THE Envoy Extraordinary of His Most Sacred Maje­sty of Great Britain, &c. having lately seen a cer­tain Paper entituled, [An Extract out of the Register of the Resoluti­ons of the High and Mighty Lords Estates General of the Ʋnited Pro­vinces, upon the Memorial of Sir George Downing Envoy Extra­ordinary from the King of Great Britain] did not at all think it fit for him to take any notice thereof, but to pass it by as a Pamphlet (of which sort there come out too many here every day); in regard that no such Re­solution [Page 2] had been communicated to Him by their Lordships, not any one word given him in An­swer to his said Memorial: And he had accordingly past it by, without taking any notice there­of, had he not since by accident been informed by several Publick Ministers residing here, That the said pretended Resolution had been brought to them by the Agent de Heyde: Whereupon he now holds himself obliged to Complain in most serious terms to their Lord­ships the Estates General of the Ʋnited Provinces, of this strange and irregular way of proceed­ing; That while he is Residing here on the behalf of the King his Master, Papers, in form of An­swers to his Memorials, should be given to other Publick Ministers, here and elsewhere, and sent all o­ver the world, and yet concealed from Him; and thereby neither opportunity of being convinced, [Page 3] if any thing of reason should have been said therein, nor on the con­trary of vindicating the Honour and Justice of the King his Ma­ster in what he is therein unjust­ly charged and defamed withal.

Suppose that he the said Envoy Extraordinary should have pro­ceeded in that manner, and have given the Memorial (to which the said Paper is a Reply) to all Pub­blick Ministers residing here; and sent it to all Courts abroad, and should have Printed and exposed it to the view of the world, with­out giving it to their Lordships, what would they have thought thereof? and what might have been expected that they would have said to it? Can their Lord­ships imagine that this way of act­ing doth tend any way to the ju­stifying of their Cause, as to the working of better impressions concerning the same in the minds of those Publick Ministers, or their [Page 4] Masters? Or rather, that they must be exeeedingly scandalized there­at, as looking more like a Surprise of them and their Judgments, than otherwise; and considering that they may to morrow be dealt with in like manner, in relation to any Paper they may give in; and see the Affairs of their Masters traduced and defamed, without any opportunity or possibility of clearing the same.

And as to the Matter of the said Paper. Is it enough to say in gene­ral terms, That the said Memorial was ill, graunded, or abusively in­formed, without particularizing at all how, or wherein; or so much as excepting against any one word thereof, much less disproving the same?

And again; If the things where­with they are charged therein, be true (as they both are, and must now be taken by all men to be, since nothing is made out by their [Page 5] Lordships to the contrary) To what purpose is the whole sequel of the said Paper? If it be true (as it is) That the Royal Master of the said Envoy was no sooner re­turned to His Kingdoms, but that He was immediately, and from day to day, troubled and impor­tuned with a Crowd of Com­plaints of His Subjects against those of this Countrey; all which notwithstanding, His Majesty did not grant any one Letter of Marque, nor betake himself to any way of force for the obtaining of their reparation and satisfaction; But instead thereof, for an everlasting memorial of his great kindness and good-will towards this Countrey, and for the facilitating of the bringing to a Conclusion the late Treaty with them (finding the Com­plaints and Pretensions of His Sub­jects to be so numerous and great) was pleased after all to suffer very many of them, and those to a vast [Page 6] value, to be utterly mortified and extinguished; and the rest (ex­cept the business of the Ships Bon­adventure, and Bon-Esperanza) af­ter so much money and time had been already expended in the pur­suit thereof, and many of them rea­dy for a determination, to be pu [...] in a LIST, and proceeded upon a-new according to the fifteenth Article thereof; no ways doubt­ing, but that all possible speed would have thereupon been used in bringing the matter to an issue and that for the future better or­der would have been observed to▪wards His Subjects. But having waited now above 27 Months sinc [...] the Conclusion of the said Treaty and in that time their Lordship being continually call'd upon b [...] His said Majesties Envoy Extraor­dinary, yea by His Majesty Him­self in several Audiences to thei [...] Embassador: Yet so it is, that thos [...] matters are still so far from bein [...] [Page 7] ended, that in truth they seem to be now rather further from it, than at the day of the signing of the said Treaty; and on the other side, new injuries daily heaped, and the same Designs of the East and West-Indie-Companies carried on for the utter overthrow of all the Trade of His Majesties Sub­jects in those parts of the world, as appeared by the business of the Ships Hopewell, Leopard, and other Ships in the East-Indies, and by the business of the Charles, James, Mary, Sampson, Hopeful, Adventurer, Speedwel, &c. upon the Coast of Africa. All which are matters hapned since the Conclusion of the said Treaty. And after all this, and notwithstanding His Parliaments application to Him upon the ac­count of His aggrieved Subjects, in so solemn and extraordinary a manner; His Majesty was yet so far from being inclined to any o­ther than ways of accommodati­on, [Page 8] as that he did by a publick Writing, or Declaration, declare, That he would yet try what could be done by amicable endeavours at the Hague, before he would make use of any other means; (the which was also very well known to their Lordships) and did thereupon ac­cordingly give orders to his Envoy Extraordinary, to press them afresh: And further to make out his peace­able and moderate intentions, and to take off all umbrage from their Lordships, to let them know (as accordingly he did in publick Conferences with their Deputies) That His Majesty would not in any kind trouble their Fleets which they then expected from the Streights and East Indies, nor their Fisheries upon his Coasts; yea, further to put them out of all doubt, ordered a far less equipage of Shipping for the Summer-guard than had been known these many years: But all this was so far from [Page 9] working the desired and intended effect, as that on the contrary their Lordships betook themselves to Arms in an extraordinary man­ner, ordering the fitting out with all speed a great Fleet, and hun­dreds of Carpenters forthwith dis­patched to work upon it night and day (holy-days as well as working-days); whereby His Majesty seeing Himself wholly defeated of His good intentions; and instead of satisfaction for His Subjects, braved and threatned with those equipages, which could have no other regard but upon Himself, was at last inforced for His own defence, (though very much contrary to His inclinations and intentions) to arm also.

And whereas it may be preten­ded, as if their Lordships having fitted Their Fleet, did desire that His Majesty would be pleased (for avoiding of all inconvenien­ces) to keep His Fleet within His [Page 10] Harbours, and that then they would keep in Theirs also; It is to be con­sidered, that This Proposition was not made until that they had actu­ally put to Sea a Fleet near as nu­merous as the whole that His Maje­sty was equipping, and which was actually gone towards His Coasts: so that this could not but be con­strued to be rather a mocquery, than otherwise, for that thereby they had a Fleet at Sea to do what they pleased, and in the mean while His Majesty had tied His own hands, and obliged Himself to keep within doors; but he was yet pleased to assure them, that His (if it did go out) should not do them the least injury; still, in the mean while, pressing here at the Hague by His Minister, and Himself urging their Ambassador at London, to hasten the dispatch of the matters in difference: And as a further testimony of His de­sires of living in good Correspon­dence [Page 11] with This Countrey, He did declare His willingness to enter into a Treaty for the better regu­lating of the Trade and Naviga­tion of both, and the prevention of such disorders for the future; and for the quicker dispatch and ripening of so good a work, a project thereof was in His Name tendred to them long ago, and yet to this day not one word of an­swer thereupon.

And if it be also true (as it is) that their Lordships began the sei­zing of Ships in these Parts, stop­ping the Ship from Gottenburg bound for London; and though pressed again and again to set her at liberty, yet still retain'd her, and to this day not so much as a word of answer why, or upon what account.

These things being so, can there be any doubt who is the Attac­quer or Aggressor? unless it must be held for a Maxim, That let [Page 12] their Lordships and Their Subjects deal with His asoresaid Majesty and His Subjects from time to time, and from year to year, as they please, yet they are not Attacquers or Aggressors; but if His Majesty or His Subjects, after never so many years sufferings, and all a­micable endeavours first tried, to have obtained their satisfaction, without to this very day having been able to obtain it in any of those numerous cases of piracy and violence committed by the people of This Countrey against them, whereof complaint hath been made from time to time un­to their Lordships by His Majesties Minister: If after all, any thing be done by them towards the righting of themselves, His Maje­sty must be called and reputed the Attacquer and the Aggressor. Let their Lordships make out, That the Complaints in the said Memorial are ungrounded, and His Majesty [Page 13] will yield unto them: but if o­therwise, Who will think it strange if at last something be done to­wards the righting of them.

And as to the Particulars men­tioned in the said Paper to have been suffered by them from the English▪ though those matters have not been treated of between their Lordships and the said Envoy Ex­traordinary, but between the King his Master and their Ambassador at London; so that it is not proper­ly his business to reply thereunto, but to refer them to that Answer which His Majesty hath promised to give concerning the same; yet seeing their Lordships have been pleased not only to mention and insist thereupon in the aforesaid Paper, but indeed to say nothing else by way of answer to the Com­plaints in his Memorial; he can­not but say thus much there­unto.

[Page 14] ‘That the Places and Ships said to be taken from them, were all belonging to the West-Indie-Company of this Countrey, and nothing complain'd of in the pa­per to have been taken from them belonging to any else of These Countries: And when it shall be considered, that in the LIST of Damages alone, there appears to have been near twenty English Ships successively, within a very few years before the conclusion of the late Treaty, taken in a Hostile manner upon the Coast of Africa, only by the Shipping of the said West-Indie-Company, with their whole Lading, to a very great value; and not only so, but the men that belonged to them, very many of them most barbarously and inhumanly treat­ed, put into most stinking dun­geons and holes at Casteldelmina, there to lie in the midst of their own excrements, nothing but [Page 15] bread and water given them, and thereof not enough to sustain Nature; their bodies tortured with exquisite and horrid tor­tures; and when any of them dyed, the living and the dead left together; and such as escaped, turned out to perish by hunger or wild beasts in those miserable Countries, or to be carried away Captives by the Natives; by which means, several hundreds of His Majesties good Subjects have perished and been destroy­ed. And to this hour, notwith­standing all sollicitations and en­deavours, not one penny of sa­tisfaction given to the persons concerned in any of the said Ships; And ever since the Con­clusion of the said Treaty, Ships of Warr have been kept by the said Company upon the said Coasts; which though they have not pro­ceeded so far as to take more of the Shipping of His Majestie's [Page 16] Subjects, yet they have done that which is equivalent, and as ruin­ous to that Trade; stopping and hindring every one that they met withal from all Commerce; and to that effect pursuing them in an hostile manner from place to place: And where-ever any English anchored by them, hin­dring and shooting at, and taking by force, with their Ladings, all Boats of the Navies that endea­voured to come aboard them, and their Boats that would go on shoar; yea, depriving them of so much as any provision or refreshment of fresh water (as appears by the Complaints made by the said Envoy Extraordinary from time to time to their Lord­ships concerning the same): And publishing a Declaration in the Name as well of the States Ge­neral, as of the said Company, wherein they deduce their right to that whole Coast, to the exclu­sion [Page 17] of all other Nations: And notwithstanding all Complaints to their Lordships, neither the said Declaration disavowed, nor any thing of Satisfaction given, but still new Complaints coming; and among others, that of their ha­ving stirr'd up the King of Fan­tine by rewards and sums of money given him to that end; and supplying him with all sorts of Arms and Ammunition for the surprize of His Majestie's Castle at Cormantine in those parts; con­cerning which also proofs have been since given to their Lord­ships by the said Envoy Extraor­dinary; so that there was an ab­solute necessity impos'd upon His Majesty and His Subjects, ei­ther of losing all that had been actually taken from them, and withal abandoning for ever that Trade it self; or otherwise of betaking themselves to some o­ther ways for their relief. And [Page 18] it will rather be thought strange that their patience did hold out so long, than that now at last something should be done to­wards the righting of them­selves.’

