COncerning the nature or quality of these unhappy distractions we have long groaned under, & consequent­ly by what name or title we may best decipher them, I need not to speake much: A civill warre it is, who sees not, yea plusquam Civile, more then so; an unnaturall, bloodie warre, wherein friend stands engaged upon tearmes of defiance against his friend, brother against brother, even father against the sonne, making good by this meanes in these last and dreggish times of the world that inevitably true prediction of our Saviour, Luk. 12. 13. what the event or issue of this warre so unluckely begun, and as obstinately still maintained, may be, [...], God he knoweth. The best we can probably expect (unlesse the same God be pleased by a timely prevention to make up the breach, must needs be a speedy overwhelming of this once flouris [...]ing Island in the generall deluge of ruine and destruction.

But enough of this; The truth herein is too notori­ously [Page 2] apparent to our extreame sorrow, and rather re­quires the helpe of some kinde of healing salve▪ then of a farther corrosive; It may be worth our considera­tion then in the first place to observe, against whom namely be these warlike armes taken up; Against the King questionlesse, Patrem patriae, our lawfull Sove­raigne, the Lords annointed: That [...], as one expresseth it, that Supream power placed in so neer a distance under God himselfe, that whereas we in mo­desty terme Kings or Rulers here upon earth, his vice­gerents only, he hath pleased to advance them to an higher title, and plainly stiles them Gods, I have said yee are Gods. Ps. 82. 6. And hence further is it that we find in Scripture the seat of Royall judicature, as usually termed the Throne of God, as the Kings Throne; nor themselves barely the Deputies or Ministers of Men, but Gods Ministers, his peculiar substitutes.

All power is from God, I willingly acknowledge, by some way of derivation or other: but this for certaine more immediatly and in a neerer degree, as being the Supreme, 1. Pet. 2. 15. more determinatively too in that he alone is the disposer both of Kings and kingdomes saith the Prophet, Dan. 2. 21. Dan. 4. 17. 25. even to a particular designation of the person frequently, as we finde it to have been (not to speake ought of exoticke governments) in the Iewish commonwealth. The Hea­then anciently by the very light of nature found out this truth.

[...], saith the Poet, and another [Page 3] yet more closely

[...]. The King (saith he) is the truest and liveliest reflex or image of God upon earth that may be; Humani Ioves, as the Latine Comoe­dian speaking of such persons in a straine beyond them both. And surely for this reason particularly a­mongst other (in my poore fancie) is that very title above mentioned of being called Gods bestowed up­on them, to wit in regard of their dominion and sove­raignetie over the rest, which they still retaine as a maine Relique as it were of that Gods image at first stampt, and engraven upon the soule of man. Now as' I said, against this Soveraigne power neverthelesse be these armes lifted up: a power so sacred, it seemes, as not to be touched or but roughly medled with; since Touch not mine annointed (not the chiefe then be sure) is the interdictive expresse caution of the Almightie; David thus did but touch Saul by cutting off the skirt of his garment, and we see how his heart smote him streight; in as much, as, who can stretch forth his hand (saith he) against the Lords annointed, and be guiltlesse?

For however to colour and disguise the businesse, the King hath been all along pretended to these harsh unusuall proceedings of late, as if what were done, were not against him but for him, yet is this in truth such a strange peece of state-Sophistry, that men, though of meane capacitie cannot I suppose at last but discerne easily and see through it; Nuga & quisquiliae, unlesse they can possibly shew pro & con: with and a­gainst, termes so widely opposite to be one and the [Page 4] same, which yet will neither good Logick admit in the former, nor scripture phrase acknowledge in the latter: That saying of our Saviour, Mar. 10. touch­ing matrimoniall union, Quos Deus iunxit nemo sepa­ret, is in a good sense if read backwards appliable to the present divisions, Q. D. S. N. jung: whom God in his secret displeasure, as here, hath a while really divided & set at distāce, let none go about in pursuance of their close unjustifiable designes by bare and emptie termes to ioyne together. You say you are for the King, enti­tle him to every act, the King saith no, disclaimes it ut­terly, often and againe hath protested against it: whō may we in reason rather beleeve? especially conside­ring those grosse & monstrous inconsequences which follow hereupon, as that thereby he is made to set forth Edicts, levie monies, wage war, and all against himselfe.

It is true (I confesse) in some cases, as where the Prince is a Minor and under age; or where he is not compos sui through weaknesse of his intellectualls, this may well hold, and the seeming contradiction be easi­ly closed up: The reason is, for that there the party is not Master of his own actions, nor can he, in a legall consideration be reckoned amongst those [...] whether in Art, or Nature, which move of themselves, but as one rather who is moved from without. There both law and equitie justly commit such a one to the tuition and guidance of another. But where there rules a iudicious and discerning Prince, able to steere by [Page 5] the conduct of his own reason, there to plead your be­ing for him, and yet goe crosse to his commands, is such a fine peece of artifice, as may serve perchance to ensnare the simple, but withall occasion the wise to smile.

If it be here replied (as some have done) that this Resistance of theirs is meerely against the King his Private, not his Publique, his Personall, not his Royall commands (for as so, say they, he must be supposed alwaies to speak in the voice of his Parliament, or else that of the law.) A poore shift, when as they are faine to shape on this manner their evasions at the Romish forge; for thus deale they, labouring by a like art of Sophistrie to set up Monarchicall government in the Church, as these endeavour to pull it downe in the Commonwealth. To this end have they divided (who knowes not?) the Pope even from himself, by consi­dering him as he is a Man, & as he is Pope; As hee is a private man, say they, he may erre, but as he is Pope and sitting in the chaire, he is infallible. Such cob-web thin-spun distinctions as these, I have ever thought fit­ter for speculative disputes, then at any hand to bee drawne into outward practise. They carry somewhat with them, the sound, but are altogether void of sub­stance. Otherwise by the same rule I might slay my brother, not apprehending him as one of Adams pro­genie, as my selfe am, but under the common notion of some sensitive kinde of creature, or say Ile rob him of his substance, not conceiving of him as my neigh­bour, but as of some professed enemie: And yet againe when or where will they be able, I mervaile, to finde [Page 6] the King on this wise divested of a Royall influence into all commands of state, not repugnant to the lawes already being? Or moreover not alike stil, whether pla­ced in his Throne or out of it, representative of a pub­like person: These are nicities that require a ray or two of further illustration from them.

Be it further urged, that notwithstanding this their resistance to his commands, yet they love and honour his person, as in duty they are bound to doe. Not so certainely neither; I am sure our Saviour, Io. 5. 15. tea­cheth another doctrine, If yee love me, saith he, keep my Commandements. Mark the consequence: and Iehu, 2. Kings 9. 30. about to destroy wicked Iezabel who is on my side, saith he, who? and immediatly wee finde his commands fulfilled, V. 13. True love towards our go­vernours ever begets an inward obedience or subjecti­on of the soule, & obedience straight breaks forth in­to outward performances. Obedientia according to the Etymologie quasi Obaudientia: The word imports a willingnesse of hearkning and ready submitting our selves to the commands of our Superiours. In briefe it is our duty not over hastily to dispute, but obey their Mandates: otherwise of subjects wee become Iudges both of them and their actions.

