A new voyage round the world describing particularly the isthmus of America, several coasts and islands in the West Indies, the isles of Cape Verd, the passage by Terra del Fuego, the South Sea coasts of Chili, Peru and Mexico, the isle of Guam one of the Ladrones, Mindanao, and other Philippine and East-India islands near Cambodia, China, Formosa, Luconia, Celebes, &c., New Holland, Sumatra, Nicobar Isles, the Cape of Good Hope, and Santa Hellena : their soil, rivers, harbours, plants, fruits, animals, and inhabitants : their customs, religion, government, trade, &c. / by William Dampier ; illustrated with particular maps and draughts.

A new voyage round the world describing particularly the isthmus of America, several coasts and islands in the West Indies, the isles of Cape Verd, the passage by Terra del Fuego, the South Sea coasts of Chili, Peru and Mexico, the isle of Guam one of the Ladrones, Mindanao, and other Philippine and East-India islands near Cambodia, China, Formosa, Luconia, Celebes, &c., New Holland, Sumatra, Nicobar Isles, the Cape of Good Hope, and Santa Hellena : their soil, rivers, harbours, plants, fruits, animals, and inhabitants : their customs, religion, government, trade, &c. / by William Dampier ; illustrated with particular maps and draughts.

A new voyage round the world describing particularly the isthmus of America, several coasts and islands in the West Indies, the isles of Cape Verd, the passage by Terra del Fuego, the South Sea coasts of Chili, Peru and Mexico, the isle of Guam one of the Ladrones, Mindanao, and other Philippine and East-India islands near Cambodia, China, Formosa, Luconia, Celebes, &c., New Holland, Sumatra, Nicobar Isles, the Cape of Good Hope, and Santa Hellena : their soil, rivers, harbours, plants, fruits, animals, and inhabitants : their customs, religion, government, trade, &c. / by William Dampier ; illustrated with particular maps and draughts.

Table of contents

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Title page

To the Right Honourable Charles Mountague, Esq President of the Royal Society, One of the Lords Commissioners of the Treasury, &c.

THE PREFACE.

THE CONTENTS.

Mr. William Dampier's VOYAGE ROUND THE Terrestrial Globe.

The Introduction.

THE TRAVELS OF Mr. William Dampier.

CHAP. I.

CHAP. II.

CHAP. III.

CHAP. IV.

CHAP. V.

CHAP. VI.

CHAP. VII.

CHAP. VIII.

CHAP. IX.

CHAP. X.

CHAP. XI.

CHAP. XII.

CHAP. XIII.

CHAP. XIV.

CHAP. XV.

CHAP. XVI.

CHAP. XVII.

CHAP. XVIII.

CHAP. XIX.

CHAP XX.

ERRATA.

Books sold by James Knapton, at the Crown in St. Pauls Church-yard.

[2]

Title page

To the Right Honourable EDWARD, Earl of ORFORD, Viscount Barfleur, Baron of Shingey, Principal Lord of the Admiralty, Treasurer of his Majesty's Navy, &c. and one of his Majesty's most Honourable Privy Council.

The PREFACE.

The CONTENTS.

PART I.

PAAT II.

PART III.

Mr Dampier's Voyages. VOL. II.

PART I. His Voyage from Achin in Sumatra, to Tonquin, and other places in the East-Indies.

CHAP. I.

CHAP. II.

CHAP III.

CHAP IV.

CHAP V.

CHAP VI.

CHAP VII.

CHAP VIII.

CHAP IX.

§

Mr. Dampier's Voyages TO THE Bay of Campeachy. Vol. II. Part II. Containing an Account of the Bay of Campeachy in the West Indies, and Parts adjacent.

CHAP. I.

CHAP. II.

CHAP. III.

CHAP. IV.

CHAP. VI.

§

A Scheme of the following Treatise.

Mr. Dampier's Voyages. Vol. II. Part III. A Discourse of Winds, Breezes, Storms, Tides and Currents.

CHAP. I. Of the General Trade-Wind.

The Introduction.

Of the General Trade-Wind.

CHAP. II. Of the constant coasting Trade-Winds.

CHAP. III. Of the coasting Trade-Winds that shift.

CHAP. IV. Of Sea and Land-Breezes.

CHAP. V. Of Land-winds and Sea-Breezes peculiar to some Coasts at some particular seasons of the Year; as also of some Winds that produce strange Effects.

CHAP. VI. Of Storms.

CHAP. VII. Of the Seasons of the Year.

CHAP. VIII. Of Tides and Currents.

The following Paper, containing a short Description of a part of Africk that is not well known to Europeans, I thought would not be unacceptable to the curious Reader. I have therefore annexed it, as I received it from my ingenious Friend Capt. Rogers, who is lately gone to that Place: and hath been there several times before.

A General INDEX To both Volumes of DAMPIER'S VOYAGES.

ERRATA.

BOOKS sold by James Knapton, at the Crown in St. Paul's Church-yard.