Besides, as to the business of Capo Corco, Did not the same En­voy Extraordinary long ago com­plain in the Name, and by Order of the King his Master, in publick Conferences both with the Deputies of their Lordships the Estates Ge­neral, and also with those of Hol­land in particular, of the injurious possessing and keeping of that place by those of the said West-Indie-Company, deducing and re­monstrating at large his Master's Right thereunto, the ground ha­ving been bought by His Subjects of the King of That Country, for a valuable consideration, and a Lodg or Factory built thereupon; and those of the West Indie Com­pany [Page 19] of this Country being got in­to the possession of the place meerly by fraud and treachery; but no reflection made thereupon by their Lordships, much less any hopes given of ever obtaining any restitution from them. And indeed, if His Majesty had not been able to rescue out of their hands the least Boat or peny­worth of Goods since His Re­turn to His Kingdoms (concern­ing which complaint had been made by His Envoy Extraordi­nary, of its being forceably taken by them from His Subjects) what hopes of their quitting to Him any such place? especially remem­bring that business of the Island of Poleroon in the East-Indies, which hath been a restoring by them ever since the year 1622, at which time it was by solem and particular Treaty promised to be done; and again, by another Treaty, in the year 1654: and by Orders of the [Page 20] Estates General and East-Indie-Company of this Countrey, in the year 1661: and again, by Treaty in the year 1662: and yet to this day we know nothing of its be­ing delivered: And can it be thought strange, if invited there­unto by the King of the said Country, that His Majesty should after so fair warning condescend to suffer His Subjects to endea­vour to re-possess themselves thereof?

And as to the business of New Netherland (so called) this is very far from being a surprize, or any thing of that nature; it being notoriously known, that That spo [...] of Land lies within the limits, and is part of the possession of His Subjects of New England, (as ap­pears most evidently by their Charter) and that those few Dutch that have lived there, have lived there meerly upon connivence and sufferance, and not as having any [Page 21] right thereunto; and that this hath from time to time, and from year to year, been declared unto them, but yet so as that the En­glish were contented to suffer them to remain there, provided they would demean themselves peaceably and quietly: but that the said Dutch, not contenting themselves therewith, did still en­deavour to encroach further and further upon the English, impo­sing their Laws and Customs, and endeavouring to raise Contributi­ons and Excises upon them, and in places where no Dutch were or had ever been: Whereupon they have formerly been necessitated several times to send Soldiers for the re­pelling of them.

And as to what is said in the said Paper, as if though the English should formerly have had any pre­tence to the said place, that yet the said pretence is cut off by the fifteenth Article of the late Treaty. [Page 22] To this he doth Reply, That That Article doth only cut off matters of Piracies, Robberies, and Vio­lence; but as to the Rights and Inheritances of Lands and Juris­dictions, that it doth not at all concern or intermeddle with the same. And that this is so, there needs no other Argument but the producing of several Examples out of their own Courts of Justice, whereby it will appear, that in­deed as to the Plundering and ta­king of Ships, or the like, that all such causes (if hapned before the time limited in the said Treaty) did cease upon the Conclusion thereof; but as to such as were then depending concerning the Inheritances of Lands, that they have still continued to be pursu­ed: As for Example, The Case of Sir Thomas Lower, an English Man, for certain Lands claimed by him in Zealand. Besides, those of New Neather-Lands, had since the Con­clusion [Page 23] of the Late Treaty, made new Incursions upon the English, and given them many new pro­vocations; and by their Charters they have Jura Belli within Them­selves, without Appealing first into Europe: And if after all this, His Majesty hath suffered them accor­ding thereunto to rescue themselvs from such continued Vexations and Mischiefs; Can Any Prince think it strange, or be surprized thereat, much less the most Christi­an King? (For whose Satisfaction this Paper seems to be more par­ticularly Calculated): Whereas He hath been pleased this very same year, to Order or Suffer (with his Privity) His Subjects to Re-possess themselves in like manner by Force and Arms, of a certain Place called Cayenne, which they pretend to have been wrongfully possessed and kept from them by the same West-Indie-Company.

[Page 24]And as to the business of Cabo Verde, and the taking of their Ships, and what else is alledged to have been done in those parts (except that of Cabo Corco): 'Twas but in the Month of June last, that the first Complaint was made thereof to His Majesty; and did he not immediately return for Answer, That He had given no Or­der or Direction to Captain Holmes (the Person complained of) for the doing thereof: That he did expect him Home very speedily; and that, upon his Return, he would cause those matters to be Examined, and Right to be done them, and the Offenders punish­ed? And did not the said Envoy Extraordinary upon the Twenty seventh day of July last, deliver a Memorial to them to the like Ef­fect? And could more be said or done for their Satisfaction? Yea, could their Lordships Themselves within their own Countries de­mand [Page 25] more of any of their Sche­pens, or most Inferior Court of Justice? And doth not the Four­teenth Article of the Late Treaty say in express Terms, that In case any thing should happen upon the Coast of Africa, either by Sea or Land, that Twelve Months time shall be given after Complaint, for the doing of Justice: Yet did they not within about Six or Seven weeks after; Resolve to send a Considerable Fleet of Theirs in­to those Parts, to the number of Ten Men of War (besides the Ships of the said West-Indie-Company) under the Command of one Van Campen, and strengthned with a Considerable Body of their Mi­lice, under the Command of one Hertsberg? And did they not within about Six or Seven Weeks after that, put a Resolution into the hands of the said Envoy Ex­traordinary, by their Agent de Heyde, and about the same time [Page 26] give it to the King his Master, by their Ambassador at London, De­noting and containing the Instru­ction given to the said Van Cam­pen?

And whereas they are pleased to Complement His Most Christian Majesty in the said Paper, as if upon his score in hopes of the good effects of his good Offices for the Accommodating of Matters, and for the making their Cause the more clear, they had hitherto forborn the Proceeding against His Majesties Subjects as they might have done: Is it not therein ex­presly Declared and set Down, that That force was not sent thither barely to Defend what they had, and to take Care that nothing more should be Attempted upon them; but in down-right Terms, to Attacque and Fall upon His Majesties Sub­jects, and to Carve out their own Sa­tisfaction and Reparation; And to pass by His doors for the doing [Page 27] thereof? And that, Seconded and Backed with another Great Fleet under their Chief Sea-Officers; An Affront and Indignation too great for the Name of King to Suffer and Digest without Just Resent­ment.

And moreover, whereas their Lordships had lately invited His Majesty of Great Britain, and o­ther Christian Princes, to send Fleets into the Mid-land-Sea to Act jointly against those Barba­rians; And that he did accor­dingly Declare unto them (in Writing, and by his Envoy Ex­traordinary) his Intentions of Sending, and that his Fleet should Act Junctis Consiliis with theirs: Yet so it is, that while it was Acting there, Pursuant thereunto, and in Expectation of being Se­conded and Appuyed by theirs, ac­cording to their Promise, De Ruyther was on a sudden Com­manded thence.

[Page 28]And whereas their Lordships would make the World believe that they had proceeded with such Singular and Extraordinary Franchise and Clearness towards his said Majesty, in Communica­ting their Intentions and Designs (as abovesaid); Yet, Is it not evident, that the said Orders must have been given to De Ruyther much about the same time?

And though Sir John Lawson and his Majesties Fleet hapned to be in the same Port with De Ruy­ther when he quitted those Parts yet neither did he in the least im­part unto him his intentions of quitting the same, or whither he was going; and though the King of Great Britain hath since, seve­ral times pressed their Ambassador at London to be Informed whither he was gone, and upon what ac­count; yet to this day his Ma­jesty hath not been able to obtain any Satisfaction or Assurance con­cerning [Page 29] that matter: Whereupon, and all other Circumstances be­ing laid together, He hath just reason to suppose and believe, that he is sent and employed a­gainst Him; And that while His Majesty was continuing (accor­ding to common Consent and A­greement between them) His Fleet against the Common Enemies of the very Name of CHRISTIAN; and at a season, when it more than ordinarily becomed every one to shew something of their zeal a­gainst them; Theirs is call'd off, and turn'd against Him. Nor is it to be imagined that De Ruyther's Instructions, which are Concealed, should be more Favourable than those which were Avowed to be given to Van Campen.

And is it then to be wondred, that His Majesty shews Himself a little Concerned? Or is it now to be doubted, who is the Attacquer or Aggressor? And if De Ruyther [Page 30] is in one part of the World ma­king Warr against Him; What is to be said against it, if His Maje­sty not having at this time in those Parts a suitable Force to Resist him, doth make use of what he hath nearer home to endeavour to secure himself, or to get some­thing of theirs into his hands Doth either Common Right, or H [...] Majesties Treaty with This Country oblige to seek Satisfaction only i [...] that part of the World where th [...] Injury is done? and so doth tha [...] at all alter the Case, because th [...] their Forces acting against Hi [...] out of Europe, His do something against Them, in Europe?

His Majesty hath been very fa [...] from beginning with them in an [...] Part of the World; but if at th [...] time they are Actually with a Con­siderable Fleet of the Estates fal­ling upon Him, and His Subjects and He hath thereupon given Or­der to the stopping of some o [...] [Page 31] their Ships in These Parts; Will not all the World Justifie His Ma­jesty herein? And when withal, Themselves also began the stopping of Ships in These Parts, and that He hath all those reasons of Com­plaint against them above-men­tioned.

THere are so many pressing Arguments, for the justness of this War, against the Dutch, and so gene­rally known, that this Treatise will seem needless, and impertinent; however it will not be amiss in this juncture, to revive the memory of such execrable Cruel­ties, horrid Ungratitude, and insuffe­rable Wrongs, and Abuses, the Dutch have exercised from time to time [Page 2] against us, to the intent I may irritate, and provoke further the already enraged Spirits of such English, wh [...] are willing to sacrifice their lives in the preservation of the Honour, an [...] Safety of their King and Country.

It is not so long since, but it easily remembred, who were the Rise, who under God was the Maker, and yet durst the Ingratitud [...] of these Hogens, prompt them to draw a sword against Him, that gav [...] them being, and to whom they ow [...] their being now in a condition of making this dispute about the Dominion of these Seas. And contend for th [...] right of the Flagg, whereas it is b [...] as yesterday they had Licences, an [...] for a Tribute, to fish therein, grante [...] them by his Majesties Royal Prede­cessors. O insufferable impudence for Mushroom States to struggle with their Maker! Caesar endured with out exclamation the Senators Pon [...] yards, as whetted by a seeming jus [...] revenge; but when that of his own [Page 3] Imp Brutus was presented against him, he covered his face, leaving the World with no less shame, then indignation, against so much unna­tural Ingratitude: should Millions of such Barbarismes now crowd to­gether, they would be all outdone by these peoples Inhumanities.

It would make your heart bleed, were you at Palaroon, to read there the inexpressible Cruelties of the Dutch written in bloody Capitals, what unconceivable Conspiracies did they contrive against the English in America, to their utter ruine and ex­tirpation. But above all, who can forget those unspeakable Tortures the Dutch inflicted on the bodies of the English in Amboyna, and after­wards cruelly butcher'd them: the Memory whereof, whilst Sun and Moon shall run their Heavenly course, or an English Spirit breath, can never be forgot, nay scarce for­given.

If we consider how loud and [Page 4] pressing the cry of blood is, or with what high severity God ever pro­ceeds against it, though his wrath for some small time may seem to be a sleep, we have just cause to believe that there is a heavy account must be given by the Dutch, for that execra­ble Tyranny of theirs, executed up­on the English in that place; and am almost fully perswaded, that the time is now come, wherein his most Gracious Majesty, by the effusion of the blood of Hollanders, shall en­deavour to appease our incensed God, for the innocent blood of ours, which was plentifully spilt by them, as well in other parts, as both the Indies.

To take away a mans life without the course of Justice, though it be with the greatest civility, and easi­ness of death imaginable, is a crim­son crime, and which God hath de­nounced Murder, and will punish ac­cordingly; but to heighten, and multiply a death, withall the previ­ous [Page 5] Tortures that a passionate Dia­bolical Malice can invent, Cruelty inflict, or the frame of Mans body undergo, is so far from being Man­ly or Christian, that it is beyond Sa­vageness and Bestiality, and Ap­proaches that accursed frame of spi­rit, that He hath plung'd himself in­to, who sits in the horrid seats of darkness.

I shall only, briefly touch upon some particulars of this bloody Hi­story, as not delighting in such spe­culations, which acquaint the mind with Extremities, and Criticisms of sin, a relation which hath brutishly out-done all former Records, and Examples of Cruelty.

