A VOYAGE TO The World OF CARTESIUS.

Written Originally in French, and now Translated into English.

LONDON: Printed, and sold by Thomas Bennet at the Half Moon in S. Paul's Church-Yard, 1692.

To my Friend IAMES LVDFORD OF ANSELY, Esq

SIR,

THO' all my Services and Respects necessarily devolve on you, as on the Inheriter of your Brothers In­terests, yet you may lay a more im­mediate Claim to my Esteem and Observance, from your own repeated Favours and Obliga­tions: In so much that I am bound by a dou­ble Tye of Gratitude, on all Occasions, to ma­nifest my Resentments of them, and think my self unworthy privately to enjoy the Hap­piness, unless I declare to the World how much I am Oblig'd to you. You must needs, [Page] Sir, think me sincere in my Intentions, when, upon making so small and insignifi­cant a Payment, I am willing to call the Publick to witness, I am infinitely still your Debtor. I confess, the opportunity I have had of improving my Talent by the Advan­tage of your Brothers Tuition and Instru­ctions, might (you may justly think) have inabled me to offer you an Original in­stead of a Translation, and the Transcrib­ing his Character and Sense, might ra­ther have been expected than my Authors. But for my Apology, I must plead my Vn­happiness in the loss of him, which yet is no more peculiar to me than to the whole Society of Magdalen-College, where­of he was a Member. He is there re­membred as a Person in whom the Scholar and Gentleman were so well met, that nei­ther of them spoil'd the other: He was Learn'd without Arrogance; Genteel with­out Vanity; Witty without Affectation; Well bred, Airy, Gay and Easy, yet never relax'd his Mind so far as to abate in any part of its real Improvement. And, though to instance the Graces and extraor­dinary Endowments of his Body, would be thought perhaps to derogate from those of his Mind, and to make the Lustre of his Vertues stand indebted to his Person, yet I can not but think so curious an Habita­tion [Page] was design'd to answer the Merit of the Inhabitant, whose outward Structure should represent the Quality of the Owner. But I do not mean to inlarge on his Cha­racter, for that is Work that must be wrought extreamly Fine, or methinks 'tis Nauseous, even on the Dead; and, whatever I may pretend to the contrary, will look more like a Complement to your self, than Iustice to his Memory. The little I have said will suffice, I hope, to shew that what I here of­fer you is not altogether unsuitable to his or your Genius, wherein Philosophy is divested of the Stiffness and Morosness of the Schools, and has assum'd the Garb and Air of a more Ingenuous Education, than ordinary. Here is something, Sir, that will entertain your Philosophical Minutes, and something that will quicken those design'd for your Di­version: and all so mixt and temper'd, that the Author seems still to have kept his Eye on those two main ends, Pleasing and In­structing. Philosophy by this Method is become a la mode amongst the Women of greatest Quality in France, who pride them­selves more in being accounted Partisans of a Sect, than Leaders in Dress and Fa­shion. And we may presume that the Power and Force of Imitation will reach the Minds of our English Ladies, when Learn­ing shall be set off with the Allurements [Page] and Delight they meet with in reading a Romance. To provoke them therefore I have adventur'd upon this Translation, not­withstanding the Prohibition of French Commodities: But it is not from their Iudgments I expect the Approbation of my Endeavours: My chief Design was to please you; And if I shall in the least succeed in that Attempt, it will be abundant Honour and Satisfaction to

Sir,
Your most oblig'd, and most humble Servant, T. Taylor.

ADVERTISEMENT OF THE AUTHOR.

IT is almost three years since this Book was in a capacity of appearing; and if it were of any Concern to convince the World of this, it might be done by the Testimony of Persons unsuspected in this Affair; and such as would merit Credit when they determin'd it in favour of the Author. The Reader may per­ceive it in two or three places, that have some reference to those times, which were not thought necessary to be alter'd. Such is the War betwixt M. Arnauld and Malebranche Father of the Oratory, of which there is an account given, without any mention of the Cessation of Arms, or any pretence of a Truce which hath been since concluded. But it may be presum'd not amiss, to advise such as think themselves not obligd to so exact an Inquiry into things of that Nature, that the Map of the Moon, whose [Page] Hemisphere is describ'd at large in the Voyage to the World of Descartes, is no new thing, and that Pl [...]to, Aristotle, Gassendus, Mersennus, &c. are not Inhabitants of those Lands and Countries lately discover'd in that vast Continent, nor, of those wherewith the Author of this Book hath inlarg'd the Map. Our Astronomers have been acquainted with those places long ago, and have establish'd Principalities on behalf of those great Men whose Names they bear. This may be seen in the Almagestus of Ricciolus, and in ma­ny other Mathematicians, who write Observa­tions on the Eclipses of the Moon.

Some may be farther inquisitive to demand, why Father Mersennus had the Honour to be made Cartesius his Partner, in the framing of his World, rather than so many other famous Car­tesians he might have made choise of. To which I return, that Father Mersennus had the Preference, not only on the account of the particular Esteem and Love Cartesius, as well as other excellent Philosophers of his time, had for him, but be­cause he was the almost only Gentleman that was in a condition to be an Assistant in that great Enterprize when he began it; the other Ingenious Cartesians having not left our World till after him.

A General View Of the whole WORK.

LUCIAN, in his Entry upon his true History, hath taken the most advanta­gious Method that possibly could be thought on. He proclaims forthwith to his Rea­der that whatever he shall say is false. After which giving his Imagination swing, he loads the Pa­per with all the Extravagancies his Fancy can sup­ply him with. By this means he secures himself from that grand Concern which attends all sorts of Composition, and consists in preserving probability in the Narration; an Obligation otherwise indispensable to every Writer that pretends to give Relations. The worst of that Exordium is, it cannot be made use of twice, and that it begins to be Thred-bare, as [Page] soon as it ceases to be intirely new. It is a Liber­ty the Publick would never pardon in any one but him that had the good fortune first to light upon it: A gentile turn that no one can imitate without passing for a Plagiary, and a Grace of Wit that admits of nothing surprizing or agreeable in a se­cond Indeavour. That Consideration joyn'd with the difficulty which may be easily guess'd, I had to preserve the strict Law of probability in my History, will persuade those that shall read it, that I envyed Lucian, more than once, this his so happy Expedi­ent: Nor can I but acknowledge the same. Yet I must add, that a second Consideration would inevi­tably have determin'd me to a different Choice, al­though decency would have allow'd me to make use of the former. I am a Philosopher: And the Professi­on I pretend to, bars all admittance unto such a ma­nagement. The Character of a Philosopher is al­ways to speak Truth, or to think he does; at least indeavour to be thought to speak it. For me to de­vest my self of all gayety of Humour, and then to affect it (to follow the Example of the greatest Enemy the Philosophers have known) would have been poorly to support a Quality, I extreamly value my self upon. So that I should be cautious of using the like Preamble, and acquainting my Readers that all they were to expect of me should be false. I cer­tify them therefore from this time forward that I have a quite contrary design, and that I mean to set off my History with an Air of Truth, such as may be able to persuade the most Incredulous, did they lay by Prejudice in the reading of it, that what I say is most undoubtedly true. But such is the Nature of Prejudice and Prepossession, that after all the pains I have take to appear credible, I am conscious [Page] notwithstanding I shall not be believ'd. Let it be how it will: For after all I will by no means offer violence to the Iudgment of my Readers. Now see in few Words the design of the Work.

I therein relate the Particulars of a Voyage which I made to the World of Cartesius. I begin the Voy­age very advantagiously, upon an occasion that For­tune presented me, and which seems worthy to be re­lated. Through the whole Thred of the History, as I fall in with Emergencies, I explain with as little difficulty and as pleasantly as the Subject will bear, the most principal Points of Cartesius his Philosophy. I examine many of them in the way, and refute the greatest part of them in a manner clear, as I think, and intelligible enough; and which commonly has in it something new and unreceiv'd. I have made it my business to diversify and enliven a Subject na­turally dry and melancholy, as well by the variety of Accidents, which give me occasion to digress upon them, as by some peculiar and not incurious Instan­ces of the History of Cartesianism: And likewise with some brisk and warm Discourses of such Gen­tlemen, as no one will be uneasy to hear Dispute. To conclude, my last and most principal Business to the Examination and Discussion of the general System of Cartesius his World, and his managery of the chiefest Parts of it, as he proposes it in his Book of Principles, and in that which is Intituled, A Treatise concerning Light, or the World of M. Descartes, which he mentions so often in his Letters to Father Mersennus, but was not printed till after his death. And I doubt not, in that dis­cussion, to establish this one Proposition, that hath been often advanc'd, but still repuls'd, and still, I [Page] am confident, will be, as a Paradox to many, That there is scarce any Philosophical Hypothesis more unjust and incoherent, or whose Conclusions have less connexion with its Principles, than that of Cartesius.

That Proposition, I say, hath always seem'd a Paradox, because it thwarts the generally receiv'd Opinion of that Philosophy. No one will deny but that some of his Principles being but meer Sup­positions without Proof, the Mind cannot find that satisfaction it demands: But what they stand upon is, That these Suppositions being once receiv'd, all the rest doth follow in so direct a Line, in so great order and perspicuity, that the evidence of the Consqeuences, expanding it self (as I may say) upon the Premises, the mind begins of its own ac­cord to imbrace for Truths, what were before pro­pos'd as bare Suppositions.

This may be true of some parts of his Philoso­phy, and particularly of those wherein he treats of the Nature of some Sensible Qualities, in which a Man must almost be forc'd to acquiesce, that shall read them without Prepossession. But I am of opinion it is false in respect of the general Con­structure of his World, and the Consequences he draws from it. 'Tis this part of his Philosophy which I shall more throughly examine, and it is this of all other, that hath hitherto best escap'd the Censure. Plenty of Objections have been made a­gainst his Metaphysicks, against the New De­monstrations, he hath pretended to give, for the existence of a Deity, his distinction of the Soul and Body, his System of Light, his Rules of Motion, [Page] as also those concerning Reflection and Refraction. Scarce any yet have given him disturbance upon the Hypothesis of his Vortexes, which is notwith­standing the Foundation of all he says touching the motion of the Planets, the ebbing and flowing of the Sea, the gravity and levity of Bodies; and of his whole System concerning Light, of which he himself has been so very fond.

I will not say but they have augmented the Difficulties upon each of these last Heads, since a great many have attack'd him thereupon: But I only say they have seldom or never examin'd them with relation to his general Hypothesis, by which I undertake to shew, that commonly what he writes of particular Matters, is inconsistent with the whole; and it is mostly in that, the Re­lation of my Voyage hath something altogether new.

For what remains, if I shall succeed in this last Affair, which was almost the only occasion of this Enterprize, I shall glory to have been the most mischievous Adversary Cartesius ever met with. For that which distinguishes that great Man from all the other Philosophers, is not the lucky Explication of some particular Phenomena's in Nature (that Praise is shar'd by an abund­ance of Philosophers, both Ancient and Modern) but that vastness of Capacity, and extent of Genius, whereby he could frame an intire System of the World, so well contriv'd, that taking for granted a few Principles most simple and easy to be understood, he could give a reason for all the Occurrencies of Nature. It is that Attempt, as [Page] most believe, by which he obtain'd his end, and which hath procur'd him so much Honour and Reputation. To shew then his System to be full of Contradictions, that it is incoherent, that one Supposition destroys another, is to undertake him in his strongest hold, and to wound him in the part that is most sensible. We shall see in the pur­suit of the History what ought to be our Thoughts of it.

ERRATA.

PH [...]nomena's read Phaenomena, where-ever it is. p. 2. l. 15. r. lies. ib. l. 35. r. scouted. p. 18. l. 9. r. the. p. 19. l. 8. r. humors, all those Natural Functions, and all the ib. l. 27. r. Britanny. l. 29. r. of her. p. 21. l. 9. r. laxed. p. 23. l. 15. r. Vortex. p. 29. l. 25. r. meet me at: l. 34. r. she gave: l. 36. r. sad. p. 44. l. 2. imagines: l. 21. r. utmost. p. 45. l. 16. r. merited. p. 46. l. 16. r. murder. p. 51. l. 2. r. talked. p. 58. l. 5. r. could. p. 64. l. 2. r. in one: l. 25. dele not. p. 69. l. 26. r. Euripus. p. 73. r. Califtbe­nes. p. 76. l. 5. dele and: l. 7. r. Venturer. p. 77. r. unim­power'd. p. 79. l. 6. dele we. p. 83. l. 3. r. and. p. 86. l. 8. r. Placart. p. 100. l. 4. r. [...]a [...]sh: l. 17. r. Galilaeus. p. 112. l. 30. r. hairs. p. 118. l. 15. r. Peripape [...]icism. p. 121. l. 12. r. met. p. 122. l. 3. r. memoir. p. 131. l. 34. r. clawing. p. 141. l. 25. r. alone. p. 142. l. 20. after to insert be. p. 146. l. 10. r. conceiving. p. 147. l. 12. r. net­led. p. 153. l. 21. r. Elaterium. p. 155. l. 25. r. sect. p. 156. l. 19. r. shock'd. p. 158. l. 9. dele them. p. 161. l. 4. r. clearing: l. 27. r. not truly. p. 162. l. 7. suppos'd; to the. end that. p. 173. l. 1. r. or. p. 179. l. 18. r. Vices. p. 182. l. 31. r. Des Arques. p. 163. l. 9. r. Tonques. p. 193 l. 35. r. petty. p. 201. l. 6. r. part: l. 34. r. Port. p. 211. l. 12. r. consists. p. 220. l. 19. r. Wreck: l. 21. r. dissipated. p. 245. l. 31. r. resist. p. 259. l. 19. dele more.

A VOYAGE TO The World of Cartesius.
PART. 1.

IT fares with the World of Monsieur Descartes, as with other lately discovered Lands, whereof such different Accounts are given, as often contradict one another. Scarce Mention was made of this New World, but an in­finite Number of French, English and Dutchmen resolve to go see it. The Spaniard, however zea­lous for new Discoveries, understanding it was barren of Mines of Gold and Silver, of Indigo and Ginger, seemed not much concerned about it: Wherefore those that had most contributed unto it were not a little pleased, as believing, they had no Reason to apprehend the Inquisition's coming there to disturb them. Among other [Page 2] Things in that World the Earth takes a Turn about the Sun, as in that of Copernicus: And it is known that M. Descartes hath more than once,Desc. [...]om. 2. lett. 43, 75. on that occasion, reflected on the Misfortune of poor Galileus. I cannot tell, but it may be on his Account he hath taken so much Pains to prove this Paradox,Part. 3. pr. n. 26. That the Earth stands still, though at the same Time it is carried about the Sun by that Luminary's Vortex. Let it be how it will, many of those that give out they have best exa­mined that Country, have made their Relations of it, but so differently, that a Man can scarce yet determine what he must believe: If you will credit one Party, they'll tell you, It is no World at all, but a perfect Chaos: That all lie in Dis­order, and wild Confusion: That 'tis impossible for a Man to turn himself in it: That there is neither Light nor Colours, neither Heat nor Cold, Drought nor Moisture: That Plants and Animals there don't live. There you have not only Liberty, but positive Orders to doubt of every thing in Nature. Some there shall be that will dispute you out of the Name of a Man; though you have a Face like other Men; though you be made up of Flesh and Bone as they; though you Walk, and Eat, and Sleep, and, in a Word, perform all the Natural Functions of a Man; yet, I say, there are those that shall contest that Title with you, until having con­versed you, and understood you speak conse­quentially, they shall be convinced that you have Reason.

The Inhabitants look Proud and Scornful, and have not the least Respect for Antiquity. Ari­stotle, especially is scouled in all Companies, and upon all Occasions, by them, being look'd [Page 3] upon as a Vain Babler, and an Antique Teller of Dreams. It is said, There is neither good Christian nor good Catholick there, since they tamper with Principles too Delicate and Dan­gerous, in Matters relating to Religion. No Body can tell what to make of their Belief of the Creation of Our World, the Production of Matter and the Providence of God; who, with them, had no other Care upon him than to order the Cubical Particles of Matter to whirl about their Center: After which he might sit Idle and Unconcerned, since all the rest could be managed without the least of his Assistance.

On the other Side, we are ass [...]red, A most excellent Conduct shines throught the whole Com­position; That all is admirably contrived, and founded upon the Rules and Laws of Nature: That this World is indeed disburthened of an infinite Swarm of Accidents, Qualities, and Inten­tional Species, as of an unprofitable Lumber, wherewith the Philosophers have imbroiled and incumbred ours: But yet, notwithstanding it cannot be deny'd, but the Senses are subject to the same Impressions there as here, only with this Difference, that the Causes are more acknow­ledged, and better explain'd.

As to the Point of Religion, nothing seems more justifiable than the Apology of these Gentlemen, which perhaps some have ingaged too inconsiderately for an Affair of that Weight and Moment. Can we apprehend a greater Idea of God Almighty, than that which M. Descartes hath given? An Idea that he derived not from the Visible Creatures, that sleight and faint Ray of an infinitely perfect Being; but which his Mind found impressed upon it self, and which [Page 4] left no room for him to doubt of the Existence of a Sovereign Being, though he possessed nei­ther Heaven nor Earth, nor any Body, nor in­deed any other Soul than his: Can the Omnipo­tence of a Deity be advanced to a more tran­scendent Degree than he hath done it? God, according to him, can cause, That Two and Three shall not make Five; That four Sides shall not be requisite to make a Square; That the Whole shall be no bigger than One of its Parts; Effects that other Philosophers never scruple to place out of the Reach of the God head. But has not an Author of a little Piece, called, A Letter wrote to a Learned Iesuite, clearly shewn, That 'tis Descartes World that is described in the first Chapter of Genesis? Another Book hath since been publish'd in Holland, with the Title of Cartesius Mosaisans, and is to the same effect. The Author of the Treatise concerning The In­fluence of the Stars, describes the End of the World upon Descartes his Hypothesis. Mon­sieur Scottanus, in a late Apology, that he offer­ed for M. Descartes, against those that Endea­voured to render him obnoxious to the Suspicion of Atheism, observes to us the Respect he had for Religion, certifying us, That one of his Reasons for the reducing his Meditations to the Number of Six, was the Consideration of the Six Days which God imployed in the Creation of the World. If we may credit Father Mer­sennus, a Learned and Noted Minim, and an intimate Acquaintance of Descartes, we shall find nothing of a more Christian Temper, and that inspires us more ravishingly with the Love of God than Descartes Philosophy. In short, there is nothing more edifying than the Letter [Page 5] that Philosopher wrote to the Sorbon Doctors, in dedicating his Meditations to them; which is so true, that not long since, a Friend of mine, not wont to be very Nice in those Matters, having read by chance the Letter at my House, which touched him; and finding farther the Title of Meditations in the Front of the Work, he seri­ously entreated me to lend him that Godly Book, to entertain his Devotions during Passion Week.

This so strange Variety of Opinions, and Relations counter to one another, of a World, otherwise of no little Renown, provoked my Curiosity and induced me to be convinced of the Truth or Falsity of the Reports, in my own Person. All the Difficulty was to find a Guide to conduct me to a Country, to which there was no Road passable either for Horse or Foot, for Coach or Barge, by Land or Sea: But presently after my Resolve, I was happily favoured with the most lucky Occasion that could be wish'd, for the undertaking my Voyage with all the Pleasure and Ease imaginable. Having sojourned some Months in a Country Town, I strook up Acquaintance with an Old Standard, of about eighty Years, a Man of Parts, and that formerly had conversed much with M. Descartes. That Commerce had begot in him an unaccount­able Zeal for the Tenets of that Philosopher, and exasperated him to declaim against the Method and Opinions of the School, the Prejudices of Childhood, and taught him to make external Elo­gies on the Cartesian Philosophy. He had so given himself up to this Opinion, that he could no ways suffer, in Point of Philosophy, any one to deviate never so little from it. In a Con­ference [Page 6] that we had together upon such sort of Things, I desired to know if he kept up his Correspondence with any Car [...]esians of Worth and Reputation. No, (said he) I have broke with all Sorts of Persons that call themselves by that Name. I can no longer find among them that Zeal and Observance the first Cartesians, without Reserve attributed to that great Man. Every one now a days builds Systems according to his own Humor, and allows himself the Li­berty of Adding or Retrenching what he pleases in the Platform M. Descartes hath laid; which is a concern of that critical Nature as cannot be once touch'd without spoiling the whole. Since the Death of the Famous M. Chersilier, I have forbore writing to any single Person, for I am persuaded, That the pure and unmixt Cartesi­anism was buried with him.

You Gentlemen (reply'd I) are of a strange Constitution. All the Prefaces of your Books are fill'd with Invectives and Raileries, against those who implicitely espouse the Sentiments of an Author, and profess they will never desert him. It looks as if you, and the rest of the new Philosophers, had banded together in an offen­sive Confederacy, to make continual War upon the Followers of Aristotle on that Account; and at the same time you fall into the same Error for which ye reproach them, and are an hundred times more bigotted to your Descartes, than they to Aristotle. For my part, I know not how to blame the Conduct of those that are somewhat mode­rate, which you are so enrag'd against. If their Reason hath discover'd to them another Path than what M. Descartes trod in, why are you angry if they follow it? Aristotle held Possession [Page 7] a long time, and reign'd absolute Monarch in Philosophy. The Prescription and Vassalage of several Ages, confirm'd his Title of Prince of Philosophers. Descartes is a Rebel, who durst encourage a Party against his Prince: What Right has he to demand a greater Submission un­to him, than he was willing to allow to Ari­stotle?

Because (answer'd he) Truth and Reason are manifestly on his side. That, reply'd I, is ex­actly the first step Rebellion ever makes, to in­force the justice of its Cause, and proclaim the publick Welfare does depend upon it. But not­withstanding Sir (pursu'd I) I am more in­clin'd to Neutrality in this Affair than you ima­gine. I have determin'd to dive to the bottom of Descartes's Philosophy, of which I have, as yet, but a dark and confus'd Knowledg, having never studied him in his own Works, but in the Books of his Disciples, as soon as they appear'd, and that irregularly, and without Method. But as I am oblig'd to leave this Country very spee­dily, and have but a short time to advantage my self by your Ability in this Affair, therefore it was that I enquir'd, Whether you had any Com­munication of Letters, or Friendship with any good Cartesian of Paris, to whose Acquaintance you might recommend me, and who would be willing to instruct a Scholar so apt and forward as I pretend to be?

That Proposal extreamly inspirited my old Gentleman, and I perceiv'd sudden Joy diffus'd it self all over his Countenance. Ever since I knew you (said he, taking me by the Hand) I have observ'd in you a passionate Concern for Truth; which is the best, and first Disposition [Page 8] Descartes requires to attain unto it. Trouble not your self, you have still two Months good, which you must stay with me; and that's as much time as is required. I shall in a little time receive some News from M. Descartes, where­upon wee'll take such Measures as shall much shorten your Journey.

Hey day! News from M. Descartes! (said I) why he has been Dead this forty Years. I should be sorry, answer'd he, to have let that Word escape me in another's Presence, but I let it ship purposely at present, to highten your Desire of hearing from me those Things which few in the World are acquainted with, which presently will surprize you, and the Knowledg thereof will convey you in a trice to the end you desire. Hear me then:

You must know (continu'd he) that Cartesius, like the ancient Leaders of Sects of Philosophers, avoided the publishing all the Mysteries of his Philosophy. Some he reserv'd which he only divulg'd to some particular Friends, of which I had the good Fortune to be one. All the pe­culiar Discoveries he had made, which he thought might be of Use, and either contribute to Morality, or serve to make any Progress in the Knowledg of Natural Beings, he hath ob­liged the Publick with. But Prudence advis'd him to suppress such others, as some might have converted to an evil Use. The Immortality of the Soul is one of those Points, wherein he was oblig'd to observe that Method, and certainly is one of the most Important Articles in Philo­sophy. To prove this in a plain, familiar and intelligible way, such as shall force the Mind to give assent, and leave not the least Scruple be­hind [Page 9] is to undermine the chief Foundation of Libertinism and Atheism. This M. Descartes hath done, by demonstrating the distinction of the Soul and Body in a Man, by the only clear and distinct Conception that we have of those two kinds of Being. That Demonstration is one of the most fine and useful places of his ad­mirable Meditations. And he was high-sur­priz'd to see it so ho [...]ly oppos'd, especially by Gassendus; which, though before he had ask'd his Permission, gall'd and vex'd him, a little more perhaps than was convenient upon that occasion. Which gave rise to a Reflection in the Mouths of many at that time, and which betwixt our selves was true enough, That M. Descartes did not understand Raillery. But he had Moderation enough in the heat of his Conflict, to decline the submitting to the Temptation, which had often invited him to confirm his Demonstration by Experiment, fearing it might prove of dange­rous Consequence: And that is the Mystery which I am about to teach you.

It was his way (as all know) to endeavour to make good by Experience, the Truths he had discover'd by the meer Light of his Understand­ing He was in hopes, that having demonstra­ted with so clear conviction the distinction of the Soul and Body, he might make so far a Pro­gress as to penetrate into the Secret of their Union, and at last come to that of separating, and re-uniting them when he pleas'd. The Questions that his Illustrious Scholar, Elizabeth the Princess Palatine, us'd to make upon that Head, and the difficulty he found in himself to invent such Solutions as might be easily under­stood, put him, in short, upon the Undertaking. [Page 10] One day he propos'd his Design to me, and some other of his Friends. We thought him Whim­sical: And I remember I laughing made Reply, That there was but one way imaginable to ef­fect it, which was, to find out the famous Cadu­ceus of Mercury, which that God, they say, sometimes by Iupiter's Orders made use of, to separate the Souls from Bodies, and after a cer­tain term of Years to joyn them unto new ones, according to the Principles of Pythagoras's Tran­smigration.

That however did not divert Cartesius from raving on his Project, not ascertaining himself of the Success, nor judging yet he ought alto­gether to despair. That was it, that ingag'd him in a more exact Study than formerly of an Hu­man Body, and occasion'd him to make those most exquisite Discoveries in Anatomy. The first Conclusion that he drew from the Idea he had of the Soul, as of a being perfectly Indivisible, was, That it was not extended through the whole Body, as vulgarly it is taught. He shew'd the falsity of that Master Reason, which was us'd till then to confirm Men in their Prejudices, that in whatever part you prick the Body the Soul is sensible of Pain. Then said the Philosophers, It must be extended through the whole. He exposed the Weakness of that Argu­ment by two Experiments, that manifestly prove the perception of Pain, and the Im­pression of Objects in Places where our Soul is not. The first is that of those Persons who have lost an Arm, who from Time to Time perceive an Aking in the Place where their Fingers used to be, as if they had their Arm entire, although their Fingers are not there, nor by Consequence [Page 11] their Soul. The second is of a Man that's Blind, which he often instances, who makes his Staff supply the Loss of his Eyes, to distinguish the Figure and Qualities of Objects: Who knows by the Assistance of his Stick, whether it be Water, Earth or Grass that he touches; whe­ther the Floor be Rough or Smooth, &c. For it is certain he perceives all this by his Staff, al­though no one will say, That his Soul is in it. He then demonstrated, That the Impression of Objects upon our Body consisted only in the Vi­bration of the Nerves and Fibres, that are spread throughout the Parts, it being unnecessa­ry the Soul should be co-extended with them. But it was suffcient to her for the perception of Objects, that that Vibration should be commu­nicated to some principal part where she kept her Residence; just as the Vibration caus'd by the touch of a soft, or hard, of a rough or smooth Body, communicates it self to the Hand by the Mediation of the Staff; that as the Staff ex­tended from the Hand to the Body, which it touches, is instrumental to the Soul for the per­ception of the Qualities of the Body; so like­wise the Nerves drawn out, for instance, from the Brain to the Hand, may be ministerial to its perception of the Body that the Hand doth touch. And that in fine, The Pain, caus'd by the too near approach of a Finger to the Fire, doth no more suppose the Souls actual Presence in that part of the Body, than does the ail of a Finger, of which a certain Maid complain'd from day to day,Let. de Desc. whose Arm, being gangreen'd, was cut off without her Knowledg. For she only felt the Pain, because the Humours, or some other Cause, made a Concussion in the [Page 12] Nerves of her Arm, which ran before to the end of her Hand, and because they strook them in a manner like to that which was formerly requi­site to excite a Pain in the Finger, before she lost her Arm.

Having made this first Step, and drawn a Con­sequence of that Importance and Satisfaction, from so abstracted a Principle as the Indivisibi­lity of the Soul; it was easy for him to prove she kept her Court no where but in the Brain. There it is that the Nerves do center, or rather from thence they have their Origin. It is there that the Philosophers, if you except a few, and in those Vanhelmont, who seiz'd with a Whim, plac'd the Soul in the Breast; it is there, I say, that the Philosophers generally agree to be found that which we call the Common Sense, that is to say, the only place where the Soul can be advis'd of all the different Impressions that external Objects make upon the Senses. But since the Brain is of large Extent, and besides that soft and whitish Substance, which com­monly goes by that Name, hath Membranes, Glands, Ventricles or Cavities, it was some­thing intricate to resolve, and precisely to de­termine in what place the Soul was seated. M. Descartes throughly examind the different Opi­nions of Philosophers and Physicians there upon, and after having solidly confuted the greatest part of their Sentiments, that were founded up­on but weak and unsound Principles, he evi­dently concludes, The seat of the Soul must have three Conditions: First, it must be one▪ to the end that the Action of the same Object that at the same time strikes two Organs of the same Sense, should make no more than one [Page 13] Impression on the Soul, as to instance, she might not see two Men where there was but one.Tom. 2. Let. 36. Se­condly, it must be very near the Source of the Animal Spirits; that by their means she might easily move the Members. And in the third Place, it must be Moveable; that the Soul cau­sing it to move immediately, might be able to determine the Animal Spirits to glide towards some certain Muscles rather than others. Con­ditions no where to be met with but in a little Gland call'd Pineale or Conarium, situated betwixt all the Concavities of the Brain, supported and incompass'd with Arteries, which made up the Lacis Choroides. It is that Lacis we may be as­sur'd that is the source of the Spirits, which, ascending from the Heart along the Carotides, receive the form of an Animal Spirit in that Gland, disengaging themselves there from the more gross parts of the Blood; and from thence they take their Course towards the diffe­rent Muscles of our Body, partly dependent­ly, partly independently on the Soul; as the Author of Nature has order'd it, with reference to the end he propos'd to himself in the produ­ction of Mankind.

So far M. Descartes took Reason along with him for his Guide; and for ought I know he might have stop'd there, had not Fortune, or rather the good Providence of God (who often encourages the laudable Curiosity of those that apply themselves to the consideration of his wonderful Works) reveal'd to him in an extra­ordinary manner the Secret that he was in search of. And that was without doubt one of the most strange Effects of the desires of a Philoso­phical Soul,P. Malle.▪ branche. which a famous Author stiles a Na­tural [Page 14] Prayer, that never fails to be heard, when it is joyned with a prudent and exact Manage­ment of our Reason.

Should you believe me, added he, if I should tell you M. Descartes had often Fits of Extasy? Why not? Said I; that's no such incredible thing, of so Contemplative a Man as he was; nor is it a Case without a President. Who has not heard of those of the famous Archimedes, in which he often lost himself, through his vehement Ap­plication to Mathematical Speculations, and in one of them his Life? Syracuse being taken by the Roman Army, whilst he was drawing Figures in his Chamber with that earnestness of Mind; the Tumult of a Town taken by Storm, was not loud enough to wake him: And he sooner was run through by the Soldiers that had forc'd his House, than he was apprehensive of their Ap­proach.

Alas! reply'd he, with a Sigh, you'll see in the Consequence of what I am relating, That the Extasies of M. Descartes were no less fatal, tho' they were not of the same Nature, and pro­ceeded from a far different Cause. It happen'd one Day, whilst we were at Egmond, a little Town in Holland, which he delighted in, that he entred his Stove very early in the Morning (which he had caus'd to be built like that in Germany, where he began his Philosophy) and set himself to thinking, as he us'd to do. Two Hours after, I came in: I found him lean­ing over the Table, his Head hanging forward, supported with his left Hand, in which he held a little Snush Box, having his Finger near his Nose, as if he was taking Snush. As for the rest he was Immoveable, and held his Eyes open: [Page 15] The noise that I made in entring the Room not causing him to stir, I had the Patience to ob­serve him half an Hour postur'd in that man­ner, without his perceiving of me. In the mean while there happen'd an Adventure that much surpriz'd me: There stood upon the Cornish of the Wainscot in the Stove, a Bottle of the Queen of Hungary's Water; I was amaz'd to see it descend, whilst no Body came near it, and to pass through the Air towards M. Descartes. The Cork, with which it was stopt, came out of its own Accord, and the Bottle fastning it self to his Nose, hung there for some time. I protest I durst have swore at that moment, there had been no small Conjuring in the Business of our Phi­losopher and that some familiar Demon, like that of Socrates, had inspir'd him with all the fine Things he still had taught us. But I was con­vinc'd not long after that there was nothing less in it, and I desire you to suspend your Judg­ment thereon. He awaken'd a little while af­ter as in a start, and striking his Hand upon the Table, This time at last, said he, I have it. I thought him still in a Dream: And springing up forthwith upon his Chair, transported with Joy, without seeing me, he cut two Capers in the middle of the Room, still repeating, I have it, I have it. I burst out with Laughter to see that Frolick, a thing not customary with M. Descar­tes, being naturally of a Grave and Melancholy Temper; who hearing and seeing me at the same time, presently redden'd, and afterwards fell a Laughing as well as I. And as I was ur­gent with him to give me the Reason of his Joy and Rapture: To punish you, says he, for ha­ving observed an Indecorum unbecoming a Philo­sopher, [Page 16] you shall not know't so soon: And with that he left the Room in which we were, and entred into his Closet, bolting it upon him. Ne­vertheless two days after he imparted to me the Mystery.

We took a turn together out of Town, and after occasional Discourse of several Things; Well, said he, abruptly, without recourse to Mercury's Caduceus, I have found out the Secret, not only of the Union of the Soul and Body, but also how to separate them when I please: I have experienc'd it already. That was the Product of the Meditation, wherein you sur­priz'd me the other day; and when I seem'd to you to awake of a suddain, I came farther a Field than you imagine: He spoke this in so se­rious and positive a way, that he seem'd to be in earnest. It shall be your Fault, added he, if you are not convinc'd of the Truth of what I say, and of the Experiment. It is the most curious Secret in the World. I am resolv'd to commit it but to very few; but that Adherency which you have manifested until this time unto me, will not suffer me to be reserv'd in any thing. He went on, without giving me time to complement his Generosity, and related that extraordinary Event in all its Circumstances.

He told me, that being fix'd attentively upon the Question which the Princess Elizabeth had propos'd, touching the Union of the Soul and Body, and revolving in his Mind his former Thoughts upon that Subject, in the midst of that extraordinary Application, he found him­self in such a strange Surprizal in an Instant, that he was not capable, when he told me of it, to express himself clearly thereupon, nor could [Page 17] he gain so distinct a Conception of it as when actually he was in it. All that he could tell me, was, That it resembled a Trance, because in that there is no use of the Senses; one can nei­ther See, nor Hear, nor Feel the Impression of External Objects (unless they be extreamly vio­lent) and then there is an end of it: But herein it was quite different; since the Soul had Per­ceptions of it Self, and was apprehensive of the Cessation of its Organical Functions: Which in a Trance is nothing so. That she was furnish'd with a World of Immaterial or purely Spiritual Notices, of which he had sometime discours'd to us, but in an abundantly more perfect and lively manner, than when his Attention was disturb'd with the appearances of Fancy, which constantly interrupt it: That more Discoveries of Truth could be made thus in one Minute, than in ten years by the ordinary means; which Knowledg of Truth fill'd the Soul with so pure and satisfactory a Joy, that nothing is more true than what Aristotle says, likely upon the same Experience, That the compleat Happiness of Man, in this Life, if there is any such thing, consists in the Contemplation of God and Natu­ral Beings.

But he told me, he had no sense of that perfect Joy, till he was fully enlightned upon the Point that then took up his Thoughts: Which was done in a Moment. He had the satisfaction not only to know, but to be sensible, in some mea­sure, of the Truth of the greatest part of those Things which had imploy'd his Meditations un­til that time; and of the Evidence of the Idea's he had fram'd concerning the Essence of the Bo­dy and Soul; to see her advanc'd upon her Pineal [Page 18] Gland he had conjectur'd, and to see that the Union of the Soul with the Body was nothing less, then that vertual, or rather imaginary Extension, by which she was suppos'd commensurate with the Limbs; much less those imaginary Modes, which the Schools makes use of, to confound and plague the Conceptions of Youth. But that which was of most Importance was, to see; that this Union was nothing in Effect, but these actual Commerce and Correspondence the Soul and Body had with one another. A Commerce that chiefly is maintain'd in this, that the Nerves spread through the Body, by their Vi­bration give occasion to the Soul of knowing the different impressions, External Objects make upon the Senses; and in that the Soul pursuant thereupon, by the Motion she immediately im­presses upon the Pineal Gland where all the Nerves concentre, determines the Animal Spi­rits to their several marches through the Muscles, to produce in the Body such several Motions as she shall please to give, and especially those that are necessary to her Preservation.

After that (pursu'd, my old Friend) M. Des­cartes entertain'd me with all that happen'd up­on that occasion, and all the other Reflections he had made. The Principal of which was, That his Soul in that juncture no longer perceiving the Motions, external Objects caus'd upon his Body, and by consequence that Commerce, in which the Essence of Union consisted, being bro­ken, she could behold her self as in a separate State, though in the mean time she resided at her usual Abode; that local Presence having the least share in her Union with the Body: She then had a mind to disengage her self from the [Page 19] Body, and see what would be the Event of that Separation. No sooner had she wisht it, than it was so. And he farther experienc'd what he had often suggested to us before, that if the Ma­chine of the Body had all its Organs sound and free; if it had its customary Heat in the Heart and Stomack, the circulation of the Blood, the filtration of the Humours, and all those natural Functions, all the Motions constantly perform'd in us without the notice of the Soul would go on as regularly in her absence, as when she was there. Moreover it fell out as she was busy in con­templating the operation of her Body at some paces distance from it, a Fly fortun'd to tickle it in the Face; presently the Hand rais'd it self to the place, and unseated the Fly just as if the Soul had been actually in the Body. So true it is that the greatest part of the Motions of our Body, which we attribute to the Soul, are ow­ing to the sole Disposition of the Machine.

This Soul before she durst venture to wander very far from the Body, made her entry and exit sundry times; and judging by the disposition in which she saw it, she might without any appa­rent danger leave it for some time, she haz­arded the undertaking a very long Voyage. She arriv'd at Beitany in the Houses of her Re­lations, and from thence she made a Sally unto Paris to the House of some other Acquaintance. She was much concern'd to see that the People there had but an indiffernt Opinion of her Reli­gion; the Country M. Descartes had chose to live in, and some unwaranted Inferences that one or other had drawn from his Principles, had given occasion to those rash Censures. It is not­withstanding true, that all the time he liv'd and [Page 20] when he dy'd, he was a sound and honest Ca­tholick.

Finally, such was the success the Soul found in her Rambles when separate from the Body, that she could when she pleas'd in a Minute tra­vel three or four thousand Leagues: In so much that this of M. Descartes parting from Egmond about half an hour after eight in the Morning, had travers'd all France in an hour and an half, and was return'd at ten.

Bless me. said I to my old Gentleman, how expedient would that be for a Person that so passionately desires to see the Country as I do▪ You shall gratify your Curiosity, answer'd he; but hear me out.

M. Descartes Soul being return'd from her Voy­age in France, found her Body almost in the same posture in which she left it. But as yet she was not fully Satisfy'd. She was unacquainted with the way and means that led her into this Condi­tion: And she consider'd it was an hazardous Ex­ploit, and that being once united to her Body, she might never, for ought she knew, be disjoyn'd again, till Death should cause a final Separation. She apply'd her self therefore seriously to con­sider the Nature of her Body, and the disposition of all its Organs: She found that the Nerves im­ploy'd in Sentation, and those that serve for Na­tural functions, as the beating of the Heart, the circulation of the Blood, &c. were of a Nature quite distinct. She saw that these were vehement­ly distended, and she concluded it might be for the better communicating the Animal Spirits to the Muscles with which the Nerves are united, and capacitating them to maintain and continue those natural Motions, the Soul is not aware of [Page 21] when united with the Body; and that, on the contrary, the Nerves made use of in Sensation, and by whose Means the Soul received the Im­pression of Objects, were almost all unbraced, and lax, which might prevent the Motion, caused by the Impulse of Objects, from being continued unto the Seat of the Soul: The Diffi­culty was to find the true Cause why one should be taxed without the other, and how she might bring it about to distend those that formerly were laxed.

Mean while the Snush-Box, which I mention'd, his Body held in its left-Hand, made M. Des­cartes call to mind, That before his Extasie he had taken Tabaccco-Snush, and he could not tell but so extraordinary an Effect might have been produced by the Vertue of that Tobacco. That which he took of was an unusual kind, which a Merchant of Amsterdam had brought over from an Island near China, and presented him: It was extreamly strong, and M. Descartes, to mollifie it had mix'd a certain Herb in it, dryed to Powder, whose Name he never would acquaint me with, nor the Place where it grew, though he presented me with a great Quantity of the same: He laid a sufficient Dose upon the Back-Side of his Hand, and gave it his Body to take; and at the same Time happen'd this prodigious Effect in his Brain; for all the Vapours raised there since his last taking were dislodged and dis­sipated in an instant. He observed it was only the Particles of the Tobacco that scattered the F [...]mes of the Brain, and that those of the Herb which he had tempered with it being not so fine, and having very little Motion, fast­ned themselves in the Nerves that cause Sensa­tion, [Page 22] and and made them looser than they were before.

Seeing that Effect, he no longer doubted, but concluded it to be the Herb, which he mix'd with the Tobacco, that caus'd his Trance, and took away his Senses; and that the Tobacco? at the same Time unhar bouring all the Fumes that might benight the Brain, left the Soul with the entire Liberty of knowing and reflecting on it's self, as she had then experienc'd. After which he thought that Hungary Water was su­fficient to brace the Nerves afresh, that serve for Sensation, since it is often used to recal those Persons that swoon away. The Soul takes the Bottle, I not long since mentioned, and brings it in the Air from the far Side of the Chamber to his Body, (and therein consists exactly the Ma­gick of which I then suspected M. Descartes guilty) and moistens his Nostrils with it: The subtile Vapour of that Liquor effected what he aimed at; presently the laxed Nerves erect them­selves, and the Soul streight seats it self in the Pineal Gland, and finds itself consederate with the Body as before. It was in that instant I per­ceived Descartes to come to himself. I told you, he lock'd himself forthwith in another Room, it was to make a second Experiment of his Tobac­co and his Herb, which succeeded to his Hearts Desire: Since when, it was a Business of nothing for his Soul to leave the Body; and since his im­parting to me the Secret, his Soul and mine have made an hundred Expeditions together, to in­struct our selves of the greatest Curiosities in Nature.

[Page 23] As those that read the Works of M. Descartes are unacquainted with all that I have been relat­ing, they with just Cause are amazed at a thing, which you will not startle at for the future. I mean the Particulars he descends to in his Physicks, concerning the Properties of his three Elements, at how great soever remove from Sense they lie; concerning their Figure, their Motion, their Rank and File in the Composition of his World, and all particular Bodies, concerning the Dispo­sition of his Vortexes, in which he proceeds so far as to observe the different size of the Balls of the second Element,Part. 3. Princip. of which they consist, in their respective Places, how those that come nearest the Centre of the Water are the least of all; those that are a little removed are some­what bigger, increasing still in Bigness unto a determinate Distance, after which they all are equal. Concerning the Formation of their Parts chamfer'd in Fashion of a Skrew, with which he explains the Nature and the different Phenomena's of the Load-Stone, in a way so fine and easie, Phoenomena's that till then had puzled and con­founded all the Philosophers, even those that had so ready a Method of explaining all things by the Assistance of their occult Qualities: All this he saw intuitively, and of himself; and for me that speak to you, is it possible to think, That at the Age of seventy seven, and being of so weak a Constitution as I am; I say, is it possible for you to think I should have lived to this, and preserved my Health and Vigour as I do, unless I had had a perfect Knowledge of the Machine of my Body? Unless I had still filled and made-up the Breaches whereat Life leaks and runs out continually? I mean not, in applying the Re­medies [Page 24] that Medicine prescribes, whose conje­ctures are so very uncertain, and from the Use of which Monsieur Descartes has so frequently dissuaded the Princess Elizabeth: Lett. de Descartes. But in the Pra­ctice of that Critical Knowledge my Soul has of my Body, of which she perfectly is, and can be instructed as often as she pleases, by putting her­self in the Capacity I have now been-speaking of. I must acknowledg Sir, replyed I, then, it is a most admirable Secret and of Infinite Use; I am impatient till I learn it of you, and as soon as I know it I am persuaded I shall improve it to as great a Benefit as Adam would have done the Tree of Life in Paradise, if he had continued there. And I doubt not but if Origen had known it, he that looks upon the History of Scripture as Allegory, he would have believed the Tree of Life to be nothing but this Mystery which God had communicated unto Adam: But that which you was speaking of your Health, creates one Scruple in me; How Monsieur Descartes having to the Advantage of this fine Knowledg came to dye at the Age of fifty four? Was he so much out of Love with his Life as to neglect the repairing those effluxes of his Machine, whose Failures and Disasters he could so easily foresee?

Do you believe then, returned he, that M. Des­cartes is dead? I know not, said I, how you understand it, but methinks the Corps of a Man should not be buried unless he was dead before; and all the World knows that in the Year 1650.M. Chersi­lier pref­de Lett. de M. Descar­ [...]es. the Body of M. Descartes was interred at Stockholm with great, Pomp and Solemnity, by the Care of M. Chanut, his particular Friend, and then Em­bassador of France at the Court of Sweden: That [Page 25] since M. Dalibert hath ordered his Bones to be removed to Paris, and to be disposed of in the Church of S. Geneve, where his Epitaph is to be seen, engraven upon a fair White Marble: It seems to me once more, That all this supposes a Man as dead as dead can be.

All these Particulars are true, said my Carte­sian; but for all that it is false that M. Descartes is dead; for that we call Death is when our Body becoming incapable of Vital Functions, either by the Defailure of the Organs, which are wore out in the Succession of Years, or corrupted by some Disease, or endammaged by some Hurt or Wound, the Soul is oblig'd to quit her Habi­tation, following the Laws of their Union esta­blish'd by the Sovereign Master of the Universe: But Cartesius's Soul was by no means separated from his Body after this manner. Hear then the Matter of Fact.

About three or four Months after his Arrival in Swedeland, where Queen Christina had invited him, and did him the Honour to entertain him in her Library an Hour in a Morning every Day:Pref. de lett. de De [...]cartes. He was seized in the midst of Winter with an Inflammation of the Lungs, seconded with a Giddiness in the Brain; but the Fever having left his Brain, there had been no great Difficulty in his Recovery.Lett. de Descartes. Himself had wrote a little Time before to one of his Friends, That he had made some Discoveries in Anatomy, that insur'd his Life for an hundred Years: And 'tis known that M. Descartes did not use to go by Guessing, or advance any thing without a firm Assurance; but an unseasonable Misfortune rendred his Predi­ction fruitless; seeing he had not rested well that Night, his Soul had a Mind to take a little [Page 26] Turn for Recreation-sake; he takes his usual Dose of Snush, and his Soul leaves his Body in the Bed. By ill Luck the Physician, contra­ry to his Custom came to visit him at Midnight; the Noise he made, in entring the Chamber, did not awake his Body, whose Senses were per­fectly laid asleep by vertue of the Herb, of which I spoke, that was mingled with the To­bacco: But having put to his Nose a Vial of extreamly Spirituous Liquor, to fortifie the Brain, it made a more quick and lively Sally upon the Organ of Sense than Hungary Water used to do, which M. Descartes Soul made use of when she would re-enter the Body, and conclude its Trance; it caused it to open its Eyes, and to give some Groans. The Physician ask'd it how he did? The Machine accustomed, some Days ago to answer to that Question, That he was very ill, made still the same reply; but to other Que­stions the Physician proposed (since the Soul was not there to talk rationally, and answer to the purpose) the Answers were full of Extrava­gance and Delirium, just as the Machine was determined by the Voice of the Doctor: It talked eternally of the Separation of its Soul from its Body, because the last Thoughts the Soul entertained in the Act of separating her self were those of that Separation, which had left some Figures or Traces stamp'd upon the Brain, answering to those Thoughts, and determining the Tongue to a Motion, requisite to pronounce such sort of Words. These Symptoms enduc'd the Doctor to believe he was again transported with a Raving in his Head; wherefore he is out of Hand blooded in the Foot, Cupping-Glasses are apply'd, and several other Violent Remedies, [Page 27] which so exhausted and altered his poor Body, that in a short Time it had spent all its Strength; it's natural Heat began to faint, and lose itself by little and little; a De [...]luction of his Brain fell into his Breast; and in a Word, it became a meer Ca­daver, and unable to perform the Duties of Life, and to receive his Soul. Thus it happened; so that you see a Man may truly say, M. Descartes is not dead.

Assuredly Sir (said I) this is not to dye according to due Form and Method; nevertheless the Swedish Physician would be held Guiltles be­fore all the Faculties of Europe; for he has fol­lowed the Rules of his Art he acted according to appearance, and if he did but understand what you are teaching me, That M. Descartes is not dead, he might boast of the Greatest and most unprecedented Exploit that was ever known in Medicine, I mean to have killed a Man with­out causing him to die. But Sir, I beseech you (continued I) acquaint me, if you know, What was the Destiny of M. Descartes Soul; for, ac­cording to the uncontroverted Principles of our Faith, a Soul in leaving this World receives her Arrest for Eternity, and either has her Portion in Paradice, Hell or Purgatory for some Time.

That Question ruffled my old Gentleman; And in the Name of God (said he) almost in a Passion, rid your self of that Ridiculous Cu­stom you have taken up in the Schools, of in­troducing Questions of Religion in Matters purely Philosophical. M. Descartes had once thought to renounce his Philosophy, or at least refuse to publish his Works, to save him the Trouble of answering those impertinent Obje­ctions, [Page 28] which were made at every turn and upon all occasions. I am giving you clear Matter of Fact, and you desire me to Account for the Con­duct of God. But in brief, have not I fore­stall'd all your Difficulties, when I told you M. Descartes was not Dead? And since he is not Dead, why demand you if he has submitted to a Judgment, the Dead are only concern'd in?

I beg'd his Pardon for my Imprudence; and agreed with him, That nothing was more un­seasonable and inconvenient, than such sort of occasional Questions, to a Philosopher that had made a System without regard to any thing of that Nature. And that likewise put me in mind of entreating my Readers, to use the same Can­dor towards me. That they will not wrangle with me, upon the Point of separate Souls, whole Shoals of which I meet with in my Voy­age to the World of Descartes, nor tye me to an­swer all the Scruples, they might be able to raise on that Account. For therein bottom the most agreeable Passages of my History, with which I should not present the Publick, but upon that Condition. I would entreat them to remember the Priviledg these Cartesian Gentlemen take, who when perplex'd in answering the Argu­ment, brought against the Essence of Matter, and drawn from the Sacrament of the Host, think they have right to cry out, They are in­jur'd; That their Philosophy is sequestred from Things relating to Faith; That they are Philoso­phers and not Divines, and undertake the explain­ing the Mysteries of Nature, not of Religion: I would, I say, they'd do me the like Justice; or, if they had rather, the same Favour. And [Page 29] supposing any one so Religious, as to suspect me of the Heresie of those, who say, The Souls in parting from the Body are not doom'd for Eternity; I wish he'd consider once more, that I am in this, an Historian and Philosopher, not a Theologist, and give a Relation of Descartes's World, am not making a Profession of Faith. Which the Character of an History (such as I am upon) will bear, far more independently of the Truths of our Religion, than a System of Philosophy. Any one that knows never so lit­tle must be forc'd to acknowledg this: Which being once suppos'd, I return to the Narrative of my Old Gentleman, who thus went on.

