others Alexander Lord Elphinstoun his Favourite, who had marryed Elizabeth Barley one of the Dames of Honour of Queen Mar­garite;

He was a man not unlike to the King in face and stature, and representing him in arms in the field, with the valiantest and most couragious of the Army fought it out, and acting heroically his part, as a King was killed, heaps of slaughter­ed bodies environing his. In the search where the fight was, [Page 151] the number, taleness, furniture of the dead bodies being ob­served, their faces and wounds viewed, his body, as if it breathed yet majesty, was amidst the others selected, ac­knowledged for his Maisters, brought to Berwick and embal­med. That it was not the body of the King, the girdle of Iron which heever wore, and then was not found about him, gave some, though not certain, testimony.

Some have recorded that the fortune of the day inclining to the English, four tall men mounted upon lusty Horses, wea­ring upon the points of their Launces, for coignoscances, Streamers of Straw, mounting the King on a Sorrel Hack­ney, convoyed him far from the place of fight, and that he was seen beyond the Tweed, between K [...]lso and Dunce. After which what became of him was uncertain. Many hold he was killed in the Castle of Hume, either by the intelligence between the English and the Lord Humes kinred, or out of fear (for they were at the slaughter of the Kings Father and the most violent in that fight) or of hopes of great fortunes, which would follow innovations, and the confusion of the State, being men who liv'd best in a troubl'd Common wealth and upon the Borders.

One Carra follower of the Lord Humes, that same night the Battail was fought, thrust the Abbot of Kelso out of his Abbacy: which he never durst attempt the King being alive. Another, David carbreath in the time of Iohn the Governour vaunted that however Iohn wronged the Humes, he was one of fix who had abated the insolency of King Iames, and brought him to know he was a Mortal. To these is added, that the Governour Iohn, not long hereafter, cut off the heads of the Lord Hume, and his Brother without any known great cause. The Common people (ever more addicted to superstition than verity) believed he was living, and had pas­sed over the Seas, and according to his promise visited the holy Sepulchre in Palestine. Therefor his other offences and the bearing of Arms against his Father, in prayers and Pen­nance he spent the remainder of His tedious daies.

That he would return again when he found opportunity, and the necessity of Europe requird him. This report was of as great truth, as that which the Burgundians have of the Re­turn of their Duke Charles after the Battle of Nancy, most of them believing he escaped from the conflict. He was lost the twenty and five year of his Reign, the thirty and ninth of his age the ninth of September 1513.

This King was of a vigorous body, his stature being nei­ther too tall nor too low, of a pleasant countenance, of a pregnant wit; but by the faults of the times in which he li­ved not polished with Letters. He excelled in horse-man­ship [Page 152] fencing and shooting. By much watching, slender diet, and use, he was enabled to endu [...]e all extremities of weather, scarcity or want of rest, with good health of body.

He was just in giving judgement, in punishing malefactors severe, yet tractable and moderate. With the peril of some few he restrained vices and rather shook the Sword than struck with it. He knew there were some things, though Princes might, yet they ought not to do. He was easie of access. most courteous in speech, and meek in answering e­very man. He was so far from being over taken with anger or other violent perturbations, that he was never observed to have given an evil or disobliging word to any, or that the colour of his face changed by any offence offered him, or informations given him, relying without passion upon his own magnanimity.

He was of a free and liberal disposition, far from any o­stentation. As he understood well the Art of giving, so to acquire and purchase he was not sufficient of himself, but made use of men who drew more hatred upon their own heads, than moneys into their Princes coffers.

Though he delighted more in War than the Arts, he was a great admirer and advancer of learned men. William El­phinstoun Bishop of Aberdeen builded by his Liberality the College of Aberdeen, and named it The Kings College, by reason of those Privileges and Rents the King bestowed up­on it.

His Generosity did shew it self in not delivering of Perkin Warbeck; he trusted much, and had great confidence in his Nobility, and governed by love not by fear his peo­ple.

It is no wonder amidst so much worth, that some humane frailty, and some according discord be found. There is no day so bright and fair, which one moment or other looketh not pale, and remaineth not with some dampish shadow of discoloured Clouds. He was somwhat wedded to his own humours, opiniative and rash; Actions of rashness and timeri­ty even although they may have an happy event, being never praise worthy in a Prince. He was so infected with that illustrious crime which the Ambitious take for virtue, desire of Fame, that be preferred it to his own life, and the peace of his Subjects.

He so affected popularity, and endeavoured to purchase the love of his people, by Largesses, Banquetting▪ and other Magnificence, diving in debt, that by those Subsidies and ex­c [...]ssive exacti [...]ns which of necessity he should have been con­strained to have levied and squeized from the people, longer life had made him lose all that favor and love he had so pain­fully purchased, that death seemed to have come to him wi­shedly and in good time.

[Page 153] The wedding of others Quarrels, especially of the French, seemeth in him inexcusable; a wise Prince should be slow and loath to engage himself in a war, although he hath suf­fered some wrong. He should consider that of all humane actions and hazards, there is not one of which the precipi­tation is so dangerous, as that of beginning and undertaking a war. Neither in humane affairs should there more depths be founded nor hidden passages searched and pryed into than in this. He should remember that besides the sad necessity which is inseparable from the most innocent war (the wast­ing and destroying of the goods and lives of much people) there is nothing of which the Revolutions and Changes are more inconstant, and the conclusions and ends more uncertain.

The Sea is not more treacherous, false and deceiving, nor changeth not more swiftly her calms into storms than wars and the fortune of arms do, the event and success belying the beginning. It is not enough that a Prince know a war which he undertaketh to be just, but he should consider also if it be necessary, and if it be profitable, and conduce to the State which he governeth.

As men of strong and healthful bodies follow ordinari­ly delight in their youth, he was amourously carryed away. He confined the Earl of Anguss in the Isle of Arran, for ta­king Iane Kennedy a Daughter of the Earl of Cassilles out of Galloway, a fair and noble Lady, of whom he became ena­moured as he went in his pilgrimage to St. Ninians. In his last expedition the Lady Foord was thought to have hindered the progress of his arms, and hasten'd the success of the battel.

Though virtue be sometimes unfortunate, yet is it ever in an high esteem in the memories of men: such a desire remain­ed of him in the hearts of his people after his loss, that the like was not of any King before him; Princes who are out of this life being onely the Delights and Darlings of a peo­ple. Anne the French Queen not many dayes out-lived the rumour of his death. He serves for an example of the frailty of great men on the Theatre of this world, and of the incon­stancy of all Sub-Lunary things.

He had children, Iames and Arthur who dyed Infants, Iames who succeeded him, Alexander born after his death who dyed young; Alexander a natural son, Arch-Bishop of Saint Andrews, so much admired and courted by Erasmus; Marga­rite of a Daughter of the Lord Drummonds, maried to the Earl of Huntley, whose mother had been contracted to the King, and taken away (to his great regret) by those who governed the State, that he should not follow the example of King Ro­bert his Predecessour, who maryed a Lady of that Family; Iames earl of Murray.

Iams V King of Scotes Ano. 1514


THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE & REIGN OF Iames the Fift, King of Scotland

THe fatal accident nd over throw of the King, and Flower of the No­bility of Scotland at Flowden filled the remnant of the State with great sorrow, but with greater a­mazement and perplexity: for by this great change they expected no less than the progress and ad­vancement of the Victors Arms and Fortune, and feared the con­quest, se [...]virude and d [...]solation of the whole Kingdom. The rigorous season of the year being spent in mourning and performing of last duties to the dead for their lost kinsmen and friends; and the gatheing together the floating Ribbs and dispersed plancks of this Ship-wrack, the Peers assembled at Sterlin, where being, applying them­selves [Page 156] to set their confuons in order, and determine on the Remedies of their present evils, the lively pourtraict of their Calamities did represent it self to the full view. The head and fairest parts which Majesty, Authority, Directi­on, Wisdom had made emin [...]nt, were cut away, some tur­bulent Church-men, Orphan Noblemen, and timorous Ci­tizens, fill their vacant places: and many who needed dire­ctions themselves, were placed to direct and guide the Helm of State; such miseries being alwaies incident to a people, where the Father of the Countrey is taken away, and the Successor is of under age. In this Maze of perplexity to di [...]oblige themselves of their greatest duty, and give satis­faction to the most and best, the lawful Successour and Heir IAMES the Prince is set on the Throne and Crowned, be­ing at that time one year five moneths and ten daies of age, and the hundreth and fifth King of Scotland. The Last Will and Testament which the late King had left before his expe­dition, being publickly seem and approved, the Queen chal­lenges the Protection of the Realm and Tutelage of her Son, as disposed unto her so long as she continued a Widdow and followed the Counsel and advise of the Chancellour of the Realm, and some other grave Counsellours, and she obtained it: as well out of a Religion they had to fulfill the will of their deceased Soveraign, as to shun and be freed of the imminent arms and imminent danger of her Brother the King of England. Being established in the Government, and having from all that respect, reverence and observance which belong to such a Princess, she sent Letters to the King of England; that having compassion upon the tears and pray­ers of a Widdow, of his sister, of an Orphan, of his Ne­phew, he would not only cease from following the Warre upon Scotland (then at war with it self and many waies di­vided) but ennobled by courage and goodness, be a defence unto her the infant her Son against all injuries to be of­fered them by Forrainers abroad, or any of the factious No­bility▪ who would oppose themselves a gainst her at home. To which King Henry answered, That with the Peaceable he would entertain Peace, and with the froward and turbu­lent war; if the Scots would live in Peace they should have it for his part, but if they would rather fight, he was not to refuse them. That he husband had faln by is own indis­creet rashness, and foolish kindness to France, that he regret­ted his death as his Ally, and should be willing to prohibite all hostility against the Countrey of Scotland during the mi­nority of her Son, for a remedy of present evils, one years Truce and a day longer was yielded unto; in which time he had leasure to prosecute his designs against France, without [Page 157] fear of being disturbed or diverted by the incursions and in­roads of the Scots upon his borders.

The Government of a woman and a child over a people ever in motion, mutinous and delighting in Changes, could not long subsist firm, nor continue a after one fashion. The first shake and disorders of the Kingdom arose, and was oc­casioned by the ambition and avarice of the Church-men (the Moth-worms of State) being seconded by the factious Nobles and Male-contents; and it was the distribution of the Offices, Places, Benefices, vacant by the deaths of those slain in the late Battel. Andrew Form [...]n Arch-Bishop of Bur­ges, Bishop of Murray, and Legate to the Pope Iulius, Gaven Dowglass Bishop of Dunkell, Uncle to the Earl of Anguss, Iohn Hepburn Prtour of St. Andrews, contend all three for the Arch­bishoprick of St. Andrews. Gaven Dowglass was presented to it by the Queen, Andrew Forman by the Pope, John Hep­burn was chosen by the Chapter his Canons; and sundry of the Nobility favoured is election, they said also te place whilst it was vacant belonged unto him: and his party was so strong that none dared publish te Popes Bull in favour of Andrew Forman for many daies. Till Alexander Lord Hume then chamberlain and warden of he East Marches, won by many promises, and the Abbacy of coldingham engaged and presently given in hand to his younger Brother David, in despight of the opposition of the Lord Haylles and the facti­on of the Hepburns, then seditious and powerful, well bac­ked by his Friends, Vassals, Adherents all in Arms, caused publish and proclaim it at the Market cross of Edinburgh, which action first incensed the Priour to plot mischief against the family of the [...] Humos. William Elp [...]instoun Bishop of Aberdeen by many of the Clergy and some of the Nobility had been desired to accept this Dignity, but he refused it, being now weary of earthly greatness, and making for another world, for at this time at Edinburgh he left this.

As ordinarily when one faction is neer extinguished, the remnant subdivideth, after these jars of the Church men, which were cherished by the Nobility, the Nobles began to jar among themselves, and grudge at others preferments. Alexander Lord Gordon ruled and commanded the Countreys north-ward the River of Forth, as Alexander Lord Hume u­surped almost a royal Authority, and commanded over the Countreys on South-side of the Forth, and Earl of Anguss went about a fairer couquest.

Iames Earl of Arran Lord Hamiltown being neerest in blood to the King, could not but wit indignation look upon the undeserved greatness of these Usurpers, under the shadow of this Olygarchy, turbulent, evill disposed, and men abhorring [Page 158] horring quietness ravaged the Countrey and did what they pleased.

Amidst these confusions these confusion the Queen in April brought forth the posthumous child in the Cattle of Sterlin, whom the Bi­shop shop of Cathness, Abbot of Dumfermlin, and the Arch-Dean of St. Andrews baptized and named Alexander. After she was recovered and had required her wonted strength of body, she found the authority of her place was turned weak, and that [...]he enjoyed nothing but the name of Governing, the people delighting to live rather without rule and in all dis­orders than to be subject to the obedience of a Woman though a Queen. After great deliberation and many essays in vain to curb their insolency and vindicate her authority from their contempt, as also to save her son from the dangers of an insulting Nobility, and settle her estate, she resolved to match with some Nobleman eminent in power and worth, who could and would protect her and hers in greatest extre­mities Amongst the choise of the young Noblemen of Scot­land for a long succession of renowned Auncestors, comely­ness of person, nobleconversation, prudence in affairs of State, being lovely, courteous, liberal wise, none was com­parable to the Earl of Anguss; him she determines to m [...]ke Partner of her Royal Bed and Fortunes; and as ordinarily in m [...]tters of love it falleth out, by the impatience of delay, without acquanting her Brother the King of England, or the Nobles of the Kingdom with her design, she afterwards marryeth him, transferring, if she could, the whole weight of the Kingdom and the rains of the Government of the State into his hands, having no more freedom in her own determinations.

No sooner was this revealed to the World, when the No­bility and Gentry divided into two Factions, one adhering to the Dowglass, in whom kindred, friendship long obser­vance had bred hopes of benefit and preferment; another of such whom envy of his greatness and advancement had made hungrey of change. The first would have the Govern­ment continued in the Queens person and Her husbands: because hereby the Realm should still have peace with Eng­land, which at that time was the most necessary point to be respected. The adverse party, of which the Lord Cham­berlain was the principal, who was a man both in Power, Parentage, Riches equal, if not beyond, to many of the great men of the Countrey, importuned the election of a new Governour and Protectour of the young King. The Queen loosing by her marriage both the tutelage of her Son and the Government, should not take it to heart that ano­ther were chosen and put in her place.

[Page 159] Her marrying the Earl of Anguss had made him too great already to be a Subject; the continuing of her in Authority would promote him to the greatness of a Prince. Who should be Governour, is upon both sides long and coutenti­ously argued. Many gave their voices for the Earl of Arran, as being neer in blood to the King, and a man affecting peace more than others, and every way sufficient for such a Charge. The Chamber lain had determined of another, and told it was a wrong to bar from so high an honour a man of the Masculine line in blood to the King, and prefer one of the feminine. Iohn Duke of Albany, son to Alexander Duke of Albany, the Brother of King Iames the third, before all others by all reason should be preferred to the Government. Being demanded if he would the first, to give example to o­thers, set his hand to this election, he without pawsing per­formed it, with a protestation, that though the rest of the Nobility opposed it, as to his comming into Scotland to ac­cept the Government, he alone would go to France, charge him with it, be his Convoy hither, and maintain his Ti­tle.

This he was thought to have done, for that despairing to reach and obtain this Dignity himself, out of emulation he laid a design that never any other of the Nobles of the King­dom should reach it: affecting rather to give a stranger the place than a Competitor, bringing in the French to equal the ballance as principal, himself only as accessory, nothing doubting of a chief place in State, as well for his forwardness in this election as for the necessity of his Service which the French could not well want, and should never be lacking. He feared aslo if the faction of the Dowglasses prevail'd, the great­ness of the Earl of Anguss would be an umbrage to his, and lessen and impair it; Their Lands and Fortunes lying neer to other, as that the Queen by her power in England would cross his f [...]irest projects.

The King of England had sent a Letter to the Lords of Scot­land (as he had done to the French King for that same effect) remonstrating how dangerous it was for the State of Scot­land, and young King, if they should make choise of the Duke of Albany.

Notwithstanding of all which through ambition, malice, envy of others, discords amongst themselves, they made choise of this Gentleman, a stranger by his education and birth, ignorant of the nature and manners of the Scots: whose Father was banished for Treason against his Brother▪ and dyed unrestored. One altogether devoted to the French King, and an enemy to the English; not caring to keep the Countrey of Scotland in Warrs and Troubles, so he might [Page] defend the French Nation, by making the Scots fight their battels.

After many private Letters from his Friends in Scotland (especially from the Chamberlin) inviting him to come home and accept his new dignity, the Duke at last is re­quired by the State, and Lyon King of Arms is directed to him, to acquaint him with their proceedings, and make him forward on his way. He to endear his comming and make himself the more desired of the People, excusing his stay for a while (which he laid upon the Treaty of Peace, which was then to be agreed upon between England and France, by the marriage of Lovys the French King with Mary the youngest Sister of Henry King of England, which requi­red his presence) sendeth home the King of Arms with Let­ters from the French King, with Sir Anthony Darcea le Si [...]ur de la Beautie. This man propounded certain conditions which the Duke required. What should be the form of his Govern­ment, his Guards, what Castles should be delivered to him for his Garrisons; the restoring his patrimony and Fathers dignities to him. Which particularities being condescended unto, to Castle of Dumbar was instantly delivered to la Beau­tie to be kept for a French Garrison at the Dukes comming: and Sir Patrick Hamilton, Brother to the Earl of Arran, Iames Oguilbuy Abbot of Arborth with the King of Arms, were sent back again to France. After their arrival the Duke of Alba­ny furnished with all necessaries by the French King with eight well rigged Ships took the Seas, and in the moneth of May arrived on the West coasts of Scotland, from whence with a great retinue of the Nobles and Barons of the Countrey by easie journeys, the Queen meeting him, he came to the Town of Edinburgh▪ In the Parlament which had been porogued for his comming, the Duke accepted the Government, and gave his oath of fidelity to the King and Countrey: and the three Estates gave their oath of obedience to him, and both swore in the administration of Justice, neither should be deficient to others. Here is he restored to all his Fathers in­heritance, titles and honours. Being declared Dukes of Alba­ny Earl of March, and Governour of the Kingdom till the Kings full maturity. Many Laws are made for the weal of the Kingdom, and to gratifie his Linnage, Iames the natu­rall Sonne of Iames the fourth is created Earl of Murray.

At the presence of this new Governour the face of the State turned more beautiful, and the Court more Royall, oppr [...]ssion is restrained, justice sincerely executed, the Court is frequented with good and virtuous men, Malefactours and naughty persons banish themselves. He maketh a progress to all the notable Towns of the Kingdom, seeing crimes pu­nished, [Page] and faults amended. Being a Stranger and not throughly acquainted with the municipal Statutes and par­ticular practises of the Countrey, in matters great and of importance he proceedeth by the instructions and informa­tions of some choice men of the Nation it self. Especially since he was not infinite to listen to the advice of every one, he gave himself to hearken and follow the opinion and coun­sell of Iohn Hepburn Priour of St. Andrews: whose judgement in his greatest difficulti [...]s he receives as an Oracle. This man being of a subtle wind, malitious, crafty, rich and endued with some Courtly eloquence, by a counterfeit Pretence of knowledge of the affairs of the Kingdom and State (neither in some things did he err) at first being very familiar with the Duke and in a little time after, by bribing secretly some of his choise Servants, turned his only Privado, and almost possessed alone his judgement and ear. He informed him of the strength and Riches of the Countrey, of the na­ture ot the people, manner of theri Laws, revealed to him many secrets of the Government. He gave him a Catalogue of the whole deadly fewds and divisions amongst the Noble men and Gentry, opening unto him which were inveterate, and had long continued, and w [...]ich were fresh, upon what accidents they had their beginnings. How in prosecuting Revenge in them they cared not how innocent any man was if he were of the Name and Alliance, but rather thought the more innocent any was the more it testified their spight which they desired to manifest by taking him away. He shewed him what factions were in the Kingdom, who sway'd them, and were the heads. He told him the Scots were a vio­lent fierce people, mu [...]inously proud, and knew not how to obey without the Sword were drawn. That they were ne­ver absolutely governed by their own Kings themselves, far less would they be ruled by him who was but a Governour, and half a Stranger. King Iames the first they had killed, they had made a League against King Iames the second, in o­pen Battel they had overthrown King Iames the third, and the last King was be best judgements thought to have been secretly taken away: here (calling to mind the proclaiming of the Arch-bishop Andrew Formans Bull) he omitted no­thing could derogate to the Chamberlains reputation and honour, and an evil opinion of him in the Governour.

He instructed him how the great Houses of Scotland were so joined and linkt together, by kinred, alliances, Bonds of service or Homage, that no Gentleman of any quality, al­though a Malefactor and a guilty person, could be presented to justice without some stir, commotion, tumult of the Grandees and their factious friends: Amidst so many strong [Page 162] parties and confederate male-contents, the Governor by the power of the Scots themselves, and his own Kindred, Friends and Followers were not powerful enough [...]afely to administer justice: for which cause the King of France should be im­plored to send hither competent forces to quell the info­lencies and shake the pride of the factious Nobles. The heads of the factions which had a principal [...]way in the Kingdom at that time would either be cuto off, or kept under, but with such cunning and dexterity that it should not be perceived, nor found out; that many were aimed at and interessed when some few did suffer and fall. That for the present there were three heads to be looked unto as [...]eared and like to bring No­vations in the State, being m [...]n able to change the present Government.

The Earl of Anguss, a man in the prime of his youth, of high flying thoughts by his Alliance with the King of England, and that estimaion the people conceived of him by the de­merits of his Ancesters, and the singular love the Subjects bare him, carryed a mind above the fortune of a private man, and seemed not born to live a subjects life, each action of his bearing in it majesty and magnificence, he had power to hurt if he would hurt.

The Lord Chamberlain, a man unpolisht, stubbornly stout, haz [...]rdous, mighty in riches and power, and consequently proud, of a working mind and vehement Spirit, whom time and experience had hardned by great exployts and most dan­gerous actions, who had the malice to be a Spectator of the dis­com [...]iture of his Prince and Countrymen at Flowden, was like­ly to attend the opportunity of traverses and changes.

The third was the Arch-Bishop Andrew Forman, once Se­cretary to the Pope, who though he was not of any Noble Ste [...] nor descent of blood, nor for his Followers, Friends, and Adherents much to be taken notice of or feared, yet con­sidering him as his Legateship, pluralty of benefices, many pensions from Princes, had guilded him over, and ballan­cing him by his present treasure, he could make a weak par­ty strong, and add weight to what side soever he inclined. He was therefore with piercing eyes to be lookt into, and all his actions and waies to be observed.

The Governour gave not great attention to what the Pri­our had instructed against the Arch-Bishop, having before had some inkling of the rancor, grudge and enmitie between them. And he was conscious the Arch-Bishops riches were above envy; he having been even more solicitous magnifi­cently to spend what he had acquired than hoord up. Nei­ther did he bestow so much upon any of his Countreymen, as he did upon the French, the Friends and Servants of the [Page 163] Governour. He knew he was also so circumspect as not to adhere to any of the factions of the time, in a neutrality indif­ferently and friendly ente [...]taining all his Compatriots.

Nor was he much moved at his information concerning the Earl of Angus, finding him a man peaceable, courteous to all and aff [...]ble; and though of aspiring thoughts, carryed often away with his private delights and Courtly pleasures.

But what the Priour informed against the Lord Chamber­lain he deeply ingraved in his memory, and ever after his countenance bewrayed certain flaws of ill concealed discon­tent: Neither did he thereafter shew him wounted favours, which the Chamberlain observing and guessing at the change of the Governors mind towards him by more than ordinary evidences and signs: He having been the onely man who wrought his advancement and comming to Scotland, his de­serts now either forgot or ungratefully remembred, full of grief and disdain, retired from the Court to his own Castles, where, when he had rested a while, half astonished to see his hopes so frustrate, he taketh new resolutions and determi­nations to play the Governour double or quite. Hereafter he leaveth no meanes untryed to become entire with the Queen and her Husband, and by observance and frequent meeting with them, he wrought himself not onely to be im­braced as their Friend, but their Counsellor, and one in whom they had great confidence. He many times with them deplo­red the publick calamity, when his own particular only stong him, accusing himself of his too much forwardness in calling home a man born an exile, whose father dyed banish'd for his ambition, and her ess [...]yed to take the Crown form his eldest Brother. Sith this man was the neerest of bloud to succeed who could not perceive his last work would be the ma­king away the innocent child, his Pupil, to ascend the Royal Throne himself; in the height of malice accomplishing what his Father out of a desire to rule did project. By his tender years the King could not prevent his danger, his Mother might anticipate it, that new necessities requir'd new remedys only one postern gate remained yet open, which was that the Queen would transport her Son to England.

When this plot w [...]s whisper'd to the Governor, who want­ed not his Emissaries among the Queens attendants, it was no sooner reveal'd than believ'd, and no sooner believ'd, when (being a man who used celerity in all his actions) with as ma­ny men as hast could suffer him to gather, forthwith march­ed from Edinburgh to Sterlin, there unawares he surprized the Castle, and in it the Queen with her two Sons. A Council be­ing assembled, the King with his brother Alexander are seque­stred from their Mother, and trusted to the custody of four [Page 164] Lords, who by turns interchangeably should attend the two Princes and have a care of their education. That no violence should be offered them, certain Gentlemen of the French and Scots are appointed still to wait on and guard them; from this suspition the seeds of enmity began to be sown between the Q [...]een and the Governor, which neither time nor wisdom thereafter could take away and root out.

Amidst this storm of Court, the Lord Chamberlain brought to a new traverse of his thoughts with his Brother Mr. William Hume fly towards England; the Queen with her Husband and Sir G [...]orge Dowglas his Brother with an unexpected suddeness hast to Tantallon, and from thence to Berwick, from which they had a convoy to the Nunnery of Colstream: Here they attended advertisment from the King of England what course to follow and know his pleasure. He recommended them to the Protection and care of the Lord Dacres, and assigned the Castle of Harbottle in Northumberland for his Sisters resi­dence during her aboad in these Northern parts, and the trou­bles of Scotland.

The Governor not a little perplexed at the flight and es­cape of those Conspira [...]ours, sendeth Embassadors to the Court of England to clear himself to the King of what might be surmised against him concerning these new strangers come to his Country. He had done nothing which should have offended the Queen, made her afraid, or to entertain or harbour a sinister thought of his proceedings. Neither did he intend any thing against these had followed and accom­panyed her, which should have moved them to leave their Country; unto whom if they pleased to return they should be welcom, enjoy their wonted freedom, and keep peaceably what they had poss [...]ssed. If they were conscious to themselves of any misdemeanor he would not be too precise in the search of it. He also trafficked by the friends of those who favored the Dowglasses and Humes to perswade them to a Return, gi­ving them fair promises of obtaining what they should de­mand. Till at last he removed them to bow and yield to his desires. The fugitive Gentlemen returnd; but the Queen being with child, and near the time of her delivery, was ne­c [...]ssitated to stay still, till at Harbottle Castle she brought forth her daughter Margarite, after Grand-mother to Iames King of Britain. So soon as she was able to endure travel, and be transported, King Henry with an honourable retinue brought her to his Court, where she was by him and his Sister Mary (late Queen of France) welcomed. In May she made her progress through London to Baynards Castle, and from thence to Greenwich.

The Contrivers of the exploit of transporting the King to [Page 165] England being within the Country, and, as it were, secure, the Governor, whose head was filled with suspitions, not think­ing himself bound by promises, will have them give a recko­ning of their enterprize and flight into England. Against some he hath clear proofs, fair and manifest evidences; aganist o­ther bare surmises and naked suspitions, for they had not left the Country, nor had they been partakers of the Queens for­tunes. Here with an unexspected suddenness, M. Gaven Dowglas Uncle to the Earl of Angus, Bishop of Dunkel, Mr. Patrick Pan­ther Secretary to the late King, were committed. Mr Gaven in the Castle of St. Andrews, Mr. Patrick in Garvet Castle. The Lord Drummond grand-Father to the Earl of Angus, ha­ving beaten a Lyon Herault, who too imperiously had given a charge to answer such things should be objected against him, was imprisoned in the Castle of Blackness. Alexander Lord Hume being charged to answer for his actions and pro­ceedings, and not appearing, was denounced Rebel, his mo­veables seised on and brought to the Exchequer. Stir'd up and irritated by this outrage, he maketh Roads upon the neighbour bounds, plundereth Dumbar which was the Go­vernors chief resort, and to revenge his wrongs, setteth on work the Robbers on the borders. To repress and bridle this ravaging, the Governor in person with a thousand hardy Souldiers marcheth to the Borders▪ directeth some companies to find out the Lord Hume; but he, either dismaid at the worth and fortune of the Governor, or broken and bowing under the burthen of his won miseries, commeth to the Go­vernor and submitted his life and estate to his faith and cle­mency: brought to Edinburgh, he is trusted to the custody of Iames Earl of Arran the Husband of his Sister, with threat­nings under pain of High Treason, that he should not part with him, nor suffer him to escape. The Lord Hume had not long staid in the Castle of Edinburgh, when with glosses of probalityes of changes casual, and such as might fall forth, he moved the Earl of Arran to be of his Mind, and brought him to conspire against the Governor, and hazard to put him­self in his place of State. He himself was the only man who had brought in the Governor, and he knew well how to put him out, if the Earl would be of the Party, and by his negligence nor reject a Supream honor thrown in his arms. He is begun already not to be lov'd, if he was not already hated by the sub­jects b [...] his imperious proceedings. If the King of England could find some few Noblemen to make head against him, he would constrain him to leave the Country. The Earl of Arran was neerest heir to the King, it was more reason he should be second in the Kingdom than Iohn, who though descended of a brother, yet a banisht man, and a stranger to the Scots Na­tion, [Page 166] with whom they had not so much as intercourse and fa­mi [...]iarity of language. After many such like imducements, the Prisoner took away his Keeper with him to the South parts of the Country: and both by Letters to their Familiar, Kinred, and acquaintance, and private meetings with other Noble­men strove to make strong and increase their faction.

In the beginning of the Spring Iohn Stuart Earl of Lennox, the Sisters son of the Earl of Arran, listed himself in the party of the conspiring Lords, and with a number of his Friends and Followers invested the Castle of Galsgow; which if they could have kept, had been a great advancement to their in­tentions. But the Governor gathering an Army of as many as hast would suffer him to assemble, the Defenders not being strong enough to resist him, recovered the Castle with small loss of his men. After which in indignation he marched to throw down the Castle of Hamilton; here victorious anger was conquer'd by pitty and compassion: for the old Countess of Arran being at that time there resident (who was daughter to King Iames the second, Sister to King Iames the third, mother to the Earl of Arran, Grand-mother to the Earl of Lennox, Aunt to the Governour) a Lady venerable for years and vir­tues, with tears of affection and sorrow falling down at the Governors feet, and received by him with great commisera­tion in a merciful manner, not only preserv'd the Castle, but by the means of the Arch-bishop Andrew Forman, entered in­to a Treaty for peace to her Son, and the Earl of Lennox. And in November the two Earls comming to Edenburgh by the means of this Arch-Bishop were reconciled with the Gover­nor. About this time (his Mother being far from him to dis­charge the last duties of affection towards him) Alexander Duke of Rothsay, brother to the King, a child to [...]miration beautiful and Delightful, dyed at Sterlin, and was buryed in the Abby Church of Cambuskenneth.

The term of Peace between the two Kingdomes being al­most expir'd, and both having a desire to continue it, the Eng­lish sent their Commissioners to Coldingham, to whom the Duke, then resident at Dumbar, sent Monsieur du Plains Embas­sador for the French King, Sir William Scot of Balweary, and Ga­ven Dumbar Arch-Dean of Saint Andrews. These after some altercation concerning the Scottish Fugitives, conclude a Peace between the Nations from the midst of Ianuary till the feast of Whitsuntide after. The English comprehended in the Articles the Earl of Anguss, the Lord Hume, and the rest of the Queens strayed Faction, with all their Kinsmen, Cli­ents and Followers. The Lord Hume was received again into the Governours favor, with condition that if he after break his promises and oaths, his old faults should be remembred [Page 167] and joined to his new. Master Ga [...]en Dowglas [...] and Mr. Par­trick Panther were set a Liberty, The Lord Drummond who had been [...] was again restored, the Ea [...]l of Ang [...]ss with these who had followed him with many c [...]remonies, and great store of Fri [...]ndship, was welcomed again to the Court.

The Disorders of the Kingdom called a Parlament, in which many acts were made to restrain and keep under bold and wickedmen, and preserve the peace of the Kingdom. In this Parlament it was Ordained, the Kings Brother Alex­ander being decea [...]ed, that the Governour should be reput [...]d second person of the Realm, and next heir to the Crown. Notwithstanding of the claim made by Alexander Stuart the elder brother of the Governour, who was begotten on a Daughter of the Earl of Orkenay, to whom the Duke of Al­bany their Father had been lawfully joined in marriage be­fore his coming to France, and thus before the marrying of the Earl of Bulloignes daughter the Mother of Ioh [...] the Go­vernour, upon which ground Alexander had grea reason to make his claim and protestation as heir to his Father. Not­withstanding of his challenge and bravado, Alexander being more fit for a Cowl than a Crown, in open Parlament gave over all title he had to the Crown in his brothers favour. Whereupon to deprive him ever hereafter of lawfull Succes­sion they turned him Priest, being made Bishop of Murray, and Abbot of Skoon.

A truce being sincerely kept with England, tumults within the Countrey appeased, particular deadly fewds and jarres of private persons eith [...]r curbed or smothered up, the Go­vernour giveth himself so [...]e weeks to his Courtly recreati­ons at Faulk-land, with what pastime soever he be delighted, or beguile the hours all the day long, in the might he is often haunted by his old familiar the Priour of St. Andrews, whom ambition, spight, malice never suffered to take any rest.

This man put in the Governours head and made him be­li [...]ve, that his endeavours and pains heretofore would prove but vain in settling the Government, and that the peace of the Kingdom should never be lasting, firm and permanent, if so dangerous a Subject as the Lord Chamberlain remained alive: whom neither rewards could soften, nor honours and preferment oblige and make constant. How many times had he been pardoned? How often and without a cause had he returned again to his fo [...]mer Conspiracies? Should the Governour of his own free-will or of necessity be moved to return to France, what would not the boldness of this man attmept in his absence, which his authority and presence could never curb and keep within compass? the life of this [Page 168] man would be the death and total ruin of the Peace of the concord and harmony of the State, bring forth nothing [...] dangerous and wicked effects; the violence of ambiti­on having pulled him from his own judgement. Should he be challenged and put to a tryal of hi [...] Peers, He could not shun the blow of Justice, the cry of his oppression and wrongs having reached heaven? A member so often in vain cured and still gangrened should be cut off.

The Governour, whose Brains the Priour had now em­brued with jealousies, thought it no great matter upon the in [...]ormations he had received to put the Chamberlain to a Tryal; for if he proved not guilty, it would be but to leave him in that state and case he was found in; and calumnies though they do not burn yet black. Being come to Edinburgh he appointed a convention of the Nobility, all which time he earnestly tr [...]fficked with the Friends of the Lord Cham­berlain that he should not be absent, the matters to be de­termined in Counsel concerni [...]g him nearly, and he had need of his advice and counsel.

The Court and City being full of whisperings and expe­ctation of some sudden change, many disswadeth the Cham­berlain from appearing, if he appeared, that he would leave his Brother Master William (a man equal in judgement and courage to himself) behind. He trained into false hopes by the bl [...]dishments of the Governour towards his friends and inveigled by presumption, with his Brother, and (Sir Andrew called by the Countrey Lord) David Car of Farnehast com­meth to Court, where they were with many ceremonies welcomed by the Governour, with more than ordinary fa­vours en [...]ertained, and shortly after all three imprisoned, produced in judgment to answer to such things as should be objected against them according to the Lawes of the King­dom, and submitted to the Sentence of a Jury. No new cri [...]e was laid to their charge, Iames Earl of Murray the na­tural Son of the late King, accused the Chamberlain of the death of his Father: who by many witnesses was proved alive, and seen to come from the Battel of Flowden: This by pregnant evidences not being proved, he was indicted of divers other points of Treason, and his private faults are found out and laid against him: they renew the memory of the late stirs of State and these disorders, of which he was eith [...]r the Author or accessary to them. He had favoured and maintained the Factions, Thefts and Robberies of wic­ked Mal [...]f [...]ctours on the Borders: he had not honourably nor honestly carryed himself at the Battel of Flowden, perfor­ming neither the duty of a Souldier nor Commander. He had suffered the English to repair and of new fortifie the Castle of [Page 169] Norham, which without either trouble to himself or danger of his Friends, he might have hindred. Of every of which points and particularities he not clearly justifying himself, the Judges prepared and directed by the Governor (whom they record to have given information of a hainous crime comitted by the Chamberlain and his brother, for the odious­ness of it not to be revealed to the people) pronounce him and his Brother guilty, and condemn them to have their Heads cut off. The day following the sentence was put in execution, and their heads fixt on the most eminent part of the Town of Edenburgh. David Car of Farnhast, either by the Jury, being declared not guilty (as some have recorded) or by the Corrupting of his Keepers (as others) or by the per­mission of the Governor, escap'd this danger; which brought the People to believe the Chamberlain was by his means en­trapped, To sinck whom he put himself in hazzard of drown­ing.