There hapning some differences in the Indies, between the Supposts of the English and Dutch Companies, a Treaty was agreed on in London in the Year 1613. Another at the Hague 1615. But neither effected any thing to purpose; however 1619. There was a solemn compo­sition [Page 6] of all those differences, and a Method laid down for their future proceeding, as well in Trade as o­therwise; but in consideration of the blood and cost (as was pretended) the Hollander was at, in the ex­pulsion of Spaniards and Portugalls out of the Isles of the Moluccoes, &c. And for the building Forts for the suture security of the same, it was agreed on, that they should en­joy two Thirds of the Trade, the English the Third, and that the said Forts should be maintained by Taxes leavied on the Merchandize: their cheif Fort was at Amboyna, where the English had planted five Facto­ries, the head of all the rest; a place of considerable strength, for it had four Bulwarks, with their Curtains; and upon each of these Points, six great Peices of Ordnance mounted, most Brass, the one side thereof is washed with the Sea, and the other divided from the Land, with a Ditch of five Fathom broad, very deep, and al­wayes [Page 7] filled with the Sea; in this Fort there were two hundred Dutch Soldiers, and a Company of free Burghers, besides four hundred Mar­dikers, (as they call them) in the Town ready to serve this Fort or Castle at an hours warning; they having withall, several tall Ships in the Harbour, for Traffick, and de­fence.

The English had here in this Town, an house of their own, in which they lived under the Protecti­on of the Castle, for two Years af­ter the Treaty, and in respect there­of in amity on their sides with the Dutch. But after this time several debates arose, and by reason of the treacherous and unjust proceedings of the Dutch, the just and miserable complaints of the English were dis­pacht away to Jaccatra, now called Nova Battavia, where their grie­vances being not heard, they were sent into England, and discussed with Holland, but no favorable result [Page 8] hence accrewed. Hereupon the differences encreasing, a sword was found by the Hollander to cut asun­der what their tedious disputes could not untie. On the eleventh of Fe­bruary 1622. In the Fort, the Sen­tinel secured upon suspicion an in­quisitive Japoner, who was put to the Torture, and thereupon he con­fessed, that He, and several of his Country-men, had plotted the sur­prizing of the Castle: upon this, o­ther Japoners were tortured and ex­amined, who confessed the like; du­ring the time of this Torture, which was four daies, several of the En­glish went to the Castle, partly to do business, and partly to see these sup­posed Malefactors, not dreaming they were in the least concerned, having never had any converse with any of these Prisoners.

There was at the same time in the Castle, a debauched English-man, who for offering to set a Dutch­mans house a fire, was confined, and [Page 9] him they shewd the grievously▪ tor­tured Japoners, telling him withall, that they had consessed that the English were joyn'd with them, in this confederacy; assuring him, if he would not confess the like, he should be worse served; upon the Torture he confessed, as the rest had done: hereupon they instantly sent for what English there was in Amboyna to come immediately to the Gover­nour, who obeyed the Summons; but they were no sooner entered the Castle, but secured, and sharply charged by the Governour, with this conspiracie, having so done, they seized the Merchandize of the Eng­lish-company, into their own custo­dy, with all their Books and Wri­tings; nor did they omit securing the English in the rest of the Factories, whom they all threatned with the Torture, if they would not confess, what ever the Governour and the Fiscal would have them, the Major part being fully resolved to stand to [Page 10] the truth, received their Hellish Tor­ture, but the punishment was to great for man to bear, and so by their confessions helped the Dutch to mur­der themselves, as well as their poor innocent Country-men. Judge you by the manner following of their in­sufferable Torture, whether these poor Souls would not say any thing, nay dye willingly to be freed from it; thus they used them, first they hoised the Prisoner up by the hands with a cord, on a large door, where they made him fast with two staples of Iron fixt on both sides, on the top of the door posts, extending his hands one from the other, as wide as they could stretch them; being thus made fast, his feet hung about two foot from the ground, which having extended as wide as they could, they fastned them to the Door Trees on each side; then they bound a cloath about his neck and face, so close no water should pass by; that done, they poured the water sostly on his head, [Page 11] until the cloath was full up to the mouth, and nostrils, and somewhat higher; so that he could not draw breath, but must withall suck in the water, which being still continued to be poured in softly, forced all his in­ternal parts, so that the water came out of his Nose, Ears, and Eyes; and often, as it were stifling and choaking him, at length taking away his breath, he falls into a swound; then taking him down quickly, they make him vomit up his water: be­ing a little recovered, they triced him up again, and poured in the wa­ter, taking him down thus five or six times, as often as they saw him faint: by this means his Body would swell twice or thrice as big as before, his Cheeks like great Bladders, and his Eyes staring and strutting out beyond his Fore-head; after this, as they found him obstinate in the main­tainance of the truth, they would trice him up again, and with lighted Candles burn him in the bottoms of [Page 12] the Feet, until the Fat thereof dropt out the Candles, yet for all that ap­ply fresh Candles; burning him un­der the Elbows, and in the palms of the Hands, as also under the Arm­pits, until his inwards might be plain­ly seen.

Having by their extorted and for­ced confessions, accused one the o­ther, they were all thrown into a loathsome Dungeon, where having lain a while, they were brought to the Castle-yard, where they receiv­ed Sentence of Death; before their suffering, they desired to take the Sacrament in Testimony of their in­nocency, but it was denyed them; however, they all Unanimously cal­led Men and Angels to witness, they dyed innocent of that Conspiracy was laid to their charge.

As I wish the occasion of publish­ing this at first had never been, so I wish Justice once had, the remem­brance hereof may be for ever bu­ried. But this breach being Natio­nal, [Page 13] and to this day but in part satis­fied (by some signal Victories ob­tained over them, before and since his Majesties happy Restauration) and the blood there and elsewhere by them spilt, no doubt still crying loud, it had been injust in the first publisher to have buried it in silence; and a great sin of forgetfulness in not reviving the remembrance; for as the beginning of these torments were from a causeless and slight suspition of an improbable and ineffective plot, so by that means were we forced from our possessions in those parts, and the injury became complicated both against Justice and Interest.

I cannot but add unto their cruel­ty, the extream malice they bore to the English in those parts; Polaroon, one of the Islands of Banda, was ta­ken by the Dutch, notwithstanding according to the Treaty 1619. they knew it was to remain in the possessi­on of the English; but knowing with­all, that it must be restored again, [Page 14] they exercise all the Malice in that Island, Hells consistory could assist them with: they first take all courses to make the Island little or nothing worth: they demolish and deface the Buildings, transplant the Nutmeg­trees, plucking them up by the roots, and carrying them into their own Islands, of Nera and Poloway, burn­ing what Trees they thought unfit for Transplantations; nay, at last they found away to dispeople the Island, and to leave it so, that the English might make no use of it, worth their charge of keeping it. To effect which, they entertain a Run-away, the Son of an Orankey or Gentle­man of Polaroon, who having com­mitted some notorious fact, which de­served death, fled to the Dutch at Nera, acquainting the Governour, that the Polaroons had a design with the help of the People of Serran in their Cur­ricurries, to massacree all the Dutch in Polaroon, and Polaway. Imme­diately upon the indicium of this [Page 15] Malefactor, the Governour sent for the Orankes to him, of whom seven­ty came, which he secured, they knowing nothing of his design; and presently sent two hundred Men to Polaroon to secure the rest; having taken them Prisoners and brought to the Castle at Nera, they were se­cured with water and fire, as after­wards those of Amboyna were; two dyed on the Torture, and the rest, which were one Hundred and sixty, upon their own forced confessions, were condemned and executed; the Women were forthwith removed from Palaroon, and distributed into other Islands, subject to the Dutch, leaving that place destitute of the help of the Country people, without whom, neither the Dutch nor Eng­lish, can maintain their Trade in the Indies.

Neither did their Treacheries, Wrongs, and Abuses, center here only, but strecht themselves out from East to the West Indies, practi­sing [Page 16] and perpetrating such inhuma­nities and injuries, as are not fit for Christians to nominate. For instance, be pleased to observe, that the Co­lonies of New-England, consisting of several Governments, have the Dutch setled on the South-west of them, at the Manatha's or the New-Netherlands; and the French to the North-east, along the great River of Canada, who till of late have held a Friendly correspondence, and have afforded each other a mutual as­sistance against the common Enemy, the barbarous Indians.

About the Year 1646. the Dutch being reduced to a great exigence, and strait, by the Indians: implored the English aid and assistance, which immediately was sent them, under the command of one Captain Un­derhil, a Gentleman of excellent Courage, Prudence, and Conduct, who prizing Christian blood, beyond Indian Wealth and Treasure, (being proffered an Hog shead of their Wam­pam [Page 17] Pege, Indian Money, to with­draw the English Forces,) slighted their offer, and fell on those Infidels, in vindication of the Dutch, cutting off in one night, fourteen hundred of them, not without the loss of English blood considerably, and all to resettle (with the Assistance of the Almighty,) the Hollander in Peace and Safety.

But Ingratitude over-clouding these Heroick Actions, and their ac­customed Treacherous, and barba­rous Cruelty, extending it self from East to West, running in its proper Channel of Dutch infidelity, quick­ly sought out their Neighbours, their noble Friends and Defenders, the English: and nothing would serve the turn, but that they must return Destruction, for being the happy in­struments of their then and former preservation; this their unworthy inequality of retribution (without put­ing into the ballance their former and latter inexpressible ingratitudes) is [Page 18] enough to Chronicle the Hollander, Perfidious, Ungrateful, Bloody, and Cruel.

It is no difficult matter to make it appear, how they about six years af­ter indeavoured to repay the English kindness by their ruine: for in March 1653. with presents and large pro­mises, they instigated and hired four of the grand Princes of those Terri­tories, a fierce barbarous and bloody People, fit Instruments for so horrid a design, on a Sabbath day, when all Families were at Divine Worship unexpectedly to fall on the English and to burn and slay what possibly they could; and for the better per­fecting this Diabolical Plot, they supplyed the Indians with Arms and Ammunition, which were dispersed in all their habitations, they having a Ship sent them on purpose from Holland, with all necessary tools, fo [...] the acting a second Amboyna Trage­dy.

But the Omnipotent God (who [Page 19] hath ever been a most merciful Pro­tector of the English in those parts, as in the Pequet War, &c.) did through his infinite goodness, most timely, before the bloody day of acting, cause an Indian that should have been an Executioner, to be a revealing Deliverer, who informed the Ma­gistrates of Boston, of the Dutch and Indians bloody intentions; where­upon they requested several Mer­chants of that Town, with all expe­dition, to march forth toward the In­dian habitations, to see what they could discover. The first Wigwambs or Indian Houses they searcht, they found them full of Arms and Am­munition, (which have ever been prohibited the Indians by the En­glish) all their Musquets were charg­ed with Powder and Ball, which, with some of the principal Indians, were carried to Boston; who upon ex­amination confessed the Dutch had set them a work: all that we could then doe, was but to put our selves [Page 20] in our best Posture of Defence.

Having thus given you a summary account of some of their cruelties, I cannot omit one particular passage, Chronicled by themselves, wherein you may see in the cruel disposition of one, the bloody inclination of the whole Flemish Nation.

At the Siedg of Leyden, a Fort being held by the Spanish Party, was after taken by the Dutch by assault or storm. The Defendants accord­ing to the Law of Arms, were put to the sword, where one of the Dutch, in the fury of the slaughter, ript up the Captains body, and with a barba­rous hand tore out the yet living heart, panting among the reeking bowels; then with his teeth rent it, still warm with blood, into gobbets, which he did spit over the Battle­ments, in defiance to the rest of the Army.

Now as we have with brevity dis­played the cruelty and treachery of the Nature and Actions of the Hol­lander, [Page 21] both at home and abroad, so we must not forget what hath been by them committed, since the year 1660. At which time it was his Ma­jesties particular care, to conclude a strict League with the States Gene­ral of the United Provinces, upon such equal Terms as would certainly not have been broken, if any Obli­gations could have kept them with­in the bounds of Justice, or Friend­ship: this League was inviolably kept and maintained on his. But in the year 1664. such and so many were theKings Decl. complaints of his Ma­jesties Subjects, abused and wronged by the ungrateful Hollander, that the King, with the Unanimous vote of both Houses of Parliament, was provo­ked to war, finding it a vain attempt to indeavour the prosperity of the three Kingdoms, by peaceable wayes at home, whilst the People thereof were still exposed to the injuries and oppressions of the States abroad. [Page 22] His Majesty spent a whole Summer in negotiations and indeavours, to bring them to reasonable terms▪ which, notwithstanding all He could do proved at length ineffectual, for the more his Majesty pursued them with friendly Propositions, the more obstinately and unworthily they kept off from agreeing thereun­to: upon this ensued the War, in the year 1665. and continued to the year 1667. in all which time our Victories and their Losses were me­morable enough, to put them in mind of being more faithful to their Leagues for the future.