M. Descartes's Soul returning to Stockholm, found her self in the like unlucky Circumstances, as did one Hermotimus, L. de Ani­ma. mentioned by Tertullian, who having procur'd the self-same Secret as Descartes, left constantly anights, his Body asleep in Bed, whilst his Soul went a rambling through the World. Both one and the other, at their return, found their Lodgings out of a Capacity to receive them.

The Task Descartes's Soul enjoyn'd her self then, was, to meet at Paris. She would not tell me presently of the Accident, but only in­vited me to take a turn or two: No sooner said than done. With one Snuff of the Tobacco, I equipt my self to wait on her. My Soul was no sooner out of my Body, but she said, in Lan­guage Spiritual, she was about to tell me strange News. I am, says she, no longer Imbo­dy'd; my Corps is this day to be interr'd at Stockholm; and he gave me the Particulars of what I have been relating: Nor did she seem sab or afflicted thereupon. I then demanded of [Page 30] her if she experienc'd what the Philosophers re­port, That the Soul being the substantial Form of the Body, when separated for good and all, is in statu violento. She answer'd me, she knew nothing of that violent State, but found her self incomparably better out, than in the Body: And that she had but one Concern upon her, to know in what part of the vast Space was best to settle her Abode in. That she would take my Directions in the thing, but that she found her Will inclin'd for the third Heaven. The third Heaven, according to the division Cartesius makes of the World, is the last of all, and that which is the farthest remov'd from us. For the first is nothing but the Vortex, in which is plac'd the Earth, whose Centre is the Body of the Sun, about which, the Coelestial Matter that compo­ses the Vortex, carries us, and makes us turn continually like the other Planets. The second Heaven is incomparably larger than that in which we are, and takes up all that mighty space in which we see the fix'd Stars, which are so many Suns, and have each of them a Vortex, of which they are themselves the Centre, as our Sun is of this. Lastly, the third Heaven is all that Matter, or all that indefinite Extent, which we conceive above the Starry Heaven, and is void of Bounds, and in respect of which the space of all the other may be consider'd as a Point.

Now many Reasons determin'd M. Descartes to choose his place of Residence in the highest Heaven. The first was, To avoid the Compa­ny of an Innumerable gang of Souls of Philoso­phers, that were vaulting and fluttering on all parts of this our Vortex; for, to tell you by the [Page 31] way, 'tis incredible how many Souls we met up­on our Journey: And M. Descartes was much surpriz'd to see the Secret, of which he took himself to be the first Inventer, made use of in all times, even by those of a very mean Quality, whereby they have escap'd a dying, or whose Souls have lost their Bodies by some Accident, not unlike that of M. Descartes. But that which made their Company so disrelisht, and perfectly intolerable to Cartesius his Spirit, was, That these Souls, so disentangled as they were from Mat­ter, were tinctur'd still with Prejudice, where­with they were prepossess'd, when united with their Bodies. That when he would have con­verss'd with them about the Principles of Bodies, and the Causes of several Phoenomena's, they faint­ly suppos'd to him, or prov'd by the Authority of Aristotle, substantial Forms, absolute Accidents, and occult Qualities, as is done to this day in many Schools. And except some few Souls of the highest Rank, which he hath converted and proselyted to Cartesi [...]nism, all are inveterate and inleagu'd against him with as immoderate Fury, as the Philosophers of this World when he be­gan to publish his Doctrin here.

The second Reason that byass'd him to that Election, was, because he look'd upon those in­definite Spaces as a new Discovery, of which he was the Author. For it was upon his forming a distinct Idea of Matter, whose Essence consisted in Extension, that he concluded Space, Extensi­on and Matter, to be one and the same thing, signify'd under different Names: And being it was necessary to admit of a Space and an Exten­sion above our World, since we have a most clear Conception of them, it was plain, That [Page 32] above our World there was Matter too, and as we can have no Idea of any Bounds or Limits that Matter has, it is necessary it should be Infi­nite or rather Indefinite.

Finally, the third and most prevailing Reason of all, and which he intimated not to me, until we arrived upon the place, is, that well, con­jecturing the Matter above the fix'd Stars to be uninform'd, and not yet shap'd into a World, he was in good hopes that he was able to set it to work himself, and fancy'd that in dividing and agitating it, according to his Principles, he could reduce it to a World like this, excepting that it would be destitute of real Men, and only stor'd with Automatous Machines in their Like­ness. That Project was the Subject of the most part of his Books, especially of his Book of Principles, and that Entituled, The World of M. Descartes. We set out immediately for the third Heaven. I shall not descend to the Parti­culars of our Voyage. I hope in a few days you'll bear me Company there your self. I'll only say, that upon our Coasting, we found all Things exactly in that Portrait we had drawn before, without Form, without due Order, or any regular posture of the Parts, as rude and unsightly Materials, that require the Hand of the Artist. We survey'd it all about, and be­wilder'd our selves a long time in the vast De­serts of the other World; which perfectly re­presented to me the Face of the Chaos, and that confus'd Mass of which the Poets speak. That enterview, as much a Spirit as I was, fill'd me full of Horror, so hideously frightful it ap­pear'd. It is notwithstanding here (said the Spirit of M. Descartes) that I will fix; nor will [Page 33] I quit this Place till the Providence of God shall dispose of me for Eternity; he brought me into the World to reform and re-establish the Philo­sophy of it. I had with good success began the Business I was sent upon; but one unlucky Ac­cident, not in my Power to foresee, prevented me from prosecuting my Design: That shall not hinder me from using the Knowledg he hath given me to the best Advantage. I presume, to accomplish here the System of my World, of which you have seen the Draught: Matter here is plenty and to spare, and only Motion's want­ing; and I have all encouragement to hope, That God, who, of his Goodness, uses to con­descend, in Quality of an Universal Cause, to the Thoughts and Inclinations of his Creatures, conformably to their Nature, will not be wanting to me. Being a separate Spirit, I can lay Claim to greater Motions far than those that set the Wheels of all the World below a going: I shall no sooner desire the Moving of this Mat­ter, but God, pursuant to the Laws of his Pro­vidence will create so much Motion as I have a Mind to: There will be need of nothing more than the Determination of that Motion, and the Distribution of it, according to the particular Necessities of every part of Matter. That de­termination, as I have heretofore explained, de­pends on Second Causes, which Province will entirely belong to me; I know very well the Rules; the Consequences I have drawn from those Rules will infallibly compass my Design. In short, I find my self in a Capacity, according to my Principles to warrant the Success of my Enterprise; since notwithstanding the Machine I undertake is of an unweildy Bigness, for I [Page 34] design to make it as capacious as our World, and must be composed of an infinite different Parts, since the Engines that must be plaid are innu­merable, since the Combinations and the different Determinations of Motions must be infinite, it will not be the Work of one Day, nor one Year; half an Age is not too much for an Human Spirit for projecting such a Grand Design: But I am persuaded, my Principles supposed, it will be sufficient. I shall take no Satisfaction in Visi­tants, that shall come and interrupt me, during that Space of Time: I will now begin to enjoy the Pleasures of Solitude, which I could never find on Earth, and I intreat you to manifest my Intentions thereupon to all my Friends below, whom you think it convenient to acquaint with my Circumstances, without telling them pre­cisely where I am▪ for once more I say, I would not have, them know exactly what's become of me, nor what I am a doing: The Men there, and especially the Philosophers, deserve not to be admitted to the Knowledge of these great Myste­ries, they'd ridicule as fabulous what ever you should say concerning me, as they did for the most part entertain as Whim and Chimera all that I revealed of my Project touching the Con­struction of a World. As for you, my dear Friend, I would that you return to your Body, which now you have left almost two Days; too long fasting may inflame it, and introduce a Fever▪ Above all, take Care you never finally abdicate it, upon your own Authority, which some of my Disciples have been guilty of, and so many Anci­ent Philosophers that we met in diverse Places; for that is contrary to the Decree of Providence▪ Enquire in your Way for the Spirit of Father [Page 35] Mersennus, and send him hither; I'll take him to me for an Assistant, and to keep me com­pany.

Having receiv'd the last Orders of this dear Spirit, and obtain'd Permission to give him a Visit once at least, in three or four Years Time; having considered the great Violence I should suffer, in being so long distracted from him, and the Danger likewise I was in of being so for ever, in case I should dye during that great Term of Years, he had destined to the compleat­ing of his World; we spiritually imbrac'd each other, and I stood forwith for Paris. I cut it through a vast number of Vortexes and Planets, without discovering Father Mersennus; but at last I found him out in Mercury, in which he very much delighted, because that is a very jolly Planet: I intimated to him the Orders I had for him from M. Descartes, which he imbraced with Joy, having been all-a-long his faithful Corre­spondent, and especially at Paris. Being I was in haste for my Departure, we had not much Discourse together, so we parted; he bent his Course towards the third Heaven, my Spirit took the Way that led to my own Home, where she reunited with my Body.

Since that Time I have paid M. Descartes [...] or seven Visits; the last was about two Months ago. He assured me then, He had dispatched almost all his Combinations, and that all was as good as demonstrated: And unless the most evident Principles of Geometry, Mechanicks and Staticks were false, he was confident of the Per­formance. He promised to give me notice about this Time, to come and see him, to the end we might take a Review together, and examine his [Page 36] Design, and may be forthwith fall to work in the Production of his World, that is to say, to afford me the most Noble Diversion, of which an human Soul is capable. I daily expect a Mes­sage to depart, and it will be your own Fault only (added he) if you are not a Sharer in this Voyage, and gain a greater Stock of Knowledg in one Day than the most reputed Cartesians have in all their Life. This is the Sum of all I had to say.

Scarce had he made an End of speaking, but a Country Gentleman, of no mean Rank, of a good and genteel Presence, though I disliked the im­pertinence of his Visit at that instant, entred his Chamber, in a Country Habit, saying, his Coach stood ready at the Gate, and that it was Time to go. It was a Design they had agreed on, to take the Air for a Fortnight; which obliged me to take my Leave of them and retire.

I knew not what to think of this Relation: I never took him for an Enthusiast, that had given it me: And surely (thought I) this Story is too well pursued to be a Dream. I then conceived it might be some mysterious Allegory, containing all the Secrets of the Sect, of which he would give me afterwards the Explication. I applyed my self however to the reading of my fine Des­cartes, and I compassed him during the Fort­night, though it cost me many a Head-ake, oc­casioned by the too great Intention of Thought: But I understood in the Consequence, That all he had said was far from Allegory, and that he ought to be taken in a Literal Sense, at the end of his Epistle.

My old Friend being returned from the Coun­try, sent me a Letter, the next Morning, in [Page 37] which he notified, He would see me before four and twenty Hours were at an end, and that I should put my self in a Readiness for my Voy­age. I waited all the Day, with great Impati­ence; but seeing at last he did not come, about ten a Clock I went to Bed; half an Hour after, being yet awake, I was amazed to hear my Cur­tains drawn on all Sides my Bed, the Casements of my Windows to fly open with so vast a Noise, and to see, by the Assistance of the Moon, my old Gentleman in the middle of the Room, and another with him, habited in an unusual Dress: I protest I was seized with such a sudden Dread, that the Hair of my Head stood upright, and I sweat all over. The old Gentleman then ap­proaching to my Bed-side, said, You are fearful, take Courage a little, Don't you know me? I know you (answered I) in a trembling Tone, but what could I think to see you in my Cham­ber without entring at the Door, with such a Noise and Havock as was here? What you should, and ought to think, (said he) is, that a Spirit separate from the Body, may enter any where without a Key, and needs not the Conve­nience of a Door: And for the Noise, it was first to wake you, and then for the Pleasure of surprizing you, and putting you in a little Fright. Do not you remember the Conversation we had together a Fortnight since? I well remember it (said I) but was it all true you then related? Infallibly (said he) and I now am come to make good my Promise I then made you, of conduct­ing you to M. Descartes's World: Here is the Re­verend Father Mersennus, who is now come from him, to advise me all is ready; and that he would be glad, before he puts the Design of his World [Page 38] in Execution, to make a Tryal in the Presence of some of his Friends; you shall be of the Party if you think fit: I advise you not to lose so fair an Opportunity. At the same Time Father Mer­sennus steps up, and bowing low to the Ground, confirmed what my old Philosopher had said, and added, That understanding by him the Character and Qualification of my Soul, he could undertake for a kind Reception from M. Descartes. Pardon Reverend Father (said I) my Astonishment, I am not accustomed to receive such Visits: Spirits I never saw before, and I could never have be­lieved they had been so civil and well-bred as I now find them.

Mean while, though I us'd all possible endea­vours to compose my [...]elf, I still was somewhat fearful: I was under strong Apprehensions there might be Sorcery and Witchcraft in the Case, and that under pretence of guiding me unto M. Descartes's World, they design'd to convey me to the Witches Sabbath. On the other hand I fear'd to affront these Gentlemen-Spirits, who for the most part understand not Will and Hu­mour. And my Memory furnish'd me with a parallel Case, of some certain People cajol'd with the pretence of such sort of Mysteries, till having learn'd a part, and refusing to go on, they had their Neck writhen by the Devil or his Accomplices: I renounc'd all manner of cove­nanting in my self, and made use of all the Pre­cautions my Prudence could suggest in that Con­juncture; after which, I spoke to them as fairly as I could, in this manner.

Gentlemen, you make Profession of a Sect that gives it as a Maxim, That a Man must not as­sent to any thing but a Truth, fully and clearly [Page 39] manifest: And that it is distinguishes you from all others, and especially the Philosophers of the Schools. The Conversation I had with this Gentleman a fortnight ago, and the Critical Read­ing of M. Descartes since, joyn'd with the pre­sent Circumstances, create some Scruples in my Mind, of which should be glad to be clear'd before we go any farther. With you take kind­ly what I shall propose? We will hear you rea­dily ( [...] they) and you sh [...]ll have the sa­tisfaction you demand. Only settle and com­pose your self, for you seem a little disturb'd: And resolve your self you need not fear, and that you shall receive no harm.

Those last Words a little revi [...]'d me, and I began to speak with a more steady Voice. It is not many days since I read in M. Descantes, That the Essence of the Soul consist [...] in being a thinking Substance, and that she hath neither Extension, hor Figure, nor Colour; which I know not how to reconcile with what I see at present: For you give me to understand, you be purely Spirits, yet I perceive in you different Colours, and I see you form'd in the Figure of a Man, and you look like Beings that are extended: Rid me I pray you of this Perplexity. Father Mersennus presently tool the Word. What you propose (said he) stands to Reason: But it is easy to answer you, and plainly to expound the Thing by the evident Principles of true Philo­sophy. It is c [...]tain a Soul is essentially a think­ing Substance, and that she is neither Figur'd no [...] Colour'd. We are purely Spirits indeed, and though we seem to have a Face, and Hands, and Feet; yet we have neither Face, nor Hands, nor Feet. He must be as addle-brain'd as was [Page 40] Tertullian, and bent on Error with as great a Zeal as he, when he ingag'd himself in that Affair. Who thinks the Soul is not only Cor­poral, but has also Parts proportion'd to the Body, which she animates, and is therein just as a Sword is in the Scabbord▪ His devout Spi­rit that saw Souls of a blew Colour in his Pray­er, had topsyturn'd his Mind upon that Sub­ject.

To make you therefore comprehend how you see us Colour'd, Figur'd and Extended, with Face, Hands and Feet, though we have neither Extension, Colour, Figure, Hands nor Feet; you must know, your Soul, whilst she is united with the Body, cannot behold another Soul, so as in her self she is, cannot hear her Speak; or to explain my self more justly, cannot have the immediate Communication of her Thoughts. To the end then, you might know that we are here, and that we might make you understand our Thoughts, and the Design that brought us hither, it was expedient to make use of means proportion'd to the Capacity your Soul at present's in. Now I would not have you ima­gine, that for this purpose I was forc'd to frame my self a Body of some Matter. But only call to mind what your reading of M. Descartes ought to teach you, That to see an Object, with re­gard unto your Soul, is nothing else than to perceive the Extension, Figures and Colours, of that Object. That that perception is not caus'd immediately by the Object, which being at a distance from our Body and our Soul, can­not act upon them of it self: That therefore's done by the Reflection of Infinite Rays of Light, which rallying from every part, and every point [Page 41] of the Object, strike and make the several Threads to quaver, of which the Optick Nerve's composed. That Concussion is communicated to the Brain, and to the place of Residence of the Soul; and it is pursuant to, and on the Ac­count of that Concussion, the Soul forms an Idea of the Object which she perceives or appre­hends in the manner we call Seeing. And it is according to the various Modifications of that Concussion, that she sees Objects at several distances under divers Figures, and of different Colours. From whence it follows, that the Perceptions or Ideas of the Soul, have no ne­cessary dependence on the Objects; but only on the exteriour Organ, which may be prov'd by a thousand Experiments, but especially by that of Phrenetick People, who perceive Objects quite different from what they really are; and see them where they are not.

Now that you may perceive a Body in the place where I am, when no such thing is there, it is sufficient that your interiour Organ should be moved in such a manner, as it would be if a Body was really there. That's the thing I now am actually doing upon your Optick Nerve, to make you know that I am here: That is it, which causes you to see a Body, though in truth there is none to see. And what I act upon the Organ of Sight, to make a Body appear, the same I do in proportion upon that of Hearing, to find you Sounds and Words. I impress a like Motion upon the Strings of your Nerves of the fifth Conjugation, as would the Vibrati­ons and Undulations of the Air, were it agi­tated by the Motion of a Tongue and the Mouth of a Man, who should stand where I [Page 42] seem to do, and should utter the same Words you at present hear.

Upon these Principles it was,F. Mai­gnan. that a Father of our Order has most ingeniously unfolded the Mysteries of the Holy Sacrament, without the assistance of that Medly of absolute Accidents, that could never be conceiv'd. For, says he, when we are taught the Body of I. C. is under the appearance of Bread, nothing more is in­timated, than that the Body of I. C. is truly there, where the Bread was, and seems still to us to be, to the end that Bread may appear where the Body of I. C. actually is▪ God acts upon our Senses. He there produces the self­same Motions, and makes the same Impressions the Bread did before. So when our Lord pre­sented himself to St. Magdalen in the form of a Gardiner, it was by acting upon her Eyes, just as the Visage and Habit of the Gardiner would have done, and not by cloathing himself with the absolute Accidents of a Gardin [...]r.

But that which you may gather from this pre­sent Experience, is, the manner how the Dead appear, who sometimes by God's Permission present themselves to those alive: For they ap­pear by the same Method as I do actually my self. And those Bodies of Air or Water, which some pretend they attire themselves withal, are only the Whym [...]ies and Forgeries of their Ima­gination, who have treated of Devils craft in supposing the Principles of the School Philosophy. Have you any farther Difficulty, said he, upon that Point?

Ah! (Father, reply'd I) you have made it as clear as the Sun, and have given me infinite Sa­tisfaction. Your Discourse is altogether Spiri­tual. [Page 43] I rely not much upon the Explication of that Father of your Order, upon the Mystery of the Eucharist. I take it for a Maxim with the wisest of the Catholick Philosophers, That all Novelty in such sort of Things is dangerous, at least always ought to be suspected. You have absolutely dispers'd the Doubts that troubled me. It was indeed long ago that I had a Noti­on, Sensation was caus'd by the Local Motion of the Organs; but that Idea was not unper­plex'd. Aristotle had said it before Cartesius, Arist. in Probl. but had not explain'd it. From this time forth I renounce for ever a great part of the Ideas I had fram'd thereupon. I solemnly abjure be­fore you, all the Axioms that respect the Active, Passive, and passible Intellect. I acknowledg they are Terms that signifie nothing, and are of no use but to make the Ignorant to stare, who can­not understand them, but imagine the Philosophers can.

After that Protestation Father Mersennus's Soul mov'd my Organ in such a manner, as gave me to apprehend he was well pleas'd. Which made me take the boldness of proposing a second Scruple. Father (said I) I don't well under­stand what that World is of M. Descartes, where you would conduct me. For in reading M. Des­cartes I did conceive his World was nothing else, but this of ours, explain'd by the Princi­ples of his Philosophy. And I distinctly remember I have read in a Letter, he had formerly wrote these Words; That he should think himself un­deserving of the Name of a Natural Philosopher, if he could only tell how Things might be, without demonstrating they could not be other­wise. There he Bravado's it a little.Let. 37. Tom. 2. But that [Page 44] confirms me, that when he speaks the contrary, and says he pretends not to give an Account of Things as they are in the World, but only how they ought to be in a World, that he imagins he would be angry, should we credit him there­upon.

What you say is true (reply'd Father Mersen­nus) M. Descartes design'd not to be believed in that Particular. So that the World of M. Des­cartes, is in earnest, this World explain'd by the Principles of his Philosophy. But it is also true, that there is, or rather, will be very speedily, another World, that may more pro­perly be call'd Descartes's World, since it will be of his own Contrivance. And that's the World with which this Gentleman, your Friend, has entertain'd you, and that we shall give you a sight of if you please. Nothing certainly (said I) will be more diverting: I would quit the Ra­cing, or the Festivals of Versailles, to be Specta­tor of this Prodigy, which doubtless, is the compleatest Work of Philosophy, and the almost Master-piece of Human Nature. But Sir (said I, turning to my old Gentleman) the Story of Des­cartes you have formerly related, gives me some disturbance. The Voyage you know is very long; and a World like this he is about, is not to be built in one Hour's time. I know my Soul loves her Body very well, and would be much concern'd at her return, to find it incapacitated to receive her. And an hundred Accidents may happen, against which no one can give Se­curity.

We are provided for them all (said he:) Look towards the bottom of your Bed. Good God▪ (I cry'd out) scar'd out of my Senses: What [Page 45] is't I see? The Devil then is one of your Club! Wretched Mortal that I am! I am lost, undone: However I'll die without any familiarity with him. Monsieur avaunt. I renounce utterly your Enchantments and your Magick.

Softly, foftly (said he) why all this Alarm? He is no Devil that you see, though Black: He's far from being a Devil: This is the Soul of a little Black that waits upon Descartes. To ease you of all Scruples and Disquiet in a word or two, I'll give you an Abbreviate of him.

This Little Black was formerly Valet to M. Diverses letters de Des [...]artes. Regius the famous Professor of Physick in the Vniversity of Vtrecht, who, as is known, was then the intimate Friend, Disciple, and Admirer of M. Descartes. Upon these Accounts he me [...]ited the communication of his Secret, for the separa­ting the Soul and Body. Since that they broke with each other, in so much that M. Descartes thought himself oblig'd to Write against him. Because he deprav'd his Doctrin, and made it give Offence. M. Regius, (who if Descartes's Character be true,) was none of the most Honour­able and gentilest Gentlemen in the World, to revenge himself, and shew how he scorn'd, and trampled on a thing, Cartesius set so high a rate upon, taught it this litle Negro: One time above the rest, he went to make use of it. Returning one day from the Country, where his Master had sent him, much tir'd, he sate himself under the shade of an Oak: His Soul left his Body to its repose and rambled for Diversion I know not where. Mean while some Highway-men kill'd a Man hard by him. The Grand Provost who was near, being advis'd of the Murder, came speedily with his Sergeants: The Noise they made [Page 46] was such, that it awak't the Body of the Little Black: And there happen'd something in the Adventure not unlike that, I told you lately, of Descartes. For the Machine determin'd by the Noise, and the strong Impression the Pre­sence of arm'd Men made upon his Organ, be­gan to fly. They pursue him, overtake him, and examine him. He contradicts himself at every Word, in his Answers, which, in the absence of his Soul, were not likely to be very coherent. The Grand Provost who was a little too expeditious in the Business, took his Flight, and the Astonishment that appear'd in his Counten­ance and his Words, for an Evident convicton of the Crime, and caus'd him to be hang'd upon a Tree, as an Accomplice of the Murder' [...] that was committed. The Soul returning not long after, found her Body hanging in that rascally Posture of a Malefactour. Forc'd then, as she was, to seek a now Abode, she was in a miserable condition. The majority of separate souls which play in all the vast extent of the World, being Souls of Philosophers, and Souls of great Importance, and having in a Convention held by the most considerable of them, declar'd that Opinion of Philosophy true, that holds an [...]ne­quality in Souls of the same Species: They would no ways admit that the Soul of an igno­rant Negro should enjoy the same Priviledge as they, and gave her chase througout the Universe. In short, her good Fortune would, that she should, attempt to pass our Vortex and arrive at the very place Descartes's Soul had pitch'd upon to Meditate. He had Compassion on her, and al­low'd her the liberty to live with him. Father Mersennus brought her hither, in Case there [Page 47] should be occasion, and we'll leave her with your Body to take care on't.

The Retail of a Story so well circumstanc'd, induc'd me to credit what was said, as true. I intreated both the Spirits to excuse the Transport▪ I was guilty of telling them, that the Figure and Colour he made use of to appear in, being the same the Devil [...]urnishes himself with all, when he would be visible, had [...] printed on my Mind that horrible Idea. I desir'd them to give me some Instructions, how I must be rigg'd to accompany them in that wondrous Voyage, that they propos'd; saying, I hop'd to make infinite Advantage of the Favour they vouchsafed me, and in their Society, to return so choice a Treasure of Knowledge, as would distinguish me from the rest of Mankind. Three things, say's Father Mersennus, you have to do: The first is, To dismantle your Mind of all the Prejudices of Childhood, and the ordinary Philosophy. For 'tis strange to see how the Prejudices the Soul sucks in but by the Senses, should make so deep im­pression on the Understanding, with Time and Custom; which she chooses for the Rule of her Opinions. In so much, that Souls separated form their Bodies, otherwise than by Death, although during that separation they act inde­pendently on the Senses, do yet think, judge and reason conformably to their prejudice. Without that Precaution, you'l make a fruitless Voyage, and be but where you are, at your return.

The second Requisite before our embarquing is, That you give Orders to this little Spirit [...], after what Method he must treat your Body in your absence. Whereupon it is advisable to let you know, that when your Soul shall be in [Page 48] state of Separation, all things will be carried on in the usual Road, not only as to Natural Fun­ctions, but as to those Motions caus'd by Ex­ternal Objects; provided that you leave the Machine mounted in the same manner, as it is at present. So that if you us'd to wake, and rise at the sound of an Alarm, or at a certain Hour, as soon as that Hour shall strike, the Motion of the Timpanum of your Ears communi­cated to your Brain, shall make way for the Ani­mal Spirits to glide along the Muscles, and to produce in your Legs and Arms, and your whole Body, such Motions as daily you your self produc'd, for the taking of your Breeches, then your Doublet, and the rest of your Ap­purtenances, after one an other, and dressing you from Head to Foot. It shall walk as it us'd to do; traverse all the House upstairs, and down. It shall s [...]at it self at Table, as soon as the voice of the Page crying Dinner Sir is ready, shall strike upon its Ears: It shall Eat, shall Drink, and in a word, perform every Action it has been accustom'd to; the Animal Spirits never failing to take their course towards cer­tain parts of the Body, at the presence of cer­tain Objects, and by consequence producing al­ways certain Motions in the Body, in certain Circumstances. Now in all External Actions that we do, there is nothing but Motion, pro­duc'd this way. And hence it is that Beasts who are undoubtedly as Meer Machines as our Body, seem to us at the same time to act both with Va­riety, and Uniformity.

The only Mischief that you need to fear, is, in case a Friend should come to visit you: Because the Body, without the Soul, would be incapa­ble [Page 49] to maintain discourse, and must answer very impertinent to the Thing in hand. For betwixt our selves it is only by Discourse that we Car­tesians know that those Bodies we commonly call Men, are truly Men, and not meerly Machines: Let. 53. de Desc. Tom. 1. But herein it is this Little Negro will be service­able. M. Descartes hath taught him all the dif­ferent Motions, possible to be made upon the Pineal Gland; and all the various Determi­nations, of which the Animal Spirits are capable by its means: And how the Words are form'd in the Mouth, only by the motion of the Mus­cles that stir the Tongue, the lower Jaw, and Lips: And how particular Words are fram'd, only by the certain Motions of the Muscles, caus'd by that of the Animal Spirits, according to the different Questions, a Friend, suppose, that gives you a visit in the absence of your Soul should propound to you. The Little Negro by the various Motions he shall then impress up­on your Gland, and, from thence upon the Animal Spirits, and Muscles, shall form with­out failure in your Mouth the Words that ought to be spoke, and such Answers as the Questions shall demand. And fear not he should make your Body speak any thing unbecoming of your Soul: For I'll say that for him, Negro as he is, he is no Fool.

You may take yet an other way: It is but leaving your Body in the Bed, where it is, and in the Trance you'l put it by the taking Snush for the separating of your Soul. That Trance which consists in slackning the Sensitive Nerves, is not attended with any further trouble: Mean while, this little Negro, shall make your Figure, and shall so exactly Personate you, as if your [Page 50] Soul had made no expedition: And in that there' I be no difficuty, no more than is in my appear­ing in the Formalities of a Friar, and this Gen­tleman's in the same Physiognomy, and dress you us'd to see him, as I have but just now ex­plain'd it to you. And to observe to you by the by; you see the Cartesian Philosophy teaches with­out any Sin, what Apollonius Thyanaeus and many other Magicians could not do, without first giving themselves to the Devil.

The third and last Thing you have to do, is, To take a little of the Gentleman's Snush, which he has brought you; so we'll hoise Sale, and stand off for the Road that will bring us to M. Des­cartes.

Having return'd thanks to Father Mersennus for the Instructions and Light he was pleas'd to give me; I assur'd him, as for the first Article, I durst undertake; for that I had all along been somewhat Sceptical in point of School [...]Philosophy, and that my Mind was free from the contagion of Prejudice, that commonly is caught there: And as to the Prejudices of Infancy, the reading M. Descartes had taught me to distrust them. And that whilst he was Discoursing I had arm'd my self with a fresh Resolution, of assenting to nothing but what I should most distinctly con­ceive, following M. Descartes's advice. I for­bore to mention another Resolution I had made, which was, To fore arm my self, at least, as much against the Opinionativeness of the Cartesi­ans as the ordinary Philosophers, well knowing they were as much conceited as their Neighbours.

Touching his Directions, that respected my Body, in my Soul's Absence, I closed with the second Proposal; Seeing (said I) Reverent Fa­ther, [Page 51] it seems more simple and feasible than the former. I like it well (quoth he) since 'tis one of our Maxims in any System, to choose the most simple way, and that which costs least Trouble. However, that was not the Reason that resolv'd me, but because I thought therein less Danger, and was not so firmly persuaded that my Body would be so expert and active in the Absence of my Soul, as was pretended; and also because the Instance of Brutes which was urged, made little Impression on my Mind, unable to discard those Prejudices a Soul capable of Sense and Reason had confirmed. I de [...]ired Father Mersennus to give Orders to the Little Black to sute himself with my Person, 'to fee if it would fit him: Forthwith it was done; and I be­held another me at my Beds Feet, as the Sosia of Amphitryon saw another Sosia before his Lady's Gate, at his Return from the Camp; only with this Difference, that I at my Bed's Feet asked very courteously to me in the Bed, whereas the Sosia who return'd from the Army was well cudgelled by himself Sosia, who stood before the Gate of Al [...]mena. I recommended to him above all the fast bolting of my Chamber-door, that no Body might enter, and the frequent visiting my Body Day by Day, and admonishing him to take Care it might always lye in a Conveni­ent Posture.

Upon my old Sophi [...]ter's presenting me a Dose of Snush, I demanded if it was the True: For I remembred I had heard a Story of one Apuleius, that one Qui pro Quo metamorphosed into an Ass at the same Time he expected to become a Bird. He told me, he carried but one sort, and that there was no Danger of Mistaking: I then [Page 52] presently took it, and sneezed (God bless me) three or four Times, with mighty Violence. Hereupon I fell into a Swoon, like that of M. Descartes, I described before, and in an in­stant my Soul, by the only Act of the Will, per­ceived her enlargement from the Body.

I intend not to enter upon the Retail of Refle­ctions I made upon my Soul, and on my Body, when they were divorced from one another; I will only say, I began from that Moment to perceive the Strength of Prejudice and Conceit, in obstructing the Knowledg of Truth; and how wise and rational is the Advice M. Descartes and his Followers give, precautioning us on that Respect, and yet at the same time, how little Care those Gentlemen had to make use of the Rules they prescribe to others. For the first thing my Gentlemen would persuade me, whether I would or not, was, that my Soul in the instant of Separation, saw herself seated on the pineal Gland. As I judged it unfitting to begin with them by a palpable Contradiction; I made an­swer, That the Separation was performed so heedlesly, I had no Time to make that Observa­tion. What I said was true, and was also the least disobliging Answer I could find; for I per­fectly remembred, and was throughly convinc'd of what I had lately read in M. Stenon the great Anatomist, who was a great admirer of M. Des­cartes, and look'd upon him as the ingenious Contriver of a Novel Man, but shew'd and prov'd by ocular Demonstration,Anatomie du cerveau. this Man of his a quite different Creature from that which God Created: And that the Pineal Gland has not the Situation, much less is capable of those Motions attributed to it, upon that Hypothesis, That the [Page 53] Vessels with which it is encompassed, are not Arteries, which might supply it with the Matter of the Animal Spirits, as M. Descartes supposes; but only Veins, that by consequence the Honour and Priviledge it has given it, of being the Closet of the Soul, is without Foundation; and that perhaps it deserves not to be advanced (upon any more considerable Employ it has) above the other Glands, whose Office is usually of no great Importance in an Animal Body.

These were my Thoughts, though I kept them to my self; and I was desirous, as much as pos­sible, to accompany them in their Sentiments. I first observed to them how Digestion was per­formed in my Body, though my Soul was absent, by the only Vertue of that Acid Humor in the Stomach, which, by the Agitation of its insen­sible Parts, dissolves Meats no otherwise than Aqua Fortis dissolves Metals: How the most subtle Parts, separated from one another, made a Cream-like Liquor, called the Chyle: How the Peristaltique Motion of the Guts served to drive down the grosser Parts, and to give admit­tance to the Chyle into the Venae Lacteae of the Mesentery, through the imperceptible Pores, proportioned to the Figure of the Particles the Chyle's composed of: How upon the Heats stay­ing in my Heart, just as before, the Blood per­formed its circular usual Course, continuing all the consequent Effects, such as Nutrition, and the sound Constitution of the Limbs, placed at the greatest Distance: How, in short all the Mo­tions were carried on, by the only Clockwork of the Machine.

And here the Sticklers for the old Philosophy must not resent the Compliance I used on this [Page 54] Occasion; for if all that was absolutely false, it could never have been true in this present Jun­cture, seeing my Body was not corrupted, tho' my Soul had left it; but if the Motion and Cir­culation of the Humours once had ceased, it must of necessity have been corrupted: Whence it follows, That supposing my Soul separate from my Body, as I do then suppose it was, it is plain that all the Motions were performed, and per­formed only by their Dependance on the Dispo­sition of the Machine.

At last we thought of setting out: I ask'd then what Names and Titles of Dignity or Respect Souls used to treat each other with in their Spiritual Conversation; for that Souls being in French of the Feminine Gender, I was guilty all-a-long of an Absurdity, in calling the Soul of M. by the Name of Monsieur, yet I durst not use Madam nor Mademoiselle. As for you (said I to Father Mersennus's Soul) I may ease my self of that Trouble for the future, by using your Reverence; so you may, said he, by addressing M—s Soul with your Lordship, both Titles are all a mode in Italy, and arriv'd from thence in France. But trouble not your Head about it, we continue the same Names we had in the World when in our Bodies, M. Des­cartes is M. Descartes still; this Gentleman is what he was before; I am called Father Mersennus, as you are M—, for we Cartesians are a little Platonical in the Business. With Plato what's a Man? He's a Soul that makes use of a Body: And you may call to Mind a Particular Passage among others in Cartesius his Method, where he says, ‘Examining with Attention what I was, and that I could conceive my Body to be no­thing— [Page 55] and on the contrary, if I did sub­sist a Moment without thinking, I had no Reason to believe I had an Existence in that Moment—I conceived I was a thing, or a Substance, whose whole Nature and Essence did meerly consist in thinking; so that my self (I mean my Soul, by whose means only I am, what I am) my self, I say, is a thing wholly distinct from my Body.’ And I wonder (added Father Mersennus) the Philosophers and School-Divines have escaped this Passage, and have not before this ranked it in the Catalogue of his pretended Errors; especially since M. Arnauld reflected on it by the by. But let's be gone, said he, and let's make haste, we have lost a whole half Hour already; Time's very precious: And with that he Soars up in the Air with the Soul of the old Gentleman, and I without any more De­murs, set out to follow them.

A VOYAGE TO The World of Cartesius.
PART. II.

THE Weather was very serene, the Air extreamly clear, the Moon was in the Full, and the Stars glittered, methought, in an extraordinary manner, which made me wonderful impatient to contemplate those Glorious Bodies more nigh them, whose Splendor, Vastness, Number and Order have been thought a Subject of Admira­tion by all Ages, the worthiest Object of the Study and Meditation of Philosophers, and most sensible Proof of the Divinity; notwithstanding which, my Guides caused me to make a Halt upon the Pinnacle of a Tower, raised far above [Page 57] the rest of the Town, to observe the Nature of the Air of that low Region, and the Parts of which it is composed. Come on (says my old Gentleman) you shall know by your own Expe­rience, the Truth of Descartes his Sentiments, in the Explication of Natural Beings. Remem­ber what he says in his fourth Book of Principles, that the Air is only an Amass of branched and ragged Parts, of the third Element, extreamly small, sever'd from one another, and floating in the middle of the Balls of the Second Element, whose Motions they obey. See how the Parts of the First Element are mingled through the whole, and fill up all the Intervals the little Globules and the branch'd Parts leave betwixt them; how the Fluidity of this Body, as well as all other we call Liquids, consists in the Motion of its insensible Parts, which have an indifferent Ten­dency to any Side; for being they are all in Motion, and have mostly quite different Deter­minations, we may readily conceive two things: First, That upon a Liquid Body's ceasing to be confined and bounded by a Solid one, it must diffuse itself on every Side, since it's Parts are in a Motion every way. Secondly, That upon a solid Body's offering to pass through, finding all the Parts in Motion, it easily makes a Separation; since, to do this, 'tis only requisite to give them different Determinations instead of those they had before; it being certain that when Bodies, and especially small ones, are in Motion, a Mo­tion so different as that in which the little Parts are found, 'tis the easiest thing in Nature to give them new Determinations, and by consequence to divide a Liquid Body, and pass through it. These two Phaenomena's then of a Liquid [Page 58] Body, being explain'd so cleverly and so intel­ligibly as you see they are, by the Principles of Philosophy; the Gentlemen Philosophers of the Schools would have a great Sway over my Mind, if they would oblige me to acknowledge Flu­idity for an absolute Accident, distinguish'd from the Motion of the Insensible Parts of a Liquid Body.

As much inclined as I was to defend the In­terests of the old Philosophy, I must own this Reasoning, joyned with that I saw my self, made great Impression on my Mind; for though I could perceive no such Thing as the little Glo­bules of the Second Element, of which he talk'd, and which was a meer Illusion of a Soul intoxi­cated, as much as possible, with the Ideas and Prejudices of Cartesianism; yet I was forced to Acknowledg in the Air those little insensible Parts loose and disingaged of one another, that undoubtedly constitute all Liquid Bodies. I plainly saw that subtle Matter which Aristotle himself acknowledged under the Name of Ethe­rial Matter, and taught to be dispersed through­out the World, in a most rapid Motion. There­upon I could not disallow that plain Explication he had made of the Properties of a Liquid Body: And I must grant, That were Descartes's Philo­losophy as reasonable in all its Parts as this, I might be a little tempted to turn Cartesian, with­out troubling my self to dispute the Globules with him of the Second Element, or offering such other Doubts and Scruples as then came into my Mind; with entire Submission I complemented upon all the rest, both these Companions of my Voyage; that is to say, upon the subtle Matter, and on that branchy Matter, which I termed in [Page 59] their Language without more ado, the Matter of the First and Third-Element. I much applauded their Explication of Fluidity, and commended it for its Neatness and Simplicity; but a little Adventure turned the Discourse, and had like to have spoiled the Fruit of all my former Com­plasance.

There was on the top of the Tower on which we lighted, a kind of a Twirl that was in the Nature of a Weather-Cock, about seven Inches Diameter; its Substance was of Plate of Steel, very thin and light; its Sails were exa­ctly equal, and the Pin on which it turn'd, smooth and polish'd: So that the gentlest Gale of Wind set it a going, and at the same time turn'd about a bent Iron Rod (for the observ­ing the point of the Wind) whose end made the Axis to the Twirl. It fortun'd that a Soldier of a Suitz Regiment that quartered in the Town, discharg'd his Musket in the Air: It was loaded with two Bullets, one of which as it flew, but just glanc'd upon the end of one of the Flyers of the Twirl: And yet impress'd so considerable a Motion as lasted a long time. The Bullet con­tinu'd its Motion almost in a right Line, and went very near as far and as swift, as the other Bullet that never touch'd upon the Weather­cock. I had good Reason to take notice of that last Circumstance. Father Mersennus slipt not that occasion to demonstrate to me another of M. Descartes's Principles. You see (said he) these Flyers; if that Ball had not slanted upon one of them in passing, seeing there is not any breeze of Wind, do you think they would have left that quiet Posture they were in, and turn'd themselves about? No certainly (I reply'd.) [Page 60] The posture they were in a Moment since, could never have been chang'd for that they are in at present, but by the assistance of some External Cause that has made that alteration. But now (added he) that they are in a directly contrary State, do you believe they could quit the same, without the determination of some other Cause that should destroy their Motion, as the Bullet did their Rest? Father (said I) that Question seems more difficult than the other to resolve: I have heard it always held, as an unquestionable Axiom, That every Body, whilst it is in Motion, tends to its Repose as to its end. We'll grant you (reply'd he) that Philosophick Banterage every Body, whilst in Motion, has a tendency to rest, as to its end. A Body is endu'd with Reason and a Will, first to have an end, and then to make unto it. But if that Proposition is capable of receiving any tolerable meaning, it says no more than this, That in the situation and disposition Bodies have among themselves in the World, sensible Bodies that are mov'd do truly lose their Motion by Degrees, upon the opposition they receive from other Bodies, to which it is communicated, and at length they rest. For if nothing did destroy that State of Motion it would last for ever, by the same Rule, that if nothing did disturb the rest of a Body, it would always remain immoveable. And this it is of which I had a desire to convince you, by the Example of this little Wind-mill, For­tune has presented us.

Supposing this Gimcrack had turn'd in the midst of Water, as it does in the midst of Air, it is a plain Case, it's Motion would quickly have been destroy'd by the great Resi­stance [Page 61] the Water would have made. If two of its Sails had been longer, larger and heavier, than the other two, the Motion had ceas'd soon­er yet: Because that inequality would have been another Cause of a more forcible Resistance. Again, if you add to this, that the Pin on which it turns had been thicker, as also rusty and un­polish'd, the Motion had been lost still sooner, for the same Reason. But because it stands in Air, and in Air that's very fine; because it Sails are exactly pois'd, and its Axis slender, smooth and polish'd, the Resistance that it finds is less, and the Motion so much greater, and longer it will last. Whence we may thus conclude: Much Resistance destroys much Motion; a less Resi­stance destroys less; and a lesser yet, destroys a lesser Motion still; and so on: Hence, if there was no Resistance at all, the Motion would not flag, but continue always; hence as a Body would maintain its Rest, unless an external Cause disturbed it in the Possession of that State, so a Body would continue its Motion, as long as it should meet no Molestation in it. So then, the great Principle of M. Descartes is establish'd, That a Body of its own Nature stays always in the Capacity it is plac'd; if it is at rest 'twil always rest; if it is of a Triangular Figure it will be of a Triangular Figure always; if it is in Motion it will for ever be so: But for the rest this Principle is not peculiar to Descartes, Gali­leus before him, Gassendus, Hobbes, Maignan, &c. suppose it true. And I remember likewise, That in making my Collections for my Commentaries upon Genesis, where I have introduced an infi­nite Number of Philological, Philosophical and Astronomical Dissertations, I have remarked more [Page 62] than one Place in Aristotle, where he either teaches of supposes the same Doctrin; and Vasques one of the subtlest of the School Philoso­phers has proved it at large, as to the concern of Motion: It may however be said, that no one ever carried it to that Pitch, and used it so dex­trously, and with that Advantage as Descartes; and thence it was that particular Difference and Honour was paid him rather than to others upon that respect.

I am much of your Opinion (I returned,) That General Principle is without Controversie one of those, the Mind of Man admits without offering Violence to itself; and the Difficulty that is found in applying it to Bodies, consi­dered in Motion, proceeds only from that false Idea, so commonly received, of what we call Modes in Philosophy, and from our conceiting Motion as a positive being, and Rest as its Priva­tion, though neither Motion is a Being, nor Rest the Privation of a Being, but one and the other are different and contrary States, of which a Body Natural is capable. But, Reverend Father, this Whirl-gig here has raised a Scruple in me, of which I'd fain discharge my Conscience; i [...] is grounded on another Principle of Descartes, concerning which you may call to mind, if you please, that the Ball that touch'd the Sail, seeing it but glanced upon it, lost nothing, or next to nothing of its Motion, that it had so far pre­served, and we saw it arrive to its Journey's End as soon as (at least was but a Trice behind hand with) the other that never touched at all; and on the other Hand impressed a very consider­able Motion on the Engine: For whether we measure the Quantity of the Motion, by the Bulk [Page 63] Compass of the Body moved; or whether we measure it by the largeness of the Space traversed by the Body, in those innumerable Circles it described, spight of the Resistance of the medium wherein it turned: Or likewise whether we con­sider the swiftness of the Motion, it is manifest the Ball communicated much more Motion to [...]he other Body than it lost itself: And on the contrary, granting the supposition you have just made unto my Hands, to demonstrate a Propo­sition of Descartes; I mean, that the Sails had been unequally ballanc'd, and of a different Big­ness, that the Axle had been Gross, unsmooth, or rusty, and that the Ball had grazed on one of the Sails less obliquely than it did, it is cer­tain, in these Circumstances the Ball had lost much more of its swiftness and its Motion, yet would have impress'd or communicated much less than it hath at present. What now's be­come of those grand Principles of M. Descartes? that a Body at the same instant that it moves another, communicates exactly so much Motion to it as it loses, and precisely loses the same Quantity it communicates; for here the Bullet communicates a great deal, but loses little; and in the other Supposition it loses much, and com­municates but little: What now becomes of those mighty Axioms that lay the Foundation of his Physicks, and support the whole Frame and Stru­cture of his World? Part. 2. princ. p. 37▪ let. 72. tom. [...] That God in the Creation of the World, or Matter, created at the same Time in it a definite Quantity of Motion, or Transport (as he himself styles it) from one Place to another, which is always the same with­out Increase or▪ Diminution, although the Parts of which the World's composed, have sometimes [Page 64] more and sometimes less of it; forasmuch as what is lost in me, is of Necessity received into another: That God is the universal Cause of all the Motion in the World: That the Creatures have no Pretence to its Production, and can only determine that produced already, &c. For if a Body communicates more than it has in it self, God or the Body it self must needs produce the overplus of the new; and if a Body loses more than it communicates, that which is lost and not communicated, must of necessity be annihilated. And this is sufficient to demonstrate that the Quantity of Motion is not always the same in the World, but on the contrary it increases and de­creases every Moment. In a Word, we see here a considerable Part of Matter put into a rapid Motion that before had none at all. I will sup­pose it was in an Equilibrium, and that a little thing would turn the Scales; that will not do our Business, it will still be true to say, there is a new Transport communicated to a large Quan­tity of Matter: That that Transport is no small one, since it carries a great deal of Matter through a great deal of Space; yet notwithstand­ing the Ball hath not lost the least imaginable, see­ing it is carried as far, and as swift, within a Trifle, as it would have been if it had communicated none at all. But that which seemed of most Im­portance was, the Immutability of God, that was interessed in this Affair: For the Reason why M. Descartes was so zealous to preserve the same Quantity of Motion to a Grain, was because God's unchangable. See where this Trifie now has led us? But what a Mischief would it be, if this petty Instance overturning the Principle of the Quantity of Motion, should shatter all those [Page 65] Seven fine Rules of Motion Descartes has esta­blished with so exact a Calculation? Mean while they all take it for granted, and subsist but on the Courtesie of that Supposition; however he makes no Scruple to conclude his Explication with this remarkable Passage, All this is so evident it needs no Demonstration.

But not to lose Time in drawing other Infe­rences,Part. 2. princip. methinks, my Reverend Father, I may at least with some Pretence of Reason say, M. Des­cartes here has weakly maintained his Resolution, that he made in his Stove in Germany, Meth. p. [...] & 37. when he there began to play the Philosopher; I mean, of avoiding, above all things, a too heady for­wardness in his Determinations, and the esta­blishing any Principle, without examining of it with all possible Diligence, and upon greater Evidence than the most palpable Demonstrations in Geometry afford; of having so strict an Eye in every thing, and of making so exact an Ana­lysis of all the Propositions he advanc'd, that he might be certain nothing could escape him; for had he guarded himself with these Precautions, before he proposed his Doctrin concerning Mo­tion, your Wind-mill, and an hundred Instances might have come in to his Head, and probably have altered his Opinion, at least prevented him from saying, These things were all so evident they seemed to need no Demonstration.

I foresaw that this Discourse would not relish well with my Companions; and I am sure my old Blade began already to repent him of his Vouching for me to Father Mersennus, as a Per­son that with an implicit head-strong Resolution embraced Cartesianism. The Good Father how­ever gently reply'd, That he had observed three [Page 66] Things in my Discourse, a little Malignity in my Reflections, abundance of false Prejudice that still stuck by me, whatever Assurance I had given to the contrary, and some Difficulties at the Bottom, for the clearing of which it was conve­nient to discourse Cartesius: But let them (said he) seem as Big and as Frightful as they can, they will presently disappear, upon his convers­ing with you; I have experienced it an hundred Times. No Man was ever more troublesome to him in Questions than my self, which I us'd to make on all Occasions, even 'till I wearied him. These Difficulties once I thought inexpli­cable; but one Letter, of about a Page he wrote me, dispersed all my Doubts, and gave me more Light into the Matters then in Hand, than the entire Volumes of other Men. I much expected the Reproach of Prejudice, for that's the ordi­nary Refuge of Cartesius, and the Gentlemen his Disciples, when they find themselves press'd a little home: I urged however that Point no fur­ther to him; I only excused my self from the Malignity he charged upon my Reflections, and upon the Hopes he gave me of the Solution of my Difficulties by M. Descartes, (I rejoyn'd) You exceedingly rejoyce me, Reverend Father, for I am a Cartesian in my Heart, though I am not a through pac'd one in my Mind, wanting sufficient Light to extricate my Doubts, which the Reading the Books of that Great Man has raised in me; but I have a sincere Love for Truth, and assure your self, I shall wholly resign my self up unto her, so soon as M. Descartes shall present her to me.