Being thus driven from either of those two former holds, they betake themselves for refuge to a third, and that indeed the weakest. We have not taken up armes plead they, against the King, but against the Ma­lignants and evill Councell which is about him. Here [Page 7] I cannot but remember the manner of certaine Fen­cers or Swash-bucklers in Rome, anciently called the Retiarti, whose fashion it was in fight, when as pressing eagerly upon the adversary, and endeavouring to cast their net (wherewith they were fitted for the purpose) upon him, that so they might entangle him, to crie Pi­scem peto, non tepeto, I make at the fish (a fish it seemes there being engraven on the others helmet) and not at thee. So these men, they pretend a war against the Malignants, but they pursue the King; yet doth not the King write them friends whom they terme Malig­nants? Doth he not owne and uphold them in their proceedings? So as their being against them, argues manifestly their being against him. It is a Gospell in­ference, Mat. 25. 40. For in as much as yee have done it to one of these litle ones, the least of these my bretheren, saith our Saviour speaking of his poore distressed Saints, yee have done it unto me, so likewise; V. 45. Act. 9. 4. How­beit they still goe on, seize on his ships and Magazines, force his Townes and Castles from him, yea shut the gates against him; unlesse happily, as it befell Phaedria in the Comoedian from his kind Mistris, who pra a­more exclusit foras, as it is there, They likewise may be thought to have done whatsoever hath been acted in these affronting waies, meerely out of the zeale and tendernesse of their pure affections.

This was the first consideration I made chice of to propose, concerning the Person, namely against whom this war is undertaken, the King; next I would have it considered that as it is the King, so he is a King inter­ressed [Page 8] to his crowne by virtue of Inheritance, a King, as I may say, natus, non factus, borne so, not made; what the difference in this ease may be, as touching the va­liditie of interest or right to their dominions, between an Elective and Hereditary King, (this for certaine being the more Absolute and unconditionall of the two; moreover the conditions what ere condescen­ded to Essentiall there and Necessary constitutive to the very essence of Soveraigntie; here for the most part meere Volun [...]ary and Subsequent acts of grace, and so lesse censurable (by man) upon the breach and forfei­ture, then there they are) I will not make it the argu­ment of my present discourse; nor doe I produce this Topick as meaning thereby to adde any strength of supportance to his sacred title; That needs not; but only as willing upon all true just grounds, to improve that dutie and loyall respect in the mindes of reasona­ble men, which they owe to their Soveraigne; It was somewhat surely (at leastwise the Poet thought it so) that Agamemnon doth so boast of the antiquitie and descent of his Scepter, fetching it downe from Vulcan to Jupiter, from Jupiter to Mercury, from Mercury to Pe­lops, and so onwards.

We behold with a kind of Reverence some high and loftie long growne Oake, yet not so much for its height, as for its continuance, and as it were conquest [Page 9] gained upon time; which since man himselfe by rea­son of his naturall frailtie cannot attaine to, we reve­rence it in his off-spring. Thus it fares in private fa­milies, and thus should it be much more in the line of Princes, who are Patres familiarum, and so commen­ded to us in Scripture under the title of being the Heads of their Tribes. The point I drive at is this: Prin­ces by inheritance, as they have taken deep root, and are firmely seated in their Throne, through virtue thereof, accordingly may they challenge a firmenesse of duty and alleagiance in the hearts of their people.

In the third place let it be considered, that as he is an Heaeditarie King; so Hee is a Good and Graci­ous KING; a Prince singularly accomplisht throughout, Malice her selfe, for ought I could ever heare, hath not in this particular whereon she can just­ly discharge her envenomed rancour; look upon him in his owne line up to the top of his ancient and long renowned pedigree, treading through the whole seri­es of his famous predecessours; Or look upon him in a Collaterall line, and compare him with the neighbou­ring Princes about, and without offence, I suppose, (take him but in all respects) I may parallel, if not pre­ferre him to the best. Quaeris Alcidae parem?

Nemo est nisi Ipse; what Zenophen hath delivered of Princes in the Idea for morall virtues requisitely behoofefull in them, and what Synesius with others for Christians, we have here in some sort fulfilled in the [Page 10] History. But I must be sparing in the point for feare of censure; Nor needs in truth a gemme so resplendent and eminently apparent of it selfe much labour in the setting of; It is no more then whatinteffect I have ob­served to drop from the pen of one of their own par­ty; Omni exceptione major, grants he: A Prince in his own naturalls or proper constitution beyond all ex­ception; Only thus much then by way of Aphorisme.

Thrice happy we of this nation, if we rightly knew how to value herein and esteem our own happinesse; which on the by might well give check to many of our seditious pamphleters & others in their crude indi­gested pasquils, who notwithstāding the scripture its so frequent Caveats in this kinde against despising domini­ons, speaking evill of dignities, nay but ill thinking of them, they as it were, carried aloft in the strength of their unmannerly brain-sick zeale, make at the highest, and as the Iewes once dealt by our Saviour Christ, for­beare not to spit in the face of Majestie it selfe. Vpon such as these hath the Apostle S^t Iude pronounced that heavie doome (which I could wish they did seri­ously consider of) allotting them as a just reward of their ill demeanours the blacknesse of darknesse for ever Iud. 13.

Fourthly, I wish it may be considered how that He is a peacefull King: Peace doubtlesse is a great blessing to a Kingdome, and so is a peacefull King: O pray for [Page 11] the peace of Ierusalem, saith holy David, and S^t Paul, follow peace▪ Heb. 12. ver. 13. [...], the word imply­ing thus much, that men should pursue and hasten after it, like as they doe for the prize in some race or game of contention, [...], in some such sense ofttimes in Homer. Now hath not the King been thus zealous for the peace of our Ierusalem; Hath not he likewise (though in vaine) thus pur­sued and hasted after it? Witnesse the manie over­tures or rather entreaties for peace made by him: And all this really, unfainedly; not dissemblingly, or under a vizard, as those of Davids enemies, whō therefore he deservedly complained of, that whilst they spake of peace, they had war in their hearts, Ps. 110 7. Had others been as forward as he, to imbrace termes of peace, to tread in that viâ lacteâ, wee had ere this (my conscience gives me) all closed in a peacefull end: yet no mervaile in it, for a peacefull sonne to proceed out of the loynes of a peacefull father; His Motto was Pacificus; neither doth our Soveraigne (I confidently beleeve it) desire rather to have his browes encircled about with the law­rell of victory, then of peace and concord with his people.