Mr. Shadwel's Plays, bound or single, viz.

Also these, and all other Modern Plays.

A new voyage round the world describing particularly the isthmus of America, several coasts and islands in the West Indies, the isles of Cape Verd, the passage by Terra del Fuego, the South Sea coasts of Chili, Peru and Mexico, the isle of Guam one of the Ladrones, Mindanao, and other Philippine and East-India islands near Cambodia, China, Formosa, Luconia, Celebes, &c., New Holland, Sumatra, Nicobar Isles, the Cape of Good Hope, and Santa Hellena : their soil, rivers, harbours, plants, fruits, animals, and inhabitants : their customs, religion, government, trade, &c. / by William Dampier ; illustrated with particular maps and draughts.[1]

§

§

§

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A New Voyage ROUND THE WORLD.

Describing particularly, The Isthmus of America, several Coasts and Islands in the West Indies, the Isles of Cape Verd, the Passage by Terra del Fuego, the South Sea Coasts of Chili, Peru, and Mexico; the Isle of Guam one of the Ladrones, Mindanao, and other Philippine and East-India Islands near Cambodia, China, Formosa, Luconia, Celebes, &c. New Holland, Sumatra, Nicobar Isles; the Cape of Good Hope, and Santa Hellena.

THEIR Soil, Rivers, Harbours, Plants, Fruits, Animals, and Inhabitants.

THEIR Customs, Religion, Government, Trade, &c.

By William Dampier.

Illustrated with Particular Maps and Draughts.

LONDON, Printed for James Knapton, at the Crown in St Paul s Church-yard. M DC XCVII.

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To the Right Honourable Charles Mountague, Esq President of the Royal Society, One of the Lords Commissioners of the Treasury, &c.

SIR,

MAY it please you to Pardon the Boldness of a Stranger to your Person, if upon the encouragement of Common Fame, he presumes so much upon your Candor, as to lay before you this Account of his Travels. As the Scene of them is not only Remote, but for the most part little frequented also, so there may be some things in them New even to you; and some, possibly, not altogether unuseful to the Publick. And that just Veneration which the World pays, as to your Genera! Worth, so especially to that Zeal for the advancement of Knowledge, and the Interest of your Country, which you express upon all Occasions, give you a particular Right to whatever may any way tend to the promoting these Interests, as an Offering due to your Merit. I have not so much of the vanity of a Traveller, as to be fond of telling stories, especially of this [Page] kind; nor can I think this plain piece of mine, deserves a place among your more Curious Collections: much less have I the Arrogance to use your Name by way of Patronage for the too obvious faults, both of the Author and the Work. Yet dare I avow, according to my narrow sphere and poor abilities, a hearty Zeal for the promoting of useful knowledge, and of any thing that may never so remotely tend to my Countries advantage: And I must own an Ambition of transmitting to the Publick through your hands, these Essays I have made toward those great ends, of which you are so deservedly esteemed the Patron. This hath been my design in this Publication, being desirous to bring in my Gleanings here and there in Remote Regions, to that general Magazine, of the knowledge of Foreign Parts, whieh the Royal Society thought you most worthy the Custody of, when they chose you for their President: and if in perusing these Papers, your Goodness shall so far distinguish the Experience of the Author from his Faults, as to judge him capable of serving his Country, either immediately, or by serving you, he will endeavour by some real proofs to shew himself,

SIR,

Your Most Faithful, Devoted, Humble Servant, W. Dampier.

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THE PREFACE.

BEfore the Reader proceed any further in the perusal of this Work, I must bespeak a little of his Patience here, to take along with him this short account of it. It is composed of a mixt Relation of Places, and Actions, in the same order of time in which they occurred: for which end I kept a Journal of every days Observations.

In the Description of Places, their Produce, &c. I have endeavoured to give what satisfaction I could to my Country-men; tho possibly to the Describing several things that may have been much better accounted for by others: Choosing to be more particular than might be needful, with respect to the intelligent Reader, rather than to omit what I thought might tend to the Information of Persons no less sensible and inquisitive, tho not so Learned or Experienced. For which reason, my chief Care hath been to be as particular as was consistent with my intended brevity, in setting down such Observables as I met with: Nor have I given my self any great trouble since my Return, to compare my Discoveries with those of others: The rather, because, should it so happen that I have described some places or things which others have done before me, yet in different Accounts, even of the same things, it can hardly be but there will be some new Light afforded by each of them. But after all, considering that the main of this Voyage hath its Scene-laid in long Tracts of the Remoter parts, both of the East and West Indies; some of which [Page] very seldom visited by English men, and others as rarely by any Europeans, I may without vanity incourage the Reader to expect many things wholly new to him, and many others more fully described than he may have seen elsewhere; for which not only this Voyage, tho it self of many years continuance, but also several former long and distant Voyages, have qualified me.