Which Victories they endeavour­ed to stifle by misreporting them con­quests to their People, over the their gallantly equipt English Navy; and particularly that of the third of June, 1665. under the conduct of his Roy­al Highness the Duke of York, Narrative whereof was Printed for general satisfaction, and to preven [...] misreports, which are commonly [Page 23] through ignorance, or malice, be­gotten upon occasions of that Na­ture: and lest that signal Victory should be forgotten, in short, it was this; the Dutch Fleet was brought on our Coasts (in all probability) ra­ther in expectation of finding Ours in disorder, upon the proceeding foul weather, or by the Reports of our unreadiness; then from their own innate Valour, but they were much mistaken, for it cost his Royal Highness but little time to make ready, his fore-going care, and the cheerfulness of our men, having pre­vented all hazard of disorder, and the happy arrival of the Colliers, have­ing supplyed us with, what we only wanted, Men, but not Courage: the Dutch, perceiving this, stood off to Sea, the number of their Ships being one Hundred and ten Sail, besides ten Fire Ships; we followed them till that Evening, and the next day forced them to fight: upon the whole matter, it pleased God to give his Ma­jesty [Page 24] a great and signal Victory, the Enemy being driven into the Texe [...] as far as the draught of water, and the condition of our Ships would per­mit, the day being also very far spent the summe of all is, the Enemie [...] whole Fleet was defeated, Thirty of them burnt or taken, Opdam with his Ship, blown up, as is supposed by a lucky shot in the Powder-room; most of their Admirals killed, with many more of their Principal Offi­cers; and according to their general computation, eight Thousand Sea­men and Soldiers; on our side only one Ship lost, with some other slight damage. The God of Heaven be praised for preserving his Royal Highness, to be the great instrument of so signal a success, and continuing him to the perfecting this great work in hand, to the honour of his Ma­jesty, and the welfare of his People.

And that you may trace them far­ther, in their unworthiness and in­gratitude, this Victory, with the fear [Page 25] of being made no People, had no sooner brought them on their knees, and his Majesty out of his accustom­ed Clemency, and Commiseration, had received them into favour, by making Peace with them, but they returned to their usual custom, of breaking Articles, and supplanting our Trade. For instance, the States were particularly ingaged, in an Ar­ticle of the Treaty at Breda, to send Commissioners to his Majesty at Lon­don, about the Regulation of our Trade, in the East Indies, but they were so far from doing it on that obli­gation, that when an Ambassador was sent over, to put them in mind of it, He could not in three years time, get from them any satisfaction, in the material points, nor a forbearance of the wrongs his Majesties Subjects re­ceived in those parts.

To give you an account of every particular wrong, and injury, the English suffered by the Dutch, in their East India factory, would be a [Page 26] Task as difficult to do, as to tell the spokes of a running Coach­wheele; let it suffice, his Majestie is throughly sensible of them, from the just and miserable com­plaints of the Sufferers, and will now with Gods Assistance, now call them to a severe account, for all their insufferable wrongs and abuses, which the East could not contain; and therefore they went a little farther in the West In­dies.

For by an Article in the same Treaty, his Majesty was to restore Su­rinam into their hands, and by Ar­ticles upon the Place confirmed by that Treaty, they were to give liber­ty to all the King of Englands sub­jects, in that Colony, to transport themselves, and their Estates, into any other of his Majesties Plantations. In pursuance of this agreement, the place was delivered up, and yet they detain­ed all our men in it, only one emi­minent Person they sent away prisoner, [Page 27] for but desiring to remove according to the Articles.

To what a height will this inso­lence and perfidiousness of theirs ar­rive to, if not timely check't and prevented? How arrogant and pre­sumptious will they be, if the blad­der of their pride, blown up with violence, and oppression, be not sud­denly prick't, and so let out the airy opinion of their supposed strength, and greatness; I know not what their arrogance and ambition, may prompt their precipitate indeavours, but if they think that our God above is deaf, and doth not hear the loud cryes of the injured, and oppressed, and that his Vice-gerent, here on Earth, the King of England, will not endeavour the redress of his a­bused Person and People, they are worse then that impudent Impostor, who in despight of his Saviour, threw his dagger into the air, as if he would have stab'd Heaven there­with, but was at last forc't to con­fess, [Page 28] Vincisti me Galilaee.

They will now find, I hope, a good God to direct a great and gracious Prince, how to punish such a vild and ingrateful People: not so supinous or careless, as the Dutch abusively have pictured him, with his hand in his Pockets, as an idle-spectator, look­ing on his Ships as they burn'd at Chatham. I confess it was a suddain hot Feaverish fit, and unexpected but let them have a care they have not many thousand shaking cold ones for it.

But to return where I left off, my passion carrying me a little from my present subject, though not from the present purpose. Our Ambassa­dour [Page 29] complaining of this behaviour, after two years sollicitation, obtained an Order for the performance of these Articles, but Commissioners being sent, and two Ships to bring our Men away, the Hollanders ac­cording to their former practises, sent private Orders contradictory to these they had owned in publick, whereby our Commissioners journy thither, was to no other effect, then to bring away the poorer sort of peo­ple, and the prayers and cries of the wealthier for releif out of that cap­tivity. Whither this practice parti­cipate not of the Nature of Hell, I will give any rational Man leave to judge; since the mouth of that in­fernal place stands alwaies gaping to receive, but will let none out. Thus notwithstanding his Majesty made complaints by Letters, to the States of Holland, of this unjust detention, yet never received one word of sa­tisfaction.

It is not to be wondred that they [Page 30] venture on these outrages upon the English in remote parts, when they dare be so bold, with his Majesties Royal Person, in their abusive pictu­res, so grosly, that as it is not fit to be named; so none but a beastly boarish Flemming would do it. But let De Wit look to it, he that would have the States of Hollands Arms over his head, and that of England pictured under his feet, I question not but he will find that the Belgick Lyon with his crack't Sheafe of Arrowes, cannot defend his sides from being gored by the En­lish Unicorn. Yet still see is in bearing these Majesty was, and still is in bearing these matchless contumelies and abuses, represented in Pictures, false Historical Medals, and Pillars, this one would think sufficient to ex­asperate his Majestie into an high dis­pleasure, since it is so evilly rescented by all his Majesties loving Subjects, and will undoubtedly be revenged: but his Majesty graciously declares, it is not what relates to his particular [Page 31] Self, but the safety of our Trade, up­on which the wealth and prosperity of England depends, the preservation of his people abroad from violence and oppression: and the Hollanders daring to affront us, almost within our very Ports, which move his just indignation against them; and what English-man will not be assisting with his life and estate, in so just a cause, wherein the honour of his King, and the welfare and safety of all his tem­poral concerns consist: surely if we have left any thing of an English spirit, we cannot but be herein active, and as England never wanted men of courage, so I hope she will not want power (if confidence may be put in the Arm of flesh) to chastise the Insolencies of our Enemies.

Who would have thought they durst have disputed the right of the Flag, a Prerogative so Ancient; it was one of the first of his Majesties Predecessors, and ought to be the last from which this Kingdome [Page 32] should ever depart; it was hereto­fore by them never questioned, and I know not how it should, it was ex­presly acknowledged in the Treaty at Breda, and yet it was not only vio­lated last Summer, but afterwards justified and represented by them a­broad as ridiculous for us to demand. His Majestic may well call this an ungrateful insolence, since in the time of King James, and King Charles, they never left cringing, till they got a permission to fish in our Narrow Seas, and thought it an high obligati­on, although they paid a large Tri­bute for so doing; large did I call it! no, but small, considering the vast be­nefit that did accrew unto them thereby. And now I think it will not be amiss, here in this place, to give you some account of this fishing­trade, according to my best informa­tion.

The Coasts of Great Britain, do yeild such a continual Sea­harvest, to all those who with diligence labour [Page 33] in the same, that no time or season elapseth in the year, in which industri­ous men may not employ them­selves in fishing, which continueth from the beginning of the year, to the latter end, in some Port or other upon Coasts; and therein such infinite shoales of Fishes are offered to the Takers, as may justly move admiration: the Hollander I am sure is not ignorant hereof.

The Summer fishing for Her­rings, begins about Mid­summer, and lasteth to the latter end of August: the Winter fishing for Herring, lasteth from September to the mid'st of November; both which extend from Bughoness in Scotland, to the Thames mouth.

The fishing for Cod, at Almby, Wirkinton, and White-haven, from Easter to Whitsontide.

The Fishing of Hake at Haberde­ny, Abarswith, and other places be­tween Wales and Ireland, from Whit­sontide to Saint James-tide.

[Page 34]The Fishing of Cod and Ling, a­bout Padstow, within the Lands, and Severn from Christ-tide, to Mid­lent.

The Fishing for Cod, on the West part of Ireland, from the beginning of April, to the latter end of June.

The Fishing of Pilchars, on the West of England from St. James­tide to September.

The Fishing for great Scalping, and many other sorts of Fish, about the Islands of Scotland, and in seve­ral parts of the Brittish Seas all the year long.

And that you may know what plenty of fish we have in our Seas, not many years since, upon the Coasts of Devonshire, in one day were taken five hundred Tun of fish, and about the same time three thou­sand pounds worth of fish in one day, were taken at St. Ives by Cornwal in small Boats, others of the same Party adventuring in a Calm, among the Holland Busses, not far from Robin­hoods-bay, [Page 35] returned presently to Whit­by, full fraught with Herrings; and reported, that they saw some of those Busses take ten, twenty, and four and twenty Lasts of Herrings at a draught, most of them returning with an hundred Lasts of Herrings in one Buss, into Holland.

At another time it was observed, that a Fleet of Colliers returning from New-Castle to London, about the Well near Flamborough-head, met with such multitude of Cod, Ling, and Herrings, that one among the rest, drew up in a small time, as many as were sold for neer upon as much as her whole lading of Coales amounted to, and some hundreds of Ships might have been there laden in two dayes and two nights.

Out of which wonderful affluence and abundance of Fish swarming up­on our Seas, that we the better per­ceive the infinite gain which the Dutch make thereof, and by that means, how infinitely beholding they [Page 36] unto us, I shall insist upon the number of fishing Vessels, they have formerly and lately imploy­ed upon our coasts, and by their vast income, how they have in­creased, in Shipping, in Mariners, in Trade, in Towns and Fortificati­ons, in Power abroad, in publick Revenue, in private Wealth; and lastly, in all manner of Provisions, and store of things necessary.

How poor and low these Hoghen Moghens were, in Q. Elizabeths time, is unknown to few; at which time France tyred with labour, the striving of her own Children, had caused in the bowels of her state, and child by the cold distrust conceived of the revolted Hollanders success, (rebelling against their lawful Soveraign) deserted them into despair, as well as other Neigh­bouring Princes: then may they re­member, how England opened her tender arms, to receive their Fugi­tives, and her purse to pay their Sol­diers: so that a foot of ground can­not [Page 37] be called theirs, that owes not a third part to the expence, Valour, or Counsel of the English, of whom such glorious spirits have expired in their defence, as have been thought at too too mean a rate, to double the value of what they thought for.

Did not the English dispute their Title at Ostend, till they had no Earth to plead on, the very ground failing them before their Vallours; yet whilst fighting there, not only a­gainst the Flower of the Spanish Ar­my, but the Plague, Hunger, and cold despair; so that it may be said without Hyperbole, the Nobility and Gentry, Queen Elizabeth lost, doubled the number, the cruelty of Spains great Philip had left you.

The Assistance that wise Queen gave them, was good self-policy; she made them able to defend them­selves against Spain, and was so at the Pole; but they who inable them to offend others, as her successors have done, have gone beyond it [Page 38] questionless had this Thorne been removed out of the Spaniards side, he might have been feared too soon, to grasp his long intended Monar­chy, were the Spaniard possessed Lord of the Low-Countries, or had the States General the wealth and power of Spain, the rest of Europe, might be like a People at Sea, in a Ship on Fire, that could only chuse whither they would drown or burn.

We have cherished this starveling Viper too long in our warm bosomes, and now doth not only hiss at, but indeavour to sting those who brought them to life, from almost an irreme­diless condition.

Since we succoured them abroad, and gave them leave to fish in our Seas, pray consider their vast increase of Shipping.

They had many years since, seven hundred Strand-boats, four hun­dred Evars, and four hundred Gallies, Drivers and Jod-boats, wherewith the Hollanders fisht on [Page 39] their Coasts, every one of these employing another Ship, to fetch Salt, and carry the Fish into their own Country; being in all three thousand sail, maintaining and setting at work at least fourty thousand Per­sons, Fishers, Tradesmen, Women, and Children.