The fifth consideration shall be, whether these armes so taken up, be Offensive, or Defensive, Defen­sive (say they) and will not be perswaded to the contrary; There is the maine [...] of the businesse with them, a speciall point indeed; let us a litle ex­amine [Page 12] it; Civilians teach us that a Defensive resi­stance is, when as the Defendant is no way the cause or occasion of the conflict, by some kinde of former provocation, and then afterwards in the ve­ry Act, he doth but propulsare injuriam, stands meerly upon his guard as ▪twere, ayming rather at his own safetie, then the others ruine; In a word neither provokes, nor pursues his enemie. This is the nature of a true defensive resistance, Otherwise suppose I kill a man, to say I did it in mine owne defence, having yet provoked, pursued, and then assaulted him, would prove, I feare me, but a slen­der kinde of plea, even at the barre of Common ju­stice. The case comes neerly home to our purpose, for be it examined on Gods name with an impar­tiall judgement, and let not Actions so apparently done in the face and eye of the world be either grossely denied, or cunningly shifted off. Who first ministred the occasion of this unnaturall war, by tumults and seditious riots, in the open streets? Next, who first drew sword, & gave the onset, as it were, thus putting fire to the fuell now prepared and laid together? Who lastly hath ever since most hotly Pursued and followed the businesse at first so unfortunately begun? The King all this while al­most, sueing and intreating for peace, if so peace might have been obtained upon faire and honou­rable termes consistent with Majestie: what town or sort at the beginning did, or at least needed to have feared his entrance? Nay, what Towne or [Page 13] fort may yet justly feare it, if as they have unwar­rantably taken up armes, so in acknowledgment of their error; they shall submit, & peaceably lay thē down—Civilia bella—Vna acies patitur gerit Altera, All the offensivenesse I can descry in the King as touching the whole matter is, that being at length enforced thereto, he would not suffer him­selfe and his good subjects to be overborne with a tempest, and not make head against it: If this be it he is censured for, it calls to minde that story of him, who having first smitten his neighbour with his fist, afterwards sueth him, because his head was hard and hurt his hand: Passion, say Philosophers, in any subject is not without some manner of Re­action joyned to it: nor can we defend our selves but it is most likely we shall in some sort or other offend the assaylant. But the nature (as I said) of a simply Defensive resistance, is to be tried at the test of the premised circumstances.

Sixthly and lastly, it will be worth our conside­ration to examine upon what Grounds these armes be lifted up; [...]t is an axiome in state policie, and ever hath been, that better to connive at and suffer some inconveniences in a Church or Common­wealth, then to expose either to the manifold dan­gers of Alteration. And one of their own outlan­dish Doctors in a Tract of his upon the like argu­ment (though pleading for Resistance) yet layes it downe for a principle or sure Maxime without all [Page 14] peradventure: I must confesse mine owne igno­rance, as not having Lynceus his eyes about mee; and therefore desire to be informed by others, whereupon this so urgent necessitie of a civill war may be thought to have been grounded; other­wise I shall easily be induced to beleeve, that with him in the history, they doe but pursue their owne Shadowes, or shoot at a mark which themselves through the errour of their weake fancies have set up. Is it for matter of Religion, as it was maintai­ned in the best and purest times of a Reformation. The King hath promised it, himselfe doth practise it, and I heartily wish the best of his ill-affected subjects were but herein followers of his good Ex­ample. Is it for the Libertie and freedome of our persons? The King hath likewise passed his word upon it; Is it for a Property in our goods and estates to be enjoyed by us according to the established wholsome lawes of the kingdome? I must returne the same answer. For what then? Davus sum, non Oedipu [...]: I desire that some good men or other would be pleased to help me out; where there oc­curres not danger of our Religion, nor of our Liber­ties, nor yet of our Estates to be invaded or tren­ched upon (as neither can the Master Architects of these miserable distractions, I suppose, though having artificially perswaded others, fully per­swade themselves there is) there to take up hostile armes, you may if you please, stile it a just Resi­stance, [Page 15] but what terme it deserves of right, let the world judge.

Besides then the groundles surmises, feares & jea­lousies of certaine Melancholy overworking heads, as may be well imagined, since, Prona est timori sem­per in pejus fides. And those too many of them, it is to be thought, like false fires, raised of purpose, by the industry of cunning projectors, only to amuze the simpler people: no other ground or reason can I finde of these publique commotions, unlesse what remaineth, it may be the distemper'd and per­verse ambition of some particular person; I bur­then none with this heavie charge; But so it is in the generall, that men of discontented humours, or otherwise ambitiously disposed had at all times rather hazard the common peace and safetie of the whole, then fayle of their proposed private de­signes; Publicis incendiis patriae clarescere, as he speaks hath alwaies been more for encouragement then a stop to the proceedings of such kinde of spirits; chiefly whē need & a decayednes of fortune, help to sharpen and whet on this froward ambitious hu­mour of theirs; And as there; so likewise is it where men have casually embarqued themselves fur­ther, into great affaires, then that they are able with safety to come off; There they stagger and faulter up and downe, as much uncertain what course to take, yet still make onwards, and rather then perish alone, desperately put all into a generall confusion: [Page 16] with Sampson taking his last Revenge against the Philistines, they pull down the house, though neces­sarily it fall upon their own heads, causing thus the guiltlesse ruine of a whole Nation oftimes to wait upon the Herse of their deserved overthrow.

Notwithstanding all this the King, say they, for certaine, hath formerly tran [...]gressed in the premi­ses by declining from the manifest and knowne Rules of the Law. I will not here argue the just Pre­rogative of Kings, what they may happily chal­lenge to themselves, either praeter or sup [...]a, besides or above the law. This would be censured streight (such is the malitious wit of jealousie) as a plea made for the establishment of an Arbitrary Gover­ment; yet so Machiavell may teach, or his associ­ates perchance, but not I: Thus much only then I shall say in this matter; What ere priviledges the Prince is possessed of, whether derived unto him by custome, or as grounded upon the law it self, fa­vore amplianda sunt, is an authentique saying bor­rowed from Canonists; They ought of right rather to bee improved, then any way diminished by us; without any curb or boūds at all imposed frō law to regulate them by, did Kings (we find) anciently and in those heroick purer times of the world (thence rightly termed [...] with the like) governe the people subjected to them. But and this farther: There can be no state so ex­actly framed & composed according to the rule of [Page 17] law, but that it will require some kinde of a mode­rating dispensative power left in the hands of the supreame Magistrate; Since the law is generall, nor can it therefore possibly extend to a through determination of all particulars: And in such a case I had rather (if I needs must) be under the power & governance of one, then of many. Easier was it for Athens to suffer the Arbitrarie dominion of one Tyrant, then as they did a while, of Thirty: and for Rome upon emergent occasions the Dicta­torship, or absolute government of a single Magi­strate, then that of the Decemviri. It is confest that where the way is plaine and open, no obstructi­ons or difficulties to hinder, there for the Magi­stratet o walk [...], as the Philosopher prescri­beth, is the safest course: But this cannot alwaies be, I presume, in the best Commonwealth, though never so well ordered by the square and advice of the wisest Lawgiver.