As for the Actions of the Company, among whom I made the greatest part of this Voyage, a Thread of which I have carried on thro it, 'tis not to divert the Reader with them that I mention them, much less that I take any pleasure in relating them: but for methods sake, and for the Readers satisfaction; who could not so well acquiesce in my Description of Places, &c. without knowing the particular Traverses I made among them; nor in these, without an Account of the Concomitant Circumstances: Besides, that I would not prejudice the truth and sincerity of my Relation, tho by omissions only. And as for the Traverses themselves, they make for the Readers advantage, how little soever for mine; since thereby I have been the better inabled to gratify his Curiosity; as one who rambles about a Country can give usually a better account of it, than a Carrier who jogs on to his Inn, without ever going out of his Road.

As to my Stile, it cannot be expected, that a Seaman should affect Politeness; for were I able to do it, yet I think I should be little sollicitous about it, in a work of this Nature. I have frequently indeed, divested my self of Sea Phrases, to gratify the Land Reader; for which the Seamen will hardly forgive me: And yet, possibly, I shall not seem Complaisant enough to the other; because I still retain the use of so many Sea-terms. I confess I have not been at all scrupulous in this matter, either as to the one or the other of these; for I am perswaded, that if what I say be intelligible, it matters not greatly in what words it is express'd.

For the same reason I have not been curious as to the spelling of the Names of Places, Plants, Fruits, Animals, [Page] &c. which in many of these remoter parts are given at the pleasure of Travellers, and vary according to their different Humours: Neither have I confined my self to such Names as are given by Learned Authors, or so much as enquired after many of them. I write for my Countrymen; and have therefore, for the most part, used such Names as are familiar to our English Seamen, and those of our Colonies abroad, yet without neglecting others that occurr'd. And it may suffice me to have given such Names and Descriptions as I could: I shall leave to those of more leisure and opportunity the trouble of comparing these with those which other Authors have designed.

The Reader will find as he goes along, some References to an Appendix, which I once designed to this Book; as, to a Chapter about the Winds in different parts of the World; to a Description of the Bay of Campeachy in the West Indies, where I lived long in a former Voyage; and to a particular Chorographical Description of all the South Sea Coast of America, partly from a Spanish MSS, and partly from my own and other Travellers Observations, beside those contained in this Book. But such an Appendix would have swelled it too unreasonably; and therefore I chose rather to publish it hereafter by its self, as opportunity shall serve. And the same must be said also as to a particular Voyage from Achin in the Isle of Sumatra, to Tonquin, Malacca, &c. which should have been inserted as a part of this General one; but it would have been too long, and therefore omitting it for the present, I have carried on this, next way from Sumatra to England; and so made the Tour of the World, correspondent to the Title.

For the better apprehending the Course of the Voyage, and the Situation of the Places mentioned in it, I have caused several Maps to be engraven, and some particular Draughts of my own Composure. Among them, there is in the Map of the American Isthmus, a new Scheme of the adjoining Bay of Panama and its Islands, which to some may seem superfluous after that which Mr Ringrose [Page] hath published in the History of the Buccaneers; and which he offers as a very exact Draught. I must needs disagree with him in that, and doubt not but this which I here publish will be found more agreeable to that Bay, by any who shall have opportunity to examine it; for it is a Contraction of a larger Map which I took from several Stations in the Bay itself. The Reader may judge how well I was able to do it, by my several Traverses about it, mentioned in this Book; those, particularly, which are described in the 7th Chapter, which I have caused to be marked out with a pricked Line: as the Course of my Voyage is generally in all the Maps, for the Readers more easy tracing it.

I have nothing more to add, but that there are here and there some mistakes made, as to expression, and the like, which will need a favourable Correction as they occur upon Reading. For instance, the Log of Wood lying out at some distance from the sides of the Boats described at Guam, and parallel to their Keel, which for distinctions sake I have called the little Boat, might more clearly and properly have been called the side Log, or by some such Name; for though fashioned at the bottom and ends Boatwise, yet it is not hollow at top, but solid throughout. In other places also I may not have expressed my self so fully as I ought; and upon a Review I find there are several escapes either of mine or the Printers: such as I have thought any thing considerable I have corrected in a Table of Errata; and for any other faults I leave the Reader to the joint use of his Judgment and Candour.

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THE CONTENTS.

THE Introduction, containing the Author's Departure from England, into the West Indies and the South Seas, to the time of his leaving Captain Sharp.

Chap. I. His Return out of the South Seas, to his Landing at the Isthmus of America.

II. His Return by Land over the Isthmus.

III. His Traverses among the West India Islands and Coasts, and arrival in Virginia.

IV. His Departure for the South Seas again; his touching at the Islands of Cape Verd, and the African Coast, and Arrival at the Isle of John Fernando in the South Seas.

V. His Course thence Northward to the Isles Lobos, and Gallapagos, to Caldera Bay, Rio Lexa, and Amapalla, in the K. of Mexico.

VI. He goes back towards Peru, to the Isle Plata, Point Santa Hellena, Manta, Paita, Lobos, Puna, Guiaquil, and Plata again.