After that Protestation, which seemed a little to reinstate me in their good Oponion, we [Page 67] launch'd again: And it will not be amiss to ad­vise my Reader here, this once for all, That whatever Room these Harangues and Disputes take up upon the Paper, they lasted but one single instant, since separate Spirits entertain each other a quite different way from that they use when in the Body, whose Tongue pronounces but one Syllable at a Time; one Spiritual Word that a Separate Soul shall speak unto another Soul, is more full and expressive than a thousand pro­nounced or written: And since my taking of this Voyage I have made a World of fine Disco­veries, for the explaining the Way that Angels discourse together; I question not but to be in Print some Time or other upon that Occasion: I confess I shall speak many Things that for want of Use will not be understood; but my Book may find no less a Welcome and Esteem for that, but rather the good Fortune Books of My­sterious Divinity have met with, that have been for some Time the only ones in Fashion, re­commended meerly by their being unintelligible to those that read them, and pretending to be understood by the Composers; for it is known by too manifest Experience, the Authors of those Books are not always such mighty Saints as they would seem.

We parted then from the Top of the Tower, before the Instrument desisted from its turning, and we steered towards the Globe of the Moon: My Soul perceived an unspeakable Plea­sure to scud it in the Air, and to wander in those vast Spaces, she could only travel with the Eye before, when united with the Body; that minded me of a former Delight I had sometime [...]asted in my Sleep, in dreaming that I whipt [Page 68] through the Air, without ever touching Ground, above which I thought my self exalted many Yards.

We met upon the Road vast Troops of Separate Souls, of all Nations, Laplanders, Finlanders, Olaus mag. l. 3. c. 17. Tert. de anima. Brachmans; and I then remembred what I had read in several Books, That the Se­cret of separating the Soul and Body was known among those People. But about fifty Leagues on this side that Planet, there is a Region very well stock'd, especially with Philosophers, and those Stoicks for the generality: And quite from that Place to my Arrival at the Globe of the Moon I descryed how swingingly History belies an infinite Number of Persons, that it supposes dead, like other Men; though, in truth, they are no more Dead than M. Descartes himself. I shall discourse with some of them as I go along.

The Moon has an Atmosphere like the Earth, that by a moderate Computation may amount to three French Leagues in height. As we were just ready to strike Sail, we made a good Di­stance from us, three Souls that held a very seri­ous Conference together; we judged they might be Souls of Consequence, by the deference many others in their Retinue seemed to pay them: Upon our enquiring who they were, we under­stood they were Socrates, Plato and Aristotle, that were met in Consult, for the Publick In­terest; for that being advised by certain News from our World, That the Venetians had beaten the Turks, not only out of Ancient Peloponesus, but also the Famous City of Athens, where here­tofore these three Philosophers had made so great a Figure; they had resolved in their Debate, [Page 69] so soon as any Noble Venetian's Soul should arrive in these Quarters, to petition her to recom­mend their Interest to General Morisini and the Re­publick's Consideration; To require the replacing the Statues the Athenians had erected to them; To re-establish the Academy and the Lyceum with all their Priviledges, and to restore the Marbles in the Prytaneum, whereon was engra­ven the Justification of Socrates, with the Exe­crations charged on Anytus and Melitus his Accu­sers: And in case they should push their Con­quests as far as Macedonia, to have as great regard for Stagyra, at present Liba nova, as Alexander the Great had formerly on the account of his Master Aristotle, whose Country that was. I am surprized, says Father Mersennus, to see these Philosophers; I never heard any Mention of them here, nor did I ever meet them in all my Travels: It is true, I have observed in my Com­mentaries upon Genesis, That Plato and Trisme­gistus used to quit their Bodies, the better to contemplate the Sovereign Good; and that Socrates, as Alcibiades relates in Plato, had from Time to Time such sort of Extasies: 'Tis true also, I never took Aristotle for so great a Fool as to throw himself headlong into Eurip [...]s, for the Madness and Despair of being unable to comprehend the Flux and Reflux of the Sea: And many things I have read in that Philosopher, in­duced me to suspect he knew the Mystery of Se­paration; but I never thought to inform my self whether these Gentlemen made use of it to pre­vent their Dying. You'll see (he added) that as M. Descartes has determined to put the Project of his World in Execution, that he framed while he lived on Earth, so Plato will resolve upon the [Page 70] Undertaking that of his Republick, which we shall see fix'd somewhere in those Vast and Desart Spaces above the Heavens, where he will convoy a Colony of Separate Souls, to constitute his Government.

That supposed (said my old Gentleman) Lu­cian had but ill Intelligence from the other World, since in his Dialogues of the Dead he of­ten talks of Socrates as a Man that had passed the Stygian-Lake in Caron's Boat, and as an old Inha­bitant of Hell. Nouveaux Dial. de [...] Mor. But what, Gentlemen (said I) do you say of our Modern Lucian, I mean the Author of the New Dialogues of the Dead, that without farther Ceremony places Monsieur Des­cartes in Hell, and brings him on the Stage discoursing with the pretended Demetrius of Mos­covy? Is it reasonable to think, That Author, upon his entertaining us in that Work with some pretty Things, and diverting us with an abun­dance of choice Historical Observations, to think, I say, under that Shelter he had Right to put off all the Frolicks of his Imagination, without any regard to Truth? To place M. Descartes in Hell, at the same Time he's above the Heavens, is not this (to express my self in the Quodlibetique Style of our F [...]iend M—) Aberrare toto Co [...]lo?

In the interim we saw the three Philos [...]phers advance towards us: 'Tis known they were three of the finest Gentlemen, that have bore that Character in Antiquity, and that they have al­ways been distinguish'd from that Rascality of Sophists and Cynicks that generally were meer An­drew [...], and only purchased the Reputation of Sages at the Expence of the most abusive Extra­vagances. Socrates made the Address, and in a [Page 71] most obliging manner told us: He easily per­ceived we were of France, not only because we came that Road, but also that he saw in us the Character and Genius of the Nation; which Peo­ple was the most polite at present in the World; that though he had but little Commerce with our World, he had yet enough to be certified of that Particular. He demanded the Occasion of our Voyage, and where we were a going.

Father Mersennus took the Word, and made answer, We were upon a Visit to a Friend of ours, that lived at a vast Distance; that we were happy in timing our Voyage so exactly, as to have the Opportunity of paying our most hum­ble Respects to those Personages, that have given Renown and Glory to Antiquity, and whose Names after the Tract of two thousand Years were still acknowledged and held Venerable by all the Nations in the Earth.

'Tis believed below we are dead, said Socrates; True (replyed Father Mersennus) and I my self was guilty of that Universal Mistake: But here are two Gentlemen (continued he) meaning us, that are still Inhabitants of the lower World, and who will undeceive it as to that Particular. I shall not be sorry, for my part, answered he; and it would not be amiss to acquaint the People there, That the Soul of a Philosopher, such as I am, staid not to be dismissed from the World by the Decree of a Faction of Corrupt Judges, and the Clamours of a Multitude, incensed by the Envy and Buffoonry, of a Coxcomb of a Comedian. Hear the State of the Matter; well knowing the Rage and Popularity of my Ene­mies, I thought it not worth while to stay, but quitting my Body, I gave Orders to my Familiar [Page 72] Spirit, to enter in my Room, and to put a good Face upon the Business to the End; being more Secure of his Performance than my own, what­ever Constancy and Resolvedness I found in my self. He acted his part to a Tittle; and I scarce think 'tis yet forgotten in the World, what Constancy appeared both in my Looks and Words, when the Sentence of my Death was heard pronounced; with what Undauntedness I was seen to take from the Executioner the Hem­lock-potion that poisoned my Body, and the Fury of my Accusers, that were ready to burst with Malice, to see me a Philosopher to the last. It is true (I replyed) that last Action of your Life has procured you a vast esteem among Po­sterity to this Day, and I question whether it will make for your Glory, for us to publish the true Matter of the Fact, as you have related it. No matter (said he) I have still a greater Love for Truth than my own Glory, and am more concerned for Her than for my self. Most bravely answered (I cry'd) and worthy of your self; That one Sentence is worth all the Oration your Demon harangued your Friends with, to comfort them in your Death, and I am resolved it shall lose nothing of its Value in the Carriage. If one fine Wit of our World had but heard it, he would certainly have canonized you for't; he, I say, that in reading your Story, was much put to't to forbear an Invocation, and crying Sancte Socrates ora pro nobis (That Extravagance is known to be Erasmus's, and Socrates himself thought it very impertinent.)

Aristotle next obliged us to disabuse the World of those false Reports, that were current of his Death; some making him dye of the Colick; [Page 73] others affirming he poisoned himself; others again, That he drowned himself in Euripus; these last came nearest to the Truth. He told us then, That being disgraced, and banished from the Court, upon Suspicion he was dipt in the Conspiracy of Calisthene, his Friend, against Alexander, he retreated to Athens, where he opened his School of Philosophy; That he was there impeached of Atheism, as groundlessly as Socrates, by a Priest of Ceres; which obliged him to retire to Calcis: That one Day as he was taking a Turn upon the Bank of Euripus, and recollecting in his Mind the glorious Advantages he had lost, of making his Fortune, seeing all his Hopes unravelled, that he was for ever dis­carded from the Court, and discharged from Athens, the Melancholy that seiz'd him made him resolve to leave the World; that, to that intent, he made use of the Secret Aescu­lapius had left him, from whom he had the Ho­nour to descend in a Right Line by his Father Nicomachus, formerly Physician to his Majesty King Amyntas, the Grand-Father of Alexander; he made use of it, I say, to separate himself from's Body, which he left in a Place where the Sea, in a high Tide, chanced to carry it off. Upon the finding of his Body drowned, every one made his Conjecture: The Court, that un­derstood what Impression Disgrace would make upon the Spirit of a Courtier, whose Nature it is, more than may be supposed, upon Tempta­tion, to dispatch themselves out of the World, concluded very rationally on the Point; but the Opinion of Aristotle's Disciples carried it. At that Time he was about explaining the Phoeno­menon of the Flux and Reflux of the Seas: He [Page 74] had confess'd contrary to his custom, that he did not throughly apprehend it: And that vex'd him to the heart. Thence they readily concluded that the cause of his despair. One of them con­fidently proclaim'd it in several parts of Greece. And as if he had been behind him, when he threw himself in the water, added the words he spoke unto the Sea, just upon his jump; Since I can not comprehend thee, thou shalt comprehend me. The Antithesis seem'd very pretty. That gave Legs to the report, and by that Pass-port it arriv'd to us.

There is something strange and new in these Particulars as well as in the Story of Socrates. And many of the Circumstances are left out in most of the Authours that have treated on this Subject. That encourages me to hope they'l meet with a kind Entertainment from the Pub­lick; since tis this that now a days lifts our Historians unto Reputation, and sets 'em above the common herd of Writers: And nothing [...]akes so much as Paradox in History; since a Manuscript that shall thwart the long receiv'd Opinions of Mankind, is the only piece in fashion, especially if sland [...]rous and invective, and the Extracts sent to the Compilers of the Holland-Iournals, and the News of the Republick of Learning to advance the Rate of these Books, are fill'd with hardly any thing but rare and admirable Dis­coveries. But tis not on the faith of Manuscripts I ground my Reports, things commonly subject to be question'd, but on the Testimony of the Persons mainly concern'd in the History, and who have either done or suffer'd the thing there­in related. And I challenge all the Burnets in England to evince me false in any thing, by all the Histories of the Kingdom of the Moon.

[Page 75] As for Plato, he told us, It did not so much trou­ble his Head, what were the Sentiments of Men concerning him, and thank't us for the offers of our Service that we made him: But Experience convinc'd us of the truth of Father Mersennus's conjecture, touching the Republick; and also that had his Reverence been a little more conversant in the Affairs of the Globe of the Moon, he would have made no wonder at his finding Plato and Aristotle thereabouts; since the first had effectually establish'd his Republick there, and the second his Lyceum, both which we see geographically describ'd in the Mapps of that Country by Father Grimaldus a Iesuit, Cartes Seleno­graphi­ques. one of the Notablest Mathematicians of the Age. We have nothing of certainty as to Socrates's abode; but 'tis more than probable his ordinary Resort is in his belov'd Disciple Plato's Com­monwealth.

After this little Entercourse, as we were tak­ing leave of these Gentlemen, Socrates demanded what Friend it was we went so for to wait on? Father Mersennus answer'd, that it was Descartes: Descartes! (reply'd Aristotle:) What that mad Blade that came from the other World above thirty years ago? He that was made the Owl of all the Philosophers, not able to endure him here, and that forc't him to seek out for other Quarters! Truly a very pretty Fellow, that to have treated me so Bully-like, and with that disdain I am told he did: Me, I say, that have been the Tutour to the greatest Prince and greatest Conquerour that ever was! Me, to whose Honour Philippe and Olympias erected Stat [...]es! Me, that have taught Philosophy in Athens, that have wrote so many Books and had a whole Regiment of Com­mentatours! [Page 76] Me whose Words had pass'd so long for Oracles, and the decisions of the Schools; Me, in fine, that all the Philosophers plume them selves as having gain'd unto their Party, and not willing, nor indeed daring to confess, I take the contrary side! I would fain see that bold Merchant venture on the Benches. I have seen his Books and pity 'em. Would you guess (said he) turning hastily to Socrates and Plato; what is the first step he would have his Wise men make, in order to his safer conduct to the attain­ment of Truth? He makes him doubt of every Thing, and bids him take for false the most self­evident Proposition in the World, that Two and Three are Five, that the Whole, is greater than its Part, &c. You know Gentlemen, said he, what work the World have made with him there­upon. For my par't, I'd only ask the Gentle­man one Question, Does he suppose a Man can doubt of every thing, or does he not? If not, Why makes he it the leading precepts of his Method? For in point of Precept and Method, 'tis necessary they be such as can be put in Pra­ctice.In Sy [...]opsi M [...]dit. If he does suppose it, how is it he more than once mantains in his Meditations, and his Method, that the arguments of the Scepticks, which were next a kin to those he brings to fetter us in doubts,Rep. aux I [...]st. de Gass [...]d. were never capable of stagger­ing one single person, that was in his Senses as to those apparent Truths? Does he think that those he has to deal with, have lost their Senses? Or does he imagine that the Arguments of the Scep­ticks would be more effectual in his Mouth, or in his Writings than in theirs, whose only Design, for the generality, was to torture and plague the other Sophists and to make themselves [Page 77] sport with those as should indeavour seriously to confute them? But never dream'd of one Mon­sieur Descartes that should one time or other Martial their Sophisms in the Van of his Method.

But now supposing M. Descartes had induc'd me to doubt that Two and Three made Five; and that the Whole was bigger than its Part; I would fain know what Method he would take to rid me of this doubt, and to replace me in the Statu quo of certainty where I was before? This could not be done without the aid of another Proposition, more evident than the other; which must serve to convince me, that what I began to doubt, was undoubtedly, not to be doubted of. Now what is with him that high and mighty Proposition, that must brandish its Light on all the rest, and act the Sun among the other Stars? Why: I think, therefore I am. For, says he, ' [...]is impossible to think unless I am. Most▪ ad­mirably condluded! And is it less impos­sible that Two and Three should not be Five; that the Whole should not be bigger than its Part; than 'tis impossible I should▪ be mista­ken, unless I think, and that I should think un­less I am? If I could bring my Mind to doubt once of the two first Propositions, should I be much pain'd to make question of the third? Or if a Sceptick should be so impudent to deny me those, need he be more, to deny me this? And should not I find my self equally impower'd to demonstrate to him all the three? Descartes in that procedure pretends to silence a Sceptick that challenges him to demonstrate any thing; or to shew him the evidence of a Proposition, himself pretends to have made him doubt of. The Sophist, resolv'd to deny the evidence of the plain­est [Page 78] Proposition, baffles him: And so will I; telling him, I stay in the maze of Doubt into which he led me, and am like do to so, since the Prop [...]si­tion he brings to expedite me thence, is as blind and dark as those which he made me boggle at before.

But probably (in pursuance of his humour) you are charm'd with the wonderful progress he makes in his following Method. Reflecting, says my Great Philosopher, upon that first Conlu­sion, I think, therefore I am. I observe I am no other way assur'd of the certainty of it, than by having a clear and distinct Idea of what I there affirm: So that I can take it for a general Rule, that whatever I can clearly and distinctly conceive, is true. But is this the peculiar of that favourite Proposition, only I think therefore I am? Supposing that Descartes had left me in the capacity I was, and where I must be still, in spight of Fate, as to the certainty of these Propositions Two and Three are five, the Whole is bigger than its Part; might not I make the same reflection on these Propositions as he makes on his? And being not oblig'd to invent a Rule of Truth for the Gentlemen Scepticks, but only for my self, which I might make use of in forming all my Judgments, might not I be allow'd to argue upon my Propositions as he does on his? The reason why I am ascertain'd of these Propositions, that is; why I not only doubt not of them, but perceive, I cannot doubt of them, if I would, is, that I have a clear and distinct perception of what I there affirm: And seeing I have such an one, can I still doubt whether I have or not? When to have and to judge I have, or rather to be sensible I have it, is the self [Page 79] same act of the Understanding. For in effect, from thence it is; from my own Conscience it is proceeds the impossibility of doub [...]ing of that Proposition, two and three are five, as well as of that other, I think therefore, I am, as all will agree that we are able to judge any whit nicely in such Cases. I might then equally from these and a thousand other Propositions draw the same Inference, Descar [...]es concludes from his, to make a Rule of Truth on, What I clearly and distinctly conceive is true. And it is as trifling as absurd, to make the Certainty and Evidence of such sort of Propositions, depend on the Certainty and Evidence of any other, since they are th [...]s certain and evident of themselves, not from any thing prejudicate or antecedent to them. All of them stand on the same Square as to their Conviction, and nothing's more unreasonable or against the Rules of Method, than to go to prove them by one another: Hence it is they are called Imme­diate Propositions; and even Descartes himself will own, That that General Principle, What I can distinctly conceive is true, is no ways a Rule of Truth for such kind of Propositions; but that their Rule of Truth, i. e. that which convinces me of their Truth, is, as I have been saying, the only Experience, and internal Sense alone my Mind has of that Truth, at the instant of forming those Propositions.

Aristotle, whom the very Name of M. Des­cartes had put in Humor, staid not long in so pleasant a Road, but pursued to push his Cri­ticisms home. The greatest Pleasure (said he) I had in reading that admirable Piece, was to see a Man so [...]oil, and perplex himself, as to lie open, not only to the most subtle Sceptick, but [Page 80] to the meanest Logician, that with three Grains of Wit and Sense, knew how to inforce the Rules of Logick he has learn'd: With that he run through his Method, his Meditations, and the first Part of his Book of Principles, so as to let us know, he had attentively examined them. He shewed us, in presenting the Order and Array of Descartes's Propositions, that no Man ever went so preposterously to work as he, for the Invent­ing and Establishing a Rule of Truth: For that after having made us doubt of all Things, and next, in this dark Passage introduced one Spark of Light, all that we can distinctly conceive is true: He presently makes us suspect that again by Dis­course drawn from his third Meditation. ‘But many things which before seemed evident, are become again uncertain; which has determin'd me hitherto to question, whether Two and Three are Five: Hereupon it came into my Mind, That possibly there was a God, that could have made me of such a Composition, as I might be imposed upon in Things that seem most clear and evident: And as often as that Thought recurs of the Power of God, it is impossible for me not to own, but that, if he pleased, he might easily have framed me so, as to be mistaken in the Things I most clearly conceive: But otherwise, upon my steady be­holding those Things I distinctly conceive, I am urged with so clear Conviction, as to be unable to forbear exclaiming. Deceive me who can; It is impossible, so long as I think, I should not be, or that I should not have been, since it is true at present that I am; and per­haps it may be equally impossible that Two and Three should not make Five, and so of other [Page 81] Things, wherein I see a palpable Contradi­ction. And indeed having no inducement to believe there is a God, a Deceiver, and not knowing as yet whether there be any at all, the Reason that makes me doubtful, being grounded but on that Suspicion, is but weak, and, as I may so say, Metaphysical. But to take away this Doubt it self, it is necessary to en­quire, Whether there is a God? And sup­posing there be, Whether he can be a De­ceiver?’

Here Aristotle began to descant, That Descar­tes had no longer Right to put off that Axiom for a Rule of Truth, All that we distinctly conceive is True: Seeing he had rendred it suspicious by that Reason, drawn from the Power of God; a Reason that appeared to him so forcible, that it was impossible, whilst he reflected on it, not to own, that God, had he pleased, could most ea­sily have made us so, as to be mistaken in things we most distinctly conceive. This supposed, the Stress he laid upon the Evidence of his other Propositions, could at best but ballance it, and render his Rule of Truth a Probability: Nay it could not do so much, since it was not to be done, but upon the Strength of the Evidence of the Propositions; a Rule that became a most uncer­tain and fallible, by that sole Argument, which he found impossible to resist, when he reflected on it: And that the Argument that made him suspect his Axioms, though founded on the bare Supposal of the Existence of a God, which as yet he had not examin'd, ought not to be re­garded as so weak and trivial, in reference to a Man, that in pursuit of his Method acknowledges the Power of God, in case he does exist, extend [...] [Page 82] to every thing, and possibly to the making us such sort of Creatures as might be deluded in things they most distinctly conceive. And that, lastly▪ it thw [...]rted all the Rules of Method, for a Philosopher▪ that was yet in Doubt of the Truth of that Proposition; All that I distinctly can con­ceive is true: To dream of proving the Existence of a God, to clear him of that Doubt: For how would he be convinc'd of the Existence of a God, but by some evident Demonstration? And how shall he be convinced by some evident Demonstration, so long as he shall doubt, if what a Man distinctly conceives is true?

From whence Aristotle concluded, Cartesius made a Circle in his Method; which is the most vile and unpardonable Fault that reasoning can be guilty o [...]: For, according to him, he could no ways be perfectly sure of that Principle, All I distinctly conceive is true: But because there is a God, and because that God is no Deceiver; nor could he know there was a God, and that that God was no Deceiver, but because he knew distinctly the Existence of a God, by the Idea he found in himself, and because he distinctly conceived, That to Deceive was a thing unwor­thy of God. In a Word, that he proved the First Proposition by the Second, and the Second by the First, without having the Right to sup­pose the Truth of either. But Gentlemen (con­tinued he, in an insulting way) upon your Con­sideration, I pardon your Worthy Master that his unhappy Stumble: It was only a false Step he chanced to make in the Dark, notwithstand­ing which, he recovered himself, and stood upon his Legs. He concluded, For the Existence of a God, and many Truths that we undoubtedly [Page 83] and clearly know; the Conclusion is true though the Inference be false. But you must not take it ill if I add one Word more, a disgracing his Principles and Axioms one by one,In resp. ad object. 1. make you sensible how ill founded is the Reputation of a Philosopher, said to Argue conclusively and closely. I remember I have read in that Author a Proposition pleasant enough; viz. That God could change the Essences of things; That the [...] we call necessary are only True, because [...] will have them so: And if God had willed it, as he might have willed it, if he pleas'd, that Two and Three should not make Five, that Proposition▪ Two and Three are Five at this Day would be false. When Descartes advances that Paradox, he would fain be believed to own a vast Respect for, and most humble Submission to the Omnipotency of God, and is angry with the other Philosopher [...], and impleads them of almost Blasphemy, for presuming to say, God was not able to cause, that Two and Three should not make Five: Yet if you track Descartes a lit­tle, you'll quickly find▪ That 'tis not altogether for his Devotion-sake he maintains that Thesis▪ but because that absurd Ten [...]t was the evident Result of some other Points of his Doctrin: To have admitted of a Proposition so harsh as that, upon Constraint, and as a Conclusion drawn naturally from a Principle of his laying, would not have made much for his Honour, and would besides have discouraged others: That made him think it his best way to be before­hand with them, to make the Out-cry first, and to wonder how the Philosophers could be so rash and inconsiderate as to prescribe Boundaries to the Almightiness of God. I shall not at present [Page 84] meddle with the Absurdity of that Proposition; I design not to correct all the Blunders of that Knight Errant of a Philosopher; it will be too Glorious for him to understand I have conde­scended to criticise upon him. But to enlarge a little on the Business in Hand, I say, should all I have urged against his Method be false; should all the Arguments wherewith the World has baited him, be Void and Null, that Paradox alone would totally overthrow him; and le [...] him suppose it true, 'tis impossible he should give a [...] any Rule of Truth: For if it hold, That the Truth of Propositions so depends on God, as that he could have caused those este [...]m'd neces­sarily true, to have been false, it was in his Power to have made these two be false; What I conceive distinctly is true: To deceive is an Imperfection. If God was able to have done it, how knows Descartes but he actually has? What greater Reason has he to believe he hath not, rather than the contrary? Hath God revealed it to him? Upon his Principle, I'll doubt, not only as a Sceptick, but now I'll doubt in earnest; Thus his two Rules of Truth are no longer Rules of Truth. What now betides his Glorious Pro­position, I think therefore I am? I have no need to be a Sceptick to discredit it: Why? Because I know not whether God from all Eternity de­signed it true or false. Nor could I purchase that knowledge without a Revelation; and still it must be questioned whether Revelation could [...]erve for a Rule of Truth, in these our Circum­stances. Thus Descartes Wiseman, who had al­ready made so far a Progress as to know, he thought, and that he was, is here unfortunately non-plus'd. I have a world of Reflections more to [Page 85] make, and I should never be exhausted if I would enter upon his egregious Metaphysicks, his new Demonstrations he pretends to give for the Exi­stence of a God, the Distinction of the Soul and Body: Upon his way of answering Objections made against the rest of his Method, if I would trouble my self to let you see how (when his Propositions are attacked, and at once the con­nex [...] of them, or the Method he takes to come to the knowledge of Truth) he contents him­self sometimes to defend his Propositions well or ill, without endeavouring to justifie his Method, though that is the Piece in which he has pretended most to shew his Excellency; and which is the most despicable of all at Bottom, as I think I have sufficiently proved to you: But this is enough to satisfie you, I have not pass'd Judg­ment on your Master without sufficient Knowledg of the Cause: And since I have delayed you too long, Gentlemen Cartesians, I am your most humble Servant; recommend me to your Illustrious Doctor.

Socrates and Plato followed him, taking Leave more civilly, and more like Gentlemen than he: And Plato added, he was transported to see Ari­stotle's Reputation so run down in the World; and that he deserv'd it were it for nothing, but his Behaviour towards the Philosophers his Prede­cessors, and especially for his ill natur'd Carri­age unto Plato himself: That he had used all Endeavours possible to suppress the Reputation with which they flourished in the World, and had used less reserve toward him than all the rest, although he had been his Master; and meerly by his Calumnies in Point of Doctrin, he had raised himself to the Character of Prince of Philosophers.

[Page 86] You know not, said I, what Time may still bring forth, and you need not despair of coming in Play again. Aristotle's Philosophy has had many Turns of Fortune within this Fifteen hun­dred Years; and I'll tell you, as a Piece of News from our World, That hardly more than four­score Years ago, the Sovereign Bishop of the Chri­stian Church was upon putting forth a Placate, commanding your Philosophy should be taught at Rome, instead of Aristotle's, and he had gained the Point, but for a great Man of that Time, called Bellarmine. If that had once passed at Rome, there had been a Fatal Stroke to Aristotle's Philosophy, and yours had carried it all the World over. You at once surprize and please me, (replyed Plato) I am extreamly Glad, and most highly obliged to you for this News: Ari­stotle shall know it, and I'll imploy it to revenge the Insult of his late Discourse.

Mean while my two Guides were enraged to hear their Master treated in so vile a manner; they had waited the End of his Discourse, to answer it, but observing him troop off with­out giving them the Opportunity, they endea­voured, what they could to stop him: As they saw it was in vain, the old Gentleman raillying, hol­low'd him at a Distance, So ho, Good Monsieur Aristotle, where may a Man find your Sphere of Fire? we have not met with it in our Voyage; though your Books give us Intelligence it was placed above the Air, and yet below the Moon. For my part I was highly gratify'd with that Encounter, and Discourse; I had the Pleasure to observe, That Spiritual Philosophers no more than Corporal could forbear disputing, and were no less jealous of their Sentiments and Reputation. [Page 87] I had the Happiness of this Diversion more than once in my Voyage, upon several Occasions; of which I shall give account.

After the Departure of our three Philosophers▪ well, (said I to Father Mersennus) what think you, Father, now of Aristotle? Indeed he seem­ed to me a litte hot; but after all, methinks he's no ill Disputant: That way of tracing M. Descartes step by step in his Method of the re-search of Truth, is very maliciously design'd, and capable of raising Scruples, especially that last Argument taken from the Truth of Neces­sary Propositions, that with Descartes have their Dependance upon God, seemed perplexing enough: And I do not remember that any one has before hit upon the Use that he hath made on't.

Stuff! meer Stuff! (he replyed) All that Ari­stotle has said, scarce any thing was tolerable but the Circle he charged upon Descartes; and that's an antiquated Objection; I my self have touched upon it heretofore, as you may see in the Second Objections, that come after his Me­ditations, which are my own as well as the Sixth. I am glad I know so much, (I returned) they be both most worthy of you, and admirably pro­posed, and I am very well satisfied, That Circle is something more than imaginary; for 'tis not to be supposed, that Father Mers [...]nnus, Aristotle, M. Arnauld, who is the Author of the Fourth Set of Objections, and several others, had all met in the self-same Point, but that there was some­thing in it very like at least, what they there apprehended. But under the Rose, do you take that answer M. Decsartes gives to get out of that unlucky Circle, and that no one ever yet has [Page 88] took in hand to be satisfactory or fit to be re­ceived? He answers, That in saying, We knew nothing certainly, before our Conviction of the Existence of a God, he had expressly noted, That he only meant it of some Conclusions that might come into our Mind, at the s [...]me Time we reflected not on the Principles, from which they were derived.

It would perhaps be somewhat difficult to make that Proposition capable of any tolerable Sense; but 'tis the easiest thing of an hundred to shew it to be a meer Fetch and Evasion; and to disprove the Truth of the thing itself, it is but reading the same Place Aristotle now cited, of his Third Meditation, Page the thirty fifth and thirty sixth of his Method, Number the fifth of the first Part of his Principles; and one shall see he there makes us doubt of all, even of Principles that carry with them their own Evidence; in­cluding that Principle itself, What I distinctly▪ conceive is [...]rue, by the Suspicion we have there is a God, who could so have constituted us, as we might be mistaken in things most clearly appre­hended: So that when he says, We know no­thing surely, before the Knowledg of a God, he speaks not only of some certain Conclusions that strike upon our Mind, separately from their Principles, but of all sorts of Knowledg, and of that it self, What we distinctly conceive is true. And hereupon it is your self, Aristotle, M. Arnauld and others, have trapt him in a Circle.

I own, That Answer may be found in some of his Letters, occasioned by the same Objection started to him afresh. I know that he repeats it not by way of Answer, but couching it cun­ningly [Page 89] in the First Part of his Principles, where he gives us an Abstract of his Method, and his Meditations; but that's no Salvo to the Business. Besides, those Words have a very ill Effect, in the First Part of his Principles, for they unhappily stand so near the other, that make us doubt of self-evident Propositions, because of the Suspicion we have of a God, that, may be, employs his Power to deceive us; that the Contradiction plainly strikes our Eyes.

Nor has his famous Proposition, I think there­fore I am, any better S [...]ccess; for having given us that Proposition as the first of which we could be assured, we might demonstrate to him, That cannot be the first, since its certainty necessarily supposes the Truth of some others, and in those of these: It is impossible that that which thinks should not be; it is a Contradiction for any thing to think, and yet not be in the instant that it thinks. The Proposition (which is very remarkable) by which he proves that other, I think therefore I am, at the same Time he pretends it to be the first of all. He declares then, That when he says, that Proposition, I think therefore I am, is the first and most certain of all those which offer themselves to the Mind of a Man, who observes Method in Philosophy; he pretends not to deny but that he must be certain of this before; It is impossible that he that thinks should not be; as also of divers others. [...]oyn this Acknowledgment with what he says in the foregoing Page, ‘We must likewise doubt of other Things, which we held most certain, of Mathematical Demon­strations, even of Principles that we thought self-evident until now:’ What are then self­evident Propositions if not these? It is a Con­tradiction, [Page 90] That a thing should be and not be: A thing cannot be, and not be [...]t the same Time, cannot act, and not be, and the like. He then supposes not the Truth of these Principles, be­cause he doubts of them. And in Truth, the Reason he brings to make us doubt of self-evi­dent Propositions extends equally to all. We must doubt, says he, of Principles that we call self-evident, because we have heard there is a God, who can do all Things; and who knows, but he may have so contrived us, as we might always be deceived, even in things that seem most evident? And be pleased to recollect, my Father, what Aristotle said in Concluding; That Descartes's Propositions were less to be found Fault with than their Conn [...]xion and their Dis­posal in his Method that he takes to come to Truth; and that the Truth of some certain Pro­positions was not absolutely contested, but only with reference to the Method that he takes, by which he forfeits the Priviledg to suppose them, be they as true as may be, since according to that Method he is disabled from acquiring the Knowledg of their Truth. And it is upon that account, probably, he was put so out of Humor with Gassendus and Father Bourdin a Iesuit, who were those that chiefly closed with him in that Loc [...]. Their Scruples are proposed in a lively manner in Latin; and it were well if the French Translation equalled the Original. But upon the mentioning the French Translation,

Give me leave to add one little Remark, I made a few Days since, and thought not fit to communicate to others. M. Descartes's dear Disciples being possibly put to it (at least I so imagine) to disengage their Master of those [Page 91] petty Perplexities, of which I have been speak­ing; in the French Version, that has been put forth, of his Works, and which had his own Approbation, have somewhat sweetned that distastful Proposition, in the first Part of his Principles. The Latin has it thus, Dubitabimus etiam de reliquis, quae antea pro maxime certis habui­mus: Etiam de Mathematicis demonstrationibus, etiam de iis principiis quae hactenus putavimus [...]sse per se nota. It would be natural to render it: We will doubt of other things, which before we held most certain; also of Mathematical Demon­strations; also of those Principles which hitherto we thought self-evident: They have turned it so, I say, in French, as to make us believe, That M. Descartes spoke not of self-evident Principles in general, but only of Mathematical: Nous dou­t [...]ro [...]s aussi de toutes les autres choses qui nous ont semble autrefois tres certains: Meme des demonstra­tions de Mathematique, & de ses principes, encore que d'eux-memes ils soient assez manifestes. We will doubt also of all those things we hereto­fore esteemed most certain, even of the Demon­strations of Mathematicks and their Principles, though they are sufficiently manifest of them­selves. If this was designedly done, as one may reasonably suppose, it was a little Innocent Le­gerdemain, that obliged Descartes and injured no Man; and prevented at least the Contradi­diction should be visible. But to return to the Answer Descartes made to the Circle alledged, What think you Father, is't a good Defence? Or is it not to make a Retreat and Capitulate with his Enemies? Or [...]ther, to speak more plainly and truly, to unsay and contradict? In good Faith, Father, declare it ingenuously; you have treated [Page 92] Monsieur Descartes somewhat like a Friend, or rather as a generous Enemy, you have disarmed him: He was a Man that scorned to beg his Life; you foresaw too how high he'd carry it after the Combate, and still would challenge all he met with; yet for all that, you have thought fit to give him Quarter, as a Man that did de­serve it in Consideration of those other great Services he has done Philosophy: I applaud your Generosity, and you have no reason to repent on't.

That little Softning, with which I temper'd the Harshness of my Criticks, had its design'd Effect, which was not wholly to sowre Father Mersennus. He took it graciously enough, and only answered▪ in a rallying way, You are a very Wrangler, and delight to find a Quarrel; and the Humor that I see you are of, had you lived in Descartes's Time, you had certainly incurred his spending a whole Chapter on you. But all that you say comes to just nothing, as I could easily convince you; but the Discussion of Fact, and Contradiction is too tedious an Employ­ment for us Travellers. I perceive too Monsieur is tired already with it, continued he, in shew­ing me the old Gentleman, and only wants a Mouth to yawn. Come, says he, Monsieur, you seem something Melancholy, brighten a little, brighten; What do you think of?

Think? of nothing said he. How M [...]nsieur, (I replyed) What's that you spoke? certainly Blasphemy against the Doctrin of our Master: If Aristotle had heard you, what would he have said? Do you think of nothing? So, What's become of the Essence of the Soul, that accord­ing to Descartes is thinking? I had as lieve you'd [Page 93] tell me that you have no Being as that you do not think.

He took me up in a very serious Air, which sufficiently bespoke a greater Displeasure my Words had given him, than Father Mersennus before. You put a perverse Construction on my Proposition, which meant no more, than that my Mind was not possessed with Melancholy Ideas, as you thought: I am heartily glad, Monsieur, said I, for Gayety and Briskness are never more necessary than in a Iourney: But since we are fallen bechance upon the Essence of the Soul, I could wish you'd plainly expound what Monsieur Descartes has said thereon; for as pure a Spirit as I am, I have no clear insight in­to my own Essence; and I wonder at it. A very ill Sign, said he, that's as much as to say, your Intellect is benighted still with Prejudice, and which I have already too much perceiv'd in you: And I well observe, that Novice which we lately met has raised fresh Scruples in you by his Sophistry. Monsieur, I replyed, to use no Disguise with you, I'll frankly lay open the Dis­position of my Soul, in which I find it. I am ravish'd in my Thoughts to meet with those that contradict Descartes's Philosophy; that opens and enlarges my Mind: But how strong soever their Arguments appear, I secure my self against them, and still reserve my Mind docil and tractable for the Instructions of that great Genius, supposing he has the Leisure or the Goodness to bestow some on me, when I shall have the Hap­piness to see him. As for the Preconceptions of the Schools and Childhood, I have for the most part quit them, as I passed my Word before I undressed me of my Body: Yet I confess some [Page 94] still remain, concerning the Essence of the Body, and the Essence of the Soul, which I hardly can call by that Name, in the signification you im­ploy it, since they seem grounded upon Expe­rience and on solid Reason. I have however too great a Deference for M. Descartes, to be throughly confirm'd that they are not false; so that I am willing to acknowledg, to speak in [...]iner Language, a gloomy kind of Darkness over­casts my Mind in those Particulars; and I have not yet obtain'd the Priviledg of Cartesian Souls, to have most distinct Ideas of those two kinds of Being, which make up the World. But once more I shall submit to your Instructions and Descartes's.

He then began to explain the Doctrin of Car­tesi [...]s thereupon, but said no more than I before had read in his Meditations, in his Method, in the first part of his Principles, and in some of his Letters. I shall not here give any Exposition of that Doctrin, because I shall have an occasion to speak of it upon an Adventure that befel us in the Globe of the Moon. I pretended out of Complaisance to have a better Taste of it than before, and to find more Solidity in it than when I read it by my self. That acknowledg­ment restated my Companions in their jo [...]ular Humour, who after much Merriment and Droll, upon Aristotle's Philosophy, wheel'd about unto his Sphere of Fire, which according to his Map of the World ought to be situated under the Moon, of which yet we saw not the least sign or footstep in our Voyage. They were very Se­vere and Witty thereupon, and reminded me of a Suit commenc'd some years ago, by the Perip [...] ­teticks against the new Philosophers, for di [...]sturbing [Page 95] them in the possession of that Sphere, warranted by the Prescription of so many Ages; and of a Decree made in favour of the Aristotelians, pur­suant to a falsly suppos'd Survey they had take [...] of the place. 'Twas ordered that the Sphere of Fire should still remain where Aristotle had pi [...]ch'd it. Now as that Decree, say they, was [...] Decree upon Request and not Contradictory, the new Philosophers may revive the Action, and bring the Process to a second Hearing: And in that Case you are able to give evidence of the Truth, and convict the Peripa [...]eticks of the inva­lidity of their Titles, in a Concern of that Im­portance.

You may say what you please, said I, tho' that Sphere is not now to be found; If I was to judg in that Action, I should not so readily condem [...] Aristotle. It may have been dispers'd, and spent in the space of almost two thousand years: For that many Stars that have formerly appear'd in the Heavens now disappear: What's become of the seventh Pleiade, and of that seen the last Age in the Constellation of Cassiope? And suppo­sing any one, since its ceasing to appear, should bring his Action against Tyco Brahe and others that observ'd it, as false Intelligencers, that abus'd the credulous World, do you think it would not be thrown out? And does not M. Descartes himself give us to apprehend that our Vortex, infinitely greater than the Sphere of Fire, shall be sometime swallow'd up, when one least thinks on't? And when by that Absorption the Sun shall become an Earth, and perhaps at once the subtil Matter which is conf [...]'d in the Centre of our Earth, forcing its Passage throug [...] the Crusts that cover it, shall make that a Sun; [Page 96] granting that the Books of M. Descartes existed in another Vortex where are Men, would not they look on all he has wrote of our World as Fabulous and Romantick?

However, granting that there never was a Sphere of Fire, it was ever admirably suppos'd. Never was System more exactly contriv'd than Aristotle's of the Elements. They all are rang'd according to the Dignity or Meanness of their Nature. The Earth as the most unactive and ignoble Element, has the lowest Seat. The Water, less course and heavy than the Earth, takes place above it. The Air, by reason of its Subtilty, is exalted higher than the Water. And the Fire the most noble and most vigorous of them all, owns no Superior but the Stars, and the subtil Matter in which swim the Planets. The extent of each is likewise proportion'd to the Merit of their Nature: Like Brethren they have divided the Estate of the four Qualities▪ each of them has two, one of which in the Su­perlative Degree. The Earth is cold and dry, the Water is cold and moist, the Air is hot and moist, the Fire is hot and dry. And to the end they may bear up still, in the perpetual Com­bats they give each other; if the prevaling Qua­lity of one's more active, the predominant Quality of the others put them in a good post­ure of Defence against the effort of their Ene­my. Could any thing be more justly or inge­niously imagin'd? In fine, with how many fine Thoughts has that Sphere of Fire, and that or­derly Disposition of the Elements, furnished our Preachers heretofore, and still supplies those of Italy? But to mention something better in its kind, that one Devise of Father le Moine, of [Page 97] which the Sphere of Fire is the Substance, de­serves there had been one, and would deserve there should be one still, and that it should en­dure for ever. Designing to signifie the more pure are Friendships, the more durable they are, he painted the Sphere of Fire, with this Spanish Motto, Eterno porque Puro. This Fire's Eternal, because it's pure. What an unhappiness it is that that Thought so fine and solid as it is all over, should at last be false for want of a Sphere of Fire?

Thus I was defending as well as I could, the Peripatetick Interest, whilst we arriv'd at the Globe of the Moon. I shall not be tedious in giving a large Description of it, since others have don't before me. I will only say that the Earth, look't to us that view'd it from the Moon, as the Moon appears to those that view it from the Earth, with this difference, that the Earth seem'd big­ger far, because it really is so. So we judg'd that the Earth, in respect of those that beheld it from the Moon, had the same Phases as the Moon, in regard of those that behold it from the Earth; that it had its Quadratures, its Oppositions, its Conjunctions, except that it could never be totally Eclips'd, by the reason of its greatness in comparison of the Moon, whose Shade could not have a Diameter so large as the Earth then in Conjunction.

The Moon is a Mass of Matter much like that of which the Earth is compos'd. There you have Fields and Forests, Seas and Rivers. I saw no Animals indeed, but I am of Opinion if there were some transported they would thrive, and probably multiply.Empire de la Lu [...]e. 'Tis false that there are Men there, as Cyrano reports; but 'twas [Page 98] undesignedly that he deceiv'd us, having first been deceiv'd himself. One of the separate Souls which we found in great Multitudes, and which were there at his Arrival, told me the Original of that Error. A great Company of Souls surpriz'd to see a Man with his Body, in a Land where the like was never seen before, had a mind to know the meaning of it. They a­greed together to appear in Human Shape to him: They accost him, and enquire by what Method he accomplish'd so great a Voyage: Made him relate what he knew of our World; and as he seem'd equally inquisitive as to the Transactions of the World of the Moon, and the Life the In­habitants led there, the Familiar Spirit of Socra­tes, who was among the rest, took upon him to answer: And having declar'd who he was, as that Historian himself relates, he made him upon the Spot, a Fantastical System of the Republick and Society, which is the same he gives us in his Relation, where he seriously tells us, There are Men in the Moon; characters their Humour, describes their Employments, their Customs and Government. But 'tis worth the knowing that some [...]opperies he has inserted, he brought not from that Country, as the Soul assur'd me; and that many Profane Allusions and Libertine Reflections he there makes, were only the Fruits of a debauch'd Imagination and a corrupt Mind, such as was that Historians, or of the Imitation of an Author, yet more Atheistical than himself. I mean Lucian, one of whose Works was made the Plan to his History of the Moon.

The Inequalities we found in the Globe of the Moon are partly Is [...]es, wherewith the Seas there are pleasantly chequer'd, and partly Hills and [Page 99] Vallies in its Continent. They belong to several famous Astronomers or Philosophers, whose Names they bear, and who are the high and mighty States there. We landed in Gassendi, a Seat ex­traordinary fine and very apposite, and such in a Word as an Abbot, like Monsieur Gassendus, could make it, who wanted for neither Genius, Art nor Science, and who had no use for his Revenues, in gaming treating and living high. The Lord of the Mannor was then absent, whom we should have been glad to have waited on, since we heard that he still continu'd his Civility and Moderation, which were his Natural En­dowments. And though formerly there were some Misunderstandings betwixt him and Carte­sius, yet he always very obligingly, and with a Mark of Distinction, entertain'd the Cartesians that came to pay a Visit, and especially Father Mersennus, who was his peculiar Friend. He was a Man that equall'd M. Descartes in capa­city of Genius, excell'd him in the reach and extent of Science, but was less heady and con­ceited. He seem'd somewhat a Pyrrhonist in Natural Philosophy, which in my Opinion is becoming enough of a Philosopher, who provi­ded he looks into himself, must know by his own Experience the Limits of a Human Under­standing, and the short Sightedness of its Views.

From Gassendi, Father Mersennus conducted us to the Land that bears his Name. It is very con­veniently situate upon the same Coast, as Gassen­di, bordering upon the round Sea, which others call the Sea of Humours, which is a great G [...]lph of the Lunary Ocean, bounded on one side by [...] Continent, on which lies Mersennus, and on [Page 100] the other by an Isthmus, at the end whereof, Northwards, is a Peninsule call'd Dream-land. Mersennus is only commendable for its Situa­tion and Prospect, being a very hosky and bar­ren Country by the reason of the abundant Heat there, from which it has taken a Name, and is call'd Hotland.

We staid in this place about half a quarter of an hour, when I intimated to [...]. Mersennus, that before we prosecuted our Iourny, I should be glad to traverse the Hemisphere of the Moon wherein we were. That Hemisphere always fa­ces our Earth, and 'tis false that the Moon turns upon its Centre, as some imagine: It only has a Motion of Vibration, which weighs it from East to West, and from West to East, which Motion Galilae [...]us first perceiv'd, having observ'd by a Tube, that the place we call Grimaldi, is sometimes nearer and sometimes farther off the Oriental Zone of the Moon, and that the Caspian Sea, opposite to it, is sometimes nearer and sometimes farther off the Occidental Zone. Fa­ther Mersennus, willingly consented to my Pro­posal, for as much as he himself had never made that Voyage. We cross'd the great Ocean, leav­ing on the left Hand the Isle of Winds, and on the right, that of Copernicus, and pass'd [...] over that of Pitheas, still pushing on quite to the Sea of Rains, which is bounded by a vast Land stretch'd from East to West, much like that of America, as it is decypher'd in the Maps; whose Eastern part is call'd Fog-land, and the Western Hait­land, both seem'd like two mighty [...] Deserts. Towards the middle of that Land, upon the Shore of the Sea of Rains, we discover'd a kind of a large Town, of an oval Figure, which [Page 101] we had the Curiosity to go to see; but we found all the Avenues guarded with Souls who deny'd us Entrance, tho' civilly and obligingly enough. We demanded of one of them, What Town that was, and why there was no Admission? He answer'd, it was call'd Plato, and was the same where that Philosopher, whose Name it bore, had establish'd his Common-wealth; that no Persons were admitted there, which he himself had not first examin'd, which Caution he observ'd, for fear some Stranger should bring thither the dan­gerous Maxims of the other World, which were the only Pestilence that Republick had to fear; that Plato was not at home at present, but would return in a little time; and in Case we desir'd to have Admission, we might, waiting the re­turn of Plato, commence our Quarantine at La­zaret, which was a little Seat upon a rising Ground, we saw some distance from the Town; that that Quarantine was not a Quarantine of days▪ but a Quarantine of Years; because the Con [...]a­gious Diseases a Spirit was tainted with, wer [...] purg'd off with far greater Difficulty than the Pestilential Airs of Bodies are dispers'd, which come from infected Places. We thank'd him for his offers, and told him, We came not there with a Design to settle, but that we were going farther; that if Plato had been in Town, he probably would have had some Condescension towards us; that we had met him in our Journy, and had receiv'd great Civilities from him: And that we must endeavour to be contented upon the disappointment of our Curiosity, on tha [...] occasion. So we bent on our Journy, dissatis [...]fied enough, from the Republick of Plato, where we little thought they had treated Strangers a [...] they do in China and Iapan.

[Page 102] From thence we travell'd over all that Land from North to South, after which we discover'd another Sea, call'd the Sea of Cold, in which stood a very fair Island, which they said was Aristotle's; we made no Debate whether we should take it in our Road: The only Question was, Whether if we were ask'd who and what we were, we should declare our selves Cartesians? It was my Sentiment not to carry it so high in an Enemies Country: But Father Mersennus and my old Gentleman, concluded for the contrary, with­out more ado adding, there was nothing we need to fear; that if we were beset we had wherewithal to defend our Selves, and in point of Spiritual As­saults, the Number came not in the Account; that it was not the first time, there had been seen a single Cartesian, that fronted with good Suc­cess a Class of four hundred Peripateticks, mar­shall'd by a Regent of consummate Experience. Only we must keep a strict Guard upon our selves, to offer no Insult or Raillery, that might give Offence to those we conversed with.

But it was a great Surprize to us upon our Ap­proach, to see this Island under a stricter Guard than that of Plato. They were there in Battel Array, as in a Town that had the Enemy at the Gates, and expected the next News should be of being begirt with a close Siege. There was your Court of Guards advanc'd far into the Field, your Centuries upon all the Hills round about, and Scouts and Intelligences in all parts of the Air. As we came within three hundred Paces of the place, we saw a Detachment of about a dozen Souls, drawn from the Court of Guard, approach us. He that commanded them [Page 103] gave the Word, Stand, who's there, and to what Sect do you belong? Our old Veteran un­dauntedly cry'd, Long Live Descartes and the Cartesians. He was amaz'd at the Reply; or­dered us not to stir a step, and forthwith dis­patch'd an Advice to the Officer of the Guard.