And now for their objection more particularly. Grant the King hath heretofore somewhat swer­ved from the knowne Dictates of the law (yet not to that height, neither will themselves say, as either of Tyrannie, or grosse Idolatry, howbeit the onely just causes of Resistance doubtlesse, were there any just) what? finde we not David and Solomon, the best and wisest of Kings to have digressed oftimes into sundry by-paths of sin, and errour from the law of God, even to the highest pitch? Take in [Page 18] Ahab, Manasses, with others of the worser sort (nor yet questioned thereupon by their subjects streight for their fowle and truly insufferable misdemea­nours in point of Regall government; yet were they as strictly bound by solemne covenant, both to­wards God and Man, entred into at their severall inaugurations, to a performance of certaine condi­tions, as Kings at present be; nor doe we general­ly finde Gods Priests and Prophets then, the ordi­nary sole interpreters of his hidden pleasure, upon any termes what ere freeing the people in the least degree from that indissoluble tye of their duty and subjection to their lawfull Soveraigne: unlesse oc­casionally, by virtue of some particular Expresse, or other from the very mouth of the Almightie, as it happened in Jehues case rising up against Ioram. 2. Kings 9. or in that of Jeroboam doing the like by his Liege Lord, 1. Kings 11. which with the like extraordinary and immediate commands from God (unusuall for these times) our Enthusiastis thē ­selves will not, I hope, in modesty offer to pretend to in their present undertakings.

And say, must Princes then be brought upon the stage, and subjected to the danger of being Re­sisted by the people, upon a supposall of every slip or petty errour committed by them? Princes (they may be pleased to know) as they are [...], or Patres familiarum, as was said before, so have they a large family to governe and supervise. Adde [Page 19] hereto the many intricate and perplext mysteries, those Arcana imperii, which they have to deale with in the management of the Sate; so as they see not alwaies what they doe (neither can they) but by other mens eyes, nor heare they, but by the eares of others, but are forced to use the subservi­ent help and assistance of their Ministers. Can they shew me wherein the King hath knowingly and willingly broken in upon the received lawes of the Land, and that without a full perswasion of what he did, to be just and warrantable; Hic nodus vindice dignus; for as so, I am confident, hee may safely proclaime it aloud with old 1. Samuel. 22. 3. Whose Oxe have I taken, or whose Asse have I taken, or whom have I done wrong to? And with S^t Paul, though in another sense, I am pure from the blood of all men, Acts. 20. 26. Errors till now of late were not wont to be accounted crimes, not in the mea­nest, much lesse in Princes, wholy so high, at least­wise should doe, above the levell & pitch of com­mon censure.

And yet againe, hath not the King long since been pleased to descend, as twere, from his Throne of Majestie, yeelding to a gracious revocation of whatsoever but suspectedly might seeme hereto­fore to have been carried in a wrong course? Hee who by virtue of his place is, & hath been alwaies so esteemed of in former times, not only [...] or [...], the chiefe framer and withall dispenser of [Page 20] lawes, but also [...], the very life and soule of the law: A point therefore which Maiestie useth but seldome to stoop to; Princes accounting of none as competent Judges of them and their Acti­ons, save God alone; since it is a true saying, Rex est qui Regem, Maxime, non habeat, He is truely a King who acknowledgeth no commanding power upon earth above himselfe. Against Thee, Thee onely have I sinned; we know whose submission it was, and to whom he tendered it; Neverthelesse our King He hath done it, his Royall Declarations on the one hand, and his reall transactions on the other, ex­tant in so many Gracious bills passed for the good of his Subjects, may serve as a sufficient pledge of this truth. Had but Rehoboam done the like, not­withstanding his precedent so offensively grosse extravagancies indeed, mentioned. 1, Kings, 12. the revolted Tribes, (as it is imagined by the best) had soone returned to their due obedience; even a­mong private Persons a mans word backed with re­all performances hath ever been esteemed of as a sure Testimonie of his true and sincere intend­ments.

For all this, there be some so impudently feare­full that they dare not Trust his Maiestie; And it is this Diffidence, amongst other things, which hath been a chiefe incentive to these publique distur­bances; Although a vaine one, if rightly conside­red of: when as men shall goe about to undoe a [Page 21] Commonwealth, onely because they feare and weakly suspect, it may be undone,

There being moreover provided, as there is, a most sure and soveraigne remedie against all such dan­ger, an effectuall [...], for what ere distempers casually arising or happening in the State, that of a Trienniall Parliamentarte Convention; But say, I be­seech you, Not trust him? Not your King? So religi­ous and just a King? Not him whom the Lord him­selfe hath trusted? Whom God and the law both have entrusted with the charge, of so great a peo­ple? Whence Kings they are usually stiled in Scri­pture, Pastors, Fathers, termes of themselves impor­ting much trust and affiance to bee had in them: That too after such solemne Protestations, such effe­ctuall imprecations made to this purpose, and pub­lished by him? Lastly, after the many Acts of grace; done by him already, as sure pawnes of his reall in­tentions for the time to come? Yet after all, not to afford your Soveraigne so much credit, as but what either Turke, or Pagan upon like termes might rightly challenge at your hands? Wonderously strange! Especially that men so credulously given in matters of highest consequence, should prove so diffident and distrustfull here! So confident God­wards, and so suspicious of his Vicegerent. Strange if not an offence, happily, (besides its arguing fur­ther, some [...], or innate fraudulency of selfe­disposition) against the rule of common Charity, [Page 22] which lessoneth us to entertain a favourable con­ceit of all men, 1. Cor. 13. Nay a trespasse against the knowne Lawes of nature, that prompts us to deale with other men, as we would be dealt with our selves, to mete out to them the same mea­sure, we desire should be meted back to us. The truth is, yeeld them so much power into their hands, whereby they may be inabled to command if not as Masters of the kingdome, yet as the Ma­sters Mate, keeping the scales upright in an equall poize, readie to turne at their own pleasure. In a word, able when they list, to binde their Kings in chaines, and their Nobles with links of iron, as the Psal. mystically deliver it. And then tis probable they will be induced to trust him, but not till then. I may adde it as a Corollary here: Never better Prince, upon no better grounds, so harshly and uncivilly intrea­ted by his subjects.

Yet some moreover there bee, who stick not to complaine, that he is still misled; So runs the phrase; But for Gods love by whom, or how? Doe they meane so, as each man is drawne away and tempted, as S. Iames teacheth, of his own lusts and untamed desires? His knowne moderation and temperance in all respects will free him, as much as may bee, from this imputation; By those then in private which are about him? If it be so, without more a­doe; and that the old pernicious stratagem of ga­ling and wounding the Prince through the sides of [Page 23] his neerer attendants, be kept up; (although this exception might now at leastwise well be spared, a greater part of the two Houses being present to assist him) howbeit were it so, as they pretend, it seemeth in time it may prove a criminall offence to be nigh his sacred person; and that which hi­therto hath beene accounted an honour, shall be imputed as the greatest aspersion; and so by de­grees every loyall true Subject, at what distance so'ere shall in fine become a delinquent; Time was when disloyalty or but disaffection towards the Soveraigne was made to be crimen crimine vacanti­um, saith the observant Historian; a punishable fault in such that wanted faults of accusation besides: but now we may expect and justly feare the con­trary; It hath already thus befallen the Ministry in their kind, most of the conformable worthyer sort of them in all places, being thereupon, and for no other reason commonly, strangely Metamor­phized, through a wrong interpretation, into a new shape, and so presented to the world under the ti­tle of Popish or scandalous; But therefore let us rather know in what? why thus, as farre as my weake ap­prehension will carry me. The King is not pleased to grant whatsoever is demanded of him though never so unreasonable, ergo he is misled; Because His Majesty will not yield to an hocksing and laming of his owne Reg [...]ll authority transmitted unto him entire from the hands of his illustrious [Page 24] predecessours: To a new moulding of the state af­ter the Venetian platforme: To a new building of the Church suitable to the Genevian modell. In breife to the creating of a new Heaven and a new Earth here amongst us, that is a new Church and a new Commonwealth, he is misled, he is seduced by wicked Counsell.