VII. His Progress Northward again to the R. Saint Jago, Tomaco, the Isle Galleo, I. Gorgonia, the Pearl Isles, &c. in the Bay of Panama.

VIII. He proceeds along the Mexican Coast, to the Keys of Quibo, Ria Lexa, and the Harbour of Guatulco.

IX. He Coasts along to Acapulco, Petaplan, Estapa, Colima, Sallagua, Cape Corrientes: thence to the Isles of Chametly, Bay of Valderas, Isles of [Page] Pontique, other Isles of Chametly, Massaclan, Rosario, R. Saint Jago, Santa Pecaque, Isles of Santa Maria, Valderas, and Cape Corrientes again.

X. He stands over the Southern Ocean for the East Indies, and arrives at Guam, one of the Ladrone Ishes.

XI. His arrival at Mindanao, one of the Philippine Islands: and of its Natural State.

XII. The Political State of Mindanao.

XIII. Occurrences during the Authors stay at Mindanao.

XIV. He departs towards Manila, in the Isle of Luconia; touching at Bat Island, and the Isle of Mindora, and leaving Luconia, he goes to Pulo Condore, on the Coast of Cambodia, to Pulo Uby, in the Bay of Siam, and to Pulo Condore again.

XV. He goes to the I. of St. John on the Coast of China, to the Isles Piscadores near Formosa; and the Bashee, or 5 Islands, between Formosa and Luconia, called Orange, Monmouth, Grafton, Bashee, and Goat Isles.

XVI. He Coasts along the East side of Luconia, Mindanao, and other of the Philippines: and touching at the I. Celebes, and Callasusung in the I. of Bouton, he arrives at New Holland.

XVII. He goes thence, touches at the I. Triste, and another; and steering along the West Coast of Sumatra, arrives at the I. of Nicobar, where he stays ashore, and the Ship departs.

XVIII. He stands ever from thence in an open Boat to Passange Jonca; and thence to Achin; and after several Traverses comes to Bencouli, all on the I. of Sumatra.

XIX. He Ships himself for England, and arrives at the Cape of Good Hope.

XX. His departure thence to the I. Santa Hellena, and Arrival in the Downs.

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MAP OF THE WORLD. Shewing the Course of MR, DAMPIERS Voyage Round it: From 1679, to 1691.

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Mr. William Dampier's VOYAGE ROUND THE Terrestrial Globe.

The Introduction.

The Authors Departure from England, and arrival in Jamaica. His first going over the Isthmus of America into the South Seas: his Coasting along Peru and Chili, and back again, to his parting with Captain Sharp near the Isle of Plata, in order to return over Land.

I First set out of England on this Voyage, at the beginning of the year 1679, in the Loyal Merchant of London, bound for Jamaica, Captain Knapman [Page] Commander. I went a Passenger, designing when I came thither, to go from thence to the Bay of Campeachy, in the Gulph of Mexico, to cut Log-wood: where in a former Voyage I had spent about three years in that employ; and so was well acquainted with the place and the work.

We sailed with a prosperous gale without any impediment, or remarkable passage in our Voyage: unless that when we came in sight of the Island Hispaniola, and were coasting along on the South side of it, by the little Istes of Vacca, or Ash, I observed Captain Knapman was more vigilant than ordinary, keeping at a good distance off shore, for fear of coming too near those small low Islands; as he did once, in a voyage from England, about the year 1673, losing his Ship there, by the carelesness of his Mates. But we succeeded better; and arrived safe at Port Royal in Jamaica some time in April 1679, and went immediately ashore.

I had brought some goods with me from England which I intended to sell here, and stock my self with Rum and Sugar, Saws, Axes, Hats, Stockings, Shoes, and such other Commodities, as I knew would sell among the Compeachy Log-wood Cutters. Accordingly I sold my English Cargo at Port Royal; but upon some maturer considerations of my intended Voyage to Campeachy, I changed my thoughts of that design, and continued at Jamaica all that year, in expectation of some other business.

I shall not trouble the Reader with my Observations at that Isle, so well known to English men; nor with the particulars of my own Affairs during my stay there. But in short, having there made a purchase of a small Estate in Dorsetshire, near my Native Country of Somerset, of one whose Title to [Page] it I was well assured of, I was just embarking my self for England, about Christmas, 1679, when one Mr Hobby invited me to go first a short Trading Voyage to the Country of the Moskito's, of whom I shall speak in my first Chapter. I was willing to get up some money before my return, having laid out what I had at Jamaica; so I sent the Writing of my new purchase along with the same friends whom I should have accompanied to England, and went on board Mr Hobby.

Soon after our setting out we came to an anchor again in Negril Bay, at the West end of Jamaica; but finding there Captain Coxon, Sawkins, Sharp, and other Privateers, Mr Hobby's men all left him to go with them, upon an expedition they had contrived, leaving not one with him beside my self; and being thus left alone, after 3 or 4 days stay with Mr Hobby, I was the more easily perswaded to go with them too.