No sooner the Advice arriv'd to the Officer, but all his Troops at a Signal given, were arm'd capape, and gave us to understand by their looks they were in readiness to receive the Enemy: That is, they were accountred with Syllogisms, in all sorts of Modes and Figures whereof some concluded for the Soul of Beasts, others for the necessity of Substantial Forms, in mixt Bodies; others for Absolute Accidents, and such like Things, against which M. Descartes had declar'd. The Officer himself coming up, we presently knew him. He had been an ancient Professor in the Vniversity of Paris and formerly my Re­gent in Philosophy: O God! said he, adressing himself to me, and must I have the Affiction of seeing you on the side of our Enemies conde­scending even to the servil Office of a Spy? Is this the Recompence you make for the Pains I have taken? Have you met with a course of Philosophy, comparable to mine, which was then reputed, the most gentile and solid in the whole Vniversity of Paris? Where's that Respect and Submission you own'd in your greener years, for the Prince of Philosophers? What Obligati­on had you to take up arms against him? Mon­sieur (I reply'd) I still preserve that Respect, that Esteem and Friendship for you, which I owe, inviolable, and I take it for a peculiar favour of Fortune to meet you here, to make a fresh Protestation of them. And I assure you, that [Page 104] I am neither come in quality of a Spy or Enemy, but if you please so to receive me, of a Voyager: 'Twas purely curiosity that brought me hither, by the way. As to the concern of Philosophy, I must acknowledge I am a little Sceptical in that Matter, and know not at present what I am. I am resolv'd to try all Sects before I am deter­min'd; so that you may, Sir, look upon me as a Man of an uninterested Country, and that contrives no Plot or Mischeivous Design against your Commonwealth: These Gentlemen, indeed, are profess'd Car [...]esians, but they are Philosophers and Men of Honour, and have Esteem for Merit though it be on the contrary side; and who hold, that Liberty of Conscience in point of Philoso­phy, is the unviolable Charter of all honest well bred Men: But (I pursued) I am highly sur­priz'd at the bustle and disturbance in this Country: There's no Spanish Town in Flanders so readily Alarm'd as yours; What is't you so much dread?

That which we so much dread, said he, is, that Im­placable Enemy of our Sovereign▪ your Descartes, who when on Earth, did all imaginable towards the extirpating the Peripateticks, and only desisted there, as we are from good Hands inform'd, to come to ruin them in this Country. It is now more than thirty years, so exact a Guard has been observ'd, to prevent a Surprize consequent to the Advice we have had, that in all this time he hath been forming a Party, and gathering all the Forces possible, in order to a Descent. This is the Intelligence we have receiv'd from a Dutch Professor of Philosophy, who acts here as Generalissimo in Aristotle's Absence. But Descartes may come as soon as he pleases; you see we are in a capacity to receive him.

[Page 105] Well, Monsieur (said I) if that be all, you may sleep secure; Monsieur Descartes, I assure you, has no Design of an Invasion in his Head; he's a thousand Times farther off this Place than 'tis from hence to Earth; he is thinking of Build­ing a New World above the Heavens; he has in­vited us to see the Execution of his Grand Design, and thither 'tis we are going: And to convince you of the Truth of what I say, 'tis but deput­ing, when we part, some Souls to bear us Com­pany, and they shall bring you an account of what they there shall see.

You rejoyce me mightily, said he, for we Pe­ripateticks are tired with these long Fatigues: but take it not ill, that I execute my Orders, and conduct you to the Governour of the Place, according to the Custom, That all Philosophers of a different Sect from ours, arriving here, give him an account what Project brought them hither; we have used this Course but since Descartes has given us these Alarms. So we took the Road that led to the Place, convoyed with a Detach­ment of about fifty Souls, Academiques for the most part and Collegians, who look'd as if they did not wish us very well; that Place was only a great Garden that represented the Lyceum in Athens, where Aristotle used to teach his Scholars walking, whence they derived the Name of Pe­ripateticks: 'Tis of a great extent and very finely kept, it is cut into abundance of Allies, whereof the four greatest meet in the middle of the Gar­den, at a round large Fountain, whereon is raised a stately Pedestal of the most delicate Marble I ever saw, on which stands the Statue of Alxander the Great, crowned by Victory with Lawrels, trampling under Foot Scepters and [Page 106] Crowns, and Bucklers and broken Arms, and the Treasures of Asia. Four great Statues, chained to the four Corners represent the Prin­cipal Nations Alexander conquered. I found that Monument so like that of the Place des Vi­ctoires, that I should have believed one had been the Pattern to the other, had not I at the same Time made Reflection, that the near Resem­blance of those two Hero's, might easily have furnished the Minds of both the Undertakers with the same Ideas. All the Figures of the Mo­nument, no less than the other Statues in several Parts of the Garden, as those of Philippus, Olym­pias, and many other illustrious Personages, who formerly honoured Aristo [...]le with their Friend­ship, are of Silver, for Silver is very cheap and common in the Globe of the Moon; and it is pro­bably for that Reason Chymists who always affect Mystery in their Words, call that Metal by the Name of the Moon.

As we were admiring that noble Monument, we were astonished to see all of a sudden, four Water-Spouts rise from the four Angles of the Pedestal, the largest and the highest that ever were; they mounted at least four hundred Poles in heighth, and they were brought from a River behind a neighbouring Mountain that was higher than the Wells of Domme in Auvergn; over which the Water was carried by the admirable Contrivance of the Old Philosophy, that in sup­posing the Horror of a Vacuum in Nature, shew'd how with Pumps to s [...]ing Water infi­nitely high, which Secret is unfortunately lost in our World; for since the Time of Galileus we can raise Water no higher than three or four and thirty Foot. We saw these Water Spouts on [Page 107] every Side, the least of which exceeded the high­est Trees that encompassed the Garden. From the middle of the Garden we observed four Halls of different Figure and Architecture, one at the End of each of the four Alleys: We were con­ducted to the biggest of them, which was of ex­quisite Beauty and Magnificence, being of Gold, Azure and Precious Stones. On both Sides, in the Intervals of the Windows was your Imbossed Work of Silver, excellently carved; but that made a Gallimaw [...]ry odd and humerous enough; for on one Part on the Right-hand were r [...]pre­sented the famous Exploits of Alexander, the de­feat of Darius near the City Arbela, the Attack of Poru [...] his Army, the Passage of Granicus, and the Taking of the City Tyre. On the other were Tri­umphs of Aristotle over the rest of the Philosophers, and the Extravagancies of those that went for Wisemen before his Time.

The first on the Left-hand exhibits Pythagoras, doctrining his Disciples, and presenting them with a sort of Table-Book, wherein, among others, were written these three Precepts: First, That they were to hear him full five Years with­out speaking a Word to contradict him. Second­ly, They must lend an attentive Ear, especially in the Night, to the Musick and Harmony of the Celestial Spheres, which only Wisemen are priviledged to understand. And, Thirdly, they must abstain from eating Beans.

The Second shews you Democritus laughing with Might and Main, and Heraclitus weeping in warm Tears, and a Troop of little Chil­dren hooping after them as after two Fools.

[Page 108] In the Third we had Diogenes the Cynique, ha­bited like a Morris-Dancer, mounted upon a Cross-way-stone, at bottom of which lay his Tub, expounding to an Auditory much like that of the Singers du pont neuf.

In the last sate Aristotle on an exalted Seat, that looked more like a Throne than a Magiste­rial Chair, and at his Feet stood all the Philoso­phers that lived before him, in Admiration, and listning to him as an Oracle. Before the Throne of Aristotle were heaped the Books that repre­sented the Writings of those same Philosophers, his Predecessors, which one was putting Fire to, to sacrifice them to the Goddess Wisdom, whose Head resembled a Sun, brandishing abundance of Rays upon the Face of Aristotle, and making a Glory round about it.

At the Bottom of the Hall, upon a kind of Al­tar, stands a large Silver Statue of the beautiful Pythias, formerly Aristotle's Lady, for whom his Passion was so strong, as to Sacrifice unto her.

At the Top of the Hall was a Ceiling, enrich'd with admirable Paintings, lately done, divided likewise betwixt Alexander and Aristotle, agree­able to the Embossings; for on one Side was the Hero receiving a Thunderbolt from the Hand of his pretended Father Iupiter Ammon, to fulmi­nate all the Princes of Asia; and on the other the Philosopher receiving another from the Hand of Minerva, to thunderclap all the Chieftains, of the New Sects of Philosophy, among which we easily knew M. Descartes, M. Gassendi, Father▪ Maignan, and many others.

As we were taken up with the Curiosity of all these different Pieces of Sculpture and Painting, the Vice-roy of the Place came in to give us Au­dience. [Page 109] Never was Man so much surprized as my old Gentleman, at first Sight of the Govern­our; he had formerly known him in Holland, when he there accompanied M. Descartes: He was called M. Voetius, the most resolved Peripa­tetique in the World, and the most avowed of all Descartes's Enemies; he that most disturbed the Quiet he came to seek in Holland, and the most obstinately as successfully opposed his Design of gaining a Party there: Whereas that Man acts the greatest part in the History of Cartesianism, of which, at the Entrance of my Relation I en­gaged to give some Particulars when occasion served; and seeing at the Intercourse of which I speak, we fell upon a Negotiation with him, as to a Project of Peace between the Peripatetiques and the Cartesians; it will not perhaps be trouble­some and impertinent, briefly to insert the Dif­ference he had with M. Descartes, and the Mo­tive that determined him to fix in the Globe of the Moon.

M. Descartes, Diss [...]rt. de Meth. after he had finished his Course of Philosophy, in the Colledge de la Fleche, ceased not to be a Philosopher thereupon; nay pretends he commenc'd one but from that Time. As he was fully convinced there was far less to be gained from the most curious of Books and Libraries than from the great Volume of the World, the most Compleat and Instructive of all others, to such as know how to study it as they ought; he pitch'd upon Travel. During nine or ten Years he run through most Countries; frequented the Court, as also the Armies of most Foreign Princes: But still as a Philosopher, i. e. continually making serious Reflections upon the Intellectual and Moral Part of Man, upon the different Customs of Coun­tries, [Page 110] upon the contrary Judgments Men make of the self-same things, conformably to the dif­ferent Notions they have imbibed concerning them, endeavouring always herein to alembeck Truth from Falshood, and to advantage himself equally by the Folly and Wisdom of other Men; that he might collect a System of Life, composed and regulated by defecated Reason, whose Hap­piness, as far as possible, should be independent of the Turns and Wheels of Fortune.

He began to put his Project in Execution, in a certain Place in Germany, which he does not name, where he passed the Winter, at his Re­turn from the Coronation of the Emperor Ferdi­nand III. where closeting himself whole Days to­gether in his Stove, he recollected in his Mind all the Observations he had made, upon the Con­duct of Mankind; which he imployed to con­stitute his Rules of Morality, as they are at pre­sent in his Book, entituled, Dissertation de la me­thode de bien user de sa raison. From whence passing to Metaphysical Notices, and those of Natural Philosophy, he laid the Scheme to the most part of his Works he since hath left us; making at the same Time an Essay of his Physicks, in the Me­chanical Explanation of the Motion of the Heart and A [...]teries, which certainly is not the worst Piece we have of his Works.

Next he deliberated what Place was most con­venient for a Settlement;Ibid. he was byassed against his stay in Britanny, his Native Country, where his Family then bore, as it does to this Day, a considerable Port, foreseeing the Incumbrances he should find among his Relations, would ine­vitably retard his vehement Pursuit of Philosophy. In fine, he resolved on Holland, as a Retreat [Page 111] freest from Disturbance, where every one, said he, minds his own concerns, without medling with other Men's; and where the Maintenance of those numerous Troops, served but to recom­mend with more Security to the whole Country the Advantages of Peace, in the midst of a rage­ing War.

He passed near eight Years in Peace and Quiet,Ibid. making his ordinary abode at Egmond, a little Town on the Coast of Holland, insomuch that during all that Space▪ he never left the Country, but on the account of his Domestick Occasions, that indispensibly oblig'd him to make some Journies into France. Ibid. p. 20▪ Happy, if his Zeal for the Publick Good, and his Compassion for the Mise­rable Condition of Philosophy, had not made him transgress that excellent Moral Maxim he had prescribed himself, to leave the World as he found it, without endeavouring to reform it, or rectifie its Ideas, to think only of finding Truth for himself, and of conquering his own Passions; but he was worsted first by that of Printing, and after by all the other, Authors are subject to, when they find their Opinions contradicted: For it must be confessed, although M. Descartes had formed an Idea of a Wise-man to himself, much like that of the Stoicks, yet any one may see in reading some of his Works, he was not yet ar­rived to that Apathy and Indolence which makes their Essential Character.

No sooner had he impressed his Dioptriques, and his Meteors; Next that, his Dissertation concerning Method, and since his Meditations: But he found himself set upon from all Hands; all the Vniver­sities of Holland took the alarm. Doctor Revi [...]s for that of [...]eyden, Voetius and Dem [...]tius for [Page 112] Vtrecht, Schook for that of Groiningue, ratified a triple Alliance against this upstart Enemy; who for his Part, before he declared and set up his Standard against Aristotle, had made under­hand a considerable Party. Revius having en­gaged Doctor Tkill on his Side, a hot and active Man, undertook the Censuring his Meditations, throughout his Divinity; and the Affair was carried on so far that M. Descartes Friends ad­vised him to interpose the Authority of the Prince of Orange and the French Embassador, to put a Stop to its Progress: But he satisfied him­self, to proclaim he was injured, and to demand Justice of the Procurators of Leyden, who thought they had done him a special Favour, in obliging their Doctors Silence, and prohibiting them the mentioning Descartes and his Opinions in their Academick Exercises; a Proceedure that was not very Satisfactory to M. Descartes. He was a lit­tle better satisfied on the part of the Vniversity of Groiningue, which at the Solicitation of the French Embassador, severely check'd Schooks Out­ragious Conduct.

But all this was nothing in comparison with his great Concernment at Vtrecht, where Voetius fell like a Lion loose upon him. Voetius was one of the Supports of the Vniversity; whom the Quality of Divinity Professor, as also that of Mi­nister and Rector, joyned with his Reverend G [...]ey Heirs rendred awful and venerable to a Town, in which the Corporation of the University main­tained a very considerable Grandeur: He had learn'd how to employ these Advantages to the gaining absolute Authority and Command over the Minds of Men, insomuch that his Sentiments were the Decisions in the University and Oracles [Page 113] in the Town. 'Tis known what they were in regard of the New Philosophy, which was the Reason why those of Descartes's Party durst not declare themselves: Notwithstanding,Let [...]. [...] Des [...]. at last, Regius the Physician, whom Descartes styles, his Proto-martyr, could no longer stifle the Hatred he had conceived against Substantial Forms; he affixed his Theses, wherein he had banished them, to substitute in their Room the different Configuration of the insensible Parts of every Body. This makes a great Noise in the Vniver­sity, some take one Side some another: This is the whole Discourse of the Town, News and Poli­ticks are hush'd, and the Exchange now rings with nothing but Substantial Forms.

Mean time Voetius slept not in an Affair of this Importance; he went to the first Disputes of Regius, suborned a great many Scholars he had gained, and placed them in several Parts of the Hall; who as soon as Regius his Disciple began to talk of Subtil Matter, of the Balls of the Second Element, of Ramous and Chamfer'd Particles, burst out a Laughing, set up an Hiss, clapt their Hands, and were seconded by the Doctors, the Friends of Voetius: That tumultuous Outcry dismounted poor Regius, and obl [...]ged him to cut off his Disputations. He wrote to M. Descartes▪ Tom. 1. d [...] Le [...]. de Des [...]. desiring Counsel in this Conjuncture, and how he ought to behave himself in respect of Voetius, who had forthwith put up Theses in Defence of Substantial Forms; and against the other Points of the Cartesian Philosophy: He had particularly addressed them to the Faculty of Medicine, and the Professors of Philosophy, imploring their Prote­ct [...]on of Sub [...]tantial [...] Forms against Regius.

[Page 114] M. Descartes's Advice was,Tom. 1. Let. 89. That he should forbear Publick Disputations, endeavour to draw over Voetius to answer his Thes [...]s, but with all the deference and civility imaginable, to mani­fest a grand Respect and Esteem for his Adver­sary, yet so as still couragiously to maintain the Cause of Truth▪ Regius took that Method, not without Fear it might cost him his Chair; and certainly he ran a great Risque. Voe [...]ius under­took him; put young Voetius his Son, and Schoo [...], upon writing against him: And a little more had caused him to be condemned as an Heretick by the Divines: He had him before the Magistrates; nor had he so escaped, but upon giving Security for the exact Performance of what they ordered in a Publick Decree, Never to teach Descartes's Philosophy, to hold fast to the ancient Dogma's and to make no Attaque for the future on Substan­tial Forms.

That Blow went with M. Descartes to the Quick, though he seems in his Letter to Regius to make slight on't, insomuch that he could not forbear revenging himself; venting a Phamplet under-hand, called the History of Voetius; in which he scurvily treated him, and ridiculed him severely. That turned the Bent of Voetius's Fury on himself, who quitting thenceforward Regius, whom he saw foiled and groveling, and looked upon as a Forlorn-Hope, sent out to Piqueer and Skirmish, by Descartes, thought he must double his Forces to make an On-set on this New Sect, and assault it in its Leader. As ill Fortune still would have it, Descartes and Regius fell to Swords-points, and sharpned their Quills against each other, as if it had been the Fate of that Philosopher, at that Time, to have all the [Page 115] Learned Men of Holland for his Enemies, whose Names did terminate in Ius, Revius, Demma­tius, the two Voetius's and Regius.

The first thing that was done at Vtrecht, Let. de Des [...]. was to damn Descartes in all Companies as an Athe­ist, as another Vaninus, who under pretence of establishing by his Arguments the Existence of a God, aim'd only to rout and confute it. Voe­tius▪ declaim'd eternally against him in his Le­ctures, in his Disputations, in his Sermons. He pitch'd purposely on Theses of Atheism, where he brought in every thing that might bring an Odium on Descartes. And so success­fully did they decry him, that when the News of his Death arriv'd several Years after at Vtrecht, Prejudice was so deeply rooted, as to make an addition of dreadful Circumstances, and it was the Current Report of the Town, That he dyed the most impious and wicked Vil­lain in the World, without Faith,C [...]e [...]gh [...]on Ep. ad Regium. without Re­ligion, like Iulian the Apostate, casting up a thousand Blasphemies against Iesus Christ.

Voetius indeavour'd to uncement the most in­timate Friends he had,Tom. 2. des Let▪ de Desc. and as much a Protestant Minister as he was, wrote to Father Mersennus in France, to enter in a League with him, and to excite him to write against Descartes, but sped not in that Negotiation. He accus'd him of being a Clandestine Enemy to the Religion of the Co [...]ntry, and seem'd by that to be willing to impeach him as a Traytor to the State. He ad­ded, he was an Emissary and Spy of the Iesuit [...], and held an Epistolary▪ Correspondence with them, and produc'd one Letter, especially a­gainst him, which he had wrote to Father Dine [...], sometime after Confessor to the King. So true it [Page 116] is that Titus Oats is not the first that thought of persuading the Protestants of his Country,Hist. Con­j [...]r. Angle­ [...]erre▪ the Iesuits gave Commissions in England to levy an Army, in which they had the Disposal of all places of trust, and made general Officers, Co­lonels and Captains.

In short; Voetius partly by hi [...] Reputation and Vogue, partly by his Intrigues, brought it about, that Descartes's Philosophy should be condemn'd throughout the University, of which he was Rector: He cited him by the order of the Magistrates, with a great noise, at the sound of a Bell, by the notice of a Bedel, to come and answer to the Calumnies he was said to have written against Voetius. In so much that his Friends advis'd him [...]o be upon his Guard, as being scarce secure in the place where he was, though it was out of the Reach and Jurisdiction of Vtrecht. Two Papers, wherein M. Descartes mention'd Voetius, one of which was the Letter he had wrote to Father Dinet, were declared diffamatory Libels. That Declaration was Printed, and affix'd and sent to the principal Towns of the United Provinces. If we may believe M. Descartes, there was no less Design on Foot, than the Banishing him all the Provin­ces by a Decree, the loading him with prodi­gious Fines, the burning his Books by the Hand of the common Hangman, to which, some said, Voetius had resolv'd to make so great a Fire in burning of them, as the Flame of it should en­lighten all the Countries thereabouts. In a word, M. Descartes was forc'd to get clear of these Troubles, to imploy the credit of his Friends, and the Interest of the French Embassa­dor, that might hinder it from proceeding any farther.

[Page 117] These Quarrels were kept up many Years▪ and M. Descartes foreseeing the Apologies he he design'd to have presented to the Magistrates of Leyden and Vtrecht, to justifie himself, and demand the reparation of his Honour, would be ineffectual in the procuring such satisfaction as he pretended due to him, thought often of leaving Holland, where he found not the Re­pose he at first propos'd to himself. The Let­ters he received from the Court of France at that time, with the promise of a good Pension, if he would come and live at Paris, determin'd him to depart: But the Troubles of the King­dom unluckily-stop'd the Career of his good Fortune. Letters were sent him in Parchment curiously seal'd, and full of the greatest Praises in the World: But that was all; nor had he his Letters gratis. Never Parchment, as he plea­santly says, cost him so dear, and was so unuse­ful as that: Nothing could hinder him from re­turning to his beloved Holland, without fear of falling afresh into the Hands of Voetius, Schook and Revius: But not long after, the Queen of Sueden sent for him to Stockholm, where 'tis vul­garly said he dy'd.

What I have hitherto said of the difference of Voetius with M. Descartes, has been taken for the most part out of the Letters of that Philo­sopher. Voetius inform'd us in the Globe of the Moon, of the other Particulars that concern'd himself, to wit, That after M. Descartes's De­parture from Holland, he grew reconcil'd to Regius the Physitian, who in the Feast of Recon­ciliation, as a Badge of the real Intentions of his future Friendship, presented him with some of Descartes's Snush, which he often made use [Page 118] of, but especially to come to the Lyceum in the Moon; that having highly merited of Aristotle, by those famous Exploits manag'd against Regius and Descartes, in the Defence of the Peripatetick Philosophy, that Prince of Philosopher [...] had of­fer'd him the Imploy we saw him in possession of; that he nevertheless wav'd the accepting of it, till, understanding that Descartes's Soul left no Stone unturn'd to bring the Souls of these Parts over to him, his Zeal for the Ancient Phi­losophy had wrought upon him to quit his Body, in order to oppose the Designs of that dange­rous Enemy.

This is that very Voetius that was formerly the Hero of Peripa [...]ecism in Holland. Our Greet­ing notwithstanding was extraordinary civil on both Hands; and after our mutual Compli­ments to each other, he express'd the Joy he had to hear M. Descartes was hatching no ill De­sign upon the Lyceum of the Moon. He confess'd likewise the Regret he had for urging that Phi­losopher heretofore so far: But that his own Reputation in Holland was incompatible with Descartes's. That if he had once permitted the new Philosophy, to take Footing in the Vniversity of Vtrecht, he must either have been oblig'd to learn it, or hold his Tongue in all Disputes: And he found much uneasiness to consent to one or the other: That he was then too old to be­come Descartes's Scholar; and that it was easily guess'd how ungrateful a Task it had been for an old Philosophy Professor, to hear all his Decisi­ons disputed, without the Priviledg of defend­ing them, at least by way of Arguing; for that Descartes having thrown out of Doors the Terms made use of in the Schools, he had been [Page 119] oblig'd in all publick Acts, to stand as a Person that was Deaf and Dumb: He that had always been renown'd for his Subtilty and Penetration. That he had observ'd in his Philosophy many good Things, among abundance of others that seem'd somewhat hard. And that having often discours'd Aristotle concerning that Philosophy, they had both concluded it would not be im­possible to make some Accommodation, and if we were willing, it would be no trouble to him, to enter in a particular Conference thereupon: We gladly embrac'd his Offer, and after ha­ving order'd his Attendants to retire, he spoke as follows:

You may easily see, Gentlemen, by the Rank I hold there, I have a great share in the Favours of the Prince our Soveraign: I have yet a great­er in his Confidence: You will readily think so, by one Profession he has made me, and which I am well assur'd I may safely venture to make you in his Name. It is this, That his Interests are indeed closely united with the Interests of those Philosophers that write themselves Aristo­telians, but at the bottom they are no more the same than are their Sentiments in point of Phi­losophy: But notwithstanding he hath hitherto dispens'd with the Promiscuous confounding of them. The Pleasure, and at once the Honour to see himself Marching at the Head of all the Philosophers in Europe, that with an unanimous Consent attributed to him the Quality of their Prince, was well worth the trouble of conniving at the diametrical Repugnance he saw in the rea­soning of most of those, who declar'd to be intirely his. That division it self, which was to be found among his most zealous Par [...]isans, [Page 120] who took it to be a greater Honour, and made it of more Concernment to have ingag'd him on their side, than Truth it self, did not a little contribute to his Glory: To see himself inde­pendently on Reason, by the sole weight of his Authority made Umpire of all the disagreeing Philosophers; to injoy peaceably the Priviledg of Infallibility, among those that disputed it with Pope and Councils, had something charming in it, that induced him to think it best to be contented, without being much concern'd at their taking or mistaking of his meaning; see­ing, whatever they say, he only, by the Voice of both Parties was always in the right. But since that M. Descartes, M. Gassendi, and some others, have thrown off the Yoak of his Autho­rity, and to justifie their Conduct have under­took, and with Success enough, to shew the Ab­surdity, or the unsoundness of some Opinions of the Schools, of which they pretend to make him the Warantee, because the best of his Dis­ciples have awarded them unto him with an uni­versal Consent: He hath thought fit to declare himself on the first occasion, and to intreat the Publick, as also those Gentlemen the new Philoso­phers, to do him Justice in that Particular. He protests then to separate his Interest in many Articles from theirs, that style themselves his Disciples: He declares that in the Questions of the Schools, many things go under his Name which are none of his; as is for Instance, that most Childish Notion of the Horror of a Vacuum. That he himself hath certify'd and prov'd by Experience, the Pressure of the Air, which at this Day is made a Principle in the Physical Ex­pilcation of such Phenomena's, as have most alli­ance [Page 121] to the Question of a Vacuum. That he is no ways the Father of an infinite little Beings, introduc'd in the School Philosophy. That his Writings have often been mis-interpreted, and Men have commonly taken for Natural Beings, what in his Idea were only Denomina [...]ions and Metaphysical Attributes.

This Calm, continu'd he, with which I speak, after that ungovernable Obstinacy you formerly knew me guilty of, might stand for my Creden­tials, as to you, in Aristotle's Absence: But I will farther add, that since you meet him out of the Globe of the Moon, he hath dispatch'd an Express, in which he gives orders, that if you pass'd this way, I should not fail to inform you of his Thoughts and Intentions, and to let you know that whatever Warmth appear'd in him in his Discourse against Descartes, he would not­withstanding gladly hearken to some Accommo­dation with him: Furthermore this is no unpre­meditated Resolution. The Expedient has been form'd, and written long ago, and the Fault will not be ours if you do not see it, and take upon you the presenting it to Descartes, if you so think convenient. We return'd, we most joyfully accepted it, and that we thought our selves happy any ways to contribute to the Re­conciliation of the two greatest Philosophers the World has known, and the Reunion of two Parties, that were at present the only conside­rable in Europe. He took forthwith out of a Cabinet that was at the end of the Hall, and where, upon handsom Shelves, stood a good sight of Books, excellently bound, and that look'd exactly like Books the new Philosophers have compos'd, within this thirty or forty [Page 122] Years, and that Aristotle and Voetius had un­doubtedly read; he took, I say, from a Cabi­net, a kind of Memoirs, with this Title in La­tin Words, De Consensu Philosophiae Veteris & Novae. We have, said I, an Ingenious Man of our Wo [...]ld, that has wrote a Book with the same Inscription.M. Du Ha [...]el. I my self have read it (he replyed) and a Man may easily see by the way it is wrote in, the Author is well vers'd in all parts of Philosophy. He is a Gentleman unbi­assed as to one side or other, is throughly ac­quainted with the Interests of each Party, and therefore the fittest Person that I know to me­diate in that Affair. A preliminary Point is taken from his Preface, which is much in the right on't, and whereto Aristotle and Descartes must forthwith accord; that the Sect-Leaders of Philophy, Neque omnia, neque nihil viderunt. With that he presented us the Project of Ac­commodation, and desired us to read it at our leisure, in our Voyage; as also to take with us, as we had offered at our Arrival, some Aristo­telian Souls, to accompany us to Descartes's Place of Residence, to the end he might know by them, what that Philosopher had resolv'd upon the Propositions laid down in that Treaty. We thanked him for the Honour he did us, in in­trusting us with so Important a Negotiation; assured him, we would do all that lay in us to­wards the facilitating its Success; and after much Expression and Acknowledgment of his Civilities, we beg'd his leave we might persue our Voyage, since we had a vast way still to go, and had spent many Hours in that we had pass'd already. He conducted us out of the Lyceum, and giving some Instructions to two Souls of [Page 123] the Country, that seem'd Spirits of Note and Fashion, ordered them to wait on us, so made his Conge.

Designing to run over that whole Hemisphere of the Moon that is oppos'd to our Earth, we kept on our Road to the North, and leaving Democritus on the left, we pass'd through Thales, and drove on quite to Zoroaster; from whence we made a double towards the West, through desert Lands, where we saw the ruins of some ancient Towns, as of Atlas, Cepheus, Hermes, without meeting Man, Woman or Child, till we came to the Lake of Dreams, on whose Banks we found three separate Spirits, with whom we were taken up one Moment in Discourse, as we passed along.

We surprized the two first, stoutly Cursing and Banning their Wives they had formerly in the World. One of which was, that Hermo­timus mention'd by Tertullian and Pliny, who leav­ing his Body abed, to make a Ramble, as his Custom was, his Wife, that did not love him, slipt not the opportunity of calling up her Ser­vants, to whom she shewed, not without tear­ing her Hair and playing the Mad-woman, the Body of her Husband unsoul'd and breathless, and carried the Humour on so well, that the Body was burnt, according to the custom of the Country, before the Soul return'd, who was from thenceforth forced to seek another Habi­tation.

The other Spirit was a Roman Senator, whose Name was Lamia, whose Wife had trickt out of the World by the same Project, though, a little more it had miscarried. For as he related it, The Soul being ret [...]rned to look its Body, where [Page 124] 'twas left, not finding it, and seeing the Family Mourning, begun to smell how the Matter stood: It Posted presently to the place where was built the Funeral Pile to burn the Body, and arriv'd there, just as the Fire began to seize it. The Soul thought it inconvenient to reunite her self with it, for fear it might be obliged to be burnt alive, she only mov'd its Tongue, so as many of the Standers by heard these Words twice distinctly repeated, I am not dead, I am not dead. But seeing the Masters of the Funeral Ceremonies, who had undoubtedly received an Item from the Dame, unconcerned as 'ere, she left it to be burnt, and came to fix in the Globe of the Moon.

The third, whom we found two Leagues farther in a ghastly Grot, was the famous Iohn Duns Scotus, commonly called Scot, or the Sub­til Doctor. He has pass'd for a dead Man unto this day, on which Account some have given out most ridiculous Stories, and highly disad­vantagious to the Reputation of so worthy a Person, and which have still been well confuted. But the truth is that he is not dead; and that having by the subtilty of his Mind, found out the Secret so many others have procured, his Corps was taken for dead, and was buried in the absence of his Soul, which took Sanctuary in the Globe of the Moon. He was incompass'd by a Croud of little (I know not what you call them, for they were not Beings, but I think) Formalities. He was the first Father of them in the Philosophical World, and he that gave them first Repute. They be the prettyest, littlest, slender,—you'd think them next to nothing. Perceiving we were Philosophers, to be a little [Page 125] more affable than ordinary, he began to ask us what we thought of an Vniversal a parte rei, and whether we did not take it to be Objective Precisions? Our old Gentleman, who besides his Cartesian Ideas upon Philosophy, had still a Re­lick of that gruff and surly Humour Aristotle's Compliments had provok'd, answered him in a careless Air, We concern not our Heads much with such insipid Trifles; that it was but Irish Gibbrish, and that none of us had any Pretensi­ons to the Elogy Buchanan gives his Country Philosphers, otherwise Men of Sense and Worth, ‘Gens ratione furens & mentem pasta Chimeris.’ Trifles and Chimera's, reply'd Scotus! They are the finest and most solid Questions in Philo­sophy. By this it was we distinguished our selves in my time; by that Subtilty wherewith I handled these Questions, I was advanced to the quality of Doctor Subtilis. Trifles and Chi­meras, quoth a! You French Philosophers, have you ever read the History of the Vniversity of Paris? If you have not read it, read it: You will see if these things were look'd on hereto­fore as Trifles. You will see under the Reign of the young Lewis, one Rousselin of Britanny, at the Head of the Nominals, disputing Hand to Fist in the Vniversity of Paris, against those who held an Universal a parte rei, and from Argu­ments they came to Swords, that there was Man-slaughter in the Case. You will see, what I have been told is done, since I quit your World. That in the reign of Lewis the Eleventh, the Court and Parliament interposed themselves [Page 126] in Philosophical Differences, which you call Trifles; that by the order of the King, the Books of the Nominals were chain'd and pad­lock'd, strictly prohibiting the opening them ever after: And I would to God, those Decrees had not been repeal'd by the Asserters of that empty Philosophy, which will have Universality consist in Names and Conceptions: Then at this day I should have reign'd absolute in the Schools.

But (continu'd he) taking Courage, Are not you of that Party of Philosophers I have heard talk of some time since, and whose Works I have likewise seen in a Visit I made Aristotle, who have a certain British Cavilier for their Leader, called Descartes? Yea verily, reply'd our old Car­tesian, and we take it as an Honour so to be. Be gone, cry'd he, all in a Rage and Passion▪ Away with you! Hence Hereticks, as you are, who take it for an Honour to be of a Sect, which by its Principles is oblig'd to renounce the Faith of our most Holy Mysteries. Your Des­cartes holds that a determinate Extension is es­sential to a Body, and that a Body being once of the size of a Cubical Foot, it would be as great a Contradiction to lose that Extension, as to conceive a Mountain without a Valley. It will be then a Contradiction that the Body of the Saviour of the World which had the bulk of many Feet, should be comprehended in the space of the least Particle of the Consecrated Host. Once more be gone Excommunicates: And since you will stay here in spight of me, I abandon the place; and forthwith he march'd off.

[Page 127] That his extraordinary Zeal was no less sur­prizing than diverting. But that which pleas'd me most, was, That upon our leaving that place, the two Aristotelian Souls which Voetius had deputed to accompany us, began by the way to resume the Argument of Scotus, and to urge it vigourously against Father Mersennus and my old Man, who were much perplexed to rid their Hands of it. But they proposed an Ar­gument against the manner whereby M. Descar­tes, and after him M. Rohault undertake to ex­plain the Mystery of the Eucharist, without the assistance of absolute Accidents; which may merit a place in this Relation.

M. Descartes in his Answer to the fourth Set of Objections, propos'd against his Metaphysi­cal Meditations, explains the Mystery of the Eucharist as follows. He says, That the Body of I. C. after the Consecration, is in the self-same place the Bread was in before; but that it is so precisely in the same space, that in what place soever, it was true to affirm before the Consecration, here is Bread; it is true to say after the Consecration, here is the Body of I. C. So that if we conceive that before the Consecration there was, whether in the Surface or in the Substance of the Bread, little Pirami­dal, Cubical or Triangular Spaces, fill'd with Piramidal, Cubical or Triangular Parts of Bread, we must conceive, after the Consecra­tion, those little Spaces are possessed in the same exactness by the Body of I. C. From whence it follows, according to him, That when 'tis said the Body of I. C. is comprehended in the same Dimensions, and the very Superficies as the Bread, by that word Superficies is to be under­stood, [Page 128] not only that external Surface that ter­minates the total Figure of the Bread, but also that which terminates all the parts which are in the depth and substance of it, separated from one another by the Pores, and little Intervals that are fill'd up with Air, or some other Heteroge­neous Bodies: In so much that should some in­sensible parts of the Bread be put in motion by the Air, or some other Body, the new Substance, that takes the place of those insensible Parts, is equally put in Motion.

Upon that Supposition M. Descartes argues thus. Whatever makes an Impression upon our Senses is only the Superficies of a Body. Every Body therefore that has the same Superficies as the Bread, will make the same Impressions on our Senses as the Bread. Therefore since the Body of I. C. is so precisely in the same space as the Bread, that it hath the same Superficies to an Hair, it must inevitably make the same Im­pressions on our Senses as the Bread, that is, it must reflect the Light, as the Bread did, and with the same Modifications: And from hence we see in it the same Colour and the same Fi­gure. It must be press'd towards the Centre of the Earth, by the Impulse of the same Matter that pressed the Bread before, because of the Figuration of its Parts of which it was compo­sed; and hence we perceive in it the same Gra­vity. It must vibrate the Nerves of our Tongue, and insinuate it self into the Pores, just as did the insensible parts of the Bread; and hence we apprehend in it the same Taste, &c. From whence he concludes, That Mystery may be ad­mirably explained, without the incumbrance of absolute Accidents, which are kept in service without any occasion for them.

[Page 129] See then one Difficulty among many others our Peripateticks proposed against that Explica­tion; we will demonstrate (said they) that, granting that Hypothesis, the Bread is not at all changed into the Body of Iesus Christ in the Eucharist, but that after the Consecration, the Bread still remains in the Host.

In order to their Demonstration they demand­ed of Father Mersennus and the old Gentleman: I. Whether by the Principles of Descartes, the Matter of all Bodies considered in it self, and in­dependently of the different Modifications of its Parts was not of the same Species? They answer­ed, Yes. II. If that which constituted the Spe­cific Difference of Bodies was not, according to them, the different Configuration, the different Situation, and the different Motions of the Parts of those Bodies? They acknowledged it. That supposed, said they, we'll evidently prove, That the Substance in the Eucharist, after its Conse­cration, is nothing else but Bread; for the Mat­ter or the Substance, which hath the same Con­figuration of Parts, the same Motion, and in a Word, all the same Modifications that constitute the Essence of Bread, is Bread, according to the aforesaid Principle: But the Substance found in the Dimensions of the Host, after the Consecra­tion, has all those Modifications; and 'tis only by the Means of those Modifications we conceive it to have the same Superficies as the Bread, tak­ing the Word Superficies in the same Sense Des­cartes gives it: And 'tis in vertue of those Modi­fications that that Superficies makes the same Im­pressions on our Senses as the Bread did before the Consecration: And 'tis from the same Reason that it reflects its Light precisely to the same [Page 130] Angles as the Bread: That it receives all the same Impulses, and the same Determinations of the Matter, that pushes it towards the Centre, as the Bread: That it communicates the same Vibrations to the Nerves of the Tongue as the Bread: Therefore the Substance that is in the Space of the Host, after the Consecration, according to Descartes's Principles, has the Form or the Essence of Bread; therefore it is Bread, which was to be demonstrated. And from thence our Catholick Peripateticks concluded, It was not without good Ground that Recourse was had to Absolute Accidents, in the Explication of that Mystery.

They made yet one Reflection more upon a Saying Descartes adjoyns to his Explication, and which ruines his Answer. ‘Notwithstanding, says he, the Body of Iesus Christ, to speak properly, is not there, as in a Place, but Sa­cramentally.’ For, said they, What is it, for God's sake, to be in a Place in proper speaking, but entirely to fill a Space? to hinder the Passage of other Bodies that present themselves; to re­flect the Light, to be pressed downward; to have Motion, &c. But all this, according to Descartes, agrees to the Body of Iesus Christ in the Sacrament of the Host. And on the con­trary, the Notion commonly received of a Sacra­mental Existence attributes not to a Body in that Capacity all those Properties; for none of those that have spoke of the Body of Iesus Christ in the Sacrament, have supposed it was that which reflects the Light, &c. Nay, they say the quite contrary.

So they concluded, deriding the Vanity of the Applause M. Descartes assumes to himself in that [Page 131] Place, upon the Intelligible Manner, wherewith he pretends to have explained that Mystery, and upon the Obligations he has laid on the Orthodox Divines, for having furnished them with an Opi­nion more agreeable with Divinity than those usually received. Applause, as well grounded as the Prophecy he made a little after, by which one Day it shall come to pass, that as soon as the World shall be reclaimed from the Prejudices of the School, all the Opinions of our Old Philo­sophers and Divines thereupon, shall disappear and vanish as Shadows, at the Approach of that Light, wherewith those Glorious Principles of the New Philosophy shall fill the Minds of all such as know how well to use them.

For my part, I was of Opinion, upon hearing Monsieur Descartes so refuted, that he had better have stuck to his general Answer, be it as bad as it will, That he was a Philosopher and not a Divine, and that he pretended not to explain the Myste­ries of our Religion by the Principles of his Philo­sophy. I was astonished too in that Occurrence, That such sort of Answers had the good Luck to meet with no Reply, especially having to do with M. Arnauld, who would never willingly take the last Blow in Point of Disputes and Books. But I am persuaded I have since found the Solu­tion of that Difficulty in a Letter M. Decsartes wrote to a Father of the Oratory, a Sorbon Doctor. He says, speaking of M. Arnauld, That his on­ly Judgment, as young a Doctor as he was, was of more Weight with him, than that of half the Ancient Doctors of the Sorbon. Was not a Clearing of that nature able to disarm the most incensed Adversary in the World?

[Page 132] During that Dispute, wherein Father Mersen­nus and the Old Blade thought it unnecessary to keep to Mood and Figure, and were content to evade the Objection by much raillery upon Abso­lute Accidents, alledging they ought to be banish'd to the Desert of Scotus, to make up his Train and Attendance, with all his little Formalities; We crossed the Calm Sea, and turning short to the Right, we passed through Hipparchus, Ptolo­meus, and the Peninsula of the Stars, and from thence we cut through the Sea of Clouds. We entred into the Demy-Island of Dreams, I men­tioned in the beginning; so called from the little Mansions in the Globe of the Moon, inhabited for the most Part with Chymists, that are in Pur­suit of the Philosopher's Stone, having not been able to find it upon Earth; and a World of Iu­dicial Astrologers, who still are as great Asses as they were in the other World, and spend all their Time in making Almanacks, and correcting by exact Supputations the false Horoscopes they made in their Life time.

Among others we found Cardan, who though he was possessed of a good Copy-hold Eastward, on the Shoar of the Ocean of Tempests, could not yet forbear making frequent Visits of his Bre­thren of the same Society. He passed away his Time but discontentedly, having not yet con­quered the Shagrin and Melancholy, occasioned by that Notable Horoscope of Edward VI. King of England, whose most remarkable Fortunes and Adventures he had foretold, quite to the Fifti­eth Year of his Age, who yet had the confounded Luck to die at Fifteen. Two other things, much of the same Nature, entertained his Thoughts in that deep Melancholy: The first was the [Page 133] Death of his Son, whose Horoscope had proved Faulty, he having not foreseen what yet came to pass, That he should be executed at Milan, in the four and twentieth Year of his Age, for poysoning his Wife. The other thing was the uncharitable behaviour of Scaliger and Monsieur de Thou, in publishing in their Books to all Poste­rity, That he was suffered to dye with Hunger. For after all, said he to us, they are Lyars, for were I dead, 'twas impossible I should be here. I must confess, that having foretold the Day of my Death, in my Horoscope, I made my self, and finding I was mistaken, seeing at the Time prescribed no Sign or Symptom of approaching Death, I shut my self in my Closet; and not hav­ing Confidence to appear from thenceforth in the Sight of Men, since every Moment of my Life to come had been the continual Reproach of my Mistake, I even resolved to quit my Body, and come and inhabit here. And this, Gentle­men, is the real Truth of the Matter. We took occasion to extenuate the Causes of his Affliction, by telling him of the Reputation he always had, with a non obstante to all that, in the World, as an extraordinary Man, and distinguished from the Vulgar: After which we took our Leave of him, and posted from thence to Mersennus, where we launched for our Voyage over the Moon. There it was that the two Philosophers stepping aside for some Moments, we read, altogether, the Project of Accommodation betwixt Aristotle and M. Descartes, which Voetius had given us charge of, and whose principal Articles I shall here relate. It was divided into two Parts; The first was to regulate the Method, how the Aristotelians and Cartesians must for the future [Page 134] demean themselves towards one another, in their Books, Disputes and Conversations. The Se­cond, which was very long, contained several Propositions, that the Aristotelians remitted, to make some Advances nearer the Cartesians, de­manding the like Abatements from the Cartesians, whereby they might approach better the Aristo­telians. That Second Part was rather a Confu­tation of many Cartesian Opinions than a Treaty of Accommodation, which gave me to conjecture it would fail of the Success they promised to themselves, or at least pretended to propose themselves. 'Tis easie to see that Aristotle, or at least Voetius his Secretary was well informed of our Sublunary Occurrences, and what was for and against his Party and his Adversary's.

A Treaty of Accommodation betwixt Aristotle, Prince of Philosophers, and M. Descartes, Chief of the New Sect.

PART I.

THey shall not for the future Abuse or Vili [...]ie each other; that Way being unphiloso­phical, and being likewise already exploded the Schools, by the Worthiest and best of the Pro­fessors.

[Page 135] The Ladies and knowing Women must no lon­ger treat Aristotle on their Besides as a Fop and a Pedant: They ought to know he has been a Sol­dier, a Man of Courtship and Intrigue, who, before he became a Philosopher, took his Plea­sure and spent his Estate, that was no little one, being Son of the Chief Physician to Amyntas, Grandfather of Alexander; and perhaps there was never a Philosopher in the World more a Courtier and a Gentleman than he.

On the other Hand the Old Professors of Phi­losophy must remember to be more sparing of their Epithets, of which they are commonly too liberal on Cartesius his Account; constantly styl­ing him Enthusiast, Madman, sometimes Heretick and Atheist. Voetius from henceforth voluntarily makes him an Authentick Satisfaction as to all those Points, in default of that which the Procu­rators of Leyden and Vtretcht denied him, cor­rupted by the Friends of the aforesaid Sieur Voe­tius; who is his most humble Servant.

Aristotle shall disclaim all those Books com­posed against M. Descartes, in an Injurious and Abusive Way, such as is that Tract entituled, Deliriorum Cartesii Ventilatio. At least he shall order, That they be corrected, and that in the New Edition Care be taken to retrench some Expressions a little too strong and biting.

M. Descartes also, on his part, shall give Or­ders, That in the New Impressions of the Works of some of his Followers, some Prefaces be lopt off, or rather some Malicious Satyrs against the School Philosophers, not caring to distinguish them from one another, and throwing unjustly upon all, the Faults of some Particulars, such as are the Passion of Wrangling, Confusion, Equivocal [Page 136] Terms, and Ignorance in the most Curtious Parts of Physicks.

It shall be prohibited all the Cartesians to give a Character of Aristotle's Merit, before they have read him, especially before they have seen his Logick, his Rhetorick, his History of Animals, and others, where he treats Natural Philosophy in Particulars: And they shall take heed of giv­ing a Judgment on that Philosopher's Parts by his Books De Phisico auditu, that are not so clear and perspicuous as his others; the Author having his private Reasons for his writing in that manner; which have yet been more confounded in Tract of Time, by a swarm of Translators and Commen­tators, who often talk Greek in Latin, and where­of some understood neither.

Be it prohibited likewise all the Peripateticks to be angry at Descartes's philosophy before they have throughly examined it, under the Pe­nalty of rendring themselves ridiculous, as some have done, who have placed him in the Cata­logue of Atomists; that is, of such as fancy Bo­dies composed of Atoms or indivisible Parts; or as another that wrote ingenuously to M. Descartes himself, he had plainly seen with his Eyes the Subtil Matter, having by the luckiest Accident imaginable observed an abundance of little Bodies playing in the Air, by the Advan­tage of a Sun-beam, that passed through a chink of one of his Casements.

Lastly, Aristotle entreats the Gentlemen Carte­sians, not to father upon him whatever they find in the Books of his Disciples, without consulting himself; promising on his part, to give no one the Title of Cartesian but upon mature Delibe­ration, especially in regard of certain young [Page 137] Abbots, Cavaliers, Proctors and Physicians, that call themselves Cartesians in all Companies, for a Pretence to Parts and Ingenuity, which they sometimes get the Repute of, by that only Con­fidence of talking at all rates of Subtle Matter, Globules of the Second Element, Vortexes, Automa­ta's and Phenomena's without understanding any thing but Terms.

The Second Part of the Treaty.

WHereas the Article of Substantial Eorms hath occasioned the greatest Noise and Division between both Parties, as may be seen by the Registers of the Universities of Vtrecht, Leyden, Groninguen, Angers, and as would be testified by those of the University of Paris, Caen, and several others, had Care been taken for the Recording all the Acts and Deliberations held upon that Affair; it is therefore necessary both one and the other, each as to their particular, should remit something for Peace and Quiet­ness-sake.

Aristotle complained forthwith of the Delicacy of the first Cartesians, who thought it advisable to take Disgust at the very Name of Substantial Forms. For suppose, said he, that no more was meant by that Word than the Principle of the Properties of every Body, and that which is the Cause why one Body so differs from another, that Use has given it a particular Name, and made it a Species distinct from other Kinds of Bodies: What hath that Term so Distastful and Extraor­dinary? [Page 138] As to the Idea the Peripateticks have affixed to it, making it to speak, an Incomplete Substance distinct from Matter; he said, That Definition being no where to be found in his Writings, at least in express Terms, he might, if he thought good, disown it, and devolve upon the Arabian Commentators, as on the Crea­tors of that Being, all the Railleries and fine Things pretended to be spoke by the new Philo­sophers on that Chapter. But that he was not yet in that Humour, the Cartesians having concluded nothing rationally against that System. That an Incomplete Substance was no Chimera, since the reasonable Soul in Man is undoubtedly so. That their grand Axiom brought to demolish Substantial material Forms, viz. Whatever is Material is Matter; was palpably false, as they have been answered an hundred times, seeing Motion and Figure, which are material Things, are notwithstanding devoid of Matter; and also that he lookt upon the ordinary Doctrin of Substantial Forms, as his true Doctrin. Never­theless, adjoyn'd he, we shall see what use M. Descartes will make of it, and what Advan­ces he will offer on his part. When he shall have granted Brutes a Soul, the Peripateticks will consider whether they shall recede from some other Point.

Upon which, he brought many Arguments to persuade him to be less hardy and intractable thereupon. He represented how that Article of his Philosophy had shockt the whole World. That his earnestness and zeal for that Opinion had been excusable, if he had been the first Au­thor; but it is well known a Spaniard, called Pereyra, first lit upon that Notion; and some [Page 139] were so malicious as to say, he had drawn it from the Spaniard's Book before he deduc'd it from his own Principles. That he had already gain'd, by that Opinion, as much Honour as could be expected; that it was lookt upon in the World as an Ingenious Paradox, on which he and his Disciples had descanted very subtly, and had sufficiently plagu'd and tormented the School Philosophers; but that the latter and more intelligent sort of Men could not forbear Laughing, when they seriously undertook to maintain it as a Truth. That 'twas known this was the first Effect the Preface to a Book, Entituled,L' Ame des Betes. The Soul of Beasts, produced in the Mind of its Readers. A Book wrote indeed with a great deal of Wit, but wherein the Au­thor too seriously drives at the Conversion of the Philosophers upon that Subject. That no one had brought one substantial Reason to de­stroy the prejudice of all Mankind in that par­ticular. That no one had yet demonstrated that a middle Being, betwixt Spirit and Matter, was a thing impossible. That the Promise the Cartesians had made, to explain all that we see admirable in Beasts, by the sole disposition of the Machine was whimsical, and not to be re­lied on, since it never had been put in Practice. That when they talked of these Matters in ge­neral, they sometimes spoke pl [...]sibly enough; but when they descended to Particulars, they were either much to be pitied or not endured. That the only Idea of the manner of Brutes acting on infinite occasions, compared with t [...]at Paradox, made it look extravagant. That whereas 'twas answered, that Argument prov'd too much, and made for the reasoning of Beasts; [Page 140] it must be acknowledged that Instance perplex'd the Philosophers, and gave them trouble to get clear off; yet after all, whatever pain it put them to, their Argument lost nothing of its Force; and the Instance on the other hand infi­nitely increased the difficulty. For if it be hard to comprehend, that Beasts should not have Reason, upon seeing them act in so admirable and methodical a manner, how much more diffi­cult would it be to deny them bare Perception? And lastly, for Descartes to give up that point, would not be construed to retract; having him­self declar'd, he could not demonstrate, that Beasts had not an apprehensive Soul,Let. 67. Tom. 1. no more than it could be demonstrated unto him, they had.