This is the summe and totall of the businesse, as farre as I can understand, or if there be more in it, I wish it may be made appeare, and the mindes of the moderater sort of people thereby better satis­fied; Neither yet would I be so understood in these last passages, as if I desired that matters whe­ther in Church or Common wealth should altoge­ther stand as they have done, unmoved, unquesti­oned. Not so perchance, (albeit this be a poynt without the retch of my decision,) since what Church or State was ever knowne to have long continued free from the creeping in of sundry pernicious and destructive abuses. Like as some garden or other, we see how it becomes overgrown with weeds streight, if not carefully and often looked to or as the body which quickly supera­bounds with noxious humors, unlesse now & then it be cleansed by wholsome physick. But there is, I conceive, a wide difference to be found be­tweene a reforming of what is amisse in either, and the absolute transforming the whole into a new [Page 25] shape; betwixt pruneing or lopping off the excre­scencies of some over luxuriant vine, and a quite digging of it up by the rootes; This is destructive, that usefull, the former may well be tolerated, nay is some times very requisite. But it is this latter which sober understanding men do so abominate, whereby not only the old and soure leavin is to be purged forth,, as Saint Pauls counsell is, but both batch and laevin, are in danger to be done away together;

And now a little to recollect in one those short imperfect considerations, which have hitherto beene deliverd upon this argument, as 'twere ga­thering together the dispersed handfulls, and making them up into one entire bundle. Here is you see a Warre continued, a cruell bloudy Warre, this too against the King without question; yet this King an hareditary, a good, and peacefull King; withall the armes taken up and used in this warre, they are not, as it is pretended defensive, but offen­sive plainely; then lastly upon what occasion or ground ariseth all this; certainely upon none as yet, that hath not at leastwise beene graciously re­tracted to the full: and as for the future there's none imaginable, unlesse the bare furmises and lea­lousies of men, as was formerly sayed, working them into a needlesse distrust of the Kings fidelity towards a performance of his promises, may be [Page 26] held a lawfull and sufficient ground▪ And tell me, what soule endued but with common reason can approve of such irregular horrid proceedings, which no age, I beleeve, since the times of Chri­stian Rule and Subjection first instituted amongst men (if taken with all circumstances of aggravati­on) looke over the remaining Annals, peruse the choycest Records, can fully patterne or exempli­fie; what heart can chuse but bleed upon a serious consideration of these groundles intestine broyles, broken forth within the bowells of this once flou­rishing Common wealth, which (as that Ignis sa­cer with Physitians, rageing in the bones) of all diseases and annoyances to a State, is the most dreadfull.

I have done with the first branch of my intend­ed discourse, concerning the King; I come next to speake somewhat of the 2^d, the People; The King and his people as Subjects, are Relatives, and so may well be comprized within the Lists of the same Argument; now the people may be consi­dered either disjoy ntedly and apart, or else as they make up one entire representative body in that highest Court: In this latter capacity or con­sideration I shall not say much of them: I love not walking upon precipices, [...] things above us deserve rather to be reverenced by us, then over boldly medled with; But yet this [Page 27] I may safely say, and without offence, I Imagine, that the wisest Assemblies in this kind that may be, cannot amongst the rest of their priviledges what ere challenge to themselves a priviledge of being altogether free from errors and mistakes. It hath beene so in the gravest Councells of the Church as hitherto; (true Councells indeed, and those truely and legally summoned together) one solely ac­cepted, and that the first, wherein the holy Ghost after a more immediate manner did sit at sterne, moderateing and directing their present consulta­tions. To pretend either here or there to an abso­lute infallibility would [...]avour too much of Popish arrogancy: yet a blemish which neither the Lay nor Ecclesiasticke part of this Kingdome will be willing I hope, in any considerable number to ac­knowledge themselues much guilty of.

Againe we find in Councells how there hath swayed oftimes a prevailing faction or party: so as they deserved not so much to have beene termed Concilia, as Conciliabula, rather Conventicles then lawfull assemblies, and accordingly the result of their consultations hath usually tasted strong of the prevailing side: nay, we have heard of Coun­cells or Synods, that for a great part there sitting, in the first choice or constitution of them, have not alwayes beene, 'twas thought, so impartially assigned to the place, as not consisting of the best, [Page 28] the ablest, and every way fittest for the worke that might be found: witnesse the many examples of Councells both ancient and moderne too, which might be called upon in attestation of these truths; I apply not the one, nor the other: but this I may perhaps inoffensively say: what hath often happen ed to a Councell, may at some time be fall a Senate: those of the short robe are not more exempted then those of the long; Howbeit I wave the point, with a [...] there, wishing, though no wayes hoping, all to be well.

Yet one thing more, which I had almost forgot­ten, & it is this; what power soever the representative body hath at best, questionlesse it hath it from the body at large, the people; As the sunbeames con­tracted into the narrow concave of some burning glasse, they are the same with the beames in open aire, though some what more vigorous and active by reason of this contraction; not boundlesse or uncontrouleable can such a power then be, for that were more then the people have in them­selves under any capacity, as being Subjects still. And nihill dat quod non habet, is a maxime in Philo­sophy, as true, as common; should the people pre­tend to the bequeathing of such an unlimited power, as our Saviour bespake the two bretheren sueing for preceducy of place in Heaven, ye aske ye know not what; the like might I say of them, ye pre­sume [Page 29] to give ye know not what: So then the pow­er both inherent and derived from the people, is bounded, and ought to move regularly; not be­yond the scope it was intended for▪ I gave my vote to the erecting of this power, not meaning it should recoyle upon my selfe, to the subversion ei­ther of my estate or liberty; nor yet against the So­veraigne power whereto it is subordinate, as being absolutely the highest, if Saint Peter mistake not. 1 Peter 2. 15. To talke of a coordination hereof the three estates (as some have wisely done) making the King one of them, (who yet indeed is none, but properly and truly (will the learned in Law soone tell us) head of those three, viz. the Lords spiritu­all, temporell, and Commons of this land, according to the ancient usage and contrivance heretofore of Parliaments.) But grant it were as they would have it, to talke I say, of a coordination of the 3 estates in this case, were in effect, besides other absurdities following thereupon, (if the result be throughly lookt into) to constitute a supreame without infe­riours, a King for the time not having Subjects; the people all of them (as it must needes follow) being implicitly involved under the other two; How much better would a soft complyable motion do betwixt the three, and forward the dispatch of businesses most effectually: It should be like that motion in the Prophet Ezekiels vision rota in rota; or as of the sphaeres above, which move one with­in [Page 30] another. That crosse contrariant motion of the neather sphaeres to the first moveable, we know how it begets a slownesse or tardity in them of their proper and naturall procession; and we see by wo­full experience what a stop, if not a retrograde de­clination of civill affaires, the clashing or banding of one power against the other hath wrought of late in this miserably distracted Common-wealth.