It was shortly after Christmas 1679 when we set out. The first Expedition was to Portobel; which being accomplished, it was resolved to march by Land over the Isthmus of Darien, upon some new Adventures in the South Seas. Accordingly on the 5th of April 1680, we went ashore on the Isthmus, near Golden Island, one of the Sambaloes, to the number of between 3 and 400 men, carrying with us such Provisions as were necessary, and Toys wherewith to gratify the Wild Indians, through whose Country we were to pass. In about nine days march we arrived at Sonta Maria, and took it, and after a stay there of about three days, we went on to the South Sea Coast, and there embarked our selves in such Canoas and Periago's us our Indian friends furnished us withal. We were in sight of Panama by the 23d of April, and having in vain attempted Paebla Nova, before which Sawkins, [Page] then Commander in chief, and others, were kill'd, we made some stay at the Neighbouring Isles of Quibo.

Here we resolved to change our course, and stand away to the Southward for the Coast of Peru. Accordingly we left the Keys or Isles of Quibo the 6th of June, and spent the rest of the year in that Southern course; for touching at the Isles of Gorgonia and Plata, we came to Ylo, a small Town on the Coast of Peru, and took it. This was in October, and in November we went thence to Coquimbo on the same Coast, and about Christmas were got as far as the Isle of John Fernando, which was the farthest of our Course to the Southward.

After Christmas we went back again to the Northward, having a design upon Arica, a strong Town advantageously situated in the hollow of the Elbow, or bending of the Peruvian Coast. But being there repulsed with great loss, we continued our course Northward, till by the middle of April we were come in sight of the Isle of Plata, a little to the Southward of the Equinoctial Line.

I have related this part of my Voyage thus summarily and concisely, as well because the World hath Accounts of it already, in the relations that Mr Ringrose and others have given of Captain Sharp's Expedition, who was made chief Commander, upon Sawkins's being kill'd: as also, because in the prosecution of this Voyage I shall come to speak of these parts again, upon occasion of my going the second time into the South Seas: and shall t here describe at large the places both of the North, and South America, as they occurred to me. And for this reason, that I might avoid needless Repetitions, and hasten to such particulars, as the Publick hath hitherto had no account of, I have chosen to comprize the [Page] Relation of my Voyage hitherto, in this short compass, and place it as an Introduction before the rest, that the Reader may the better perceive where I mean to begin to be Particular; for there I have plac'd the Title of my first Chapter.

All therefore that I have to add to the Introduction, is this: That while we lay at the Isle of John Fernando, Captain Sharp was, by general consent, displaced from being Commander; the Company being not satisfied either with his Courage or Behaviour. In his stead, Captain Watling was advanced: but he being killed shortly after before Arica, we were without a Commander during all the rest of our return towards Plata. Now Watling being killed, a great number of the meaner sort began to be as earnest for choosing Captain Sharp again into the vacancy, as before they had been as forward as any to turn him out: And on the other side, the abler and more experienced men, being altogether dissatisfied with Sharp's former Conduct, would by no means consent to have him chosen. In short, by that time we were come in sight of the Island Plata, the difference between the Contending Parties was grown so high, that they resolved [...]o part Companies; having first made an Agreement, that which Party soever should, upon Polling, appear to have the Majority, they should keep the Ship: And the other should content themselves with the Lanch or Long-boat, and Canoas, and return back over the Isthmus, or go to seek their fortune otherways, as they would.

[Page] Accordingly we put it to the Vote; and upon dividing, Captain Sharp's party carried it. I, who had never been pleased with his management, though I had hitherto kept my mind to my self, now declared my self on the side of those that were Out-voted; and according to our agreement, we took our shares of such Necessaries, as were fit to carry over Land with us, (for that was our Resolution:) and so prepared for our Departure.

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A Map of the ISTHMUS of DARIEN. & Bay of PANAMA

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THE TRAVELS OF Mr. William Dampier.

CHAP. I.

An Account of the Author's Return out of the South Seas, to his Landing near Cape St. Lawrence, in the Isthmus of Darien: With an Occasional Description of the Moskito Indians.

APril the 17th 1681. about Ten a Clock in the morning, being 12 leagues N. W. from the Island Plata, we left Captain Sharp, and those who were willing to go with him in the Ship, and imbarqued into our Lanch and Canoas, designing for the River of Sancta Maria, in the Gulf of St. Michael, which is about 200 leagues from the Isle of Plata. We were in number 44 white Men who bore Arms, a Spanish Indian, who bore Arms also; and two Moskito Indians, who always [Page] bear Arms amongst the Privateers, and are much valued by them for striking Fish, and Turtle or Tortoise, and Manatee or Sea Cow; and 5 Slaves taken in the South Seas, who fell to our share.