This Calamity of the Family of the Humes, being so anti­ent, potent and couragious, br [...]d terrour and astonishment in many of the other Noblemen of the Kingdom, and estran­ged their Hearts from the Governour; his ears began to be after attentive to every rumour, and his eyes pryed into each accident; at l [...]st, as if he were wearyed with wrastling with the many disorders, and cumbersome Factions of the Coun­trey, he sought how by some fair way he might for a while return to France. Embassadours being sent from King Fran­cis to Scotland to renew the antient League between the two Nations, when the Nobles assembled to make choice of the man on whom they should transfer the honour of the accom­plishment of so solem an action and pass to France, the Gover­nour carryed the matter so by means of the French, that it was conferred on himself, but with his condition (to entertain them with hopes of his Return) that he should not stay above six Moneths out of the Countrey, Having obtained this pri­vileged absence of them, his next care was to preserve the State from any alterations till his Return, and to find the Go­vernment as he left it. Hereupon to preserve the Person of the King, he is conveyed from Sterlin to the Castle of Edinburgh, and trusted to the custody of the Earl of Marshall, the Lords, Ruthen and Borthick, two of which should be alwaies resi­dent with him, and accompany and assist the Lord Areskin his constant and unremovable Guardian. For the Govern­ment of the State he leaveth seaven Deputies in his Place, The Earl of Arran, Angus, Huntley, Arguyl, the Arch-Bi­shops of St. Andrews and Glasgow; to these is adjoined Sir An­thony Darcey le Sieur de la Beautie, whom he had made C [...]ptain of Dumbar, and promoted to be in the Lord Humes Place, [Page 170] Warden of the East Marches, keeping the daies of Truce and Justice Courts. This was the man to whom the entire Conduct of all the Governours affairs was intrusted, and who should give him advertisement of what did pass in Scotland, during his aboad in France. That no discord should arise a­mongst men equal in places and authority (the ordinary oc­casion of division) several shires which they should govern to every one of them are alloted. To Sir Anthony Darcey was destinated the Government of the Merss and Lothian; to the other their shires were appointed as the convenience of their dwelling places, Friends and Kinred did afford them. Un­der pretexts and fair colours of honour, and as to pass the time, and be trained in French Civility, also for the greater magnificency, the Governour took in his company the Earl of Lennox, the Lord Gordon, Masters of Glenca [...]n and Arran, other young Lords; who in effect were so many Hostages, that no stir by their Parents, Kinred, Friends, should be rai­sed during his absence. He likewise under dark Shadows and far sought pretences committed to such Castles as were garri­soned with French Souldiers, as Dumbarton, Dumbar, Gar [...]et, certain Barons of the South and West Countreys, and who wan­ted nothing but liberty, not for any thing they had done, but what they might do the Governour being out of the Kingdom. Matters brought to such a pass as his best Poli­ticians could devise, accompanied with Master Gaven Dow­glas Bishop of Dunkell, and Master Partick Panther, Secretary to the late King, men whom he feared to leave behing him, and entertained (though he knew they loved him not) as his bosome friends, in Iune at Dumbartoun he took Shipping.

Queen Margarite after she had remained a year in England, understanding by Letters the Governour had taken the Seas, and was on his way towards France, honourably dismissed by her Brother came to Scotland. At Berwick she was recei­ved by her Husband the Earl of Anguss; but he was not ac­cpeted with the favours he was wont; for that plague of too much love (jealousie) had infected her, having gotten some inkling that he delighted in a free bed, and during the time of her aboad in England had entertained a MIstress in Dow­glas -dale, an injury beyond degree of Reconcilement, after which she began to disdain him, and seek how she might be devorced from him. Though whilst the King was kept in the Castle to Edenburgh all access unto him was refused her, when h [...] was transported to the Castle of Craigmillar, out of a suspition and rumour the Plague had infested Edenburgh, by the courtesie of the Lord Areskin, she had liberty to visit him, But her frequent haunting him out of too much motherly kindness, breeding a sus­pition in his Guardians, that, as had once before been practised [Page 171] by a Queen in Scotland, she had an intention to have stoln him away and send him to his vncle, restrained her longer access to him, and procured his retu [...]n back again to the Castle of Edinburgh.

Sir Anthony Darcey having by his vigilancy, pains, courage, given many proofs of his worth in defence of the Borders, and administration of Justice in those shires he governed; The other Governours, often disagreeing amongst themselvs, either out of Love of rest, and to be vacant from busi­ness, or out of malice to procure him greater hatred, declare him absolute Deputy: and they gave their promises to se­cond him in way of Justice: and here he found the difference between extreams and mediocrities. Many disdained a Stran­ger should be in that place, so many brave men of their Na­tion neglected. A quarrel at that time, either true and reall, or (as others have recorded) altogether forged and contriv'd to draw the Deputy in a Danger, arising between the Stew­ards of the Laird of Langtoun, and one of his Uncles, who by the power and means of Sir David Hume of Wedderburn, whose Sister was his wife, had thrust out and ejected the young heir and them of their own Castle of Langtoun, and kept it by force. The Deputy a [...]companyed with certain Lords of the Borders, and some French men his own Dome­sticks came to the Town of Dunce▪ to hold a Justic Court concerning this Riot. The Humes, who thought nothing juster than revenge, nor nobler than the effects of anger, ha­ving sworn a requital of their Chie [...]s wrong, and to pay the Governour home when occasion should be offered, by the counsel and forwardness of Sir David Hume, lay an ambush, and ly in wait for the Deputy; the Plot not failing, they invade him at such a disadvantage, the some fo this Servants killed, he was constrained to seek an escape by the swiftness of his Horse, who in the chase either falling or sinking in a marish, left his M [...]ster to the cruelty of his Persuers, who strook off his head, and to feed their eyes with the spectacle of their rage, set it to the disgrace of the French on the bat­tlements of the Castle of H [...]me. This end had Sir Anthony Darcey who deserved so well both of France and Scotland, having been courteous, valiant, and noble in all his actions, and a great Administrator of Justice, who spared no travel, and freely adventured upon any dangers to suppress malefa­ctors, and desend the weak and innocent.

The Governours, That g [...]eater mischief should not follow the boldness of these men, made choice of the Earl of Arran to resist their outrage, and declare him Warden of the M [...]r­ches and Supre [...]m. Which ele [...]tion displeased the Earl of Angus; the Earl of Arran armed with power, neglecting An­gus his interest, immediately committed Sir George Dowglas his [Page 172] his Brother to the Castle of Edenburgh, and Mark Car in Gar­vet Castle, out of a suspition they were accessory to the slaughter of Sir Anthony Darcey. In a Parliament shortly fol­lowing many of the Humes and Cockburns Fugitives for this slaughter, and for that they had invited the English to their aid and spoil of the Countrey, are declared Rebels. The Parliament being dissolved, the Earl of Arran with a suffi­cient number of Souldiers, and some great Ordinance, be­sieged the Castles of Hume and Langtoun, and had them ren­dred to his mercy.

When the accident of Sir Anthony Darcey was noised at the Court of France, King Francis is recorded to have said he ne­ver looked for better at the hands of the Scots, and that the Duke of Albany should have deputed men of their own nati­on to have governed them, and not a stranger, being a peo­ple delighting in Misgovernment, ever well pleased at the Falls and tragical ends of their Rulers, and joying to see any hard hap happen to them they deem happy.

The Bishop of Dunkell who had accompanied the Gover­nour to France, used such diligence at the Court, that he was imployed to be the first Messenger to the Countrey of the great promises and many Ceremonies of the French, at the confirmation of the League, with their protestations for the preserving and maintaining the Liberties of the Kingdom of Scotland against all who would essay to impair them. Not long after arrived the Earl of Lennox and an Herauld with Letters from Kiug Francis and the Governour, amplifying and put­ting a larger gloss on the same. But when by other Letters the Queen and Nobles had received certain intelligence that King Francis and the King of England had composed their Quarrels, entred in a new band of Amity, a defensive League being p [...]ssed between them, Tournay rendred to the French, promises upon either sidesolemnly made for a Match to be between the Daulphine of France, eldest son to King Francis, and the eldest daughter of Henry King of England, when age should enable them for marriage; and that in the large Trea­ty of Peace, not one word was set down for the quietness and help of those who for the quarrel of France hast lost their King, and endangered their whole Kingdom; no care had of their welfare and prosperity, they stormed not a little, and thought their lives and travels evil imployed. Then with as great hast as such a matter required they dispatched Let­ters back again to the Governor blotted with complaints and expostulations. The year following to excuse his oversight, the French King sent a Reason why he had not made mention of the Scotish nation in his league with England, He had studied to give satisfaction to some of the Scotish Nobility (obliquely [Page 173] touching the Duke of Albany) whole minds he knew to be altogether averse from any peace or Truce with the English nation; whose undaunted Spirits and great courages were only bent to revenge ther deaths of their King, Kinsmen and Compatriots. This evasion not giving satisfaction to the best advised of the Council, the French King interposed his en­deavours with King Henry to have a cessation of arms for as short a time as he could devise. V V herupon Clarencieux and onela Fiot, comming to Scotland, the one from the king of England, the other from the French King, a Truce was con­cluded between the two Kingdoms for one year and a whole day. The reason of this Truce was thought mostly to be for that the Kings of England and France, the next Summer, were to have an interview, and with all Princely courtesies entertain each other.

The Kingdom began to be sensible of the absence of the Go­vernour, factions increasing, the Commons suffering dayly outrages, the Nobility and Gentry deciding their Rights by their Swords. The Earl of Rothsay and the Lord Lindsay con­tending which should be Sheriff of Fyfe, with tumultuary arms invade each other, and hardly by the Deputies were restrain'd, till the one was committed to the Castle of Dumbar, and the other to the Castle of Dumbartoun, Robert Blackadour Priour of Coldingham, with fix of his Domestick Servants, is killed by the Laird of Wedderburn. The King out of a suspi­tion that the plague was in Edenburgh, being transported to the Castle of Dalkieth by the Convoy of the Earl of Arran, who was then Provost of the Town: it being the season when the Townsmen make election of their Magistrates for the year following; when the Earl was returned and sought to enter the Town, he found the Gates shut upon him by the Citizens, who alleged he came to invade their liberties in the free choise of their Magistrates: the tumul [...] continu­eth the most part of the night, and the next morning early the people dividing infactions, and skirmishing in the streets, a Deacon of the Crafts is killed by the faction of the Hamil­tons, which alienated the minds of the Townsmen altogether from the Earl of Arran, and made them en [...]line to the Earl of Angus, some of whose friends and followers had rescued some of the Citizens, and taken part with others; which made ma­ny after conceave this discord was plotted by some noblemen enemies to the Earl of Arran, amongst which the Earl of Angus was the chief.

After this tumult the Earls of Angus and Arran sought like­wise [...]o cross each other in their proceedings: the one main­taining the enemies of the other: who had a quarrel against the Earl of Arran, the Earl of Angus befriended him, as the Earl [Page 174] of Arran supported and sided those who had any discontent against the Earl of Angus. A suit falling between the Earl of Angus and David Car Laird of Farnehast about the Bally­wick of Jedbrough Forrest, the Lands appertained to the Earl, the title and power to sit Judge belonged to the Lairds of Farnhast, Sir James Hamilton the natural Son of the Earl of Arran assisted the Laird of Farnhast; and besides those who out of good will, friendship, kinred, vassalage, did follow him, he gathered fourty Souldiers such as were found upon the Borders, men living upon Spoil and rapine, to be of his par­ty. The Laird of Cesfoord (then Warden of the Marches) who with his Counsel and Force sided the Earl of Angus, at the Rumour of the approach of Sir Iames to Iedbrough, en­countreth him, and his fourty Hirelings abandoning him in his greatest danger, Cesfoord killing some of his followers brought to make use of his spurs towards the Castle of Hume, where after a long chase he got Sanctuary. The day follow­ing the Laird of Farnehast held a Court in the Town of Ied­brough, as Baily to the Earl of Augus, and the Earl himself kept his Court three miles distant in Ied-ward Forrest. In the moneth of May after, certain Noblemen assembled at Edenburgh to accommodate all quarrels, and make an atone­ment between the Dowglasses and Hamiltons. Many Lords of the West here meet, attending the Earl of Arran, the Earls of Lennox, Eglintoun, Cassiles, the Lords Ross, Simple, the Bishop of Galloway, Abbot of Pasley. The provost of the Town of Edenburgh Archembald Dowglas of Kilspyndie, Uncle or Couses Germain to the Earl of Angus, yielded up his place to Robert Logan Laird of Restlerig. The Lords of the West by the advice of Iames Beatoun Chancelour (in whose House they often assembled) laid a plot to surprize the Earl of Angus, then attended but by some few of his Friends and as it were solitary. They thought him to great and insolent a Sub­ject, to whose power never one of theirs alone, was equal in all points, and they had many things to chalenge him upon when the Governor should return. The Earl of Angus, forewarned of their intention, imployed the Bishop of Dunkell his Uncle to offer them what honourable satisfaction they could re­quire. All that he propounded being rejected by implaca­ble men, and finding the only way to be freed of violence, to be violence, and that danger could not be avoyded but by a greater danger, with an hundred hardy resolute men armed with long Spears and Pikes, which the Citizens as he traversed the Streets, out of Windows furnished him, he invested a part of the Town, and barricadoed some Lanes with Carts and other impediments which the time did af­ford. The adverse party trusting go their number, and the [Page 175] supply of the Citizens (who calling to mind the slaughter of their Deacon, shew them small favour) disdaining the Earl should thus muster on the Streets, in great fury invade him. Whilst the bickering continued, and the Town is in a Tumult, William Dowglas brother to the Earl of Angus, Sir David Hume of Wedderburn, George Hume brother to the late Lord, with many others by blood and Friendship tyed toge­ther, enter by violence the East Gate of the Town (the Ci­tizens making small resistance) force their passage through the throngs, seek the Earls enemies, find them, scoure the streets of them. The Master of Montgomery eldest Sonne to the Earl of Eglintoun, Sir Patrick Hamiltun, Brother to the Earl of Arran, with almost fourscour more are left dead up­on the place. The Earl himself findeth an escape and place of retreat through a Marsh upon the North side of the Town; The Chancelour and his retinue took Sanctuary in the Do­minican Fryers; the tumult by the slaughter of some, and flight of others appeased, the Earl of Angus now freed of danger, licensed all who pleased without further pursuit peaceably to leave the Town of Edenburgh, and return to their own Houses. Some daies after the Humes well banded and backed with many Nobles and Gentlemen of their linage by the Earl of Angus consent, took the Lord Humes and his brothers heads from the place where they had been fixt, and with the funeral Rites of those times interr'd them in the Black-Fryers.

The Earl of Angus having angled the peoples hearts by his Magnificence, Wisdom, Courage and Liberality, his Facti­on began to bear greatest sway in the Kingdom. For the continuance of which, the King of England dealt most ear­nestly with the French King to keep the Duke of Albany still in France with him. But the French had contrary designs. And when the Duke understood the great discords of the Nobi­lity of Scotland, persons of Faction being advanced to pla­ces, dangerous immunities being granted to the Commons, France and England beginning to be tyred of their Peace, and preparing for a new war: to curb the Scottish Factions, keep the Nation in quietness in it self, by giving the Sub­jects other work abroad, whilst common danger should break of particular discords. Notwithstanding of the En­glish Ships which lay in wait to take him, after he had been about five years in France, in November he arrived on the west coasts of Scotland at a place named Garloch. The Go­vernour comming to Edenburgh, set himself to amend the e­normities committed in his absence; the Magistrates of the Town are deposed, because in the late uproar they had been evil seconds to the Lords of the west, when they went to [Page 176] surprize the Earl of Angus. A Parliament is called, to which many Noblemen and Gentlemen are cited to make appear­ance in February to be tryed, and to answer for offences com­mitted by them in the Governours absence. The appointed time being come, these who appeared not, were indicted and [...]led into England. Amongst which, and the chief, were the Humes and Cockburns, men Authors and accessary to the death of Sir Anthony Darcey. The tyde now turning, and mens af­fections changed, the Earl of Angus, with his brother Sir George Dowgl [...]s, by the intercession of the Queen, are con­strained to seek a Pardon: which was obtained for them, but with the condition that they should leave the Countrey, and stay in France one whole year, which they obeyed. Others have recorded they were surprized in the night, and in French Ships conveyed privately away. Mr. Gaven Dowglas Bishop of Dunkell, in the absence of his Nephew, finding the Go­vernour violent in the chase of the Faction of the Dowglasses, fled privately to the Court of England, where he gave infor­mations to King Henry against him. He alone had taken to him the custody of the young King, the sequel w [...]ereof he much feared; he was an irreconciliable enemy to the whole Family of the Dow­glasses. The principal cause of his comming to Scotland was to engage the Nation in a War against England, that the English Should not assist the Emperour against the French King, and make his Nation slaves to France.

This Bishop shortly after dyed at London, and was bury­ed in the savoy Church: having been a man noble, valiant, learned, and an excellent Poet, as his works, yet extant, te­stifie.

The King of England upon such informations sent Claren­cieux (King of Arms) to Scotland to require the Duke to a­void the Country, according to the Articles agreed upon be­tween the French King and him in their last truce.

It belonged (said Clarencieux) to his Master to tender the life, wellfare, honour, fortunes of his Nephew, of none of which he could be assured so long as the Duke ruled and stayed in Scotland. It was against all reason, and unbeseeming, the man should be sole Guardian to a King, who was the next heir to the Crown: how ea­sily might he be tempted by opportunity to commit the like unnatu­ral cruelty which some have done in the like case both in England and other parts of Europe? if he loved his Nation and Prince (as he gave out) he required him to leave the Country, which if he yield not unto, but obstinately continued in a re resolution to stay, he denounced from his Master present war. He farther complained, Th [...]t the Earl of Anguss, who was King Henries Brother-in Law, was by him banisht and detained in France; That during the ba­nishment of the Earl, which had been neer a whole year, the Duke [Page 177] had imp [...]tuned his Sister the Queen with dishonest love.

The Governour answered Clarencieux, That what the Kings of France and England agreed upon in their Treaties of Peace was to him uncertain, but of this he was most certain, That neither the King of England nor France had power to banish him (a Forainer over whom their authority did not reach) his native country, like over like having no jurisdiction.

As concerning the King of Scotland, who was yet young in years he reverenced him as his soveraign Lord, and would keep and de­fend both him and his Kingdome according to his Conscience, ho­nour and bound duty; that there were ever more men in the world who desired to be Kings, than there were Kingdomes to be bestowed upon them, of which number he was none, having ever preferred a mean estate justly enjoyed, before a Kingdome evil acquired. For the Earl of Angus, he had used all Courtesies towards him, notwith­standing of his evil demerits, not for his own sake (he did confess) but for the Queens sake, whom he honoured and respected as the Mother of his Prince, and towards whom he should continue his observance. That the King of England needed not misdoubt he would attempt any thing should derogate from the honour of his sister, that complements of meer curtesie in France, might be sur­mised sometimes by English Ladies to be solicitations and suits of Love.

For the War, with which in case of his Stay, he threatned his na­tion, he would use his best endeavours to set his in a posture of De­fence.

When this answer was reported to King Henry, he gather­ed a great Army to invade Scotland, and essay if by their own dangers the Scots people could be moved to abandon and disclaim the Dukes authority. Seven great Ships came to Inche-keeth and spoiled the adjacent Coasts: all the Scots and French which did then inhabite London, and other places of England, were put to their fines, and commanded to go off the Countrey.

In compensation and for equal amends, the French King seized all English mens goods in Bourdeaux, imprisoned the persons, and retained the money to be paid for the restituti­on of Tournay. The Earl of Shrewsbury making incursions on the Borders, burned the one half of Kelso, and plundered the other.

At this time the Emperor Charles the fifth came to England, and stirred King Henry to take arms against the French Kings and the French had sent Embassadours to Scotland intreating and conjuring the Scots by their old and new League to a­rise in arms and invade England. The Governour assembled the three Estates at Edinburgh, which together condescended to the raising of an Army to resist the incursions of the Eng­lish [Page 178] and defend the Kingdom, to encourage every man for fighting, the Wards of those which should fall in this expe­dition, were freely remitted and discharged by Act of Par­lament, and pensions designed to the Widdows and Daugh­ters of those who dyed in this service. This Empyrick balm could the French apply to cure the wounds of the Scotish Common-wealth.

The Earl of Shrewsbury advancing (as was reported) to­wards the west Borders, an Army was far gathered and en­camped on Rosline-moor, which after, according to the or­ders given, marched to Annandale and forwards, came to the Esk, a River running in the Irish Seas neer Carlile; the Governour delighted with the Seat and standing of the place, caused dig Trenches, and by the advice of certain French Gunners placed some Field Pieces, and small Ordinance for defence of them, and spread there his Pavilions. The Ci­tizens of Carlile terrified at the sudden approach of so power­ful an Army, offer many presents for the safety of their Town, whch he rejected. The English Army not minding to invade the Scots so long as they kept themselves on their own ground and advanced not, the Governour endeavoured to make the Scots spoil the Countrey by incursions, but he fin­deth them slack and unwilling to obey and follow him, most part refusing to go upon English Ground, amongst whom Alexander Lord Gordon was the chief and first man. The Go­vernour finding his command neglected, and some Noble­men dissenting from what he most intended, commeth back to the place where they made their stand, and desires a reason of their stay. They told him, they had determin­ed to defend their own countrey, not invade England. That it neither consisted with the weal of the Common-wealth, nor as matters went at that time, had they sufficient forces to make invasive War: That the Governour did not instigate them to invade England for the love he carryed to Scotland, but for a benefit to the French, by diverting the war prepa­red by the English against them. That by invading they might make themselves a prey to their enemies; they were Men and not Angels; it was enough for them whilst their King was un­der age to defend his Kingdom from the violence of Foreign­ers. Put the case they werein one battel victorious, consider­ing the slaughter and loss of their Nobles and Gentry in that purchase, they might be overthrown in a second fight, and then to what would the King the Country be reduced [...] their last King might serve them for a pattern, the Revenge of whose death should be delayed till he himself were of years to undertake it.

The Governour brought to an exigent, said they should [Page 179] have propounded these difficulties before they took Arms, and on the place of Battel. Temerity misbecame Noblemen in action, but especially in matters of War, in which a man cannot err twice. At the convention of the three Estates when war was in deliberation, they should have inquired for the causes of it; he was not to bring them upon the dan­ger of war without their own consent. The English had made many incussions upon their Countrey, burning and ravaging: who stand only upon defence, stand upon no de­fence; a better defence of their own Countrey could not be found than by invading the Countrey of their Enemies. They should not be dejected for that accident at Flowden, since it was not the fault of the Souldier, but the Treason of their Chamberlain who had suffered for it. That the glory of the Nation should raise their courages, and inflame their bosoms with a desire of revenge: The Kings honour and their piety towards the Ghosts of their Compatriots, crav'd no less from them. That if they would not invade England, at least, for their Reputation and Fame with the World, they would pitch there a short time their Tents, and try if the English would hazard to assail them. That it would be an everlast­ing branding their honour, if timorously in a suddennesse they show their backs to their enemies, and dared them not in the face by some daies stay.

The Queen, though absent, had thus perswaded the No­blemen, and having understood the Governour to be turn­ed now flexible, she dispatched a Post to him, requesting he would be pleased with a Truce for some Moneths, and that he would commune with the Warden of the English Marches, whom she should move to come to his Tent and treat with him. The Governour finding he stood not well assured of some of his Army, and knowing what a cumber­some task it was to withstand the violence of their desires, determined to follow their own current: seemed well plea­sed to hearken to their opinion. Hereupon the Lord Dacres Warden of the West Marches came unto the Governours Camp the eleventh of September (and, as some have recorded, the Queen also) where a Cessation of Arms was agreed unto for some daies, in which time the Queen and the Governour should send Embassadours to treat for a Peace with King Hen­ry, and shortly after Embassadours were directed to the Court of England, but returned without any good don, King Henry demanding extraordinary and harmful conditions to the Realm of Scotland.

The year 1522. Andrew Forman Arch-Bishop of St. Andrews, dyed, and Iames Beatoun Arch-Bishop of Glasgow and Chan­cellour of the Kingdom came in his place of St. Andrews, the [Page 180] Arch-Bishop rick of Glasgow was conferred upon Gaven Dum­bar whom the King after advanced to be Chancellor of the Kingdom.

The Governour resenting highly the slighting of the Em­bassadours by the King of England, but more the contempt and scorn of the Scottish Nobility in refusing to follow him, in October by the West Seas past over to France, promising that if a peace in this mean time were not concluded with England, he would the next Summer bring such War-like Briggades of French and Germans, that he should not stand much in need of his own Countreymen, who had continued so refractory and backward to his designs. He demanded from King Francis five thousand German Horsemen, and ten thousand foot to be transported to Scotland: which with the Scots who would accompany him, he thought sufficient to continue a War with England. The French could not spare so many men, having Wars both with the Emperour and the English, but they gave him three thousand Pikes, and one thousand Launces. The Governour intending to return to Scotland, receiving intelligence that the Ports towards the coasts of France were watched by the English to intrap him in his passage, bestowed his Ships so covertly here and there in small companies to avoid all suspition of any purpose he had to stir that year, as that thereupon the English Fleet un­der the Conduct of Sir William Fitz-Williams, which had at­tended and waited his comming forth, untill the Midst of August, brake up and bestowed themselves in convenient Ports against the next spring. The Duke then watching opportunity, and readily gathering together his dispersed Ships, to the number of some fifty Sail, imbarked his men at Brest in Bretaign the one and twenty of September, and lan­ded at Kirkowbry, or the Isle of Arran, in the West of Scotland. In his company was Richard de la Pool who had been banished England, and to his power faithfully assisted the Governour. He arrived the same time that Ied-brough was burnt by the English; for Thomas Earl of Surrey high Admiral of England, the Marquess of Dorset and his Brother, with a competent power entring Scotland had burnt many Towns, and over­thrown Castles a [...] Piles.

At his comming the Duke assembled the Lords at Edenburgh, where they agreed that an Army should forth with be gathered, and the 28. of October was appointed for their meeting at Dowglas-dale. At the day prefixt the Army mar­ched towards Coldstream upon the Tweed. Out of this Army the Governo [...]r having selected a number of the hardiest Sol­diers of Scots and French, and convoying some Artillery o­ver the water under the command of David Car of Farnehast, [Page 181] on the last of October they besieged the Castle of Wark, which was defended by Edward Lile or Lisle. The Assailants upon the outmost Ward continuing their Battery entred by main force the second Ward, but being there repulsed and beaten back, a great Tempest arising, and fearing the swelling of the River of Tweed might cut them off from their Army on the other side, they turned back and repassed the Water; the Report of the Earl of Surreys forces come to rescue the Castle and lying at Anwick, and also perplexed them not a little; the Earl of Surrey at his approach finding the Enemy retired to the other side of the River, the Castle safe, and having no Commission to pass the English marches, of to invade Scot­land, made mo further pursuit. In the mean time the Queen who had ever sought to make firm friendship with her Bro­ther, and break the amity of France, sent to him to yield to a cessation of War, hoping in that time to work some a­greement between the two Nations. Whereunto the King consenting, the Governour finding the Scottish Lords averse to his intentions, that he was this time served as he had been before (they refusing still to enter upon England) and that striving would but the more chafe them, also condescended. Thus a Truce was promised, and faithful peace concluded till the last of November, being the Feast of St. Andrews; the Win [...]er past without any invasion of the English on Scotland, or the Scots on England.

During the time of this Truce many serious consultations were amongst the Lords of Scotland whither it were more fit to continue this War, of give it over. Many of them held it unreasonable that for the onely pleasure of the French King the Realm of Scotland should suffer any more damage by the continuing of so needless a War, and that the Duke of Al­bany was alwaies set to perform what the French desired, not what was expedieut for the Scottish Nation, nor what was in their possibility to accomplish. Wherefore they wished that their young King now having attained some years of discre­tion, and passing the age of a Child, might bear some away in the Government of the Realm. Some argued that a King sooner than the Sons of Noblemen went out of the bondage of Tutelage, and enjoyed greater immunities, his age often being re [...]koned from the time of his conception. That the administration and charge of the Kingdom should early be given him, that he might with his years grow in the art of Governing; Since we find the same to be usual in the perfe­ction of other arts and Sciences. Others entertained other thoughts, That to a child who could not by the weakness of his judgement discern Right from Wrong, the Helm of State should not be trusted, and that the Peers of the King­dom [Page 182] might be challeng'd of dotage by their Neighbor Coun­treys for giving to a Child the Sword of Justice, which he might thrust in their own entrails one day, or wound there­with the bosom of the Common-wealth.

The Governour finding the Lords divided amongst them­selves, and their reasons averse to his intentions, and that not onely the people, but the Souldiery were weary of him, and had bent their affections upon their young King, foolishly preferring the ignorance and simplicity of a child to his pru­dency, experience, and long practice of State▪ requested them to give him leave to return to France, and to forgive him any errour he had committed, which he protested was of ignorance not of malice. Having from men distasted with him, without any opposition, obtained what he required, far from any outward shew of inward discontentment, or dis­quieting himself at the ingratitude of some whom he had ad­vanced to Honors, he came to Sterlin, where after some days stay with the King, when he had given him such instructions of State, as he was able to understand (for he was but then in the thirteenth year of his Age) with many tokens of love, and demonstrations of sincere affection he took his leave of him: and his Ships attending his passage on the West, with a great retinue of Scots and French, he held his way towards them, and recommended himself to the Sea in the Spring time, now the third time for France, after which he return'd not at all into Scotland.

He was a Prince adorned with many Virtues, Active, Couragious, Resolute, and knew how to use men as they are.

If he had not been opposed by the Queen and Nobility, he was likely to have lost himself and the whole Kingdom, or re­venged the death of his Cousen.

His courteous nature went above his ambition; he could as well lay down his Honours, as he had modestly, when they were laid upon him, received them.

Before the Rumor of the Duke of Albanies taking the Seas was spread abroad, the King of England by secret Letters had required the Earl of Angus, who then an Exile staid in France, to come to him; after the receit of which, with a short-leave taking he left France, where he had staid almost three years, commeth to England; King Henry had brought him to believe, That the Duke had determined to extirpate his whole Linnage: To prevent which he made him offer of Men and Ammunition to pre­serve his own▪ and by his faction at home, and his assistance, to send the Duke over Seas; which if he had staied, the Earl was e­steemed powerful enough to have accomplished.

The Duke of Albany being in France, the Queen with the [Page 183] Government of the State, assumeth the person of her Sonne [...] whom she moved to leave Sterlin and come to Edinburgh; the third day after he had made his entry in the Town she lodg'd with him in the Maiden Castle, and it seized on, armed with authority, she doubted not to make the Countrey yeild her all obedience. That the Supream Magistrate of the Town should not oppose her Designs, he is put from his Office, and the Lord Maxwell (a man to her obsequio [...]s) is substitu­ted in his place.

To give the fairer lustre to her Actions, a Parlament is called at Edenburgh, that what she did, might consist with Law.

When King Henry understood the Duke had left Scotland, to exclude and bar him all regress, he sent one Magnus, a great Oratour, but greater by the renown of his skill in the Laws, with Roger Ratcliff, his Embassadours, to try how the Scots, amidst unnecessary turmoils, would rellish a Truce and Ces [...]ation of Arms▪ and these lay the blame of all the disor­ders and discords between the two Nations upon the Duke; The Nobles tyred with their tedious Wars, beginning to es­py a Heaven of rest, cheerfully accept of this Embassie, and agree unto a Truce for one whole year. To confirm which they condescend Commissioners shall be dispatched [...] who shall treat not only for a Truce, but for a firm and lasting Peace between the two Nations, and unite the two Crowns in bands of Amity, as well as they were united in de­grees of blood.

The Earl of Angus, his enemy abandoning the Kingdom, after honourable entertainment of the King of England, ma­ny promises to befriend him, and blandishments at his de­parting, commeth to Scotland, and his return began to change the Game of State. The Queens and Earl of Arrans Faction carryed all matters of importance; the Earls of Lennox, Ar­guyl, and the Humes had been sequestred from publick im­ployments; the first faction by his presence find their power diminisht, the other by his counterpoise and assistance have new hopes of arising; both factions disliked that Angus should arise to the first place, and suspected he would not be content with the second; they loved to have him an equal, not Su­preme.

Private jarrs smothered and interests delayed, matters con­cerning England requiring a hasty and present discharge, Gilbert Earl of Cassiles, Robert Cockburn Bishop of Dunkell, David Mill Abbo [...] of Cambus kenneth, are sent Commissioners to the Court of England. At Greenwich they are honorably and kindly received by King Henry, whose countenance pro­mised them a refusal of no reasonable thing they would re­quire. [Page 184] The Bishop had a speech, the Sum of which was,

That dissention and hatred taken away between the two Nations, a faithful Peace might be agreed unto and confirmed, their Discords turned into Vnion, their Rancour into Love; which to bring to pass and make durable▪ the only apparent and probable means, was to bestow the Lady Mary the Kings daughter, upon James the young King of Scotland.

The English with great joy applauded to what was said: And King Henry appointed certain Commissioners to treat a­bout that purpose in private. These when they had met to advance the Union of the Kingdomes, desired these Condi­tions.

First, That the Scotish Nation giving over, and fairly forsa­king the League they had with France, should enter in a new League with them, upon the same conditions and terms which were con­tained in their League with France.

Next, That the young King of Scotland till by age he was able for marriage, should be brought up at the Court of England.

When the Embassadours of Scotland, had answered, That these conditions were above their Commission, to which they could not well answer, and desired a time to acquaint the Council of Scotland with them; it was condescended unto. Thus two of them remaining at London the Earl of Cassiles, returned to Scotland to bring back an answer.

When the day in which the Parlament should have been held was come, the Queen and they who were of her faction, as the Earls of Arran, Murray, Eglintoun, fearing the Earl of Angus might turn the wavering peoples affection, and move them to some Revolt, which might hinder their Determina­tions, or terrify the Commissioners by the frequent conven­tion of his Friends and Followers, constraining their voices, and restraining their freedom of speech: Or that they had a plot to surprize some of the contrary Faction, and by autho­rity of Parlament commit them in that place, caused a Pro­clamation to be made, That none of the three Estates should sit or assemble themselves in the Town of Edinburgh, but that they should keep their meeting in the castle and there give their presence. The Earls of Angus, Lennox, Arguyl, Arch-bishop of Saint Andrews, Bishop of Aberdeen and Dumblane, with their adhe­rents, and others, who joined with them rather out of fear than good will, refuse to enter the Castle, and require, That the Parlament be kept in the accustomed Place, the King may in Triumph be shewn to his own people, conveyed along the High-Street. All which b [...]ing denyed them, giving out That Iustice was violated, the King kept against his will as a Prisoner, the Govern­ment and custody of his person seised on without consent of the three Estates, they surround the Castle with two thousand [Page 185] men in Arms, stop all furniture of food and victuals, which should been afforded by the Town. In this distress they in the Castle turn the great Ordinance against the Town, and threaten the innocent Citizens with the overthrow of their buildings. Some powder and time spent in terrifying the people, at last Church-men interposing themselves, and in­terceding, perswading with the parties, an accomodation and atonement is wrought, their fury quenched, all rancour supprest, injuries forgotten, the King in magnificence and pomp is convoyed from the Castle to his Palace at Holy-rood-house, and the Estates assemble in the wonted place of the Town of Edenburgh.

In this Parliament the Authority of the Governour is a­brogated, by which means they saved him a labour from re­turning into Scotland again; Eight Lords were chosen to have the custody of the Kings person quarterly, every one his Moneths successively, and the whole to stand for tke Government of the State; yet with this Limitation, That the King by their Counsel should not determine, nor ordain any thing in great affairs to which the Queen, as Princess and Dowager, gave not her free consent and approbation.