After that, Aristotle passed to another Point, which had some Connexion with the former; which was, The Essence of the Soul, made by M. Descartes to consist in actual Thinking, as he makes the Essence of a Body to consist in actual and determinate Extension. He tells them, That though he has many Scruples, as to his Method and Manner whereby he offers to demonstrate the distinction of the Soul and Body, and that many People continued dissatisfied a little with the Answers he gave to the Objections of Gas­sendus and M. Arnauld; notwithstanding he would not dispute him that Glory of having said something thereon, wholly New and very Ingenious. That he is likewise disposed to fol­low his Opinion touching the Essence of the Soul, provided he would satisfy him as to one Difficulty taken from Experience.

[Page 141] Many Persons, said he, have made you that Objection: That if the Essence of the Soul con­sisted in actual Thought, it were impossible she should exist without thinking; and thus it would follow, we should have Thought whilst we were in our Mother's Belly. You will not scruple in the least that Consequence: And as to what's rejoyned by them, that had we con­stantly Thought, whilst we were in that Capa­city, we must necessarily have remembred some one of those Thoughts, at least, that we had there: You answer, The reason of our Non-remembrance, is, because the Memory consists in certain Traces, which being made in the Brain, upon thinking of an Object, are there preserv'd; and that the Brain of Infants is too moist and soft for the preservation of those Traces, at least in such a manner as is requisite to cause remembrance. But you are pressed up­on that Answer,Lettr. Tom. 2. for as much as in several places of your Writings, you distinguish Memory into two sorts, whereof one depends upon the Body, and those Tracks or Footsteps impressed upon the Brain; and the other, which is purely in­tellectual, depends upon the Soul above. You also distinguish Notices into two kinds: The one that depend upon the Organ, and the other Im­material, that are wholly Independent on it. Now we can easily apprehend that the dispositi­on of the Brain of an Infant, may be in the cause why the Soul recollects not those Thoughts which have their dependence on it; but in re­gard of the Memory wholly intellectual, those pure Conceptions, those immaterial Notices which are altogether independent on the Organ, and the different Plaits or Impresses of the [Page 142] Brain, the humidity of the Brain can be of no Moment, and we must undoubtedly remember those Thoughts, and the Motions of the Will that have pursued them. You will say, that an Infant in the Mother's Womb is destitute of those pure Notices, and of the use of the intel­lectual Memory.Tom. 2. Let. 4. 38. But that is the thing I am asking a sufficient Reason for, and of which I should be highly pleas'd to be convinced. In effect Voetius had given express Orders to both his Envoys, to see that M. Descartes gave a clear Explication of the Point.

From the Essence of the Soul they proceeded to the Essence of the Body. Aristotle entred on that Article with an acknowledgment of an Er­ror he formerly fell into, advertising at the same time M. Descartes to take care to avoid the like Misfortune. I believed, said he, the World was from all Eternity, upon a false Principle I suffered my self to pre-possessed with, to wit, That God was a necessary Being in his Actions, as well as in his Existence. You have one also, of which the self same Error is the necessary Consequence: And I am not the first that has put you in mind of it. You not only affirm, That the Essence of Matter con­sists in Extension, but farther, That Matter, Extension and Space, are but three different Names of one and the same Thing: From whence, with you, it follows, That wherever we conceive Extension and Space, there must necessarily be Matter. And from thence you conclude, the World is boundless and infinite, or, as you choose to speak, indefinite in Exten­sion. Your Adversaries of the Terrestrial World have indeavoured to demonstrate, That [Page 143] bottoming on those same Principles, the World and Matter must always have been, and that Matter must necessarily continue always. For as there is Matter at present, where we conceive at present Space and Extension, so by the same Reason there always has been, and ever will be, Matter, where we conceive there ever has been, and ever will be Space and Extension. But we conceive that there always has been, and that there always will be Space and Extension, where the World at present stands. This is a nice Point, and might justifie the Conduct of the Doctors and Magistrates of Vtrecht on your Respect. Betwixt our selves (continu'd he) the reasoning that bewildered you in that unex­tricable Maze is a meer Sophism. A real Attri­bute, say you, cannot comport with nothing. Now to be extended, is a real Attribute, it can­not therefore agree with nothing. It agrees not­withstanding with Space, and with what we imagine above the Firmament, and call by the Name of Space. Therefore that which is above the Firmament is real. Therefore that which is in the Indefinite above the Firmament, is Matter. Therefore Matter, Extension and Space, are the self-same thing.

You ought to have apprehended the defect of that Reasoning from two Respects. First, from the Consequence that is taken from thence, con­cluding for the Eternity of the World, and which voluntarily offers it self to the Mind. Secondly, that supposing it false, as indeed it is, that the World should be Eternal, they'l de­monstrate to you by an Argument, exactly like yours, that another Attribute, no less real than tha [...] you term so, comports with nothing. [Page 144] For if the World is not Eternal, it is plain a Man may truly say, that nothing is Eternal; since, excepting God, there has Nothing been from all Eternity. Now to be Eternal, is me­thinks, as real an Attribute as to be extended. But as it is a manifest Absurdity to affirm, a real Attribute can accord with nothing, it is necessary to reconcile it all, that you agree with your Adversaries, that those Words, Extended and Eternal, when attributed to Nothing and to Space, make in our Minds quite contrary Ideas, to what we have upon our attributing them to a Being or a Body. When we attribute them to a Being or a Body, they signifie something Posi­tive; when we attribute them to Nothing and to Space, they give a Negative signification. In a Word, when 'tis said, nothing is Eternal, no more is meant, than that there has been no Being created from all Eternity. And when 'tis said, There is only an extended Space beyond the Firmament, it is understood there is no Body there, and that there may be one to fill up that Void, and nothing of a Body, which we there conceive. We cannot speak of Nothing and of Space, but we must speak Something of them. We cannot express what we think of them, but by the Terms in use: Those Terms are the same we imploy to speak of Beings: But if we make Reflection on the Ideas, we shall see they are wholly different, nor are they ruin'd and destroy'd by one ano­ther, as is pretended.

This puts me in Mind of a little Instance, subtil enough upon this Subject, which formerly Dr. M [...]re, an English Gentleman, gave you, [Page 145] he whose Elogies went so far as to apply to you what Horac [...] said of Homer; Qui nil molitur inepte. He propos'd this Question to you. Suppose that God should destroy the World, and reproduce it a little after, might not it be said there would be, or at least, that we con­ceive there would be some Interval between the Destruction and Reproduction of the World, although nothing of real interceeded betwixt them both? From whence he proceeded to conclude, That supposing in a Chamber God should annihilate all the Bodies that are between the Walls, there would yet be Length, Breadth and Depth, although at the same time there was nothing real there. He thought to have foil'd you, supposing you would readily have assented to his first Proposition, of which there seem'd no Doubt or Scruple: But I am persua­ded he found himself well enough Match'd, when you deny'd him that we could conceive in his Hypothesis, any Duration or Interval, be­tween the Destruction and new Production of the World.

The Author of a Letter wrote some years ago to a Cartesian Philosopher, afforded the Reader Sport and Diversion enough upon that Point, by several very pretty Hypotheses which he offers. But as I am not given to Trifles, and 'tis unbefitting a Philosopher of my Character to be merry, I shall only make use of your own Principles. I'll take that Hypothesis that suppo­ses the Air in a Chamber to be destroy'd by God, without any admittance or production of another Body there. That Hypothesis, once re­ceiv'd, makes it manifest, That Extension may be conceiv'd without a Body, and by Conse­quence, [Page 146] that the Essence of Matter consists not in Extension. You will not admit of this Hy­pothesis: But I am going to shew, that it im­plies no Contradiction, by a reasoning much like one of those you make use of in another Case, and take for Demonstration.

For according to you, seeing I distinctly con­ceive a thing that thinks, not conceiving Exten­sion, and because I distinctly conceive Exten­sion, not concerning a thing that thinks; I have good Grounds for my Conclusion, that a thing which thinks is distinguish'd from Extension and that Extension is distinguish'd from a thing that thinks. Thus it is you demonstrate the distinction of the Body and Soul, and thus it is evident, one may exist without the other, with-a Contradiction; and that from this grand Maxim, That the difference of Ideas is the only means we have of knowing the real distinction of Things, and their Independence upon one another. Upon that Principle thus I argue. I most distinctly conceive the Destruction or An­nihilation of a Body, without conceiving the production of another Body. Therefore it is no Contradiction a Body should be destroy'd without another Body's Production. Therefore it is no Contradiction the Air betwixt the four Walls of a Chamber should be destroy'd, and yet no other Body produc'd in its room.

Or thus, which turns to the same Account. I most distinctly conceive a part of Matter, set­ting aside all others, and I most distinctly con­ceive all other without that, for Instance with­out conceiving the Air inclos'd in a Chamber. My Hypothesis then is establish'd, as well as the Consequences that naturally follow, against [Page 147] your Opinion, touching the Essence of Matter. So that if you have any Inclination towards a Peace, you will be content to say, that consi­dering Things in their natural Capacity, Mat­ter is necessarily extended; but will willingly give up that Expression that hath disgusted all the World: That Extension, Matter and Space, were all the very same thing.

That Insult which Aristotle made upon M. Des­cartes, in▪ bandying one part of his Principles against another, worsted my old Gentleman's Patience, and rattled him so, that 'was ten to one but he had tore the Paper on the spot. He propos'd our going off without acquainting Aristotle's Embassadors, who were stragled a good way from us, telling us, the Company of such sort of Cattle was not very pleasing: But we represented to him how dishonourable a thing, and unbecoming of Descartes that would be. That that Paper was not so much a Project of Peace, as a Challenge and Defiance, Aristotle had sent h [...]; that probably he might slight it, and probably he might think it worth while to an­swer it: That M. Descartes had so wonderful a Gift of persuading and captivating Spirits, and the production of a World was a thing of that surprizing Nature, that doubtless the two Souls that bore us Company, must be converted to Cartesianism, provided M. Descartes would be at the pains of explaining his System to them in a plausible and familiar manner. These Reasons setled him again, and we pursued in the reading of the Paper, in expectation of the two Souls.

[Page 148] From the Essence of the Body and Soul, Ari­stotle passed on to their Union, and the Relations they have betwixt themselves. He began with great Encomiums on M. Descartes for having opened the Eyes of the Philosophers, and shew­ing them the Unusefulness as well as Absurdity of their Intentional Species, in many cases, al­ledging, That he had taught nothing on that Oc­casion, that ought to be held so strange and in­comprehensible by the Peripateticks, had not they deserted the Sentiments of their acknow­ledged Master, to follow the Whimsies and Imaginations of his Commentators. That he himself had remarked in many Places, That the Sense of Feeling was dispersed throughout the Body, and through all the Organs of the other Senses: That Vision, Taste, the Perception of Sounds and Smells were only caused by the local Motion of some Bodies, that touch'd and moved the Organs of the different Senses; that in effect, if that Motion were insufficient for the Soul's perceiving Objects, those intentional Species substituted in their Place, would be as far from serving Turn. That he was not for rejecting M. Descartes's Doctrin concerning the Seat of the Soul in the Pineal Gland, were it proposed only as a pure Hypothesis, since all that others say amounts to nothing better; but it was insufferable that System should be urged as a setled and de­monstrated Truth. And that the Respect M. Descartes still pretended for Truth and Experi­ence ought to make him qualify and moderate his Assertions thereupon.

He intreated him likewise to be more Human and good-natured towards those who taught the Soul was expanded through the Body; and this [Page 149] is what he added to shew the Cartesians were a little Unreasonable in that Affair: For, said he, when you assert the Soul is placed in the Pineal Gland, either you suppose she takes up all the extent of that Gland, or that she only possesses one indivisible part of it; if she possesses all the Capacity of the Gland, she herself must thence be extended; for that Consequence entirely re­sembles yours, which you draw against the Phi­losophers, who make the Soul expanded through­out the Body. If she only possesses an indivisible Part thereof, there must necessarily be some part of Matter that is indivisible, and not extended: And thus in admiting that disjunctive Proposi­tion, you appropriate to the Soul, what you affirm belongs to Matter only, otherwise you grant an Attribute to Matter, which on all other occasions you deny, and pretend according to your Principles, however we understand it, that it is the only peculiar of a Spiritual Soul. Be­sides, all the Nerves, where are the Radiations of the Spirits, that enter in and out of the Pineal Gland, can neither part from the same indivisible Point of the Gland, nor meet there; so that if the Soul was in an indivisible Point of that Gland, she could not have the Perception of all Objects there. But if you reply, The Soul is not in the Gland as a Body is in another Body, or as a Body is in a Place, but that the Soul in quality of a Spirit is not in that Gland, but because she acts there, because she thinks there, wills there and perceives Objects there; and that, since the Dif­ferent Impressions of Objects terminate in divers Points of the Gland, where she is advertised of them, it may be said, the Soul is in all the Gland: The Philosophers that undertake you, [Page 150] are ready to take you up with a fresh Objection: For if the Soul acts, wills, thinks, apprehends Objects in all the Gland, that is to say, in a very devisible Space; and if that be sufficient to affirm she is in all the Pineal Gland, it will be true, ac­cording to their Hypothesis to say, The Soul is in all the Body, since it acts and perceives Objects in all the Body; she sees them in the Eye, as you say, she perceives them in that part of the Pineal Gland, where the Optick Nerve doth point, or the Rays of the Spirits that proceed from that Nerve; she perceives Sounds in the Ear, or as you say, she perceives them in another Point of the Pineal Gland, where the Nerves do center, or the Rays that serve for that Perception.

Thus that pretended Bug-bear of Philosophy, I mean the Presence of the Soul throughout the Body, that causes her to feel in the Hand, when that is prick'd, and makes her move it presently, and withdraw it, upon the Sense of the Com­punction, that makes her stir the Foot in order to advance, methinks is no longer monstrous or frightful, nor a Prejudice of Infancy evidently false, seeing that Presence of the Soul through­out the Body is no other than that which is al­lowed her in the Pineal Gland, the Pineal Gland being extended as well as the whole Body; for the Diminutivenss of the Extension makes no­thing to the Purpose: Why therefore should that Vertual Extension of a Spirit be turned to a Jest and Ridicule, when 'tis the same as is admitted by the Cartesians, when both are well explain­ed? and undoubtedly all the Sensations may very near be as justly explained upon this Hypo­thesis, as upon that of the Pineal Gland.

[Page 151] From all which Aristotle concluded, That M. Descartes had better acknowledg with the wisest and least conceited of the Philosophers, that the Relation the Soul had with the Body in the Perception of Objects, was an incomprehensible Mystery to the Mind of Man: That the manner of Objects acting on the Senses, as also how their Action was carried to the Brain, might be very well explained, but that a Bar was put to all far­ther Progress, unless a Man would run himself into an unintelligible Jargon, or advance Pro­positions dangerous in themselves, or in the Conclusions that might be deduced from them.

He went on in commending M. Descartes for his Integrity,Lett. de Desc. Tom. 1. Lett. 69. manifested in his declaring there was nothing in the Idea of a Soul, or a Spirit, that included an Impossibility of the Production of Motion by them; and at once he blamed the In­considerateness of the Cartesians, who fool-hardily advanced, That no Creature whatsoever had the Power of producing Motion. It is true, adjoyned he, with a little dash of Malice, that Paradox, as ill founded as it is, is one of the Principal Pil­lars of the Cartesian System: For without it how should an equal Quantity of Motion be kept up in the World, where there are so many Souls, so many Angels, and so many Devils, whose greatest Pastime it is to produce and create Hurly­burlies every Moment? But M. Descartes is so much more Praise worthy for preferring the In­terests of Truth before those of his own System, as dear and beloved as it was.

The next Article was upon that grand Para­dox of M. Descartes, In resp. ad 5. object. Let. 110. Tom. 1. That the Essences of Things and Truths commonly called necessary, [Page 152] are not independent of God, and that they are only eternal and immutable, because God hath will'd it so: That God is the total and efficient Cause of the Truth of Propositions: That it was equally arbitrary for God to cause that it should be false, that all the Lines drawn from the center to the Circumference should be equal, as to create the World: See then the Abridg­ment of what Aristotle spoke at length upon that Subject.

He said, He did not well understand what was the Sense and Meaning of those Words, God is the e [...]ficient and total Cause of the Truth of Proposi­tions: For the Truth of a Proposition, since it is not a Being, but a meer Relation of Conformity that it hath with its Object, could not, to speak properly, have an efficient Cause; and if in some Sense it might be said to have an efficient Cause, that could be nothing but the Mind or Tongue of him that Frames and Pronounces the Proposition. Again, he demanded if M. Des­cartes spoke in general of all Necessary Truths, or only of some Particulars. He could not (continued he) speak of all: For doubtless he did not believe that God was, or had been able to make these Propositions false, There is a God; God is the free Cause of all Beings; God is a ne­cessary Being. He must therefore only speak of Propositions relating to the Creatures, because according as he expresses himself in one of his Letters,Ibid. God is the Author of the Es­sence as well as the Existence of the Creatures: But that he had made a Reflection, That the Truths which respect the Essence of the Creatures have a necessary Connexion with those that ap­pertain to the Essence of God; and that if it was [Page 153] possible for the one to be false, the other might be so too: As, for example, this, The Creature essentially depends on God, is a Proposition belonging to the Essence of the Creature, which if it could be false, that other would fall into the same Cir­cumstance. God is the absolute Master and free Cause of all Beings; for neither the one could be true without the other's being so, nor could the one be false unless the other was likewise false: Whereupon Aristotle advised M. Descartes to have a special Care, lest the profound Respect he affected towards the Omnipotence of God, should not only degenerate into Superstition, but should proceed so far as to bring him to Blasphemous Conclusions.

After that Aristotle made a frank and honest Acknowledgment, That Descartes had explain'd the Nature of most sensible Qualities in a finer and exacter way than he had done: As of the Hardness of Bodies, of Liquidity, of the Power of the Elaverium, of Cold, of Heat, &c. And to manifest he had no other Concern than for the Interests of Truth, he retracted, without Cere­mony his Position of the Eternity of the World, and his Sphere of Fire. But since that Sphere of Fire makes one of the principal Parts of the Pe­ripatetick System, and is one of the chief Orna­ments of his World, he presumed that M. Des­cartes could do no less than abandon all his Vor­texes in Exchange, against which he urged many Reasons: But Voetius having understood from us that M. Descartes was ready to put his World in Execution, and the Design of our Journey was, that we might be Witnesses of that mighty Acti­on, he wrote a Postscript in the Margent, in which he promis'd to submit himself to that [Page 154] Experience; and supposing it should answer the Pretensions of M. Descartes, his Vortexes should be received, at least as a good Hypothesis, for the explaining the Phenomena of the World, which God hath made. But he farther adjoyned, That in case M. Descartes should fail in his Attempt, he should be oblig'd thus far to condescend, That his Physicks, which turn for the most part upon those Hinges, is an Edifice without Foundation: And that he should rest contented with the Praise common to all the Leaders of a Sect, viz. That his Philosophy had something that was Good and True in it, and that he should avow with the rest of Mankind, that to build a World, and establish a System of Philosophy, true in all its Principles and Conclusions, was a Point the Mind of Man in its utmost Endeavours could ne­ver reach.

Lastly, as to M. Descartes's Demonstrations touching the Existence of God, the Rules of Motion, and some other Opinions, for which that Philosopher had engag'd a greater Zeal and Earnestness, and which required a more through Discussion: Aristotle proposed to him the pitch­ing on some Neutral and Unprejudic'd Place, where they might confer together before disin­terested Arbitratours, to whose Determinations they should submit themselves.

He concluded with a gracious Offer of associ­ating him in the Empire of Philosophy, upon those only Conditions compriz'd in that Project. He admonish'd him to fix some Bounds to his Ambi­tion, assuring him of the Vanity of his Hopes if he pursu'd to carry them any farther; for that his own Authority was too well establish'd throughout all Europe, to be indangered by [Page 155] the Enterprizes of a new Comer: That almost all Universities and Colleges had renew'd the Oath of Allegiance to him, and had made an Offensive and Defensive League against the New Philosophy: That some Ladies and fine Wits of the great World, that seem'd to set up for Pa­trons and Protectors of a new Party in France, were not such as much stress might be laid upon: That a Philosophical Dress of Mind would be as changeable among the French Ladies, as the other Modes and Fashions for the Body: That few were to be found already that valu'd them­selves thereupon: And that 'twas said, since the Play of one Moliere, the Name of a Learn'd Woman was become a kind of an Affront. That though several Learn'd Men, and many Mathe­maticians were taken formerly with the new Ideas, there were a very few at present, that car'd for the Name of Cartesians: Some having presently deserted, to take the part of the Gassendists: Others having cut out Systems for themselves, compos'd of what they thought best in both the ancient and new Philosophers: And almost all affecting to be Originals without tying themselves to any Se [...]t Ancient or Mo­dern whatsoever. An effect of more pernicious Consequence than is imagined, of an ill Example which has been given, by the new Schism made in Philosophy.

Scarce had we made an end of reading our Paper, when the two Paripateticks re-entred in Mersennus, and told us, That from the Western Coast they descry'd something as an Opaque Body, that they knew not what to make of, sailing through the Air with wonderful Speed. I'll venture my Life on't, says our old Gentleman, [Page 156] it is some incrusted Star, that tumbles from Vortex to Vortex, after having lost its own; and is become a Comet. We made towards it with all hast, and the Cartesian Conjecture of the good old Man gave us good Diversion, when a few Moments after we perceiv'd it was nothing but a Man mounted on an extreamly black and condens'd Cloud, whose whole Accoutrement look'd exactly like that of a Magician, that was either going to or coming from the Devil's Sab­bath. In effect, Father Mersennus, who knew him, inform'd us that he was a Chinese Mandarin, the President of the Magicians of his Country, whom he had often met in our Vortex, and about a year ago, had had a Conference with him upon the Existence of a God, and that he had prov'd it to him by the Demonstrations of M. Descartes, that as resolv'd and case-harden'd an Atheist as he found him, his Demonstrations had s [...]ock'd him so as he had promised to examine them at his leisure. He mov'd us to proceed to meet him to learn what was the Success of his Confe­rence, and whether the Mandarin was converted. So we advanc'd towards him; but only Father Mersennus put on a visible Countenance. They saluted each other, and after some Complements pass'd, Father Mersennus demanded, Whether he still doubted of the Existence of a God? He an­swered, he was throughly convinc'd; and that he own'd himself under a great Obligation to him, for having put him upon the Examination of a Point, of which he was asham'd to have so much as doubted, for want of making some Reflections, with which a most ordinary capacity might have furnish'd him. God be prais'd (ex­claim'd Father Mersennus) what Joy is here [Page 157] for M. Descartes when we shall certify him that his Philosophy has convey'd the Knowledg of God to the ends of the Earth! It was certainly with very good Reason he wrote to me upon a time, that he was undetermin'd whether he should publish his Works of Philosophy,Tom. 2. Let. 37. but that he thought himself oblig'd in Conscience, not to deprive the Publick of five or six Sheets, that contain'd the Demonstrations of the Existence of a God.

Father (reply'd the Mandarin) I would not advise you to communicate to M. Descartes the Success his Demonstrations had in China. They pass'd there for pure Paralogisms, at least two of them that are most in his Esteem, and that are drawn from the Idea of a God, and a Being absolutely Perfect. And my Obligation to you consists not in your having communicated to me those Demonstrations, but in that having communicated them, in order to my examining them, it took me in the Head, after having ob­serv'd their weakness, to discuss some other which that Philosopher makes light of in com­parison of his own, and which yet are those, I owe my Conviction to. A certain European Doctor, by the Name of Thomas Aquinas, whose Sums the Jesuits have translated into Chinese, which I consulted upon that occasion, and the explication made me by the Mandarin Verbiest, who arriv'd in China out of Europe, some years since▪ have made a hundred times more Im­pression on my Mind, than all the Cartesian Visions that seem'd extreamly shallow.

That Answer Thunder struck the poor Father Mersennus, who demanded hastily of the Man­darin what fault he found with M. Descartes's [Page 158] Demonstrations? He set himself presently to refute them, in so much, that we had the plea­sure of seeing their Civilities and Complements chang'd into a real Dispute.

To let you see, said the Mandarin, that it is not on a groundless Supposition, I condemn your Demonstrations for Paralogisms, you must know that after I had heard them from you, I fortun'd to find them in the Hands of a young Hollander in China, who was upon a Voy­age with his Country-Merchants, your Descar­tes's Meditations. Seeing I was already in part acquainted with their Contents, and wish'd to be more satisfactorily instructed, he made me a Present of them, and there I read afresh all those Demonstrations, all the Objections made him thereupon, and all the Answers he returns. The first Reflection that I made in general upon my Reading, was, that those Demonstrations and Answers given to the contrary Objections, left me wholly, at least very much, in doubt, and my Mind fluctuating in as great uncertainty as before, concerning the Point that was in Dis­pute; and that though I did not see forthwith the Faults of them, yet methoughts I saw them. Upon that I presented them to two of my Friends, of the Tribunal of Mathematicks, con­stituted of able Men, that are accustom'd to a Geometrical Method, especially since the Europe­an Mathematicians arriv'd in China. After they had run them over, one of the two assur'd me, without deciding any thing, that if those De­monstrations were true Demonstrations, they were admirable, since they were extreamly plain and simple: The other adjoyn'd, that that Simplicity it self rendred them suspicious, [Page 159] for as much as, said he, the more simple they are, the more they ought to have of the ordi­nary Effect of Demonstration, on the Minds of those they are propos'd to. Now I am insensi­ble of that Effect: My Mind finds not the evi­dence so strong as to be carry'd away with it: On the contrary, I perceive, I know not what Doubts and Scruples, that stand in the way of my Assent, and that induce it to believe those Reasonings are false. And I remark, added he, that all, as well Friends as Enemies, of that Philosopher, that have wrote their Opinion of his Demonstrations, have made the same Re­flection, and Experimented the same thing, as I my self. We set our selves therefore to a seri­ous Examination of them, and began with that which M. Descantes proposes first of all in the Geometrical Abridgment of his Meditation.

An Attribute which we see distinctly con­tain'd in the Idea of a thing may be truly affirm'd of that thing. But in the Idea of God, that is to say, in the Idea of a Being absolutely perfect, I distinctly perceive necessary Existence is contain'd; since necessary Existence is a Per­fection, and a Being infinitely perfect, compre­hends all sorts of Perfections. Therefore I can affirm Existence of a Being absolutely perfect, and say with Truth and the greatest Assurance, that God exists.

Upon a second reading of that Demonstration and Examination of each particular Proposition of it, whatever appearance of Truth they seem'd to carry with them, all our Scruples be­gan to grow in us afresh. We apply'd our selves to the finding out the Cause: We examin'd our selves, according to the Council of the Author [Page 160] of the Demonstration: And we descended into our own Breast, to see if we had not hoarded up some Prejudices that might block out those Propositions, whose Evidence, we thought, de­serv'd admittance. We found none at all there, having been to that Instant very indifferent as to the truth of that Conclusion; and supposing the Ballance was not in an exact Equilibrium, we certainly inclin'd towards the side of the Existence of a God, rather than the other. So that the Prejudice which favoured that Exist­ence, was more to be fear'd on our Account, than on the contrary. Moreover we were con­scious to our selves, we were not concern'd at the reputation of Descartes, and that we were untouch'd with Envy, with which he seems to suspect some of his Country-Men tainted, who had declar'd against his Demonstrations. That incourag'd us to believe, our Scruples proceed­ed from the Demonstration it self, which by Consequence, must only carry a seeming Evi­dence; since a real and true Evidence of a De­monstration or a Proposition, is necessarily ac­companied with a satisfaction and tranquillity of Mind, that perceives it self enlightned in so lively a manner, as makes it impossible to doubt or withstand the Truth. Hence it is that maugre the Wranglings of those Descartes calls Septicks, it is impossible to have any Scruple con­cerning first Principles, any ways to doubt, if the Whole be bigger than its Part; and whe­ther it is impossible that the same Thing should be, and not be at the same time. Reflecting therefore upon that Argumentation, we sup­pos'd it must needs seem evident, and at the same time we experienc'd from within our­selves, [Page 161] that nothing was less really so. All the Difficulty was to discover the Spring of that false Light, and to find out what it was that dazled, instead of clea [...]ing our Perspectives. We presum'd we might be understood, and our meaning thereupon be clearly explain'd by these Reflections.

The Axiom that makes the first Proposition in Descartes's Reasoning, is true but upon the Sup­position of two Things. First, that the Idea of which he speaks be a real one, that is, such a one as represents a real, at least a possible Ob­ject. Secondly, that the Mind, which forms that Idea, be clearly convinc'd that it is real. Thus because the Idea of a right-lin'd Triangle is real, and a Geometrician acknowledges it as such, perceiving distinctly the equality of the three Angles with two Rights, upon that Idea he may truly affirm of that Triangle, that it has three Angles equal to two Rights.

But if the Idea is not real, or if I am not evi­dently assured it is so, it is false that I can affirm a real Attribute of it, which I distinctly per­ceive in it. Take for Instance, that imaginary Idea of A Mountain without a Valley, in as much as it represents a Mountain to me, I have an Idea of an Height; yet I can truly and absolute­ly affirm, that a Mountain without a Valley is high.

If the Idea is real, and yet is not evident to me that it is so, it is true that the Attribute I distinctly apprehend in it, agrees to the thing it represents: But it is false that I can affirm that Attribute of the thing in Hand, or that I can demonstrate to my self that property from that Idea. As supposing this Idea was a real one [Page 162] A Horse that has Perception and Sense: Descartes that thought it was not real, could not conclude from thence, That an Horse was capable of Pain and Pleasure; although that property is distin­ctly contain'd in the Idea of a Being furnish'd with Sense and Apprehension.

That once suppos'd to the end, I may de­monstrate the Existence of God, by that sole Idea (A Being absolutely perfect) it is not only requisite it should be a real Idea, as it certainly is, but that it be evident to me, abstractedly from all the usual Demonstrations, that that Idea is a real one, that is, that it represents to me a real Object, at least a possible one, and no Chimera. Now I maintain, before Descartes, that Idea is not evidently real, before the ordi­nary Demonstrations: For if it be evidently real, it is either [...]o of its self, or from the Dis­quisition I make of the Ideas it is compos'd of. It is not so of it self: For if that Idea were ma­nifest of it self, our Mind could never make a Problem of it, nor demand seriously of it self before the Demonstration; Is a Being infinitely perfect, a real Being, or an Imaginary one? No more than it could make a Question of these, Is the Whole bigger than its Part? Can a Thing be and not be at the same time? Since they are manifestly real of themselves. But our Mind before Demonstration, can make it self this Demand, whether a Being absolutely perfect, is really a Being, or in Phancy only? And a Man that never had reflected on the things that prove the Existence of a God, would not be in the least surpriz'd, to hear that Question seriously propos'd, as he would be, should any one ask, as if he were in Doubt, whether the [Page 163] Whole is bigger than its Part. That Idea then is not manifestly real of it self. It remains then that the Evidence of its reality must be fetch'd from the Examination that we make thereon. If so, M. Descartes ought to have minded us of that Precaution, before we entred on his Demonstra­tion. But I prove that antecedently to Demon­stration, the reality of that Idea can neither be evident to us of it self, nor by the discussion of the Terms contain'd in't. First, because the Attribute is not comprehended in the Idea of the Subject: Since it is not essential to a Being to be absolutely perfect. Secondly, because that Discussion affords me many seeming Contradi­ctions, which my Mind knows not how to re­concile before the ordinary Demonstrations. For to examine and unravel that Idea, which of its self is very general and confus'd, is to retail all Perfections, whereof not one must be want­ing to a Being absolutely perfect. Now among those Perfections, there are some that blunt and repulse the Mind, because she has not so great a reach as to conceive them. For Instance, that that Being should be of it self, that that Being should be Almighty and Independent of every thing in its acting, even to the Power of pro­ducing Beings out of Nothing. There are others that seem to her inconsistent in the same Sub­ject. For instance, she conceives Liberty and Immutability, Immensity and Indivisibility, the Properties of Bodies and of Spirits, as so many Perfections. She sees that the Perfections which agree to several Beings separately, must all be united in that absolutely perfect Being. Con­ceiving therefore a Being absolutely perfect, the represents it at once as a free Being, and an [Page 164] Immutable, as one that can desire and be averse to the same thing, though its Will be always Unchangeable, that is, Omnipresent, without being extended or divisible, that is, a pure Spi­rit, and at the same time includes all the Per­fections of Bodies possible to be produc'd.

Nay I dare presume to say, that this Idea thus analyz'd, in respect of a Mind, that never made any Reflection on the Reasons that con­clude the Existence of a necessary Being, disco­vering so many Contradictions in that necessary Being, would as soon represent it as an Imagi­nary Being, as a real one, and that, not suppo­sing those usual Reasons, that prove to us a first cause of all Beings, and the Reflections that follow them, we should as easily regard that Being as impossible as possible. From whence I at least conclude, that the Idea of a Being abso­lutely perfect, cannot be look'd on as an Idea un­doubtedly real, by him that examins it, before his Acquaintance with the ordinary Demonstra­tions. Consequently, that he that examins it cannot absolutely attribute Existence to that Be­ing, and which is the same thing, cannot de­monstrate to himself the Existence of a God, from the Idea of a Being infinitely perfect.

The defect therefore of Descartes's Paralogism, consists in this, that he supposes, before any Demonstrations, the Idea of a Being absolutely perfect, to be taken by the Mind for real, and as having a real Object, which is palpably false.

All this discovers the Original of the Scru­ples all the World have had, as to that Demon­strations, and which those themselves have not been clear of, whom the difficulty of resolving [Page 165] so subtil a Paralogism hath drawn over to Des­cartes's Party, who doubtless had they been ho­nest and sincere, must have confess'd they still felt some disquiet in their Mind on that Parti­cular; and that it was by meer Violence they had at last accustom'd their Understanding to tell them, that Demonstration was evident. This was the Fault which some felt, rather than saw, that made them deny Existence to be in­clos'd in the Idea of a Being infinitely perfect. For absolutely speaking, although it is com­priz'd in the Catalogue of Perfections, appro­priate to that Being, yet the Mind to which the Idea was not manifestly real, took it not in, and excluded it, in making that very Problem, Does a Being absolutely perfect Exist? Until the Arguments independent of that Idea had re­solv'd the Problem, and convinc'd it that such a Being did Exist.

And let not Descartes say, that that Idea in­cluding nothing but Perfections, it is evident it includes nothing but what is Real; for a Chime­rous Idea may be compos'd of only Real Ideas; here then is one exactly like that we are in dis­pute of, A Triangle that hath all the Perfections of Triangles. That Idea, though it includes no­thing besides real Perfections, is notwithstand­ing a Chimera, since for Instance a rectangled Tri­angle has opposite Properties to those of an Equi­lateral, and that Opposition is the reason they are inconsistent with one another. So, though all the Perfections of Beings are real, it does not follow that that Idea, A Being that hath all the Perfections of Beings, should be a real Idea; and the Opposition I observe betwixt some of those Perfections, naturally influences my Mind, [Page 166] unless prevented by the ordinary Demonstrati­ons, to doubt, at least, whether that Idea is not a Chimera, as well as the other I have been speaking of. From hence it is that in pursuance to the Demonstrations that convince me of the Existence of that Being, but that give me no clear and distinct Knowledg of its Essence, I confine my self to say, That Being must con­tain the Perfections of all other Beings emi­nently, that is to say, in a way I don't con­ceive, and which would never have come into my Head, or at least would never have been look'd on by me as certainly and evidently possible, unless I had been convinc'd of the Exi­stence of the first Being, before the discussion of its Essence.

That Solution of Descartes's first Paralogism, made way to the discovery of that other De­fault of his, where he concludes the Existence of God from the objective reality of the Idea (as he speaks) which we have of God. That Idea, (says he) which I find in my Mind, has an infi­nite objective reality, since it represents to me an infinite Being. Therefore it has that infinite Being for its cause; therefore an infinite Being exists: For otherwise the Effect would have per­fections, that were not in its cause.

Those who have undertook that arguing, give us to understand, they have found it to be a greater Paralogism than the former, and bring many Reasons for it, which M. Des­cartes refutes as well as he is able: For my own Part, my Opinion is, That M. Descartes supposes in that Reasoning, what lay on him to be proved: For he not only supposes that that Idea has an objective reality, but farther, that I [Page 167] can be ascertained independently of the common Demonstrations, that it effectively has an obje­ctive Reality, or that it has a Real and not an imaginary Object: But I am incapable of know­ing whether its Object be real or imaginary, be­fore the Demonstrations, as I have already proved: And if I can doubt whether that Object is not a Chimera, I cannot suppose it has an Objective Reality, but ought to fear it has an Objective Vanity, if I may be allowed so to speak; and in that Case I can by no means conclude, That God has impressed it on my Mind, and consequently that there is a God: But I ought to think, That probably it proceeds from nothing, as Descartes expresses himself, That is, from an Imperfection of Mind that hath produced it, as it could produce this same a Mountain without a Valley. Hence it is clear and manifest, that those two pretended Demonstrations are meer Para­logisms, and that both are maimed and lame in the same part, and defective on the same account.

Besides, M. Descartes can never demonstrate to me the Truth of the Proposition, on which all his reasoning depends; viz. That the Cause of an Idea ought to contain formally or eminently all the Perfections which the Idea represents; for when 'tis said, The Cause contains all the Perfections of the effect, that is not meant, nor is it evidently true, but of such Perfections as the effect possesses, and not of those it only repre­sents; for the Perfections the Idea represents, are not the Perfections of the Idea, the only Perfection of the Idea being to represent all those Perfections: A Quality that hath nothing of [Page 168] Infinite in it, and consequently supposes not an infinite Cause.

I say that Quality includes nothing of Infi­nity, because the Perfection of an Idea is not measured by the Dignity of the Object that it represents, but by the manner wherewith it repre­sents it; which being most imperfect in the Case before us, cannot be infinite. And this single Instance which I subjoyn to all that Descartes's Adversaries have said upon the Matter, is suffi­cient to shew, That the Proposition on which is grounded his whose Reasoning, will not pass for a Principle of a Demonstration.

Lastly, continued the Chinese, Supposing the Reasonings of that Philosopher were not false or sophistical, they would scarce merit the Name of Demonstrations in the Subject they proceed upon: There never can be Demonstrations of the Exi­stence of a God, whilst they are not received as such, that is, whilst they are not received as convincing Arguments beyond reply, the Truth of which is so prevalent as to destroy all con­trary Prejudice. Now dark and clouded Minds can never be pierc'd by that Metaphysical Subtilty: Those of a middle Rank find themselves per­plex'd, whether by their Prejudices, or for want of Penetration; most of those of the first and most exalted Order, discover in them, or think they do discover very knotty Difficulties. All this put together makes one general Preju­dice on their Consideration, that never read them, and which might warrant their Prudence to conclude, if there were no other Demonstra­tions of the Existence of God, there were cer­tainly noneat all. So that my Advice to your [Page 169] Philosopher and his Followers is, Not so highly to prefer his Demonstrations before those commonly made use of: For if it be true that all others are inevident in comparison of these, very mischievus Consequences might be drawn from that Prin­ciple, against the Existence of a First Being, of which the Libertines (if I may judge by those of the Empire of China) would not fail to make advantage.

Whether the Spirit that drove on the Cloud, on which the Mandarin was horsed, and which was one of the grimmest and blackest Devils in all Hell, grew sowr'd and uneasie at these Discour­ses, from which Inferences might be drawn very prejudicial to the Interests of the Sabbath, or whether the Mandarin was himself in haste, and expected to hear nothing new upon that Affair, he had no sooner uttered that last Sentence, but we saw him on a sudden hurried towards the East with an incredible Swiftness.

Father Mersennus, that stood on Thorns to give him Answer, could not forbear following him, and kept him Pace for above thirty De­grees. He returned to us about a quarter of an Hour after, and spoke a little angrily. It is strange how the Enemies of Descartes make their Insults, and treacherously fall upon us, then be­take them to their Heels, without giving us so much as Time to put our selves in a Posture of Defence, and to reply to that noisy Trum­pery which they think to put off at the rate of Oracles: If the Mandarin, no less than Aristotle had rely'd upon their Forces, and believed, as they pretend, their Arguments a Match for Des­cartes, they would not have shrunk when they were to grapple, and would at least have tarried the Answer that was to be made them; but these [Page 170] are Donquixots of Knight Errants, that bravado it by discharging a Pistol in the Air, and never stand to it before the Enemy, which they make as if they did encounter. But in the Time that I have accompanied our Mandarin, I have over­turned his Ideas: He has promised me that this Day twelvemonth he will be again in Mersennus, where we shall have a fair and leisurely Confer­ence upon Descartes's Demonstrations; then, Gentle­men, I desire your Company, said he, and if I do not convince my Gentleman, so as to stop his Mouth for the future, I'll commence Peripatetick on the Spot, and utterly renounce Cartesianism. We promised him to wait on him at that Time: But, Father, said I, we have been long upon the Road, yet have made no great Progress in our Journey, I desire we may dispatch it as soon as possible, for I am in fear for my Body, and would not for a World it should stay without me above four and twenty Hours. With that he looked towards the Earth, to see what Hour it was, and told me, it was but seven Hours since we left France, and provided we made no Halts in our way, in five Hours, at latest, we shall arrive in Descartes's World.

So we left Mersennus, and departed from the Moon, by the Northside of that Globe; we made towards the Starry Heaven with all the Speed we were capable of; that is to say, in one Minute we compass'd many thousand Leagues. It is a prodigious, and inconceivable thing, the multi­tude of the Stars; a Man can discover from the Earth, with the best Glasses, but a very incon­siderable Part, in respect of those that lie out of Sight. We cross'd the Sign Sagittary, where I took pleasure in observing the principal Stars, [Page 171] that are usually describ'd on the Celestial Globes; that Sign resembles an Archer near as much as I resemble an House; whereof yo [...] may imagine my two Eyes the Windows, my two Arms the Jettings that flank the Main of the Lodgings, re­presen [...]d by the rest of my Body.

Had I a mind to divert my self, as Ovid does, in his Description of the Chariot of Phaeton, I might make a thousand pretty Astronomical Al­lusions, and could create in my Road many new Zodiacks, in which a multitude of Animals cele­brated in the Fables that some have left behind them upon Earth, might take place, and have Reparation made for the Wrongs done them by the capriciousness of Poets and Astronomers, that have given the Preheminence to others of per­haps not half so great Worth and Magnitude: But the Reader may easily imagine to himself all that. I shall say no more of the Conferences we had in the rest of our Voyage, where I was little more than Auditor. The two Peripateticks held a Dispute almost all the way with Father Mersen­nus and the old Gentleman, upon several Points of the New Philosophy, but all they said amounted to little more than may be seen in Father de la Grange and other Books, that treat of such sort of Things. It pleased me to see with what Heat each maintain'd his Party, and endeavour'd to draw me over to it; but I was satisfy'd in praising first one and then the other, without giving up my self to either, and on­ly took upon me the Quality of Arbitrator, (which they seemed by common Consent to award me) for the moderating the too great Vehemence and Zeal for the Sect that some­times transported them a little farther than [Page 172] was allowable. Mean while I took notice, That Father Mersennus, that conducted us, made us still leave, from Time to Time, the direct Road, to fetch a Compass about, and aim'd to keep us at a Distance from the Body of the Stars, or, to speak in the Cartesian Phrase, from the Centre of the Vortexes. I demanded the reason of his doing so; telling him, one of my greatest Curiosities would be to contemplate a Star at hand, and to consider the Motion of the subtil Matter in the Centre of the Vortex, and that, that was the readiest way to convince me there were Vortexes, such as Descartes has describ'd. He answered, it would be more convenient to sa­tisfie my Curiosity as I returned, after that M. Descartes had himself explained the differ­ent Determinations, the Subtil Matter is cap­able of, in a Vortex; that thereby I should better take his Meaning, and before that it would be but a new Subject of Confusion to my self, and of cavilling to the Peripatetick Gentlemen. It behoved him to hold to that, and I had from thence forward but a very ill Opinion of the Vortexes, of which I saw no likelihood in the Motions of the Matter at a good Remove from the Stars. But at last we arrived to the Third Heaven, which was the End of our Voyage. The Occurrences, that happened in my Stay there, shall be the Sub­ject of the Third Part of my Relation.

A VOYAGE TO The World of Cartesius.
PART III.

THE Third Heaven of the World of Descartes, is the same with what the Philosophers heretofore called the Imaginary Spaces; but seeing the Word Imaginary seemed to import nothing but what was Chimerical, and in the Imagination only he chose rather to term it the Indefinite Spaces. There have not been wanting some that have started Difficulties upon the Term Indefi­nite, which in several Places he seems to substi­tute in the Place of Infinite, without any Neces­sity; but at last his Disciples have made it al-a-mode, and Custom hath warranted its Use. [Page 174] As soon as I set Footing in those vast Regions, I descry'd indeed the finest and most advantagi­ous Place possible to be imagin'd for the Building of a World in, nay for the Construction of Milli­ons and Infinite Worlds, but I saw no Materials proper to begin, or to make the least Part of so great an Edifice.

Having travell'd six or seven thousand Leagues without any News of Tidings of Descartes, we agreed to separate our selves, that we might find him out the easier: Father Mersennus took one way, the Old Gentleman and I, with the two Peri­patetick Souls the other. In short, Father Mersen­nus found him, and quickly after we had parted, we saw them both together, making towards us. The obliging way wherewith he receiv'd me, certified me, T [...]t Father Mersennus had given him a good Character of me, and spoke of me as a Man that in Time would prove one of his most zealous Followers. He likewise ve­ry respectfully saluted the two Peripateticks, but gave them to understand the Pains they had taken, in coming to treat of an Accommodation with him, were manifestly to very little pur­pose: That Father Mersennus had already suffi­ciently advis'd him of the Propositions they design'd to offer, which he assured them he should not be very forward to condescend to; notwith­standing he would give them a favourable Audi­ence, and satisfie them beforehand he had no ill Design upon the Kingdom of Aristotle; there­upon, giving Orders to Father Mersennus to en­tertain the two Gentlemen, he accosted the Old Sage and my self in particular.

The Discourse began with the ample Protestati­ons of Friendship, M. Descartes and the Old Stager [Page 175] made each other, mutually expressing the Joy they had in seeing one another: The Old Gentleman, out of hand took upon him to make my Elogy, speaking a thousand fine obliging things of me to Descartes; especially he cry'd up the uninterested Love I had for Truth, the De­sire of Learning that always had appear'd in me, and the Readiness I had promis'd, to imbrace the Instructions, in the Inquest of which I had made so long a Voyage. I wav'd, as modestly as pos­sible the other Praises that were given me; but added, That for the Love of Truth and Desire of Learning, I must stand up, as for my only considerable Accomplishments; that as to the Readiness I had ingag'd to receive M. Des­cartes's Instructions, that ought not to come into the Account, since a Master of his Character and Worth, and a Genius so Admirable and Tran­scendent beyond all others, as his was, had Right to demand and require that entire Submission from all that pretended to Wisdom or Equity in the World.

You are pleas'd to carry your Compliment a little too high, reply'd M. Descartes, and I que­stion whether the generality of those that are reputed the Wise and Equitable Persons of the World, would subscribe to that Homage and Submission you their Representative vouch for them: I question too, according to the Rules of Physionomy of Spirits, whether I ought to build much upon that pretended Tractableness, wherein you pride your self so much; methinks I perceive still at bottom of your Soul some kind of, I know not what, Prejudices, that indispose it for the Knowledg of Truth. Tell me, in beholding this vast Space, (continued he) what [Page 176] is't you think you see? Monsieur, (I reply'd) that is a perplexing Question, but to convince you that I speak from my Heart, in promising to be instructive, I will make Answer to your Question just as my Thoughts are of it: Accord­ing to you I ought to say, That beholding the great Space, I see a Body or Matter; but with­out Dissimulation, methinks, in effect I see just Nothing.

At that my Old Sophister tipt the Wink upon me, which I took not at that instant, nor under­stood the Meaning of it till after. 'Tis enough, says M. Descartes, let us talk of someting else: Give me an account, pray, how goes Philosophy in your World, if you have any News of it; for these many Years I have been ignorant al­most of all the Concerns there, as well from the Indifference and Disregard I have found in me ever since my quitting the Body, for the Sen­timents of Men, as that Monsieur here, who is the only Person that has visited me since, having retired in the Country many Years ago, has been incapable of hearing the Particulars of Affairs that concern Cartesianism, contenting himself to learn, and to assure me from Time to Time, my Philosophy continued still to have very many Friends, and very many Enemies.

And I am not much better instructed, I answered, with what regards your Sect, having but begun to interest my self in its Affairs, since those few Days I have had the Honour of this Gentleman's Acquaintance; however, I will inform you of all that I could hear, or that has come to my Knowledg, without giving my self much Trouble of Enquiry. Your Philosophy, as [Page 177] you know, was set up with all the Advantages and Disadvantages of Novelty, and it has expe­rienc'd the Fortune which all New Doctrins use to find. Many there are that have imbrac'd it with Admiration, and defended it with Earnest­ness and Passion. It hath met with the Patron­age and Protection of Persons commendable for their Parts, Capacity and Politeness; but almost all Bodies and Vniversities have rejected it, and declared against it: Each acted in that as in all things else, according to the Principle of Self-interest: Some took your Side, as apprehend­ing themselves thereby distinguish'd and advancd above the Herd; others deny'd it, as fearing the diminution of their Credit: The Motive and Pretence of both Parties was the Love of Truth and uncorrupt Doctrin. The Posture of present Affairs hath almost the same Face still; yet if we judge by the Books, whether of Philosophy or Medicine, brought from England, Holland and Germany, Cartesianism hath made very consider­able Progress in those Parts. Scarce once in an Age is printed any Course of Philosophy ac­cording to the Method of the Schools; and al­most all the Works of that Nature, that at this Time are publick in France, are Physical Tracts that suppose the Principles of the New Philosophy: Such Books as treat of an Vniversal, of Metaphysical Degrees of Ens Rationis, create Fears in the Booksellers Minds; they'll cumber themselves with no more of them, and endea­vour to rid their Hands of all that they have left, at any rate, as Merchants do their Stuffs when the Fashion's over. All those Questions, heretofore so famous, wherewith the Presses have groan'd for almost two hundred Years, [Page 178] and that have found Employment for so many Printers, are no where heard of but in the Schools of the Publick Professors. Out of the Desks there is no talk of the Thomists, the Scotists and the Nominals, at least there is no Distinction made betwixt them; all are numbred in the same Predicament, and on the same Side which they call the Old Philosophy, to which is oppos'd the Philosophy of Descartes, or the New Phi­losophy.

You have had the good Fortune with your Lustre to efface all the New Philosophers that have risen both in and since your Time; and to make use of a Comparison, that bating the Odium of the Subject it is taken form, hath nothing in it but what makes for your Renown; As in Spain the Name of Lutheran is indiffer­ently given to all Hereticks of whatever Sect or Faction, so the Title of Cartesian is attributed to all those that have undertaken to make Refine­ments in Point of Natural Philosophy. I have seen more than one bold Venturer, that in full Dispute hath listed Gassendus among your Follow­ers, though you was undoubtedly his Junior by several Years: And I know a certain College, where the Professor durst not speak of Insensible Matter, of the Rules of Motion, of the Per­spicuity of Ideas, lest he should be forthwith ac­cused of Cartesianism.