The Craft which carried us was a Lanch, or Long Boat, one Canoa, and another Canoa which had been sawn asunder in the middle, in order to have made Bumkins, or Vessels for carrying water, if we had not separated from our Ship. This we joyned together again and made it tight; providing Sails to help us along: And for 3 days before we parted, we sifted so much Flower as we could well carry, and rubb'd up 20 or 30 pound of Chocolate with Sugar to sweeten it; these things and a Kettle the Slaves carried also on their backs after we landed. And because there were some who designed to go with us that we knew were not well able to march, we gave out, that if any man faultred in the Journey over Land he must expect to be shot to death; for we knew that the Spaniards would soon be after us, and one man falling into their hands might be the ruin of us all, by giving an account of our strength and condition: yet this would not deter them from going with us. We had but little Wind when we parted from the Ship; but before 12 a Clock the Sea-breeze came in strong, which was like to founder us before we got in with the shore; for our security therefore, we cut up an old dry Hide that we brought with us, and barricadoed the Lanch all round with it to keep the water out. About 10 a clock at night we got in about 7 leagues to windward of Cape Passao under the line, and then it proved calm; and we lay and drove all night, being fatigued the preceeding day. The 18th day we had little wind till the afternoon; and then we made sail, standing along the shore to the North-ward, having the wind at S. S. W. and fair weather.

[Page] At 7 a clock we came a brest of Cape Passao, and found a small Bark at an Anchor in a small Bay to Leeward of the Cape, which we took, our own Boats being too small to transport us. We took her just under the Equinoctial Line, she was not only a help to us, but in taking her we were safe from being descried: We did not design to have meddled with any when we parted with our Consorts, nor to have seen any if we could have helped it. The Bark came from Gallio laden with Timber, and was bound for Guiaquill.

The 19th day in the morning we came to an anchor about 12 leagues to the Southward of Cape St. Francisco, to put our new Bark into a better trim. In 3 or 4 hours time we finished our business, and came to sail again, and steered along the Coast with the Wind at S. S. W. intending to touch at Gorgonia.

Being to the Northward of Cape St. Francisco we met with very wet weather; but the Wind continuing we arrived at Gorgonia the 24th day in the morning, before it was light: we were afraid to approach it in the day time, for fear the Spaniards should lye there for us, it being the place where we careened lately, and where they might expect us.

When we came ashore we found the Spaniards had been there to seek after us, by a House they had built, which would entertain 100 Men, and a great Cross before the Door. This was token enough that the Spaniards did expect us this way again; therefore we examined our Prisoners if they knew any thing of it, who confessed they had heard of a Pereago (or large Canoa) that rowed with 14 Oars, which was kept in a River on the Main, and once in 2 or 3 days came over to Gorgonia purposely to see for us; and that having discovered us, she was to make all speed to Panama with the news; where they had 3 Ships ready to send after us.

[Page] We lay here all the day, and scrubb'd our new Bark, that if ever we should be chased we might the better escape: we fill'd our Water, and in the evening went from thence, having the Wind at S. W. a brisk gale.

The 25th day we had much Wind and Rain, and we lost the Canoa that had been cut and was join'd together; we would have kept all our Canoas to carry us up the River, the Bark not being so convenient.

The 27th day we went from thence with a moderate gale of Wind at S. W. In the afternoon we had excessive Showers of Rain.

The 28th day was very wet all the morning; betwixt 10 and 11 it cleared up, and we saw two great Ships about a league and half to the West-ward of us, we being then two leagues from the shore, and about 10 leagues to the Southward of point Garachina. These Ships had been cruising between Gorgonia and the Gulf 6 month: but whether our Prisoners did know it I cannot tell.

We presently furled our Sails, and rowed in close under the shore, knowing that they were Cruisers; for if they had been bound to Panama this Wind would have carried them thither; and no Ships bound from Panama come on this side the Bay, but keep the North side of the Bay till as far as the Keys of Quibo to the Westward; and then if they are bound to the Southward they stand over and may fetch Galleo, or betwixt it and Cape St. Francisco.

The Glare did not continue long before it rained again, and kept us from the sight of each other: but if they had seen and chaced us, we were resolved to run our Bark and Canoas ashore, and take our selves to the Mountains, and travel over Land; for we knew that the Indians which lived in these parts never had any Commerce with the Spaniards; so we might have had a chance for our Lives.

[Page] The 29th day, at 9 a clock in the morning, we came to an anchor at Point Garrachina, about 7 leagues from the Gulf of St. Michael, which was the place where we first came into the South Seas, and the way by which we designed to return.

Here we lay all the day, and went ashore and dried our Cloaths, clean'd our Guns, dried our Ammunition, and fixt our selves against our Enemies, if we should be attack'd; for we did expect to find some opposition at Landing: we likewise kept a good Look-out all the day, for fear of those two Ships that we saw the day before.

The 30th day in the morning at 8 a clock we came into the Gulf of St. Michael's mouth; for we put from Point Garrachina in the Evening, designing to have reach'd the Islands in the Gulf before day; that we might the better work our design upon our Enemies, if we should find any of them waiting to stop our passage.