The Lords were, the Arch-bishops of S. Andrews and Glasgow, the Bishops of Aberdeen and Dunkel, the Earls of Angus, Arran, Lennox, Arguyl.

Time urging resolution, the Lords of Parlament direct the Earl of Cassiles again to the Court of England to declare their resolution concerning the marriage of the King and the esta­blishing a Peace between the Kingdoms.

The news of the overthrow of the French Army, and the taking of their King at Pavia by the Imperialists being come to the Court of England before the Arrival of the Earl of Cas­siles, King Henry told the Scotish Embassadours in plain terms, He could not determine any thing concerning the Marriage of his Daughter, without acquainting the Emperour her neerest Kinsman and his Confederate, with his proceedings, which could not be done in hast, and so soon, as they required, considering the troubles of Italy.

Hereupon the Embassadours, their hopes of this Alliance delayed, having obtained a Truce between the two Nations for the space of three years and three moneths faithfully to be kept, returned to their own Countrey.

The State began of new to be tossed by the troublesome Factions of the Queen and Earl of Angus, the Original of which Sprang from matters of the Church; the Abbacy of Holy-rood-House falling vacant by the promotion of Georg [...] Creightoun Abbot to the Bishop-rick of Dunkell; the Earl of Angus, to whom the custody of the King was u [...]sted, either [Page 186] by lot or consent, moved him to confer this Abbacy upon his Brother Mr. William Prior of Coldinham, without acquaint­ing the Queen with the Gift, or seeking the consent of the other Rulers: at this the Queen turned so displeased, that abandoning the King to the Pleasure of the Earl of Angus, She with her Followers retired to Sterlin. By this unconside­rate retreat the Earl administred all alone, leaning to the greatness of his own power, that some might have thought the Queen set her Game to make up his. All favours and punishments pass by him, All Offices and Places of impor­tance are distributed to his favourites; He made Archembald Dowglas his Uncle Treasurer, Sir George his Brother Great Chamberlain; the Abbacies of Coldingham and Holy-rood-house were in his Brothers hands, neither temporal nor ecclesiasti­cal Dignity escapt him; his greatness instantly procureth him envie.

The Arch-Bishop of Saint Andrews, the Earls of Arran, Arguyl, Murray, who were of the Queens faction▪ lay a plot to accuse Angus of high Treason. They challange him, that he kept the King against his will, insolently restrained his Liberty, and that contrary to the order established by the Estates, which was that the custody of his person should every four Mon [...]ths by turns be allotted to the Governours of the Countrey in a Circle; That he could not dispose of any thing of moment alone, the contrary of all which he had usurped; whereupon they charge him to dismiss the King, and restore him to them, and the other Counsellours equall in Government with him, under the pain he should be reputed a Tray­tor and no loyall Subject, for this invassalling his Prince to his at­tendance.

The Earl of Angus himself to this answered not, but Sir George his Brother moved the King to give the answer him­self. His Mother and those other Ruler's should not be thus solicitous for him; for with none more cheerfully, willingly and contentedly could he live and spend his time than with the Earl of Angus, nei­ther could he leave the company of one so highly favored of his Vn­cle, and so well meriting of himself.

For all this answer he had secretly sent Letters to his Mo­ther, and those of the adverse party, intreating, They would remove him from the Earl, and not suffer him any longer to remain under him imperious Government, and if it could not be otherways done, to accomplish it by main force of arms, if they had any pit­ty, or if any Sparks of duty remained unquenched in them to­wards him, if they dared Enterprize ought for a Royal, though now thralled, Supplyant, or obey the Command of a King in Prison; that the answer which he sent before unto them and his Mother was by constraint and compulsion drawn from him, and far from his Mind.

[Page 187]Upon this advertisement the Queen and they of her Facti­on, assemble what power they could raise in such a sudden­n [...]ss at Sterlin, and with great expedition marched towards Edenburgh to seperate the King from the Earl his Guardian; Who, resolved to repel force by force, with the Townsmen of Edenburgh, many friends and adherents, and the King, though against his will, marched out of Edenburgh to encoun­ter the fight of these Rebels. When the Leader of the Queens forces understood the King in person was in the adverse Ar­my, either dazled with the splendour of the presence of a King, or fearing if they joined in battel, the person of their Prince might be endangered, or that they found themselves not strong enough in number and arms for a Conflict, they retired back again to Sterlin, where they disbanded, and re­turned everyman to his own dwelling place: The Queen with the Earl of Murray went to Murray-land, the Earls of Arran and Arguyl to the West, the Arch-bishop of St. Andrews to Dumfermling.

This Faction dissipated, the Earl of Angus remained more stable, and assured of his Guardianship, and now he findeth no Competitour.

The want of the great Seal being a hinderance to many of his projects, and he disdaining to be a suiter to his enemie; for dispatch of publick affairs, caused the King send a Letter for it, and the Arch-bishop with all respect sent it immediately to the Earl: with whom to be equal he took himself to new Meditations.

The Queen many waies provokt by her Husband the Earl of Angus, and lastly by detaining her Son Against his will and contrary to the publick course agreed upon, the Arch-bishop perswaded her To intend a process of Divorcement against him, and dissolve her marriage; this might produce some great effect, at least it could not but diminish the Earls reputation among the peo­ple. The Queen and the Earl many times in private between themselves agreed upon a seperation, disliking each others conditions; for it was fatal to her as to her Brother King Hen­ry, to delight in change of Wedlock, and be jealous of her Matches. The Earl is therefore cited before the Arch-bishop of St. Andrews to hear the sentence pronounced according to the Laws of the Church in those times; at the day appointed he appeareth. The Queen alledged, He had been betroathed, given his faith and promise of marriage to a noble woman of the Kingdom (a daughter of Traquare) before the marrying of her, a [...]d so by reason of that Precontract he could not be her lawful hus­band. The Earl confesseth; The Arch-bishop pronounceth the sentence of Divoncement, but with this Reservation and Restraint, That the Child come of the Queen and the Earl [Page 188] the time of their marriage by the ignorance of the Mother (the Queen) should not suffer any loss, damage or disadvantage.

The King of England resented highly this Divorcement, endeavour'd by his Letters to hinder it; for he thought some things tolerable in men, which were in competent and shame­ful in women, and after never carried such respect to his Si­ster as he had done before. Of these she made little reckon­ing, for after the sentence given, she married Henry Stuart, Son to the Lord Eavendale, whom K. Iames to do honor to his Mother, promoted to be Lord Meffan, and General of his Ar­tillery.

Whilst the King remained a shadow to the Earls Govern­ment amidst so many distractions, discords and jars of the Grandees, the Court turned solitary and unfrequented by any Noblemen, save these of the Dowglasses own faction, a­mongst which the Earl of Lennox, shewed himself most indif­ferent. For he for his own ends attending the Court, in a short time so framed himself to the Kings humours, that he delighted alone in his conversation, and often hid none of his inward thoughts and secret intentions from him. Among others he many times importuned him to give him a sound advice how he might de delivered form the Earl of Angus, of whose bondage he had been long weary, whose rule over him was turned now into tyranny, his ambition having mounted to that height that he was not content to command and King­dome, but to thrall and keep under his Soveraign Lord the King himself, that he effects of his Governing were the dispersing of his Nobles, and banishing of his mother from him.

The Earl of Lennox, who by his familiarity with the King was become suspitious of Angus, and had an intention to tumble out a man hated of his Prince, establish himself in his place, and rule the young King alone, aggravating his and the Countreys miseries, told him, after much intreaty, The Lord of Balclough was the only person to be employ'd in such a service; a man of unlimitted desires, displeased, strong in power, mightlly hated, and who had inve [...]erate hatred against the Earl of Angus, who wanted nothing but opportunity to execute his rancour: If this conceived ex­ploit had not a desired success, then he himself would by main force either win his Prince, or loose his life in the En­terprize. The Laird of Balclough secretly advertised of the Kings intention giveth way to much oppression and many in­solencies on the borders, the redress of which required the presence of the Prince. Complaints are given against them, and the King to do justice accompanied with the Earls of An­gus, Lennox, Lords Hume, Flamin, Areskin, Cesfoord, Farne­hast, [Page 189] and others commeth to Ied brough. But when they had staied there some daies, small redress was of wrongs, no justice executed, the chief men of the Borders not produ­cing the Delinquents of their Names, to answer according to law as was the antient custom. Thus as they came they were returning, when at Melrose as they hoverd at the passage of a Bridge over the Tweed, certain companies of men in arms appeared on the Descents of Hellidon Hill: which being come with in distance of discerning were known to be commanded by the Laird of Balclough, and number'd a thousand all bor­derers and broken men. The Earl of Angus, not a little mov'd at so sudden an apparition, by an Herauld craveth to under­stand their intentions, and how in such a hostile manner they dared come so near the Kings person, withall charging them under pain of high Treason to retire. The Laird of Bal­cloughs answer was, he came to do the King service, invite him to his house, show him what forces he was able to raise up­on the Borders when necessity should require his service and assistance. That he would not obey a charge contrary to the Kings mind, of which he was conscious, and herewith he marched forwards. Presently the Earl alighting on foot, leaving the Earl of Lennox, Lords Areskin, Maxwell, Sir George Dowglas Ninian Creightoun with the King as Spectators of the Game, with the Lord Flammin and other his Friends, mar­shall'd his Men for the Charge, which was given with a great shout and clamor of these Borderers. The Lord Hume, Lards of Farnehast and Cesfoord had taken their leave of the King who gladly dismist them, but upon advertisement of the sud­den fray, being not far of they return in hast with an hun­dred Launces, in good time for the Earl of Angus, and falling upon one of the Wings of Balcloughs troups force them to yield ground, and some to turn their backs, upon which sud­denly foloweth the Chase. Cesfoord and Farnehast; eagerly persewing. Here at the descent of a little Hill, by the blow of a Launce which a Domestick of Balcloughs threw from his Arm, the Laird of Cesfoord if slain, and by his death the Chase left off to be follow'd, and a long deadly fewd between the Scots and Cars was begun, fourscore Borderers were kill'd in this bickering assisting Balclough, himself was wounded with many of his friends, the Earl of Anguss lost not a few besides the Laird of Cesfoord.

The Earl of Angus after this road of Melross perceiving his enemies to increase, and the affections of some of the Nobi­lity turned f [...]m him, composing the old difference between him and the Earl of Arran, entered into condition of a strict friendship with him, and was content he should be his part­ner and fellow-governour in distribution of Causualities and [Page 190] ruling the Countrey. When the King had considered how twice his intentions had been broken, and unhappily with­out success, he began to essay the third by the Earl of Lennox, whom challenging of his promise he desired to gather an ar­my, and joining his Forces with the Queens to restore him to his Liberty. The Earl of Lennox, before suspected, after the League and friendship of Earl of Angus with the Earl of A [...]ran, became declared [...] enemy to Angus, withdrew him­self from Court: and some few Moneths being passed, at Sterlin he maketh a Declaration to all the Leiges of his in­tentions, inviting them to assist and side with his cause. One thousand men came from the High-lands to him, the Earl of Cassiles and Master of Kilmayers come from the West with two thousand, the Queen and Arch-bishop Iames Beatoun, direct many of their Vas [...]alls from F [...]sse to him: Thus with three strong Briggades he marcheth towards Lynlith­gow.

The Earl of Angus understanding these preparations to be against him, imploreth the assistance of his best Friends to withstand them, especially the Carres and Humes, to who [...]e valour he had lately been so far obliged. He sendeth Letters to the Earl of Arran and the Gentlemen of the name of Ha­milton, regretting the estate of the Common-wealth, re­quiring their speedy aid. That in so perilous time setting a­side all particular Respects and Quarrels, they would have a care of the Common good of the Countrey. If the Earl of Lennox should carry the King from him, and remained Vi­ctor of the Field, he would not stay there, his next mark would be the Hamiltouns, whom he was in the way to put from all title to the Crown, the report going already that the King would intail it to him out of his own favour, and had designed him Heir to the Earl of Arran, he having no children of his own. That the King had a magnetical affecti­on towards him, which, if Fortune favoured him with a Victory, would increase, now meritting which before was but meer favour. The custody of a young King was not for a man of so short experience. The Hamiltouns finding that man their Suppliant who late was their Competitor, delight­ing to live in a trouble State, and be Copartners of the Go­vernment and mannaging the affairs of the Kingdom, which was promised them in their new band of Friendship, laying aside all former discontent and grudge accept the Quarrel, and assemble their Forces at Lynlithgow. To this Town the Earl of Lennox was advancing, and he being the Sisters Son of the Earl of Arran, by Gentlemen well affected towards him, and of his kinred, they intreat him to turn back, and not to try the hazard of a battel for a conquest; he could not [Page 191] long enjoy the Government of a young Prince, whom a little more time would make Governour of himself, and who (perhaps) would reaward his service with disgrace; It being ordinarily seen that great obligations to Princes pro­cure rather their hatred than love, whilst it is more easie to pay men by contempt than benefits: that if he came forwards, no interest of blood would save him from their just and law­full stopping of his passage and enterprize. The Earl of Lennox answered, it was no time then in the eye of the world to aban­don so just a quarrel, that shame wounded deeper than death, which he would rather imbrace than not see his Prince at E­denburgh. And finding the Bridge over the Avan possest by the enemy, passed his Companies over the River Et near the antient Monastery Immanuel; the Maister of Kill-mayers guideth the Vantguard, consisting of Westland men; the Earl of Cassiles and himself the main Battel, many of which were high-land men, being of all (as some write) ten thou­sand. The Earl of Angus having essayed in vain to bring the King to the Field with the power of Edenburgh, leaving that Charge to his Brother Sir George and Archembald Dowglas Pro­vost of the Town, accompanied with the Humes and Carres, being of all two thousand, marketh a speedy march towards Lynlithgow. But the Earl of Arran, spurr'd by the ambition and youthful heat of his Son Sir Iames Hamiltoun, had begun the fight before be could appear; for a long time it is valiant­ly fought, victory inclining to neither side, till a great cla­mour arose seconded by the appearance of fresh Troops of enemies, the Dowglasses and their Friends, at which alarum many of the High-land and West-land men turned their backs; the rest by the advantage of the place sustain the Fight.

The King, after much loytering and many delaies (having heard the Armies were near joining) and much solicitation of Sir George Dowglas, issueth out of Edenburgh at a slow march. But when at Corstorphine Hills he was awaken'd with the noyse of the great Ordinance, he urgeth his Followers to make all haste to come to the fight. It was reported Sir George Dowglas drove his Horse, in a great rage gave him in­jurious words, which he never after forgot. Being half way he is advertised that the Earl of Lennox highland-men were fled, and by all appearance the Earl of Arran was Master of the Field. This news perplexed him not a little, but making the best of that worst, he dispatch'd all his domestick Servants with Andrew Wood of Largo, to save so many as they could in the Chase, especially the Earl of Lennox, whose life he now tendereth as his Crown. But this Earl after he had been ta­ken by the Laird of Pardowye, in cold blood was unnatural­ly [Page 192] slain by Sir Iames Hamiltoun, who either killed or wound­ed on the face all that came under the dint of his Sword in the Rout.

They found the Earl of Arran mourning over his Corps, over which he spred his cloak; the Laird of Howstoun lay dead by him, the Master of Killmayers sore wounded at their comming, maintained the fight, and was by them with diffi­culty saved, with so many others as either the Kings autho­rity or their power could reskew. This Conflict hapened in September.

After the victorious Earls had rested their wounded Soul­diers, and refreshed them selves in Lithgow, they accompany the King to Sterlin, and immediately march through Fyffe in quest of those who had been the cause of taking arms against them, of which number the Queen was; but the Arch-bi­shop of Saint Andrews was the most eminent, who, as before he had seconded Arran to surprize Angus, so now he had stirred Lennox to the overthrow of them both. Be­cause Arch-bishop was not to be found (for he (as some record) was turned a true Pastour, and in Shepheards weeds kept sheep on some Hill) they spoiled the Abbacy of Dum­fermling, and Castle of St. Andrews, defacing all the Orna­ments, and carryed away the Moveables and stuff in them. The Queen with her husband Henry, Stuart, and Iames his brother, betook them to the Castle of Edenburgh, which the Lords at their return besieged. The Mother hearing her Son was amongst the Besiegers in person, obtaining favour for her husband and his Brother, caused the Gates to be cast o­pen. But for their safety such who loved them, advised the King to commit them to that place during his pleasure.

Now the Earl of Angus and Arran summoned all who had born Arms against the King to appear in judgement, and an­swer according to the Law as Traytors. Some compounded for Sums of money, others became Dependers of the Hou­ses of Angus and Arran: Gilbert Earl of Cassiles being sum­moned and compearing, Hugh Kennedy his Kinsman answer'd the indictment, that he came not against the King but to as­sist the King, for proof of which he offered to produce the Kings own Letter. Though the Earl of Cassiles escaped the danger of the Law he did not the fury of the Revenge, was taken about some disparaging words; for as he was return­ing home, he was surprized in the way and killed; Some write by the Sheriff of Aire, but by the direction of Sir Iames Hamiltoun.

About this time the Arch-bishop of St. Andrews, and other Church-men in revenge of the spoiling of his Houses, and persuing himself, for questions of Religion, burn the Earl of [Page 193] Arrans brothers Son Mr. Patrick Hamilton, and banish Mr. Patricks brother Iames Sheriff of Lithgow.

Not long after, mens wrath by time diminishing and their bloud growing colder, the Arch-bishop having bestowed on the Earl of Angus, Sir George his Brother, and other their Friends, some Church benefices and many Leases of Tyths, was reconciled unto them, and with appearance of great friendship they mutually entertained and feasted each others at the Christ-Mass in the City of S. Andrews. But small confi­dence could be long among reconciled enemies.

Now went every thing as the earl of Angus could have wished, he was not only entire and familiar with the Kings person, but with his Office; some of his enemies were dead, others overthrown in open Field, with the rest he was re­conciled. No faction for power or richess was equal to his; Nor remained there any Castle Fortress not ceised on by him, and garrisoned with his Friends and Followers, ex­cept the Castle of Sterlin, a part of the Queens Dowry, which being desolate by her Miseries, and only haunted by some of her poorest and meanest Servants, was neglected by the Earl, which in him was a great errour, the fitness of the place for a revolution and change of Court considered. Many daies the Earl had not seen his own dwelling Places, nor thought upon his private affairs, being carryed away by the storms of Court, now he thinketh he may securely pass to Lothian, whilst at Faulkland the King shall be safely enter­tained by his Brother Sir George, Archembald his Uncle, and Iames of the Parkhead Captain of the Guards; having ear­nestly entreated their attendance on the King, he crosseth the Forth, with resolution soon to return. His departing was not so concealed, but the Arch-bishop of St. Andrews had knowledge of it, and he inviteth Sir George to see him in his City of St. Andrews, to receive the Leases of the Tyths promi­sed, all now perfected, valid, and according to Law sufficient. Whilst Sir George is here detained, Archembald the Treasurer by other Letters, for matters of love, is inticed to Dundee; But nothing could make the Captain of the Guards leave his Charge. The King amidst his solitary Walks in his Park of Faulkland considering of what a tedious Train he was re­lieved, and how suddenly occasion might turn her bald scalp, if presently he took not hold of her, resolveth to ac­complish by Stratagem, what the Factions of his Nobles could not perform by force. It is delightful to understand every particular circumstance in the progress of the actions of Princes. Upon this resolution he directeth the Forrester of the Park to give advertisement to such Gentlemen about, who kept Hounds, the next morning to attend him, for he would early have [Page 194] his Game. He suppeth sooner than his custom was, enter­taining the Captain of the Guards with more than usual ce­remonies and representations of the next mornings, sport, withall inviting him to go to his rest, the Night being short about the Summer solstice. The Waiters all shifted and the Court husht, shutting his Chamber door, in the apparel of one of his Grooms, unperceiv'd he passed the Guard to the Stable; where with two who attended him, with spair Horses he po­sted to Sterlin, where by the Queens intelligence he was ex­pected in the Castle.

When the certainty of this escape was noised abroad, many Noblemen repair to Sterlin, some by Letters sent un­to them, others at the rumour of his evasion, that in a li­tle time he found him safe and far from any danger again to be surprized, the Earls of Arguyl, Atholl, Glencarn, Mon­teeth, Huntley, The Lords Graham, Drummond, Levingstoun, Sainclaire, Lindsay, Evandale, Ruthen, Maxwell, Simple, the Earl of [...]glintoun, Rothess, Iames Beatoun Arch-bishop of St. Andrews, the Deviser of his escape. The Earl of Angus full of miss-giving thoughts, with many of his Friends, was al­so on his way to Sterlin; but Proclamations being made a­gainst him, Discharging him from all Offices and publick functi­ons, and being by an Herauld forbidden with his friends and fol­lowers to come near the Court by some Miles, under pain of Trea­son: either moved by inward terrours, or love of the Peace of his Countrey, turned back to [...]inlithgow, where two days he attended News of the Kings pleasure, which at last was declared, That neither he nor none of his should presume by some Myles to approach his residence. The more particular favours were, That the Earl should confine himself beyond the River of Spay in the North, whilst his Brother, Sir George Dowglass, should render himself Prisoner in the Castle of Edenburgh, and there remain during the Kings pleasure. When the Dowglasses had refused these offers, they are cited to answer according to Law in a Parlament to be holden in September at Edinburgh.

Before the day of appearing the Earl of Angus accompani­ed with an able Train of his Friends and Followers essayeth to enter the Town of Edenburgh, and there attend the com­ming of the King; but by the Lord Maxwell, and the L. of [...]ochinvarre, who in the Kings name had invested the Town, he is kept out, and the King with an unexspected sudden­ness, with two thousand men comming from Sterlin, he re­moved. The Earl not appearing at the appointed day, is by Decree of Parlament attainted and forfeited, with his brother Sir George Dowglas, Archembald Dowglas his uncle, Alexander Drummon [...] of Carnock, and others.

The points of which they were to be accused, were, The [Page 195] assembling of the Kings Lieges with intention to have assailed his person; The detaining of the King against his will and pleasure, and contrary to the Articles agreed upon the space of two years and more; all which time the King was in [...]ear and danger of his li [...]e. At this Parlament (some write the King made a solem oath never to give a Remission to any of the Dowglasses there for­feited, as the Lords did, never to intercede nor request for any of them: and in disgrace of the Earl of Angus▪ Henry Stuart who had married the Queen his wife, was created Lord Meffan.

The Dowglasses having all favour denyed them, being o­penly declar [...]d Enemys to the King and Countrey, commit all hostility (the last refuge of desperate men) on their ene­mies bounds, Caust-land and Cranstoun are burned, they ra­vage even to the Gates of Edenburgh, the harmless people suffering for the faults of the great; under shadow of their followers all robberies and oppr [...]ssions brack forth, and by whomsoever committed, are laid to their charge. The King will not hear of them in any other terms than Oppres [...]ours and common Robbers. In their defence they fortifie their Castle of Tantallon with the readiest provision taken from the nearest adjacent bounds. In October the King raiseth a great company of Souldiours, with great Ordinance, and o­ther Engins of War brought from the Castle of Dumbar, Tan­tallon is be [...]ieged, but prov [...]th impregnable; and David Faulconer the General of the Ordinance at their removing is slain. A Commission is sent to the Earl of Bothwell, as the Kings Lieutenant, to invade with Fire and Sword in all pla­ces the Dowglasses, which he, either out of human compas­sion, or that he knew wise States-men should extenuate the faults of others rather than aggravate them, refused to ac­cept. But the Earl of Arguyl and Lord Hume accepted that charge, prosecute them where they might be apprehended, till after much misery and night-wandring at home, they were constrained with Alexander Dummond of C [...]rnock, who had been partaker of their misfortunes by his consanguinity with the Earls Mother, who was Daughter to the Lord Drummond, to fly into England, where they were charita­bly received, and honourably entertained by King Henry the eight.

Now are the Offices and Lands of the Dowglasses disposed upon; the Arch-Bishop of Glasgow, Gaven Dumbar is made Chancelour, Robert Bartoun, who was in especial favor with the King, Treasurer, great Customer General of the Artil­lery and Mines, and other their Charges are given unto o­thers.

The King of England intending a War against the Empe­rour [Page 196] Charles the fifth, sendeth Embassadours to Scotland for a certain time to treat a peace, and if it were possible to re­concile the Dowglasses with the King. Five yerrs truce was re­solved upon; but for the Dowglasses, the King would hearken to no offers; onely Alexander Drummond by the intercession of Robert Bartoun, and the Embassadours, had liberty to return home. When the Earl of Northumberland and the Earl of Murrey, who had full power to conclude a Truce, had met the other Commissioners upon the Borders, the fa­ctious great men and ranck Ryders there, put all in such a confusion by urging difficulties, that they parted without agreeing unto any articles or certain conclusions: which the King took in so evil a part, that divining from what head this interruption sprung, he committed sundry Noblemen to the Castle of Edenburgh, till they gave hostages, and secured the borders from invasion or being invaded. In the Moneth of Iune following with a great power he visited these bounds, executing Justice upon all Oppressours, Theeves and Out-Laws. In Ewsdale eight and fourty notorious Riders are hung on growing Trees, the most famous of which was Iohn Arm-strong; others be brought with him to Edenburgh for more publick execution and example, as William Cockburn of Henderland, Adam Scot of Tushelaw, named King of Theeves.

The year 1530. the King instituted the College of Justice; before it was ambulatory, removing from place to place by Circuits; Suits of Law were peremptorly decided by Bay­lies, Sheriffs, and other Judges; when any great and nota­ble cause offered it self, it was adjudged Soveraignly by the Kings Council, which gave free audience to all the Subjects. The power and privileges of this College was immediately con [...]irmed by Pope Clement the seventh.

In this Court are fifteen Judges ordinary, eight of them being spiritual persons, of the which the most antient is President, and seven Temporal men: The Chancellour of the Realm when he is present is above the President. There are also four Counsellours extraordinary, removable at the Princes pleasure.

This institution is after that Order of Justice which is ad­ministred in Paris, first instituted by Philip the fourth, the French King the year 1286.

The King about this time storeth his Arsenals with all sort of Arms; the Castles of Edenburgh, Sterlin, Dumbartoun, and Blackness, are repaired and furnisht with Ordnance and Ammunition.

Whilst no certain Truce is concluded between the Realms of England and Scotland, the Earl of Angus worketh in this [Page 197] interim so with the King of England, that Sir E [...]ward Darcey is sent to the Borders; who when his solicitation for resto­ring the Earl, at the Scothish Court had taken no effect, yea had been scorned, after he had staied at Berwick with the Garri­soned Souldiers, and some selected companies out of Nor­thumberland and Westmerland maketh a Road into Scotland; Coldingham, Dunglas, and adjacent Villages they burn, ra­vage the Countrey towards Dunce. Some Scottish Ships and Vessels were also at this time taken by Sea. When a reason was sought of this invasion in a cessation of Arms, and calm of Truce; They require the Dowglasses may be restored totheir antient inheritances, and whatsoever had been withheld from them, and that Cannabiem (a poor Abbacy) be rendred to the Eng­lish, as appertaining of old to the Crown of England. The Earl of Murray being declared Lieutenant maketh head against them: but the English dayly increasing in number, and his companies not being suffcient to make good against so ma­ny and large in cursions, the power of Scotland is divided in­to four Quarters every one of which for the durance of four­ty daies by turns taketh the defence of the Countrey. The English finding by this intercourse of new Souldiers the War to be prolonged, would have gladly accepted of Peace, but they disdained to sue for it to the Scots: it was thought ex­pedient that the French, a Friend then to both, should be a Me­diatour to reconcile them, whereupon, after an Ambassador had come from France, Commissioners first meet at Newcastle and after at London, Iames Colvil of Easter Weyms, Adam Ot­terburn of Redhall, William Stuart Bishop of Aberdeen, the Ab­bot of Kinloss. These conclude a Peace To continue between the two Realms, during the two Princes lives, and one year after the decease of him who should first depart this life.

About this time the secrets of the Ecclesiastical Doctrine and Authority beginning to be laid open to the view of the World, the politick Government of Kingdomes began to suffer in the alteration and discovery. The Lady Katherine daughter to Ferdinando and Isabella, King and Queen of Spain, and Sister to the Mother of Charles the fifth Emperour, had been married to Arthur Prince of Wales, eldest Sonne to Henry the seventh King of England, he dying, by the dispen­sation of Pope Iulius the Second, her Father in Law gave her again in Marriage to Henry his other Son the Brother of Arthur. This Queen though fruitful of children, and often a Mother, brought none forth that long enjoyed life, and came to any perfection of growth, except one onely Daughter Mary. Her Husband either out of spleen against the Emper­rour Charles, or desire of male children, or other Causes known to himself, pretended great scruples in his conscience, [Page 198] would make himself and the world believe, that his marriage was not lawfull. After deliberation with his Churchmen, whom he constrained to be of his mind, he kept not longer compa­ny with his Queen; his Churchmen used all their eloquence to make the Queen accept of a Divorce, which she altoge­ther refus [...]d, and had recourse to the Pope, who recals the cause to himself. At Rome, whilst in the con [...]istory, the case is made difficult, and the matter prolonged▪ King Henry impa­tient of del [...]i [...]s, and amorous divorceth from his own Queen and marrieth Anne Bullen 1533.

Then the Pope with his whole Cardinals gave out their Sentence, That it was not lawful for him by his own autho­rity, to seperate himself from his wife; that his marriage with Katharine was most lawful, not to be questioned, and that under pain of Excommunication he should adhere unto her.

King Henry well experienced in the great affairs of the World, considering how the threatnings and thunders of the Bishops of Rome, even in these antient and innocent times when they were believed and reverenced, in his King­dom produced never great effects, thought them to no pur­pose in a time when Doctrine was publisht to the World, embraced and believed of numbers, by which they were contemned and scorned: upon this and other grounds he re­fuseth to obey, and the Pope continneth his menacing.

This disorder and boldness of the King of England moved the Emperour and the Pope to try if they could win the King of Scotland to arise in arms against his Vncle King Henry. The Emperour essayeth it under pretence of other business of great importance. For having given way to new opini­ons in Religion amongst his Countreymen of Germany, and finding them mounted to that height as to have produced the effects he de [...]ired, [by this division laying a foundation to turn the Imperial Crown Hereditary to his own House, which, Germany being all of one mind and undistracted, he could never have brought to pass] he compelleth the Bishop of Rome to condescent to a general Council or Assembly of the Clergy of Europe, the only and soveraign remedie to cure dis­eased minds, and accord different opinions: but he knew well that by the Church of Rome, men would be delegated to this meeting, turbulent, and so far from pacifying tumults began, that instead of Water they would apply Oyl and Wood to these flames, turn opinions before disputable, ir­reconciliable, and leave matters worse than they found them. Having implored the aid and assistance of the Potentates a­bout him to the setting forward of so pious and holy a work, he sendeth Goddes callo Errico (a Sicilian) for greater secre­cy [Page 199] cie by Ireland to the King of Scotland.

This Embassadour for a token of that affection the Empe­rour his Master carryed to the person and virtues of King Iames, presenteth him with the Order of the Golden-fleece 1534. with solemn Protestations for the observing of these antient Leagues and Confederacies contracted between the Princes his Masters Predeceslours and the Kings of Scotland, to continue ever amongst themselves.

His other instructions were Plaints of the wrongs done to his Aunt Katharine, most injustly repudiate and forsaken by a King forsaken of God and abhorred of men. The marriage of Ann Bullen should wound deeply King James, it being likely by her Succession he should be barred of his Right to the Crown of Eng­land: The Emperour by his Ambassadour expostulating the wrongs of his Aunt, had gained nothing, but that for his sake shee was the worse entertained. To make more strong and lasting the Empe­rours friendship with King James, he (if he pleased) would make him an offer and give him the choice of three Ladies, three Maries, all of the Imperial Stem: Mary of Austria the Emperours Sister, the Window of Lovis King of Hungary; Mary of Portugall, the Daughter of his Sister Eleonara of Austria: Mary of England the Daughter of Katharine and King Henry. And would under­take the performance of this last, either by consent of her Father, or by main force. The greatest but last of his instructions was that to suppress the Heresies of the time he would concur with the Emperour for the convocating a General Council, and obviate the calamities then the threatning the Christian Religion.

The King with great cheerfulness and many thanks, that the Emperour entertained him with such respect, and held him worthy so fair and Royal Allyance, and the participa­tion of affairs of such importance and moment, received this Embassage.

For the Council, providing it were a general Council lawfully convocated by the Emperour and Christian Kings, as the first Coun­cils were wont, free and holy (as nothing is more holy than a gene­ral convocation of Christians) the most charitable and quiet of the Clergy, and such who would pacifie matters, not the most zealous and [...]iery Spirits, or men corrupted by rewards being delegated un­to it, being premonisht of the time and place, he would apply his will unto his, assist him, thither send his best Oratours and most convenient Church-men. That if a true Council could not be ob­tained, every Prince should reform the Errors of Doctrine and faults of the Clergy within his own Dominions.

The Proceedings of his Vncle were grievous unto him, being a man altogether thralled to his own opinions. For the Good of the Christian Religion and Peace of Europe, it were expedient that all her Princes were united together in amity and love, and their [Page 200] Arms directed against the common enemy the Turk. For himself he would be Mediatour to reconcile the Emperour and his Vncle, en­deavour to recall him to the love of his Wife, nor by any perswa­sions to be induced to condescend to ought prejudicial to Queen Katharine.

The three Ladies were every one in the superlative worthy, es­pecially▪ Mary of England, for that great reason of uniting the Isle of Great Britain, but she was not in her own power, nor in the power of the Emperour, that he could bestow her upon whom he pleased. That to ravish her out of the hands of her Father would be, beside the danger of the Enterprize, a breach of Divine and humane Lawes.

It was not safe for Paris that he preferred one of the three God­desses to the other two, for prizing those three (that the Emperour might know how dearly he respected and earnestly affected his affi­nity) there remained a fourth Lady neer in blood to the Emperour, Isabella Daughter of Christian King of Denmark, and Isa­bella the Emperours own Sister, whom, besides her matchless vir­tues, for the vicinity of the Nation to his, and the conformity of their harmless humours, he made choice to be Queen of his affe­ctions and Dominions.

Godscallo answered this last, That a match with Lady Isabel­la of Denmark could not with the Emperours credit be brought to pass, because she was promished already to another, Frederick Count Palatine, and the marriage might be accomplished before news came to the Emperour of the Kings election.

This choice of the Kings was but an evasion, for Sir Tho­mas Areskin of Brichen Secretarie, and David Beatoun Abbot of Arbroth, under pretence of renewing the League between France and Scotland long before had been directed to France about a Marriage with the eldest Daughter of King Francis, which Iohn Duke of Albany projected when the League be­tween the two Kingdoms was renewed at Rochell.

Henry King of England had now renounced all obedience from the Bishop of Rome, and thorough his whole Domini­ons abrogated his authority, and Paul the third after his assu­ming the Papacy, set forwards by the Emperour and his Car­dinals, who thought either to recover England or burnt it up by a Foreign or civil war, never left thundering against him. But after Iohn Fisher Bishop of Rochester was beheaded (a man imprisoned for adhering to the Pope, then for his persecu­tion, and that the king might carry him greater respect, made Cardinal) the whole Conclave stir the Pope against King Henry. And full of Grief and rage remonstrate what danger would follow their Order if this Example unpunisht should have way. They maintained the Papal power against all Princes, which now for fear of their Lives they would be [Page 201] forced to forsake, or to proceed with great [...] and neglect, if by any secular power they might be called in Judgement and embrue Sc [...]ffolds with their blood. The Pope▪ though highly provok [...], parted not from his Resolution, yet used a sort of moderation; he threatneth still to let f [...]ll the blow, in the mean time holding his hand.

Thus to give satisfaction to his Court, he formed a Pro­cess against King Henry and a most severe sentence, but ab­stained from the publication of it during his pleasure; Se­cretly sending many copies of it to those Princes he thought could be useful to his Designs when occassion should serve, and he proceed with a constant rumor of the Bull shortly to be put in execution and publisht.

Amongst many interested in wrongs by the King of Eng­land, considering there was none comparable to the Nation and King of Scotland, he directeth hither Iohn Antonio Come peggio; This Legate findeth King Iames at Faulkland 22. Fe­bruary 1535. and here with many Ceremonies and Apostoli­cal Benedictions, delivereth him a Cap and a Sword, conse­crated the Night of Nativity of our Saviour: which the fame of his valour and many Christian virtues had moved his Master to remunerate him with. Also (saith the Original) that it might breed a terror in the heart of a wicked neighboring Prince against whom the Sword was sharpned.