Besides they have an hundred Dager-boats, one hundred and fifty tuns a peice, or thereabouts; seven hundred Pinds and Well-boats, from sixty to an hundred tuns a peice, which altogether fish upon the Sea of England, and Scotland, for Cod and Ling only, and these too for the most employ other Ships, to bring them Salt, and carry the Fish home, making in all sixteen hundred Ships, which maintain and imploy at least four thousand Persons of all sorts. For the Herring season, they have at least sixteen hundred Busses, all of them only fishing on our Coasts, and every one of these maketh work for three other Ships which [Page 40] attend her; the one to bring in Salt from forrein parts, the other to carry that Salt and Cask to the Busses, and to bring back the Herrings, and the third to transport the said Fish into forreign Countries: so that the total number plying the Herring-fishing, is six thousand four hundred.

Moreover, they have four hun­dred Vessels at least, that take Her­ring at Yarmouth, and there sell them for ready-money: so that the Hollan­der (besides their three hundred Ships fishing on their Coasts) have at least eight thousand and four hun­dred Ships only maintained by the Seas of Great Britain, by the which means principally, Holland being not so big, as one of our Shires in Eng­land, conteining not above twenty eight miles in length, and twenty three in bredth, have increased the number of their Shipping, to at least ten thousand sail, and to that number they add in a manner daily, although the Country it self affords them [Page 41] neither Materials, nor Victuals, nor Merchandise to be accounted of, to­wards their setting forth.

Secondly, let us consider the in­crease of their Mariners, from the number of their Ships, fishing on our Coasts, which as we said before, were eight thousand four hundred, we must allow more hands to the fishing concern, then for bare sailing; if suppose ten men to every ship, one with another, the total of Mar­riners and Fishers, will amount to fourscore and four thousand; out of which number, they continually furnish their longer Voyages, to all parts of the World; for by this they are not only inabled to brook the Sea, and to know the use of the Tackle and Compass, but are like­wise instructed in Trade, and in the Principles of Navigation and Pilo­tage; insomuch as their chiefest Na­vigators, have had from home their education and breeding: and hence they are become, as skilful and [Page 42] knowing in all the Sands, Sholes, Creeks and Channels belonging to our Coasts, as the best of our Pi­lots.

Thirdly by reason of those multi­tudes of Ships and Mariners, they have extended their Trade to all parts of the world, and therein (to speak the truth,) have out-thrown all ever yet have used the Sea, many Bars length, exporting in most of their Voyages, Herring and other Fish, returning in exchange, the se­veral commodities of other Coun­tries.

From the Southern parts, as France, Spain, and Portugal for our Herrings, they return Oyl, Wine, Prunes, Hony, Wool, Grain, with store of forraign coyn; from the Streights, Velvets, Sattins, and all sorts of Silk, Allom, Currants, all Grocery ware, with much Money.

From the East Country, for our Herrings, they bring home Corn, Wax, Flax, Hemph, Pitch, Tar, [Page 43] Soap-ashes, Iron, Copper, Steel, Clap-board, Wainscoate, Masts, Timber, Deal-boards, Polish-dollars, and Hungary-gilders. From Germa­ny, for Herrings, and other Salt-fish; Iron, Steel, Glass, Mill-stones, Rhenish-wines, Battery-plate, for Armour, with other munitions; also Silk, Velvets, Rashes, Fustians, Poratoes, and such like Frankfort Commodities, with store of Rix­dollars.

From Brabant, they return for the most part ready-Money, with some Tapestries, Sayes and Hull­shops: yea, some of our Herrings are carried as far as Brasile; and that which is more strange, and much to our shame, above four hundred of their Ships, fish with ours at Yar­mouth within Ken of land, uncon­trould, making us pay ready-money for our fish, caught by them on our shores.

Fourthly, by this their large ex­tent of Trade, (originally derived [Page 44] from the benefits they have received from the Kingdom of England,) they are become as it were Devi­sions of the whole World, whereby they have within a Century or more of years, so enlarged their Towns, that the major part of them, are as big again as they were before; for in­stance, Amsterdam, Leyden, and Mid­dle-borough, having been lately above twice enlarged, and their Streets and Buildings so orderly set forth, that for Beauty and Strength, they may compare with most, upon which they bestow infinite sums of Money, all originally flowing from the bounty of our Seas; from whence, by their labor and industry, they derive the beginnings of all their Wealth and Greatness, and particularly for the Havens of the aforesaid Towns, whereof some of them cost Forty, Fifty, or an Hundred Thousand pounds.

Fifthly, by reason of the num­ber of their Shipping, and Mariners, [Page 45] and so great a Trade occasioned by fishing principally, they have not only strengthned and fortyfied them­selves at home, to repell any further Polemick attempts of the King of Spain, but have likewise stretched their power to the East and West-Indies; in many places whereof they are Lords of the Sea-coasts, and have likewise fortified on the Main, where the King and People are sub­ject to their devotion, and our Coun­try-men the English, lying open to all the out-rages, a cruel and imult­ing Tyrant can inflict upon them. So formidable they are both by Sea, and Land, that none but a Carolus a Carolo, knows how to lore their top­saile of their insufferable Pride, and bring by the Lee, their matchless in­solence.

Sixthly, how mightily the pub­lick Revenue and Customes of the State are increased, by their fishing, may appear in that about forty or fifty years since, over and above the [Page 46] Customes of the Merchandize, Ex­cises, Licenses, Waftage and Lastage, there was paid to the State for Custom of Herrings, and other Salt­fish, and Cask paid for Waftage, which cometh at least to as much more: besides a great part of their Fish sold in forraign parts for ready money, for which they commonly export for the finest Gold and Silver; and coming home recoyn it of a baser allay, under their own stamp, (witness the scarcity of our old Gold) which is no small means to augment their Treasure.

Seventhly, as touching their pri­vate wealth, it will appear by the a­bundance of Herring, and other fish by them taken. For instance, du­ring the War between the King of Spain, and the Hollander, the Dun­kirkkers, by taking, spoyling, and burning the Busses of Holland, and setting great ransome on the Fisher­men, enforced them to compound for great Sumns of Money, that they [Page 47] might fish quietly one year, where­unto the next year after the Fisher­men among themselves were to pay a dollar upon every last of Herrings, towards the maintenance of certain Ships of War, to convoy and secure them in their fishing; by reason whereof, there was a Record kept of the several last of Herrings taken that year, and it appeared thereby, that in one half year, there was taken three hundred thousand last of Her­ings, which being at twelve pound per last, amounteth to three Millions and six hundred thousand pounds; whereas at sixteen, twenty and thir­ty pounds they are sold in other Countries.

This great Trade of fishing, em­ploying so many ships at Sea, must consequently maintain a very great number of Tradesmen, and Artizens at land; as Spinsters, and Hemp­winders for Cables, Cordage, Yarn, Twine for Nets, and Lines, Weavers to make Sail­cloaths, Re­ceivers, [Page 48] Packers, Dressers, Tacklers, Coopers, Blocks, and Bowl-makers for ships, Keelmen and Labourers, for removing and carrying fish, Saw­yers for planks, Carpenters, Ship­wrights, Boat-men, Brewers, Ba­kers, and a number of others, where­of a great part may be maimed Per­sons, and unfit to be otherwise em­ployed, besides the maintenance of all their several Wives, Chidren and Families; and further, every man or maid-servant, or Orphan, having any poor stock, may venture the same in their fishing voyages, which affords them ordinarily great increase, and is duly paid according to the proportion of their gain; this makes them have so few Beggars amongst them, and we so many, in not finding out such like means, to imploy the poorer sort of people; the appurtenances hereunto belonging, will cost us no more than theirs did; and since we have the propriety of the seas, we want only industry to effect this purpose.

[Page 49]Lastly, Holland is so poor of it self, that it yieldeth little, saving some few Hops, Madder, Butter and Cheese; yet notwithstanding, by rea­son of this Art of fishing, abound­eth plentifully in all manner of Pro­visions, as well for Life as Luxury, nay for defence too; all which they not only have in competent propor­tion for their own use, but are like­wise able from their several Maga­zines, to supply other Countries.

The premises considered, it ma­keth much to the ignomy and shame of this Kingdom, that God and Na­ture offering us so rich a Treasure, even to our own doors, we notwith­standing neglect the benefit thereof, and by paying money to the ungrate­ful Hollander, for the fish of our own Seas, impoverish our selves to inrich them.

But thanks to Almighty God, that hath put it into his Majesties heart to put a stop to their further proceedings herein, and do not [Page 50] doubt but he will once more make them acknowledg, that the Soveraign­ty of the Narrow Seas belong to him alone, his Majesties Prerogative by immemorable prescription, continu­all usage and possession, the acknow­ledgment of all Neighbours, States, and the Municipal Laws of this King­dom, and that unto him (by reason of the said Soveraignty,) the Su­pream command and jurisdiction o­ver the passage and fishing in the same rightfully appertaineth.

Why may not the English then make the same advantages of these Seas, as the Dutch, whom we are now chastiseing, not for their in­dustry therein, but for their ingrati­tude, incivility, and rag-manners? The task will not be very difficult, if this method may be observed as followeth.

By erecting two hundred and fifty Busses, of reasonable strength and bigness, there will be employment found for a thousand Ships, and for [Page 51] at least twenty thousand Fishermen and Mariners at Sea, and consequent­ly for as many Laborers, and Trades­men at Land. The Herrings taken by those Busses, will afford the King twenty thousand pound Custom out­ward, and for Customes returned in­ward, three hundred thousand pound and more.

We have Timber sufficient, and at reasonable rates, growing in this Kingdom, for the building these Busses, and every Shire affordeth men of able and hardy bodies, fit for such employment, who now live poorly and idlely at home; Provision we have cheap enough, and great plenty thereof, and our Shores and Harbours are near those places, where the Fish do haunt; for drying our Nets, Salting and Packing our Fish, and for succour in stress of wea­ther, we may bring our fish to Land, Salt and Pack it, and from some parts of this Kingdome, be at our Mar­kets in France, Spain, or Italy, before [Page 52] the Hollander can get home.

But this we shall the better and sooner do, if we consider and en­deavour to reforme certain wants, and abuses, which heretofore hath hindred us, from effecting this good and great work, whereof these that follow, are none of the least.

The non-observance, (or but slightly) of the old Custom, and the Statute Laws, for observing fish­daies, from whence scarcity of flesh proceedeth: Thus fish being not bought so frequently as it ought to be, the want of sale decayeth the Trade thereof.

Want of order and direction in our fishing, every man being left to himself, and every man fishing as liketh him best. Whereas amongst the Hollander, two of the best expe­rienced Fishermen are appointed to guide the rest of the Fleet, and the rest are bound to follow them, and so cast their lines according to their discretion. Again, the Hollanders [Page 53] set forth in June, to find the shoal of fish; and having found it, dwell a­mongst it till November; whereas We stay till the Herrings come home to us, and somtimes suffer them to pass by us, ere we look out, our Herring fishing continuing only se­ven weeks at most, and theirs twen­ty.

The Hollanders Busses are great and strong, and able to brook foul weather, whereas our Cobbles, Crayes, and Boats, being small and thin-sided, are easily swallowed by a rough Sea, not daring to adven­ture far in fair weather.

The Hollanders are industrious, and no sooner are discharged of their lading, but presently put forth for more; whereas our English, after they have been once at Sea, do com­monly never return again, till their money taken for their fish be spent, and they in debt.

The Hollanders do retain the Merchants, who during the Herring [Page 54] season, doe duly come to the places where the Busses arrive, and by joyn­ing together in several Companies, do presently agree for the lading of forty Busses at once; and so being discharged, they may return speedily to their former fishing; whereas our Fishermen, uncertain of their Chap­men, are forced to spend much time in putting off their fish by parcels.

What else may be considered in this particular, I will leave to the serious thoughts of better Head­peices than my own.

Thus as I have given you a sum­mary account of the vast advantages, which will accrue unto us, by the regular, orderly, and industrious fishing on our own Coasts, so I have briefly related how highly in­debted the Hollander is to the King of England, for his wealthy fishing▪ Trade; yet they are so far from ac­knowledging any debt, that instead thereof, they have most unworthily thrown dirt▪ in his Majesties face, a [Page 55] Gracious Prince, who hath indea­voured by kindnesses, to charm these swarming Frogs, who are now rea­dy to become an Egyptian Plague, by croaking against him, in his own Waters. They say Hollands opu­lent and wealthy Citty Amsterdam was founded on Herring-bones. For all my just animosity against the Dutch, as an Englishman I cannot but be somewhat afflicted, to see the Dutch

IT is easie to be proved by the Ancient Interpreters of the Mosaical Law, That the Sea is no whit less capable of private Do­minion, than the Land. In Num­bers you shall find it expresly written, And let your borders be the Great Sea; that is (as the Rab­bins [Page 76] comment on the place) the Main Ocean and its Islands.