About 9 a clock we came to an Anchor a mile without a large Island, which lyes 4 miles from the mouth of the River; we had other small Islands without us, and might have gone up into the River, having a strong tyde of flood, but would not adventure farther till we had lookt well about us.

We immediately sent a Canoa ashore on the Island, where we saw (what we always feared) a Ship at the mouth of the River, lying close by the shore, and a large Tent by it, by which we found it would be a hard task for us to escape them.

When the Canoa came aboard with this news, some of our men were a little disheartned; but it was no more than I ever expected.

Our care was now to get safe over land, seeing we could not land here according to our desire: Therefore before the tyde of flood was spent, we manned our Canoa and rowed again to the Island; to see if the Enemy was yet in motion. When we [Page] came ashore we dispers'd our selves all over the Island, to prevent our Enemies from coming any way to view us; and presently after high-water we saw a small Canoa coming over from the Ship to the Island that we were on; which made us all get into our Canoa, and wait their coming; and we lay close till they came within Pistol-shot of us, and then being ready, we started out and took them. There were in her one White man and two Indians; who being examined, told us that the Ship which we saw at the Rivers mouth had lain there six months, guarding the River, waiting for our coming; that she had 12 Guns, and 150 Sea-men and Souldiers: that the Sea-men all lay aboard, but the Souldiers lay ashore in their Tent; that there were 300 men at the Mines, who had all small Arms, and would be aboard in two Tydes time. They likewise told us, that there were two Ships cruising in the Bay, between this place and Gorgonia; the biggest had 20 Guns and 200 men, the other 10 Guns, and 150 men: Besides all this, they told us that the Indians on this side the Country were our Enemies; which was the worst news of all. However we presently brought these Prisoners aboard, and got under sail, turning out with the Tyde of Ebb, for it was not convenient to stay longer there.

We did not long consider what to do; but intended to land that night, or the next day betimes; for we did not question but we should either get a good commerce with the Indians, by such toys as we had purposely brought with us, or else force our way through their Country, in spight of all their opposition: and we did not fear what the Spaniards could do against us, in case they should land and come afrer us. We had a strong Southerly Wind, which blew right in; and the Tyde of Ebb being far spent, we could not turn out.

[Page] I perswaded them to run into the River of Congo, which is a large River, about three leagues from the Islands where we lay; which with a Southerly Wind we could have done: and when we were got so high as the Tide flows, then we might have landed. But all the Arguments I could use were not of force sufficient to convince them that there was a large River so near us; but they would land somewhere, they neither did know how, where, nor when.

When we had rowed and towed against the Wind all night, we just got about Cape St. Lorenzo in the morning; and sailed about 4 miles farther to the Westward, and run into a small Creek within two Keys, or little Islands, and rowed up to the head of the Creek, being about a mile up, and there we landed, May 1. 1681.

We got out all our Provision and Cloaths, and then sunk our Vessel.

While we were landing, and fixing our Snapsacks to march, our Moskito Indians struck a plentiful dish of Fish, which we immediately drest, and therewith satisfy d our hunger.

Having made mention of the Moskito Indians, it may not be amiss to conclude this Chapter with a short account of them. They are tall, well made, raw-boned, lusty, strong, and nimble of foot; long-visag d, lank black hair, look stern, hard favour'd, and of a dark Copper-colour Complexion. They are but a small Nation or Family, and not 100 men of them in number, inhabiting on the Main, on the North side, near Cape Gratia Dios; between Cape Honduras and Nicaragua. They are very ingenious ar throwing the Lance, Fisgig, Harpoon, or any manner of Dart, being bred to it from their Infancy; for the Children imitating their Parents, never go abroad without a Lance in their hands, which they throw at any object, till use hath [Page] made them masters of the Art. Then they learn to put by a Lance, Arrow, or Dart; the manner is thus. Two Boys stand at a small distance, and Dart blunt stick at one another; each of them holding a small stick in his right hand, with which he strikes away that which was darted at him. As they grow in years they become more dexterous and courageous, and then they will stand a fair mark, to any one that will shoot Arrows at them; which they will put by with a very small stick, no bigger than the rod of a Fowling piece; and when they are grown to be men, they will guard themselves from Arrows, tho they come very thick at them, provided two do not happen to come at once. They have extraordinary good Eyes, and will descry a Sail at Sea farther, and see any thing better than we. Their chiefest employment in their own Country, is to strike Fish, Turtle or Manatee; the manner of which I describe elsewhere, Chap. 3. For this they are esteemed and coveted by all Privateers; for one or two of them in a Ship, will maintain 100 men: So that when we careen our Ships, we choose commonly such places, where there is plenty of Turtle or Manatee for these Moskito men to strike; and it is very rare to find Privateers destitute of one or more of them, when the Commander, or most of the men are English; but they do not love the French; and the Spaniards they hate mortally. When they come among Privateers, they get the use of Guns, and prove very good Marks-men: They behave themselves very bold in fight, and never seem to flinch nor hang back; for they think that the white men with whom they are, know better than they do when it is best to fight; and let the disadvantage of their party be never so great, they will never yield nor give back while any of their party stand. I could never perceive any Religion nor any Ceremonies, [Page] or superstitious Observations among them, being ready to imitate us in whatsoever they saw us do at any time. Only they seem to fear the Devil, whom they call Wallesaw; and they say, he often appears to some among them, whom our men commonly call their Priests, when they desire to speak with him on urgent business; but the rest know not any thing of him, nor how he appears, otherwise than as these Priests tell them. Yet they all say they must not anger him, for then he will beat them, and that sometimes he carries away these their Priests. Thus much I have heard from some of them who speak good English.