The Popes Letter in most submissive stile contained. A Complaint for the death of John Bishop and Cardinal of Roche­ster, miserably taken away by the hand of an Hangeman. The Calamities of England occasioned by the Kings Divorce from Katharine of Spain, and his Marriage with Anne Bullen; That since the Roman Church had received great disgrace and a deadly wound, and by patience procured more and more wrongs from the King of England, She was constrained to use a s [...]aring Iron. For the application of which she had recourse to his Majesty, a Prince [...]or his Ancest [...]urs Piety and his own renowned. His aid, mainte­nance, protection she implored; Since King Henry was a Despiser, a Scorner, One who set at naught the censures of the Church: an Heretick, Shismatick, a shameful and Shameless Adulterer, a publick and profest homicide Murtherer, a Sacrilegious Person, a Church-Robber, a Rebel guilty of [...]ese-Majesty divine, outra­gious, many and in [...]merable waies a Fellon, a Criminal: By all Laws herefore [...] to be turned out of his Throne: The King of Scotland for the Defence of the Church would undertake something worthy a Christi [...]n King and himself: he would endeavour to sup­press, Heresie, defend the Catholick faith against those whom the ju­stice of almighty God, and judgments were now prepared and al­ready ready to be denounced.

[Page 202]The King kindly entertaining the Legate, answered the Pope with much regret for the estate and stubbornness of the King of England. Who would not be struck with Pitty that a King who late amongst Christian Princes was honoured with the title of Defender of the Faith, should be obnoxious to so many crimes, that now amongst Princes he could scarce be reputed a Christian? This compassion was common to him with others, but he by a necessity of Nature, and neer­ness of blood felt a more piercing sorrow; he should leave no means untryed to recal his Uncle to the obedience of the Church: and though by his Embassadours, he had once or twice went about the same, but in vain, he would study a way how face to face he might give him his best counsel, and remonstrate how much good he would do the Christian World and himself by returning again to the Chruch. Mean while he requested him not to be heaady, forward nor rash in executing the Sentence against his Uncle, which would but obdure him in his seperation.

King Iames not having lost all hopes of Uncle, directeth the Lord Arskin to England, to acquaint him with the Em­perours and Popes Embassages; and to take his Counsel a­bout a marriage with the Duke of Vandosms Daughter whom the Fre [...]ch King had offered to him, his own Daughter be­ing weak and sickly. In this Embas [...]age there was a complaint against the Londoners, who in their passage to the Island fishing, spoyled the Coasts of Orknay and the adjacent Islands: with a Request that King Henry would not succour the Lubeckers a­gainst the Duke of Hulstein.

The King of England not to prove inferiour to the Empe­rour the Pope in conferring honours upon his Nephew, ad­mitteth him to the Fraternity of the Garter, which he deli­vered to the Lord Areskin his Embassadour. And thereafter dispatched William Lord Howard, brother to the Earl of Nor­folk (as if that name were a sufficient Scar-crow to the Popes Sword and the Emperours Golden- [...]leece) to Scotland, who made such hasty journeys that he prevented the News of his comming, and at unawares found the King at Sterlin. The Substance of his embassage was, That the Kings of England and Scotland might have an interview at York, at which mee­ting the King of Scotland should be declared Duke of York, and General Lieutenant of the Kingdom of England. That his Master having instructions of the Alliances offered him by neighbour Princes, did offer to his own and his Counsels, judgement if they could find a more fit, than to contract a marriage with his Daughter, which might be easily perfected if his Master and King Iames could condescend upon some few points.

[Page 203] When the King had taken these Propositions into delibe­ration, the Church-men suspecting if this meeting and match had way, the King would embrace the opinions of the new Reformers, set all their wirs to overthrow it. The neerest Successors to the Crown, covering their claim and interest, argued, That to marry the Lady Mary of England who for ma­ny years would not be mariagable was not a right way to continue his race by procreation of children, and that his impatience of li­ving alone, would not be much abated by marying a Child. That King Henry projected this mariage to no other end than to hinder him from better Allyances, or to facilitate an entry to the kingdom. That when a Prince would take advantage of any neighbor Prince, it was more safely done by alliance than open force. That it was more safely King Henry, being a wary Prince, never meant to ma­ry his Daughter at all as long as himself lived, but to keep her at Home with him, bearing many Princes in hand to save him from Dangers both at home and abroad: which counsel was practised lately by the Duke of Burgundy.

Most oppose neither to the meeting of the two Kings, nor to the Alliance, but to the place of their meeting, which seemed unto them of no small importance being in the heart of England, and amidst the most martial people of that Na­tion.

They require the two Kings might have their interview at New­castle, this place, when they meet, being most commodious for fur­nishing all necessaries by Ships; That the number of their Trayn should be agreed upon, as one thousand, which none of th, two Kings should exceed. That the time should be at the Feast of Saint Michael the Arch-Angel between the Harvest and the Winter, which would hast the consummation of the Ceremonies, and not suffer the Kings to prolong time, but invite their return to their own chief and principal Cities. When it was declared to the Lord Howard, that the consent of the Nobles of the Kingdom obtained, the en­terview at the Feast of Michaelmas at Newcastle might be con­descended unto; he would neither accept of the place nor time, His Master having already (as matter he had never put in question) made great preparations for this interview at York, that he would think his offers slighted and an affront put upon him, if any excuses were alleged to the contrary: Thus with some bra­vadoes to the Council he departed.

The King to give satisfaction to his Uncle of his Councils proceedings with the Lord Howard, sendeth after him Sir Adam Otterburn of Red-hall, who laieth the fault of his not appearing upon the Lord Howard, complaining, That he menaced the Counsellours, and would have forced their votes; that he was a great Friend to Sir George Dowglasse and other Rebels, who convoyed him to Scotland, and accompanyed him [Page 204] back again. It was against the credit and honour of free born Prin­ces to be threatned, what was friendly begun should friendly con­tinue and end: Princes should not be constrained, especially in mat­ters which were not of Debt but benevolence.

Amidst these importunities and solicitations King Iames with five well manned Ships taketh the Seas, giving out a Voyage for France; and the French record it was his first ad­venture to come to them: but it is more likely this procee­ded from Policy of State, to try the affections and demean­our of the great ones of his kingdome in his absence, rather than any intended voyage towards Forainers. For with this Fleet he arriveth at Orkenay, there in some Forts placeth gar­risons, sails about the Islands of Sky and Lewes, surprizeth the chief of th [...] Clannes of those Highland Islanders, whom he sent for Hostages to the Castles of Dumbartoun and Eden­burgh. And when by the skill of one Alexander Lyndsay his Pilote, he had sounded the remotest Rocks of his Kingdom, he was driven by storms to take Land at Saint Ninians neer Whitehorn in Galloway. This Voyage bread great fear in those Islanders and Savages, and brought long Peace and quiet­ness to those Countreys thereafter. At his Return to Eden­burgh for Disorders committed or surmised in his absence, most part of the great Men neer the Borders are charged to enter their persons in Ward during the Kings pleasure. Wal­ter Scot of Balclough is committed to the Castle of Edenburgh, the Lord Hume to the Castle of Down, Farnchast to Faulkland, the Laird of Iohnstoun and Mark Car to Dundee: and others elsewhere. He knew the common Riders never made incur­sions without either the command or tollerance of these Superiours.

The remote High-lands and Borderers made peaceable by the incarcerations of the Chiefs of the Clannes and Families there commanding, he may when occasion is offered in per­son visite any neighbour Prince or State. To second his for­mer Embassadours in their suit in France he had sent the Earl of Murray, William Stuart Bishop of Aberdeen, with o­thers: and King Francis in regard of the indisposition of his Daughter Magdalen, had made an offer to them of his nearest kins-woman.

The Kings mind having been long troubled with youth­ful thoughts by the many matches offered him; and think­ing marriages contracted and trusted to the eyes of others, one way or other deficient, resolveth to go in person and woe for himself. Upon this resolution he imbarked at Leith, concealing the intention of his Voyage; many sup­pose he maketh for England to pacify his Uncle, for many wished the same: Whilst he is on the Ocean, the Winds [Page 205] contrarying his course, a violent Tempest separating his Ships, the Pilote asketh him to what Coast he should di­rect his Course; To any thou best likest (answered the King) except towards England; the storm encreasing and sleep shut [...]ing up the Kings eyes, these who accompany­ed him, command the Pilote to turn sails again for Scot­land, and not struggle with the pittiless Element for mat­ters which might be delayed, and a little time could not turn worse: so when the King awoke, he found himself neer his own Harbours upon the Forth, and was so highly displeased with the Authors of his return that he never pardoned them: the fault was laid on Sir Iames Hamiltoun, and to stir him more against this Man, there wanted not who said, His obedience to his Prince was dissembled, that he ac­companyed his Master to no other end in his voyage than to cross his intentions so far as was in his power.

The season thereafter being more fit for Navigation, he ascendeth again his Ships at Kirkcaldie, and with a prospe­rous wind the tenth day after arrived at Deep in Normandy; The Earls of Arran, Arguyl, Rothess, Arroll, Lords Flamin, Boyd, attended him, with many Barons and Knights: the Earl of Murray, young Lennox and Cassiles, the Lord Are­skin, and Abbot of Arbroth expected him at Paris; but he, preventing the fame of his comming, with a small Trayn holdeth his way to Vandosm, to see the Lady Mary of Bur­bon, all which way one Iohn Tennant personating the Lord of the Company, he passed undescryed. But come to Va [...] ­dosm, whether the Lady had a Letter for the same from David Beatoun, or that by matching the faces of one of those Strangers with a Pourtraict she had of King Iames, in likeness (as she said) he was found out, and challenged by the Lady of that fault, which was easily confess'd and par­doned? He found her very beautiful, and eminent in all Princely excellencies, but bethinking how he having choice of three Princesses, all Daughters of Kings, if he should fix his affection on this Lady at the first interview, he should be obnoxious to the indignation of the other, he returned as he came towards Rouen, where his Nobles attended him, and having understood King Francis was to give the Empe­rour Battel in Provence, quitting his Retinue, he posted to­wards him. The Daulphine meeteth him at the Chappel be­tween Tarray and St. Sopho [...]in in the Countrey of Lions, King Francis receiveth him with as much honour as could be desired and convoyeth him to Paris; the Peers of the kingdom haste from all quarters hither to entertain this Stranger Prince, and the Court is changed into an Acade­my of Knightly exercise, where King Iames proveth inferi­our [Page 206] our to none in [...]eats of Arms. Magdalen the Kings eldest Daughter is his Mistress, a Lady fair, young, of a lovely countenance, and comely behaviour, above all others of the kingdom. The Lady Margarite her younger Sister (who after was marryed to the Duke of Savoy) is offered to him, by reason of the tender and weak disposition of her Sister: but Magdalen by the glaunces of her Princely Woer reobtaining her health (her body as it were following the Temperature of her Spirit, or that it appeared to her self and her Father so) King Iames continuing in his first resolu­tion, the marriage is contracted between them, an hun­dred thousand Crowns of the Sun being promi [...]ed in Dow­ry, besides thirty thousand Franks of yearly pension during the life of King Iames; the jointu [...]e assured to her by the King of Scotland, was all the lands possessed by any former Queen, the Earldoms of Strathern and Fyfe with the Palace of Faulkland, and other lands of the best and most certain re­venue.

Thus Anno in the Church of Nostre-Dame in Pa­ris, the King of Scotland maryed the Lady Magdalen in pre­sence of her Father, seaven Cardinals, the King of Navarr, many great Dukes and Barons.

King Francis after the Solemnities of this Marriage, hav­ing Piccardy and Piedmont then over-run by the Imperialists; and King Iames fearing he might suffer wrong in his absence from the King of England, with assurance of mutual Amity, part from other in the end of April, and from New-haven the Queen with her husband the 29. of May arrives at the Port of Leith; it is reported that after she put her foot on the Shore upon her knees she kissed the ground, Praying for all happiness, to the Countrey and people. Never Queen in so Short a time was more beloved of her Husband, nor sooner made conquest of the hearts of her Subjects: Nor was their greater hopes conceived of any alliance than of this, nor greater joy did ever arise for those hopes, but as in the life of man there is ever remaining more of bitter than sweet: so were these contentments but Shadows, matched with the real Sorrow that the death of that young Lady brought forth. For she lived not many weeks after her Arrivall in Scotland, when of a Feaver, which she contracted in Iune, she departed this life in Iuly: She was buried with the greatest mourning Scotland ever till that time was participant of, in the Church of Holy-rood-house neer King Iames the Second.

These last honours to the dead Queen and funeral pomp finished, the King (desirous of Succession) hath yet his thoughts wandring in France; Mary of Burbon daughter to Charls Duke of Vandosm, being frustrate of her Royal hopes, [Page 207] had not onely turned religious, but was dead of displeasure. Whilst he disported himself at the Court of France, he had been acquainted with a Lady rich in all excellencies, who next Magdalen had the power of his affections, Mary of Lorrain Sister to Francis, Daughter to Rhene, Duke of Guize, and Widdow of the Duke of Longue [...]ille: Her he thinketh for hir Stemm, healthful complexion, fertility (for the had been a mother) and other fortunes, worthy of his love. But to try her affection towards him, he directeth David Bea [...]oun his late paranymph, and the Lord Maxwell to France. Whilst they traffique this Marriage, many false accusations (as Plots laid against his person) are intended one after ano­ther at the Court, amongst which two are remarkable for their notable calumny.

Iohn eldest Son to the Lord Forbess, a young Gentleman chief of his name, hardy and valorous, but evi [...] brought up, and therefore easily suspect to be capable of sin, had for a Servant or companion, and ordinary sharer of his pleasures, one named Strachan, a man come of the dreg of the people, and perfectly wicked. This man after much familiarity, and some fecret service and attendance, to sa [...]iate his insati­able desire, desired earnestly something from the Master of Forbess which he passionately refused to give him, upon which, carryed away with rage and malice, he not onely renounced his friendship and service, but betook himself to the Service of his Enemy the Earl of Huntley: by whose ad­vice he forgeth a malitious Plot to overthrow him. To compass their design they accuse the Master of Forbess to have had once an intention and Mind to kill the King, that the Dowglasses might be restored to their wonted honors and antient possessions. By price and prayers witnesses are pro­cured to prove this against him, and convict him, or at the least to leave him suspected and taxed with this Treason. Though this crime was not sufficiently and clearly proved, yet was the Master of Forbess indicted, and convicted by an Assize, for having conspired the Kings death, for the which he was beheaded and quarter'd, and his Quarters set aloft upon the Gates of Edenburgh.

This Gentlemans death proveth how dangerous the Soci­ety and company of the wicked is to any; for ascending the fatal scaffold, he justifyed his innocency of what was laid to his Charge, but confessed the guilt of the Laird of Drummes bloud by the justice of God brought him to that end. His Father the Lord Forbess was upon suspi [...]ion kept long after in the Castle of Edenburgh. The King when he could not a­mend what was past, testifyed he was grieved at the death of this Nobleman; for he banished Strachan, because he had so [Page 208] long concealed the Treason of Forbess, silence in a matter importing no less than the life of a Prince, being reckoned equal to the Treason, he made his second brother one of his Domesticks, restoring him to the estate which was forfei­ted.

This thunderclap was immediately followed by another, for the quality of the person, and strangeness of the crime deplorable, but more for the horrour and terrour of the pu­nishment.

Iane Dawglas nister to Archembald Earl of Angus, the Wid­dow of Iohn Lyon Lord Glammes, with her Husband Archem­bald Campbell of Keepn [...]eth, her young Son the Lord Glammes, and an old Priest, were brought to Edenburgh, committed, and accused that they should have poisoned the King. Their accuser was William Lyon a kinsman of the late Lord Glammes. This treason had no probability of truth among such who knew the accused, being persons who lived far from the Court in their solitary mansions, seldom or never almost see­ing the King. Nevertheless their accusations were believed, and strict command given to the Judges to dispatch their process.

William Lyon aggravating the case represented to the King the an [...]ent faults of the Family of the Dowglass [...]s, committed a­gainst his [...]redecessors, the particular wrongs of Earl Archem­bald, now stirring the English against him, and ravaging his Borders; That he should believe, he not being able to be restored to his first estate by prayers and solicitations of Neighbour Princes, nor by open force, now set on work his last engines to come to his end, though it were with the life of his soveraign; That in so se­cret and dangerous a plot he could not use but his neerest kindred; a Woman, and his own Sister, might attempt such a mischief, her [...]ex and other qualities making her less suspect to have access to his person.

Suppose cleer proofs could not be found against her, the whole race of the Dowglasses should be extirpate, being a Linage onely [...]ertile in bringing forth monsters of Rebellion. That by sparing her life, and suffering her to escape, he should afford her time, li­cence and power to execute what she but now (perhaps) had in­tended.

The King, not knowing the mans particular hatred against this Lady (for some write, He did inform against her in revenge that she refused to marry him, giving her self to another) suffred the Process to be concluded.

Some of the Judges would have referred her to the Kings clemency till a farther tryall of the Witnesses might be had, upon whose testimony the Process did depend, it being a safer way in Judgement to absolve the guilty, than condemn [Page 209] the innocent. But the most part gave her over to the Assi­zers; the better part of which being in voices fewer, the greater, who neither respecting conscience within them, nor shame with the present age and posterity, nor the supreme justice of Heaven, find this poor Lady guilty, and she is condemned to be burnt alive. Her sentence was executed the fifth day after the beheading of the Master of Forbess on the Castle hill of Edenburgh, in sight of her Husband. who either out of Revenge or Fear, after this tragical end of his Lady, seeking to save himself by escape out of the Prison, whilst he came over the Wall by the shortness of the Cable was dashed against the Rock, and found dead. Though the tender years of the Lord Glammes, her son, proved his innocency, he remained prisoner in the Castle till after the Kings death. The old Priest, when after torture, nothing could be proved against was set at liberty; William Lyon the author of this calumny, was banished the Countrey, which justifyed the Ladies integrity, and verifyed than however Princes love to find out Treason▪ they hate the Informers ex­cept upon cleer grounds.

Upon the like suspitions Droomlenrigge and Hemps-Field an­tient Barons, having challenged others, had leave to try the verity by Combate; the lists were designed by the King (who was a Spectator and Umpire of their Valour) at the Court of of the Pallace of Holy-rood-house. They appeared upon the day, armed from head to foot, like antient Palladines, and after many enterchanged blows to the disadvantage of their Casks, Corslets and Vantbraces, when the one was become breathless, by the weight of his arms and thunder of his blowes, and the other (who was short sighted) had broken his ponderous Sword, the King, by Heraulds, caused sepa­rate them, with disadvantage to neither of these Champions, and the verity which was found, was, that they dared both fight in close Arms.

The Abbot of Arbroth, and the Lord Maxwell by many enterchanged letters full of Princely love, had assured the King and the Lady Mary of Lorrain, and articles being agreed upon, to the great content of the French, they were espou­sed by Proctors, as is the costome amongst Princes, with great triumph in the City of Paris, in the presence of the French King and many Peers; after which solemnity Mon­sieur d' Annabault Admiral of France, accompanied herto New-haven in the beginning of the Moneth of Iune1538. where she embarqued, and with many French Ships, when she had been tost on the Seas, came to Fysses-ness, where at Cayrel she was attended by the Noblemen, and the King, who consumated the mariage in the Cathedral Church of St. An­drews in Iuly.

[Page 210]Nothing more linketh the affections of the marryed than children: the first year the Queen answereth her husbands hopes, and in S. Andrews was delivered of a Son, who was named Iames; the Arch-bishop of St. Andrews and Earl of Arran being his God-Fathers, and the Queen the King [...] Mother his Godmother 1539. in Febr. thereafter she was crowned Queen of Scotland in the Abby Church of Holy-rood-house by the Ab­bot of Arbroth; at which time Margarite the old Queen fal­ling sick at Methven in few daies departed, and was buryed in the Cha [...]terhouse of St. Iohnstoun near the Tomb of King Iames the first. The King her Son, with all the Nobility, and Gentry being present at her funerals, which were cele­brated in most solemn and pompous manner. Not long after Iames Beatoun Arch-bishop, a man of great age, follow­ed this Lady to the other World: he had provided Suc­cessors to his Benefices, and his Arch-bishops See to David Beatoun, afterwards Cardinal, whom the King accepted and admitted without contestation.

The kingdom now began to be divided in opinions of Re­ligion, they which held the helm of State, labouring in vain [...]o reconcile them; the King was sore perplexed and uncer­tain what course to follow; suppress them he could not; to give way to them, without shaking the strongest beams of the policy of his Kingdom, seem'd unto him impossible; his privy Counsellours being more of his antient Servants, than Nobles or Church men (of which many were piping through these flecked clouds of ignorance) as they favored gave their opinions, some one way, some another, and a freedome of speech being given, one of them as they were in his chamber together, spake to him to this purpose.

Sir, amongst the many blessings your Subjects enjoy under this your Government, this is not the least, that for the Weal of your Majesty, and the publick good of the Kingdome, the mean­est of your Subjects may freely open his mind and declare his opi­nion unto you his Soveraign.

And if ever there was a time in which grave, good and sound cou [...]sel should be delivered to your Majesty, it is this, and the dif­ficulties of the Common-wealth do now require it. Nor ever in mat­ters of advice and consultation, can we embrace and follow what is most reasonable, and what according to Laws, Iustice, and Equi­ty should be, but what necessity driveth us unto, and what is most convenient for the present time to be, and what we may well and fairly accomplish and bring to pass.

The Estate of your Kingdome is troubled with diversity of opinions concerning Religion; It is to be wished that the one onely true Religion were in the hearts of all your Subjects, [Page 211] [since diversity of opinions of Religion and heres [...]es are the ve­ry punishment of God Almighty upon men for their horrible vi­ces and roaring sins. And when Men forsake his fear and true obedience, God abandoneth them to their own opinions and fantasies in Religion; out of which arise Partialities, Factions, Divisions, Strife, intestine Discords, which burst forth into civil war, and in short time bring Kingdoms and Common-wealths to their last periods] But matters arising to such a height and dis­order, as by all appearance, they are like to advance in this King­dom, the number of the Sectaries dayly increasing, without dis­sembling my thoughts to your Majesty, The preservation of the People being the Supream and principal law which God Almigh­ty hath enjoyned to all Princes.

I hold it more expedient to give place to the exercise of both re­ligions, than under pretence and shadow of them to suffer the common Peace of your Subjects to be torn in pieces. What can wisdom (Sir) advise you to do with these Separatists? Either they must be tolerated for a time, or they must altogether be re­moved, and that by death or banishment.

So soon as a Prince beginneth to spoil, ban [...]sh, kill, burn his people, for matters abstract from sense and altogether spiritual, he becometh as it were a Plague unto them. It is an Errour of State in a Prince, for an opinion of Piety to condemn to death the adherers to new doctrine. For, the constancy and patience of those who voluntarily suffer all temporall miseries and death it self for matters of faith, stirr up and invite numbers who at first and before they had suffered were ignorant of their faith and do­ctrine, not only to favour their cause but to embrace their opini­ons, Pitty and commiseration opening the Gates. Thus their belief spreadeth it self abroad, and their Number dayly encrea­seth.

It is no less errour of State to banish them. Banished Men are so many Enemies abroad, ready upon all occasions to invade their native Countrey, to trouble the peace and tranquility of your Kingdome.

To take Arms against Sectaries and Separatists will be a great Enterprize, a matter hard and of many dangers; Religion can­not be preached by arms; the first Christians detested that form of procceedings; force and compulsion may bring forth Hypo­crites; not true Christians. If there be any Heresie amongst your people, this wound is in the Soul; our Souls being Spiritual Substances upon which fire and iron cannot work, They must be overcome by spirituall Armes; Love the men and pitty their errours.

Who can lay upon a man a necessity to believe that which he will not believe, or what he will believe, or doth believe, not to believe. No Prince hath such Power over the Souls and thoughts of men, [Page 212] as he hath over their bodies. Now to ruin and extirpate all those Sectaries, what will it prove else than to cut off one of your arms, to the great prejudice of your Kingdom and weakning of the State? they dayly increasing in number, and no man being so miserable and mean, but he is a member of the State. The more easie man­ner and nobler way were to tolerate both Religions, and grant a place to two Churches in the Kingdom, till it shall please Almighty God to return the minds of your Subjects, and turn them all of one will and opinion: Be content to keep that which ye may, sir, Since ye cannot that which ye would.

It is a false and erroneous opinion, That a Kingdom cannot subsist which tolerateth two Religions: Diversitie of Religion shut­teth not up Society, nor barreth civil conversation among men; a little time will make persons of different Religions contract such acquaintance, custome, familiarity together, that they will be intermixt in one City, family, yea marriage Bed, State and Re­ligion, having nothing common.

Why (I pray) may not two Religions be suffered in a State (till by some sweet and easie means they may be reduced to a right Gover­ment) since in the Church (which should be union it self, and of which the Roman Church much vaunteth) almost infinit Sects and kinds of Monks are suffered: differing in their Laws, Rules of govern­ment, Fashions of living, Dyet, Apparel, maintenance and o­pinions of perfection, and who sequester themselves from our pub­lick union. The Roman Empire had its extension, not by simi­litude and likeness of Religion. Different Religions, providing they enterprize nor practise nothing against the Politick Laws of the Kingdom may be tolerated in a State.

The Murthers▪ Massacres, Battels, which arise and are belike dayly to encrease amongst Christians, all which are undertaken for Religion, are a thousand times more execrable, and be more open, plain, flat impiety, than this Liberty of diversity of Religions, with a quiet peace, can be unjust.

For as much as the greatest part of those who flesh themselves in blood and slaughter, and overturn by Arms the peace of their Neighbours (whom they should love as themselves) spoiling and ra­vaging like famished Lyons, sacrifice their souls to the infernal powers, without further hopes or means of their ever recovering and comming back, when those others are in some way of repen­tance.

In seeking liberty of Religion, these men seek not to believe any thing that may come in their Brains; but to use Religion according to the first Christian institutions, serving God and obeying the Laws under which they were born.

That Maxime so often repeated amongst the Church-men of Rome, That the chase and following of Hereticks is more neces­sary than that of Infidels, is well applyed for the inlarging and [Page 213] increasing the Dominions, Soveraignity and power of the Pope, but not for the amplifying and extending of the Christian Reli­gion, and the Weal and Benefit of the Christian Common-Wealth.

Kingdomes and Soveraignityes should not be governed by the Lawes and Interests of Priests and Church men, but according to the exigency, need, and as the case requireth of the Publick Weal, which often is necessitated to pass and tolerate some defects and faults. It is the duty of all Christian Princes to endeavour and take pains that their Subjects embrace the true faith, as that sem­blably, and in even parts they observe all Gods commandments, and not more one commandment than another.

Notwithstanding when a vice cannot be exstirpate and taken a­way without the ruin of the State, it would appear to humane judg­ments that it should be suffered. Neither is there a greater obliga­tion, bond, necessity of Law, to punish Hereticks more than for­nicators, which yet for the peace and tranquillity of the State are tolerated and past over. Neither can a greater inconviency and harm follow if we shall suffer men to live in our Common-wealth who be­lieve not, nor embrace not all our opinions. In an Estate many things are for the time tolerated, because they cannot without the total ruine of the State be suddenly Amended and Reform­ed.

These men are of that same nature and condition of which we are; they worship, as we do, one God, they believe those very same holy records; We both aym at Salvation; We both fear to offend God; We both set before us our happiness: The difference between them and us hangeth upon this one point, that they having found abuses in our Church, require a reformation. Now shall it be said for that we run divers waies to one end, understand not rightly others language; we shall pursue others with Fire and Sword, & exstirpate others from the face of the Earth? God is not in the bitter division and alienation of affections, nor the raging flames of sedition, nor in the Tempests of the turbulent Whirl-winds of contradictions and disputations, but in the calm and gentle breathings of Peace and Concord: If any wander out of the Highway, we bring him to it again; If any be in darkness, we shew him light and kill him not; In Musical Instruments if a string jar and be out of tune, we do not frettingly break it, but leasurely veer it about to a Concord: and shall we be so Churlish, cruel, uncharitable, so wedded to our own superstitious opinions, that we will barbarously banish, kill, burn those whom by love and sweetness we might readily winn and recal again?

Let us win and merit of these men by reason, Let them be ci­ted to a free Councel; it may be they shall not be proved Heretecks, neither that they maintain opinions condemned by the antient Councils. Let their Religion be compared and paralell'd with [Page 214] the Religion of the first Age of the Church.

Shall we hold this People worse than the Jews, which yet have their Synagogues at Rome it self? Let them receive instructi­ons from a free and lawfull Council, and forsake their errors, when they shall be clearly and fairly demonstrated unto them. Heresie is an errour in the fundamental grounds of Religion, Schism intendeth a resolution in Separation: Let a good Council be convocated, and see if they be ready or not to r [...]unite themselves to us.

That which they believe is not evil, but to some it will appear they believe not enough, and that there is in them rather a defect of good than any habit of evil. Other points when they shall be consider'd, shall be found to consist in external ceremonies of the Church, ra­ther than in substance of doctrine, or what is essential to Christia­nity. These men should be judg'd before condemn'd, and they should be heard before they be judg'd; which being holily and uprightly don, we shall [...]ind it is not our religions, but our private intrests and pas­sions which troubleth us and the State.

The King followed not this opinion, but gave himself o­ver to the counsel and Government of the Prelates. They remonstrate to him, that he should not rashly alter approv'd and long received customes; that there was nothing more dangerous in Government, than to abase the authority of antient Laws. Let him well consider and set before his eyes the malice of Man, who ever when he is drawn off one course of evil precipitateth himself in a worse; It was less evil in State to tolerate disorders known, unto which usual and accustomed remedies might be applyed, than by altering and changing foundations to give way to new, to find out Remedies to which, would take and consume a whole age. That this would be a way, not only to take away the abuses, but even the good uses of every thing, and put in hazard all matters and main points concerning Religion. They desired him to consider how there were two sorts of persons affecting these new opinions and studying Novations. The multitude or common people, and some of the Nobility and Gentry. It was likely the common people might be deceiv'd; and to give them satisfaction, and appease them, by granting them a Re­formation or change in religion, would not be a means to il­luminate and instruct them, but to bring in a popular licence. If he should suffer them to misbelieve, distrust, call in questi­on points of Religio [...], or search or find out more light, they would immediately thereafter presume to make Laws and li­mit the Government, by degrees restraining the Soveraign authority, and after they had examined, sifted narrowly, and discust Ecclesiastical authority, they would essay to correct and find the difficulties of the Temporall. That it was [Page 215] more easie to oppose and resist the first demands of the multitude, than pleasing them in a part, after bound and limit their desires and petitions. As to the great Men of his Nobility and Gentry he might be assured they had not Re­ligion and piety for their ends, but to impatronize and lay hold on the Church Rents, and Ecclesiastical goods. To turn absolute and free men, acknowledging neither Church nor King. To this end many reserved themselves, and kept close their opinions, attending the change: which once ap­pearing, their faces would turn all one way. Which immi­nent evils, if the King would prevent, there was no other means than to use his authority and power, whilst the most and greatest part of his Kingdom yet obey'd him. That cele­rity in this was most necessary before their number increas'd, and er [...] they discover'd that universal commodity, which would follow the imbracing of these new opinions. It was safer to compose these Tumults by his absolute command and authority, and if this produced not the wished effect to per­form it by arms, than to give reins to a popular licence, and the ambition of great Men.

After this counsel had prevailed, most rigorous inquisiti­ons are established, and punishments denounced against all who professed opinions differing to the Church of Rome.

Whereupon some out of a muffled zeal of Religion▪ o­thers to revenge their particular quarrels, most to possesse moveables and lands, pursue many to judgment. Of which some are executed by fire, others banished, many imprison­ed, amongst which was the famous Poet and Historian George Buchanan, who whilst his Keepers slept, escaped by a Window of the Prison the Muses holding the Cable; the more frequent the publick executions were and banishments, the greater number embraced the opinions of them which suffered.

The King of England having understood that the Pope, gi­ving out the confirming of a Peace between the Emperour and the French King, had a meeting with them at Nice (a maritime Town upon the confines of Provence) and assuring himself that matters there would be both consulted upon, and determined to his prejudice, sendeth again to his Nephew the King of Scotland, that he would come and see him at York, for now he had more vehemently irritated the Pope, having condemned as Rebels, and confiscated the goods of all who maintained Papal authority; and raised from their Tomb the Bones of Thomas Becket (commonly named Saint Thomas of Canterbury, canoniz'd by Pope Alexander the third, for being kill'd for the maintenance of the liberties of the Church 1171. to whom there was yearly a Festival Day kept [Page 216] by the Roman Church) and by the hands of a common Exe­cutioner caused burn in ashes and throw them in the River. The revealing of which to the world was a secret more de­rogatory to the Pontificial State, than any stumbled upon heretofore, or opened up. Upon this the Sentence of Ex-communication, some years deferred, was pronounced a­gainst him. By which he was deprived of his Kingdom, and those who adhered to him, declared uncapable of what they possessed. His Subjects were dispensed from their Oath of Allegiance, and discharged to obey him. Strangers were inhibited traffick with his Kingdom. All Christians charged to arise in arms against him. The Estates, goods and persons of such Subjects as followed him, given over to be a prey and spoil to any would invade them.

It was time for him to look to himself. Such of the Nobili­ty as loved peace, and the Weal of the two Kingdoms, stirr'd King Iames to this interview, especially they who favour'd the reformed Religion; assuring him King Henry was dispo­sed with all demonstrations of good will, that his person would be far from any danger. And if by this conference they should join in bands of Amity, a great benefit to them­selves, Country and posterity would redound. Why would King Henry in the face of the World and Neighbour Princes, brand so his Reputation, as to break the Laws of Hospitality, wrong a Prince whom he had invited to come and see him? Why would he violate those of consanguinity attempting a­gainst his own Nephew? The Emperour Charles the fifth had been his Guest, and after Royal entertainment, was friend­ly dismissed. He met with Francis the French King at Bullen; which meeting seemed rather of Brothers come to counte­nance some marriage Pomp, than contending Neighbours. If King Henry had born any discontent against his Nephew, he might long ere now have satisfyed his ambi [...]ion, and at more easie rate, when the King his father with most of the Nobility and Gentry of Scotland receiv'd that fatal overthrow by the Hills of Flowden and Banks of Till; the refusing of an interview might divide the King and his Vncle upon which might follow some unnatural War.

Upon the other part the Church-men set all their Power to hinder this interview, perswading themselves it would give a terrible blow to their Estates or Religion. The principal cause (say they) why the King of England is so passionately earnest to have this meeting, is to perswade his Nephew to conform Church-matters in Scotland to those already begun in England; to abolish the Popes authority, to drive Reli­gious persons from their Lands, Rents, Houses; invest the jewels and ornaments of the Churches. Which counsel and [Page 217] example if King Iames should follow, he would hazard or lose the friendship he had with the Pope, Emperour and French King, his best confederates, abandoned of which he and his Kingdom would be left a Prey to the tyranny of his Uncle; if Henry kept no faith to God, Men had no reason to trust unto him. That this Interview was to intrap his person; He being the man whom the Pope and Emperour had designed to set upon his Throne, and revenge their qua­rels; That it was grosly to err, to he carried away with a shadow and appearance and leave a Substance, to trust at once his Crown, person and liberty to an Enemy. And sith examples move more than precepts, let him think upon the hazard of King James the first, eighteen years Prisoner, and after sold to his Subjects; Malcolm and William Kings of Scotland. He should remember (if yet he were therein to be instructed) that Princes serve themselves with occasions over their Neighbours, that they have greater care to satisfy their ambition, than fear of shame for doing of wrongs with the present times or posterity. That their Oaths were no longer kept than they observed their advantages. That after he falleth in his hands, he ought to follow his manners, Religion, forsaking and giving over his own natural dispo­sition, manners and freedom, have no other affections nor motions than his. For who commeth under the roof of a Tyrant turneth slave, though he was a free man ere he did enter. That this meeting with the body, would endanger the Soul and infect it with his errours, corrupting it with false opinions grounded upon a liberty to live to [...]ensuality and Epicurean pleasure. If upon the slighting of this Inter­view, King Henry should denounce war against King Iames and invade his Countrey, they in his just defence should furnish moneys to entertain an Army and overturn his pro­ceedings. For the present necessity they offer to pay to him fyfty thousand Crowns yearly; and in any hazard of the Estate voluntarily to contribute all their rents and revenues, providing it would please his Majesty to suffer justice to pro­ceed against those who scandalously had sequestred them­selves from the holy Church, and to the contempt of his Laws publiquely made profession of the opinio [...]s of Luther. That the goods of all who should be convict of Heresie (which they esteemed to no less than an hundred thousand Crowns of yearly Rent) should be brought to the Ex­chequer, and their lands annext to the Crown. To this effect they intreat his Majesty to give them sufficient Judges truly Catholick and full of zeal and severity.