You may read, that Pompey the Great, being Admiral of a great Navy, had a Commission given him by the Senate, as absolute Lord of the Sea; nay, many of the Roman Historians have called the Sea their Sea, because it was in subjection to, being wholly subdued by, the Roman Power. Thy borders are in the midst or heart of the Sea, saith the Pro­phet Ezekiel of the Tyrians: and it is affirmed in ancient History, That the City of Tyre built by Agenor, made not only the Neigh­bouring-Sea, but what Seas soe­ver her Ships sailed in, to be of her Dominion.

There was an ancient Custom used in the East, That when Great Kings had a design to bring any [Page 77] Nation under their power, they commanded Water and Earth, the pledges of Empire and Domini­on, to be delivered unto them; conceiving that the Command of the Sea, as well as of the Land, was signified by such a Token.

And if we take a view of these late times, as to the Rights and Customs of Forreign Nations, we shall find, that the Commonwealth of Venice hath enjoyed the Domi­nion of the Adriatique-Sea for many Ages. The Tuscans to this day have an Absolute Dominion in the Tyrhene-Sea; and those of Genoa, in the Lygustick.

To conclude: That the Domi­nion of the Sea is admitted amongst those things that are lawful, and received into the Customs of Nations, is so far from contradi­ction, that nothing at all can be [Page 78] found to controul it in the Cu­stoms of our later times, unless it be by the Encroaching-Hollander, who bordering so near our shores, hath done, and doth endeavour to violate the Right of His Most Sacred Majesty, under the pre­tence of Civil Community. Be­sides, it is most evident from the Custom of all Times, That Com­merce and free Passage hath ever been so limited by Princes in their Territories; that is, either grant­ed or denied, according to the various concernments of the Pub­lick Good. Princes are concern­ed to be wary and careful, that they admit no such Strangers, or Forreign Commerce, where the Commonwealth may receive any damage thereby.

Some Oppugners to the Mare Clausum introduce this Argument, That the Water is open to All, and therefore by Law it must be open at all times to all men. What [Page 79] a trifle is this? Before the distri­bution of things, there was no Land which did not lie open to All, before it came under particu­lar possession. If the Hollanders should object this Argument a­gainst our Dominion over the Nar­row Seas; I would ask them the reason of their Custom in Delph­land, called Jus Grutae, which hath ever been under the care of those Officers called in Dutch, Pluym­graven, whereby the Beer-Brewers are obliged to pay the hundredth part for the use of those Wa­ters.

Having thus in general given you an account, That almost a­mongst all Nations there hath been allowed a private Dominion of the Sea: We shall now come nearer home, and inform you, That the ancient Britains did Enjoy and Possess the Sea as Lords thereof, before they were subjected to the Roman Power. We find no History [Page 80] of Britain to which any credit ought to be given, elder than the time of Julius Caesar; at whose coming we find the Britains used the Sea as their own for Naviga­tion and Fishing; and withal per­mitted none besides Merchants to sail into the Island without their leave; nor any man at all to sound or view their Sea-coasts or Har­bours.

Amongst several Kings of old, that not only ruled this Land, but had also Dominion over the Sea, I find none more potent than King Edgar; who possessing an absolute Dominion of the Seas, sailed round it once a year, and secured it with a constant Guard of Ships, of which, as is reported, he had Four thousand eight hundred stout ones; and what Dominion this was King Edgar had as Absolute Lord of the Sea, appeareth in these words, I Edgar King of England, and of all the Kings of the Islands, and of all [Page 81] the Ocean lying about Britain, and of all the Nations that are included within the circuit, &c.

After him, King Canutus left a testimony, whereby he most ex­presly asserteth the Sea to be a part of his Dominion: for placing himself by the Sea-side on South­ampton shore, he is reported to have made trial of the Seas obe­dience in this manner: Thou, O Sea, art under my Dominion, as the Land also which I sit upon is mine: there­fore I command thee not to wet the feet or garments of thy Soveraign. Although the event did not answer his expectation, yet by this he pro­fessed himself to be Soveraign of the Seas as well as of the Land.

There is nothing more clear, than that the Kings of England have been accustomed to consti­tute Governours, who had a charge to guard the English Sea, and these were called Custodes Maritimi. In this number you shall find in [Page 82] Parliamentary Rolls of the 48 of Hen. 3. Thomas de Moleton, who is called Captain and Guardian of the Sea; this Title was afterwards changed into Admiral, in the days of Edward the third: The principal end of calling that Parliament, was concerning the preservation of Peace both by Land and Sea; giving us to understand, that the Land and Sea together, made one entire Body of the Kingdom of England.

And that the Dominion of the Seas is properly in the Power and Jurisdiction of the King, may ap­pear by those Tributes and Cu­stoms that were imposed and payed for the guard and prote­ction of those Seas; and this was paid to the Reign of King Ste­phen. Since, Subsidies have been demanded of the people in Par­liament upon the same account.

Neither was this imposed only on the English, but also upon the [Page 83] ships of Forreigners, every Vessel paying after the rate of six pence a Tun that passed by, such ships only excepted that brought Mer­chandize out of Flanders. If a Vessel were employed to fish for Herrings, it payed six pence a week for every Tun; if for other fish, so much was to be paid every three weeks; as they who brought Coles from Newcastle to London, every three months. Mr. Selden that learned Antiquary affirmeth, That before a Court of Delegates in France, in express terms it hath been acknowledged, That the King of England hath ever been Lord not only of the Sea, but of the Islands therein contained, upon the account of being King of England.

But to give greater light to this truth, we may from several Re­cords produce many testimonies, That the Kings of England have given leave to Forreigners, upon [Page 84] request, to pass through their seas. There are innumerable Letters of safe conducts in the Records, espe­cially of Henry the fifth and sixth; and it is worthy of observation, that those Letters were directed by those Kings to their Governors, or Sea Admirals, Vice-Admirals, and Sea-Captains.

And to clear all at once: The Kings of England have such an absolute Dominion in the English seas, that they have called the Sea it self their Admiralty: and this we find in a Commission of Edward the Third, the Title whereof is de Na­vibus Arestandis & Capiendis.

And as a freedom of Passage, so a liberty of Fishing, hath been obtained by Petition from the Kings of England. We read that Henry the sixth gave leave to the French, and other Forreigners, sometimes for a year, sometimes but for six months, to go and fish throughout his seas, provided that [Page 85] the Fishing-boats and Busses, ex­ceeded not the burthen of thirty Tuns; and if any Forreigners whatever should molest or disturb any of the King's subjects as they were fishing, they were forthwith to lose their License, and the be­nefit thereof.

In the Eastern Sea, which wash­eth the Coasts of York shire, it hath been an ancient custom for the Hollanders and Zealanders to obtain leave by petitioning the Governour of Scarborough-Castle. It is worth the while (saith the Reverend Mr. Cambden) to ob­serve what an extraordinary gain the Hollanders do make of fishing on the English Seas, having first obtained leave from the Castle of Scarborough; for the English have ever granted them leave to fish, re­serving always the Honour and Privi­ledg to themselves, but through Negli­gence resigning the Profit to Stran­gers. King James took special care [Page 86] that no Forreigner should fish on the English or Irish seas, without leave first obtained; and every year at the least this leave was renewed by the Commissioners for that purpose at London.

A remarkable Example of Fish­ing in this nature we find in the days of Henry the Fourth. An Agreement was made between the Kings of England and France, That the subjects of both King­doms might freely fish throughout part of that Sea which is bound­ed on this side by the Ports of Scarborough and Southampton, and on the other side by the Coast of Flanders, and the mouth of the River Seine; the time was also limited betwixt Autumn and the beginning of January. And that the French might securely enjoy the benefit of this Agreement, the King of England sent Letters to all his Sea-Captainsand Com­manders.

[Page 87]By this we may plainly see, that these Limits wholly excluded the French from that part of the Sea which lies towards the West and South-west; as also, that which lieth North-east of them, as being so limited by our Henry at his own pleasure, as sole Lord and Sove­raign of the Whole.

There is amongst the Records of Edward the first, an Inscription pro Hominibus Hollandiae, &c. for the men of Holland, Zealand, and Friesland, to have leave to fish near Yarmouth; the King's Letter for their protection runneth in these words:

The King to his beloved and trusty John de Butelarte, Warden of his Port of Iernemuth (now cal­led Yarmouth) Greeting: For as much as we have been certified, that many men out of the parts of Hol­land, Zealand, and Friesland, who are in amity with us, intend now to come and fish in our Seas near [Page 88] unto Iernemuth; We command you, That publick Proclamation be made once or twice every week, that no person whatsoever employed abroad in our service, presume to cause any injury, trouble, damage, hindrance, or grievance, to be done unto them; but rather, when they stand in need, that you give them advice and as­sistance in such manner, that they may fish and pursue their own ad­vantage without any lett or impedi­ment. In testimony whereof, we have caused these Letters to be made Patents, and to continue in force till after the Feast of St. Martins next ensuing.

Here you see that the King granteth a Protection to fish; and he limits it within the space of two months. He alone also pro­tected the Fisher-men on the Ger­man Coast; nor might the Fisher­men use any other Vessels than what were prescribed by our Kings. Upon which accounts all [Page 89] kinds of fishing was sometimes prohibited, and sometimes admit­ted; this restriction being added, That they should fish only in such Vessels as were under the burden of thirty Tuns. And this appears by the Letters of King Edward the third concerning the Laws of fishing which were directed unto the Governours of several Ports and Towns on the Eastern shore: the words are these:

For as much as we have given leave and license to the Fishermen of the Neighbouring-Ports, and to others who shall be willing to come unto them for the benefit of fishing, that they may fish and make their own advantage with Ships and Boats under the burden of Thirty Tuns, any Prohibition or Command of ours to the contrary notwith­standing. We command you to per­mit the Fishermen of the said Towns and others who shall be willing to [Page 90] come to the said places for the be­nefit of fishing, to fish and make their own advantage with Ships and Boats under the burden of thirty Tun, without any lett or impediment; any Prohibitions or Commands of ours made to the con­trary in any wise notwithstanding.

This is evident also in the Re­cords of King Edward the fourth; for he invested three persons with Naval Power, whose Office it was to guard and protect the Fisher­men upon the Coasts of Norfolk and Suffolk; and the charges of the Guard were defrayed by the Fishermen of the said Seas at the pleasure of the King of England. Neither were any persons admit­ted to a Partnership in this kind of Guard, except those who were appointed by the King of Eng­land; lest by this means perhaps it might derogate from the English Right; which is a manifest sign [Page 91] and evidence of their Dominion and Possession of the place.

And this may yet more clearly appear by the Limits and Laws usually set by our King to such Forreigners as were at enmity with each other, but with amity with the English: and to this ef­fect is the Proclamation of King James; who having made peace with all Nations, did give equal Protection to the Spaniards and the Ʋnited Netherlands, at that time exercising acts of great ho­stility one against another: Our pleasure (saith he) and command­ment is to all our Officres and Sub­jects by Sea and Land, That they shall prohibit as much as in them lieth, all hovering of Men of Warr of either Spaniard or Hollander near to the entry of any of our Coasts or Havens: and that they shall rescue and succour all Mer­chants and others that shall fall within the danger of any such [Page 92] as shall await our Coasts.

And it is further to be obser­ved, that as our Kings have very often commanded, that all man­ner of persons should cease from hostility throughout all the places extended into their Territories by sea: so they indulged the like priviledg for ever throughout the more Neighbouring-coasts of the French shore, That all manner of persons, though enemies one to another, should securely sail to and fro, as it were under the wings of an Arbitrator or Mode­rator of the Sea; and also should freely use the Sea, according to such spaces and limits as they were pleased at first to appoint; which, without doubt, is a clear evidence of Dominion.

In the next place I shall cite some of the Publick Records kept in the Tower of London, in which the Dominion of the Seas is ex­presly [Page 93] asserted, as belonging to the Kings of England.