But falling downe, as I was about, to a lower pin, let us next consider the people in a disgrega­tive sence or notion: those who hitherto upon all occasions have so firmely every where (whether voluntarily or invited to it, I meddle not) adhaered as a strong support to the higher powers; I meane not here to enter the lists of a particular compari­son, by poysing man with man, person with per­son on either side; but as we may find divers of good note (be it confessed) on that part, so are there many more, let me say it, on this: If Saul hath slaine his thousands, David can boast of his ten thousands: The muster rolle if lookt over would better determine this Quaere, then I can; well may they confide and rest themselves upon the affecti­ons of the vulgar sort who (besides their naturall pronenesse towards Innovations ever) as most an end they understand but little, so are they easiliest seduced, and engaged in preposterous undertake­ings: But for those of better ranke, such as be ei­ther [Page 31] knowing, or otherwise of more considera­ble qualitie, here they must needs acknowledge themselves to be upon termes of disadvantage; Some hereupon I have heard to terme this warre with reference to the opposite side, as that of old, Bellum Rusticum, the Helio [...]s or the Pesants warre. And questionlesse it is some encouragement when as it chanceth thus, we excel not only in the good­nesse of the cause, but likewise in the worthinesse of the abettors. But passing by what ere other sorts of Men in their severall ranks and stations as they might be summoned up, let us in our passage touch at the Divine. Can they shew mee any of their chiefe Scribes or Teachers (take him forth of the highest classis with them) that may be thought in point of sound and deep knowledge an equall March for divers but of the second or third here: Yet is Resistance (the center namely whereunto this whole discourse doth bend it selfe) not meer­ly a point of State-policie, but of Conscience also, e­ven in the highest degree: and being so, who so fit to direct the conscience, as is the Divine, and of Divines the learnedst, the best able?

Next take but into consideration the zeale, or rather the fury of many of their chiefe Ministers or Agents in these affaires; Religion is pretended, but certainly Malice acts the businesse: or if it be zeale, it is a zeale I feare set on fire by a coale from be­neath. [Page 32] Those who have felt their scourge can best judge of it, and had rather, I beleeve, fall into the hands (if they needs must) of some unbeleeving Ismaelite, then of a too too beleeving Zelot: No spleene or bitternesse of spirit like that of your hot Professour; none more cruell, because he persecutes & wrongs his neighbour, yet thinks he does God good servicein doing so; Paul was not more Paul af­terwards in the waies of truth & sinceritie, then he was Saul before, a fierce & eager persecuter of the Church; Such was the bitter rage or fury of the Circumcelliones or preciser sort of Donatists hereto­fore, against their dissenting, yet orthodoxe bre­thren of the African Church, as sundry of the Fa­thers make mention, not without their deserved censures thereupon: Although they be not all Saints neither I conceive, who appeare on that be­halfe. Many there are, doubtlesse, who doe but Denis in diem assibus vitam aestimare, as the saying is, fight for pay and no more. And some, I under­stand, that are not of the Protestant Religion (ob­ject they back what they please branding their Adversaries with the opprobrious Nick-name of Popish Armie; and yet were it so, neverthelesse true native subjects they must needs confesse them; enough to justifie both the tender and acceptance of their bounden service in a time of exigency) nor for it therefore more then others.

[Page 33] Fourthly, observe their manner of proceeding in furthe: ance of the publique cause, what by for­ging, by falsifying, & then imposing their falshoods upon the world; The presse with them of late hath been so inured to this Cretian Dialect; that there is question, when or whether happily it may hereaf­ter recover its ancient guise of speaking truth: Newes of Plots and dangerous Conspiracies one while (those too most an end strained to a very ri­diculous height of Panick affrightments) which yet as hitherto, God be thanked, neither wee nor they have felt, nor had at first, it may be, much cause to feare; Newes of some Notable victorie, or other atchieved every day. yet as it hath proved afterwards got ofttimes (if not by Treachery) then in a dreame, without a battle. Lying wonders, I have often read of, but not of Lying Victories till now. Newes of Popery and Popish Ceremonies begun of late to be set up, and countenanced in severall pla­ces. A fiction, in truth, well befitting the Popish Legend, and thither I commend it; what may wee thinke of these men, with their Mountebansk-like devices, who under a masque of pretended zeale, thus shamefully trade in falshoods (all to cheere up their poore deluded followers, and keepe them still in heart) but that even their profession it selfe is but a kinde of lye or grand imposture. Nor can they therefore, if they marke it well, so safely taxe their adversaries, as they doe, with those haynous [Page 34] crimes of swearing & prophanesse, since Lying & Swea­ring are sinnes surely neere allyed, and yet lying too (it may seem) carries a more immediate relati­on to Satan the author of all sinne, who for this, is expressely entitled the Father of lyes. Io. 15. 44.

Vnto this moreover note in the fifth place their bitter Raylings and invectives usually against Church and State, which is another by-path they use to tread in, thereby labouring to stick an inde­leble character of disgrace upon the present Go­vernment in either; Ere while the Bishops Miter shrewdly troubled them, and now the neerer in­terest and powerfulnesse with the King of some our new State Pilots. (Not the faults of either, it may be giving so much offence, as the eminency of their places.) Now the Prelates, then the Statists. What can I say more or lesse concerning this un­quiet barking humour of theirs, but this, the Lord rebuke them? Especially for some among them, and those of the Leviticall Tribe too, the Firebrands and chiefe Incendiaries, to speake truth, in these bloo­dy disturbances. Those [...], or certain Minor Prophets of the times, as the great Criticke was wont to terme such. Indeed the [...], the Chaffe & out-cast of the Clergie. Those Pulpit Barraters, I meane, whose Religion usually is Faction, and zealous Ignorance. That have turned preaching into flat Rayling, and insteed of dissemi­nating [Page 35] the word of saving Truth in the eares of their hearers, doe nought but sowe sedition; forcing them on by their powerfully delusive perswasions, like sillie Sheep as they are (almost without the help of a Metaphor) into daily slaughters, and unlesse God of his mercy shall please to intercede, certaine destruction at once) (I feare) both of soule and bo­dy. If then what Philosophie hath taught us, the end may be guessed at by the Meanes conducent thereunto, for that the meanes and end be wonted­ly Inter se commensurabilia, as they say, and do each answer one another I know not how I may con­ceive or hope well of the end in this case, where I see the meanes to be so foule and altogether un­warrantable.