After long reasoning upon both sides it was agreed, the King should not altogether refuse to meet his Vncle, but ad­here [Page 218] to the first to offer propunded to this Emb [...]ssador concer­ning this Inter-view. The meeting to be at New castle, one thousand at the most in train with either King, the time to be the Feast of St. Michael the Arch-Angel.

These Conditions not being embraced by King Henry, would if not abolish totally, at the least prolong the time of this meeting; the King of England thinketh his Nephew too imperious to assume the Injunction of the whole circumstan­ces of their meeting, but rather than his suit should take no effect, accepteth both of the Place and number of the Train: and that the might have some point yeelded unto him▪ requi­reth the time may be the first of August. These Conditions being almost agreed upon, three or four hundreth Riddes­dale and Tinedale men, with other Borderers, break upon Liddesdale, and therewith large incursions kill and forrage. This during the Treaty falling miserably forth, so much irritated King Iames that, accepting the offers of his Clergy, he gave over inwardly all intentions of any inter-view: By prolonging time labouring to winde himself out of the Maze. Hereupon he sendeth Letters full of excuses for his stay; representing his many grievances and wrongs suffer'd; and the seeds of discord began now to be sowen amongst them. To light [...]n and recreate his cloudy thoughts, the Queen is delivered at Sterlin of another Son, who with great solemnity is baptized in the Chappel of the Castle, and named Arthur.

The Prelates after mature deliberation present Sir Iames Hamiltoun, natural Son to the Earl of Arran, to be supream Judge of the Inquisition, against all suspect of Heresie and new opinions differing from the Faith of the Roman Church. The King approving their judgements in their choice, admit­teth him. Sir Iawes chearfully accepteth this new honour: For now his ambition will find many guilty & miserable sup­plicants: Yet was this charge his ruin. For whilst he persecu­teth all who were informed against to be suspect of the Re­form'd Religion, having many in Jayls, and numbers in his Scr [...]les to bring within the Labyrinth of a Process, the su­pream Providence arresteth himself.

Iames Hamiltoun Sherif of Linlythgow, Brother to Master Patrick Hamiltoun Abbot of Ferme (who had suffered for Re­ligion, and was cousin to Sir Iames Hammiltoun of Fennard, Lord Inquisitor) for embracing his Brothers opinions, had been persued so by the Church-men that he was constrain'd to forsake his own Countrey, and some yeers wander as a banisht man abroad; But by his friends at Court having pur­chased a License or Protection for some moneths to see his desolate Family, and put his private Affairs in order, cometh [Page 219] home. Where finding the censorian Power to be in his cou­sins hands (for where should he have Sanctuary, if he were challenged by so neer a Kinsman for matters of Religion?) imagining to himself an over-sight and preterition, out­dateth by his stay his Protection. Sir Iames to curry the fa­vour of the Church-men, and testifie how dearly the cause of the Catholike Faith touched him, resolveth to begin with his Cousin. For if he were so burnt up with zeal, that he spar'd not his own blood in the quarrell of the Roman Faith, what Heretick could pass unpunisht? Besides the investing himself in the Sherifs Office and Lands (which he never minded to restore) he had a Picque against him, for that whilst he sate Judge in Lithgow, he pronounced a sentence by which he was interested in some petty gain.

The Sheriff falling so far short of his expectation, that he findeth himself the first subject of his Cousins justice, and highly resenting his Kinsmans cruelty, whom he knew under pretext of Piety ready to execute his own Revenges, resol­veth to prevent his mischief. He had sometime been fami­liar with Sir Iames, had known his by-paths; his secret Plots and ayrie brags had not escaped his observation; some alike in kindred, to them both were emissaries suborned, to mark not onely his actions but words and behaviour, by which one way or other he might be intrapt; He knew Sir Iames stood in some umbrage with the King▪ and that some suspi­tions by no Innocency could be taken away. When at last he had found his hot-spur Cousin (who threatned him with Death and Fire) within the circle of his conjurations, he directeth his Son to the King, who at that time was ready to pass the Forth in his Barge; this bashful Messenger giveth ad­vertisement from his Father, that the King should make his person sure from his foes at home; for Sir Iames Hamiltoun had secret intelligence and Plots with the Earl of Angus and Dowglasses, and that he attended onely the occasion when he might surprise him, either alone, or with a mean retinue, and the or openly he would invade him, or breaking up his Chamber-doors ass [...]ssinate him. The King giving attentive ear to a business which concerned him, no less than the safe­ty of his Person, the accusation being given by a Cousin of the suspect, against a family, which a little disorder in the State might turn Successors to the Crown, directeth the young man to Edenburgh, and beyond his private instructi­ons giveth him a Ring (well known by the chief Officers to be a taken of power and se [...]recie) to assemble so many of the Counsel as were resident. Sir Thomas Arseken, Secretary, Sir Iames Lermound, Master of the Houshold, William Kirk­caldie Treasurer and others, meet, fear, consult upon the Trea­son, [Page 120] labour how to prevent it; come to Sir Iames his Lodge­ing, make sure his Person in the Castle of Edenbrough: and at that same time proceed, according to the Kings direction to instruct his Process. Sir Iames passionately resenting his imprisonment, by his friends imploreth the ayd of the Church-men upon his innocency. They apprehending his accusation to be a stratagem of State forg'd by these of the Reformed Religion, for the stopping any further progress of the Inquisition, already so furiously begun, interpose their credit with the King for his Liberty to the discharging of his Commission against Hereticks. If the Ki [...]g should hearken to every Informer against a man in State and Office, he should never have an end; for thus no man is so innocent who may not be detracted and calumniated. Sir Iames was known to be a man rash and insolent in words, his brains having been a little giddy (like one looking from a great height) by his ad­vancement in honours and place in Court; but sincere in the service of his Prince and loyal. If he was arrogant in bold­ness of termes, that was to acquire some more credit with the Commons, that he might doe better service to his Prince.

They who committed Sir Iames Hamiltoun, knowing the King facile and easie to be wrought upon by the Clergy, some of them too, professing or giving way to the reform'd Re­ligion, resolve (if he should escape free of this accusation) that an imminent ruin hung over their persons and estates. Necessity and fear combining the distracted powers of their minds, they come prostrate before the King, beseech him not so much to look to the quality and circumstances of the crime, as to the evil inclination of the man, who, powerful, factious, and naturally vindicative, would never forgive nor forget the danger he was driven unto; that His Majesty would consider his pass'd life, terrible and cruel against all whome he could over-reach; That to give him liberty, and relieve him of his imprisonment, before the crimes of which he was accus'd were clearly proved, or not, would be their, and the accusers overthrow; whom they esteemed loyal Sub­jects, and except upon evident probabilities, and never given informations against him. That he was a man perfectly ha­ted of the People, and a more acceptable sacrifice could not be [...]ffer'd unto their fury if he prov'd guilty. At their Sup­plications the King gave the Judges full power to proceed a­gainst him, and administer justice according to their consci­ences and the Laws of the Kingdom. The pannall being found guilty of such points of the Inditement as was laid a­gainst him, was condemned to die, and thereafter accordingly beheaded, his Quarters being set aloft on the Town gates his Lands annex'd to the Crown.

[Page 121]The Crimes of which he was found guilty (as from those who lived near that time have by tradition been received) were, he had intelligence with the Earl of Angus and Dow­glasses, whom he laboured to have restored, though with the Kings, death, he had a plot to have broken up the Kings Chamber-doors, and killed him, divolving the title of the Crown, or at least Government of the Kingdom to his kin­red. Being ditected to have repared a Castle in Bute, and to this effect receiving three thousand Crowns in April, he went not thither, attending some change in the State, which was to be accomplished by treason against the Kings person. He kept still with him men of disperate minds and fortunes who at his direction durst enterprize any mischief.

Where he had repaired some of the Kings houses, he had placed a Statue resembling himself, or which to some he had named his Statue (what Mole-hills are turned into Mountains when a Prince will pry into the actions of a disgraced Sub­ject?) above the Kings arms. He had detracted from his Master, naming him the king of Clowns and Priests, and Scourge of the antient Nobility; He had laboured to hinder the Kings marriage at his being in France.

To these points the people (who rejoiced in his ruin) ad­ded, he had slain cruelly the Earl of Lennox at the battell of Lithgow. after he was Prisoner to Purdowye; he had way [...]laid Gilbert Earl of Cassiles who was killed by his direction and Counsel.

This back-blow of Fortune proveth, that it is dangerous once highly to offend a Prince, and after remain in his service; for Princes put old offences up as neglected, and when the occasion serveth them, surprize long after the Delinquents for some faults of which they are scarce guilty.

Sundry of the Nobility, appall'd at this sudden fall of Sir Iames Hamiltoun (for though they loved not the Man, they hated the example of such strict Justice) left the Court, re­tiring to their own dwelling Houses: which made the King suspitious of them, and believe they favoured the reformed Religion, and preferred the friendship of King Henry his Vn­cle to his. Neither was he herein far Mistaken: for some feared not to send him word, that they had learned the Church-men had set him on work to extirpate his antient Nobility, as if it were an easie matter to create as many out of the Gentry, in whom (being his own Creatures) he might have great confidence than any made by his Predeces­sours.

After this he turned so retired, sullen and melancholly, that every thing displeased him, and he became even insup­portable to himself, not suffering his Domestick Servants [Page 222] to use their ordinary disport and recreations neer him. And as all day he proj [...]cted and figured to himself new cares to perplex himself, some of which might fall forth, others could never come to pass; So in the night time the objects of his dayly projects working upon his fantasie, limmed their dark shadows of displeasures, which gave him terrib [...]e affright in his sleep. Amongst many of which, two are re­corded as notable; one in the History of the Church, the o­ther common; both seem to have been forged by the Men of those times, who thought fictions as powerful to breed an opinion in discontented minds as verities, and they may challenge a place in the poetical part of History. As he lay in the Pallace of Lithgow about the midst of the night, he leaped out of his Bed, calleth for Lights, commandeth his Servants to search Thomas Scot his Justice Clark, who (he said) stood by his Bed-side accompanied with hideous weights cursing the time that ever he had served him; for by too great obedience to him, he was by the justice of God condemned to everlasting torments.

Whilst they about him labour to cure his wounded Ima­gination, news came that Thomas Scot about that same hour of the Night was departed to the other World at Edenburgh and with no better Devotion than he was represented to the King.

After Sir Iames Hamiltoun had ended his part of this Trage­comedy of life, he seemed to the King to have returned on the Stage, and in a ghastly manner with a naked Sword in his hands, he thought he parted both his arms from him, adver­tising him he would come again shortly, and be more fully revenged, till which occasion he should suffer these wounds. The next day after this vision (which is recorded to have been the seaventh of August) word came that both his Sonns were deceased and that almost in one hour. Iames the Prince (then one year old) at St. Andrews, Arthur one moneth old at Sterlin.

The King of England finding himself disappointed by his Nephew of their meeting, and understanding it to have been occasiond by the Rhetorick and liberality of the Churchmen: having many of the Nobility of Scotland of his faction (whose innocency interpreted his Religion to be the reformed, though indeed it was of his own stamp, for he abolished the Pope but not Popacy) by making prizes of Scottish Ships upon the Seas with his Fleet and incursions of his garrison'd Souldiers upon land beginneth the prologue of an unnecessa­ry war.

King Iames to stop the English incursions placeth George Gordoun Earl of Huntley with his full power and authority [Page 223]at the Borders, and directeth Iames Lermound of Darcey, to­wards his Uncle, to give sufficient reasons of his not meeting him at Newcastle, withall to seek restitution of his Ships, sith taken before any lawful War was proclaimed, and to ex­postulate the hostility of the Borderers.

King Henry not only refuseth render the Ships, or give a reason for the breaking forth of the Garrisons on the Bor­ders, but delaying the answer of the Scottish Embassadour upon advantage of time, s [...]ndeth Sir Robert Bowes seconded with the Earl of Angus and Sir George Dowglas, in hostile man­ner to invade Scotland. These to the number of three thou­sand, burn, spoil, small villages, and ravage the Countrey neer the debatable bounds. The Earl of Huntley omitteth no occasion to resist them, places garrisons in Kelsoo and Iedburgh, assembling all the hardy Bordrers, and invadeth the English and Scottish forces at a Place named Hall-den rig; here it is soundly skirmished, till the Lord Hume by the advancing of four hundred fresh Launces turned the fortune of the Day; for the English were put to flight; the Warden Sir Robert Bowes Captain of Norham, Sir William Mowbray, Iames Dow­glas of Parkhead with a natural Son of the Earl of Angus, were taken Prisoners (the Ear [...] by the advantage of his horse escaping) with others to the number of six hundred. The Warden staied in Scotland till the Kings death.

This Road happened prosperously to the Scots the 24. of August 1541. being a Dise-mall St. Bartholomew to the Eng­lish.

The War continuing till Midsommer, King Henry sent the Earl of Norfolk, whom he named the Rod of the Scots, with great power towards Scotland; with him the Earls of Shrewsbury, Derby, Cumberland, Surrey, Hereford, Angus, Rut­land, and the Lords of the North parts of England, with an Army of fourty thousand men, as they were esteemed. With them he directeth Iames Lermound of Darcey the Scotish Embassadour to keep an equal march till they came to B [...]r­wick, and there to stay that he should not give advertisement to his Master of any of his proceedings, the Earl of Huntley upon advantages of places resisting the adventuring Routs who essayed to cross the Tweed. But King Iames hearing the old Duke of Norfolk was their Leader, raiseth from all the parts of his Kingdom Companies, and assembling them up­on S [...]wtery [...] edge mustered thirty thousand men. They encam­ped on Fallow-Moor, the King having advertisement that the Duke would march towards Edenburgh. Ten thousand strong, the Lords Hume, Seatoun, Areskin, to make up the Earl of Huntleys forces, are sent towards the borders: The King himself expecting the Artillery and other furniture of [Page 224] War staieth with the body of the Army in the Camp. Du­rin this time it is reported the Lords plotteth a Reformati­on of the Court, according to the example practised at Lawder-Bridge: especially against such who were named, Pensioners of the Priests; but because they could not agree among themselves about those who should stretch the ropes, every one striving to save his kinsman, or friend, they esca­ped all the danger.

That this attempt being revealed to the King, he dismist some of his favourites in great fear to Edenburgh. So maliti­ous is faction armed with power.

Thomas Duke of Norfolk, by such in the Scotish Camp who favoured King Henry, having understood the preparati­on and mind of King Iames to meet him in an open field, well knowing that Fortune had that much of a woman to favour young men more than old, and that honourable [...]e­treits are no waies inferiour to brave Charges, retireth off the Scottish ground, and keeps his forces on their own mar­ches. For the valour and resolution of this young Prince might (perhaps) spoil and divest him of his former purcha­sed Lawrels and Palms, to the applause of King Henry, who some thought (being wearie of his service) to this effect sent him to Scotland. A great number of the Lancastrian [...] and North-Humbrians, who, upon hopes of spoil, had followed him, pretending want of Victuals, and the rigorous sea­son of the year, with arms and baggage leave this Army. Having done little harm to the Scots, and suffered much hunger and cold at B [...]rwick, he prepareth a retreit towards London.

When King Iames understood the Duke had repassed the [...]weed, he encou [...]aged his Army to follow him. The Com­mon Souldier was indifferent; the Noblemen refuse to fight except upon Scotish ground. The King urgeth them with the commodity and advantage of a Revenge of the old wrong of the Duke, commanding an Army neither of the Gentry, nor many Nobles of England, but of Hirelings and pres [...]ed Artizans, whose number would prove hurtful to themselves, and turn them in a disordered confusion. They had many daies suffered famine, and all necessities of War; their vigour and courage was spent; that the English fought far off, and they at home. There wanted not matter to answer, but a man to deliver the King an answer; generally they refuse to fight. To defend the person of their Prince, the State and Countrey▪ they would hazard their their lives, and if they had any thing more dear. If the enemy would stay on Scotish ground, they would do their uttermost to make him retire, or by main force expel him; But to in­vade [Page 225] England and tempt an Army, who not only was retired but returned to their own bounds, they neither had so just [...]a quarrel as they wisht, nor were they sufficient at that time to pursue them. Their proyisions for war were spent, the win­ter approached, victuals consumed; that despare often turned it self into true fortitude, and men in good Order retiring would not be too neer followed, that even flying enemies should have Bridges of Gold. Now if they were to charge the Enemy they would not have the Kings presence, a man young, rash, valorous, upon whose life, not onely the glory of the Battel, but the life of the Common-wealth depended, his two Sons being Lately departed. For if the fortune of War brought a period to his life, the Crown would remain at the mercy of the Victor; that the Kings glory was not little that he had in so short a time with so small forces, and these suddenly gathered, stop the pro­gress of so mighty an Army▪ which was so long in gather­ing, and boasted of such great matters, yet which [...] not advance one mile in Scottish ground. Whether the Eng­lish flye or retire, they had suffered as much wrong as they had done, and now to fight them (and that perhaps) with disadvantage, was to put in hazard what was already acquired.

The Duke of Norfolk returning to London, the King with his Army commeth to Edenburgh, which immediate­he disbanded; but he forgot not the secret Plot against his Favourites, nor the open refusal of his Nobles to fight on English ground: as if the Earth were not all one piece and matter, and men the destinade inhabitants of it every where; the Cardinall David Beatoun, Oliver Saintclair, Craggy [...] Ross, and others adde fewel to these flames, Falla-Moor plot mightily in [...]tigating them.

The King avouched publickly, That the Nobility nei­ther loved his honour, nor desired his continuance amongst them.

To cooll these smooking humours and breed in the King fairer hopes of his Nobles, the Lord Maxwel offereth, gi­ving him ten thousand men to command (if the State thought it expedient) to invade England at Salloway, affirming the State and fortune of those who assail, to be better than theirs who are still put to their defence. The English forces being divided, he doubted not to stay longer on English ground than the Duke had done on the Sootish, and to effectuate somthing to the Kings content. The King thanking him for his offer, appolnteth a Rendezvous to be at the West Mar­ches. No proclamations are divulged for the Levies of men, but close Letters sent.

[Page 226] The Cardinal and the Earl of Arran (the one a Church-man of a mind above many Nobles, the other a Noble-man of an humilitie under any Church-man) to give false perspective to those proceedings, by sound of Trumpets, and beating of Drumms raise men openly, march toward Hadingtoun, and the East Borders; Whilst the Earls of Cassiles, Glencarn, Lords Flammin, Sommervail, Arsekin, Barons Aytoun, Langtoun, Ormestoun, Waughtoun, and many others, accompanied with the Kings domestick Servants ride to the West Borders.

The night before the Road, the King himself came to Loch-Maban, attending the event of the in [...]ursion. Com­panies comming from all quarters of the Countreys about, none knowing of another, with the power of the Scotish Bor­derers, pass the Water of Esk, burn certain Hamlets of the Grahams on the very limits.

Sir Thomas Whartoun Warden of these Marches, not a lit­tle troubled at such a frequent assembly of the Scotish Ri­ders, raising the power of the Countrey, placeth them by a little hill, where he might take a view of their forces, in good order; with him were Bastard Dacres and Iack Musgrave, two valiant Captains.

The Scotish Lords beholding the English, range themselves in a Battallion, desire to know the Kings Lieutenant General, for now it was to marshall their Companyes, and every man to take him to his Charge. Presently Oliver Saintclair upon crossed Pikes is mounted, the Kings Banner displayed, and the Commission read in which he is designed Lieute­nant, and all commanded, in the Kings name, to obey and follow him.

It hath been reported by those who were acquainted with Oliver, that the Commission was not read, but that at his very sight such a tumult, confused clamour, and en­ter shouldering of Male contents arose, their rancks were broken, the military order turned into a confusion, none so repining as the Lord Maxwel and the Borderers; Who if he had had patience to have heard the Commission (as Oli­ver protested) was Lieutenant, and not he, whose charge was only to present it.

The English who now were ready for the Fight, obser­ving this disorder, take the advantage upon the occasion, and brake forwards with a military shout, whilst the others are in doubt whether to flee or stand, and the Guidiats and Scullons are pesle mesle thronging with the foot Soldiers and they with the Horsemen. Here is a general surprize, most part willingly rendering themselves to the English without any shew of defence, or the slaughter of any per­son [Page 227] of any side. This overthrow proveth that neither arms nor th [...] multitude and numbers of Souldiers, without their love and hearts availeth any thing in a Field, yea rather they are hurtful the more in number they be, if their affection be alienated from their Commanders.

It is recorded that at this road, which was named Sollo­way-Moss, every English had three or four Scots for Prisoners, and when their wanted men to take them, the women of the neighbouring Hamelet and Boys had Prisoners; the Earls of Cassiles and Glencarn, the Lords Maxwel, Flammin, Sommer­vail, Olivant, Gray, Robert Areskin Son to the Lord Areskin, Oliver Saintclain; The Lairds of Craggy, Aytoun, Langtoun, Ormestoun, Waughtoun, many of the Kings Domestick Ser­vants were taken Prisoners, brought to London, and remain­ed there till after the Kings death.

The certainty of this voluntary defeat comming to the King at Loch-Maban (or Carlawfroke as others) so astonished all the powers of his mind that he neither had counsel nor resolution what to follow, neither remembring his own valour, nor the number of his Subjects yet flourishing; he remained as one distracted, and abandonned of all hopes. The Plot of the Nobles at Falla Moor against his Servants, the refusing to give battel on English ground, made him apprehend that the whole body of his Nobility had con­spired his overthrow.

The Cardinall and Earl of Arran comming to Edenburgh, he also returned; all so cast down that they were ashamed to come within sight of each other some daies.

After which, in a retired manner, he passed to Fyffe, and from Hall-yards to Faulkland, where he gave himself over to Sorrow. No man had access unto him, no, not his own Domesticks. Now are his thoughts busied with revenge, now with rage against his scornful Nobility: long watch­ings, continuall cares, and passions, abstinence from food, and recreation, had so extenuated his body, that pierced with grief, anguish, impatience, despair, he remained fixt to his bed.

In these Trances Letters come from Lithgow to him, That the Queen was delivered of a Daughter the eight of De­cember. When he heard it was a Daughter was born, he is said to have turned his face from them that read the Letters, and sighing a farewell to the World, it will end as it began (saies he) the Crown came by a woman, and it will with one go; many miseries approach this poor Kingdome; King Henry will either make it his by Armes or Marriage.

The Cardinall put in his hands some blanck Papers, [Page 228] of which they composed a Letter Will, which whether he subscribed or not, is uncertain. After which he said not many words which could be understood, but mused on the discomfiture of his Servants at the Solloway-Moss. In which fits he left this world the thirteenth of December 1542. the three and thirtieth year of his age and two and thirty of his Reign.

Some record he was troubled by an unkindly medicine, aud that the Cardinal was conscious to it, but upon far con­jectures: for the event proved that his death was not one­ly the ruine of the Cardinall, but of the whole Church-men of the Kingdom, and frame of the Roman Religion. His body was conveyed from Faulkland to Edenburgh; the Car­dinal, Earls of Arran, Arguil, Rothess, Marshal, accompa­nying it; and in Ianuary buried in the Abby Church of Ho­ly-rood-hous [...], near the body of Magdalen his first Queen. He left behind him many natural children; of his Marriages only one daughter, five daies old at his death, the Heir of his Kingdom and misfortunes.

This King was of a well made body and excellent mind, if it had been carefully polisht; he was of a middle stature; Nature had given him strength and ability equal to any; but by exercise he had so confirmed it, that he was able to en­dure any travel, and practice all feats of Arms, as his atten­ding on Malefactors proved; for he was ordinary thought the first of his Troups who persued them, and the last that left the chase, being daring and forward. In his private af­fairs he was attentive and liberal, yet spared his Treasure that he should not want, and when occasion required, caring for no charges. Never man did entertain Soveraignity more familiarly, being of easie access to the meaner sort as to the great. He was studious of all good arts, natu [...]ally given to Poesie, as many of his verses yet extant testifie. He was of as great sorbriety as of little continency; he was a great fa­vourer of learned men. The poor men loved him, the great feared him; he made the rushy bushes keep the heards of Cat­tel; he was thankful towards his Friends, dangerous towards his Enemies. He infinitely obliged his people by establishing a Justice Court among them, and bringing all sorts of Manufa­ctours from neighbor nations home. By the Germans he found the Gold Mines of Crawfoord Moor, being unknown to this part of the world before him, out of which he extracted trea­sure. He left his Arsenals furnisht with all sorts of arms and furniture for War. Now as in pictures not only the light but the shadow is observable, let us look upon him in all his um­brages. This Prince in his long persuit of the Dowglasses seems to have had a strange humour, that he could never forgive; [Page 229] And most of his miseries may be traced to this Source; these he would have extirpate, and the King of England could not forsake a man who was his brother-in-law, and had been e­ver obsequious to him: Seeking only that he might be re­stord to his own, out of which he was cast, not by any treason or aspiring to the Crown, but of an ambition he had to be near the King, and equal to any Subject: his own worth, kinred and followers animating him thereunto; having ma­ried the Kings Mother and one of the greatest Kings Sister of those times.

The burning alive of the Lady Glames, beheading of the Master of Forbess, and after him Sir Iames Hamiltoun, turned many of his Nobles from him, and made the Commons detract him. For though they delight sometimes to have great men made equal to them, when they find not evident proofs and sound grounds of their sufferings and executions, they abhor the Actors. Princes should remember that as the people are their Subjects, so are they the Subjects of time and providence.

This humour of revenge made many believe if he had not been prevented by death, many Scaffolds had been embrued for Falla-moor Plot, and Solloway-Moss. The Lord Maxwel, who had studied the Character of the King, at that Road vowed (when he might have escaped among his known Borderers) he would rather be the KING of Englands Prisoner, and see him at London, than re­turn home, and be shamefully hanged at the Cross of Eden­burgh.

He studied very much the overthrow of his antient No­bility, not considering that the titles of Crowns in Heredita­ry Kingdomes belong only to Kings for that they are the most Antient Noblemen, and also first of the Primitive Bloud.

In his last years he was altogether governed by Romish Prelates, dangerous Pilots in the Ocean of a troubled State; that Body in which one humour signorizeth, can­not last long, and a Prince perisheth when he is governed by onely one sort of men. Neither was he ruled so much by them out of great zeal to Religion (being a Prince alto­gether given to his own pleasures) as that he found them counterpoise the Nobility, whilest he swayed the bal­lanc.

His death proveth his Mind to have been raised to the highest strain, and above mediocrity; for he could die, but could not disgest a disaster. He seemeth to have had too much confidence in himself, and that he forgot the conditions of Mortality. Whilest he suffered himself [Page 230] to be carryed away by the current of grief, and swallowed up in the gulf of despair.

All his faults are but as some few Warts in a most plea­sing and beautifull Face. He was very much beholding to the excellent Poets of his time, whose commendation shall serve him for an Epitaph. Ariosto, who knew him onely by fame, in the person of Zerbino, whom he nam­eth Prince of Scotland, glaunceth at his worth.

Zerbin di Bellezza e di Valore
Sopra tutti i Signori eminente,
Di virtu essempio e di Bellezza raro.

In another place; but Ronzard, who with his Queen came to Scotland, and was his Domestick Servant, de­seribeth him more to the life.

Ce Roy D' Escosse estoit en la fleur de ses ans:
Ses Cheveux non tondus commine fin or luisans
Cordonnez et crespez flotans dessus sa face,
Et sur son col de laict luy donnoit bonne grace.
Son Port estoit royal, son reguard vigoureux.
De vertus, et de honner, & de guerre amoureux.
La douceur, et la force, illustroien [...] son visage.
Si que Venus et Mars en avoient fait partage.

So happie is a Prince when he cherisheth and is intertain'd by the rare spirits of his time, that even when his Treasures, Pompe, State, Followers, Diadems, and all externall Glory leave him, the sweet incense of his Fame in the Temple of Honour, persumeth his Altars. A Prince's name is surer pre­served, and more deeply ingraven in Paper, than in all the rusting Medalles, blasted arches, entombed Tombes (which may serve to any as well as to him) raised with such loss of time, vaine labours of Artizans, vast expence, to be the sport of the Windes, Raines, Tempests, Thunder, Earthquakes, or if they shunne all these, of superstition, faction and civil Broyles.

After this Prince had some years rested in a Tombe▪ not only it, but the most part of the Church was made equal [...]o the ground, by the Armies of his Uncle King Henry the eight, whose malice left him not even when he was dead, pro­ing [Page 231] as horrible an Vncle, as Nero was a son. A while after he was transported to another Vault, by the piety of his matchless Grand-child Iames King of Great Britain; where he was embalmed again, enshrined and his Coffin adorned with the Arms of the Kingdom, cognoscances and a Crown. With which Honours I leave him, till some fa­mous pen, encouraged by the favours of his Royal Suc­cessours, raise his Fame from the dust of obscure Papers to Eternity.

THE END.

MEMORIALLS OF STATE.

Considerations to the KING.

December 1632.

THere is nothing more dange­rous to a King than to suffer Majesty, and that sacred re­spect which a Subject oweth him to be violated, and his Fame and Reputation lessen­ed by other mens boldness, whose presumption may lead them forwards not onely to dally with his Person, but with his Crown. But his ears are so often guarded by these men, that he never heareth verities till he hath granted what he cannot well amend, and his wounds be incurable. If a Prince hold any thing dear it should be the Right and [Page 234] Title of his Crown, which concerneth not onely himself but his Posterity, out of which a small Jewel taken away, mak­eth it the less Radiant; And to all Subjects that should be as Mount Sinai, not to be approached. In every case we should take greater heed to what in it is hurtful, than to what is in it profitable; for what profit and commoditie any thing carrieth with it, easily presenteth it self unto us; but any one point which may hurt us, unless it be observed and care­fully taken away, may overthrow and bring to nought all that hath been rightly intended.

The restoring of the Earl of Monteeth in blood, and allow­ing his descent and title to the Earldome of Strathern is thought to be disadvantageous to the King's Majesty, and that a more dangerous blow could not be given to the No­bleman himself. We may easily conjecture of things to come and imagine them by those of the like nature which have proceeded. The Stage of the World is the same still, though in times the Actors be changed, and come about again.

For the Kings Majesty, it would be considered if Henry the sixth King of England would, if it had been in his power, re­claimed the approbation restoring in bloud and allowing of the descent and title of Richard Duke of York, who openly in Parlament thereafter made claim for the Crown, as in his own [...]ight, laying down thus his title.

The son of Ann Mortimer who came of Philipe the Daugh­ter and sole heir of Leonel Duke of Clarence, third Son to King Edward the third, is to be preferred by very good right in Succession of the Kingdom before the children of Iohn of Gaunt the fourth Son of the said Edward the third: but Richard Duke of York is come of Philipe the Daughter and sole Heir of Leonel Duke of Clarence, third Son to K. Edward the third, then to be preferred before the children of the fourth Son who was Henry.

The like reason may be alleged in the Title of the Earl of Strathern. The children of a first marriage by the common Law are to be preferred in the Succession before the children of the second marriage; for the marrying of Elizabeth Moor did but legitimate and make her children to succeed after the children of the first marriage.

As for the authority of a Parliament, it would be consi­dered, whether or not the Authority of a Parlament may confer and entail a Crown from the lawful Heir thereof, to the next apparent heirs. Or if an Oath given unto a King by mans Law should be performed▪ when it tendeth to the sup­pression of Truth and Right which stand by the Law of God. Then if one Parlament hath power to entail a Crown, [Page 235] whither may not another Parliament upon the like conside rations restore the same to the righteo [...]s heirs.

But the Subject resigneth all his right to his King. It would be considered whether a Subject may safely capitulate with his Prince, that is to say, give over and quit-claim all right and title which he hath to his Soveraigns Crown, his Right being sufficient, and if by his capitulation his heirs be bound, and if it be honourable for a Prince to accept his condi­tions.

The trouble which Edward Baliol raised in Scotland, is yet recent to the Readers of Histories.

Notwithstanding that his Father Iohn Baliol had resigned unto Robert King of Scotland all the right and title which he or any other of his had, or thereafter might have to the Crown of Scotland concerning any interest or claim which might be avouched for any cause or consideration: He, anno 1355. gave to Edward the third, King of England, a full resig­nation of his pretended Right of the Crown of Scotland, As before, being assisted by the said King and the confeder­ate Gentlemen of Scotland in a Parlament holden at Perth, where he had been confirmed King of Scotland by the three Estates.

It would be considered if the Pope, the Kings of Spain or France after some revolutions of years, seeking to trou­ble the Estate and peace of this Isle, should entertain and maintain one of the Heirs of the Earls of Strathern (as Queen Elizabeth did Don Antonio the Prior of Crato, who claimed the Crown of Portugal, to reclaim whose Kingdome She sent the Earl of Essex and Drake) or should marry one of them to their neerest Kinswomen, and send him ar­med with power to claim his Title to the Crown of Scotland, as King Iames the fourth of Scotland practised upon Perkin Warbeck naming himself Richard Duke of York; to whom he gave in marriage Lady Katharine Gordoun Daughter to the Earl of Huntley, and thereafter with all his forces, to e­stable his said Ally in his Title invaded England. It would be considered whether they had a fair bridge to come over to this Isle.

It would likewife be considered if the Earl of Strathern, though a mean Subject, these two hundred years, having been debarred from all title to the Crown, and now by the indulgency and exceeding favour of the Prince, being re­stored to his descent in bloud and served Heir to his great Progenitors, and indirectly as by appendices to the Crown, if either out of displeasure, or for want of means to main [...]tain their estates, he or his should sell and dispose their Rights and Titles of the Kingdom of Scotland to some migh­ty [Page 236] and Foreign Prince, such as is (perhaps this day the King of Sweden) who wanteth nothing but a title to invade a King­dom, not knowing whither to discharge his victorions for­ces. It would be considered if that title disposed to that Priuce were sufficient to make him King of Scotland. Or if establi [...]hing his right upon fair conditions, such as is liberty of conscience, absolution and freedom from all taxes and subsidies, the transferring of Ward lands into fewd, the people of Scotland might give him their Oath of Al­leagiance; or if he might redact the King of Scotland to give him satisfaction and compound for his right of the Crown of Scotland.

It would to these be considered, If times should turn away the minds of Subjects from their Prince, by superstition, se­dition and absolute Rebellion, as what may not befall an in­constant ever wavering Nation? to an Aristocratie, Oligarchy, Democratie, or absolute Anarchy. If the Rebellious subjects and abused Populace might not make advantage of such Men, who draw their titles from Evanders mother to trouble the present times.

That nothing could be more dangerous to the Nobleman himself than this service, may be understood by the like ex­amples.

Clouis King of France having understood that a Nobleman of Artois named Canacare blown up by Power, had vaunted that he was come and lineally descended from Clodion le Che­velu, and by that same Succession was heir of the Crown of [...]rance, closed not his ears to it (saies the History) but caused extirpate that Sower of impostures and all his Race.

Henry the fourth King of England after the deposure of King Richard the second, kept Edmond Mortimer Earl of March, who had a just title to the Crown, under such Kee­pers that he could never do nor attempt any thing till he dy­ed. But Henry the seventh King of England took away Ed­ward Plantaginet Duke of Warwick Heir to George Duke of Clarence, by reason of his jealousie of Succession to his Uncle Edward the fourth.

Margarite Plantaginet his sole Daughter (married to Sir Richard Pole knight) by Henry the eight restored to the Earl­dom of Salisbury, was attainted threescore and two years af­ter her Father had suffered and was in the Tower of London beheaded, in whose person dyed the surname of Planta­ginet.

Anne Plantaginet Daughter to Edward the fourth, being marryed to Thomas Howard Earl of Surrey and Duke of Nor­ [...]olk was the ground and chief cause wherefore King Henry the eight, cut off the head of Henry Earl of Snrrey; though the [Page 237] pretended cause whereon he was arraigned was the bearing certain arms of the house of York, which only belonged to the King.

Mary Queen of England cut off the head of Lady I [...]e Gray and the Lord Guilford her Husband, for their title to the Crown; and that same reason was the overthrow and finall destruction of Mary Queen of Scotland by Queen Eliz­abeth.

The Duke of Guise by a Genealogy deduced from Charles the Great, in the raign of Henry the third the French King, was thought to aspire to the Crown of France, and suffered at last for this and his other presumptions.