We read that Edward the third, in his Commissions given to Geo­fry de Say, Governour or Com­mander of the Southern and We­stern Seas, and to John de Norwich of the Northern; expresseth him­self in these following words:

We read also in the Reign of the said King, in the preferring a certain Bill in Parliament (which is the voice of the State of the Realm) that he was usually ac­counted King or Soveraign of the Seas by all Nations; written in French, and thus translated into English:

Another Testimony to the same effect we read in the Parliamen­tary Records of Henry the fifth, where the tenour of the Bill runs after this manner:

‘The Commons do pray, That see­ing our Soveraign Lord the King, and his illustrious Progenitors, have ever been Lords of the Sea; and now seeing through God's grace it is now come to pass, that our Lord the King is Lord of the shores on both sides the Sea, such a Tribute may be imposed on all Strangers passing through the said Sea, for the benefit and advantage of our said Lord the King, as may seem agree­able to Reason for the safeguard of the said Sea.’The Answer subscri­bed to the Bill was,Soit avise par le Roy: for the King at that time resided inFrance, being Lord of that Countrey as well by Conquest as Inheritance.

Many other Testimonies in this [Page 96] nature may be produced, which to avoid prolixity I must omit.

Neither hath the High Court of Parliament only given this attesta­tion to our Kings as Supream and Soveraign of the Seas; but to con­firm it, all the Judges of the Land were consulted herein, and all jointly averred, That the King's Sea-Dominion, which they called the Ancient Superiority of the Sea, was a matter out of question his Right.

Neither is this Truth confirm­ed only by our Laws, but by our Medals. There hath been a piece of Gold often coined by our Kings, called a Rose-Noble, upon the one side whereof was stamped a Ship floating in the Sea, and a King armed with a Sword and Shield, sitting in the Ship it self as in a Throne.

But what need we labour to produce so many Testimonies at home, from our Records in the [Page 97] Tower, and other places, from our High Courts of Parliament, from our Laws, from our Coyn, and from our Histories, to prove this Truth, since it is acknow­ledged even by Forreigners them­selves, whom it most concerneth, by striking sail according to the ancient custom, by every ship of any forreign Nation whatsoever, to any King's Man of War, which is done not only in Honour to the King of England, but also in acknowledgment of his Sove­raignty and Dominion at sea. The Antiquity of this Custom, and that it hath been in use above these four hundred years, may appear by this following Testimony:

At Hastings, a Town scituate on the shore of Sussex, it was de­creed by King John, and the as­sent of his Peers, in the second year of his reign, That if the Governour or Commander of the King's Navy, in his Naval-Expe­ditions, [Page 98] shall meet with any ships whatsoever at sea laden or empty, that shall refuse to strike their sails at the command of the King's Governour or Admiral, they are to be looked on as Enemies, &c. Mr. Selden in his excellent Trea­tise called Mare Clausum, saith, If any ship whatsoever had not acknow­ledged the Dominion of the King of England in his own sea, by striking sail, they were not to be protected on any account of Amity, and Pe­nalties were appointed by the Kings of England in the same manner, as if mention were made concerning a crime committed in some Terri­tory of his Land.

But above all that yet hath been said, There cannot be produ­ced a more convincing Argument than the acknowledgment of the Sea-Dominion of the King of England by very many of our Neighbouring-Nations.

[Page 99]At what time the Agreement was made between Edward the first of England, and Philip the Fair of France, Reyner Grimbald Governour of the French Navy, intercepted and spoiled on the English Seas the Goods of many Merchants that were going to Flanders; and not contented with the depredation of their Commo­dities, he imprisoned their Persons: Hereupon a Bill was exhibited a­gainst the said Reyner Grimbald, and managed by Procurators on the behalf of the Peers and Peo­ple of the English Nation; with these were joined the Procurators of most Nations bordering upon the Sea throughout Europe; all these instituted a Complaint; and all these Complainants in their Bill do jointly affirm, That the King of England and his Predecessors have time out of mind, and with­out controversie, enjoyed the So­veraignty and Dominion of the [Page 100] English Seas, and the Isles belong­ing to the same, by right of their Realm of England: also, that they have had, and have the Soveraign Guard thereof, with all manner of Cognizance and Jurisdiction, in doing Right and Justice according to the said Laws, Ordinances, and Prohibitions, with all other mat­ters which may concern the exer­cise of Soveraign Dominion in the said places.

But more particularly, We do find an acknowledgment of the Sea-Dominion of the Kings of England, made by the Flemmings themselves in the Parliament of England, in the Reign of Edward the second; the Records of the Parliament speak it thus:

In the fourteenth year of the Reign of Edward the second, there appeared certain Embassa­dors of the Earl of Flanders to treat about the reformation of some injuries they received: and [Page 101] as soon as the said Ambassadors had been admitted by our Lord the King to treat of the said In­juries, amongst other particulars they required, That the said Lord the King would at his own suit by vertue of his Royal Authority, cause enquiry to be made, and do justice about a depredation by the subjects of England upon the En­glish seas, taking Wines and other Commodities from certain Merchants of Flanders; al­ledging, that the said Merchan­dizes taken from the Flemmings, were brought within the Realm and Jurisdiction of the King; and that it belonged to the King to see Justice done, in regard that He is Lord of the Sea.

In the seventh year of King James, this Right was very stre­nuously asserted by Proclamation, and all persons excluded from the use of the seas upon our Coasts, without particular License; but [Page 102] the Hollander continuing his en­croachments till after the death of that wise and learned King; CHARLES the First of ever bles­sed memory, issued a Proclama­tion for restraint of fishing upon his Seas and Coasts without Li­cense, in these terms:

This Proclamation being set forth in the year 1636, served to speak the intent of those Naval-Preparations [Page 105] made before in the year 1635, which were so numerous and well provided, that our Neatherland-Neighbours being touched with the apprehension of some great design in hand for the Interest of England by Sea, and of the guilt that lay upon their own Consciences for their bold En­croachments, soon betrayed their jealousies and fears, and in them a sense of their offences, before ever the Proclamation was made pub­lick; as I might shew at large if it were requisite. Instead where­of, I shall only insert Secretary Cook's Letter, written to Sir Wil­liam Boswel the King's Resident then at the Hague; in which Let­ter you will understand the grounds and reasons of that great Naval Preparation, and the King's resolution to maintain the Right derived from his Ancestors in the Dominion of the seas; and there­fore I have here rendred a true [Page 106] Copy of it so far as concerns this business, as most pertinent to our purpose.

Nay farthermore, you may see the Dominion of His Majesty in His Brittish Seas, clearly represen­ted, asserted, and fully proved, by that Propriety of Title and Sove­raignty of Power which the Duke of Venice exerciseth on the Adria­tick Sea, if you will consult Mr. Howel in his Commonwealth of Venice, which by the manner of Prescription, the Consent of Hi­stories, [Page 114] and even by the Confession of their Adversaries themselves, is almost the same with his Majesties of Great Britain. But his Majesty hath one Title more above all theirs, which is the Title of Succes­sive Inheritance; confirmed as well by the Law of Nature, as of Na­tions; and is so much the more con­siderable, in regard of the infinite advantages of the Profits of it, as the Brittish Ocean in its latitude and circumference exceedeth the small boundaries of the Gulph of Venice.

Yet so it is, that the Indulgence of the Kings of England to their Neighbouring-Nations, especially to the Hollanders, by giving them too much liberty, hath encouraged them to assume a liberty to them­selves; and what at the first was but a License, they improve into a Custom, and make that Custom their Authority; insomuch, that some of the most busie of them [Page 115] have openly declar'd against the King's Propriety on the Brittish Seas: Amongst these is one Hugo Grotius, a Gentleman of great In­genuity, but in this particular so inclined to obey the importunities and serve the interests of his Coun­trey-men, that he disobliged him­self of the Dutch, and moreover (to speak the truth) of his Consci­ence it self: for if you look into his Sylvae, upon the first Inaugura­tion of King James, he is pleased to express himself in these words, Tria Sceptra Profundi in Magnum cojere Ducem; which is, that the Rights of the English, Scottish, and Irish Seas, are united under one Scepter: neither is he satisfied with this bare profession; Sume animos a Rege tuo, quis det jura Mari, Take courage from the King, who gi­veth Laws unto the Seas. In the same Book in the contemplation of so great a Power, he concludeth, Finis hic est, qui fine caret, &c. This [Page 116] is an End beyond an End, a bound that knoweth no bound, which even the Winds and the Waves must submit unto.

But with what Ingratitude have the Dutch answered the many Royal Favours which the Kings of England have almost perpetually conferred on them! If there be no Monster greater than Ingrati­tude, what Monsters are these men, who of late are so far from ac­knowledging their thankfulness, that (like Vipers) they would feed upon and consume those bowels which did afford them life and spirit.

We may observe, that in their lowest condition (which is most suitable to the name of their a­bode, called the Low-Countreys) they petitioned to the Majesty of the Queen of England; whose Royal Heart and Hand being always open to those that were Distressed (especially those that [Page 117] were her Neighbours) upon the account of Religion; she sent them Threescore thousand pound in the year 1572; and presently after, there followed Four Regiments of Foot, and after them the Warr encreasing, there were sent over Col. North, Col. Cotton, Col. Can­dish, and Col. Norris, with other Persons of Quality; who for the Honour of the English Nation, made in that Warr excellent De­monstrations of their Valour, and redeem'd the Dutch from the Power of those who otherwise would have brought them to a bet­ter understanding of their duties.

At the last the Prince of Orange being slain, presently after the death of the Duke of Alanson (Brother to Henry the Third of France) the Queen of England sent over to them Robert Duke of Lei­cester, with great provision both of Men and Money, accompanied with divers of the Nobility and [Page 118] Gentry of good account; and although the said Earl not long afterwards returned into England, and the affairs of the Hollander were doubtful till the fatal battel at Newport; yet Queen Elizabeth of ever blessed memory, out of her unspeakable goodness to the Di­stressed, and to those that suffered for Religion, did (as long as she lived) assist the Hollanders both with Men and Moneys; she gave them hope in despair, gave them strength when weak; and with the charity of Her Princely Hand did support them when fallen. And although the Hollanders do un­gratefully alledg, That it was a be­nefit great enough for the English to assist them in Reason of State, because by so doing they kept out a War from their own Countrey.

It is most certain, that at that time the English had no cause to fear a War at all, but only for their Cause, and for the taking their parts: [Page 119] for it was for their Cause that the English in the year 1571, had sei­zed upon the sum of Six hundred thousand Ducats on the West of England, being the Money designed from Spain to the Duke d'Alva, for the advancement of the Spanish Interests in the Netherlands.

And although the Hollanders do further alledg in their own excuse, That they were so grateful, as that they offered unto the Queen of Eng­land the Soveraignty of the Nether­lands, which she would not accept; and therefore none of their fault that She obtained it not.

It is in reason truly answered, That the Queen of England well knowing that she was in danger to draw a perpetual War on her Self and her Successors by the accepting such a Gift to which She had no right, did wisely refuse their Libe­rality; and yet for all that, She continued to aid them without that chargeable obligation.

[Page 120]The Hollanders do further al­ledg, That the Queen of England had the Cautionary Towns of the Brill and Flushing, with other pla­ces, delivered into her hands.

It is true, She had so, and there­by only enjoyed the benefit of be­ing at the greater expence of Men and Money. But pray take notice, that most certain it is, That the Hollander had no sooner made a Truce with the King of Spain, and the Arch-Duke Albertus, but he began presently to set the English at naught, and take the Bridle out of their hands; whereupon imme­diately ensued the bringing of En­glish Clothes died and dressed, into Holland, and the adjoining Pro­vinces, without ever making the King of England, or his Ambassa­dor Leiger at the Hague, acquaint­ed therewith.

And to make amends for this their sawcy and insolent affront, in a more high and peremptory way [Page 121] they demeaned themselves to King James himself. For whereas the Duke of Lennox, as Admiral of Scotland, had by order from the Majesty of King James, in the year 1616, sent one Mr. Brown to de­mand of the Hollanders (then fishing on the Coasts of Scotland) a certain ancient Duty called Size Herring: they began to contest with him about it; and after a long disputation, they paid it as in former times it had been ac­customed; but not without some affronting terms, That it was the last time it should be paid.

And it is most certain, that the same Gentleman coming the year following with the same Authori­ty and Commandment with one only Ship of His Majesty's to de­mand the Duty aforesaid, but by them he was denied it, who as plainly as peremptorily told him, That they were commanded by the States of Holland to pay it no more [Page 122] to the King of England. Of which he took witness, according to his Order from His Majesty. This ta­king of witness did so startle them, that without any more ado they pretended an Order to arrest him; and so they carried him into Hol­land, where a while he was de­tain'd.