For the rest (excepting in the Exercises of some Honest Religious Persons, that doubtless have no ill Design, but not having read you, would yet assume to themselves the Honour of engaging you) that treating you as an Atheist, is quite out of Doors, as is the making that Proposition a Precedent for your Religion, which [Page 179] you advance in the Entrance on your Metaphy­sicks, That we must doubt of every Thing; yet some of the finest and clearest Heads do not stick seriously to affirm, That the late Conver­sions of the Huguenots in France have robb'd you of many Disciples; for upon their Conviction of the Real Presence of the Sacred Body of I. C. in the Eucharist, they confidently assert the Fal­sity of some of your Principles, which they are at a Fault to reconcile with the Reality of that Mystery.

But no matter, all such as have a sound and unprejudic'd Notion of Things, though they stand diameter to your Opinions, do you Justice, and give you an Encomium that seems none of the least; which is, that they acknowledg you have open'd the Eyes of the Philosophers of our Times to the Discovery of the Rises of their Method in Philosophy, by that just and reason­able Reproach of the little Concern they had, for the most part, to dive to the Bottom of the Things they treat of, whether in Metaphysicks or in Physicks, and the little Application they bring with them, both in framing to themselves and giving their Disciples clear and distinct Ideas of the Things disputed of; the Abuse that was made of the subtilty of Mind, perverted only to the multiplying Wranglings and trifling Dis­putes, to the inventing of new Equivocal Terms, to the confounding rather than enlightning certain abstracted Questions, prudently enough introduc'd the Schools, for Exercise and an Oc­casion of Dispute and Emulation, to the Minds of Youth, but ridiculously made the main Stress and Essentials of Philosophy, that from thence had degenerated into an Empty Science, com­pos'd [Page 180] of Words and Terms that signifie no­thing: The little Observation made upon Ex­perience, that is the Mother of Philosophy: The implicit Dependence they had on the Sentiment of another, often superficially considered and ill understood.

I can also assure you, that kind of Advice, though envidiously at first receiv'd, has not fail'd of its Effect. The Desk-Philosophy has chang'd its Countenance in the principal Colleges of France. The most ingenious of the Professors affect to treat of the ordinary Questions, and those that are most crabbed with greater Soli­dity and Method, with more Justness and Exact­ness, persuaded that those Questions thus handl'd have a greater Power than is imagined to form a Juvenile Mind, if it is capable of it, to ren­der it Correct and Just, to accustom it insensibly to make those so necessary Abstractions, in order to the avoiding Mistakes and Fallacies in the Train of a Reasoning, spun through a Dis­course, in the Examination of a Mathematical Demonstration, the Discussion of a Physical Experiment, or perhaps a Political Interest or Concern.

Since when Men are more shy of calling the Proofs they bring for their Opinions, Demonstra­tions, they are not so eager to declare War against those that talk otherwise than them­selves, and that often say the same thing. They have learn'd to doubt of certain Axioms that have hitherto been held Sacred and Inviolable, and upon Examination have sometimes found them unworthy of so great a Title. Occult Qualities are under a Suspicion, and a Cloud, having lost considerably of their Reputation. The Horror [Page 181] of a Vacuum is no where receiv'd but in the Shools, where no one will be at the charge of Glass Tubes, and certain Instruments which manifestly prove the absurdity of that hackney'd Solution, that hath been constantly given to the most curious and extraordinary Phenome­na's of Nature. All sort of Experiments are daily made. That of the Gravity of the Air is try'd a thousand different ways; and there is scarce any little Pretender to Physick in the Town, but has at his Fingers ends the History of M. Paschal's Experiment.

Here M. Descartes, interrupting me, de­manded what was that Experiment of M. Pas­chal? I answered, it was that made in the year, 1648. upon the Well of Domme with Torricelli's Tube. Wherein the Quick Silver was observ'd to fall a great deal lower at the top of the Moun­tain, than in the middle, or at the bottom; from whence hath been evidently concluded the Gravity of the Air. Does that, reply'd M. Des­cartes, go by the Name of M. P.—'s Expe­riment? It is then, because he put it in Pra­ctice, or rather because he occasion'd it to be practic'd by M. Perrier; for assuredly it is not because he invented it, or foresaw the Success. And if that Experiment ought to bear the Name of its Author, it might more truly be intitu­led, the Experiment of Descartes. For it was I that desir'd him two years before to make the Trial,Let. 77. Tom. 3. and assur'd him of the Success, as being intirely conformable to my Principles, without which it had never come into his Head, being he was of the contrary Opinion. That Man is Fortunate, continu'd M. Descartes, in point of [Page 182] Reputation. A great many Persons were for­merly made to believe he had compos'd a Book of Coniques, extracted from himself by the meer dint of Reason, at sixteen years of Age: That Book was sent me; and before I had read it half,Tom. 2. Let. 38. I concluded he had made great Advantage of Monsieur des Argues's Instructions; which Conjecture, a little after was confirm'd by his own Confession. What you say (reply'd I) a little surprizes me; for in the Preface to a Tract, De l' Equilibre des Liqueurs, Printed af­ter M. P.—'s Death, your Testimony is quoted upon that Particular, and it is not alto­gether conformable to that you give at present: For there is no notice taken of the assistance he receiv'd from M. des Argues. It is only said, the thing appear'd to you so prodigiously un­credible, that you would not believe it. But that you was persuaded that M. P— the Fa­ther, was the genuine Author of the Piece, but was willing to confer the Honour on his Son. I know not, said he, what they have made me speak or think in that Preface, but I am very well assur'd I say nothing at present, but what I had wrote in plain Terms to Father Mersennus, Tom. 2. Let. 38. after I had seen the Work.

After all, said I, Monsieur, I am not much surpriz'd that M. Paschal at sixteen years of Age, without any foreign Succour, wrote a Book of Coniques, and by chance jumpt in his Thoughts with M. Descartes; he that at twelve years old, before the sight of any Books of Geometry, made himself particular Definitions, Figures, then Axioms, and push'd on his Notices so far, that when he was caught at his Opera­tions, [Page 183] he was already arriv'd to the thirty second Proposition of the first Book of Euclide, which he had never read.

Do you credit that, said M. Descartes? Why should I not, said I! It is so affirm'd and cir­cumstanc'd in the Preface, I have mention'd, as leaves no room to doubt of it. M. Paschal, the Father, desirous that his Sons [...] time should be imploy'd in the gaining of the Tongue, which he taught him himself, was cautious to conceal from him the very Names of things, that are us'd in Mathematicks, and constantly forbore to mention 'em to his. Friends when he was pre­sent: Notwithstanding according to the Author of the Preface, ‘The Passion that Child had for such sort of Science, joyn'd to his pierc­ing Understanding, serv'd him instead of a Master; seeing his Tasks that were order'd him, rob'd him of all other opportunities, but his Hours of Recreation (a Circumstance very remarkable) he laid out all he could of those in these Speculations. He was con­strain'd, says he, to make his own Definiti­ons, calling a Circle a Round, a Line a Barr, and so of the rest. After his Definitions, he made him Axioms; and as we: proceed from one thing to another in that Science, he car­ried his Researches so far, that he was arriv'd to the thirty second Proposition of Euclide. As he had made that Progress, his Father ac­cidently entred the Room he was in, and found him so attentive on the Proposition he was upon, that it was a good while before he took notice of his Approach. But it was a far greater Surprize to him, upon his Demand, What he was a doing? To hear him say, He [Page 184] was in search of such a Thing, which was ex­actly the thirty second Proposition of the first Book of Euclide. He ask'd him then, What made him think of that? He answered, it was his Discovery of such an other Thing; thus, as it were, analyzing and explaining his meaning still, by the Names of a Barr and a Round, he came down to the Definitions and Axioms of his own Contrivance. M. Paschal was so astonish'd at the greatness and force of his Son's Genius, that leaving him, without speaking another Word, he went at the same juncture to a Friend's House of his, one M. Pailleur, admirable in the Mathematicks. When he came there, he stood immoveable as a Statue, and as a Man transported. M. Pail­leur observing that, and seeing him in Tears, was very much affrighted, and pray'd him to conceal no longer from him the cause of his Displeasure. I weep not, said M. Paschal, out of any Grief, but Joy. You know what pains I have still taken to prevent all Know­ledg of Geometry in my Son, for fear it should take him off his other Studies. Yet see what he has done; upon that he related all to him that I have said: And M. Paschal, by the Advice of his Friend, desisted to offer violence to his Son's Inclinations, who was yet but a dozen years of Age, and gave him an Euclide.

Seriously, said I to M. Descartes, do you think a Man could have the Face to circumstan­tiate a Lye so methodically as this? Could any thing seem more probable than the Circles he calls Rounds, and the Lines that he calls Barrs? Is not that enough to persuade us of the Truth of his Axioms, and the thirty second Proposition of [Page 185] Euclide? What can be more Natural, than the Surprizal of M. Paschal the Father, excepting perhaps it was a little too long, who took there­upon his Cloak, and order'd his Horses to be put in the Coach, yet remain'd, at his Arrival at M. Pilleur's House, in so immoveable a post­ure, as was capable to scare him? After all it is very fine and extraordinary, and it would be great pity it should be false.

And I say (reply'd M. Descartes) it is greater pity that it should be true, and that any should believe it: For if once it be credited, that a Child of twelve years old, that hath never seen a Book of Geometry, and in whose Presence all endeavours have been us'd to suppress the very Name of it, whose Mind all day long was taken up with quite different Notices, who had no time to spare but his hours of Recreation, which no Body probably order'd him to pass away in Solitude, should be able to frame to himself a Method of Geometry, invent Axioms, and arrive at last to the thirty second Propositon of Euclide, I say, if such like things be once receiv'd for Truth, the Publick will become the Subject and Game on which, in a short time, the most Romantick Panegyrists shall sport the Extra­vagancies of their Imaginations. That way of praising is injurious to the Persons prais'd, and a Commendation so improbable as that, renders the Truths themselves suspected, that shall be found in Company with it. M. Paschal was a Man of a most exalted Capacity, but was far from being an Angel or a Devil. I told M. Des­cartes thereupon, I chanc'd into a Company not long since, where one was speaking much to the same purpose as he had done, upon this Topick, [Page 186] and there fortun'd a Gentleman to be there, a Friend to a Society that was under no mighty Obligations to M. P. who seeing all People ri­dicule that Fable, said, in a careless leering Air, that the Author of the Preface and his Friends, did, at most, but Justice to M. Paschal▪ and that they had rather been too backward in that they had said no more; and as he was urg'd to unmask himself, as to the meaning of a thing every one perceiv'd he was not very serious in, he added, That Hyperbole, as extravagant as it look'd to him, appear'd but a very mean return for the Obligations they were under, for his Letters to the Provincial, in which he had done 'em very signal Favours that were worth these, and that were on a more important Occasion. To which all agreed, and 'twas acknowledg'd M. Paschal's Services to those Gentlemen could not be repaid in a better Coin. Yet I must needs tell you M. P. wrote only, by the Memoirs that were given him, and that he thought true, as false and precarious as they were, not knowing the Spirit of a Party wherein he was ingag'd. Undoubtedly he was rather over-reach'd himself, than any design he had to impose on others. Let us say no more on this occasion; and M. Descartes recall'd me to the Chapter concerning Cartesianism.

He inquir'd then, what Strength he had in the Vniversities, and most celebrated Colleges of France? And how his Doctrin was look'd up­on there? I told him, without Ceremony, what I knew concerning it: That I knew no College that openly profess'd his Doctrin, that most of them were discharg'd from Teaching of it: That in the Vniversity of Paris, extream care [Page 187] was taken lest the Professors should give too much liberty on that side: That Cartesianism had been the Debate of several Assemblies, and how that I had heard, from some Body, that it had been talk'd of putting it down by an Act of Parliament; it was propos'd to the late Chief President, M. de la Moignon, but that that Ex­pedient was not prosecuted. That the Vniver­sity of Caen, which next to that of Paris is the most flourishing, at least, for Philosophy, had in one Thousand six Hundred Seventy seven, de­clar'd against that Doctrin, and condemn'd it as contrary to Orthodox Divinity; denying all hopes to any that should undertake to maintain it, of their admission to any Degree in the Vniversity; and forbiding all such as were already admitted, the teaching it viva voce, or by Writing, upon pain of forfeiting their Priviledges and De­grees; that the Example of Angers had been imitated therein, that two years before had made the like Decrees, which had been con­firm'd by a Placart of the King put forth at Versailles in the year, 1675. and that most of the other Universities had gone in imitation of the same Proceedings.

This News chaf'd M. Descartes. And what, said he, has no one in these occasions undertaken my Defence? Would no Corporation, no Commu­nity declare for my Doctrin? We have seen whole Orders take on them the quality of Sco­tists and Thomists, and to carry the Interests, some of an Universal a parte rei, others of an Universal a parte mentis, sometimes beyond the Bounds of a laudable Emulation; whilst a Phi­losophy so Solid and Curious as mine, shall be abandon'd to the Humours and Caprice of the [Page 188] Vniversities. I had pardon'd the Hollanders, that their ill-natured Behaviour, who were not oblig'd indeed to have those Considerations for a Stranger, as I was in respect of them; but I could never have believ'd they would have treated me so in France, my Native Country; to which I am sure I have given much Honour and Reputation. Why were my Bones tran­slated from Sweden to Paris, if at the same time they intomb'd them with Pomp and Funeral Elogies, they blasted my Memory throughout the Kingdom? I quitted, it's true, the World, a little with the soonest: But after all, I left it not before I had acquir'd a most wonderful Esteem. I had taken infallible Measures for the securing my Party: And my Affairs had never been reduc'd to so damn'd a Plight, had my Dis­ciples trod in my Steps, and kept their Eye ex­actly on my Views and my Designs.

For I must confess, said he, I was not exempt from the Weakness and Blind Side of all Leaders of a Sect. I was concern'd for the Progress of my own, though I feign'd to seem as indifferent for that as any thing else; and the Hopes I had one Day to see it take Place of all the rest, serv'd as an Incentive to encourage my Endea­vours: I had drawn up my self a System of my Management, for the accomplishing my Design. My first Prospect was that of cajoling the Iesuits, and sounding them, to try if I could engage them in my Interests, or at least make a Party among them; that would have been a Parting-Blow indeed, and my Affairs for ever after would have stood secure of any Rival or Competitor: They are possess'd of the Colleges of the princi­pal Towns in France, and there are among them [Page 189] a great many Men of excellent Sense, and cap­able of protecting my Opinions, if once they were admitted.Diverses Lett. de Des [...]. Tom: 3. I sent them my Works, desir­ing them to examine them, and assuring them, I would submit them to their Judgment. Cir­cumstances were very favourable at that Jun­cture; their Provincial was my Countryman, my Friend, and my Relation: My Regent in Phi­losophy, who was still living, and whom I had observ'd to be a better Naturalist than most of the Philosophers of that Time, wished me very well. In short, I question'd not my Success; but I was highly surpriz'd upon Father Mer­sennus his acquainting me from Paris that Father Bourdin, the Mathematician of the Iesuits College, had publish'd Theses in opposition to my Do­crin. Those were the first that appear'd against me in France; such a Thunder-clap as that gave me quickly to understand how the So­ciety stood affected, and how little Stress I ought to lay upon the Friendship of some Parti­culars. Not long after the same Mathematician wrote against my Meditations, in no very seri­ous Style, turning them to Droll and Ridicule; which occasion'd on my part a very smart and vigorous Answer. I complain'd thereof to Father Dinet, in a Letter that I printed with my Meditations: In a Word, an open Breach was made betwixt the Iesuits and my self. I desir'd Father Mersennus very carefully to watch the Be­haviour of the Fathers towards me, and to give me Intelligence of all. I made a Resolution too to fall upon them, and confute some one of their Printed Courses that was most in Vogue; but I desisted from that Design for some parti­cular Reasons.

[Page 190] Mean while I had another String to my Bow: There was set up a Party at that Time in France, diametrically opposite to the Iesuits, compos'd of those who write themselves S. Austin's Disciples, and who were zealous Sticklers for M. Iansenius, the Bishop of Ypres his Doctrin. Monsieur Ar­nauld, as young a Doctor as he was, had already got an extraordinary Fame: In the concern I had with him upon account of some Objections he raised against my Meditations, which I an­swer'd with the greatest Expression of Esteem I had for his Intellectual Capacity, I found out what he was, that is, a Man ambitious of Distin­ction and Novelty, and of whom one might be sure, if once one had engaged him in a Party, recommendable with those two Temptations: Therefore I was well assur'd of him; and I be­lieve the Resentment I express'd towards the Iesuits, was that which most endear'd him: This fell out so well, that from thenceforth you should not see a Iansenist Philosopher that was not a Cartesian. It was likewise these Gentlemen that brought Philosophy in Fashion among the Ladies; and I had Advice from Paris at that Time, That nothing was more customary in their Dressing-Rooms than the Parallel of Monsieur d'Ypres and de Molina, of Aristotle and Descartes.

I dream'd next of hooking in some Fraternity or other; well-remembring what I us'd to hear the late M. Iansenius say, That such sort of Peo­ple espouse an Interest without knowing what it is; and he was of Advice it would be of no small mo­ment for his S. Austin to be seconded with some such Herd; because, added he, when they are once imbarqu'd, nothing can put a Stop to them pro & [Page 191] contra. I had an Eye upon the Minim Fryens, upon the Score of Father Mersennus, who was my intimate Friend, and in great Repute with the Order; but I consider'd that though those Fa­thers had Men of Parts and Learning among them, yet they were little abroad, and taught not publickly: Again, Father Mersennus assur'd me, That if the Matter was brought before the Chapiter, Aristotle's Party would infallibly carry it, 'cause of the Old ones, who had for a long Time equipt themselves with all sorts of Philosophical Furniture, and would never be at the Charge of suting themselves afresh.

You did well in avoiding that Game (inter­rupted our Old Gentleman) for since that a Father of their Order, one Father Magnan, a Rational, Understanding Man, striking a little out of the Usual Road, and treading in a new Track, has, as I am inform'd, been chastis'd in a General Chapiter, and Prohibitions have been made for any to imbrace his Principle; and since the main of their Studies as well as of other Seminaries, are Metaphysicks and Divinity: What is properly called Physicks is not very current; the Offensive and Defensive League entred by several Orders for Physical Predetermination, against Mean Science, is the grand concern that hath found them Em­ployment for almost an hundred Years.

And it will continue them in Employment still, (reply'd M. Descartes) for the same Reason as made me take those Measures I speak of, that is, because Predetermination and Mean Science are be­come the Sentiments of the Order and Commu­nity; a Quality I designed to give my Philoso­phy, to eternalize it: But, however, when I quitted the World, I left Things in so good a [Page 192] tendency that way, as incourag'd me to hope I had a main Party in the Congregation of the Fathers of the Oratory. It is a considerable Body in France, whose Business is Study, many whereof have rendred themselves Famous by their Know­ledg and their Writings. The Emulation that is between them and the Iesuits, with a Salvo to the Esteem and Respect they have for one ano­ther, was enough to procure me an Hearing in their Congregation: What, have those Fathers forsaken me?

You make me call to Mind, said I thereupon, some Passages in that Business, that may be worth your Hearing. I know not whether you have reason to be satisfy'd or dissatisfy'd with the Reverend Fathers, you shall be Judge your self. About ten or a dozen Years ago there happen'd some Divisions in the University of Angers, oc­casion'd by the Fathers of the Oratory's defending certain Theses, wherein much New Philosophy was interwoven, partly according to your Prin­ciples, partly according to the particular Notions of the Professors:Recueil de ce qui s [...]est passe en l' Vniversite d [...] Angers. The University took alarm at Sight of those Innovations, and would not suffer the Theses to pass: She gave the Court an Account of it, and the Father General. The Court was enclin'd for the University, which oblig'd the Father General to order in the Congre­gation, That no one should swerve from the Ancient Opinions, or any ways teach the New Philosophy. But here comes a Cup of Comfort for you; speedily after came out a Printed Let­ter, penn'd in excellent Latin, to the Reverend Father Senault, General of the Oratory, entitul'd, Epistola eorum quotquot in Oratoriana Congregatione Cartesianam doctrinam amant: Wherein, after [Page 193] having laid down the Motives that induc'd them to beseech him not to straiten and infringe their Minds; on that Particular were added these Words, ut noris quam late Cartesiana haec labes, (si labes est)— grassetur. Plusquam ducenti nu­mero sumus, quos pestis ista infecit.

Hereby you see what Strength you had in that Congregation: Which yet was no Impediment to the Proceedure and Decree of the General Assem­bly of the Oratory in 1678. declaring she imbrac'd no Party; but that she always had, and would still maintain that Freedom and Priviledg of pre­serving Sound and wholesome Doctrin; and that she laid restraint on none but such as were cen­sur'd by the Church, or as savour'd of the Sen­timents of Iansenius and Baius in Divinity, or of the Opinions of Descartes in Philosophy.

Oh the Base and Cowardly—cry'd M. Des­cartes, all enrag'd. Softly, Monsieur, I reply'd, if you your self had headed a Corporation, whose Essential Interests you had engag'd to maintain, you would have had very different Thoughts from those you now have under the Quality of a Leader of a Sect. Neither Pru­dence nor Conscience could oblige a Man to be­come the Martyr of a Philosopher. Matters are of a quite distinct Nature in Point of Philo­sophy and Religion: A Man may allow of the Opinions of a Philosopher, consider'd in them­selves, and at the same Time be included in such Circumstances as make it prudence to Acquiesce.

But two things there are, which I have alrea­dy observ'd to you, which should make you overlook those Paltry Affronts you Philosophy has met with. The first is, that what is in it [Page 194] more choise and better than ordinary, begins to be authoriz'd in the Schools of the most zealous Peripateticks; who no longer oppose the Truth, that you have insus'd into them, but only so husband Aristotle's Stake, as it may not be said that ever any Philosopher had a clearer View than he. You know the Adventure of the last Age in France; the wisest Heads of the Kingdom could do no otherwise than approve the great­est Part of the Regulations made in the Council of Trent, notwithstanding there were Reasons that obstructed the adhereing to that Couuncil, on Discipline-account. What was done? The States of Blois made Ordinances exactly like a great Part of the Decrees of that Council: Thus, without admiting the Council, they fol­low'd in effect the Purport of it. The Peripa­teticks have in some sort transcrib'd the Conduct of those grave Politicians. 'Tis a Crime among them to be a Cartesian, but 'tis an Honour to make good Use of the best Part of M. Descartes. And to compare the Fortune of your Doctrin with that of another that in our Days hath made such a Bustle in the World, before the Propositions of Iansenius had been condemn'd at Rome, his Followers highly complimented him upon them: His was the Pure and Uncorrupt Doctrin that was copied from the great S. Augu­stin; but they had no sooner been censur'd as Heretical, but they vanish'd in a Trice, and could not be found in Iansenius his Book: No one could heartily believe they ever had been there, and in Spight of Bulls of Popes and Ordinances of Bishops, 'twas reckon'd a Mortal Sin to sign a Condemnation of Propositions, and a Form of Faith, without the Distinction of De Iure & de [Page 195] Facto. The quite contrary happen'd in the Af­fair I am speaking of.

At first, when the Cartesians made Mention of Subtil Matter, and ridicul'd the Horror of a Vacuum, talk'd of the Elastick Vertue of the Air, the Pressure of its Columns, and the man­ner of the Impression of Objects on our Senses, Aristotle was brought to confront them with a quite contrary Doctrin.

Since that Time, upon Examination of the Reasons on which your Propositions in those In­stances depended, they would not say that you were in the Right; but many undertook to affirm, That Aristotle had taught the greatest Part of that before you. There hath been since discover'd in his Writings an Ethereal Matter, the manner of Sensations by the Concussion of the Organs; the Demonstration of the Gravity of the Air, and the most delicate Truths of the Equilibrium of Liquors: So instead of the Ianse­nists abandoning, or seeming to abandon the Right, and sheltering themselves under the Fact, the Peripateticks fall on Possession of the Right by the Fact itself; that is, the Peripateticks now find in Aristotle what according to themselves had not been visible for these thirty Years. On the contrary, the Iansenists have lost Sight of the Propositions they had pointed to us hereto­fore themselves, before they were condemn'd: So that would you make any Abatements, as I hope you will, that I may make good my Pro­mise I made Voetius your Old Friend in Holland, we should see M. Descartes turn Peripatetick, and Aristotle Cartesian.

[Page 196] The other Thing, that is Matter of Consola­tion to you, and that in Defiance to all the Ef­forts of your Enemies must encourage you to hope for the Immortality of Cartesianism, is the uncontroulable Liberty that's left to every one of Writing for and against it: And that at this Day the most Solid and Ingenious Patron of the New Philosophy, is a celebrated Father of the Oratory, whose Books are in great Reputa­tion. He forthwith requir'd his Name and Character. He is call'd, said I, Father Male­branche: He's a Man of an extraordinary pierc­ing Judgment, of profound Thought, that has a wonderful Gift at methodizing his Reflections, which he opens and displays in the neatest and most lively manner imaginable; that knows however to give an Air of Truth and a probable Turn, to the most extraordinary and abstracted Notions; that is skill'd to the utmost Perfection, in preparing the Mind of his Reader, and inter­essing him in his own Thoughts. In short, he is the most charming Cartesian that I know. His principal Work is called, The Search of Truth; and it is from that in particular that he hath been acknowledg'd for such as I have de­scrib'd him: Yet I cannot conceal from you a little Accident that may somewhat allay the Joy that News must excite in you; which is, That this Illustrious Champion of the New Philo­sophy, has been sometime since at Variance with M. Arnauld, whose Friend he had ever been before, which made a kind of Civil War. The Onset and Defence on both Sides is manag'd with Vigor and Courage; each of them combate in their own way: Volumes of five or six hun­dred Pages apiece are sent out by M. Arnauld in [Page 197] the turning of an Hand: The other is less luxuriant, but more strict and pressing: He takes those Captains for his Precedent, who only make use of some select Troops, without any regard to Number, that always march close and in good Order, who let the Enemy wheel about as often as they please, but are sure to break their Ranks whenever they see an Advantage. Discourse is various concerning the Motives of that War; M. Arnauld is the Aggressor: The most refin'd Politicians, who, as you know, never fail to make the best of their Talent on such Occasions, say, It is a Trick and Evasion of the Old Doctor, who has several other such at command. Some Years ago there appear'd two Books against him; one was titul'd, The Spirit of M. Arnauld, wrote by a French Protestant Minister, retir'd to Holland; that's a very roguish Book, I must confess, and full of Venom and Gall, but he leaves M. Ar­nauld inextricably in the Briars; he not only turns his own Weapons upon him, but also against the Catholick Religion, and concludes di­rectly from the Principles and Practice of M. Arnauld, that most of the Arguments he takes to be most forcible and Advantagious to the Catholick Religion, are nul and insignificant, are meer Shew and Out-side, fit only to dazle the Eyes of the Ignorant, and such as cannot pene­trate to the Bottom of Things.

The other Book, which was printed the first of the two, but was not made publick till some time after, was written by a Iesuite against a French Translation of the New Testament, com­monly call'd, The Mons New Testament, done by the Gentlemen du Port Royal, and whereof M. Arnauld took upon him the Patronage and [Page 198] Defence. That Book of the Jesuite is Solidly, Scholar-like and Politely wrote. He very per­tinently comes over M. Arnauld on many Occa­sions, and adds from time to time, in those Places, he challenges him to give an Answer to such and such a Point: Notwithstanding, those two Books found no Reply; and no one could say they were unanswer'd, because they were despised and did not deserve the Pains. Reli­gion it self was ingag'd, that Answer should be made the first (as hath since been done by ano­ther Hand) and M. Arnauld's Honour and Re­putation were interess'd to satisfy the Scruples, the Evidence of Fact, and the Force of Reasons in the second, had rais'd in the Minds of Men. See then what was the sense of the Politicians of the Commonwealth of Learning.

'Tis known by long Experience, that M. Ar­nauld never us'd to be very Dormant in the case of Books wrote against him. Whence then proceeds this extraordinary Patience, he would fain seem to have at present? Whence comes it, that instead of defending himself against his Enemies, that make voluntary Insults to attack him, and fall so foully on him, he makes him­self new Adversaries, and out of a gayety of Humour falls to Daggers-drawing with his Friends and Allies, whilst his Country is aban­don'd to the Pillage and Descretion of his Ene­mies? Here is, say they, the short and the long of the Business. Those two Books Non­plus M. Arnauld. The first upon several Arti­cles presents you with an Argumentum ad Homi­nem, and is beyond Reply. The second is penn'd with that Circumspection and Exactness, as Wards off all Passes, gives not the least hold, [Page 199] and blocks up all the out-lets, where ere his Ad­versary might escape him. It would be no part of Prudence to engage on so disadvantagi­ous Terms. He must not, however, be seen to baulk or decline the Challenge; (and besides M. Arnauld had resolv'd to leave the World, whenever he desisted to make a noise in it, and to Write and Dispute whatever it cost him:) Therefore he cunningly procures himself a Di­version. He picks a random Quarrel with Fa­ther Malebranche, threatning an Attack on a Treatise of his, concerning Nature and Grace, which he had presum'd to publish contrary to his Advice. He compiles a great Volume, against two or three Chapters of the Research of Truth. That Book is answered. M. Arnauld thereupon makes his Reply. Father Malebranche charges again. M. Arnauld makes yet another Onset. Here some are inquisitive, why M. Arnauld neglects to answer both M. Iurieu and the Iesu­ite? Hey day! cry others, how would you have him answer them? Does not Father Malebranche find him his Hands full? Whose little Volumes he's forc'd to overwhelm with bulky Books, to obstruct the entrance of that monstrous Impiety into the Church, viz. the Doctrin of a Corpo­real God: Without which no Man can find out what he means by his intelligible Extension, that is, he says, in God. However the other Con­cern is urgent and requires Dispatch. But what would you have a Man do? they add. Is it possible he should be every where at once? Whilst the King of Poland march'd with all the Forces of his Kingdom to raise the Siege of Vienna, was he not necessitated to suffer the [Page 200] Garrison of Kaminiec to over-run Podolia, and the Tartars to inslave V [...]raine?

If that Conjecture is not true, said M. Des­cartes, it is however very probable, and those Gamesters play the Politician not amiss. But what (pursu'd he) is the Subject of Dispute be­twixt those two famous Authors? For I assure you, I perceive a Concern upon me, upon their Account. The Matter in Debate (I answer'd) is of the Nature of Ideas, and the manner of our apprehending Objects that are without us. M. Arnauld would have it, that our Idea's are nothing but the Modifications of our Soul. Fa­ther Malebranche pretends, that that Opinion is unwarrantable, and maintains we have no other perception of Objects than in God; who being every where, is intimately united with our Soul, and who following the general Laws of the Union of the Body and Soul, communicates to us the Idea of the Object that he hath in himself, and at once makes us apprehend the Impression of it. Both one and the other strive upon occasion, to ingage you on their side, or to shew rather, that they advance nothing con­tradictory to your Thoughts upon Ideas: But I am of Opinion, you never penetrated so deep in that Affair, as that either of them can gain much by your Authority.

What you say of me is true (reply'd M. Des­cartes;) but which at last of these two Comba­tants have got the better on't? I answer'd him, I was not rash and inconsiderate enough, to set up for a Decider of the Difference and Advan­tages of those two Hero's: That I could only say that they fell to't in earnest: That though [Page 201] M. Arnauld had propos'd to himself the en­countring Father Malebranche's Tract of Nature and of Grace, he thought it advisable to begin with the Confutation of what he had written touching Idea's in his Search of Truth, looking on that past (to use his Thought and his Ex­pression) as [...] Outworks of the place he had a Design to ruin. That the Subject being very Abstracted and Metaphysical, and above the or­dinary Capacity of Men, and Father Male­branche's System on that Particular, requiring a very great Attention to comprehend it, M. Ar­nauld seem'd to have taken designedly that Me­thod of Assault, for the making a more advan­tagious Effort on his Adversary; but that Fa­ther Malebranche, without giving up his Out­works, wherein he acquit himself admirably well, had drawn them into the Body of the place, that is to say, had incorporated them with the Interests of Grace, which is very dis­advantagious Ground, and too slippery a stand for M. Arnauld, where he was very closely press'd. Yet that I durst not undertake for the Success of Father Malebranche's Self on that Side, because of the great Experience of M. Arnauld in such sort of War, wherein he undoubtedly merits the Encomium Admiral Chatillon used to give himself, viz. He had wherewith to be di­stinguish'd from the greatest Captains that ever were, in that having been always beaten by his Enemies, having lost all the Battles he had been oblig'd to Fight, after all his Misfortunes, he still stood upon his Legs, in a capacity to re­lieve his Party, and bearing still a Part and Fi­gure, able to disquiet those by whom he had been worsted. I might likewise add, without [Page 202] affronting Father Malebranche, he is already sen­sible of the loss he has sustain'd since that first Breach: For before that unhappiness, and whilst he was a Friend of M. Arnauld, he was every where extoll'd for a sublime and infinitely penetrating Genius; and at present, he's a Man that speaks nothing but Perple it [...] and Con­tradictions, whom one can neither understand nor follow without danger of Error: So true it is that M. Arnauld's Friendship is at this day, as it ever has been, a prodigious bank of Merit to those that are so fortunate to injoy it, and that Societies, no less than particular Persons that were destitute of that Advantage, would be very little better for their Reputation.

As I was thus entertaining Discourse with M. Descartes, I perceiv'd in an Instant a change in me, that carry'd something in it much like what we experience in some sudden Faintings, wherein all things seem to alter and turn colour. I could never have believ'd a Soul separate from the Body, had been capable of such an Accident. M. Descartes, who was aware of it, and well understood the cause, left me for a moment to wait on Aristotle's Embassadors. I knew not what Intercourse they had, till the old Gentle­man's Information, on our return to th'other World. He told me Mr. Descartes declin'd en­tring all Dispute and Business with them; only assuring them he had not the least Design of making any Inroad into Aristotle's Dominions; but that he thought it a difficult piece of Work to effect a through Accommodation; and that it would be proper for each to preserve their Li­berty in Opinion, as before, without being rest­less, and concern'd to bring over that of others [Page 203] to it; notwithstanding to the end their Voyage might not be wholly ineffectual, he promis'd to see that the Cartesians behav'd themselves with greater Respect and Esteem towards Ari­stotle, upon condition Aristotle would restrain the Peripateticks from flying out with that out-rage against Cartesianism.

To come to my Spiritual Metamorphosis, I knew not the reason of that neither till my re­turn; and it was this. We must suppose that as long as our Soul is united with our Body, the most part of its Ideas and Conceptions depend on the disposition of our Brain. The diversity of that Disposition consists, as say the Peripa­teticks, in the difference of the Species, Appari­tions or Images of Objects, contain'd in the Ca­vities of the Brain, or imprinted on its Sub­stance. The new Philosophers more truly say, That those kind of Pictures are nothing but the Traces and Footsteps stampt on the Brain, by the ordinary Current of the Animal Spirits, that flow in great Plenty, as in little Rivers, and wear themselves a kind of Channel, to which they usually keep. In what way soever that different Disposition causes the different Idea's and different Judgments of the Soul (for it is an inscrutable Mystery) it is certain it is done, and that different Ideas suppose different Traces. So that should a dissection be made of a Peripatetick and a Cartesian Brain, with the help of good Microscopes, for the discovery of those Prints that are exquisitely fine, one should see a prodigious difference in the Complexion of those two Brains. I never indeed question'd that Truth, but I thought that dependence of the Soul lasted no longer than it was in the [Page 204] Body, and that as soon as the Separation was perform'd, it had no more Correspondence with it: But I experimented the contrary, and my Fellow-Travellers assur'd me that so long as the Body has its Organs sound and free, let the Soul be ten thousand Worlds apart, it will re­ceive the same Impressions, as if it resided in it: And that if M. Descartes's Snush had not lax'd the sensitive Nerves, I should have seen, whilst I was in Descartes's World all the Occur­rencies, the Eyes of my Body were presented with. I should have heard every noise that beat upon the Drum of my Ears: And so of all the rest.

So astonishing an Effect as this makes no Im­pression on Philosophical Souls: For if they be Peripateticks they presently explain it by the Sym­pathy betwixt the Soul and Body of the same in­dividual; and if they be Cartesians they ex­pound it by the general Laws of the Soul and Bodies Union, which is in cause that God on occasion of such and such Motions made in the Body, produces such and such Thoughts or Perceptions in the Soul; and say they, one of these Laws is, That whilst the Organs of the Body are capacitated for Imployment, the Soul wherever she is, receives the Impressions of Objects that affect them; it being as easy a thing for God to advertise the Soul of that Impressi­on, when she is remote from the Body, as when present, proximity of Place being wholly insig­nificant in the thing; since, according to them, the Motion of the Organs is not the real cause that produces Sensations, but only the occasional cause, that is, that which offers an occasion to God Almighty of producing them in the Soul.

[Page 205] My Old Gentleman then, as I was saying, in our Return confess'd the Trick Father Mersennus and himself had agreed to play me: They had given Instructions, before they departed, to the little Negro, that was commission'd to guard my Corps, at such an Hour, in which they easily foresaw we should be arriv'd to M. Descartes's World, to take Care so to determine the Animal Spirits in my Brain, as they might no longer keep the beaten Tracks they had been us'd to, for the exciting Peripatetick Spe [...]ies in my Mind, but to make them glide in such a Current as was neces­sary, and as he knew how, for the implanting Cartesian Ideas in their Room; which he per­form'd with that Dexterity, that whether it was by the Legerdemain of Sympathy, or by vertue of the General Laws of Vnion of the Body and Soul, my Notions were all in an instant turn'd topsie turvy: And I, that a Moment since could see nothing in that Immense Space, in which I was, began to perceive Matter there, and to be con­vinc'd that Space, Extension and Matter were all one and the same thing. After which, as often as M. Decsartes bade us to conceive how such and such Motions were effected in Matter, I saw them more distinctly than your most clarify'd Cartesi­ans do your Chamfer'd Parts of Matter wreath'd in shape of little Skrews, by the Struggle they have to squeez betwixt the Balls of the Second Element, or to constitute a little Vortex, round the Loadstone, and to cause that wonderful affi­nity that is found betwixt that Stone and the Poles of the Earth, and with it and Iron.

It is plain that an Universal Revolution of Ideas, like this, cannot happen in the Soul, without causing an extraordinary Commotion in [Page 206] its Substance, no more than a general Alteration of Humors can occur in the Body, without a Change of its Constitution. I was therefore in­finitely surpriz'd at so prodigious a Change, be­ing wholly unable to give any probable Guess at its Cause, but could not help attributing it to some Secret in M. Descartes's Philosophy; who returning quickly after, address'd me in a more Familiar Air than at my first Reception. Well, what, shall we begin to fall to work upon our World? I see you are at present capable and worthy of reaping that Satisfaction. Monsieur, said I, I know not where I am, nor what I ought to think of my self: But certainly nothing can more effectually dispose me to a Belief that you are capable of becoming the Creator of a World, than that Power you manifest over Spirits. Yes, Monsieur, I acknowledg Space, Matter and Ex­tension to be the self-same Thing: I see plainly in that Space, Materials for the Building a New World; and if you once accomplish so vast and prodigious a Work, from this Time forward I renounce my Body to live here with you for ever and ever, to the End of the World, nothing seeming comparable to the Advantage of liv­ing with the most Wife and Puissant Soul, that ever came out of the Almighty's Hands.

You'l be better advis'd than that, reply'd M. Descartes; it behoves you to expect the Or­ders of the Sovereign Being for an entire Dismis­sion from your Body; nor is there any Necessity for it, to have all the Satisfaction that you wish. In less than two Hours Time I'll make you a World, wherein shall be a Sun, an Earth, Planets, Comets, and every thing you see more Curious and observable in yours; and since this World [Page 207] I am about to make is not to stand for good and all, but is only an Essay of another I intend to build at my Leisure, of far greater Capacity and Perfection; I can easily interrupt and break the Motions, to let you see in a little Time the different Changes, which occur not in the Parts of the great World, but in the Process of Years.

Come on then, let us begin, said he, but follow me exactly in the Principles I lay down, and the Reflections I shall make you observe: Above all interrupt me not. After these few Words M. Des [...]artes prepar'd himself for the executing his Projection: Which was by the Exposition, or rather Supposition of some of his most Impor­tant Principles, thought necessary to qualifie us for the comprehending the Dispatch of that grand Master-piece.

Conceive, in the first Place (said he) that all this vast Space is Matter: For this Space is extended, and nothing is not capable of being so. This Space therefore is an extended Substance, or which is the same Thing, Matter. Whoever can doubt of this Truth, can doubt if a Moun­tain can be without a Valley. Conceive in the second Place, That in Nature there are two inviolable Laws: The first is, That every Body will ever maintain the Post and Capacity it has once been put in, will never change it till some External Cause shall force it; if it is in rest, it will be in Rest eternally; if it is in Motion it will continue eternally in Motion; if it is of a Square Figure it will preserve its Square Figure always.

The Second is, That a Body always naturally continues its Motion in a right Line, though the [Page 208] rencounter and justling of other Bodies fre­quently disturb it from its Regular Course, and from hence follows an indisputable Principle, confirm'd by infinite Experiments; viz. That a Body, circularly moved, constantly endea­vours to get farther from the Centre of its Mo­tion; and if it fortune to get rid of a Body or Bodies, that constrain it to move circularly, it is always sure to make its escape by the Tangent of the Circle it describ'd, in its Motion.

The Line A G is the Tangent, the Stone would describe, supposing it to be freed from the Sling at the Point A.

These Principles are the rich and fruitful Sources of that infinity of admirable Truths, of which True Philosophy is compos'd, and the only Rules I will and ought to follow, in the Production of the World I am about.

[Page 209] This short Speech ended, I was wonderfully edify'd in seeing M. Descartes fall to Prayers▪ and make an humble Acknowledgment to God of all those intellectual Gifts and Blessings he had vouchsaf'd him.

Sovereign Being (said he) thou bearest me witness, That never Mortal acknowledg'd that absolute Dominion thou hast over all thy Crea­tures, with greater Respect and Submission than my self: So long as I had my Being in the Land of the Living, I made it my Business to convince Men of that entire Dependence they have on thee, having persuaded many of that important Truth, That thou art the only Being which can produce every thing in the World: That it is a punishable Pride in Men to conceit themselves capable of causing the least Motion imaginable in Matter; and that the very Motion their Soul supposes she influences on the Body, which she animates, is purely the effect of thy Almighty Power, that in concurrence with the Laws thy Wisdom itself has confirm'd, moves the Mem­bers of the Body with such exactness and celerity, on occasion of the Desires and Inclinations of the Soul, as persuades her, it is herself that moves them; though at the same Time she con­fesses her Ignorance of the manner whereby it must be done. That bright and lively influx, wherewith thou hast enlightned my Understand­ing, hath guided me out of that Laberynth of common Delusion, and open'd me the way and Method I ought to take, in the Study and Con­templation of thy wonderful Works. Though I at present undertake to work upon that im­mense Matter, which thy infinite Bounty seems to have left at my Disposal, and though I have [Page 210] assum'd the Freedom of warranting my Disciples the Production of a World like that of thy own Making; yet it is wholly in Dependence on thy Power I have made this account. Yea, Lord, I shall contribute in no wise to that Operation, but by the Desires of my Will, which thou out of thy gracious Goodness wilt be pleased to se­cond, by impressing so much Motion on this Matter as I shall wish for, and by giving this Motion Determinations necessary to the End which I propose; Reason and Experience having taught me, That every pure Spirit, such as am I my self, by one of the Universal Rules, to which thou conformest thy external Actions, hath Right and Priviledg of so much Motion as is sufficient to move the Matter of a World. Manifest then, Lord, thy Power in Condescen­tion to a Spiritual Creature, that makes this humble Confession of his Weakness, and give us farther occasion to praise and glorifie thy Name.

Having finish'd his Devotion, M. Descartes mark'd out a round Space, of about five hundred Leagues diameter, for the making a little Sampler of his World, whereupon thus he spake.

Gentlemen, I shall at present only represent you the Solary Vortex of your World, and all that is therein; that is to say, the Sun, the Earth, the Planets, the Elements, the Disposition of its principal Parts, and the different Rela­tions and Dependences they have on one ano­ther; if you will honour me with a Visit some Years hence, you shall see the Great World finish'd.

[Page 211] The first thing I shall do is to divide in almost equal Parts all the Matter comprehended in the Space I have chalk'd out. All those Parts shall be very Small, but yet they must be less before I have done with them: They must not all be of a Spherical Figure, 'cause if they were all so shap'd, there must necessarily be an Interval, or Void betwixt them: But a Void is impossible; they must therefore be of all Shapes and Figures, but angular for the generality.

Secondly, whereas the Union of the Parts of Matter purely consist, in that Repose they are in, one by another; that Division I propose to make, will last no longer than I shall agitate them several ways, and drive them on every Side.

Thirdly, Since the Fluidity of Matter is no­thing but the Motion of its smallest Parts, agi­tated different ways; upon my Division and Agitation of it in that wise, I shall make it fluid, as hard and consistent as it is at pre­sent.

Again, this round Space of five hundred Leagues, which I have cut out for the building of my little World, being once made fluid, I shall divide it into twenty Parts, or twenty Vortexes, that shall be severally constituted of infinite insensible Parts of Matter.

[Page 212]

S The Vortex of the Sun.

For the comprehending what I mean by this Word Vortex; imagine to your self a round or oval Space of Matter, which I divide in a thou­sand or ten thousand little Parts. Suppose these little Parts, so many little Giggs, each made to turn about their Axle or their Centre; and [Page 213] and bowl'd at the same time about the Cen­tre of that round or oval Space; and this is what I call a Vortex.

Finally, you must conceive each Vortex as a kind of Firmament, at whose Centre will be an Astre or fix'd Star; so that in making twenty Vor­texes, in the Space which I have laid out, I shall make twenty fix'd Stars: But at these fix'd S [...]ars you'l be surpriz'd, and will have the pleasure of observing, that but one in twenty will continue, which will represent your Sun: All the rest will become partly Planets, partly Comets: Nor will there of those twenty, above one great Vortex remain, which will be that of the Sun, in which will be form'd two little new ones, to represent the Vortex of your Earth, and that of Iupiter. This will be sufficient, Monsieur, said he, ad­dressing himself to me in particular, to qualify you for the comprehending the Work I am go­ing to compleat. For the rest of my Principles and Conclusions, which you have seen in my Physicks, I shall more commodiously explain them in the performance it self, as occasion shall be offer'd.

With that M. Descartes, Father Mersennus, and my old Gentleman, betook themselves to three different Stations in the Space, and began to agitate and churn the Matter with a prodigi­ous Alacrity. The twenty Vortex were come in an Instant, each having their Motion deter­min'd on every side, and being so order'd that the Poles of one Vortex were terminated at the Eclyptick of an other. And hence it is that M. Descartes calls the Circle of a Vortex, Part. 3. P [...]incip. that which is remotest from its Poles.

[Page 214] Whereas the parts of every Vortex were seen out of hand to be figured Angularwise for the generality, and to move round about their Cen­tre, there was a mighty grating and clashing occasion'd by the Fraction of Angles, that neces­sarily followed the Struggle every Part made to turn its self about its own Centre. And that was the first Reflection M. Descartes occasioned me to make, for the explaining to me the Ori­gin and Production of the Elements, as they are distinguish'd in his Physicks. You see, said he, how from the agitation of Matter necessarily issue the Elements, at which the Philosophers of your World have blanched and bogled so. From a Cube or any Angular Body whatsoever, to make a round one, what more is required than the paring off the Angles and Inequalities that are found in the Surface of it? And what but this is done in the Motion I have impressed on all the little parts about their Centre? Is it possible they should turn thus without a mutual Unhorn­ing one another? And can that continual rub­bing of one against another, fail to polish them more exactly than if they had been turn'd in a Lathe? These little Balls constitute that kind of Matter which I call my second Element.

But now in the Interim of the shivering of these Angles, you see (and 'tis impossible to be otherwise) there is a World of little Filings, prodigiously less than the Balls of the second Element; and it is that diminutive Dust which I call the Matter of the first Element. But last­ly, among the parts of the first Element, as minute as they are, there are some less than others, and whereas they are nothing but the Scrapings of the second Element, they are of [Page 215] very irr [...]gular Figures, and full of Angles: Which is the reason they entangle and fetter themselves with one another, and cake into a ragged and gross Mass, which I call the Matter of the third Element: And these are my three Ele­ments, which as you see, I had reason to defy the World to find a fault with.

Here M. Descartes was some Moments with­out speaking to me, being extraordinary busy in the management of his Project, and the criti­cal regulation of the first Motions of his Vor­texes. Mean while the little parts of the Mat­ter of every Vortex, by the means of their turn­ing on their Centre and rubbing against each other, even'd and polish'd themselves by little and little, and still as they became perfectly Globular, they lost of their Bulk and decreas'd in Size. Then it was that I began to see the Consequences of the Rules of Motion, which M. Descartes had readily suppos'd. For seeing these little Balls took up less room than former­ly, and seeing they kept still a turning round, and their Figure rendred them more fit for Motion, I perceived them presently to quit the Centre of the Vortex, and to gain the Circum­ference. By that Effort obliging the Matter of the first Element, that was dispers'd through all the Vortex, to fall down to the Centre; and to constitute a Mass of that extreamly fine and powdered Dust, that still whirl'd round, and attempted to recover the Circumference from which the Balls of the second Element had chas'd it: But all in vain, because the Figure of the parts of the second Element maintained them in their Post; and all that could possibly be done by the Matter of the first, was upon occasion [Page 216] to slip into the Intervals, the Balls in the Cir­cumference of the Vortex, sometimes left be­twixt them.

The Satisfaction M. Descartes observ'd I took at that petty Play, and the Facility I manifested in perceiving or conceiving whatever he com­manded me, highly pleased him, and engaged him to explain to me one of the most curious Mysteries in Philosophy. I could wish, said he, you had your Body here, you would let in those admirable Deductions from the Principles I have laid, with a greater Gusto and Delight. Now you only see in the Centre of the Vortexes a heap of Dust or of subtil Matter, of the first Ele­ment; but had you your Body and your Organs with you, capable of the Impressions that heap of Dust would make, you'd see for every heap of Dust a Sun. Monsieur (continued he) that very Sun, whose Splendour and Beauty you so often have admir'd in your World is nothing, in affect, but an Amass of that same Dust; but Dust instigated with such a Motion as I explain in my Philosophy, and you at present see.

To give you a clear Insight in this Matter, I need only suppose one thing; which I am sure you wont deny me; and which, on occasion, I could shew you in Aristotle himself, to wit, that Vision is caused meerly by the vibration, of the Threds wherewith the optick Nerve is wrought. And it is on Account of that vibration, that a Man falling rudely on his Head, or who walk­ing in the dark, runs his Face against a Post, sees a sudden flash of Light like the glaring of a Candle. It tortures the Naturalists to explain the manner how that vibration causes us to per­ceive all luminous and bright Objects. Upon [Page 217] what Hypothesis soever they proceed, they meet with inconquerable Difficulties: But at the bot­tom, and in earnest it is no more than this.