It is notoriously known, that these two hundred years the Race of Euphane Ross in her children David Earl of Strathern and Walter Earl of Athole, and all their Succ [...]ssion by all the Kings of Scotland sithence, have been ever suppressd and kept under, and for reason of State should still be kept low and under, unless a Prince would for greater reason of State ad­uance them, to give them a more horrible blow, and by suborning mercinary men, make them aim above their reach to their last extirpation.

Dum nesciunt distinguere inter flamma[?] & praecipitia,
Princeps quem persequitur honorat[?] & extollit in altum.

An intended Speech at the West Gate of Edenburgh to King JAMES.

SIR,

IF Nature could suffer Rocks to move and abandon their natural places, this Town, founded on the strength of Rocks (now by the chearing Rayes of your Majesties pre­sence, taking not only motion but life) had with her Castle, Temples and Houses, moved towards you, and besought you to acknowledge her yours, and her indwellers your most humble and affectionate Subjects; And to believe how many souls are within her circuits, so many lives are devo­ted to your sacred person and Crown. And here Sir She of­fers by me to the Altar of your glory, whole▪ Hecatombs of most happy desires; praying all things may prove prosperous unto you; that every Virtue and Heroick Grace which make a Prince eminent, may with a long and blessed Gover­ment attend you. Your Kingdomes flourishing abroad with Bays, at home with Olives; presenting you Sir, who art the strong Key of this little World of Great Britain, with those keys which cast up the Gates of her affection, and de­sign [Page 238] you power to open all the springs of the hearts of those her most Loyal Citizens.

Yet this almost not necessary; For as the Rose at the fair appearing of the morning Sun, displayeth and spreadeth her purple [...] ▪ So at the very noise of your happy return to this your native Countrey; their hearts (if they could have shi­ned through their brests) were with joy and fair hopes made spatious. Nor did they ever in all parts feel a more com­fortable heat, than the glory of your prefence at this time dar­teth upon them.

The old forget their age and look fresh and young at the appearance of so gracious a Prince; the young bear a part in your Welcom, desiring many years of life, that they may serve you long; all have more joies than tongues. For as the words of other nations far go beyond and surpass the affection of their hearts; So in this nation the affection of their hearts is far above all they can express by words. Daign then Sir from the highest of Majesty, to look down on their lowness and embrace it; accept the homage of their hum­ble minds; accept their gratefull zeal; and for deeds accept that great good will which they have ever carryed to the high deserts of your Ancestors; And shall ever to your own, and your Royal Race, whilst those rocks shall be oversha­dowed with buildings, buildings inhabited by men, and while men be induced, either with counsel or courage, or enjoy any peice of Reason, Sense, or Life.

An Apologetical Letter.

March 2. 1635.
MY LORD,

IN a time when men for reading of Papers concerning State are challenged, it must be a great hazard to write them, and a greater to send them from home, and the most to send them to one so near the Helm as is your Lordship, who the next day (perhaps) may put in the Princes hands what is sent him. And then, though what is set down may be free of great faults, yet must it pass and be understood as it pleaseth the Prince to construe it. But what Marius Gemi­nus said to Iulius Caesar, may be said to King Charles; Caesar, qui apud te audent dicere, magnitudinem tuam ignorant; qui non audent, humanitatem. And writing to your Lordship I know to whom I write. Thus the way of glory lying neer the Gates of danger, I have adventured this sheet of Paper of which I beseech your Lordship to be both Judge and Pa­tron.

[Page 239] What a noise hath been raised in this Countrey by pro­secuting a piece of writing, supposed to be derogatory to the Honour of the Kings Majesty! No times have been with­out such men. Wise men keep their thoughts locked up in the Cabinets of their Brests, and suffer the faults of times patiently, Fools rail, cry out, but amend nothing. What ever advise hath been given for the putting of Libellers to the extremity of Law, I would say (withall humble respect to grave Statesmen) that in a matter of a Calumnie and re­proach with Subjects, a Prince can do nothing more [...]itting his own fame and reputation, than to slight and contemn them, as belonging nothing to him; and that twere better to neglect, than be too curious in searching after the Au­thors. So Theodosius, Honorius Arcadius were wont to say, if any Man speak ill of the Emperour, if he do it of light­ness, it is to contemned; if of madness, to be pittyed; if of injury, to be remitted. And Alexander the Great used to say, Regium est benefacere & male audire; or as Plutarch re­porteth it, Regium est a quibus male audias, magis esse iis benefi­cum. Nero (otherwise a terrible Prince) when that Pasquil was given out against him?

Quis neget AEneae magna de stirpe Neronem?
Sustulit hic Matrem, sustulit ille Patrem.

Or as DION citeth it,

[...].

Nero, Orestes, Alcmaeon, Matricidae.

He took no notice of it, followed not the Writers with a­any p [...]nishment, sought them not, as ye find in Suetonius, Et quosdam ad Iudicem delatos ad Senatum, affici graviore poena prohibuit. Writings which we scorn and make none account, of themselves vanish and turn into nought. If we chafe and fret, it would appear that we have been therein touched, and vively see in them our own faults and misdemeanor tax­ed and laid open.

If these Papers for the Kings honour were not to be seen and read, or if they did derogate to the same of the Nobles, why were they not suppressed and hidden? but is this the way to suppress and hide them? to imprison, arraign, ba­nish, execute the persons near whom they are found? or is it not rather to turn them a piece of the Story of the Time to make such a noise about them, and by seeking to avoid the smoak to fall into the fire? what we would most evite and shun, to be the Authors to bring upon our own heads?

[Page 240] What gained Queen Elizabeth the twenty three of her Reign, by cutting off the hands of Stubbes and Page on a Scaffold for writing that Book against her marriage with the Duke of Anjou, save that out of horror of that new and un­practised punishment, the people acknowledged her to be the right and not uncertain daughter of King Henry the eight, and she began to be feared, where before she was beloved of her Subjects? whom a people fear they hate, and whom they hate they wish taken way. A Prince should be more violent in revenging other mens quarrels than his own. That unfortunate Duke of Buckingham in the time of Richard the third, could make good use, against the Succession of the Race of Edward the fourth, in his Speech to the Commons of of London, by remembring them of the strange proceedings of King Edward against a Merchant named Burdet: who dwelling at the sign of the Crown, and having said to his Son, that after his death he would make him Heritor of the Crown, meaning his own house, was for this Tale in four hours after quartered, which blot is eternally fixed to that Prince.

In the Reign of King Richard the third, who had ever known than Pasquil against three of his Courtiers, Louell, Ratcliff, and Catsby,

The Rat, the Cat, and Louel that Dog,
Rule all England under the Hog.

If his tyranny had not been mightily extended against that poor Gentleman Collingburn the Maker of it? Ye will say, it is in a Princes power to suppress such Papers by Authority; That is the only way to make all men seek them, and being found highly prize them. Tacitus telleth us of certain verses of Fabricius Veiento against Church-men and Senatours, which were condemned to be burut; as long as the reading and finding of them was dangerous, they were much sought for, and with danger read: but being afterwards licentiate to be read, and the liberty of having them obtained, they were forgotten and no man cared for them.

No Prince, how great soever, can oblish Pens, nor will the Memorials of ages be extinguished by present power; the posterity rendering to every one, his due honour and blame. It is true that great men should direct their great care to Fame and hold nothing more dear unto them; and he who con­tempneth it, neglecteth those actions by which it is acqui­red: But it is pitty men should be more careful and studious of fame for times to come, in which they are not, than of honesty in the present time in which they live.

[Page 241] Sometimes it is great wisdom in a Prince not to reject and disdain them who freely tell him his duty, and open to him his misdemeanours to the Common-wealth, and the surmis [...]s and umbrages of his people and Council for the amending disorders, and bettering the form of his Government. As if a man should tell King Charls, That there is none in all his Kingdoms here can reckon himself Lord of his own goods amongst so many taxes and taillages, so much pilling and pol­ling. So that substance is dayly plucked and pilled from ho­nest men to be lashed out amongst unthrifts, that as Thucy­dides writes of the great plague in his time at Athens, Men seeing no hope of safety spent all they had in one night: So the uncertainty of enjoying and holding what they have for the present drawes the thrifty and unthrifty to one end, for no man being sure of Lands, less of moneyes, every man is turned in a desperate carlessness of his estate.

As to tell him also about this Subject who is the subject of this Letter, the People say, Kings seeking Treason shall find Land, and seeking Land shall find Treason. The denyal of a Princes desire was the destruction of an innocent Naboth; the voice of the people should not be kept up from the ears of a Prince.

As to unfold to a King, if Usury be not lawful at all (for it is against Nature that money should beget money, and not tolerate by the Mosaical Law, and in Ezekiel, cap. 18. v. 13. it is reckoned amongst the roaring sins, such as are Adulterie and bloudshed) it being a sin in the persons of subjects, it is a greater sin in the person of a Prince; for any sin is greater in the person of a Prince, then in the persons of subjects: As sin was worse and greater in Angels than men. Nothing is pro­fitable to a Prince which is not joined with honor; and the State of Kings unless it stand in purenes and fidelity, it cannot subsist in power.

As to tell King Charles, what a strange thing it is so swear a man for the true value of his own Substance. Since the valuing of Subjects Lands and Rents, Rents were never less, nor the Lands worse; a secret scourge of God having followed it, the Countrey scarce affording bread to the La­bourers of it.

Remember Davids numbring the people. In the times of King Henry the eight, Regnante Cardin, Volseio, this was held uncouth, strange and terrible; and no wonder if men scare and start at it now, under a Prince of so meek a Spirit, so innocently good: who preferreth peace before war, rest before business, honesty before profit. None of all his, king­dome, no, not one being more holy, more chaste, nor a bet­ter man; in whom raigneth shamefastness and modesty and [Page 244] Patience, taking all wor [...]ly crosses in good part: never gaping for glory, not thir [...]ing after riches: but only studying the health of his soul, peace of his Kingdomes, and how to ad­vice the holy Church, and restore her to h [...]r fi [...]st Rents and i [...]tegrity. But God knoweth what he hath predestinated and ordained for the Scourge of this Country, against whose Ordinance prevaileth no counsel.

A Pri [...]ce should be advertised that the hatred and distast of men [...] present estates and fortunes setteth them on work and maketh them exceeding earnest to seek novations; for finding themselves plunged in the beggari [...] of a miserable e­ [...]tate, as many do believe, it turneth not them base, nor kee­peth them under, but raiseth in them a mad desire to change th [...]ir for u [...]e; and this hath been the ensign of Male-con­tents to atte [...]pt and enterprize dangerous matters; for it hath often been found that nothing hath sooner armed a people than poverty, and poverty hath never so often been brought upon a Nation by the unfruitfulness of the Earth, by disasters of Se [...]s, and other human accidents, as by the Avarice of the Officers and Favourites of Princes; who are brought foolishly to believe that by tearing of th [...] skins of of the flock they shall turn the Shepheard rich. It is no pro­perty of a good Shepheard to shear often his flock, and e­ver to milk them. Nor is it of a Prince to gall and perpetu­ally a [...]llict a people by a terrible Exchequer. Brutorum se Re­gem facit qui premit suos. Now in such Theams it were not evil for a Prince to read Ian Marianai and George Buchanans piece de jure Regni apud Scotos, for his own private and the publick good.

Princes h [...]ve in their actions this disadvantage, that in mat­ters of wrong and injuries concerning their S [...]bjects, though th [...]y somtimes suffer by reason of their power, being thought stronger, they are ever este [...]med to do the wrong, which should move them to abstain from all violent courses, and think really their Subj [...]cts losses are their own.

Ye will then say, the case of Princes is pittiful if Writers of infamous Libels be not rigorously punished; without all question the Law is just and necessary against them. But in some cases good Princes never follow the rigour and extre­mity of punishment set down by their Laws, no, not against the naughtiest Subjects, and especially when the case con­cerneth their own particulars. There is much to be conside­red in the convoy of such Libels: If they contain Truths there is small wrong in such pap [...]rs, as to call Mary Magdalen a Sinner, Matthew a Publican, Thomas a Misbeliever, Paul a Pe [...]secutor, Peter a Denyer of his Master, and the rest fu­gitives from him, and these are to be slighted and past over. [Page 243] If they contain mixed truths and apparences, they may be neglected; If they admit no interpretation, but true and flat railing, then is a Princes patience to be tryed, and the Libel to be scorned. If they propound novelty and causes of sedition upon apparent grounds, they are to be answer­ed, and by good reason to be overthrown. If they be pre­sented by way of Supplications for redressing of errours in the State, it is a question whether they be Libels or not. That Supplication of Humphrey Duke of Gloucester to King Henry the sixth of England against the Cardinal of Winchester Arch­bishop of York may have place amongst Libels; for the King is taxed there of notable dotage. As that by the coun­sel of the Cardinal, he had set at Liberty the King of Scots, suffered his Jewels and houshold-stuff to be sold, granted the Cardinal a Charter of Pardon for taking up his Rents, which were sufficient to have maintained the wars in France many years. The setting of the Duke of Orleance at liber­ty, against the Duke of Burgundy the great friend of the Eng­lish, and many other points. Yet this being done by way of Supplication, for redress of wrongs in the State, he was not threatned for (perhaps) verity, but remitted to the Council, and what for fear, and what for favor (saith the English Histo­ry) the whole matter was winked at touching the Duke, and nothing said against the Cardinal▪ Miseria summa ubi de inju­ria conqueri pro delicto habetur.

These who set their Prince on work to follow and persue such an idle piece of Paper, if they had fair Judges, and powerful enemies neer the Court, may themselves be brought within compass of that same punishment, which they would have laid upon others; as Perillus was brought to take an Essay of his own brazen Bull: for no better are they which relate, divulgate and are occasioners to have in­famous Libels published, than they which write them. And these men have done what in them lay to make that Paper publike, and have recorded in the Annals of this Kingdom to all ages, what should have been smothered in the darkest pits of Oblivion. They have often assembled the Kings Ma­jesties Subjects to the great charges and vain attendance of many Noblemen and Barons to see their passions put forward. They have busied the Prince to condemn others by power (a Minister of their attempts) and not purge himself to po­sterity; for such a Paper should have been answered by a Pen, not by an Ax. There is no Prince living, no, nor dead, but Subjects have and do both write and speak of after their fantasies. Augustus in a Letter to Tiberius, Noli in hac re in­dagere et nimium indignari quemquam esse qui de me loquatur ma­le; satis est enim si hoc habemus ne quis malefacere possit. And [Page 244] Tiberius in the beginning of his raign (though after he killed Cremutius Codrus for words) was wont to say, in Civitate li­bera linguam quoque liberam esse debere. Wise Princes have ne­ver troubled themselves much about talkers; weak spirits cannot suffer the liberty of judgements, nor the indiscretion of tongues. To strive to restrain them, is the work of bu­sie Bodies, who would fain have somewhat to do, but know not what, nor how to help Domitian to kill gnats with his Dagger; having won points and conclusions heretofore in the State beyond their hopes, they begin to foster great and shameful hopes beyond the reach of all obtaining. A Prince should be such towards his Subjects as he would have God eternal towards him, who full of mercy spareth peo­pled Cities, and darteth his Thunders amongst the vast and wilde Mountains.

To ARABELLA Countess of Lothian.

Madam,

AS those antients who when they had given over with credit any facultie wherein they excelled, were wont to offer the Tools and Instruments of their Art to the Shrine of some Deity: My Musical recreations giving place to more laborious, serious, (my Lute these many daies (like my mind) lying out of tune, keeping no harmony in perfect discord) I offer these airs and tabulature to your Ladiships harmoni­ous Virtues; and to whom could they more deservedly ap­pertain, than unto her whose goodness of nature, and emi­nent known virtues of mind, may justly intitle the onely Grace and Muse of our Northern Climate. Though the Gift be not much worth, I hope your Ladiship will daign to accept it as if it were a greater and more precious from a Giver brought already in admiration of your Ladiships worth, and who desireth nothing more than to remain

Your Ladiships to command. W. DRUMMOND.

To Isabella Countess of Perth.

Madam,

YOur Courtesi [...] hath prevented me, it being mine to offer you thanks, both for esteeming me worthy so honourable a Task, and for measuring those lines accor­ding [Page 245] to affection, and not their worth; for if they had any, it was all (as the Moon hath her light) borrowed from the Rayes of your Ladiships own invention. But this quality becometh well your sweet disposition, and the generosity of that Noble Stem of which you have your birth; as doth the erecting of that notable Monument to your all-worthy Lord; by the which ye have not onely obliged all his kin­red now living, but in ages to come the unborn posterity to render you immortal Thanks. Your Desert and good opinion of me have by a gracious violence (if I can be so happy as to do you service) won me to remain, your Ladi­ships

Ever to Command, W. DRUMMOND.

To the Right Honourable JOHN Earl of PEARTH.

My Noble LORD,

THough as Glaucus saies to Diomed in Homer, ‘Like the Race of Leaves, the Race of Man is,’ that deserves no question: nor receives his being any other breath; the Wind in Autumn strowes the Earth with old leaves, then the Spring the Woods with new indews; yet I have ever thought the knowledge of kinred, and the Ge­nealogies of the antient families of a Countrey, a matter so far from contempt, that it deserveth highest praise. Herein consisteth a part of the knowledge of a mans own self. It is a great spur to virtue to look back on the worth of our line. In this is the memory of the dead preserved with the living: being more firm and honourable than any Epitaph. The living know that band which tyeth them to others. By this man is distinquished from the reasonless, and the noble of Men from the baser sort. For it often falleth out, though we cannot tell how, for the most part that generosity follo­weth good Birth and Parentage. This moved me to essay this Table of your Lordships house, which is not inferiour to the best in this Isle and greatest. It is but roughly (I confess) hewen, nakedly limmed, and after better infor­mations to be amended. In Pieces of this kind, who [Page 246] doth according to such light as he receiveth, is beyond re­prehension.

Your Lordships humble Servant and Kinsman, W. Drummond.

To the Right Honourable J. Earl of T.

My Lord,

THe Ocean, though great Rivers with many currents pay him Tribute, disdains not to receive also the les­ser loyal, though ignoble, Brooks, which by one only Urn powre themselves into his bosom; no more will your Lord­ship, after the many congratulations of your Countrey, of the State, of your great Friends, reject the applause of the Muses (fair, though contemned, Mistress) who by me offer this Posy of Flowres to your Lordship (who is the flowre of Nobleness) in acknowledgment of your Lordships constant zeal towards them, and their many obligations towards you, congratulating your prosperous Fortunes, which they wish to encrease, and praying the heavens at last may turn so propitious to virtue and true worth, that though they do not reward them upon Earth, yet the world may see that they do not suffer them ever to lie oppressed. They have fair hopes that the advancement of your Lordship is the advance­ment of them, for the body preceding, the shadow must follow. Your Lordship being near the helm of the State, they exspect a new Saturnian world: knowledge must flo­rish, ignorance decay (as Mists before the Sun) Innocency live guarded, oppression trampled, and they shall no lon­ger hereafter have occasion to wish, ask, or complain.

Your Lordships Servant, W. Drummond.

To the truely Noble S. R. Carre, Gentleman of the Kings Majesties Bed-Chamber.

SIR,

HOw joyful were all here who either love worth in others or are conscious of any part of it in themselves, to hear [Page 247] the happy event of your late danger? but yet the apprehen­sion of what might have fallen forth (if Providence had not otherwise disposed) doth still with a pensive fear possesse their minds. It was too much hazarded in a point of Ho­nour; why should true Valour have answered fierce Barba­rity, Nobleness Arrogancy, Religion Impiety, Innocency Malice? The disparagement being so vast. Was it for know­ing this when ye left us, that ye graved with your Diamond in a Window;

Frail Glass thou bearest this name as well as I,
And none doth know in which it first shall dye.

And had ye then to venter to the hazard of a Combate the exemplary of virtue; and the Muses Sanctuary? the lives of twenty such as his who hath fallen, in Honours Ballance would not counterpoise your one. Ye are too good for these times, in which, as in a time of Plague, men must once be sick, and that deadly, ere they can be assured of any safety. Would I could perswade you in your sweet walks at home to take the prospect of Court Shipwracks; forgive mine im­portunity, your many courtesies in my behalf, and the World, which is a Witness of them, force me to bear a part in all your Fortunes, and ever, whilst I remain my self to be,

To serve you, February 10. 1620. W. Drummond.

To the Right Honourable Earl of L.

My Noble Lord,

OF that duty I ow to your Lordship, and love to your honourable Father, I have adventured to bear a part in his Obsequies, a work I must confess profuse; no verses of mine, nor any others, having power to add any thing to his noble Memory, being so strongly upholden by your Lordship, and his other excellent children, that it is like to be contemporary with the World. For what­soever hath now failed of the honour I intended, I be­seech your Lordship to accept my serviceable and infalli­ble love for all supplement. If your Lordship esteem these among the Scutcheons, Colours, and other day-la­sting Ornaments of the Funeral pomp, I shall hold them [Page] sufficiently honoured, and in what is within the compasse of my power, remain,

Your Lordships ever to command, W. Drummond.

To the Right Honourable the Earl of Perth.

My Noble Lord,

IN this storm of the State I had resolved to set my affairs in order, exposing all to the hazard of what might fall forth, and fly to the shadow of your Lordship, finding at this time, that not to prove true, Minima Parvitate sua tuta sunt; for the humility of my fortune, and my retired and harmless form of living, could not save me from being im­ployed to serve here the ambition of the great Masters of the State; as if I had no more to do with time, I was appointed to spend it in attending the Committee of the Shire; at my first initiation charged to be at that fatal service, and horri­ble execution of Dunglass▪ they directed me to ravage and plunder the more peaceable neighbours about; this Trojan Horse laboured to give me a command over Horses. All which imployments being contrary to my education and e­state, knowing, that Pareil sier Pareil a nulle Puissance, and that they were not my lawful Masters, I shuned and perfor­med no more than pleased me, which acquired me no small Spight. If the Parlament of England, and matters since fal­len forth, had not a little cooled this fervency or frenzy, I knew not where to have found sanctuary, save with your Lordship, nor knew I what thanks to render your Lordship, for your gracious protection, and many courtesies offered me. If I should sacrifice my fortunes, liberty, life, I would rather lose them for your Lordship, than for any Democra­cy. Your Lordships favours shall be ever be remembred, and sought to be deserved in what is within the compass of performing, and power of

Hawthorn-Den Decemb. 1. 1640.
Your Lordships Humble Servant. W. Drummond.

To the Learned and Worthy Gentle-woman.

Worthy M.

I should be too ambitious, I will not say arrogant, if I thought that honour, which you give me in your de­licate Verses to be due to the honoured, and not rather to the honourer. They reflect and turn back unto your self (as to a more renowned wonder) that praise by desert, which ye bestow upon me of your meer courtesie. Alas my Muses are of no such value to deserve the blazon of so pregnant and rare a wit. Perhaps ye raised them to show the high­ness of your spirit, which ever transcendeth mean measures or to make known how excellently ye can praise any thing that you please. But howsoever (praise being the reward of virtue, and proceeding from so sound a judgement, and one so praise-worthy) I will think hereafter my Muses wor­thy praise, because ye held them such, or if they were such before, that they were such because they were ordained to be praised and loved of you. I can but admire your ingine and thank your courtesie, and wish that time and fortune may prove so gracious, accomplishing my desires, to make me know how to acquite them, till which occasion as ever you have me,

Your most

To his Worthy Friend, S. G. K.

SIR,

WHen out of curiosity this last week I had entred these large and spatious Galleries, in which the Fair of St. German is kept, and had viewed the diverse Merchandize and Wares of the many nations at that Mart, above the rest I was much taken with the daintiness of the many Pour­traicts there to be seen. The devices, Posies, Ideas, Shapes, Draughts, of the Artificers were various, nice, and plea­sant. Scarce could the wandring thought light upon any Storie, Fable, Gayetie, which was not here represented to the view. If Cebes the Theban Philosopher made a Table hung in the Temple of Saturn, the Argument of his rare Moralities, and Iovius and Marini, the Pourtraicts in their Galleries and Libraries the subject of some books; I was [Page 250] brought to think I should not commit a great fault, if I sent you for a [...]oken, from this Mart a Scan [...]ling of this Ware: which affordeth a like contentment to the Beholder and pos­sessour.

The Pictures of the Roman Emperours appeared in one Plate, those of the Bishops with the Triple Crowns in ano­ther, with those of all the Kings and great Princes in Europe-Lucretia was showing her bleeding brest; on this Table Flo­ra her bewitching Twins, on that not far from these Mars is surprized by the Lemnian, and the Senate of the Gods are all laughing; near by Iupiter is comming down in a golden Showre in his Danaes lap. One would have wished Argos his eyes to gaze on Hellen in the prime of her beauty, as when the Phrygian Youth stole her away, or Theseus, in one place of the Table, and see her distilling tears for the ruin of Troy in another. The Agamemnon of Timantes at the sacrifice of Hermione was here to be seen. And what did surpass that in Invention, a Painter had hidden the imperfection of the work of his Work, who having painted a Lady which had but one eye, he had set her face so cunningly that her one side appearing onely to the view, left a desire in the Behol­der, to wish for the other, which one could not but ima­gine beautiful, at which she seemed to smile. The Father of our Factions, Meonides himself, was here represented, with closed eyes, and a long beard of the colour of the Night, to whom was the honour of Mantua adjoined, his head wreathed with Baies, his face was somewhat long, his che [...]ks scarce with a small down discrying his Sex; that they might be known after so many years, the Crafts-man had s [...]t down, They were thus standing in the Roman Capitol. The Cyprian Goddess was in divers shapes represented. The first was naked as she appeared on the Hills of Ida, or when she arose from her foamy Mother, but that she should not blush, the Painter had limmed her entring a Green Arbour, and looking over her shoulder; so that there were only seen her back and face. Another had drawn her naked, her face, br [...]st [...], belly to the view exposed, her blind child by her, but to cover that which delighted Mars so much, he made her arm descend to take hold of Cupid, who did imbrace her. The third had drawn her lying on a Bed with stretched out arms, in her hand she presented to a young man (who was adoring her, and at whom little Love was directing a Dart) a fair face, which with much ceremony he was receiving, but on the other side, which should have been the hinder part of that head, was the Image of death; by which mortality he surpassed the others more than they did him by Art. It were to be wished this picture were still before the eyes of dolting Lovers.

[Page 251] On a Table there was a horse tumbling on his back with his four feet towards the Heaven, which was thought to be Sejanus so fatal to his Masters, being so proportionable and to the life painted, a German offered Gold for him, but he accused the Painter that he had not painted him running: which the Painter easily amended by turning up of the o­ther side of the Table: so small a distance is between the extremities of mortall things. So with little pains a coun­tenance laughing is made to weep, and one weeping to laugh. Whose thoughts are so sad and fixed to the cares of this World, which could not have been sequestrated for a time from them, and delighted with the aspect of the counte­nances of the Ladies of the differing Climates of the Globe of this Earth, represented unto us as the blazing asteri [...]ms of Heav [...]n? The Spanish seeming proud and disdainful, but that her eye spoke somewhat else, and her pale colour ap [...]proaching to ashes, did show she harboured languishing per­turbations. The French looking Courteous and toward, but such courtesie and towardness seemed not to entertain base imaginations. The English mild and humble with such eyes as Venus used to smile with in the daies of Homer. The Venetian Lady appeared the Noblest Lover, for the neither thundered dispair nor promised hope, yet did she lend her ear to the soul-charming sounds of a Lute. The Roman was almost naked from the waste upwards, discovering the Sistering Apples of her Brest, and what might be, without a blush, seen, which would have rowsed old Nestor. The Graecian resembled Our English, but that her face was more Round; She wore on her head a Garland, which made her looks more grave than the Others. The Turkish differed little from the Roman, only She somewhat appeared more Thais like. The Moorish had her eyes black, rolling and wanton, and her face was as black as her eyes. Where (who could think it, save he who did see it?) by the comely proportion of her face▪ her shini [...]g hair enriched with Jewels, and her ears beautified with Gemms, she was near as pleasant (beau­ty mustering it self in blackness and a comely behaviour) as those others of Europe. I had almost forgotten the Belgick and these neighbour Countreys, in whom the pure natural colours of beauty appeared. The first to show the light­ness of her sex, was all in Feathers, the others differed not much from her but was further off from Art, and looked more Countrey-like.

Not far from those was Cassandra, her haires so covering her face that Lycophron might well have known her. The Sybels by hersighed out their Prophecies.

To these was joined the Picture of a yonng Ladie, whose [Page 252] hair drew neer the colour of Amber, but with such a bright lustre that it was above Gold or Amber, her eyes were some­what green, her face round, where the Roses strove to sur­pass the Lillies of her Cheecks, and such an one she was [...]im­m [...]d as Apelles would have made choise of for the beauty of Greece. She was said to be the Astrea of the Marquesse D' Vr [...]ee.

Many famous battails of the antients were represented, some of the later times, above all others the Crafts-men had striven to shew to the life the Battel of Le Panto, the flying Turks and following Christians. Some Galliasses made a sport to the winds, others all in flames in the midst of the Seas; the divers postures of fighting and perishing Souldiers with the scattered Oars, Planks and Ensigns, might have made some dream they were amidst these though in quiet­ness, and one the Seas whilst they were safe on ground. Ma­ny Towns were here to be travailed thorough at an easie rate, Rome, Napler, Florence, Constantinople, Vienne, and without passing the Seas, London and Venice.

Here were many double Pictures, the first view shew old men and young Misers gathering carefully, the second view shew young men and prodigals spending riotously, with stultitiam patiuntur opes. Churchmen and grave Senatours consulting and seriously deliberating the one face of the Pi­ctue represented, the other Fools dancing, Souldiers dicing and sighting. A Lady weeping over her dead Husband, ac­companyed with many Mourners, the first view, the second represented her second Nuptials, Nymphs and Gallants re­velling naked, and going to Bed.

Now when I had considered all (for these Galleries were a little All, it ye please) casting mine eyes a side I beheld on a fair Table the Pourtraicts of two which drew my thoughts to more seriousness than all the other. The first clad in a Sky-coloured Mantle bordered with some red, was laugh­ing, and held out his finger by way of demonstration in scorn to another in a sable Mantle, who held his arms a cross, declined his head pittifully and seemed to shed tears. The shewed that he was Democritus, the other that he was Hera­clitus. And truely considering all our actions except those which the Service and Adoration of God Almighty, they are either to be lamented or laughed at, and man is alwaies a Fool, except in Misery, which is a Whit Stone of Judge­ment.

PARIS, Febr. 12.

To S. W. A.

SIR,

THe promise given by me to a dying friend shall at this time I hope excuse mine importunity. He requested me to remember his love to you, and that desire he ever had to do you service. And though dying so lively expressed this affection that who would set it in Paper had need of his own eloquence. This remembrance he left, made me to be in this his Executor in delivering this Legacie. Some Pa­pers he left also concerning some of your affairs, which because death prevented his delivering of them to me, I think are [...]oosed in the Stuff of his Cabinet. Your absence increa­sed greatly that Melancholy which bereft us of him. If any thing more pretious had been left to my Trust, ye might have been assured it had been delivered to you by your

W. DRUMMOND.

To the truely Noble S. R. K. Gentleman of the Kings Bed Chamber.

SIR,

HOw ever fortune turn her Wheel I find you still your self, and so ballasted with your own worth, that ye may out-dare any Storm. This is that Iewel which neither change of Court, nor Climates, can rob you of; of what is yours, ye have lost nothing. By this Quadran I have ever measu­red your height; neither here could the vapours of Court make me err.

Long since I learned not to esteem of any golden Butter­flies there, but as of Counters, whose Places give them on­ley worth. Ye are born to act brave parts on this Theatre of the World, as your Prince is wise, so I am assured he is well read in Man, and knows ye are not one to be lost. What know ye to what end that Soveraign Wisdom, who hath hitherto been so strong a Defence unto you, hath re­moved you from your Country? By this means ye may re­turn more welcome, more beloved, and with greater honor than when you left her. How oft hath plainful means brought men to that happiness, which in their prosperity they ne­ver could reach in their thoughts nor expect? Now since [Page 256] your departure I verily think all our life to be but a Dream, and that God hath placed our happiness elsewhere. He is onely miserable and wretched who holdeth himself such: as that man onely blessed who is content with a little. Hap­piness consisting neither in honour nor riches, but in an e­quality and moderation of Desires. Forgive my free wri­ting, I have not had leisure to vail my thoughts, your Bro­thers departing being so unexpected.

W. DRUMMOND.

To the Right Honourable the Earl of Perth.

My Noble Lord,

AFter a long inquiry about the Arms of your Lordships antient House, and the turning of sundry Books of Im­presaes and Herauldry, I found your UNDES famous and very honourable.

In our neighbour Countrey of England they are born, but inversed upside down, and diversified. Torquato Tasso in his Rinaldo maketh mention of a Knight who had a Rock placed in the Waves with the Word Rompe ch'il percote. And other hath the Seas waves with a Syren rising out of them, the word Bella Maria, which is the name of some Courte­zan. Antonio Perenotto, Cardinal Gravella had for an Impresa the Sea, a Ship in it, the word Durate out of the first of the Aeneades, Durate et vosmet rebus servate secundis. Tomaso de Marini Duca di terranova had for his Impressa the Waves with a Sun over them, the Word Nunquam Siccabitur astu. The Prince of Orange used for his Impresa the Waves with an Hal­cyon in the midst of them, the word, Mediis tranquillus in un­dis, which is rather an Embleme than Impresa because the fi­gure is in the word. By reason of your Lordships name and the long continuance in your House to none they appertain more righly than to your Lordship. Drum is in the old Celtique and British Language an Height, and Onde in all the Coun­treys almost of Europe a Wave; which word is said to have bin given a in Storm by Margarite Queen of Scotland to a Gen­tleman who accompanied her, the first of your Lordships House. But to make an Inquiry in sirnames were now too long.

W. Drummond.

To the truely Noble S. R. K.

COntentments are never so really Contentments as when they come after some calamity.

Afflictions meet
And mingling with our joyes make them more sweet.

After your late danger and long absence by your kindly return­ing to your Countrey and Recovery of lossed favours, this hath doubled it self: We erre often by deeming those things hurtful, which are but changes for our greater Good; Crosses serve for many uses, and more than Magistracies decipher the Man. Brave minds like lamps are discerned when they are canopy­ed with the night of affliction: and like Rubies give the fairest lustre when they are rubbed. The sight of so many stately Towns and differing manners of Men, the con­quest of such friends abroad, and try all of these at home, the leaving of your Remembrance so honourable to after times, have made you more happy in your distress, than if, like another Endymyon, ye had sleeped away that swift course of daies in the embracements of your Mistress the Court. Forgive my Comparison, for if Courts be chang­ing Moons; why should not favorites be Endymions? I write often unto you, for that in way of friendship I had rather be charged for super-abundancy than defect: from him who is no more his own than by respect and affection yours.

W. DRUMMOND.

To his much honoured friend M. A. J. Physitian to the KING.

IT is more praise worthy in Noble and excellent things to know something, though little, than in mean and igno­ble matters to have a perfect knowledge. Amongst all those rare Ornaments of the mind of Man, Poesie hath had a most eminent place, and been in high esteem, not only at one time, and in one Climate, but during all times and through those parts of the world where any ray of humanity and ci­vility hath shined. So that she hath not unworthily deser­ved the name of the Mistress of humane life, the height of Eloquence, the quintessence of knowledge, the loud Trum­pet of Fame, the language of the Gods. There is not any [Page 256] thing endureth longer: Homers Troy hath outlived many Republikes, and both the Roman and Graecian Monarchies; she subsisteth by her self; and after one demeaner and con­tinuance her beauty appeareth to all ages. In vain have some men of late (Transformers of every thing) consulted upon her Reformation, and endeavoured to abstract her to Meta­physical Ideas, and Scolastical Quiddities, denuding her of her own habits, and those Ornaments with which she hath a­mused the world some thousand years. Poesie is not a thing that is yet in the finding and search, or which may be other­wise found out, being already condescended upon by all Nations, and as it were established jure Gentium, amongst Greeks, Romans, Italians, French, Spaniards. Neither do I think that a good Piece of Poesie, which Homer, Virgil, Ovid, Petrarch, Bartas, Ronsard, Boscan, Garcilasso (if they were alive) and had that language, could not understand, and reach the sense of the writer. Suppose these men could find out some other new Idea like Poesie, it should be held as if Nature should bring forth some new Animal, neither Man, Horse, Lyon, Dog, but which had some Members of all, if they had been proportionably and by right Symetry set together. What is not like the Antients and conform to those Rules which hath been agreed unto by all times, may (indeed) be something like unto Poesie, but is no more Poesie than a Monster is a man. Monsters breed admiration at the first, but have ever some strange loathsomness in them at last. I deny not but a Mulet is more profitable than some Hor­ses, yet is it neither Horse nor Ass, and yet it is but a Mulet. There is a Taile told of a poor miserable Fellow accused of Bestiality; and he at his Arraignment confessed, That it was not out of any evil intention he had done it, but onely to procreat a Monster, with which (having nothing to sustain his life) he might win his bread going about the Countrey. For the like cause it may be thoright these men found out their new Poesie differing from the Matters, Manners, Rules of former ages; either they did not see the way of Poesie or were affraid to enter it. The verses of Camillus Quernus as they are imitated by Strada seem very plausible and to admi­ration to some, but how far they are off right Poesie children may guess. These mens new conceptions approach neerer his, than to the Majesty and Statelinefs of the great Poets. The contempt and undervaluing of verses hath made men spare their travel in adorning them; but Poesie, as it hath o­vercom ignorance, at last will overcom envy and comtempt. This I have been bold to write unto you, not to give you any instruction, but to manifest mine obedience to your request.