Nay, a little while after, such was their insufferable abuse, that when Mr. Archibald Ranthim, a Scotch Gentleman, and residing at Stockholm in Sweden, where he sollicited for some sums of money due to the English Merchants; at the same time in the same City was one Vandyke lying there as an Agent for the States of Holland, who said unto some principal persons of the Swedes, That they need not be so ha­sty in paying any moneys to the sub­jects of the King of England, or to give them any high respect, because the said Kings Promises were not to be believed, nor his threatnings [Page 123] to be feared. For which vile and insolent speeches being afterwards challenged by Mr. Ranthim, he had no better excuse than to say, He was drunk when he spake those words: And by this means his ex­cuse of playing the Beast, did ex­cuse him from playing the Man.

Now from these insolent Af­fronts by words, let us proceed, and come to what they have done by deeds, more than what I have already declared in my preceding Discourse; where, in the first place, we may observe their rude demea­nour to out English Nation in the Northern Seas, on the Coasts of Greenland, and those parts about the fishing for Whales, and the Commodity of Trayn-oyl; where violently they have offered unpar­donable abuses in an hostile man­ner, driving the English away to their great loss and prejudice. Their pride of heart was so high, that it would not give their Rea­son [Page 124] leave to apprehend, That Fish­ing at Sea is free for every man, where it is not upon the Coast of any Countrey unto which the Do­minion of the Sea belongeth by ancient Prerogative.

And yet all this is but inconsi­derable in regard of their usage of our English in the East Indies, where in open Hostility they have as fiercely set upon them, as if they had been most mortal Ene­mies, having in several Encoun­ters slain many of our Men, and sunk sundry of our Ships; and when they had taken our men Prisoners, they would use them in the sight of the Indians in such a contemp­tible and disdainful manner, as if it at their own home, and all pla­ces else, the English in respect of them were but a sordid and slavish Nation, and the Hollanders were either their Superiors, and might use them at their own pleasure; or the English were so spiritless, or so [Page 125] unpowerful that they durst not be revenged, but quietly must put up all the Affronts and Injuries which they received at their hands.

And as for the commodious and profitable Trade which the English have had in Muscovy for above these fourscore years, and some o­ther Countreys that lye upon the East and North, which the Hollan­ders have now gotten quite out of their hands, to the great grief and prejudice of several Merchants in London; What shall we say, seeing not long since they have been act­ing the same again with our English Merchants in Turkey? And it is a practice so usual with them to spoil the Trade of other Nations, that when they cannot find any occasi­on to do it, they will show a nature so wretchedly barbarous, that they will not stick to spoil one another. And yet all this proceedeth out of an ignoble and sordid spirit; for let them arrive to what wealth they [Page 126] will, they can never be the Masters of a Noble and Generous Dispo­sition.

Had it not been for their Neigh­bouring Nation of the English, they had never arrived to the liberty of a free State; yet so ingrateful have they been, that they have endea­voured to forget all the Obligati­ons of Humanity, and have digged into the very bowels of those who did preserve them. So many Ex­amples of this nature may be in­stanced, that I am forced to omit them for want of room. The Per­fidiousness and Ingratitude of the Hollanders to the English, may be traced all along ever since they shook off their obedience to the King of Spain, even unto this pre­sent time. But we will pass from their Hypocrisie and Cruelty pra­ctised abroad, and look on their actions at home.

How, almost but the other day, did they labour to impose upon His [Page 127] Majesty, and Sir George Downing his Envoy Extraordinary, by deli­vering Papers to many publick Ministers of State at the Hague; as if his Majesty and his Envoy had been pre-possessed with them, when they had not the least notice of any such thing?

How have they seemed to be most desirous of Peace, when at the same time they have omitted no days, even those appropriated for holy duties, to drive on their Pre­parations for Warr? How have they stood in defence of their violent and unjust proceedings; and instead of redressing their Injuries, they have encreased them?

About the year 1662, they con­cluded a Treaty with the English; and having engaged, That better order should for the future be ob­served; they have since heaped new Injuries, endeavouring the utter overthrow of all the Trade of his Majesty's subjects in the East [Page 128] and West Indies; witness our ships the Hopewell, Leopard, and some others in the East-Indies; and the Charles, the James, the Mary, the Sampson, the Hopeful Adventurer, and the Speedwell, on the Coast of Africa.

And after all these Acts of the highest Injustice, and their utmost endeavours for driving on a War, they have done and would still make the world believe, That His Majesty is the first Ʋndertaker of it: who from his own mouth to their Ambassador in England, and by his Injunctions to Sir George Downing his Minister in Holland, hath given so many and such remarkable De­monstrations to the contrary.

What can they say to theMe­morialof the Complaints which SirGeorge Downing exhibited to theStates General, importing,That in the space of a very few years, almost twenty English,with their whole Lading, to a very great value, [Page 129] have been seized upon in a very hor­rible manner, and the men in them most barbarously and most inhumanly treated, being put into stinking and most nasty Dungeons and Holes atCasteldelmina,where they did lye bedded and bathed in their own excrements, having nothing but bread and water given them, and not enough of that neither to su­stain Nature (their bodies being un­der the fury of exquisite and horrid torments); and when any of them dyed, the living and the dead were left together; and such as outliv'd that Cruelty, were exposed in the Woods to Famine, or to the mercy of wild beasts in those desolate Coun­tries, or to be carried into captivity by the Natives, by which means se­veral hundreds of his Majesties good Subjects have perished and been destroyed.

And to this hour, notwithstand­ing all sollicitations and endea­vours of his Majesties Envoy, not [Page 130] one penny of satisfaction can be had either for the loss of the ships, or the persons concerned in any of them; but to the contrary, they have ever since hindred, and shot at the English ships that have anchored by them.

How inhumanly and treacher­ously was one Captain Jordan butcher'd by them, who sailing from Bantam with two ships, the one called the Sampson, and the other the Hound, to the great Islands of Burnew, he discovered three or four Dutch ships standing in for the same Port; and being confident that they intended no good to him, he gave order to prepare for the Encounter; fully resolving to fight it out to the last man, rather than to yeild himself to the unmer­ciful hands of his insulting and ap­proaching Enemies. The Dutch summoned to deliver the ships upon fair Quarter; but Captain Jordan (who had a great heart in a [Page 131] little body) absolutely refused to yeild upon any condition whate­ver. The Dutch pretending to be unwilling to shed blood, called out to the English, and told them, That they knew well enough that little Captain Jordan was there; and desired them to per­swade him to parley with them: The Captain being informed of it, refused to have any conference with them: whereupon they de­sired that he would but shew him­self on the Quarter-Deck, that by a fair compliance they might stop the effusion of blood, which otherwise must follow. Where­upon Capt. Jordan (thinking that to speak with them could not much prejudice him) did shew him­self on the Quarter-deck; and af­ter the exchange of some few words, told them, That he knew the Justice of his Cause, and the Injustice of theirs; and was resol­ved to fight it out: The Hollander [Page 132] alledging, That their strength was far greater than his; and it was rather Desperateness than true Valour to fight upon such a dis­advantage. This prevailed nothing with Capt. Jordan, who told them, He was resolved to fight it out, and leave the success to God. The Dutch finding him untractable to their demands, held him still in discourse, until a Musquet-bullet from one of their ships laid him dead on the Quarter-deck as he was in parley with them. At that very instant of time, whether by Treachery, or by Accident, it is uncertain; a part of the other English Ship, called the Hound, was blown up, and many of her men mortally hurt: The amazement was so great, that the English were enforced to yeild; who ha­ving taken them, did instantly lade them with bolts, and did not allow them so much favour as they showed to the Heathen.

[Page 133]Thus may we observe what In­jury and Wrong we have all a­long sustained by the Dutch, who have got many of those Islands where now they have seated them­selves, by Cruelty and Bloodshed, and by murthering the English and their Friends. These indeed are sad Relations; and though dismal in themselves, they are but the Prologues to their more bloody Tragedies.

But to give further proof of their Confidence and Ambition, they have published a Declarati­on, wherein they assume and chal­lenge to themselves a Right to that whole Coast, to the exclusion of all other Nations; although by Order from his Majesty, Sir George Downing both in publick confer­ences with the Deputies of the Lords General, as also with those of Holland in particular, hath at large remonstrated his Majesties Right and Interest in some part therein, [Page 134] having by his Subjects bought the ground of the King of that Coun­trey for a valuable Consideration, and built a Factory thereon; and yet for all this, some of the Dutch West-India Company by fraud and treachery have got into the place, and no hopes of the restitution of it; for they are resolved to keep that by Violence which they have obtained by Deceit.

Moreover, What can they say for themselves concerning their stirring up the King of Fantin by rewards and sums of money, and supplying him with all manner of Arms and Ammunition, for the sur­prizing of his Majesties Castle at Cormantin in the West-Indies; so that an absolute necessity is impo­sed upon his Majesty and his Sub­jects, either of losing all that have been actually taken from them, and abandoning for ever that Trade it self, or of betaking them­selves to some other way for relief.

[Page 135]The Island of Polleroon hath been surrendring back to the En­glish ever since the year 1622; at which time by a solemn and par­ticular Treaty it was promised to be done; and again, by ano­ther Treaty in the year 1654; and by an Order of the States General, and the East-Indie-Company of that Nation, in the year 1661; and again by another Treaty in the year following: and yet to this day there is not the least mention of any thing Restored.

And should any man then think it strange, that his Majesty after so long an experience of the Per­versness and Deceitfulness of that Nation, that he now endeavours to re-possess his subjects of those places which by the hand of Vio­lence and Oppression the Dutch have forced from them?

Now as for the business of the New-Netherlands (as they call it by I know not what Authority) [Page 136] it hath been abundantly elsewhere proved, That the said Land is part of the Possession of his Majesties subjects in New-England, which their Charter plainly and precise­ly sheweth and expresseth; and those few Dutch who lived there heretofore, have lived there meerly upon the connivence and sufferance of the English; which hath been permitted them so to do, so long as they demeaned them­selves peaceably and quietly. But the Dutch not contenting them­selves therewith, have encroached more and more upon the English, imposing their Laws and Customs, and endeavouring to raise Contri­butions and Excises on them, and in those places where the Dutch had never been; whereupon they have been several times necessita­ted to send Soldiers for the repul­sing them.

Since the Conclusion of the late Treaty, the Dutch have made [Page 137] new Incursions upon the English, and given them many new provo­cations, and have ordained a Trial of Causes among themselves, and a Proceeding by force of arms, without any appealing into Europe at all.

And can any Prince then think it strange, if his Majesty of Eng­land suffer his subjects to rescue themselves from such continual Vexations? His most Christian Ma­jesty in the year 1665, was plea­sed to order his subjects to re-pos­sess themselves by force of arms of a certain place called Cayen, which the French alledged had been wrongfully kept from them, and detained by the West-India Com­pany of the Netherlanders.

We might in the next place al­ledg De Ruyter's leaving the English Fleet, when with united Counsels and Forces they were to act against their common Enemies the Pyrates and Barbarians in the Midland-Seas, [Page 138] according to the Treaty soon after his Majesties happy Restau­ration.

We may alledg their Instructi­ons given to Van Campen in the year 1664, at what time his Maje­sty entertained not any open War against them; which Instructions was in down-right terms, To attack and fall upon his Majesties Subjects in the West-Indies, and to carve out their own Satisfaction and Repara­tion.

Lastly, Their refusing to strike, and denying his Majesty the Right of the Flag, even in his own Seas: Witness Sir Robert Holmes late meeting with Eight Dutch Men of War convoying their Smyrna-Fleet homewards, which had no doubt come short of home, had not that brave Commander been overpower'd with Numbers: In which short, but sharp Conflict, as there was not an English-man which gave not large proof and demon­stration [Page 139] of his Courage; so parti­cularly, the Right Honourable the Earl of Ossery, acted wonders that day, almost baffling the belief of their eyes who were Spectators of his incredible Valour.

Thus I have in part drawn to the knowledg of all, the Cruelties, Ingratitudes, Injuries, and Wrongs, done unto the English by the Trea­cherous Dutch; yet not one hun­dred part of what they are; and for their hainousness, deserve only a Pen of Steel to record them in the wrinkled brow of Time, there to remain to posterity. And if all the Premises aforesaid be not cause enough to provoke his Majesty to maintain the Justice of his Cause by the Force of Arms, we will leave to the World, and to his Enemies themselves to judg: And surely that Sword is to be feared, that striketh with the Hand of Justice.