See here the Matter of the first Element; it turns round: And consequently wrestles to get at a distance from the Centre of the Vortex, in which it is; in making that Attempt to deviate from the Centre of the Vortex, it forces the Matter of the Second Element to circulate, that possesses all the Circumference, and shoves and pushes it every way imaginable, since there is not a point in the Circle that the Matter of the first Element describes, in its Motion, wherein it does not strive, to make its escape from the Cen­tre, and by Consequence does not press against the Balls of the second. Imagine then you and your Body were in some part of the Circumfe­rence▪ of the Vortex, and that you cast your Eyes towards the Centre. There are an abund­ance of Lines of the Matter of the second Ele­ment, that terminate in the bottom of your Eye. How comes that to pass? Why the Lines are driven towards the Circumference, and con­sequently forced against the bottom of your Eye, by the subtil Matter, that is, at the Cen­tre, and is indeavouring to make its Exit. Be­ing thus pusht it presses upon the bottom of your Eye; pressing it in that manner it shakes the Strings of the Optick Nerve, and from this quavering follows the perception of the Object; and this is one of the most curious Phaenomena's of my Physicks, where I maintain that the Na­ture of Light consists in that restless indeavour of the subtil Matter to remove its self from the Center of the Vortex, whence succeeds [Page 218]

[figure]

that pressure which causes the most delicate and admirable Sensation that we have.

He then went on in explaining to me all the Properties of Light, and the Demonstrations he hath given concerning the Reflection and Re­fraction of its Rays. He was very large and copious upon that Subject: For that piece of his Philosophy, together with that where he ex­plains the Phaenomena's of the Loadstone, is his darling and beloved Theam. I shall not descend to the Particulars of that Discourse, for fear of wearying my Reader, as also frightning some, to whom Lines crossing one another with A. B. C. are as terrible as Magick, and the sight thereof enough to make them shut the Book, and never open it after. And this is the Reason I will make use of them as little as possibly I can.

He would not for any thing whatever have forgotten to remark to me those little [...]annel'd [Page 219] Parts, whose Service is so very necessary to him, nor the way that they are wrought. A­mongst the Parts of the first Element, which are made of the filings of the Second, there are some, that by reason of their irregular Figure, are not so rapid as the other. Those of this Nature easily hook themselves together, and make up little Bodies larger than the other parts of the first Element; and as in their turning about, they are often obliged to pass betwixt the Balls of the second Element, Numb 90. they accommodate them­selves for that Passage, and as they squeeze be­twixt them, wrythe themselves into the Shape of a Skrew, or become like little Pillars cham­fer'd with three Furrows, or gutterwork'd and tourn'd as you see the Shell of a Snail. They are chiefly to be found toward the Poles of the Vortex, having their Determination toward the Centre. Now whereas some of them enter by way of the Northern Pole, others by the South­ern, whilst the Vortex turns upon its Axis; it is apparent to every Cartesian, that those which proceed from the North-Coast must be turned Shell-wife a different way, from those that pro­ceed from the South. And Instance M. Descartes took care to inculcate throughly in me: For it is principally upon that, the Power and Vertue of the Loadstone do depend:Numb. 91. But it shall not be long, said he, before you see some particular Effect of these little channel'd Parts.

Take notice, said he, how things go in that Star that's next you. How some of the cham­f [...]r'd Parts that come fromward the Poles of their Vortex, mingle themselves with the Mat­ter of that Star, and not being able to keep pace with it in Motion, are thrown out of the [Page 220] Star; just as the scummy Parts of a boiling Li­quor are separated from the other, and rise a­bove the Liquor. See how they link themselves to one another, and by that Union lose the quality of the first Element, and take on them that of the third. Upon their gathering and condensing in a very great quantity, it is mani­fest they must hinder the action of the first Ele­ment, whereby it pushes the Balls of the Second Element to the Circumference,Fig. Seq. and consequently must interrupt that Motion and Pressure in which Light consists. And now you may see exactly what those Stains are which you some­times discover on the Face of the Sun of your World. They are nothing else but the drossy and scummy Parts of the third Element, ga­thered in Heaps and expanded on its Sur­face.

Now the wreek and scattering of those Stains which are still a gathering, and as easily dissipa­nated, diffusing it self far and near throughout the Circumference of the Vortex, will consti­tute a thin and ra [...]ify'd Body, like the Air about your Earth, Numb. 92. at least, the finest part of it; and I have formerly observed, that that of the Vor­tex of your Sun is extended as far as the Sphere of Mercury.

[Page 221]

[figure]

Whilst M. Descartes was thus busied in disclo­sing to me all his Mysteries, Father Mersennus and the old Gentleman were diverting themselves, by Vaulting from Vortex to Vortex, and were but very ordinary Company to Aristotle's Pleni­potentiaries, who star'd confusedly, and were ex­ceedingly out of Countenance, and who now, and then joyned them, now and then came to us; comprehending not a Syllable all the time, in that Galima [...]phry of Vortexes, of the first, second and third Element, of ragged and branched Parts, &c. for having only Peripatetick Ideas they saw not so much as a Pins Head of all we saw in that immense Space: And they were much surprized to hear us entertain our selves seri­ously, with such idle Fopperies and Chimera's; for such they reckoned all we said, so far as to believe we meerly designed it to expose and banter them; and doubtless they had highly [Page 222] resented it, had not M. Descartes forestall'd them, by telling them, separate Spirits con­ceiv'd things only in reference to some princi­pal Ideas they had formerly been possessed with; and as they saw no Matter in the Space where we most distinctly behold it, so he himself with all the Eyes in his Head, was never able to per­ceive substan [...]ial Forms in Bodies, absolute Acci­dents and intentional Species, though at the same time the Peripateticks talkt of them, as Things they saw as clear as the Noon-day.

Mean time of these Occurrences, the old Gen­tleman in haste, came and acquainted Descartes, That on that Coast he had been on, there were three or four Vortexes that began to jumble and fall to Loggerheads; and that if he did not speedily come and part them, there needed no­thing more to tear and shatter all his World in pieces.

Poor honest old Gentleman, said M. Descar­tes: That which makes him so solicitous for my World, is one of the finest Phenomena's that can possibly be seen, and by which I'll de­monstrate to you how Comets are begot in yours; and how, in time, a fix'd Star may become a Planet. Let us go and cure him of his Fears.

When we came there we found two Stars, whose Surface was almost wholly overgrown with Scurf, and whose Vortexes began to be d [...]ain'd and suckt up by those round about them. If you have read my Book of Principles, and my Treatise concerning Light, says M. Descartes to me, you will easily conclude in what this little bu [...]tle and disorder ought to end; and I strange, said he to the old Gentleman, you should be frighted at it. Call to mind then what I [Page 223] there teach, how that which preserves a Vortex in the midst of several others, is that impulse caus'd by the Matter of the Star in its attempt to obtain a remove from the Centre towards the Circumference: For the Star, by that Impulse, pushing and supporting the Matter of its Vor­tex keeps the other Vortexes within their Bounds, and loses no Ground in the Dimensi­ons of its Circuit. For, we must consider all these Vortexes, as so many Antagonists that dis­pute it to an Inch, and so long as their Forces are equally match'd, gain no Advantage over each other; but as soon as one of them is any ways weakned or disabled, it becomes a Prey to all the rest, each taking in a part of its Space, and at last usurping it all. Now when a Star begins to be over-run with this Scurf, and crusted with a mass of the parts of the third Element, it can no longer push with so much force as it did before, the Matter of its Vortex towards the Circumference; and then the other that surround it, and whose Matter is indeavouring to get as far as possible from its Centre, finding no longer so much Motion, nor by consequence so much Resistance, expatiate and stretch them­selves out, and oblige the Matter of that impo­verisht Vortex, to circuit along with them, and by little and little each Inrich themselves. In so much, that some Moments hence, you shall see those Vortexes increase their Circumference with the Spoils of this poor Vortex, till at last they come to the Star it self, which will be made their Sport: That is to say, it will descend to­wards the Center of some one of those Vortexes, there to continue in the quality of a Pla [...]et, to turn with that Vortex, and to observe the Mo­tions [Page 224] of the conquering Star: Or it will becon­strain'd by the Motion that shall be given it, to bound from Vortex to Vortex, and to make a long Pilgrimage in Habit of a Comet, until its Crusts shall break: And then perhaps it will recover the eminency of a Star, and will take its revenge on some other, by appropriating its Vortex to its self.

We waited then some Moments, and saw happen what M. Descartes had foretold; all the the Vortex was drain'd dry, the Matter of one of the neighbouring Vortexes surrounded the crusted Star, and influencing it with a violent Motion, carried it clever off: But since that Star, by reason of its Solidity, that consisted partly in its Figure, most proper for Motion, partly in the close Connexion of the Parts of the third Element, that cover'd it, and the paucity of its Pores in the Superficies: I say, since that Star, by reason of its solidity, was capable of a far greater Motion than the Mass of Celestial Matter that incompass'd it, and carried it along; having by degrees arriv'd to a mighty Speed, in the turning of a Hand it gain'd the Brink of the Circumference of the Vortex, and out it flew amain, and continuing its Motion by the Tangent of the Circle it had begun to describe, pass'd on to another Vortex, and from that to another, till I knew not what became on [...]t: For M. D [...]scartes interrupted the Attention I was in to pursue it, to instruct me, That the Adventure I had seen at present usually happen'd, and would still from Time to Time in our World: And that what we there call Comets, were nothing else but Stars that have lost their Vortex and Light by that congeal­ing Matter, and then pass'd from Vortex to Vor­tex, [Page 225] V. Fig. Vor [...]. becoming visible to us all the Time they traverse our Solary Vortex, and ceasing to be seen as soon as they entred in another.

Immediately after the Ruin of the Vortex I have been speaking of, there were seven others that ran the same Risque, and became seven Comets. Whereupon Monsieur Descartes pur­su'd: It is not amiss, in order to your bet­ter understanding the Effects that are speedily to follow, to give Names to the Principal Stars that are left: We have still a dozen of them, but we will trouble our Heads at present with no more then▪ eight. That then, continued he, pointing out the greatest Star of all, and which had the greatest Vortex, we will call the Sun; that other shall be Saturn; let the next on the Left-hand be Iupiter; that on the Right shall be named Mars; that other wee'll name Earth; and the nearest to us of all shall be christned the Moon: Of these two little ones, the one shall be Venus and the other Mercury. By and by I will name the other four. Having for some Time consider'd the admirable Disposition of all these Vortexes, that, in spite of their Flui­dity, did not at▪ all mix and incorporate with one another, a thing no one would believe unless he saw it, and which cannot be comprehended but by a Cartesian Soul; for no other Philosopher 'till this Day hath been able to conceive it pos­sible. We saw Mercury and Venus begin to be overspread with the rising Scum, and forthwith the Vortex of the Sun with the other neighbour­ing Vortexes to get ground prodigiously on those two Stars, till at last their Heaven or their Vortex being entirely swallow'd up, they fell in with that of the Sun, somewhat near the Centre, and [Page 226] began to turn about him, floating in the Matter of his Vortex. The same thing happen'd a little while after to four petty Stars, whose Vortexes border'd upon that of Iupiter, where they were oblig'd to descend, and take the same Lot therein, as Venus and Mercury in that of Sol. M. Descartes called these four the Satellites of Iupi­ter, because they represent the four Planets that turn about Iupiter in our World. Lastly, the Earth in like manner made herself Mistress of the Moon, and obliged her to attend her in quality of her Planet; for that is the Name which is given to degraded Stars, because of their only Employment that is left; which is, to wander in the Zodiac, and to turn eternally about those that have rob'd them of their Vortex.

That which distinguishes their Condition from that of Comets, is nothing but the Difference found betwixt the Solidity of one and the other; for as they are less solid than the Comets, in entring the Vortex that receives them, they are not agitated in their Turning with so strong and violent a Motion, as to toss themselves out of the Vortex, but swim with the Current of Celestial Matter in which they are plung'd. In like manner, the Disproportion of Solidity that is betwixt many Planets, carried in the same Vor­tex, is the cause that some remain more remote from the Centre or Star, and others approach nearer to it; for a Planet descends towards the Centre, as long as the Celestial Matter that's below it, is better able to mount farther from the Centre, the one necessarily following the other, according to the Laws of Motion. Thus, because Mercury was less solid than Venus, he came nearer to the Sun than she; and the Cele­stial [Page 227] Matter that's above him, forc'd him to that descent, because it had more Strength than he to get at a Distance from the Centre, and it oblig'd not Venus to sink so low, because the Ballance betwixt it and Venus was equally pois'd, the one having neither more nor less Power to deviate from the Centre of their Motion than the other. But as it sometimes fortunes in our World, that Petty Princes making War with one another; after having fought some Time, and the Conquerors as well as the Conquered drain'd themselves of Men and Mony, a common and powerful Enemy comes thundring upon them, and devours them all: So here happens a sudden Revolution in M. Descartes's World, that reduc'd Iupiter and the Earth to the same Condition they had reduc'd the other Stars, whose Vortexes they had demolish'd: Both the one and the other

[figure]

[Page 228] no less than Mars and Saturn became Planets, and the Sun, the sole and universal Conqueror, ex­tended his Vortex over all the Space the other had possess'd before, and constrain'd them all to turn about himself.

M. Descartes exemplify'd this Matter by certain Whirl-pools we sometimes see in Rivers, whereof one great one, that often contains in it many little ones, represents the great Solary Vortex, and the little ones represent the Vortexes of Iupi­ter and the Earth. Those little Whirl-pools are carried along by the Motion of the greater, and turn about its Centre, whilst themselves make every thing that comes in the Reach of their Cir­cumference, suppose Straws, or little Chips, to turn about their own: Thus the Earth carries round the Moon in her Vortex, and Iupiter his Sa­tellites in his.

Having seen so many fine diverting Sights, and so near a Resemblance of this little World, with our great one, our Curiosity tempted us to a more particular Enquiry, and thorough In­struction in all Things that concern'd the Planet representing the Earth, which we inhabit. But M. Descartes told us, That in case we would see all Things in Order and Succession, as they should be, it would be several Hours Work to put that Planet in the Posture and Circumstances our Earth is at present in, and besides we should see no­thing more occur in it than he had observ'd, in the fourth Part of his Book of Principles, in de­scribing the Formation of the Earth, as he at that Time conceiv'd it. Besides that Subtil Matter, whereof it was compos'd, whilst it was yet a Star, which Matter is lodged in the Centre, and besides that Shell, infinitely hard, [Page 229] that dams it in, I conceiv'd, said he, a kind of third Region, constituted of the Parts of the third Element, not very strictly united: And I yet farther divided that third Region into three Stories, before I imagin'd to my self the Earth in the Capacity it has at present, and in which I am going to put my own.

1 The Centre of the Earth, full of the Matter of the First Element. M the internal Shell that covers it. C the Place of Metals. D Water. E Earth, on which we tread. V Air.

The lowest of these Subordinations was, accord­ing to my Position, an Arch of very Solid and Heavy Matter, and there I place the origin of Metals. The Second, which I rang'd above it, was a Liquid Body, constituted of the Parts of the third Element, pretty long, very flexible and pliant, as it were little Eels, temper'd with an abundance of the Parts of the second Element, which was nothing else but what we usually call Water. Lastly, above all this I suppos'd a third Vault, made of the most clinging and craggy Parts of the third Element, whose sensible Parts [Page 230] were only Stones, Sand, Clay and Mud, and which was very porous: And this is the outward Surface of the Earth, on part of which tread Mortal Men.

Next, I explain'd, how in that upper Vault of the Earth, by its being expos'd to the con­stant Beating of the two first Elements against it, that rush'd through its Pores with Violence; there were made a World of Crevices and Chinks, which being in Time inlarg'd by little and little, its structure at last, all of a sudden fail'd, and broke in Pieces; whereupon its Ruins fell in part of the Water below it, of the second Story, and forc'd it above them, be­cause it was less weighty; and that's the Water which constitutes the Seas. Some Parts of the Vault were still upheld, and remain'd suspended, as it often happens in the downfal of great Build­ings; these were not drown'd, and they were these that made the Plains, and level Parts of the Earth. Lastly, some Pieces, as they fell, were shelv'd and supported against one another, and raised above the rest; and thus came the Inequalities of the Earth, which we call Mountains.

[figure]

[Page 231] You plainly see then, said M. Descartes, that to shew you the Train of all these Things would demand a great deal of Time: But the Hour of your Departure hastens on, I remit you there­fore to my Book for Satisfaction in all those Par­ticulars. I am going now to make an Abridg­ment of all those Motions, and to shew you in as little Time as we are speaking on't, this Earth, exactly like yours, with Mountains, Val­leys, Plains and Seas. No sooner said than done: He falls to determining the Motion of an infinite Number of those long and flexible Parts of the third Element, and agitating them, by playing among them the Parts of the second, in the several Places, where he had heap'd them to gether, we saw presently a kind of Sea diffuse itself over the Face of the Earth; it was a less Trouble to him to raise Mountains, by only amassing together an abundance of the branchy Parts of the third Element, and causing them to link and graple with each other, whereby there stood in many Places great and mighty Piles, nothing differing from our Mountains. That Earth look'd very bare and naked, without Trees, without Herbs, without Flowers; for to produce all those Things that are the greatest Ornaments to our Earth, was a Business that would take up longer Time.

This done, he employ'd the rest of the Time that we staid with him, in the consideration chiefly of two Things: First, of the Gravity, or rather of the Motion of Bodies we call Heavy, towards the Centre. And secondly, of the Man­ner of the Ebbing and Flowing of the Sea. He began with the first, and explained it at this rate.

[Page 232] Take notice, said he, that this Earth turns upon its Axis in its Vortex; it has not that Pow­er of Moving of itself, but it is carried about by the Stream of the Celestial Matter that sur­rounds it, which whirling with a more rapid Motion than the Earth, spends the overplus in making other Motions in all Parts, and especially in squeezing and pressing Terrestrial Bodies against the Earth; a Pressure so necessary, that take it but away the whole Earth would crumble all in Pieces, and all the Men and Animals on the Surface of the Earth of your World would be hurl'd into the Fluid Space, according to my grand Principle of Motion; that every Body that turns circularly, as does the Earth with all that is upon it flies fromward the Centre of its Motion, if not prevented by the other Bodies that keep it in, as does the Pression of the Cele­stial Matter.

S the Sun. T the Earth. AB CD the little Vortex of the Earth. NA CZ the great Orb wherein the Earth is carried round the Sun.

[Page 233] And it is for the same Reason, that a Terre­strial Body forc'd into the Air, is oblig'd to de­scend towards the Centre of the Earth, because it has less Force to digress from the Centre than has the Mass of Air, which it ought to dis­mount to get into its Place: And the Reason why it hath less Force to digress from the Cen­tre is, because it contains much more Matter of the third Element, and much less of the second than the Mass of Air equal to it in Bigness. Now the Matter of the third Element is dull and more unactive, and unable to get rid of the Centre, than the Matter of the second, it must therefore descend. Your Peripatetick Quality, continu'd he, and Democritus, and Gassendi's Chains made of link'd Atoms, are not worth a Straw, in comparison of what I say, and with that he cast a Stone on high, to shew us by Ex­perience the Truth of what he had been Teaching.

The next thing was the Flux and Reflux of the Sea: For the better understanding this, he bade us first conceive, That the Vortex of the Earth was of an oval Figure. Secondly, That that of its Diameters, in which was the Moon, both in the New and in the Full, was the least of them all. Thirdly, That the Centre of the Earth was not the Centre of the Vortex, but was a little distant from it, 'cause of the Moon, that in whatever Part of the Circumference she was found, made the Space betwixt her and the Earth more strait; and by consequence hindred [Page 234] the Celestial Matter from flowing in so free a Course betwixt

1 The Figure of the Vortex of the Earth.

them; and hence it follows, That the Earth, whose Place and Station, is no otherwise deter­min'd, than by the Equality of Opposition, that presses it on every Side, ought to recoil a little towards that part of the Vortex that is opposite to the Moon. Fourthly, Whereas the Celestial Matter, that circuits with far greater Speed than the Earth and Moon, must find the Passage that lies betwixt them very narrow, in comparison of that Liberty and Room it had before, it must inevitably flow more rapidly in that Place, and at once press more violently upon the Air and Water: And to conclude, there ought to be an almost equal Pressure in the opposite Part of the Vortex, by the same reason of that Recoiling of the Earth.

[Page 235] He made us forthwith acknowledg the Truth of all those Principles and Effects that naturally follow them; for upon his placing the Moon perpendicular to the Equator of the Earth, we immediately saw first the Sea press'd by that Mat­ter to sink lower, and its Waters thus press'd and crowded hurry towards the Poles, and spread themselves successively on the Shores, proportionably to their Distance from the Equa­tor. 2. The Terrestrial Globe rowling on his Axle from West to East, we beheld the Pressure of the Moon to light on several Places after one another, according to the Succession of Meridi­ans. 3. That successive Pressure of the different Parts of the Sea had this necessary effect, viz. to cause it to swell and fall in several Places, according to the plain and evident Rules of Sta­ticks, which gave us a most exquisite and natural Idea of the Flux and Reflux of the Sea, consisting in this, that by how much it is mounted, by so much it is depress'd, and as often as it mounts in one Place it is depress'd in another; all these Motions going on regularly after each other, and being set, and punctual, as to Space of Time.

Again, since the Diameter of the Vortex, wherein this little Moon must necessarily be in its Conjunctions and Oppositions, was the least of all; and on the contrary, that in which it would be found in its quadratures the greatest, it was evident to us, that the depression and sinking of the Waters must be far greater in the Conjuncti­ons and Oppositions than in the Quadratures, and consequently that the Sea must flow with greater impetuosity and Vehemence towards the Shore, or which is all one, that the Tides be far greater [Page 236] in the New and Full Moons than at any other Time, and in the Equinoxes than in the Solstices, as it really happens in our World.

He next observ'd to us the particular Pheno­mena's of the Flux and Reflux, founded on the same Principles, and minded us especially of the Reason, why we never see any Ebbing and Flow­ing in Lakes and Ponds, let them be never so great, unless they have some Communication with the Sea: For if, said he, those Lakes and Ponds be beyond the Tropicks, they are never at all press'd by the Moon; and for those that are under the Torrid Zone, within the Tropicks, they take not up a compass of Ground, enough to cause that one Side of their Superficies should be more press'd than the other by the Globe of the Moon. Now that Inequality of Pressure is the only cause of that Vicissitude of Motions, which we call the Flux and Reflux of the Sea.

I was wonderfully taken with this Explication, and that way of solving the Flux and Reflux is so handsome, that those that demonstrate to M. Descartes the Earth cannot have a Vortex, at least an Oval one, ought upon that Consideration to shew themselves a little merciful to him: But these Philosophers are a very ungentile and brutish sort of Creatures, and know not what it is to be generous towards their Adversaries.

Mean while all the other Motions were per­form'd in the little World with all possible ex­actness, Mercury, Venus, Mars, and the rest of the Planets, having once obtain'd their Post in the Vortex of the Sun, were extraordinary pun­ctual to their Courses. He began to exhale Va­pors, and to form them into Clouds, about the little Earth. To say no more, I was charm'd [Page 237] with all these Prodigies: But we must now re­solve on our Departure, and 'twas high Time we were a going. It was well-nigh four and twenty Hours since we left the Earth, and M. Descartes, who, as I have noted before, dis­approv'd of their Conduct that deserted their Body before Death, and the Orders of the Sove­reign Being, had dismiss'd them, advis'd us him­self to defer the entire Satisfaction of our Curi­osity till another Time. I made him a courte­ous Acknowledgment and Resentment of his Fa­vours, assuring him of the vast Esteem I had both for his Person and Doctrin. I beg'd the Favour of proposing to him the Scruples that might occur hereafter upon his Philosophy, when­ever I had an Opportunity of sending a Letter to him. He express'd on his Part a World of Kind­ness for me, exhorted me to a most sincere and hearty Love of Truth, and presented me with two Hyperbolical Glasses to make me a Perspective Glass, wherewith, he assur'd me, I might stand on the Earth, and discover all the Curiosities of the Globe of the Moon, and the Animals them­selves,Let. de Descart. if there were any. He hath demonstrat­ed in his Dioptricks the Excellence of that Figure, for the Glasses of a Telescope, beyond all other. He endeavour'd to have them made in Holland, and contriv'd an Engine for that Purpose, but he could not find Artists capable of accomplish­ing his Design and his Idea with that Exactness as was necessary. He brought us on our Way as far as the second Heaven, which is that of Stars, and left Father Mersennus with us, to conduct us Home.

[Page 238] Some distance from the Stars, Aristotle's Em­bassadors meeting some Philosophers of their Country and Acquaintance, desir'd us not to take it amiss, that they accompanied them, and took their Leave, but indifferently satisfied with their Voyage and Negotiation. Seeing we were in great haste, we stay'd no where on the Road, and avoided all Harangues and Disputes with every Person whatsoever, though we met in diverse Places very many Spirits, that would willingly have joyn'd Discourse with us. Father Mersennus, as we pass'd along, made me observe the Disposition of the Vortexes, and the situa­tion of the different Elements that compos'd them, and especially the Balls of the second Ele­ment, that I had no Apprehension of so long as I was stock'd with Peripatetick Notions, but that I saw take up the greatest part of the Universe, since I was turned Cartesian. In less than six Hours Time we arriv'd at my House, where there fell out a most unfortunate Disaster; for in pitching with a most violent descent, and not considering the Glasses I had with me, as I pass'd athwart my Chamber-wall, and my Glasses in Bodily Quality, could not enter, they were stopt, and dash'd in a thousand Pieces, by the reason of the unaccountable Swiftness wherewith they flew against the Stones; and thus I was depriv'd of the Pleasure of making the Expe­riment, that M. Descartes had warranted, of seeing from our Earth all the Occurrences in the Globe of the Moon as distinctly as if I was perso­nally there.

I found my Body somewhat fainty and very feverish, by the reason of a Fast of above thirty Hours. Before I entred I would have persua­ded [Page 239] the little Negro to reinstate my Brain in its Quondam- capacity, fearing lest he had unhing'd some Clock-work there: For that there must be something more than ordinary in that Machine, to cause such prodigious Alterations in the Soul of Man; and I had been very finely serv'd, if ha­ving been reunited with my Body, I had found my self a Fool; but the little arch Devil of a Spirit refused to do it, telling me withal, That I was highly oblig'd to him, for setting me right in my Ideas. I must therefore venture on't for better for worse; so that having thankt Father Mersennus and my old Gentleman, for the favour vouchsaf'd me by their Company in so fine a Voyage, my Soul entred her Body, and fail'd not in quality of a Cartes [...]an Soul, to seat her self in the Pin [...]al Gland of my Brain.

I had requested Father Mersennus to oblige me so far as to see me again before he return'd to M. Descartes's World, that I might convey a Letter of Thanks by him to that great Philoso­pher, that had treated me so generously and gentilely. He promised me he would, and ac­cordingly returned at a Months end, which he spent partly in the World, in dispatching some Commissions of M. Descartes, partly in the seve­ral Planets and different Places of the wide Space, which he travers'd i [...] search of some old Cartesians, on that Philosopher's Account, to inform them of his Place of Residence, and of the grand Design he was ready to put in Execu­tion. I gave him the Letter, which I have joyn'd to this Relation, and with which i'll finish it.

A VOYAGE TO The World of Cartesius.
PART IV.

MY Soul thus seated on the Pineal Gland of my Brain, as a Queen upon her Throne, to conduct and govern all the Mo [...]ons of the Machine of my Body, was extrea [...]ly pleas'd with the change of her Ideas; and complimented her self with the honourable new Character of Cartesian, wherewith I began to be distinguisht amongst the Learned. I found my self immediately dis­pos'd for the Humour and Spirit of that Tribe of Philosophers; and could not mention, with­out disdain, the Philosophy of the Colleges, good only, said I, to corrupt the Mind, and fill it [Page 241] with empty and confus'd Ideas, and fit for no­thing but to entertain the vanity of a Pedant. Descartes was the first, and indeed the only Phi­losopher, the World has ever known; the re [...]t in respect of him were mere Children Wrang­lers and Legendaries. Being invited some days after to a Thesis of Philosophy, it cannot be imagin'd what Violence it was to me to resolve to go. I could not forbear gaping all the while I staid, looking down from the exaltation of my Soul, with pity on all I heard. One of the first things I did, was the degrading the Suarez's, Fonseca's, Smigletius's and Goudin's, &c. in my Library, cashiering them of the considerable Post they held, and abandoning them to a mouldy Chest of Lumber, there to lye at the Mercy of the Dust and Vermin, to be succeeded by M. Descartes, bound in a fine Turky Cover, and all his illustrious Disciples.

Before my Conversion to Cartesianism, I was so pitiful and Tender-hearted, that I could not so much as see a Chicken kill'd: But since I was once persuaded that Beasts were destitute both of Knowledg and Sense, scarce a Dog in all the Town, wherein I was, could escape me, for the making Anatomical Dissections, wherein I my self was Operator, without the least inkling of Compassion or Remorse; as also at the open­ing of the Disputes and Assemblies of the Learn'd, which I thought good to keep at my House, for the inhancing and propagating the Doctrin of my Master in the Country; the first Oration I made before them, was an Invective against the Ignorance and Injustice of that Sena­tor, the Ar [...]opagite, that caus'd a Noble Man's Child to be declar'd for ever Incapacitated from [Page 242] entring on the Publick Government, whom he had observ'd take pleasure in pricking out the Eyes of Jack-Daws, that were given him to play with.

Notwithstanding, I must ingenuously confess, that as resolv'd a Cartesian as I was, I was not insensible of some weighty Scruples, the more Ingenious sort rais'd in me, in our Conferen­ces. I perceived also that the farther I went, the more they increas'd, and if M. Descartes does not settle and compose the Fluctuation of my Mind, by a just and clever Answer to the Letter I have wrote him on that Subject, I have great Fears the Traces of my Brain will change, and the Animal Spirits resume their wonted Current. This is the Copy of the Letter I sent to M. Descartes, that contains the principal of those Difficulties, which I thought not unworthy of the Publick.

A Letter to M. Descartes.

Monsieur,

I Cannot sufficiently express my Acknowledg­ments, of the Honours and Civilities I re­ceiv'd from you, during that transitory Stay I made in your Parts of the highest Heavens: The few good Qualities and Accomplishments, you must necessarily find in me, prevented not your treating me as a Person qualify'd with the great­est Merit. For you to build an intire World before my Face, and to give your self the trou­ble of making me comprehend the whole Con­trivance, to see all the Wheels and Springs of [Page 243] so admirable a Machine, was an Honour greater in its kind, than what the King vouchsafes Em­bassadors, Princes and mighty Personages, by com­manding all the Water-works to be plaid for them at Versailles. You may infallibly reckon from that time, that I am devotedly at your Service; and that having made your self abso­lute Master of my Vnderstanding, by those sub­limated Notices you have communicated, you have yet more irresistibly captivated my Will, by those extraordinary Favours you have heap'd upon me.

The Reverend Father Mersennus, who readily condescended to the trouble of this Letter, will inform you more at large, both what my real Sentiments are of your Person and your Do­ctrin. My Behaviour, since my return, hath throughly convinc'd him, that there never was a Disciple more Zealous than my self, for the Honour, Growth and Advancement of the Sect. In less than a Month, since my Arrival from your World, I have cast Terror and Confusion in the Face of Peripateticism throughout the Land. I have inspirited with new Life and Courage, those few drooping Cartesians that remain'd, but liv'd in Obscurity and Silence, solacing themselves with the private enjoyment of Truth, but were very remiss in promoting her Interest there, where she had been but ill receiv'd. Twice every Week I hold publick Disputes at my House, and indeavour therein, as much as possi­ble, to give Vogue and Reputation to your Doctrin; I have already made some Conquests among the Peripateticks, many whereof appear there, and excepting two or three, who are un­governably headstrong and conceited, they will [Page 244] all be my own, as soon as I shall have answer'd some pretty substantial Objections, they have propos'd against several Points of your Philo­sophy. The chief of which respect the general Construction of your World. And whereas in that Affair, they pretend to destroy your Con­clusions by your own Principles, and some a­mongst them are Men of Parts, that give a spe­cious and probable turn to their Arguments, in so much that I have sometimes been put to't to find the Fallacy, I thought my self oblig'd to have recourse unto the Oracle, and that I could do nothing better than consult You your self, as you gave me Permission, and intreat you to communicate your Thoughts, as soon as possible thereupon. A Voyage from the third Heaven to this Place, is no great business for your little Moor. Thus then these Gentlemen, to my best Remembrance, fell to Work.

They began by proposing two or three trite Arguments, daily made use of in the Desks, to confute your System; and to shew that it is a meer Chymera, and not to be suffered as a simple Hypothesis, should they grant the Principles you your self lay down. M. Descartes (say they) supposes, first, That God creates Matter; se­condly, That he divides it into infinite little cubical Parts, and lastly, determining several great Portions of this Matter, he puts them in a circular Motion, and at once makes the little cubical Parts, of which the great Portions, call'd by him Vortexes, are compos'd, to turn about their proper Center. But it is impossible, they adjoyn, to conceive the division and motion of Matter upon his Principles.

[Page 245] For [...] as to the division, it can be conceiv'd but by one of these two ways; either by supposing betwixt the Parts divided some empty Spaces, or imagining those Intervals fill'd up with some Bodies or Matter of a different Nature from the Parts. And thus though Nature every where is full, we conceive four Dice laid close to one another, as four distinct cubical Bodies; for though there is nothing of a void betwixt them, we yet perceive a little Interval fill'd with Air, that hinders our Conception of them, as of one single Body: But by the Principles of Cartesi­anism, we can conceive it neither one way nor the other. For we must not suppose a Vacuity betwixt the Parts divided, since a Vacuum is ut­terly thrown out of that System. Nor is it easier to conceive a Body of a different Nature, since the distinction of Bodies, according to the Author of the System, is not to be conceiv'd, till after the agitation and motion of Matter. That division therefore is an Absurdity.

As to the business of Motion, that's in a worse Case still; for how is it possible to conceive that all those cubical Parts, that are universally hard, impenetrable and incapable of Compression, should turn about their Center, and break in pieces, unless they find or make a Vacuum? For the diminutiveness of them will not help us out, since let them be as little as you can sup­pose them, they are still hard and impenetrable as Adamant, and all combine together to desist the Motion of each Particular. That Hypothesis therefore is indefensible, and Descartes his very first Supposition is deny'd.

[Page 246] These, Monsieur, were the first Passes these Gentlemen made at me, the first Blows I was to ward off, in the Defence of the System of your World. They had been taken out of the Books of very Ingenious Men; and whereas the Gentlemen, your Disciples (as if it was their Maxim and their Method, never to be put out of their own Road, which is barely to give an Exposition and a Proof of their Doctrin) trouble not much their Heads with Objections that are made them, since they are not oblig'd to the formal Answer of the Desk; these Argu­ments pass'd for unanswerable, and such as at the very entrance of Dispute baffled the Cartesi­an. But the more impregnable my Adversaries appear'd in so good Accoutrements and Arms, the more my Honour was advanc'd in disabling and disarming them.

As I had diligently read your Works, and above all, the Book of Principles, and that In­titled, a Treatise concerning Light, or M. Descar­tes's World, I answer'd the first Argument, by pleading a false Indictment charg'd on you, for making a distinction of Instants betwixt the Division and the Motion, as if you had held that God divided the Matter in one Instant, and mov'd it another: I said you never suppos'd that Matter was divided before its Motion: That the manner of proposing your System in the third Part of Principles, suppos'd no such di­stinction, and that in the Treatise of Light, where you describ'd the formation of the World, you said positively the contrary; advertising your Reader, That that Division of Matter consisted not in God's separating its Parts, so as to leave a Vacuity betwixt them; but that all the di­stinction, [Page 247] you suppos'd God made in them, consisted in the diversity of Motions that he gave, causing some from the first instant of their Creation to commence their Motion one way, some another; so that in this Instance Division and Motion were the same Thing, or at farthest one could not be without the other. That you would be as forward as any of them to confess, That nothing was more absurd, in reference to your other Principles, than to suppose the Parts of Matter still and in Repose, and yet divided, since, according to you, the Union of the Parts of a solid Body, such as Matter must be con­ceiv'd before its Motion, consists in that Rest they enjoy by one another: And farther, that it was full as easie to comprehend how Division was made by Motion, and yet cotemporary with the same Motion, as to understand how I can tear a Sheet of Paper, by dividing it in two half Sheets, one whereof I hand towards the East, the other towards the West. I hereupon pro­duc'd the Books that I had cited, and shew'd them the very Places in dispute: They were convinc'd by plain Matter of Fact, and had no more to urge against it.

But we had not so soon done with the Motion of Matter; we must necessary still dispute, tho' very calmly, without the least Passion or wrang­ling, since the generality of those I had to deal with were well bred, honest Gentlemen, that would submit to Reason. The Question was, to explain, how the Parts of Matter, which we con­ceiv'd so closely press'd against one another, as not the least Interval was left betwixt them, throughout the Mass, and which we also suppos'd solid, from a settl'd Rest could skip into Motion.

[Page 248] After these Gentlemen had copiously discours'd upon the Subject, I ask'd them, If as stanch Pe­ripateticks as they were, they were throughly convinc'd, that the Fludity of Water, for instance, Was an absolute Quality, that when it was congeal'd it became Solid, by an absoute Ac­cident, call'd Solidity, and that when it was dis­solv'd, it became Liquid by an absolute Accident call'd Fluidity? That one of these Accidents made Lead run when heated, and the other fixed it when it began to cool? And on the contrary, if having read the Delicate Natural and Intelligible Way of M. Descartes's explain­ing the Nature of Fluidity, and the Properties of Fluid Bodies, by the Motion of the insensible Parts of those Bodies (a Motion which the meer Dissolution of Salts in common Water, and of Metals in Aqua Fortis evidently demonstrates) they were not at least come over to us in that Point? The most of them answered, That as they were persuaded there was no doing without absolute Qualities, in the explication of an abun­dance of Phenomenas, that which they could most easily part with was Fluidity, and that they would not quarrel with me thereupon.

This suppos'd (said I) Gentlemen, you shall be speedily satisfied, or more perplex'd than M. Descartes; for in short, in your own System, the World is full, there's an Abhor­rence of a Vacuum through the whole: Motion, notwithstanding, both is and does continue, the Sensible and Insensible Parts of Bodies are mov'd, nor does their Hardness and Impenetrability stop their Progress. Why may not M. Descartes's Matter, that is no more impenetrable than yours, enjoy the same Priviledg and Charter? Why [Page 249] must his Motion be more impossible? both you and us suppose the self [...] same Thing, and we have no more to do than defend our selves against the Epicureans, who think they demon­strate by Motion, the Necessity of their little insensible Vacuities interspers'd throughout all Bodies. Their pretended Domonstration amounts to this; To the end a Body may move, it is ne­cessary it disturb another Body from its Place: That other cannot stir, because it has not where to go, if all is full: Therefore Motion will be impossible, if there is no Receptacle or a Vacuum. On the other Hand, supposing a Vacuum among Bodies, they may be compress'd in lesser Room, and consequently may make Way for such as press against them; and thus Motion will be made. This is a meer Fallacy of theirs, which both you and we can easily unriddle, by only telling the Epicureans, That to conceive how Motion is perform'd without a Vacuum, we need only understand, That a Body is never mov'd alone, but that in the same Instant one Body quits its Place, another crowds in and takes it: And when I conceive one Body may in the same Moment take the Place another Body leaves, I perfectly conceive Motion, for there lies all the Mystery.

My Peripateticks seemed surpriz'd to see me come over them thus readily, with so neat a Conclusion, drawn from a Principle they had so freely granted me, and doubtless repented them of their Condescention: But I proceeded, by telling them, I scorned to take an Advantage over them from their Courtesie, though they were oblig'd to it by the Evidence of the Truth, and I was unwilling they should reproach me, [Page 250] as perhaps they did already in their Hearts, for having us'd Surprize, and abus'd their good Nature to insnare them; and therefore I would endeavour by their own Principles to enforce to them, at least the Probability of the Truth I was defending.

Gentlemen (said I) there are Prejudices in the Case that we are upon, proceeding from the Imagination more than Reason: We imagine, in the first Place, That a Body which we fancy in the midst of the Matter of the World, is far more press'd, if we suppose that Matter Solid, than it would be upon Supposition it were Fluid, which is manifestly false: For if the World be full, whether with Solid Matter or with Fluid, there is neither more nor less of it, but an equal Quantity in each Supposition; and consequently its Parts are no more close and crowded, sup­posing it Hard than if you suppose it Fluid. Again, we are apt to believe, That a Body, whilst it is Liquid, is ever ready to give way to the Motion of another Body; and on the con­trary, whilst 'tis Solid, it is incapable of that Com­pliance, if incompassed with other Solid Bodies. The first is prov'd evidently false, by a very common Experiment: Fill a Glass Bottle with Water, whose Neck is long and slender, then turn the Mouth of it downwards, placing it per­pendicularly upright, the Water by its own Weight is forc'd towards the Earth, it meets no other Body in its Way but Air, that is still more Liquid than it self; yet notwithstanding the Gravity and Propensity of the Water to put itself in Motion, notwithstanding the Fluidity of the Air that is below it, its Motion is impossible, and the Air makes as great an Opposition as could [Page 251] a Solid Body, wherewith you should have firm­ly stopt the Orifice of the Bottle: What is it then that thus obstructs the Motion of the Wa­ter? 'Tis the Air and Water's being in such a Situation, as no Tendency or Attempt what­soever of the Water can determine the Air, or any other Body, to come and fill its Place in the same instant that it leaves it: For as soon as it can, that is to say, as soon as you shall incline the Bottle a little Side-ways, and consequently make Way for a little Line of Air, to wind it­self in by the Side of the Water, the Motion will follow proportionably to the Space that the Air shall fill. We must not then suppose that a Liquid Body is ever disposed to yield to the Motion of other Bodies: Nor ought we more to imagine, that when a Body is Solid, and surrounded with other Solid Bodies, it never is inclinable to be mov'd, which I thus prove.

Let us suppose an hollow Globe perfectly full, partly with Water, and partly with a vast many little solid Bodies, of every Make and Figure, dispers'd all over this Mass of Water. Let us conceive all these Bodies settled and at rest; be­ing that the Water fills all the Spaces betwixt these little Bodies, we imagine the Parts of this Water of all sorts of Figures, as are the Spaces which they fill. Thus we conceive in those Spa­ces your little Globes of Water, little Triangles, little Cubes, little Hexagons, &c. Let us suppose now, that Water and all those little Bodies put in Motion.

Making then Reflection on the Figure of the Parts of this Water, before the Motion, we ea­sily conceive an Alteration in all these Figures, in the instant of Motion; that is to say, the [Page 252] little Globes of Water are divided in two half-Globes, the Cubes of Water lose their Angles, and so on. Of these little Parts, whether Solid or Liquid, some receive more Motion, some less, and briefly all so determine one another, as not the least empty Space is left, but upon one's for­saking of a Place another repossesses it in the very instant: And all this is easily perform'd by the proneness of the watery Parts to break and disengage themselves from one another. Thus in the first instant of the Motion, we ima­gine that there happen'd a Change of infinite Fi­gures; that this Change was made only by the Fraction or Separation of the Parts; that that Fraction was occasion'd by the Motion, and that the Motion was impossible without that Fraction: That the Impulse that serv'd to put these Bodies in Motion, was the Cause of both the Motion and Fraction: That the Fraction of a Part was caused immediately, whether by one of the Solid Bodies, or by another part of the Water; for instance, the Angle of a Cube was no otherwise separated from the rest of the Mass, or any other Part to which it was joyn'd, than by another part that slipt in betwixt them both, or so ex­actly seiz'd its Place, as to fit it to an Hair; and finally that nothing could prevent the Moti­on and Fraction of the Parts, except such a Situation among themselves, as rendered it impossible for one Part to take the Place of another in the Moment of Desertion; For all being full before the Motion, it is neces­sary in the Motion all remain full still.

Let us suppose at present, all this Water and all these little Bodies restated in the same Con­dition they were in before the Motion: And let [Page 253] us conceive instead of the parts of Water, that possess'd all the Intervals betwixt the solid Bo­dies, some other solid Bodies that precisely take up the same Space the Watry parts took up be­fore: Or let us only suppose the Water con­geal'd, but without any diminution or augmen­tation of its Mass. Let us farther suppose, that God made an attempt to move this Matter; and that he indeavour'd at once to divide all its parts exactly in the same manner as the parts of Water, whose place it fills, were divided in the instant of their Motion. I suppose not any Motion yet, but only an Effort for the produ­cing it, and there's no Contradiction in that Effort: But I maintain, that from that Effort or Attempt, Motion and Fraction must inevita­bly follow: And thus I argue.

From that Attempt which I suppose, Motion and Fraction must needs follow, if nothing hin­ders: But nothing hinders: For the disposition to Motion and to Fraction is the same in this Hy­pothesis, wherein I suppose nothing but solid Bodies, as it was in the foregoing, wherein I suppose liquid Bodies mixt with solid ones; and if the repugnancy to Motion and to Fraction, which some imagine in the latter, be invin­cible, it would be invincible in the former too.

For if in the first Hypothesis of liquid Bodies mingled with solid ones, we imagine the parts so crowded and determin'd, as that one going to move another is unable to gain its place, in the same instant we imagine that the Motion and Fraction of parts can never be: As it hap­pens in the Experiment of the Bottle before mentioned: Because an absolute fulness being [Page 254] suppos'd, all the parts combine in the resistance of the Motion of each Particular: But whilst we conceive the parts of this Matter so push'd and determin'd, that supposing one to move, another in the same Instant takes its place, and another the place of that; thus we conceive Motion and Fraction infallibly must follow the Impulsion. But in the second Hypothesis of solid Bodies, supposing God to force and determine the parts of those Bodies precisely in the same manner, as the Parts of Water had been determin'd in the first Hypothesis, at the first instant of Motion and Fraction; it is plain, that in case one move, another must instantly take its place, since it is exactly driven and determined, as the parts of Water was that took that place. Therefore Motion must follow in the second Hypothesis as in the first.

All the difference lyes in this, that the parts of Water being with the greatest ease imagina­bly divided, but a very inconsiderable force is required to move them; and the parts of solid Bodies being more difficult to be divided, a far greater impulse would be required to do it: But M. Descartes has liberty, if he pleases, to suppose this Infinte; and that resistance which God would find, would not be of all the parts in general, against the division of each in Parti­cular; a resistance we find insurmountable in Plenitute that's fluid: But would only be the re­sistance of each part against its own Division, which we can most distinctly conceive not to come up to invincible.

In a word, the Motion and Division of solid Bodies is possible in Pleno, whilst we conceive the different parts of these same Bodies push'd to­wards [Page 255] all parts imaginable of the Space, and so determin'd that upon one's Desertion of a place another immediately fills it: For without this Proviso, Motion is impossible even in Fluids, and with it, it is necessary though in solid Bodies.

Although, said I unto them, this Explication seems to me a true Demonstration, yet I pre­tend not to recommend it unto you as such. I am satisfied if it only staggers your Opinion of the certainty of the contrary Arguments, ordi­narily made use of in this matter; and I questi­on not but, that after you have considered it with Attention, you will grant me more than at present I demand.

In effect my Academicks seem'd well enough satisfy'd with what I said; scarce above one Scruple more stuck by them proceeding from a Supposal of theirs, that in the first Instant of division you gave a cubical Figure to all the parts of Matter. A Circumstance that still blunted their Imagination. To this I answer'd, that would they but reflect on what I had been ex­plaining to them, they would clearly perceive that Circumstance made no particular Difficulty; but throughly to dispossess them of all uneasi­ness, I assur'd them, you never had made that Supposition, as your own Words might easily convince them; that in your Book of Principles, you suppose no more than this, That all the parts of Matter were not Spherical; and that in your Discourse of Light, you give them all imagina­ble Figures: I farther shew'd▪ them the places, and brought them to confess the little Honesty or Exactness of some Authors, who thus adap­ted the Exposition of your Doctrin to their Phancy, and the way that lay most advantagious [Page 256] to attack you in. Lastly, in two or three Words I gave them your own Thoughts and Sense thereupon, which I always took to be the same with this, viz. That God in the first agi­tation and division of Matter, reduc'd it into all kind of Figures, which he forc'd and deter­min'd every way towards all sides of the Space: That he thereby made a liquid Body; great Portions whereof he after took to move them circularly and make Vortexes, wherein the gene­rality of the insensible parts that constitute them, turn'd round about their Centre; that by this Motion there was made a continual change in the parts of Matter, some losing their Angles, others uniting and linking themselves to one another. That I, after you, believ'd the same thing happen'd every moment among the insen­sible parts of all liquid Bodies; and thence it was that you infer'd the Existence and Distin­ction of your three Elements. I flatter my self Monsieur, you will not be much dissatisfy'd at my Answers, and that you will acknowledg that how far soever I am behind-hand with the rest of your Disciples in Parts and Penetration, there are but few that exceed me in the Attention you desire your Readers to bring with them in en­tring on your Books, and Application requisite before they pass their Judgment, and especi­ally before they venture to oppose them or de­fend them.

But to persue in giving you the Account of my Conferences: This I have been mentioning had two Effects. The first was to break a little our Peripateticks of that mischievous Opinion, they had admitted of your Doctrin, which they had till then regarded as full of Contradictions [Page 257] and Absurdities, absolutely incapable of De­fence, and as a System that undermin'd it self. The other was, to cause two or three of the most subtil and discerning of them, to apply themselves closely to the reading and examina­tion of your Books; whereby they have found Difficulties in earnest, that seem to me to be truly so, and upon which, as I at first observ'd to you, I was forc'd to make my Appeal to you your self. For I must confess that as Haughty as I was, upon my first Success, I am now re­duc'd to such a Maze, as makes your Light and Assistance necessary to extricate me the [...]ce.

'Tis now a Fortnight that these Gentlemen have desisted to urge any thing against your Do­ctrin; and three or four Conferences in the Interim have pass'd in the explaining your Sen­timents, and resolving some Questions they pro­pos'd to me, upon several particular Passages of your Books, of which they thought, at least pretended that they thought, they did not rightly take the meaning. This was only a Stratagem they made use of to trapan me. I was well aware of that petty Conspiracy, which doubtless would have given me some disturbance, having to deal with Men of admirable Sense, had not the goodness of the Cause I manag'd, bore up my Courage and Resolution. To con­clude, two Days since they brav'd it at an high rate; and promising or threatning in a short time, to confute the greatest part of your Me­taphysicks and your Physicks, they told me they would immediately fall aboard the System of your Vortexes: That that was to attack you in the main part; and they question'd not but [Page 258] they had upon that Article, wherewith to ruin your Physicks to all Intents and Purposes.

Notwithstanding, whereas they are as Court­ly and Obliging, as Ingenuous and Judicious, and besides were well persuaded of the difficulty of their Arguments, to save me that Perplexity and Confusion, in the trouble they foresaw I should be put to, in giving the Solution, they would not oblige me to answer them on the place: But were content to give them me in Writing, that I might return my Answer at my leisure: They only read them over to me, to see if I comprehended their Sense; and I pro­test to you, though I seem'd to Vapour, I was extraordinary pleas'd in my Mind, with those little Differences which they paid me: For they argu'd only from Matter of Fact and Prin­ciples drawn Word for Word out of your Books, which they turn'd one against another, and made them destroy themselves in so plausi­ble and probable a manner, as requir'd M. Des­cartes himself, at least one better skill'd than I am, to refute them. I shall transcribe the principal things of their Memoire, and in their own Ex­pression. They have given it this Title.

Objections offered a Cartesian by some Peripateticks, against the general System of M. Descartes's World.

FIRST, they pretend to prove that the Posture and Array in which M. Descartes has marshal'd his Matter, or his three Elements in his Vortexes, thwarts and contradicts his ge­neral Rules of Motion, which he gives himself, and the Properties he attributes to every of those Elements. And thence they'l draw such Consequences as intirely overthrow his Doctrin touching the Nature of Light.

Secondly, they will shew that his manner of explaining Light is no ways consistent with (not to repeat his Position of the Elements in the Vortexes, but) the very disposition of his Vor­texes amongst themselves.