W. D.

To the Right Honourable the Earl of Sterlin.

WHen the pittiful news came of so dear Funerals, though I had an intention to have written to your Lordship, I restrained my self, both because your wound was flagrant, and that I had not an argument of comfort, which was not your own. Nothing is now left me but to manifest that the sense of this loss could not but perplex him grievously who never made any difference between your fortunes and his own. I hold my self Copartner of all your Griefs as I have been of your prosperities. I know your Fatherly affiction, I know too your constancy, which being seasoned with piety, will not suffer you to repine at that which is the determinate will of God. Your eruditi­on and experience instruct you, that such accidents should be taken in a good part, and chearfully, which are not in­cident to us alone, and which by our sighs, tears, plaints, we may not evite and put far from us; ye must not attend till time mitigate your languor, for this do the vulgar sort of men, with sola dies poterit tantum lenire dolorem. A wise man should prevent and anticipate time, over-run newborn Grief, which is an ungrateful Guest, thrusting out and ran sacking the Masters of their Inn. I who am conscious to your patience and wisdom, am assured ye have performed all this already, upon which confidence I will leave off to trouble you further, or lay a heavier burthen and needless task upon my self.

W. Drummond.

To—

SHould ye think to escape this Enemy of Virtue, Fortune, when she never spareth the most Worthy? who hath e­ver yet in many excellencies been eminent, whom she hath not either after one fashion or other, if not trampled yet tos­sed? and make not a long search in the old ages of the world, and through the Mists of Antiquity, but look upon our own Times, and our Fathers. Ye have Sidney cropped in the vigour of his Youth by a murthering Bullet; Rawleigh brought to a fatal Scaffold; la Nove, with the Marquess D' Urfee complaining in miserable Prisons; Tasso famishing in the like Thraldom; the two Counts of Mirandula Specta­cles [Page 258] of Pitty and Cruelty, the one by too soon a Death (if death can be too soon) the other by being assassinated by his neerhst kinsemen. As if Excellencies were the only Ob­ject of Disasters, and some secret influence laboured to make the bravest of men and the basest equal. Or that the superiour powers thought Glory to belong only to them, and no praise-worthy Actions should befal poor Mortals. Yet should they not envy silly men a dusty honour, which in some small moments of time vanisheth, and reacheth no further than the narrow bounds of some few Climates of this small Globe of the Earth. We may doubt whether Excellencies and Heroical Virtues were to be desired with so many dan­gers and miseries lackying them, or a homebred, untaught, rude Plobeian life.

W. DRUMMOND.

To S. W. A.

SIR,

MY silence this time past proceeded no waies of any for­getfulness of you, but from my many new cares, and sorrows. The loss of so many friends this season hath estran­ged me from my self, and turned my mirth into mourning; what civil arms and discord have performed in other king­domes of Europe, a still mortality hath done in this. So ma­ny Funerals these many years have not been seen as in this one. There are few bands of kinred, societies, acquain­tances, friendship, which by death are not broken here, with­out respect of Age, vigour, ranck, quality; and justly this mortality might claim the name of Pestilence, if the Dead were deprived of customary burial. Well have some Astro­logical Divines guessed that this year should be the great Judgement. What is recorded of the years 100. and 120. that Church yards were not ample enough to contain the dead bodies, but that new ground was digged up, is true in this; and what of the year 1348. that the third of mankind was sweeped from the Earth: we may say that though this Countrey hath not lost the third, yet that the Almighty providence hath taken away the tenth part of the People. This is (perhaps) a part of that Judgement which the late blazing lights of Heaven did signifie unto us, the defects of the Sun, besides the malignant influences of other Caelestial Bodies. This one year is enought to make men hereafter, if not altogether believe, yet fear Astrological Predictions, [Page 259] which though they fail in particulars, yet strangely hold true in some generals. Heavens I hope shall preserve you ad mol­liora et meliora tempora; to be a witness and Recorder of their Just Proceedings on this Globe of the Earth, for the Good of your self, your Friends, and all that love you.

1623.
W. Drummond.

The Oath of a KNIGHT.

I shall fortisie and defend the true holy Catholtque and Christian Religion presently possessed at all my power.

I shall be loyal and true to my Soveraign Lord the King his Ma­jestie, and do honour and reverence to all Orders of Chivalrie and to the noble office of Arms.

I shall fortifie and defend justice to the uttermost of my power, but feed or favour.

I shall never flie from the Kings Majesty my Lord and Master, or his Lieutenant in time of battel or medly with dishonour.

I shall defend my native Countrey from all aliens and strangers at all my power.

I shall maintain and defend the honest Adoes and Quarrels of all Ladies of Honour, Widows, Orphans, and Maids of good Fame.

I shall do diligence, wherever I hear tell there is any Tray­tours, Murtherers, Rovers, and Masterfull Theeves and Out­laws, that suppress the Poor, to bring them to the Law at all my Power.

I shall maintain and defend the Noble and gallant State of Chevalrie with Horses, Harnesses, and other Knightly Apparel to my Power.

I shall be diligent to enquire and seek to have the knowledge of all Articles and points touching or concerning my duty contained in the Book of Chevalrie.

All and sundry the Premisses I oblige me to keep and fulfil, so help me God by my one hand, and by God himself.

To his loving Cousin

IF wishes could have place or prevail, I wish ye could be moved to separate your self from the frequent conversa­tion and company of that envious Gentleman, otherwise keep your self so close and secret in your demeanour, that of your chief and most Soveraign actions he be altogether ignorant. All other evils may be remedied, envy excepted; which, though they have the worst that are affected with it, yet as a plague it doth hurt to all who approach it. Give me an ambitious man, though he were of a more transcen­dent conceit than Pride her self, If I render him imagined honour, praise him, use him with all due respects, I shall in a little time turn him my friend. Place me with a Da­mouret, if I cope not with him, if I praise him in the pre­sence of his Mistress, he will be ready to perform like du­ties to me. If I shall converse with an avaritious, a little gain will win him to me: onely the envious with nothing is satisfied nor appeased, no drug can cure that plague, if thou wouldest amend it, it must be with thine own life. There remaineth no way to make him thine, save by turn­ing miserable, that thus he may pitty thee. The envious doth not mark and observe any good in another, but fifteth onely imperfections, and setting a part conditions and qualities, which are praise-worthy in person, turneth his eyes to those few blemishes which may be reprehended and amended. Each other Vice seemeth humane: Envy the Vice and Sin of Divels. A strange gangren of a perverse mind, that o­thers happiness should turn it miserable.

What I have else to advertise you of, expect in my next.

W. Drummond.
December 6. 1623.

To S. M. D.

IT is much argued amongst those men, who will have a reason of every thing, why good men ordinarily are de­serted of Fortune, and many evils arise to preferments. The first answer is, that lewd, bold men have strong fanta­ [...]ies, and attempt upon many divers matters, which good men by their bashfulnesse and towardnesse never essay to reach. The next answer is, That lewd men suffer them­selves [Page 253] to be guided by nature, or the starry influences, or rather (being Fools) give themselves over (like Beasts) to be carried by their appetites, and the virtuous are led by reason which often contrachecketh it self, and by long meditation and advise what to do, leaveth off all doing: and suffereth others in the interim to carry the Garland; ye have spent now many years at Court, and yet that Clock which hath strock ten to others, is still pointing at one or two to you. Have you not yet taken a distasting and Saciety of that old Mistress of yours the Court? her long delay in preferring you tells you are too honest. Me thinks ye should have a desire to recreate your self at last in your native Countrie with the remembrances of passed Contentments at Court, as your Kinsemen here have a longing after so long a time to see you, and unanimously now salute you.

May 12. 1630.
W. Drummond.

To his loving Friend A, Cunningham L. of Barnes.

THis is no small Miserie of us Islanders that, as exiled, we can not take a view of Gods fair and spacious Earth without crossing the stormy, braking and deceitful Seas; And it is no less a miserie here in this part of our Island, that can hardly repair unto you demi-Islanders without dancing and tossing on your arm of Sea; of all pastimes and exer­cises I like sailing worst, and had rather attend the Hun­ters and Faulkoners many daies, ere I sailed one half day. It it is a part of Noah [...] Judgement: If it shall be my good fortune to arrive in your Island, prepare no Games of strength for our recreation, and after a saciety of discourse and reading, let us not trouble our selves with any sedentary pastimes; the Dies are for the end of a Drum amongst Souldiers, the Tables for Goutish and apoplectick persons to make them move their joints; the Cards for wo­men to observe their discretion. But if we shall have a de­sire of change of thoughts, let us not refuse the Chesse, the onely Princely Game (next Government) in the World, yea the true Image and Pourtraict of it, and training of Kings. Here is a King defended, by a Lady, two Bishops, two Knights, at the end of the Lists, with two Rooks, Fortres­ses, [Page 262] or Castles. Before those to prepare and make plain the passages, march eight Pawns, Enfantes perdues exposed to all desperate Services, every one standing for their Monarch. The Deviser of this would represent unto us a game of State. First for the Bishops; that nearest to Kings should be Eccle [...] siastical grave Men, who by oblique, traverse and mystical wayes (such is their passage) should effectuate their Masters designs and safety. Though the Knights be not alwaies nearest to the Kings, it falleth forth that even as the Knights at Game of Chesse by their leap, giving an Escheke to their Kings, the Kings are constrained to change places, from which by covering and overshadowing themselves with some other piece, in any other eschekes they may escape free and exempted. So there is no danger in the State a King should so much fear as the revolt of his Nobles. For the Towers or Castles named Rooks, these are the walled Towns, which serve for a Refuge for the conservation of the Kingdom. Here is a King resembled who marcheth but one pace, whilst all the other Pieces of the Chesse boord put themselves now on the offensive, then on the defensive, for his safety. To teach Kings that it is not for them upon whose life the peace and happiness of the whole subjects rely, to expose themselves every shock and hazard of battel, as a Captain. Sith for the safety of the King, he may make an extraordinary leap from his own station to the station of the Rook or Tower, as to a Fortesse holdable and impreg nable against the greatest assaults of his Enemies. The pri­vilege of the Lady is considerable, she may sometimes pro­gresse on the waies of the Bishops, then on those of the Rooks or Towers, only she is hindred and inhibited from the leap skip bound of the Knights, as a thing undecent: Though Plato in his Republick permitteth women to fight. The Game is concluded with the Mate of the King, that is a fool or madman in the Italian. If the other pieces keep not themselves, they may, as dead, be taken and removed off the Chesse hyphen boord, but the King by loss of men loseth not the victory, he may by a hazard carry it with the meansest of his pieces, as his Army is wisely and warily conducted. The King receiveth not that disgrace in imagination as that they dream of his taking, but is enough that they bring up­on him such confusion and disarray, that blocked up and denuded of all support he cannot march to any Hold or Sta­tion. Which brought to pass, we tell he is mated, that is, either madman or fool. To signifie what disafter so ever befall a King we should not attempt on his person. More­over, even in the midst and throng of all his best pieces the mating of the King is the conclusion of the Game; which [Page 263] shews us that on the preservation or overthrow of our King the overthrow or preservation of our State dependeth. The recompence of the Pawns is not be forgotten. When they can win and ascend the furthest part of the Chesse-bord on the Sunney side, as the first which mount a breach, in this case they are surrogated in those void Rooms of the pieces of honour, which because they suffered themselves to be taken, were removed off the Boord, which in effect is to represent the punishment and guerdon due in a Com­mon-wealth to good or evil actions. The Game ended, Kings, Queens, Bishops, Knights, Pawns, peslemelled are con­fusedly thrown in the box, the conclusion of all earthly a­ctions and greatness. If Hieronymus Vida can be found with Baptista Marini his Adone, we shall not spare some houres of the night and day at their Chesse, for I affect that above the other; and here have we plaied without a Chess-boord on paper for a preamble to our meeting.

W. Drummond.

To his worthy Friend Master Benjamin Johnson.

SIR,

THe uncertainty of your abode was a cause of my silence this time past, I have adventured this packet upon hopes that a man so famous cannot be in any place either of the City or Court where he shall not be found out. In my last I sent you a description of Lough Lomond with a map of Inch-merinoch, which may be your Book be made most fa­mous with the form of the Government of Edenburgh, and the Method of the Colleges of Scotland; for all inscriptions I have been curious to find out for you, the Impressaees and Emblemes on a Bed of State wrought and embroidered all with gold and silk by the late Queen Mary mother to our sacred Soveraign, which will embbellish greatly some pages of your Book, and is worthy your remembrance; the first is the Load stone turning towards the pole, the word her Maje­sties name turned in an Anagram, Maria stuart, saverturn attire, which is not much inferiour to Veritas armats. This hath reference to a Crucifix, before which with all her Roy­all Ornaments she is humbled on her knees most lively, with the word undique; an Impressa of Mary of Lorrain her Mo­ther, a Phoenix in flames, the word en ma fin git mon com­mencement. [Page 264] The Impressa of an Apple Tree growing in a Thorn, the word Pervincula crescit. The Impressa of Henry the second the Fr [...]nch King, a Cressant, the word, Donec to­tum [...]impleat orbem. The Impress [...] of King Francis the first, a Salamander crowned in the midst of Flames, the word, Nu­trisco et extingo. The Impressa of God [...]rey of Bullogne, an row paffing throw three Birds, the word, Dederit ne viam Casusve Densve. That of Mercurius charming Argos with his hundred eyes, expressed by his Caduceus, two Flutes, and a Peacock, the word, Eloquium tot lamina clausit. Two Wo­men upon the Wheels of Fortune, the one holding a Lance, the other a Cornucopia; which Impressa seemeth to glaunce at Queen Elizabeth and her self, the word Fortunae Comites. The Impressa of the Cardinal of Lorrain her Uncle, a Pyra­mide overgrown with Ivy, the vulgar word, Te stante virebo; a Ship with her Mast broken and fallen in the Sea, the word, Nunquam nisi rectum. This is for her self and her Son, a Big Lyon and a young Whelp beside her, the word, unum quidem, sed Leonem. An embleme of a Lyon taken in a Net, and Hares wantonly passing over him, the word, Et lepores d [...] ­victo insultant Leone. Gammomel in a garden, the word, Fructus calcata dat amplos. A Palm Tree, the word, Ponde­ribus virtus inna [...]a resistit. A Bird in a Cage, and a Hawk fly­ing above▪ with the word il mal me preme et me spavent a Peggio. A Triangle with a Sun in the middle of a Circle, the word, Trino non convenit orbis. A Porcupine amongst Sea Rocks, the word, ne volutetur. The Impressa of King Henry the eight a Port [...]ulles, the word altera secu [...]itas. The Impressa of the Duke of Savoy, the annunciation of the Vi [...]gin Mary, the word Fortitudo ejus R [...]odum tenuit. He had kept the Is [...] of Rhod [...]s, Flourishes of Arms, as Helms, Launces, Co [...]sl [...]ts, Pike [...], M [...]skets, Canons and the word, Dab [...]t Deus his quoque finem. A Tree planted iu a Church-yard en­vironed with dead mens bones, the word, Piet as revocabit ab orco. Ecclipses of the Sun and the Moon, the word, Ip­sa sibi lumen quod invidet anfert; glauncing, as may appear at Queen Elizabeth. Brennos Ballances a sword cast in to weigh Gold, the word, Quid nisi Victis dolor? A Vine tree watred with Wine, which instead to m [...]ke it spring and grow, ma­k [...]th it fade, the word, Mea sic mihi prosunt. A wheel rol­led from a Mountain in the Sea, Pien [...] di dolor voda de Speren­z [...]. Which appeareth to be her own, and it should be Pre­cipitio senz [...] speranza. A heap of Wings and Feathers dis­persed, the word, Magnatum Vicinitas. A Trophie upon a Tree, with Mytres, Crowns, Hats, Masks, Swords, Books, and a Woman with a Vail about her eyes or muffled, point­ing to some about her, with this word, Vt casus dederit.

[Page 263]Three Crowns, two opposite, and another above in the Sea, the word, Aliamque moratur. The Sun in an Ecclipse, the word, Medio occidet Die.

I omit the Arms of Scotland, England, and France seve­rally by themselves, and all quartered in many places of this Bed. The work manship is curiously done, and above all value, and truely it may be of this Piece said Materiam super­abat opus.

I have sent you (as you desired) the Oath which the old valiant Knights of Scotland gave, when they received the Order of Knighthood, which was done with greater so­lemnity and magnificence.

W. Drummond.
Iuly 1. 1619.

To his Worthy Friend M. A. G.

I Never found any greater folly in the actions of Men than to see some busie themselves to understand the accidents to come of their lives; This knowledge of things to come not revealed to us, is no ways needful for us. Wheresoever this superstition is once received, Men are driven, and, as it were haunted with Furies, and are deprived of all calmness, quietness and rest. I never knew any who had recourse to those unlawful curiosities who liv'd the ordinary age of man. God omnipotent removing his Grace from them giveth them over to fall under the Fate of their own fears. By the credu­lity and violent desire of him who inquireth to know these things, Astrological Predictions come to pass, not by the nature of the things themselves, which are fortuital events, and have no natural causes, being voluntary. The mistakings and un­certainties of these Predictions, should make us contemn them, Astrologi fingunt non docent. The truth of Astrological Predictions is not to be refer'd to the constellations of heaven, the Genethliaticks have other observations than the Stars; they conjecture by the disposition, temper, complection of the per­son, by the physiognomy, age, parents, education, acquain­tance, familiarity, conversation, out of all which they collect many apparences, possibilities, likely hoods: and their pro­phecies are refer'd ad Sort [...]em, ad Pacta, ad Prudentiam consul­torum, & stultitiam Consulentium; the sagacity of the Astrolo­ger, the blokishnes of the Consulter. Of Contingencies, no certain knowledge can be obtained by Art.

[Page 264]But all those events which Astrologers aver to come are fortuital and casual contingents, then they cannot be learned or known by any precepts of Art. How can a Caldean by that short minute, instant, moment of time in which a man is born, set down the div [...]rse changes, mutations▪ accidents of his life? if we were to consider of those things, it would appear we should not be solicitous so much, and take notice how the air is affected at the infants coming in this world, as we should observe and respect the matter and disposition of the whole body, in whi [...]h a greater virtue is infused, or of the time of the conception. Then how unlikely is it, and without any s [...]mblance of truth, that the many almost numberles conjun­ction of Stars, which occur and present themselvs in the pro­gress of a Mans life, should match and countervail that one Horoscope or Conjunction which is found at his birth? More­over to find out and know the actions of the free will of a man of what importance should we hold nourishment, education, age, the place, his conversation, every one of which after their own manner contributing to the constitution and complexi­on of the person, how great effects must all these together produce? If that moment of the time of birth be of such moment, whence proceeederh the great differences of the constitutions of Twins, which though together born, have strange, divers and contrary [...]ortunes in the progress of their lives? all that knowledge (if there be any such?) of things contingent to which we attain by the aspects of Stars, is un­certain frivolous and changeable. This the Devils them­selves consessed, when upon consultations of things to come for the most part they gave doubtful and ambiguous an­swers. The Stars are not malignant mischeivous, spitefull, nor by their aspects malicious, if they were such, that should be either by election or nature. They are not by Election, for then th [...]y should have senses and fouls, and as Animals be troubled with perturbations, and tossed like unto us, which followe [...]h election. They are not malitious by nature, sith God created them, and God is not a Creator of what is evil: nor is the framer wh [...]ts not good; the Heavens are all good and in every degree and figure the divine bounty shineth. Why do not Astrologers at their pleasure procreate Kings, for they have no great labour but to choose out opportun [...]m ho [...]rnt, and ask counsel of the fatal Stars? Had Giges, who of a servant became a King, a kingly aspect, or Servius Tullus or that Tartar Tamerlane royal Images and figures? Vain should all Laws be, all sentences and doom of Judges, vain the Rewards of virtue and good men; vain the punishments of vices and evils, if the great beginnings and Originals of them were compelled, driven and forced, and if what is just [Page 267] or wrong were not in a man himself. The Thief should not be a Thief, the Murtherer a Murtherer, wicked and unjust they should not be, the one being necessitated to steel, the o­ther to shed bloud by the Stars. Trust in the first cause God Almighty, and scorn vain Predictions. That infinit eternal essence, though the Stars should incline, yea necessitate, and be averse, can countermand and turn them propitious: All things turn unto the best unto such as rely on his Eter­nal goodness:

W. Drummond.

A CYPRESSE GROVE.

THough it hath bin doubted if there be in the soul such imperious and super-excellent power, as that it can by the vehement and earnest working of it, deliver knowledge to another without bodily Organs and by the onely conceptions and Ideas of it produce real Effects; yet it hath bin ever and of all held as infallible and most cretain, that it often (either by out ward inspiration, or some secret mo­tion in it self) is augure of its own misfortunes, and hath shadows of approaching dangers presented unto it be­fore they fall [...]orth. Hence so many strange apparitions and signs, true visions, uncouth heaviness, and causeless un­comfortable languishings, of which to seek a reason, unless from the sparkling of God in the Soul, or from the God­like sparkles of the Soul, were to make unreasonable by rea­soning of things transcending her reach.

[Page 270]Having often and diverse times, when I had given my self to rest in the quiet solitariness of the Night, found my ima­gination troubled with a confused fear, no, sorrow or hor­ror, which interrupting▪ sleep did astonish my senses, and rowse me all appalled, and transported in a suddain agony and amazedness; of such an unaccustomed perturbation, not knowing, nor being able to dive into any apparent cause, carried away with the stream of my then doubting thoughts, I began to ascribe it to that secret fore-knowledge and pre­saging power of the prophetick mind, and to interpret such an Agony to be to the Spirit as a faintness and universal weariness useth to be to the body, a sign of following sick­ness, or as winter Lightnings or Earth quakes are to Com­mon▪ wealths and great Cities, Harbingers of more wretch­ed events.

Hereupon not thinking it strange if whatsoever is human should befall me, knowing how providence overcoms grief, and discountenances Crosses; and that as we should not de­spair of evils which may happen to us, we should not be too confident, nor lean much to those Goods we enjoy; I be­gan to turn over in my remembrance all that could afflict miserable Mortality, and to fore-cast every thing that with a Mask of horror could shew it self to humane eyes: till in the end, as by unities and points, Mathematicians are brought to great numbers, and huge greatne [...]s; after many fantastical glances of the woes of mankind, and those incum­brances which follow upon life, I was brought to think, and with amazement, on the last of humane terrors, or (as one termed it) the last of all dreadful and terrible Evils, Death.

For to ea [...]ie censure it would appear, that the Soul, if it fore see that divorcement which it is to have from the bo­dy, should not without great reason be thus over-grieved, and plunged in inconsolable and unaccustom'd sorrow: con­sidering their near union, long famil [...]arity and love, with the great change, pain, unliness, which are apprehended to be the in separable attendents of Death.

They had their being together, parts they are of one rea­sonable Creature, the ha [...]ming of the one, is the weakning of the working of the other; what sweet contentments doth the soul enjoy by the senses? They are the Gates and Win­dows of its knowledge, the Organs o [...] its Delight. If it be [...]edious to an excellent player on the Lute, to abide but a few Moneths the want of one, how much more the being with­out such noble Tools and Engines be plainful to the soul? And if two Pilgrims which have wandred some few miles together, have a hearts-grief when they are neer to part, what must the sorrow be at the parting of two so loving [Page 271] Friends and never-loathing Lovers, as are the Body and Soul?

Death is the violent estranger of acquaintance, the eternal Divorcer of Mariage, the Ravisher of the children from the Paren [...]s, the S [...]ealer of Parents from their children, the in­terr [...]r o [...] Fame, the sole cause of forgetfulnesse, by which the living talk of those gone away as o [...] so many Shadowes or age-worn Stories: all strength by it is enseebled, Beauty tu [...]ned into deformity and rot [...]enness, honour in contempt, Glo [...]y into basenesse. It is the reasonless breaker off of all Acti [...]ns, by which we enjoy no more the sweet pleasures of Earth, nor gaze upon the stately revolutions of the Hea­vens, Sunne perpetually setteth, Stars never rise unto us, It in one moment robbe [...]h us of what with so great toyl and care in many years we have heaped together: By this are Successions of Linages cut short, kingdomes left heirless, and greatest States orphaned: it is not overcome by Pride, [...]mothered by Flattery, diverted by time, Wisedome save this can prevent and help every thing. By death we are exiled from this fair City of the World, it is no more a World unto us, nor we no more a people unto it. The ruines of Phanes, Palaces, and other magnificent Frames, y [...]eld a sad prospect to the soul, and how should it without horrour view the wrack of such a wounderful Master-piece as is the body?

That death naturally is terrible and to be abhorred, it can not well and altogether be denyed, it being a privation of life, and a not-being, and every privation being abhorred of nature, and evil in it self, the fear of it too being ingene­rate universally in all Creatures; yet I have often thought that even naturally to a mind by onely nature resolved and prepa [...]ed, it is more terrible in conceit than in verity, and at the first Glance, than when well pryed into, and that rather by the weakness of our fantasie, than by what is in it, and that the marble colours, of Obsequies, Weeping, and fu­neral pomp (which we our selves castover) did add much more ghast [...]inesse unto it than otherwaies it hath. To aver which conclusion, when I had gatherd my wandring thoughts I began thus with my self.

If on the great Theatre of this Earth amongst the num­berless number of men, To dy were onely proper to thee and thine, then und [...]ubtedly thou hadst reason to repine at so severe and partial a Law? but since it is a necessity, from the which never an age by-past hath been exempted, and unto which they which be, and so many as are to come, are thral­led (no consequent of life being more common and familiar) why shouldst it thou with unprofitable and nought availing [Page 270] stubbornness, oppose to so unevitable and necessary a Con­dition? this is the high-way of Mortality, our general home, behold what millions have trode it before thee, what mul­titudes shall after thee, with them which at that same instant run. In so universal a calamity (if Death be one) private complaints cannot be heard, with so many Royal Palaces, it is no loss to see thy poor C [...]ban burn. Shall the heavens stay their ever-roling wheels (for what is the motion of them but the motion of a swift and ever whirling wheel, which twineth forth, and again uprolleth our life?) and hold still time, to prolong thy miserable daies, as if the highest of their working were to do homage unto thee? thy death is a peice of the Order of this All, a part of the Life of this world, for while the World is the World, some Creatures must dy, and others take life. Eternal things are raised far above this Sphere of Generation and Corruption, where the first Mat­ter, like an ever flowing and ebbing Sea, with divers waves, but the same water, keepeth a restless and never tyring cur­rent; what is below, in the universality of the kind, not in it self doth abide, Man a long line of years hath continued, This man every hundred is swept away. This Globe environed with air, is the sole Region of death, the Grave where every thing that taketh life must rott, the Stage of Fortune and Change, onely glorious in the unconstancy and varying alterations of it, which though many seem yet to abide one, and being a certain entire one, are ever many. The never agreeing bodies of the Elemental Bre­thren turn one in another, the Earth changeth her counte­nance with the seasons, sometimes looking cold, and na­ked, other times hot and flowry: Nay, I cannot tell how, but even the lowest of those Celestial bodies, that mother of moneths, and Empress of Seas and moisture, as if she were a Mirrour of our constant mutability appeareth (by her too great neerness unto us) to participate of our changes, never seeing us twice with that same face, now looking black, then pale and wan, sometimes again in the perfecti­on and fulnesse of her beauty shining over us. Death no lesse than life doth here act a part, the taking away of what is old, being the making away for what is young. They which forewent us did leave a Room for us, and should we grieve to do the same to those which should come after us? who being suffered to see the exquisite rarities of an Anti­quaries Cabinet is grieved that the curtain he drawn and to give place to new pilgrims? and when the Lord of this Uni­verse hath shewed us the amazing wonders of his various frame. should we take it to heart, when he thinketh time, to dislodge? this is his unalterable and unevitable Decree, as [Page 271] we had no part of our will in our entrance into this l [...]i [...]e, we should not presume of any in our leaving it, but sober­ly learn to will that which he wills, whose very will gi­veth being to all that it wills, and reverencing the Orderer, not repine at the Order and Laws, which al-where and all­waies are so perfectly established, that who would essay to correct and amend any of them, should either make them worse, or desire things beyond the level of possibility.

If thou doest complain that there shall be a time in the which thou shalt not be, why dost thou not too grieve that there was a time in the which thou waste not? and so that thou art not as old as that enlifening Planet of time? for not to have been a thousand years before this moment, is as much to be deplored as not to live a thousand after it, the effect of them both being one: that will be after us which long long before we were, was. Ous Childrens children have that same reason to murmur that they were not young men in our daies, which we have to complain that we shall not be old in theirs. The Violets have their time, though they impurple not the Winter, and the Roses keep their season though they disclose not their beauty in the Spring.

Empires, States, Kingdomes, have by the doom of the Supreme Providence their fatal Pe [...]i [...]ds, great Citiesly sad­ly buried in their dust, Arts and Sciences have not only their Ecclipses, but their wainings and deaths, the ghastly won­ders of the world, raised by the ambition of ages are over­thrown and trampled, some Lights above, not idly intitled Stars, are loosed and never more seen of us: The excellent Fabrick of this Universe it self shall one day suffer ruin, or a change like a ruin, and poor Earthlings thus to be handled complain.

But is this Life so great a good, that the loss of it should be so dear unto Man? if it be? the meanest Creatures of Nature thus be happy, for they live no lesse than he: If it be so great a [...]elicity, how is [...] it esteemed of Man him­self at so small a rate, that for so poor gains, nay, one dis­graceful word, he will not stand to loose it? what excel­lency is there in it, for the which he should desire it per­petual, and repi [...]e to be at rest, and return to his old Grand-mother Dust? of what moment are the labours and actions of it, that the interruption and leaving off of them should be to him distastful, and with such grudging lamenta­tions receive?

Is not the entering into Life weaknesse? the continuing sorrow? in the one here is exposed to all the injuries of the Elements, and like a condemned trespasser (as if it were a [Page 272] fault to come to the light) no sooner born than mancled and bound; in the other he is restlesly like a Ball tossed in the Te­nis Court of this World, when he is in the brightest Meri­dian of his glory, there mistereth nothing to destroy him, but to let him fall his own height, a reflex of the Sun, a blast of wind, nay, the glance of an eye, is sufficient to undo him: How can that be any great matter, which so small instruments and slender actions are masters of?

His body is but a mass of discording humors boiled toge­ther by the conspiring influences of superior lights, which though agreeing for a trace of time, yet can never be made uniform, and kept in a just proportion. To what sickness is it subject unto, beyond those of the other creatures; no part of it being which is not particularly infected and afflicted by some one, nay, every part with many so that the life of di­vers of the meanest creatures of nature hath with great rea­son, by the most wife, been preferred to the natural life of man: and we should rather wonder how so fragil a matter should so long endure, than how sosoon decay.

Are the actions of the most part of men, much diffe­ring from the exercise of the Spider that pitcheth toyls and is tapist, to pray on the smaller Creatures, and for the weaving of a scornful web evisceateth it self many daies, which when with much industry finished, a tempestuous pusse of wind carrieth away both the work and the wor­ker? or are they not like the plaies of Children? or (to hold them at their highest rate) as is a May-Game, or what is more earnest, some study at Chesse, every day we rise and lie down, apparel and disapparrel our selves, weary our bodies and refresh them, which is a circle of idle Travels, and labours (like penelopes task) unpro­fitably renewed. Some time we are in a chase after a fa­ding Beauty, now we feek to enlarge our bounds, in­crease our treasure, feeding poorly, to purchase what we mnst leave to those we never saw, or (happily) to a Fool, or a Prodigal heire: raised with the wind of Ambition, we Court that idle name of Honour, not considering how they mounted aloft in the highest ascendant of Earthly Glory, are but like tortured Ghosts wandring with golden fetters in glistering Prisons▪ having fear and danger their un­seperable executioners, in the midst of multitudes rather garded than regarded; they whom opake imaginations and inward melancholy, have made weary of the world, though they have withdrawn themselves from the course of vulgar affairs, by vain contemplations, curious searches, are more disquieted, and live a life worse than others▪ their wit being to sharp to give them a taste of their present infelicity, [Page 273] and to increase their wo [...]s; while they of a more shallow and simple conceit, have want of knowledge and ignorance of themselves, for a remedy and antidote against all t [...]e ca­lamities of life.

What Camelion, what Euripe, what Moon doth change so often as man? he seemeth not the same person, in one and the same day, what pleaseth him in the morning is in the evening unto him distast [...]ul. Young he scorns his childish conceits, and wading deeper in years (for years are a Sea, into which he wadeth until he drown) he estee­meth his Youth Unconstancy, Rashnesse, Folly; Old he begins to pitty himselfe, plaining, because he is chan­ged that the world is changed, like those in a Ship, which when they launch from the shore, are brought to think the shore doth flye from them. When he is freed of evil in his own estate, he grudges and vexes himself at the hap­piness and fortunes of others, he is pressed with care for what is present, with sorrow for what is past, with fear for what is to come, nay, for what will nev [...]r come, as in the eye one tear forceth out another, so makes he one sorrow follow upon a former, and every day lay up stuff of grief for the next.

The Air, the Sea, the Fire, the Beasts, be cruel ex­ecutioners of man, yet Beasts, Fire, Sea and Aire, are pittyful to man in comparison of man, for more men are destroyed by men, than by them all. What scornes, wrongs, contumelys, imprisonments, [...]orments, poysons, receiv [...]th man of man? What engynes and new workes of death are dayly found forth by man against man? What Laws to thrall his liberty? fantasies and scarbugs, to inveigle his reason? Amongst the Beastes is there any that hath so ser­vile a lot in anothers behalf as Man? yet neither is content, nor he who raigne [...]h nor he who se [...]veth.

The half of our life is spent in Sleepe, which hath such a resemblance to death, that often it seperats as it were the Soule from the body, and teacheth it a sort of being above it, making it soare beyond the Speare of sensuall delights, and attaine Knowledge unto which while the body d [...]d awake it could scarce aspire. And who would not, rather than abide chained in his loathsom galey of the world sleep ever, (that is dye) having all thinges at one Stay be free from those vexations, misadventers, contempts, indig [...]itys▪ and many many anguishes, unto which, this life is in­vasseled and subdued? and when looking unto our greatest contentment and happiness heere, seemeth rather to consist in the being released from misery, than in the [...]njoying of any great good.