Last of all, let it be laid to heart the many un­speakable Miseries, which these unhappie differences insteed of a redresse of some former sufferings have brought upon us; Quite contrary, as it were ex Professo, to what we had reason to expect: the Remedy as hitherto proving much worse, then the disease was. Losse in the Libertie of our Persons. For as now what man can be securely safe in any place? And which is the truest Symptome (as the Ora­tour some where tells us) of a people or Nati­on, running further into slavery, wee groane and complaine under the burthen, as sensible of it, and yet Contend not against it with an unanimous con­sent, [Page 36] as it were benummed in our Resolutions. Losse in the property of our goods. For as times are, Ius omne in ferro est, not the Law but the Sword is made the Master of our estates. To speak nothing of the new Aegyptian burdens or taxes beyond all sufferance daily encreasing upon us. Losse in the purity of our Religion. So many brainlesse impious positions are crept in, which like that Abomination of Desolation spoken of by the Prophet Daniel, Dan. 9. 27. have greatly polluted the house of God. Great care of late hath there beene taken for the suppression and avoidance of Poperie, and 'tis well, if so it end not (which yet may be feared) in ma­king roome for the introducement of senselesse A­nabaptisme, or utter Libertinisme. Losse in the beau­tie of our Discipline, or Liturgy; no decency of or­der observed now. Every mans private spirit, or ra­ther fancy, will needs be a rule unto it selfe. And how far this irregularity may chance to proceed is hard to determine, since Conscience not ballanced with a sound judgement is commonly boundlesse, and never ceaseth till it shut up its progresse in a plaine phrensie; I remember to this effect a remar­kable passage in that storie of those mad Anabap­tists of Munster in Germanie. They began at first upon pretence of reforming somewhat amisse in Luthers Doctrine, about certaine few Articles there. Thence they goe on to an utter abolishing of the then present Liturgie. That would not serve [Page 37] the turne, but ere long the written word must bee th [...]owne by as too straight, and concludent to the Spirit, and this moreover with a scoffe by crying Bibel, Bubel, Babel; A Scheme much like to that in the old Poet, Titi, Tute, Tati, Tibi, &c.

Now againe, as before, let us put the premises together; The Infallibilitie, as hath been argued of the greatest assemblies, The Partialitie ofttimes ap­parent in some, the bounded and circumscribed Limitednesse of all, the fuller concurrence of able Personages on this side; the preposterous indirect waies of proceeding by the fomenters, and other Agents on that; the inexpressible calamities, which have and are like to fall upon us in liew of an hoped for Re­formation. Joyne hereto as a close of the rest, that which yet indeed fills up the Ephath of these mis­chiefes full, the bringing in of a forraigne power: As if the fire of dissention our selves had kindled, were not speedy enough to consume a State, un­lesse Others from abroad be solemnly invited, and drawne in, under pretence of quenching the flames, to pull downe the House. And the scale me­thinks seemes still and still to weigh downe lower: the Kings cause more cleared, and the peoples more liable to just misprision.

Thus have I in short drawne forth, as 'twere, a true Coppy of the businesse, as it stands de facto be­tween [Page 38] the King, and some of his people. Should I now put from shore a litle, and goe on further from the Thesis to the Hypothesis, from the History of the mat­ter to a probleme, as whether supposing the King were truly misled, and that he did notably fayle the trust reposed in him, whether in such a case hee might be lawfully resisted, would be a point as easi­ly argued, and Polemically concluded on the Kings part, as it hath been hitherto treated of in a plaine and positive discourse; For at a word, take but away that grand Phenomenon of theirs, that Regall pow­er is originally from the people, and therefore up­on occasion may be reassumed by them (which yet both in the Antecedent and Consequent is utter­ly false.) This principle too as it is further backed with certaine generall Maxims, as Quicquid efficit tale est majus tale, and, Totum est majus suis partibus; Againe, Salus populi suprema Lex, with the like. Axiomes, as it is evident of large extent or com­passe, subject to divers and sundry Limitations, and accordingly as so, fitter for young Sophisters to wrangle out their disputes with, then as meet en­gines to overturne Monarchicall Government; Take away, I say, but these and the like supposita laid downe as an unshaken foundation by them (which yet hath been a taske already sufficiently performed, by the lernd industry of divers worthy undertakers in that kinde) and the whole frame of their weak built discourses quickly fals to ground.

[Page 39] What they urge concerning the fundamentall Lawes of the Kingdome; what likewise touching the usage and customary manner of proceeding by generall assemblies in such like cases heretofore, both at home and abroad, trusting to these a­mongst the rest, as forts of safe retirement; Breifly for the former (if so it be not a meere Chimera of Imagination barely) it is to be wondred at that lawes of so high concernement in the present busi­nesse, should lie hid so low under ground, as not to be found out & produced all this while; where­as the contrary, I understand, have beene and ma­ny be still exhibited, without any such labour or paines of disquisition; or grant such lawes might be produced and made appeare, yet surely with me the law of man shall evermore submit to the law of God; This is, or should be, I am sure, the Touch-stone for all lawes; where the divine law and humane chance to crosse & thwart each other, my conscience directs me the safer way; and tells me I had best keepe close to the former: It is so in the Discipline or outward forme of Church-governe­ment: I appeale to themselves for a testimony; There they cry up to a tittle verbum Domini: still the Word, the Word. And why not so according to some proportion, at least, if occasion require it, in the rectifying of secular and state affaires, I see not the least shew of reason, that can be yeilded to the contrary; yet now for the word of God they [Page 40] have so little comfort thence, such small hopes of any expresse warrant for their proceedings (sa­vouring over strongly of Jesuitish principles) to be found there, as that they scarcely meddle with it, unlesse as they be casually drawne thereto, in their replyes and unsatisfactory answers, Nothing to be heard of there, more then prayers and patience in such cases; God as then must be intreated to in­cline the heart of the Soveraigne, not the people incouraged to inforce him; little mention made of Resistance, except it be against the Devill, or so; but still of obedience and Christian-like subjection; For the latter, that of practise and example, it is an Anthenticke classicall saying, Exempla paucorum non sunt trahenda in Leges vniversorum: we must if we do well, not suffer our selves to be governed altogether so much by Presidents or Examples, as by reason. And it is cheifely true of the examples of latter times, where they recede from the fountaine, the purity of ancienter and better ages, and so grow more suspiciously corrupt: If some before us have done amisse, we must not straight make their example the rule or patterne for us to erre by.

By resistance so often forementioned (to goe no further at present) I meane an active resistance first undertaken, and then pursued in an hostile offensive way: for and such a resistance is this, say they what they please, both deluding themselves and others. [Page 41] And yet such a resistance none of them of the later hach (as farre as I have seene yet) dare in their writings offer to maintaine with open face. Just in the method of those of Rome (whom they so much abhorre) their practise here no way keepes pace with their doctrine: For why? neither scrip­ture nor reason, nor yet any President of the primi­tive or better times, they know could be brought with the least semblance to speake for them: They are for the King too (if we may beleeve them) as well as we, and meerly stand upon their owne de­fence; nor this neither against the King in his owne person, but against some invisible enemies of the Common-wealth about him; so as to enter the lists of a dispute by putting the businesse to an un­granted height on the Kings side; where yet the [...], or maine point in controversie, as things do stand in themselves, is (though but for credits sake) denyed on theirs, were (as they say) to beat the aire, or for want of other worke to seeke out an Adversary. Let the premisses be duely observed, being no otherwise then according to the true condition of the present affaires, and the question if rightly propounded would be this; whether or no, it may be lawfull to take up Compulsory or offensive armes, against a rightfull gracious Prince, professing to governe in all respects by the knowne esta­blished lawes of the land, only upon termes of meere jea­lousie; and distrust to his Regall promises, thereby im­broyling [Page 42] broyling their native country in a bloody and miserably destructive warre. Quod restat probandum.