Thirdly, they will prove, that by the Prin­ciples of M. Descartes, the Earth, no more than any other Planet, can be priviledg'd with a Pe­culiar Vortex in the Vortex of the Sun. Which being once more Demonstrated, all M. Descar­tes's Astronomy is turn'd topsy-turvy, and the whole OEconomis of his World utterly routed and destroy'd.

The first Argument.

1. We forthwith take for granted, that Master-Principle of M. Descartes, That every Body circularly mov'd constantly endeavours to eccentrick it self, and escape from the Circle it describes.

2. From that universal Principle immedi­ately follows this particular Consequence, that in a Vortex, where the Matter of the first, se­cond and third Element are circularly mov'd, all three endeavour to acquire a Motion eccen­ctrick to the Vortex.

3. We infer yet farther, from the same Prin­ciple, another Conclusion, That in that general Attempt, made by different Bodies thus agita­ted and confus'd, to deviate from the Centre of their Motion, those that are most agitated and are most fit for Motion, those, I say, must have the advantage and ascendent over the rest, to gain the Circumference of the Circle the Vortex describes, and consequently to compel the less agitated, and less fit for Motion towards the Centre of the Vortex.

Though this Conclusion should have no visi­ble and necessary Connection with the Princi­ple, as indeed it has: Yet we might warrant our use of it, by producing M. Descartes to vouch the same thing, in several places of his Books, and particularly in his fourth Part of the Book of Principles. Where he gives the reason for the Motion of heavy Bodies towards the Centre by this same Proposition.Numb. 23. That it was by vertue of that Principle, that in the Vortex [Page 261] of the Earth, Terrestrial Bodies are below the Air, and the Air below the Celestial Mat­ter.

To these we only add one more that M. Des­cartes frequently repeats, especially in the third and fourth Part of Principles, and in the eighth Chapter of his Tract of Light, viz. That the first and second Element have much more agita­tion, and are far more fit for Motion than the third, whose parts are ragged and branchy, and of a very irregular Figure.

All this suppos'd, let us agree with M. Des­cartes, that Matter having been created such as he advances, God was able to divide, and actuate it with Motion, and that he effectively has di­vided it and mov'd it. Let us stop now, and fix our Imagination and our Thoughts upon that great Partition of Matter, or upon that Vortex, that hath the polar Star for its Centre. Let us con­ceive that portion of Matter, made up of an in­finite number of little insensible Parts it self turn'd round, whilst all the little Parts are also turn'd about their proper Centre.

From this Motion must arise the three Elements, that is, the most exquisitely subtle dust of the first Element, the little Balls of the second, and the ramous Parts of the third, all which are Parts of the same Matter differing from one another meerly by their Figure and their Bigness.

Whether the third Element be cotemporary with the other two, as M. Descartes seems in some measure to suppose in his Treatise of Light: Or, whether it be form'd by the Conjunction of seve­ral Parts of the first Element hook'd to one ano­ther, as he seems to teach in the Book of Princi­ples: That Philosopher pretends, that in that [Page 262] justling and concussion of Matter, when it hath lasted long enough to break the Angles of most of the agitated Parts, the Matter of the first Element must be posted in two principal places. First, in the whole Space of the Vortex, where it ought to be dispers'd, to fill exactly all the Intervals found betwixt the Balls of the second Element, whereof the whole Substance of the Vortex or the Heaven is compos'd; Secondly, at the Centre, whither it must be forc'd by the Balls of the second Element to descend, to consti­tute a Spherical and Fluid Body, which is no­thing but the Star it self, that by the circular agitation of its Matter, and the struggle that Matter makes to procure its Inlargement from the Centre of its Vortex, thrusts the Globules of the second Element that is above it, to all Points imaginable, and communicating by their means that Impression to our Eyes, produces in them the sensation of Light.

This is the Sum of all M. Descartes's fine Do­ctrin on this Subject. But we offer to demon­strate to him, by the aforesaid Principles, which are all his own, that it is not the Matter of the first Element, but the third that ought to consti­tute the Centre of the Vortex; and thus the Stars must not be luminous, nor the Sun any more than they, but all must be opaque Bodies, as are the Planets, the Earth, and solid Masses com­pos'd of the unactive and almost motionless Parts of the third Element, entangled and link'd with one another.

The Demonstration.

When several Bodies or Parts of Matter are circularly mov'd together, those which have the least Agitation, and are least dispos'd for Moti­on, are the least able to make their escape from the Centre. And on the contrary, those that have most agitation, and are best dispos'd for Motion, are most able to make their escape, and compel the other downwards to the Centre. This is the third Principle I have suppos'd, after having deduced it from M. Descartes.

But the Matter of the first and second Ele­ment have much more agitation, and are ex­ceedingly better dispos'd for Motion than the Matter of the third. This is the fourth Princi­ple which M. Descartes constantly supposes.

Therefore the Matter of the third Element, not that of the first, ought to take up the Cen­tre of the Vortex. Which is the Proposition to be demonstrated; and is contradictory to that of M. Descartes, on which he founds his whole System concerning Light. Therefore the Sun and Stars must be dark, not resplendent Bodies. We charge nothing upon him here, but what is expresly his own; and we demand at the same time by which of his Principles, not knowing what to do with the Fragments of the blotches of the Sun, nor what use to put them to at the Centre, or near the Centre of the Vortex where they are gathered and dispersed, he makes them wrest and force themselves in to the midst of the Circumference, as branch'd and incapable of [Page 264] Motion as they are; and constitute a sort of Air, which, according to him, is extended as far as the Sphere of Mercury or farther? How comes it to pass that the first or second Element,P. 3. Prin. cip. numb. 100. that are either at the Centre or near the Centre, or immediately below these broken parts, resign so patiently the right they have by Vertue of their vehement agitation and proneness unto Motion, to the place the others get possession of towards the Circumference? And if once that irregularity and disorder, so opposite to the Laws M. Descartes hath establisht in his World be tolerated towards the Sun; why must a Stone that near our Earth shall be cast into the Air be violently retorted towards the Centre, by the Matter of the second Element below it, under pretence that the Stone hath usurp'd a place unbefitting its Quality, and only due to the Matter it hath displac'd, on account of its vehement Motion?

And thus it is that M. Descartes's Principles agree. Thus he is so very frugal as to make them serve for several purposes, even for con­tradictory Conclusions, with the assistance of some little Comparisons he can well enough ma­nage, to the blinding those that read his Works but carelesly, and are commonly design'd for nothing but to disguise his Paralogisms, and put off his Propositions that Reason cannot justify.

The second Argument.

In order to comprehend this Difficulty, we must suppose with M. Descartes, that all the fix'd Stars are not contain'd in the Circumfe­rence of the same Sphere, nor equally distant from the Centre of the visible World. That some are sunk deeper in the vast Spaces of the Firmament, others dive nearer to the Centre of the World. We must also remember that each of them have their proper Vortex, of which they are themselves the Centre, and that those Vortexes are so many different Spheres rang'd above, below, and on the sides of one another. As for Instance, we must conceive the Vortex of the Sun, in which floats our Earth, with the other Planets, as a fluid Sphere, surrounded with many others like it, which it touches in several points of its external Superficies, just as a Bowl incompass'd on every side with other Bowls touches them all in different parts of its Circumference.

[Page 266]

S The Vortex of the Sun.

In the third place we must recollect M. Des­cartes's manner of explaining Light, which con­sists in that endeavour the Matter of the first Ele­ment makes at the Centre of the Vortex, to get farther from the Centre, whence, pressing on the Celestial Matter, or the second Element in all imaginable Points, that impulse and that [Page 267] pressure light on all the Lines that reach to the Circumference of the Vortex; some of which necessarily falling on our Eye, when directed to­wards the Star or Sun, make such a Pression and Vibration there, as determine our Soul to that Perception which goes by the Name of Vision.

[figure]

This Figure will easily explain it, where the little Points at the Centre of the Circle repre­sent the Matter of the first Element, or the Body of the Star. The Lines drawn out to the Cir­cumference, represent the Celestial Matter, whose Rays concenter in the Eye plac'd at the Circumference of the Vortex.

We presume to affirm, That in this Situ­ation of the Vortexes, we who are in that of the Sun should not be able to see the Stars, Monsieur Descartes's Principles suppo­sed.

[Page 268] Let us add to the preceding Figure, four other Vortexes, supposing them the Vortexes of four Stars that are nearest to that of the Sun.

[figure]

Let the Eye, plac'd in the other Figure to be­hold the Sun, be turn'd towards one of these Vortexes, to behold, for Instance, the Star B. wee'l demonstrate by M. Descartes's Principles, that it is not possible to be seen.

The Demonstration.

The Eye can no ways obtain the sight of the Star B, but by means of the Rays or Lines of the Celestial Matter, push'd by that Impulse the Star B. causes in strugling to get from the Centre of its Vortex, which Impulse is communicated to the Eye, by its pressure and concussion of the [Page 269] Strings of the Optick Nerve. But this is impossi­ble, supposing the Eye placed in the Vortex of the Sun. And thus we prove it.

That Impulse must be communicated to the Eye by one of these two ways; either immedi­ately by a Ray, or Line of Matter drawn from the Vortex of the Star and Terminating in the Eye; or mediately by a Line of the Solary Vor­tex, in which the Eye is plac'd, retorted on the Eye by the Vortex of the Star. As if the Line B, A. of the Stellary Vortex, should retort upon the Eye the Line A. C. of the Solary Vortex. For it is impossible to conceive the Star should cause any Impression on the Eye but by one of these two ways: But neither the one nor the other will serve our turn.

Not the first, because the Vortexes, according to M. Descartes, have each their circumscrib'd and separate Sphere of activity, and a Motion altogether different. Insomuch that the Lines of the one are never blended with the Lines of the other: But end severally at the Circumfe­rence of their own Vortex; and if once that Communication or rather Confusion should be admitted, all would speedily return, into that confus'd and disorderly Chaos, from which M. Descartes will have his World extracted, by the only Laws of Motion; and farther, since there is no point in the Vortex of the Sun, wherein we cannot see the Star, the Matter of the Stars Vortex must necessarily possess all the Space of the Vortex of the Sun; than which no­thing can be more absurd.

There remains the second way, which will prove as useless as the former to M. Descartes, proceeding on his Principles; forasmuch as with [Page 270] him the Vortexes, though unequal perhaps in Big­ness, must be ever equally matcht in Power and Efficacy. For, says he, unless there was that equality betwixt them, they would infallibly destroy each other. Now that equality pro­ceeds from this, that the Star of a Vortex mov­ing still uniformly round, presses the Matter of its Sphere towards the Circumference, and a­gainst the neighbouring Vortexes precisely with so much force as the Stars of the other Vortexes press the Matter of their Sphere in opposition to it. Which is the reason, according to him, that they always maintain their Ground against each other: But from hence also we manifestly conclude, That the Matter of one Vortex is in­capable of repelling that of another, or causing it to recoil towards the Centre, from whence it struggles and contends to move with all its force, reliev'd also with the whole Posse of the Star that pushes it. Therefore that Effort, the Mat­ter of a Star makes to get farther off the Cen­tre, can make no Impression on our Eye, so long as it is in the Solary Vortex; since the com­munication of that Impression is utterly pre­vented by the Matter of the Solary Vortex, that with all its might and main resists it, and con­sequently hinders that pressure on the Organ, which is the only cause of Sight. To explain our selves by a comparison much like that so of­ten made use of by M. Descartes. Let us sup­pose a blind Man, whose Hand stirring neither one way nor other, touches the end of a Staff. Let us again suppose his Hand so capacitated and dispos'd, that for the Perception of the Staff it is not sufficient that it be immediately con­tiguous to it, but that there be besides that Con­tact, [Page 271] some pressure of the Staff against the Hand. Let us in the third place suppose another Hand, pushing it strongly against that of the blind Man. Lastly, let us suppose that a third Person, holding the Staff in the middle, indea­vours to withhold it from the Hand of the blind Man, and that this indeavour be exactly equal to that the second Hand makes the contrary way. In this case the Staff, will advance neither one way nor other, it will make no pressure on the Hand of the blind Man, and consequently, according to the first part of the Supposition, he will not be sensible of it.

[figure]

Let us apply this to the Case in Dispute: We will imagine a Line of Celestial Matter reach­ing from the Eye to the Circumference of the Solary Vortex. The immediate Conjunction of that Line with the Eye is insufficient to produce [Page 272] the sensation of Light, unless something more be added. That then which must be added, is an impulse and pressure of that Line against the Eye, which will determine it to see; and this is the Doctrin of M. Descartes. But now whence comes that pressure in the Hypothesis before us? It cannot proceed precisely from that Line of Celestial Matter, seeing it makes a directly con­trary Attempt, to withdraw it self from the Eye towards the Circumference of the Solary Vortex. It must then, if at all, proceed from the Line of the neighbouring Star's Vortex, that reflects the aforesaid Line against the Eye. But this making as forcible an Attempt to get from, as that to press it on the Eye; it is plain, that Effort and Impulse can no more reach the Eye, than can the Effort of the Hand that pushes the Staff, arrive to the Hand of the blind Man; and that the Eye admits no pression from the Cele­stial Matter requisite to cause the Perception of Sight: Like as the blind Man's Hand receives no Impression of the Staff, requisite to excite the Sense of Feeling, or to cause the Perception of the Staff; and consequently the Eye, plac'd in the Vortex of the Sun, will be as far from seeing the Star, as the blind Man from feeling the Staff.

But for a Confirmation of all this, we must remember, that in the Principles of Descartes, not only what interrupts that Effort and that Pressure, but also what ever weakens or curtails one or the other, consequently frustrates the effect of the luminous Object on the Eye; and thus it is that Philosopher explains the spots of the Sun, or those defailures of Light, that appear in several parts of the Convex of that [Page 273] Luminary. For, according to him, the parts of the third Element, hookt and ingendred with each other on the Surface of the Sun, keep the Matter of the first Element, of which the Sun is made, from pushing the Celestial Matter to­wards my Eye, with so much force as formerly: Which is the reason that the Lines of the Ce­lestial Matter, which touch my Eye, and which we suppose extended to that Matter of the third Element flak'd upon the Body of the Sun, are no longer Rays of Light, that should represent to me that part of the Sun as bright as all the rest. So that the Light, which I perceive in all the Sun besides, causes me to perceive in that part of the Sun a defect of Light, which we call a Spot or Stain. Now it is evident that this Portion of Matter of the third Element, that only floats upon the Surface of the Sun, breaks the force, wherewith the Matter of the Sun pushes the Celestial Matter against my Eye, much less, than if a force equal to that of the Matter of the Sun stood determin'd, and fully bent against it, as it happens in this Case, where the Matter of the Solary Vortex with­stands the Effort of the Star, and consequently hinders it from making any Impression on my Eye. And here let M. Descartes shuffle and cut, and make what stir he pleases to recover his Reader, by an Explication of Refractions made in the Rays of the Star, upon their passage through the Vortex of the Sun; his only Design is to lurk and secure himself in that Darkness and Obscurity with which he purposely benights the Question. Let him only tell us what he means by those Rays of the Star that arrive to the Earth athwart the Solary Vortex. But what [Page 274] we have said will sufficiently evidence, how groundless and trifling will appear whatever shall be urg'd thereupon.

[figure]

But if it be impossible to conceive the commu­nication of the Effort and Impulsion of a Star, whose Vortex immediately borders on the Suns, what will become of the other Stars, whose Vortexes are infinitely distant from that of the Sun, and which must make a sensible impression on our Eye across a great many Vortexes, whose Matter is differently mov'd, and are all so many Obstacles to that Communication? Doubtless, though all we have been urging amounted not to a Demonstration, in respect of the Stars situate near the Sun, it would infallibly, in respect of all the other. So that instead of those infinite Stars, we see sparkling in the F [...]rmament by night, we should not discover an hundred with the best Perspectives.

[Page 275] What now if we should add it were impossi­ble to see the Sun it self? Yet this may be prov'd by the same Principles; for no more is requisite for this, than that the Earth should have a particular Vortex, whose Motion should equalize and resist that of the Celestial Matter which the Sun pushes towards our Eyes. But so much is true, according to Descartes himself; for he expresly teaches, That the Earth hath a particular Vortex, whose Matter struggles as much as possible from the Centre. That effort is contrary to the effort of the Matter of the Solary Vortex on that side which is inlightned by the Sun. That effort is equal to that of the Matter of the Sun: Otherwise the Vortex of the Earth would run to ruin. Therefore the Im­pression of the Sun cannot be communicated to our Eye.

What shall we say of the Planets and Comets, which are seen by the help only of the reflected Rays of the Sun, and that consequently are not so strong as if they were direct? If the Earth's Vortex, arguing on Descartes's Principles, is able to obstruct the latter, how much easier is it to ob­struct the former, and hinders us from seeing all those Stars?

All this seem'd very difficult; and before we turn'd Cartesians, we had a mind to be satisfy'd thereupon. But one thing yet remains, and perhaps something better than ordinary, upon the particular Vortex of the Earth, which is Matter of a third Difficulty in us.

The third Argument.

This third Difficulty is well grounded on M. Descartes's Principles, and brings such weighty Consequences against the System of his World, as though all the rest were insignifi­cant, would alone unravel the finest Contexture in it. He supposes the Earth to have a Vortex particular to it self in the great Vortex of the Sun. A Priviledge also he confers on Iupiter, but denies the Moon. He explains this Suppo­sition in a plain and very familiar way, exem­plifying it by those great Whirl-pools we some­times see in Rivers. In the midst of these great Whirl-pools there are several little ones, that at­tend the Motion of the bigger, and are carryed round their Centre, and at once whirl Chips and Straws about their own. Nothing could be bet­ter thought on for the making us understand how the Earth and Iupiter, when carried about the Sun by the Matter of the Grand Solary Vor­tex, at the same time cause the other Planets to circuit about themselves; how the Moon is forc'd about the Earth, and four little Planets a­bout Iupiter. But as Ill-luck would have it, ex­amining that Hypothesis by the Principles of our Philosopher, we found it absolutely impossible. [Page 277]

[figure]

The Demonstration.

Either the particular Vortex attributed to the Earth is the same with what it had, whilst yet it was a Star; or else it is a new one, made since the Destruction of the other. We maintain that neither the one nor the other can be said. Therefore it can have none at all.

It cannot be that it formerly had. For 'tis M. Descartes's Position that a Star degenerates into a Planet or a Comet, by the loss only of its Vortex. According to him, a Vortex is pre­serv'd meerly by its Matter, having as much Motion and Resistance as the Matter of those a­bout it; and its Matter loses that equality of Motion and Resistance, when the Star at the Centre can no longer communicate so much by [Page 278] reason of the Scum that covers it. Now the Earth is a Star not only covered with a Scum or Dross, but with several thick Crusts of an un­accountable Depth. So that it was incapable of preserving its Vortex, which must have been quite and clean destroy'd, and swallow'd up (as M. Descartes's Latin Word expresses it) by that of the Sun. Let us see then if the Earth was able to procure a new one since its removal near the Sun.

S the Sun. T the Earth. A B C D the little Vortex of the Earth. N A C Z the great Orb wherein the Earth is carried round the Sun.

M. Descartes takes this same course to com­municate hi [...] Thoughts: He makes this Figure which represents the Vortex of the Sun, in which the Centre S is the Sun it self. The little Circle or Ellipsis design'd with C. D. B. A. represents the [Page 279] [...] [Page 280] Matter which carries the Planet round the Sun moves far swifter than the Planet. He ex­plains, I say, this Supposition by the Simily of a Boat falling down a River, which goes on much slower than the Water that flows under it: A plausible comparison at first sight, but that has nothing solid in it: Since the reason of the Boats tardy Motion in respect of the Water that for­ces it along, is wanting in the Planet, steer'd in the midst of the Celestial Matter. The reason is this, that part of the Boat, which stands a­bove the Water, meets with the opposition of the Air, which bends its course differently from the Water, and consequently resists the Motion wherewith the Water influences the Boat. And the greater that resistance is, as in a contrary Wind, the slower is the Motion of the Boat, in comparison with that of the Water. And the less the resistance is, as when the Wind stands fair, the swifter is the motion of the Boat: But this is not to be found in the Planet, plung'd in the midst of the Celestial Matter: It pre­serves intirely all that Motion the Celestial Mat­ter can impress upon it, free from all external Opposition. Besides, being of it self indiffe­rent to Motion, or to rest, to such or such a de­gree of Motion, or this or that Determination, it offers no resistance, as M. Descartes himself speaks to the Matter of the Heaven.

He gives next the reason of that inequality of Motion of the Celestial Matter, and of the Planet carried by it; which is (says he) that though such little Bodies, as are the insensible parts of the Celestial Matter, conspiring all together to act confederately against a great one, may be as prevalent as that; notwithstanding they can ne­ver [Page 281] move it in all respects so swift, as they are mov'd themselves; 'cause though they are uni­ted in some of their Motions which they com­municate unto it, they infallibly disagree in o­thers which they cannot communicate. Either we are mistaken, or this is a meer Gipsy-talk, at least in relation to the Business we are upon; and one of these Slights of Hand, we have observ'd M. Descartes from time to time to make use of, designedly to blind his Reader, and to conceal from him the Lameness and Imperfection of a Conclusion necessary to his System; which he is well aware of, but is unwilling any one else should see. 'Tis but bringing some pretty sort of Comparison that may prepare the Mind, and sooth and tame (if we may so speak) the Ima­gination of his Reader, though commonly it never comes up to the stress of the Difficulty; and then clapping on it for a Confirmation some abstracted Reason, that few either can or will take pains to understand, and the Business is done; fore-seeing that being half-gain'd al­ready by the Comparison, they will easily sur­render themselves to the least appearance of Truth, which he shall give them a glimpse of in his reason, that often is a meer fallacy at bottom. And as for this before us: What matters it, though the little Bodies, that drive on a great one, should have several Motions? What tho' they do not communicate all these several Moti­ons, provided they have still Strength enough to force it on, that the Body makes no resistance, that they all combine, as we suppose, with M. Descartes, to communicate the Motion requisite, and that we conceive them all pressing on its Surface, so as to push it towards the place where [Page 282] they are push'd themselves? For certainly in all these Circumstances, we must conceive it going at as great a rate as they.

And yet from a Principle so weakly establisht as this, he concludes, That the Celestial Matter ought to move the Planet round its own Centre, and constitute a little Heaven about it, to turn at the same time as the great one. But not now to controvert that Supposition, as poorly prov'd as it is, let us persue him in his reasoning; and to see if it be good, let us imagine the Earth T. as it were suspended in a Void, and let us fancy a Circle of Celestial Matter as thick as the Diame­ter of the Earth, that viol [...]ntly rushing like a Torrent, carries it suddenly away: But as we suppose this Torrent to be swifter than the Earth, methinks without having puzzled our Heads much with the Rules of the Determinations of Motion, we might readily conceive it, upon its violent dashing against the Earth, to be immedi­ately divided in two Parts or Arms, whereof one should run above, the other below it; and whether we conceive this Stream of an equal, or a greater depth, than the Diameter of the Earth, it would diffuse it self round its Surface, above, below, and on every side. Whence it follows, that it would impress no Motion on it about its own Centre, but would moreover deprive it of that Motion if it had one; all the Lines of the Torrent counterpoizing one another, and resist­ing the Determinations they should meet with in the Earth contrary to their own.

Here ought to be the foregoing Figure, p. 278.

Now methinks in explaining these things thus, it is not a bare Similitude that we offer, but a [Page 283] perfect Idea of that which ought to happen in the Motion of the Celestial Matter, wherein the Earth is carried round the Sun,

Wherefore then will Descartes have the Cele­stial Matter that carries the Earth, and insists a­gainst its Superficies towards A, making greater haste than the Earth, bend its whole Current from A to B, not suffering half of it to run from A to D? For 'tis impossible for things to be, or to be conceiv'd otherwise. But if it ought to fall out thus, as questionless it ought, the Earth no longer-has a Vortex; since the Matter flowing from A to D, prevents that which flows from A to B from returning by C. D. Nothing can be more plain and evident than this Demonstration.

But let us suppose per impossible, that the Mat­ter when arriv'd at A, should entirely make a double, to run towards B. Would it make a Vortex? No by no means. For advancing from B. to C. and arriving at C. it ought to deviate from the Centre of its Motion, and continue its Progress towards Z. The Reason given for it in the Principles of Descartes, is, That▪ this is the very place in all the little Circle it had begun to describe, where it finds least resistance. First, because the Matter it meets in that same Point is already on its Motion towards Z. and freely re­signs its place. Secondly, because that which is below it, that is to say betwixt D. and C. resists it, and hinders its Descent, being more weighty, according to M. Descartes. And thirdly, because the Circle C Z. is its natural place, according to the same Philosopher. It will flow therefore more to­wards Z. than D. and consequently make no Vortex.

But let us farther suppose a Vortex made, and the Matter continuing its round, from A. to B. [Page 284] from B. to C. and from C. to A. would this Vor­tex last? Not at all. For we must suppose one of these three things: Either that it is stronger than the Vortex of the Sun, that is, its Matter has a stronger bent and tendency from its Centre, than the Matter of the Sun's Vortex has from his, or that it is weaker; or that they both are equal. If it is weaker it must be destroy'd by the Vortex of the Sun. If stronger it must ruin his. It re­mains then that its Strength be equal with the Suns: And M. Descartes must unavoidably sup­pose it: But how will he prove it to us, I say not by a Demonstration (we will not put him on so hard a Task) but how will he bring the least Conjecture to give this Supposition a pretence to probability? Cannot we on the other side pro­duce several Reasons to destroy this Supposition? Cannot we shew, in case the Vortex of the Earth was as strong as that of the Sun, and the little Glo­bules wrested themselves as forcibly from the Cen­tre of their Vortex, that the Earth it self would appear a Sun▪ and so would Iupiter to boot? Since that which makes the Centre of a Vortex to us seem luminous, is only the vehement Motion of its Matter? Though Descartes says the Centre would be drain'd of all its Matter, might not we however, imitating the Stile of that Philosopher, compare the Vortex of the Sun quite from S. to D. to a vast Ocean, whose boystrous Tide swel­ling against the Stream of a little River, by which we illustrate the Vortex of the Earth, obli­ges it to fall back again, and adds a Determina­tion to its Waters quite contrary to its former? But with Descartes for a Vortex to be destroy'd, and for the Matter of the Vortex to take the Mo­tion and Determination of another, is one and [Page 285] the same thing. Let M. Descartes but prove his Vortex of the Earth with the least part of the rea­son we have brought against it, or by as natural a Comparison as we have us'd to demonstrate it a meer Chimera, and he need not fear to stand the Test, Sallies and Assaults, of the best of his Adversaries.

What now if we should fall to examining the Difficulties that may be gather'd from the little Planet in particular, I mean the Moon consider'd in the petty Vortex of the Earth? Should we probably find less Matter of Objection?

Here ought to be the foregoing Figure, p. 278.

We advance no more than this, that suppo­sing the Moon when arriv'd at A. was carried on towards B. she ought to deviate from her Vortex in C. For first, That's the external Superficies of the little Vortex, as M. Descartes will not deny. Secondly, She Attempts to leave her Vortex, by his grand Principle of circular Motion. He pretends she cannot make her escape towards B. because the Matter of the Solary Vortex in that place is more light and active, and repels her towards the Centre. Nor can she, according to him, make downwards towards K. for that, says he, the Celestial Matter on that side is hea­vier than the Moon, and equally opposes her Descent: But we say she will get out of her Cir­cle at C. and continue her Progress toward Z. For being in C. she finds no resistance, since the Matter of C. Z. is that of her own Circle, which is already on its March, and willing to give up its place. Besides, being in that place, she actu­ally makes an Attempt to get rid of the Centre [Page 286] of her Motion, that is to say, of T. she therefore will accomplish her escape, since there is no Ob­stacle in that as is found in the other Points; and being cast out of her Circle, she will be oblig'd to continue her Journy towards Z. by the Mat­ter plac'd above, and below her in the Circle, for the self-same Reasons as are given by M. Des­cartes.

Yet in spite of all this, it cannot be deny'd, but that M. Descartes had good reason to order his Suppositions of these things as he did. His System was too far advanc'd to think of stop­ping at so small an Obstacle as a Moon. All the Grandee-Planets were plac'd severally, according to the Quality and Preeminence their Solidity had given them. Madam Luna too was seated in the Circle of the Earth. There was only one little Inconvenience in the case, which was, that she must necessarily take a turn about the Earth, and consequently must be sometimes in the Earths own Circle, and sometimes out of it. She must therefore have a little Vortex of her own. And this is the best, as also only reason that can be given for his making one on purpose: And setting this aside, the Laws of Staticks alone could never have prevail'd with his Frugality, to put it self to that extraordinary Ex­pense.

We had not insisted so long upon this Article, had not we consider'd it as the capital Point in the Cartesian System; and as the Founda­tion of that prodigious Edifice, which has been taken in our days by so many, for the compleatest Mastery of a Human Mind. Let us see the Importance of our Demonstration by the Corollaries drawn from it.

Consequences of the preceding De­monstration.

The first Consequence belongs to Astronomy and the Phenomena of the Planets. For first of all, there being no such thing as a Vortex, the Moon turns no longer round the Earth, since, accord­ing to M. Descartes, the only reason of her cir­cuiting is the Vortex that carries her aloft. Se­condly the four Satellites of Iupiter, must be cashier'd of their Dignity and Employment, which they only injoy on account of the conti­nual Centry they keep about him, and that by means of a particular Vortex attributed to that Planet, as well as to the Earth, in the grand Vor­tex of the Sun. For all that we have said of the Vortex of the Earth and of the Moon, ought to be apply'd to Iupiter and his garde du Corps.

These two Particulars in Astronomy are consi­derable enough to assure us that the World of M. Descartes is not that of Gods own making, which we live in, but of a very different Archi­tecture and Contrivance.

The second Consequence respects almost all the principal Phenomena's of the lower World in general, whereof wee'l only concern our selves with the most considerable and easiest to be un­derstood. 'Tis by the means only of the Vortex of the Earth, that the Cartesians, following their Master, explain the gravity of Bodies, and ac­count for the Motion which they have towards the Centre of the Earth. For to instance, say they, when you cast a Stone up in the Air, it forces below it a Mass of the second Element, and Air equal to its bulk: But that same Mass has a far [Page 288] greater agitation, and is better dispos'd for Mo­tion, and consequently has more power to spring fromward the Centre of its Vortex than the Stone that scarce contains any thing but the Matter of the third Element; and therefore must be compell'd by the Matter of the second, to de­scend towards the Centre of the Vortex, which is to say, the Centre of the Earth. We may tru­ly say then, that without a Vortex heavy Bodies would not fall downwards, on the contrary they would naturally fly upwards, and thus we should see Miracles and Wonders.

According to the new System, the Sun as far out of Gun-shot of the Earth as he is, could not warrant his own Security, in case there should be a People that inrag'd at the heat and scorch­ing of his Rays, should sometime joyn to give him an innumerable flight of Arrows. For these Arrows shot from the Earth, against the Sun, would fall in the circumference of his Vortex, and in the midst of the Matter of the second Ele­ment, which strugling all it can to get farther from the Centre of its Motion, would constrain the Bodies less capable of Motion than it self, to descend towards the Centre, that is to say, the Sun. Now these Arrows would be Bodies far less capable of Motion than the Matter of the se­cond Element, therefore it would constrain them to fall towards the Sun: Undoubtedly a very surprizing thing. And now we may easily give a reason for the Experiment that Father Mersen­nus formerly assur'd M. Descartes he had made; that in discharging a Musquet perpendicularly towards the Zenith, Let. 3. Tom. 2. the Bullet never came down again; for it must have infallibly been carried to the Sun.

[Page 289] According to this System, when we have a mind to make a Voyage, I do not say to the Globe of the Moon as did Cyrano de Bergerac, but to the Sun it self, it will be the easiest thing to be accomplish'd of a thousand. We need but turn our Head perpendicularly towards the Sun, then give a little Spring to put our selves in Motion, and to make room for the Matter of the Solary Vortex, that would come bounce against the Earth, to give our Heels a hoise, and this is all; For, according to the Principles of Descartes, it would give us such a flirt, as in a trice would dart us to that Luminary. In short, heavy Bodies would no longer make towards the Earth, but all would be upon the gallop to the Sun.

What shall we say of the Flux and Reflux of the Sea; which is one of the choisest places in all M. Descartes Philosophy, and on which account there's no one but ought to lament the Misfor­tune of the Vortex? For by the assistance of that Vortex, M. Descartes and M. Rohault speak Marvels upon that insearchable Phenomenon of Nature. Which not only depends upon the Vortex it self, but upon the very Figure of it, which was made oval on purpose, and singularly for it, though probably it was not at first in the intention of the Philosopher. For never did Tragick Poet better and more artificially prepare the Incidents of his Piece, than M. Descartes has contriv'd his Conclusions. It would surprize one to see, in his deducing them, that one word, which he let fall careless by the way, and one would think without Design, should have been big with such an Infinity of Delicate Conse­quences. A Man wonders in the third part of his Principles, to see the figure of that Vortex, [Page 290] which is no better grounded than the Vortex is it self: But when in the fourth he sees the ne­cessity M. Descartes had of it, to explain the Flux and Reflux of the Sea, he cannot choose but commend his Foresight and Precaution. Not but that, for all these pretty and specious Expli­cations of the Phenomena of the Flux and Re­flux of the Sea, the Cartesian System may be de­monstrated false in that very Particular. We are convinc'd of this by those Reflections and Observations we have drawn from the best Ma­thematicians since M. Descartes's time. They de­monstrate by the Observations of the Distances of the Moon, determin'd by her apparent Dia­meters, that that Planet is as remote in many of her Conjunctions and Oppositions, as in some of her Quadratures, and as near in some of her Qua­dratures, as in several Conjunctions and Oppositions. Hence it is false that the Apogy of the Moon is al­ways in her Quadratures, and the Perigy in her Conjunctions and Oppositions. Wherefore it can­not be suppos'd that the Moon being in Conjun­ction and Opposition, is always in the little Diame­ter of the Elliptick Vortex, and in her Quadra­tures always in the great one.

And yet it is upon this only Supposition that M. Descartes explains, and can explain, the ine­quality of the Tides in the Conjunctions and Op­positions, and in the Quadratures, as also of those we see in the Equinoxes and Solstices.

Again, if when the Moon pass'd our Meridian, the pressure of the Air was remarkably so much stronger, than in an other Hour of the Day, it would be perceivable by the ordinary Experi­ments of Torricellus his Tube. Yet this diffe­rence has never been observ'd, though it must be [Page 291] very great: We could still give many other weighty Reasons against this System: But let it be how it will, take away its Vortex, and the Flux and Reflux must needs follow it.

Lastly, according to M. Descartes it is the Ce­lestial Matter of this Vortex, that having more Motion than is necessary to turn in twenty four Hours time about the Earth, imploys the re­mainder to diffuse it self all manner of ways, and together with the Matter of the third and first Element causes that great variety of Effects and Bodies which we so much wonder at. So the Vortex being ruin'd, all goes to Wreck and Confusion, and returns to its Native Chaos. Wherefore it makes not only for the glory of M. Descartes, but for the Interest of all Man­kind to save this Vortex. For what remains, we protest we should be wonderful glad to see the Solution of the Difficulties we have pro­pos'd against this and the other Points, upon which we shall resign our selves intire and sincere Proselytes to Cartesianism.

But in answering us let no one think to put upon us, nor quote a place in M. Descartes, to convince us he has not contradicted it in ano­ther; when 'tis a plain and notorions Case. That Wheedle might take with those that have but perfunctorily read his Works, but must shew them the Contradiction in a clearer Light, that shall take pains to compare the opposite pla­ces. We farther desire succinct and neater Answers, than the generality of those himself hath formerly given to those many Objections, propos'd against his Metaphysicks. Those very Answers raise in our Minds more Scruples than they cure: And yet because they have been [Page 292] Printed, set off and tinsell'd with High-strain'd Praises of the Author, because he gives them a Magisterial and usually a disdainful Air, and we never see any Replies affix'd to them, many are habituated to reverence them as second Oracles, wherewith he hath confirm'd and explain'd those former of his own pronouncing. We shall not be such tame Asses, as to be impos'd on by M. Descartes's Reputation and Authority, no more than we would be Vassals to the esteem we have for some of his Disciples. We praise and highly approve the Advice he gives those who are on the Inquest after Truth, to beware of Prejudices, and shall put in Practice. These, Monsieur, are the chiefest of the things contain'd in my Peripatetick Memoir. They added some few others by word of Mo [...]th, as for Instance; That you would have been most horribly pester'd if any one would have track'd you step by step, in the fourth Part of your Book of Principles, especially from Number 32. to 45. where you are so particular, in posturing and disposing those parts of the third Element, of which you form your Earth: That there were many things there unsatisfactory to the Mind, and that there was not a Page wherein it might not be reason­ably again and again demanded, why such a thing ought to be rather so than otherwise, with­out your being able to give a tolerable Reason for it: That they believ'd that piece of your Physicks was one of those that had most con­tributed to make your Philosophy pass with ma­ny for a perfect Fable, ill-digested and not well hung together: And that your Adversaries, without troubling themselves to refute the Pro­positions that you make there, the Discussion [Page 293] whereof must needs be very tedious, had no more to do, than to refer your Readers to the place, to make them as ill-satisfied with you as can be wish'd.

[figure]

They proceeded farther to say, you us'd to at­tribute Properties to your Elements, which you was sure to take away again when they were not for your purpose. They gave me an Instance in the Matter of the first Element: You attribute as a Property to that Matter a great facility of division and readiness to change its Figure, so as easily to insinuate its self in every place, and fill all sort of Space whatever. But when 'tis brought for the Explication of the Nature of the Loadstone, that Propriety growing disad­vantagious, Descartes thinks fit to change it for a contrary. There is occasion for a little Vortex of chamfer'd Matter round the Earth, and about each particular Loadstone, to give a Reason for [Page 294] the Qualities of that miraculous Stone.Part 3. princip. These chamfer'd parts belong to the first Element. It formerly was nothing to them to accommodate themselves with the Figure of a Skrew, to pass and repass betwixt the Globules of the second Element. And now in issuing from the Earth, or from a Loadstone, the parts of Air are able to detain them. Instead of breaking and pro­portioning themselves to the Figure of the Parts of Air, and second Element mingled with it, they flock and settle in heaps about the Earth and about the Loadstone, where they constitute a Vortex. Those that enter by the Southern Pole are incapable of passing by the Northern, since their Figure can no longer be adapted to that Passage; and they farther demanded, upon that occasion, how it was possible those Snail-work'd Parts, confin'd and stopt thus in a definite Space, having an intricate and confus'd Motion, one a­mongst another, approaching the Pole of the Earth, or Magnet that was proportion'd to them, could so conveniently turn themselves an end, and present so cleverly their Point against the Pores, in order to their entrance in those Bodies. They pretended the contrary was more likely, and that generally the parts would present them­selves across, and thereby make a Confusion ca­pable of stopping all the rest, and damming up the Pores of the Earth and Magnet, so as to fru­strate all those admirable Effects we see there. They advanc'd one Paradox more, which was a good Humour enough. Hitherto, said they, the most rational Philosophers have acknow­ledg'd, that no Physical Argument could be brought against Copernicus, to prove the Earth was not turn'd about its Centre. But M. Des­cartes [Page 295] who sides with that Astronomer in his Hy­pothesis, has furnish'd us with a very conclusive one against that Motion. His topping Princi­ple is, That every Body circularly mov'd, at­tempts to wheel off the Centre of its Motion: This Principle is true: He thence concludes, that the Earth turning on its Axle, would fly in Pieces, unless the Bodies, of which it is com­pos'd, were closely press'd, and squeez'd against one another by the Matter of the second Element. This Consequence is moreover evident in his System: But now let us see if that pressure of the Matter of the second Element is strong enough to overpower the Effort which the Parts of the Earth make to disengage themselves and get fur­ther from their Centre. This difficulty, said they, falls only on M. Descartes: For the School-Opinion is so far from owning such a Propensity in the parts of the Earth, to deviate from the Centre, as to suppose a quality and inclination that naturally buckles them unto it. Now upon comparing the pressure of Terrestrial Bodies one against another, by the Matter of the second Element, with the Effort Terrestrial Bodies make to get far off the Centre, the Effort must surmount the pressure: For the Effort is as great as the Motion that causes it, and the Motion is very great indeed, that can carry the Earth seve­ral Leagues each Minute; and on the contrary, Experience shews there needs but a very little Effort for the conquering the pressure, since no greater is requisite, than that a Child of four years old imploys in Walking, to lift his Foot and separate it from the Ground, whereto the pressure of the second Element did fasten it. Wherefore it seems to be reasonably concluded, [Page 296] That the Earth turns not on its Axis, since if it did, we should all be hurl'd in the Air, pur­suant, to M. Descartes's Principle, which yet at bottom is true in sound Philosophy. Thus this System affords an excellent Argument against that of Copernicus.

They yet farther observ'd to me some peculiar Places and Points of your System, of the great­est Importance, which you advance, as they pre­tend, not only stript and naked of all Proof, but against all Reason in the World; they particu­larly intreated me to read considerately and without prepossession, the second Number of the fourth Part of your Book of Principles, where ha­ving explain'd how the Vortex of the Earth was destroy'd, and how there grew round that cak'd and crusted Star, a spacious Fleece of Air, you not only plunge it a great depth in the Solary Vortex, but also make that Sphere of Air keep pace, and wait upon it thither, and ever incom­pass it as it still descends. They pretend that Supposition which you throw in Gratis, and without all Confirmation, is inconceivable; and yet if it be false, it were impossible at present to have Air about our Earth: It is inconceiva­ble, say they: For, according to M. Descartes, the Air is nothing but an heap of the Parts of the third Element, exceeding small, and very loose and disunited from each other, and extra­ordinary obsequious to the Motions impress'd on them by the Globules of the second Element, in which they swim. But this being so, how comes it to pass the Earth, traversing those im­mense Spaces quite from its setting out, at the brink of the Solary Vortex, to the place in which it is, should still so preserve all the Air about it? [Page 297] How by the Principles of that Philosopher could that Mass of Air, being far less solid than the Mass of Earth, have the same Motion, the same Determination, and same Swiftness as the Earth? How chance those little Parts so loose and inde­pendent of each other, and so obedient to the Motions of the Celestial Matter, have not been dispers'd by the rapidness of that Matter, which they stemm'd, as the Dust is scatter'd by the Wind? But added they, how is this Mass of Air at present driven along with the Earth by the Celestial Matter? How has it all the same Motions? Is it against the Body of the Earth, or against the Globe of Air the Celestial Matter presses, to give both one and the other a Diurnal and an Annual Motion? Would not a Copernical Cartesian be hard put to't to unperplex himself of this Affair?

I omit, Monsieur, many other Difficulties whose Solution probably I may find in the An­swers your Goodness will, I hope, vouchsafe the others I have already noted in this Letter. But for what remains, I desire you to take the earn­estness wherewith I write to you, as an effect of that passionate Love you have inspir'd me with, of Truth, and especially to put a favourable Construction on my meaning. I have only tran­scrib'd your Adversaries Memoire in their own proper Terms and Language, and I presum'd the respect I ow'd you, could not warrant my concealing or dissembling their insulting way of arguing. Which will serve to let you know how much it is for my Interest, and the Honour of our Sect, not to suffer them to triumph long.

[Page 298] The great and important Business, the pro­duction of a new World at present finds you, joyn'd to the indifference you have always had, and still have more than ever, for the Opinions and Thoughts of Men, might reasonably make you neglect and despise these mean and trifling Things. But those extraordinary Instances you have given me of your Favour, encourage me to hope you will have some Consideration of my Honour, and will not deny me your Hand to raise me from the Ground, where I must own my self a little foil'd and disheartned. I desir'd the Reverend Father Mersennus to imploy his Credit with you, to obtain this Favour, and at once to assure you, as I here do, with all the Sub­mission and respect I am capable of, that I am with all my Heart and Soul,

MONSIEUR,
Your most humble, and most obedient Servant, and most zealous Disciple.

The INDEX.

PART I.
  • THE different Relations given of the World of Cartesius. Page 1
  • The Conversation of the Author with an old Cartesian, and the occasion of his Voyage to the World of Cartesius. 5
  • Cartesius his Design of finding out the Secret of the Soul and Body's Vnion, as also that of separating and reuniting them when he pleas'd. 9
  • Cartesius his Progress in the Study and Knowledge of Man. 10
  • The Mystery of the union and separation of the Soul and Body, found out by Cartesius. 16
  • The use of the Mystery. 19
  • That Cartesius is not dead. 25
  • The Secret of the union and separation of the Body and Soul known long before Cartesius. 30
  • Cartesius retires into the indefinite Spaces, and makes preparation for the building of a World there like this of ours. 31
  • The Author is invited by the old Cartesian and the Spirit of Father Mersennus to come to the building of Cartesius his World. 37
  • The Author's discourse with the Soul of Father Mer­sennus. 39
  • An Explication of the manner of the Apparition of Spirits. 42
  • The adventure of a little Moor-Page to Regius Phy­sitian of Utrecht, formerly a Friend, but after­wards an Enemy of Cartesius. 45
  • [Page] The Author's Soul is separated from his Body, by the secret of Cartesius. 51
  • How according to the Principles of Cartesius all Bo­dily Operations may be perform'd as well in the ab­sence as presence of the Soul. 53
PART II.
  • THE setting out of the Author with the old Car­tesian and Father Mersennus, for the World of Cartesius. 56
  • What the Air is, and of what parts it is compos'd. 57
  • Wherein consists the fluidity of liquid Bodies. ibid.
  • Motion naturally and of it self is perpetual. 61
  • The falsity of Cartesius's Axiom, that there is ever an equal quantity of Motion in the World, taking the word Motion according to Cartesius's definition. 62
  • The way that Spirits converse with one another. 67
  • The Travellers meet upon their Road Socrates, Plato and Aristotle, and upon what occasion. 68
  • Their discourse with those Philosophers, with some nota­ble Particulars of their History. 71
  • Aristotle refutes Cartesius his Method and Medi­tations. 79
  • The old Cartesian and Father Mersennus railly upon the Sphere of Fire that Aristotle imagin'd. 86
  • The Contradictions of Cartesius. 89
  • His Disciples have indeavour'd to smother one of them in the French Translation of his Works. 90
  • A Suit commenc'd formerly against the Cartesians, relating to the Sphere of Fire. 94
  • A description of the Globe of the Moon. 97
  • Cyrano de Bergerac banter'd by Socrates his fami­liar Spirit in the Globe of the Moon. 98
  • The inequalities observ'd in the Moon are partly Seas [Page] and partly Lands, shar'd among the most famous Mathematicians and Philosophers, as they are to be seen in the Maps of that Country ibid.
  • The Traveller's descent into Gassendus, and from thence to Mersennus 99
  • They Traverse the Hemisphere of the Moon that is opposite to our Earth 100
  • They are deny'd Admission at Plato, and why 101
  • They arrive at Aristotle, which they find strictly g [...]rded, as a Town under Apprehensions of a Siege 102
  • The Author finds there, and knows again, his Re­gent in Philosophy, an old Profess [...]r of the Vniversity of Paris 103
  • A Description of the Lyceum of the Moon 105
  • The old Cartesian likewise remembers Voetius, the greatest Enemy Cartesius had in Holland 108
  • Some particulars of the Life of Cartesius, and his Adventures whilst he staid in Holland 109
  • The Character of Voetius 112
  • The Travellers Negotiation with Voetius for the re-union of the Peripateticks and Cartesians 119
  • A Project of Accommodation presented the Travel­lers by Voetius 122
  • They continue their Voyage with two Peripate­tick-Souls, that Voetius had deputed to accompany them to the World of Cartesius ibid.
  • In their Way they light upon the Souls of Hermo­timus and Ainia, a Roman Pretor, and Duns Scotus 123, &c.
  • The Dispute of the Peripatetick Souls with Father Mersennus and the old Cartesian, concerning abso­lute Accidents, 127
  • Cartesius his Explication of the Mystery of the Eu­charist, not Catholick 130
  • They meet with Cardan in the Globe of the Moon, [Page] in the Peninsula of Dreams; the reason of his Me­lancholy 132
  • The Travellers return to Mersennus 133
  • Their reading the Project of Accommodation given them by Voetius, containing a Confutation of a great part of the Cartesian Philosophy 134
  • Cartesius's Demonstrations of the Existence of a God, refuted by a Mandarin of China 158
  • The Arrival of the Voyagers to the World of Cartesius 172
PART III.
  • CArtesius his Reception of the Travellers 174
  • The Discourse of the Author with Cartesius concerning the present State and Condition of the Car­tesian Philosophy in our World 174, &c.
  • Cartesius his Thoughts of that famous Experiment of the Gravity of the Air, said to be M. Paschal's whereof Cartesius pretends to be the Author 181
  • His Sentiments formerly of the Book of Conick Se­ctions, said to be wrote by M. Paschal at sixteen Years of Age 182
  • The Extravagant Praises of M. Paschal's Panegy­rists, and of the Preface to the Book concerning the equilibration of Liquors 185
  • Cartesius his Projects for propagating his Philoso­phy, whilst he was in our World 190
  • How he designed to get the Iesuits on his Side, and then the Fathers of the Oratory and M. Arnauld ibid.
  • Decrees of the Congregation of the Oratory against Cartesianism and Jansenism 193
  • The great Contest betwixt Malbranche Father of the Oratory and M. Arnauld. The Character of the former 196
  • [Page] M. Arnanld compar'd with Admiral de Chatil­lon. 201
  • Cartesius builds his World before the Travellers, and as he builds it explains to them the chiefest Points of his System 207
  • The Confusion of Aristotle's Embassadors 221
  • The Return of the Travellers, and Arrival to our World 238
  • In what Condition the Author's Soul found his Bo­dy; she is seated in quality of a Cartesian Soul, upon the Pineal Gland of his Brain 239
PART IV.
  • THE Zeal of the Author, converted to Cartesia­nism, to promote the Sect, and which he ex­presses in a Letter he wrote to Cartesius after his Re­turn 242
  • He is much perplexed by the Ingenious Peripate­ticks 243
  • The Ordinary Arguments against Cartesius his System propos'd and refuted 244
  • The Author sometimes sides with Cartesius, to re­fute him more easily 246
  • Motion of Matter seems not impossible in the Car­tesian System 248
  • A new Method of proving it possible 250
  • Other Difficulties drawn from Cartesius his own Principles, proposed by the Peripateticks to the Au­thor, whose solution he desires of Cartesius 259
  • The first Argument: That by the Principles of Car­tesius, the Sun and Stars may be prov'd opaque Bo­dies, as are the Planets of the Earth 260
  • Argument 2. That by Cartesius his Principles we could not see the Stars nor the Sun it self 265
  • [Page] Argument 3. That Cartesius his Principles suppos­ed, it is impossible for the Earth to have a particular Vortex in the great Vortex of the Sun 276
  • The Consequence of the preceeding Demonstration in Astronomy and Physicks. The Moon could no lon­ger turn about the Earth; nor the Satellites of Jupi­ter about him 287
  • Heavy Bodies would not descend to the Centre of the Earth, but would fall towards the Sun ibid.
  • There would be no flux or reflux of the Sea 289
  • The General Principle of all the Physical Effects of the lower World quite over-turned 291
  • Cartesius his Inconstancy concerning the Properties of his Elements 293
  • The Physical Arguments that are weak against Co­pernicus, touching the Motion of the Earth, are strong against the Cartesians 294
  • Propositions of very great importance in Physicks, advanced without Proof, and supposed against all Reason by Cartesius 296
  • The Author importunes Cartesius to send him the Solution of all these Difficulties 297
The END.

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