[Page 274]W [...]at have th [...] most eminent of mortals to glory in? Is it Greatness? Who can be great on so small a round as is this E [...]rth, and bounded with so short a course of time? How like is that to Castles or imaginary Cities raised in the Sky by Chance meeting Clouds? Or to Gyants modelled (for a sport) of Snow, which at the hoter looks of the Sun melt away, and ly drowned in their own moisture? such an impetuous vicissitude towseth the estates of this World. Is it knowledge? But we have not yet attained to a perfect understanding of the smallest Flower, and why the Grasse should rather be green than read. The Element of Fire is quite put out, the Air is but water rarified, the Earth mo­ve [...]h, and is no more the Center of the Universe, is turn­ed into a Magnes; Stars are not sixed, but swim in the E­therial spaces, Comets are mounted above the Planets, some assirm there is another world of men and creatures, with Cities and Towers in the Moon, the Sun is lost, for it is but a cleft in the lower heaven [...], through which the light, of the high [...]st shines. Thus Sciences by the diverse moti­ons of this Globe of the brain of man are become opinions. What is all we know, compared▪ with what we know not? We have not yet agreed about the chief good and feli­citye. It is (perhaps) Artificial Cunning, how many curiosities be framed by the least Creatures of Nature, unto which the industry of the most curious Artizanes doth not again? Is it Riches? what are they but the cas [...]ing out of Friends, the Snares of liberty, bands to such as have them? poss [...]ssing rather, then possest, metals which nature hath hid (fore-seeing the great harm they should oc­casion) and the onely opinion of man hath brought in e­stimation? like Thornes which laid on an open hand, may be blown away, and on a closing and hard gripping, wound it, Prodigals mispend them, wretches miskeep them: when we have gathered the greatest abundance, we our selves can enjoy no more thereof, than so much as belongs to one man: what great and rich men do by others▪ the meaner sort do themselves. Will some talk of our pleasures? it is not (though in the fables) told out of purpose, that plea­sure in hast being called up to Heaven, did here forget her apparel, which Sorrow thereafter [...]inding (to deceive the world) attired her self with: And if we would say the truth of most of our joies, we must confess that they are but disguised sorrows; the drams of th [...]ir Honey are [...]ow­red in pounds of G [...]ll, remorse ever enseweath them, nay in some they have no effect at all if some wakening grief hath not preceded and forewent them. Will some Ladies vaunt of their beauty? that is but skin-deep, of two sen­ [...]s [Page 275] onely known, short even of Marble Statues and Pi­ctures, not the same to all eyes, dangerous to the B [...]hold­er, and hurtful to the Possessor, an enemy to Chasti [...]ie▪ a thing made to delight others, more than those which have it, a superficial lustre hiding bones and the brains, things fearful to be looked upon, growth in years doth blaste it, or sickness, or sorrow preventing them. Our strength mat­ched with that of the urneasonable Creatures, is but weak­ness: all we can set our eyes on, in these intricate mazes of life, is but vain perspective and deceiving shadows, appear­ing far otherwise afar off, than when injoied and gazed upon in a ne [...]r distance.

If death be good, why should it be feared? And if it be the wo [...]k of nature, how should it not be good? for nature is an Ordinance and Rule, which God hath established in the creating this Vniverse (as is the Law of a king) which cannot err. Sith in him there is no impotency and weak­ [...]esse, by the which he might bring forth what is unperfect, no perverseness of will, of which might proceed any vici­ous action, no ignorance by the which he might go wrong in working, being most powerful, most good, most wise, nay, all-wise, all-good, all powerful; He is the first Orderer, and marshalleth every other Order, the highest Ess [...]nce, giving essence to all other things, of all causes the cause, he worketh powerfully, bounteously, wisely, and maketh (his Artificial Organ) nature do the same. How is not Death of Nature? sith what is naturally generate, is subject to corruption, and such an harmony (which is life) rising from the mixture of the four Elements, which are the Ingredients of our bodie, can not ever endure; the contrariety of their qualities (as a consuming Rust in the bas [...]r Mettals) being an inward cause of a necessary dissou­tion. Again, how is not Death good? sith it is the thaw of all those vanities which the frost of life bindeth together▪ If there be a saciety in life, then must there be a sweetnesse in Death? The Earth were not ample enough to contain her off-spring if none dyed: in two or three Ages (without death) what an unpleasant and lamentable Spectacle, were the most flourishing Cities? for what should there be to be seen in them, save bodies languishing and courbing again into the Earth? pale disfigured faces, Skelitons instead of men? and what to be heard, but the exclamations of the young, complaints of the old, with the pittiful cries of sick and pining persons? there is almost no infirmity worse than age.

If there be any evil in death; it would appear to be that pain and torment, which we apprehend to aris [...] from [Page 276] the breaking of those strait bands which keep the Soul and body together; which, sith not without great struggling and motion, seemes to prove it self vehement and most extreme. The senses are the only cause of pain, but before the last Trances of Death, they are so brought under that they have no (or very little) strength, and their strength lessening, the strength of pain too must be lessened. How should we doubt, but the weakness of sense lesseneth pain, sith we know that weakened and maimed parts which receive not nourishment, are a great deal less sensible, than the other parts of the body; And see that old decrepit per­sons leave this world almost without pain, as in a sleep? If bodies of the most sound and wholesome constitution be these which most vehemently feel pain? it must then fol­low, that they of a distemperate and craisie constitution, have least feeling of pain, and by this reason all weak and sick bodies should not much feel pain, for if they were not dist [...]mpered and evil complexioned, they would not be sick. That the Sight, Hearing, Taste, Smelling leave us with­out pain, and unawares, we are undoubtedly assured, and why should we not think the same of the Feeling? That which is capable of feeling, are the vital Spirits, which in a man in a perfit health are spread and extended through the whole body, and hence is it that the whole Body is ca­p [...]ble of pain; but in dying bodies we see that by pauses and degrees the parts which are furthest removed from the heart, become cold, and being deprived of natural heat, all the pain which they feel, is that they do feel no pain. Now, even as before the sick are aware, the vital spirits have withdrawn themselves from the whole extension of the bo­dy, to succour the heart (like distressed Citizens which finding their walls battered down, fly to the defence of thei [...] (ittadel) so do they abandon the heart without any sensible touch: As the flame, the oyl failing, leaveth the wick, or as light the Air, which it doth invest. As to the shrinking motions, and convulsions of sinews and mem­bers, which appear to witness great pain, let one represent to himself the strings of an high tuned Lute, which break­ing, retire to their natural windings, or a piece of Ice▪ that without any outward violence cracketh at a Thaw: No o­therwise do the finews of the body; [...]inding themselves [...]lack and unbended from the brain, and their wonted la­bours and motions cease, struggle, and seem to stir them­selves, but without either pain or sense. Swoning is a true Pourtrait of Death, or rather it is the same, being a cessation from all action, and function of sense and life: but in Swoning there is no pain, but a [...]ilent rest, and so deep [Page 277] an [...] [...] a sl [...]ep, that the natural is nothing in compar [...]on of it; wh [...]t great pain then can there be in death, which is but a continued Swowning, and a never again returning to the works and dolorous felicity of life?

Now although Dea [...]h were an extream pain, sith it is in an inst [...]nt, what'can it be? why should we fear it? for while we a [...]e, it commeth not, and it being come we are no more. Nay, though it were most painful, long continuing, and terrible, ugly why should we [...]ear it? Sith fear is a foolish passion but where it may preserve; but it cannot preserve us from Death, yea rather the fear of it, banishing the comforts of present con [...]entments, makes death to advance and approach the more near unto us. That is ever terrible w [...]ich is unknown, so do littl [...] children fear to go in the dark, and their fear is increased with tales.

But that perhaps which anguisheth thee most, is to have this glorious pageant of the World, removed from thee, in the Spring and most delicious season of thy life, for though to dy be usual, to dy young may appear extraordi­nary. If the present fruition of these things be unprofita­ble and vain, what can a long continuance of them bee? Stranger and new Halcyon, why would thou longer nestle admidst these unconstant and stormy Waves? Hast thou not already suffered enough of this world, but thou must yet endu [...]e more? To live long, is it not to be long troubled? But number thy years which are now and thou shalt find, that whereas ten have overlived thee, thousands have not attained this age. One ye [...]r is sufficient to behold all the magnificence of Nature, nay, even one day and night for more is but the same brought again. This Sun, that Moon, these Stars, the varying dance of the Spring, Sum­mer, Autumn, winter, is that very same which the gol­den age did see. They which have the longest time lent them to live in, have almost no part of it at all, measuring it either by the space of time which is past, when they were not, or by▪ that which is to come: why shouldst thou then care, whether thy daies be many or few, which when pro­longed to the uttermost, prove, paralel'd with eternity, as a Tear is to the Ocean? To dy young, is to do that soon, and in some fewer daies, which once thou must do; it is the [...] ­ving over of a Game that after never so many hazards, must be lost. VVhen thou hast lived to that age thou desirest, [...] one of Plato's years, so soon as the last of thy daies riseth [...]bove thy Horizon, thou wilt then as now, demand lon­ger respit, and exspect more to come. It is Hope of long life, that maketh life seem short. VVho will behold, and with the eye of advice behold the many changes attending [Page 278] on humane affairs, with the after-claps of Fortune, shall n [...]v [...]r lament to dy young. Who knows what alterations and sudden disasters, in outward estate or inward content­ments▪ in this wildernefs of the world, might have befallen him who dyeth young, if he had lived to be old? Heaven fore-knowing imminent harms, taketh those which it loves to it self before they fall forth. Pure and (if we may so say) Virgin Souls, carry their bodies with no smal agonys, and delight not to remain long in the dregs of humane corrup­tion, stil burning with a desire to turn back to the place of their rest, for this world is their Inn, and not their Home. That which may fall forth every hour, cannot fal out of time. Life is a Journey in a dusty way, the furthest Rest is Death, in this some go more heavily burdened than others: swift and active Pilgrims come to the end of it in the morn­ing or at Noon, which Tortoise [...]paced Wretches, clogged with the fragmentary rubbidge of this world, s [...]arce with great travel cr [...]wl unto at Midnight. Dai [...]s are not to be esteemed after the number of them, but after the goodness: more co [...]passe maketh not a Sphear more compleat, but as round is a little as a large Ring; nor is that Musitian most praise-worthy who hath longest played, but he in measured accents who hath made sweetest melody, to live long [...]ath often been a let to live well. Muse not how many years thou mightest have enjoyed life, but now sooner thou mightst have lossed it, neither grudge so much that is no better, as comfort thy self that it hath been no worse: let it suffice that thou hast lived till this day, and (af­ter the course of this world) not for nought, thou hast had some smiles of fortune, favors of t [...]e worthiest, some friends and thou hast never been disfavoured of the Heaven.

Though not for Life it self, yet that to after-worlds thou mightst leave some monument that once thou wast, happi­lie in the clear light of Reason, it would appear that life were earnestly to be desired: for sith it is denyed us to live ever (said one) let us leave some worthy Remem­brance of our once here being, and draw out this Spanne of life to the greatest length, and so far as is possible. O poor ambi [...]ion? to what I pray thee maiest thou concreded [...]t? Arches and stately Temples, which one age doth raise, doth not another raze, Tombs and adopted Pillars, ly buried with those which were in them buried: Hath not Avarice defaced, what Religion did make glorious? all that the hand of man can uprear, is either overturned by the hand of man, or at length by standing and continuing consum­ed▪ as if there were a secret opposition in fate, the unevitable decr [...]e of the Eternal, to controul our indust [...]y, and con­tercheck [Page 279] all our devices and proposing. P [...]ssessions are not enduring, Children loose their names, Families glory­ing (like Marigolds in the Sunne) on the highest top of Wealth and Honour (no better than they which are not yet born) leaving off to be; So doth Heaven confound what we endeavour by labour and art to destinguish. That renown by Papers, which is thought to make men immor­tal, and which nearest doth approach the life of these e­ternal bodies above, how slender it is, the very word of paper doth import, and what is it when obtained, but a multitude of words, which comming Times may scorn. How many millions never hear the names of the most fa­mous Writers, and amongst them to whom they are known, how few turn over their pages, and of such as do, how many sport at their conceits, taking the verity for a fable, and oft a fable for verity, or (as we do pleasants) use all for recreation? Then the ari [...]ing of more famous, doth darken, and turn ignoble the glory of the former, being held as gar­ments worn out of fashion. Now, when thou hast attained what praise thou couldst desire, and thy fame is emblazon'd in many Stories, it is but an Eccho, a meer Sound, a Glow­worm, which seen afar, casteth some cold beams, but ap­proached is found nothing, an imaginary happiness, whose good depends on the opinion of others: Desert and Virtue for the most part want Monuments and memory, seldome are (recorded in the Volumes of admiration, while Sta­tues and Trophies, are erected to those, whose names should have been buried in their dust, and folded up in the darkest clouds of oblivion: So do the rank Weeds in this Garden of the World choak and over-run the sweetest Flowers Ap­plause whilst thou livest, serveth but to make thee that fair mark against which Envy and Malice direct their Arrows, at best is like that Syracusians Sphear of Chrystal, as frail as fair: and born after thy death▪ it may as well be ascribed, to some of those were in the Trojan Horse, or to such as are yet to be born an hundred years hereafter, as to thee, who nothing knowes, and is of all unknown. What can it avail thee to be talked of, whilst thou art not? Consider in what bounds our fame is confined, how narrow the lifts are of humane Glory, and the furthest she can stretch her wings. This Globe of the Earth which seemeth huge to us, in respect of the Universe, and compared with that wide wide pavilion of Heaven, is less than little, of no sensi­ble quantity, and but as a point: for the Horizon which boundeth our sight, divideth the heaven as in two halfs, ha­ving alwaies six of the Zodiack signs above, and as many un­der it, which if the Earth had any qantity compared to it, [Page 280] it could not do. More, it the Ea [...]th were not as a point, the Stars could not still in all parts of it appear to us of a like greatnesse, for where the Earth raised it self in Mountains, we being more near to Heaven, they would appear to us of a greater quantity; and where it is humbled in Vallies, we being further distant they would seem unto us l [...]sse; But the starres in all parts of the Earth appearing of a like greatnesse, and to every part of it the Heaven impar­ting to our sight the half of its inside, we must avou [...]h it to be but as a point. Well did one compare it to an Ant-hill, and men (the Inhabitants) to so many Pis­mires and Grashoppers, in the toil and variety of their diversifyed studies. Now of this small indivisible thing, thus compared, how much is covered with Waters? how much not at all discovered? how much unhabited and de­sart? and how many millions of millions are they, which share the remnant amongst them, in languages, customes, divine rites differing, and all almost to others unknown? But let it be granted that glory and Fame are some great matter, and can reach Heaven it self, [...]ith they are oft bu­ried with the honoured, and passe away in so fleet a revolution of time, what great good can they have in them? How is not glory Temporal, if it increase with years and depend on time? Then imagine me (for what cannot imagination reach unto?) one could be famous in all times to come, and over the whole World present, yet shall he ever be obscure and ignoble to those mighty Ones, which were onely here­tofore esteemed famous amongst the Assyrians, Persians, Romans. Again the vain aff [...]ctation of man is so sup­pressed, that though his Works abide some space, the Worker is unknown: the huge Egyptian Pyramides, and that Grot in Pausilipo, though they have wrestled with time▪ and worn upon the wast of Daies, yet are their Au­thors no more known, than it is known by what strange Earth-quakes, and deluges, Isles were divided from the Continent; or Hills bursted forth of the Valleys [...] Dayes, Moneths▪ and Years are swallowed up in the great [...]Gulf of time (which puts out the eyes of all their glory) and onely a fatal oblivion remains; of so many ages past, we may well figure to our selves likely apparences, but can affirm little c [...]ainty.

B [...]t (my soul) what ailes thee to be thus backward and astonished at the remembrance of Death, sith it doth not reach thee, more than darknesse doth those far-shin­ing Lamps above? Rowse thy self for shame; why shouldst thou fear to be without a body, sith thy maker and the spiritual and super-celestial Inhabitants have no bodies? [Page 281] Ha [...]t thou ever seen any Prison [...]r, who when the [...] Ga [...]es were broken up, and he enfranchised and set loose▪ would rather plain and sit still on his Fetters, than seek his freed [...]m? or any Mariner, who in the midst of Storms arriving near the Shore, would launch forth again unto the Main, rather than strike Sail and joyfully enter the leas of a safe Har­bour? If thou rightly know thy self, thou hast but small cause of anguish; for if there be any resemblance, of that which is infinite, in what is finite (which yet by an infinite imperfection is from it dist [...]nt) if thou be not an Image, thou art a shadow of that unsearch [...]b [...]e Trinity, in thy three essential Powers, Understanding, Will, Me­mory, which though three, are in thee but one, and abi­ding one, are distinctly three: But in nothing more co­mest thou near that Soveraign Good, than by thy perpetu­ity, which who strive to improve, by that same do it prove: Like those th [...]t by arguing themselves to be with­out reason, by the very arguing, shew how they have some. For, how can what is wholly mortal, more know what is immortal, than the eye can know sounds, or the ear que­stion about colours; if one had eyes, who would ever descant of light or Sorrow? To thee nothing in this visi­ble World is comparable; thou art so wounderful a beauty and so beautiful a wonder, that if but once thou couldst be gazed upon by bodily eyes, every heart would be in­flamed with thy love, and ravished from all servile base­nesse and earthly desires. Thy being depends not on matter, hence by thine understanding, doest thou dive into the being of every other thing; and therein art so preg­nant that nothing by place, similitude, subject, time, is so conjoined, which thou canst not separate; as what nei­ther is, nor any waies can exist, thou canst fain, and give an abstract being unto. Thou seemest a World in thy self. containing Heaven, Starres, Seas, Earth, Floods, Mountains, Forrests, and all that liveth: yet rests thou not satiate with what is in thy self, nor with all in the wide Universe, untill thou raise thy self, to the contemplati­on of that first illuminating Intelligence, far above time, and even reaching Eternity it self, into which thou art transformed, for by receiving thou (beyo [...]d all other things) art made that which thou receivest. The more thou know­est, the more apt thou art to know, not being amated with any object that excelleth in predo [...]inance▪ as sense by ob­jects sensible. Thy Will is uncompellable, resisting force, [...]aunting Necessity, despising D [...]nger, triumphing o­ver affliction, unmoved by pitty, and not constrained by all the toyls and disasters of life▪ What the Arts [...]master of this [Page 282] Universe is in governing this Universe, thou art in the body; and as he is wholly in every part of it, so art thou wholly in every part of the body. By thee man is that Hymen of e [...]ernal and mortal things, that chain together binding unbodied and bodily substances, without which the goodly Fabrick of this World were unperfect. Thou hast not thy begin­ning from the fecundity, power, nor action of the elemen­tal qualities, being an immediate master piece of that great Maker. Hence hast thou the forms and figures of all things imprinted in thee from thy first Original. Thou onely at once art capable of contraries, of the three parts of time, thou makest but one. Thou knowest thy self so seperate, absolute and diverse an essence from thy body, that thou dispossessed of it as it pleaseth thee, for in thee there is no passion so weak which mastereth not the fear of leaving it. Thou shouldst be so far from repining at this separation, that it should be the chief of thy desires; [...]ith it is the pas­sage and means to attain thy perfection and happiness. Thou art here but as an infected and leprous Inn, plunged in a floud of humours, oppressed with cares, suppressed with ignorance, defiled and destained with vice▪ retrograde in the course of virtue; small things seem here great un­to thee▪ and great things small, folly appeareth wisdome, and wisedome folly. Freed of thy fleshly care, thou shalt rightly discern the beauty of thy self, and have perfect frui [...]ion of that all-sufficient and all-sufficing Happinesse, which is GOD himself; to whom thou owest thy being, to him thou owest thy wel being, he and happinesse are the same. For, if GOD had not happinesse, [...]e were not GOD, because Happinesse is the highest and greatest good: If then GOD have happinesse, it cannot bee a thing differing from him; for if there were any thing in Him, differing from him, he should be an essence compo­sed and not simple, more what is differing in any thing, is either an accident or a part of it self: In GOD Happi­ness can not be an accident, because he is not subject to any accidents, if it were a part of Him (since the part is before the whole) we should be forced to grant, that some thing was before God. Bedded and bathed in these earthly, ordures thou canst not come near this Soveraign Good, nor have any glimpse of the afar-off dawning of his uncessable brightnesse, no, not so much as the eyes of the Birds of the Night have of the Sunne. Think then by death, that thy shell is broken, and thou then but even ha [...]ched, that thou art a Pearl, raised from thy Mother, to be enchaced in Gold, and that the death day of thy body, is thy birth-day to Eternity.

[Page 283]Why shouldst thou be fear-stroken, and discom [...]orted, for thy parting from this mortal Bride thy body, sith it is but for a time, and such a time, as shee shall not care for, not feel any thing in, nor thou have much need of her? Nay, sith thou shalt receive her again▪ more goodly and beautiful, than when in her fullest perfection thou en­joied her; being by her absence made like unto that In­dian Chrystal, which after some revolutions of ages, is tur­ned into purest Diamond. If the Soul be thee Form of the Body, and the form separated from the Matter of it, cannot ever so continue, but is inclined and disposed to be reunited thereinto: What can let and hinder this de­sire, but that some time it be accomplished, and obtaining the expected end, rejoin it self again unto the Body? The Soul separate hath a desire, because it hath a will, and knowes it shall by this re-union receive perfection: too as the matter is disposed, and inclineth to its form when it is without it, so would it seem that the Form should be towards its matter in the absence of it. How, is not the Soul the form of the body, sith by it, it is, and is the beginning and cause of all the actions and functions of it. For, though in excellency it passe every other form, yet doth not that excellency take from it the nature of a form? If the abiding of the Soul from the body be violent, then can it not be everlasting, but have a regress: How is not such an estate of being and abiding not violent to the Soul, if it be natural to it, to be in matter, and (separate) [...]fter a strange manner, many of the powers and facul [...]ies, of it (which never leave it) are not duly exercised? This Union feemeth not above the Horizon of natural Reason, far less impossible to be done by God, and though Reason c [...]nnot evidently here demonstrate, yet hath she a misty [...]nd groping notice. If the body shall not arise, how can [...]he onely and Soveraign Good, be perfectly and infinitely good? For, how shall he be just nay, have so much justice [...]s Man, if he suffer the evil and vicious, to have a more pro­ [...]perous and happy life, than the followers of Religion and Virtue; which ordinarily useth to fall [...]orth in this life? For, [...] most wicked are Lords and Gods of this Earth, sleeping [...]n the lee port of honour, as if the spacious habitation o [...] [...]he World had been made onely for them; and the virtu­ous and good, are but forlorn cast-awaies, floting in the surges of distress, seeming here either of the eye of provi­dence not pittied, or not regarded: being subject to all dis­honors, wrongs, wracks, in their best estate, passing away their daies (like the Dazies in the field) in silence and con­tempt. Sith then he is most good, most just, of necessity ther [...] [Page 284] must be appointed by him another time and place of retribu­tion, in the which there shall be a reward for living well, and a punishment for doing evil, with a life where into both shall receive their due; and not onely in their Souls dive­sted, for, sith both [...]he parts of man did act a part in the right or wrong, it carri [...]th great reason with it, that they both be a [...]raigned b [...]fore that [...]igh justice, to r [...]c [...]ive their own: Man is not a Soul onely, but a Soul and body, to which [...]ither guerdon or punishment is due. This seemeth to be th [...] voice of Nature in almost all the Religions of the world; this is that general testimony, charactered in the minds of the most barbarous and savage people; for, all have had some rovi [...]g ges [...]es at ages to come, and a dim duskish light of another life, all appealing to one general Judgement Throne. To what else cou [...]d serve so many expiations, sa­crific [...]s▪ prayers, solemnities, and mystical Ceremonies? To what such sumptuous T [...]mples, and care of the Dead? to what all Religion? If not to shew that they expected a more excellent m [...]nner of being, after the navigation of this life did take a [...] end. And who doth deny it, must deny that there is a Providence, a God, confess that his worship, and all study and reason of virtue are vain; and not believ that there is a world, are creatures, and that He himself is not what He is▪

As those Images were pourtraicted in my mind (the mor­ning Star now almost arising in the East) I found my thoughts mild and quiet calm; and not long after, my fenses one by one forgetting their uses, began to give themselves over to rest, l [...]aving mein a still and peaceable sleep; if sleep it may be called, where the mind awaking is carryed with free wings from ou [...] fl [...]shly bondage? For heavy lids had not long cov [...]red their lights, when I thought, nay, sure I was wher [...] I might difcern all in this great All, the large compass of the rolling Circles, the brightness and continual motion of those Rubies of the Night, which (by their distance) he [...]e below cannot be perceived; the silver countenance of the wandring Moon▪ shining by anothers light, the hanging of the Earth as (environed with a girdle of Chrystal) the Sun enthronized in the midst of the Planets, eye of the Heavens▪ Gem of this precious Ring the World. But whilst with won­der and amazement I gazed on those Celestial splendors, and the beaming Lamps of that glorious Temple, there was pre­sented to my sight a Man, as in the Spring of his years, with that self [...] same grace, comely feature, Majestick look which the late () was wont to have; on whom I had no soo­ner set mine eyes, when (like one Planet-stroken) I become amazed: But hee with a milde demeanour, and voice [Page 285] surpassing all humane sweetnesse, appeared (me thought) to say;

What is it doth thus anguish and trouble thee? Is it the remembrance of Death, the last Period of Wret­chedness, and entry to these happy places; the Lantern which lightneth men to see the mystery of the blessednesse of Spirits, and that glory which transcendeth the Cour­tain of things visible? Is thy Fortune below on that dark Globe (which scarce by the smalnesse of it appeareth h [...]re) so great, that thou art heart broken and dejected to leave it? What if thou wert to leave behind thee a (—) so glorious in the eye of the World (yet but a Mote of Dust encircled with a Pond) as that of mine, so loving (—) such great hopes, these had been apparent occasions of lamenting, and but apparent? Dost thou think thou lea­vest Life too soon? death is, best young; things fair and [...]xcellent, are not of long endurance upon Earth. Who [...]iveth well liveth long. Souls most beloved of their Ma­ker, are soonest relieved from the bleeding cares of Life, and most swift [...]y wafted through the Surges of Humane miseries. Opinion that Great Enchantresse and peiser of [...]hings, not as they are but as they seem, hath not in any [...]hing more, than in the conceit of Death abused man: Who must not measure himself, and esteem his estate, after his earthly being, which is but as a dream: For, though he [...]e borne on the Earth, he is not born for the Earth, more than the Embryon for the Mothers Womb. It Plai­neth to be delivered of its bands, and to come to the light of thi [...] World; and Man waileth to be loosed from the Chaines with which he is fettered in that valley of vanities. It nothing knoweth whither it is to go, nor ought of the beauty of the visible works of God, neither doth man of the magnificence of the Intellectual World above, unto whic [...] (as by a Mid-wife) he is directed by Death. Fools, which think that this fair and admirable Frame, so various­ly disposed, so rightly marshalled, so strongly maintained, enriched with so many excellencies, not only for necessity, but for ornament and delight, was by that Supreme wisdom brought forth, that all things in a circulary course, should be and not be, arise and dissolve, and thus continue: as if they were so many Shadowes cast out and caused by the en­countring of these Superiour Celestial bodies, cha [...]ging onely their fashion and shape, or Fantastical Imageries, or prints of faces into Chrystal. No no, the Eternal Wisdome hath made man an excellent creature, though he fain would unmake himself, and return to nothing: And though he seek his [...]elicity among the reasonless Wights, he hath [Page 286] fixed it above. Look how some Prince or great King on the Earth, when he hath raised any Stately City, the work being atchieved, is wont to set his Image in the midst of it, to be admired and gazed upon: No otherwise did the So­veraign of this All, the Fabrick of it perfected, place man (a great Miracle) formed to his own pattern, in the midst of this spacious and admirable City. God con­taineth all in him as the beginning of all; man containeth all in him as the midst of all; inferiour things be in man more noble than they exist; superiour things more meanly; Celestial things favour him, earthly things are vassalled un­to him, he is the band of both; neither is it possible but that both of them have peace with him, who made the Covenant between them and him? He was made that he might in the Glasse of the world behold the infinite Good­nesse, Power and glory of his Maker, and beholding know and knowing Love, and loving enjoy, and to hold the Earth of him as of his Lord Paramount; never ceasing to re­member and praise Him. It exceedeth the compasse of conceit, to thi [...]k that that wisdome which made every thing so orderly in the parts, should make a confusion in the whole, and the chief Master-piece; how bringing forth so many [...]xcellencies for man, it should bring forth man for baseness and miserie. And no less strange were it, that so long life should be given to Trees, Beasts, and the Birds of the Air, Creatures inferiour to Man, which have less use of it, and which cannot judge of this goodly Fabrick, and that it should not be denyed to Man: unless there were a­nother manner of living prepared for him, in a place more noble and excellent.

But alas! (said I) had it not been better that for the good of his native Countrey a () endued with so many peerlesse gifts, had yet lived? How long will yee (replyed hee) like the Ants, think there are no fairer Palaces, than their Hills; or like to purblind Moles, no greater light, than that little which they shun? As if the Master o [...] a Camp, knew when to remove a Sen­tinel, and he who placeth Man on the Earth, knew not how long he had need of him? Every one commeth there to act his part of this Tragi-Comedie, called life, which done, the Courtain is drawn, and [...]e removing is said to dy. That Providence which prescribeth Causes to every e­vent hath not onely determined a definite and certain num­ber of daies, but of actions to all men, which they cannot go beyond.

Most () then answered I, Death is not such an evil and pain, as it is of the Vulgar esteemed? Death said [Page 287] he) nor painful is, nor evil (except in contemplation of the cause) being of it self as indifferent as birth: yet can it not be denyed, and amidst those dreams of earthly plea­sures, the uncouthnesse of it, with the wrong apprehension of what is unknown in it, are noysom. But the Soul sustai­ned by its Maker, resolved, and calmly retired in it self, doth find that death (sith it is in a moment of Time) is but a short, nay, sweet sigh; and is not worthy the remem­brance compared with the smallest dramm of the infinite Felicity of this Place. Here is the Palace Royal of the Almighty King, in which the uncomprehensible compre­hensibly manifesteth Himself; in place highest, in substance not subject to any corruption or change, for it is above all motion, and solid turneth not; in quantity greatest, for, if one Starre, one Sphere be so vast, how large, how huge in exceeding demensions, must those bounds be, which do them all contain? In quality most pure and orient, Hea­ven here is all but a Sunne, or the Sunne all but a Hea­ven. If to Earthlings the Foot-stool of God, and that Stage which he raised for a small course of Time, see­meth so glorious and magnificent; What estimation would they make, if they could see, of his eternal Habitation and Throne? and if these be so wonderful, what is the fight of him, for whom and by whom all was created; of whose Glory to behold the thousand thousand part, the most pure Intelligencies are fully satiate, and with wonder and de­light rest amazed, for the beauty of his light, and the light of His beauty are uncomprehensible? Here doth that earnest appetite of the understanding content it self, not seeking to know any more; For it seeth before it, in the vision of the Divine essence (a Miroir in the which not Ima­ges or shadows, but the true and perfect essence of every thing created▪ is more clear and conspicuous, than in it self) all that may be known or understood. Here doth the Will pause it self, as in the center of its Eternal rest, glowing with a fiery affection of that infinite and al-sufficient good; which being fully known, cannot for the infinite motives and causes of love which are in him) but be fully and per­fectly loved: As he is onely the true and essential Bounty, so is he the onely essential and true beauty, deserving alone all Love and Admiration, by which the Creatures are onely in so much fair and excellent, as they par [...]ici­pate of his Beauty and excelling Excellencies. Here is a blessed Company, every one joying as much in anothers Felicity, as in that which is proper, because each see­eth another equaly loved of God; thus their distinct joyes are no fewer, than the copartners of the Joy. And as the [Page 288] Assembly is in number answerable to the large capacity of the place, so are the joyes answerable to the numberlesse number of the Assembly. No poor and pi [...]tiful mortal▪ confined on the Globe of Earth, who hath never seen bu [...] so [...]row, or interchangeably some painted superficial plea­sures, can righly think on, or be sufficient to conceive the termless delights of this place. So many Feathers move not on Birds, so many Birds dint not the Air, so many leaves tremble not on Trees, so many Trees grow not in the solitary Forests, so many waves turn not in the Ocean, and so many grains of Sand limit not those Waves: as this triumphant Court hath variety of delights, and Joies exemp [...]ed from all comparison. Happiness at once here is [...]ully known and fully enjoyed, and as infinite in con [...]inu­ance as extent. Here is flourishing and never-fading youth without Age, Strength without Weaknesse, Beauty never blasting, Knowledge without Learning, Abundance with­out Loathing, Peace without Disturbance, Particip [...]tion without Envy, Rest without Labour, Light without ri­fing or setting Sunne▪ Perpetuity without moments, for Time (which is the measure of Endurance) did never enter in this shining Eternity. Ambition, Disdain, Malice, Difference of Opinions, cannot approach this place, and resembling those foggy Mists, which cover those Lists of Sublunary things. All pleasure paragon'd with what is here is pain, all Mirth mourning, all Beauty deformity. Here one daies abiding, is above the continuing in the most fortunate estate on the Earth many years, and suffici­ent to countervail the extreamest torments of Life. But, although this bliss of Souls be great, and their joies many, yet shal they admit addition, and bee more ful and per­fect, at that long wished and general meeting with their bo­dies.

Amongst all the wonders of the great Creator, not one appeareth to be more wounderful (replied I) than that our Bodies should arise, having suffered so many changes, and nature denying a return from privation to a Habit.

Such power (said he) being above all that the Under­standing of Man can conceave, may well work such won­ders; For if Mans Vnderstanding could comprehend all the secrets and counsels of that Eternal Majesty, it must of necessity be equal unto it. The Author of Nature is not thralled to the Lawes of Nature, but worketh with them or contrary to them▪ as it pleaseth him: What he hath a will to do, he hath a power to perform. To that pow­er which brought all this All from nought, to bring a­gain in one instant any substance which ever was into it, [Page 289] unto what it was once, should not be thought impossible; for who can do more can do less, and his power is no less after that which was by him brought forth is deca [...]ed and vanished, than it was before it was produced; being neither restrained to certain limits, or instruments, or to any deter­minate and definite manner of working; where the power is without restraint, the work admitteth no other limits, than the Workers will. This world is as a Cabinet to God, in which the small things (however to us hid and secret) are nothing less kept than the great. For, as he was wife and po­werful to creat, so doth his knowledge comprehend his own Creation; yea every change and varity in it, of which it is the very Source. Not any Atom of the scatter'd Dust of man­kind, though daily flowing under new forms, is to him un­known: and his knowledge doth distinguish and discern▪ what once his power shall waken and raise up. Why may not the Arts-Master of the world, like a Molder, what he hath framed in divers shapes, confound in one mass, and then severally fashion them out of the same? Can the Spargirick by his Art restore for a space to the dry and withered Rose, the natural purple and bluth; and cannot the Almighty r [...]ise and refine the body of man, after never so many alterations on the Earth? Reason her self finds it more possible for infi­nit power to cast out from it self a finit world, and restore a­ny thing in it; though decaied and dissolved, to what it was first; than for man, a finit piece of reasonable misery, to change the form of matter made to his hand; the power of God never brought forth all that it can▪ for then were it bounded, and no more infinit. That time doth approach (O hast ye times away) in which the dead shall live, and the li­ving be changed, and of all actions the Guerdon is at hand; then shall there [...]e an end without an end, time shall finish, and place shall be altered, motion yielding unto rest, and ano­ther world of an age eternal and unchangeable shall arise; which when he had said (me thought) he vanished, and I all astonished did awake.

To the Memory of the most Excellent Lady, JANE Countess of PERTH.

THis Beauty which Pale death in dust did turn,
And clos'd so soon within a Coffin sad,
Did, passe like Lightning, like to T hunder burn;
So little Life, so much of Worth it Had.
Heavens b [...]t to shew their Might here made it shine,
And when admir'd, then in the Worlds, disdain
(O Tears, O Grief!) did call it back again,
Lest Earth should va [...]ut she kept what was Divine.
What can we hope for more? What more enjoy?
Sith [...]irest Things thus soonest have their End,
And, as on Bodies shadowes do attend,
Sith all our blisse is follow'd with Annoy?
Yet she's not dead, she lives where she did love,
Her Memory on Earth, Her soul above.

To S. W. A.

THough I have twice been at the Doors of Death,
And twice found shut those Gates which ever mourn,
This but a lightning is, Truce tane to Breath,
For late-born Sorrows augurre fteet return.
Amidst thy sacred Cares, and Courtly toils,
Alexis, when thou shalt hear wandring Fam [...]
Tell, Death bath triumph'd o're my mortal spoils,
And that on Earth I am but a sad Name;
If thou e're held me clear, by all our Love,
By all that Blisse, those Ioyes Heaven here us gave,
I conjure thee, and by the Maids of Jove,
To grave this short Remembrance on my Grave▪
Here Damon lies, whose Songs did somtime grace
The murmuring Esk, may roses shade the Place.

On the Report of the Death of the Author.

I [...] that were true which whispered is by Fame,
That Damons light no more on Earth doth burn,
His Part on Phoebus physick would disclaim.
And cloth'd in clouds as erst for Ph [...]eton mourn.
Yea, Fame by this had got so deep a wound,
That scarce She could have power to tell his death,
Her Wings cut short; who could her Trumpet sound,
Whose blaze of late was nurs'd but by his Breath.
That Spirit of his which most with mine was free,
By mutual traffick enterchanging store,
If chac'd from him it would have come to me,
Where it so ost familiar was before.
Some secret Grief distempring first my Mind,
Had (though not knowing) made me feel this losse;
A Sympathy had so our Souls combind,
That such a parting both at once would tosse.
Though such Reports to others terrour give,
Thy Heavenly Virtnes who did never spy,
I know thou, that canst make the dead to live,
Immortal art, and needs not fear to dye.
Sir WILL. ALEXANDER.
FINIS.

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