Besides that such Scholastick Hypotheticall velita­tions as these one way or other, howbeit they right [...]he King in point of due obedience, yet by reason of the supposall they take in, malitious and captious heads may be apt to misconstrue them to some­what a prejudiciall conceipt of him in matter of his goodnesse and integritie; whereas, God bee thanked; Non defensoribus istis, we need no such strai­ned helps, having so Religious, so Iust, so Vnderstan­ding, so every way Compleat a Prince; Be this ground firmely and strongly still maintained; what needs much arguing the lawfulnesse, or vn­lawfulnesse of Resistance in some Dioclesian his time, when as there raigneth a good and godly Constantine? Or of clashing and banding toge­ther in set disputes, the Supreme Soveraigne power residing in the King, (a point sufficiently eviden­ced by the severall, and those publique Acts of State extant to this purpose: as also farther confirmed by the very title of Majestie appropriated unto him as chiefe: this having been in all States ever­more the peculiar badge or cognizance of Sove­raignty wheresoere it lay) with that of Parliaments; where the Prince freely and ex mero motu denies them nothing, that either Reason, Law, or his owne just Rights may give way to? A Prince whose heart [Page 43] is truely in the hands of God (not of Evill Councel­lours) to order and dispose of, if any Kings upon earth be; Of whom briefly it may be said perhaps without our better deservings, as the Apostle speakes, Heb. 11. of some especiall Saints and Ser­vents of the Almighty in times past, that this Island of ours, or lesser World will prove it selfe unwor­thy.

Meane while the premised considerations, as I have committed them to paper for mine owne satis­faction, so shall they suffice mee untill a surer and more reall ground be offered of a disputative en­quirie. And did others, I wish, whom it may con­cerne, propose the like to themselves, annexing them as a Labell to that sacred oath of Allegiance they have taken; Adde hereunto the late solemne Protestation made for defence of his Royall person & dignitie, either of which how they can possibly di­spense with in their proceedings so diametrally opposed (maugre their sundry senselesse Evasions) be it between God & their owne consciences: for my part I must professe, I am yet to learn; Let them consider the Sacriledge, the Murders, the Rapines done (nay commanded, Iustifiable Legall offences you may now call them, as far as an humane Ordi­nance will carry) in these wild licentious times of Anarchy; Strange beginnings of an intended Re­formation, one would think; I have read of Religi­on in the Primitive times planted, yea propagated [Page 44] in blood, under Pagans and Infidells: but for Chri­stians amongst themselves, professing one and the same faith, to advance the supposed purity of Gods worship by such harsh meanes, I have not so frequently heard of, untill these later and frantick daies of ours; It is the fruit of a doctrine well be­coming the Turkish Alcoron, and there according­ly ofttimes inculcated, but no where surely to be found in the Gospell of Christ: not taught by his A­postles, nor afterwards abetted by any of the Or­thodox Fathers; [...], Prayer and Preaching were the appointed weapons of their warfare; Notwithstand [...]ng more outrages, I dare say, more heynous and crying sinnes in all kinds unpunishably cōmitted under this pretext chiefly these last two yeares, then have bin acted formerly, (set them altogether) within the circuit of this our English Clime, since the first establishment of the Protestant Religion here amongst us; As if with us now indeed were the time when Satan that great Master of misrule and of all impietie were let loose into the world, according to S^t Iohn that his Apo­calypticall prediction, Rev. 20. 7. Consider they, I say, and that seriously, lest as our Saviour speakes concerning the Iewes, Mat. 22. 34. burdening them with all the righteous blood which was shed upon earth, frrm the blood of Abel, unto the blood of Za­charias; So (in as much as between two parties dis­agreeing, the one must needs be faulty) all the [Page 45] crimes fore-mentioned may come upon them like­wise, and be added to the score of their offences. And yet if one small transgression, in any of the premisses bee, as it is, enough to sinke the guilty; what will an huge heape doe? If Caines own sinne alone was heavier then he could beare, what may we thinke of the numerous sinnes of a whole Nation?

These or the like considerations then, if through­ly & impartially weighed, might be of great force in rectifying the praecipitate disloyall inclinations of a still misguided sort of people; Certainly it hath beene want of a serious animadversion on this be­halfe, which hath hitherto blindly led them on: A strong though groundlesse conceit with manie of the justice, nay necessarinesse of the cause, swaying them aside from the course of their bounden du­ty: As if their Religion, their Lawes, and Liberties, lay all at stake, (true for certaine, it is to be feared the Contrary side) which yet as here, God knowes is nothing so: When Absolon rose up in Armes against his Lord and Father David. 2. Sam. 15. no question but the Heads of the then devised con­spiracie made good use (the text insinuates as much) of some such specious pretences, where­with to cozen the weake and ignorant people; so, for that causelesse insurrection of Corah with his complices against Moses and Aaron together, Num. [Page 46] 16. thereby at once discovering their rancorous disaffection towards the established government both in Church and State; Yee take too much upon you, cry these discontented Reformers, ye intrench too close upon our pretended Priviledges, our Liberties, our Consciences; Never any Rebellion wanted a cloake or cover of this kind of making. And there­fore men should have done well, carefully to have pondered aforehand, by debating over and againe, a businesse of so high consequence (as that whereon depends the hazard of eternall Damna­tion, Rom. 13. 2.) before they had rashly ingaged themselves in a blinde and obstinate defence of the same; Or if it hath been duely perpended, as it ought, yet without effect: then naught to bee said but this, Quis furor O Cives, God, I feare, as his usu­all way of proceeding is in such like cases, hath strangely besotted and infatuated the understandings of this sinfull Nation, meaning to scourge us still after a most severe manner, with the rodde of our own fury; like as it befell the Ammonites, and Mo­abites, in fight against the Israelites, who helped thus to destroy one another, as we finde it recor­ded, 2. Chron. 20. 23.

I conclude the whole with that sage advice of [Page 47] the wisest of men next to Christ himselfe, Prov. 24. 21. worthy of a deliberate poising by all, but espe­cially those of the disaffected partie. Feare God and the King, and meddle not with them that are given to change: for their calamitie shall rise suddenly, and who knoweth the ruine of them both? where it is to be ob­served, how you have God and the King set a brest as 'twere, the obedience we owe to the King joyned with that Duty which we owe unto God: & sutably a neglect of our performance in the one, threatned with certaine destruction alike, as in the other. And the reason for both holds parallell still, be­cause as by the former we offend God in his owne person, so by the later we injure him in the Person of his substitute or immediate Vicegerent here ap­pointed over us.