They marry but one Wife, with whom they live till death separates them. At their first coming together, the man makes a very small Plantation, for there is Land enough, and they may choose what spot they please. They delight to settle near the Sea, or by some River, for the sake of striking Fish, their beloved employment.

Far within Land there are other Indians, with whom they are always at War. After the man hath cleared a spot of Land, and hath Planted it, he seldom minds it afterward, but leaves the managing of it to his Wife, and he goes out a striking: Sometimes he seeks only for Fish, at other times for Turtle, or Manatee, and whatever he gets he brings home to his Wife, and never stirs out to seek for more till it is all eaten. When hunger begins to bite, he either takes his Canoa and seeks for more game at Sea, or walks out into the Woods, and hunts about for Pecary, Warree, each a sort of Wild Hogs, or Deer; and seldom returns empty handed, nor seeks for any more so long as any of it lasts. Their Plantations are so small, that they cannot subsist with what they produce: for their largest Plantations have not above 20 or 30 Plantain-Trees, a bed of Yames and Potatoes, a bush [Page] of Indian Pepper, and a small spot of Pine-apples; which last fruit is a main thing they delight in, for with these they make a sort of drink which our men call Pine-drink, much esteemed by these Moskito's, and to which they invite each other to be merry, providing Fish and Flesh also. Whoever of them makes of this Liquor treats his neighbours, making a little Canoa full at a time, and so enough to make them all drunk; and it is seldom that such Feasts are made, but the party that makes them hath some design, either to be revenged for some injury done him, or to debate of such differences as have happen'd between him and his neighbours, and to examine into the truth of such matters. Yet before they are warmed with drink they never speak one word of their grievances: and the women, who commonly know their husbands designs, prevent them from doing any injury to each other, by hiding their Lances, Harpoons, Bows and Arrows, or any other Weapon that they have.

These Moskitoes are in general very civil and kind to the English, of whom they receive a great deal of respect, both when they are aboard their Ships, and also ashore, either in Jamaica, or elsewhere, whither they often come with the Sea-men. We always humour them, letting them go any whither as they will, and return to their Country in any Vessel bound that way, if they please. They will have the management of themselves in their striking, and will go in their own little Canoa, which our men could not go in without danger of oversetting; nor will they then let any white man come in their Canoa, but will go a striking in it just as they please: All which we allow them. For should we cross them, tho they should see Shoals of Fish, or Turtle, or the like, they will purposely strike their Harpoons and Turtle-irons aside, or so glance them as to kill nothing. They have no form [Page] of Government among them, but acknowledge the King of England for their Sovereign: They learn our Language, and they take the Governor of Jamaica to be one of the greatest Princes in the World.

While they are among the English, they wear good Cloaths, and take delight to go neat and tight; but when they return again to their own Country, they put by all their Cloaths, and go after their own Country fashion, wearing only a small piece of Linnen tyed about their wastes, hanging down to their knees.

CHAP. II.

The Author's Land Journey from the South to the North-Sea, over the Terra-Firma, or Isthmus of Darien.

BEing landed, May the 1st, we began our march about 3 a Clock in the Afternoon, directing our course by our Pocket Compasses N. E. and having gone about 2 miles, we came to the foot of a hill where we built small Hutts and lay all night; having excessive Rains till 12 a Clock.

The 2d day in the morning having fair weather, we ascended the hill, and found a small Indian path, which we followed till we found it run too much Easterly, and then doubting it would carry us out of our way, we climb'd some of the highest Trees on the Hill, which was not meanly furnished with as large and tall Trees as ever I saw: At length we discovered some Houses in a Valley on the North side of the Hill, but it being steep could [Page] not descend on that side, but followed the small path which led us down the Hill on the East side, where we presently found several other Indian Houses. The first that we came to at the foot of the Hill, had none but women at home, who could not speak Spanish, but gave each of us a good Calabash or Shell full of Corn-drink. The other Houses had some men at home, but none that spoke Spanish; yet we made a shift to buy such food as their Houses or Plantations afforded, which we drest, and eat all together; having all sorts of our Provision in common, because none should live better than others, or pay dearer for any thing than it was worth. This day we had marched 6 mile.

In the evening the Husbands of those women came home, and told us in broken Spanish, that they had been on board of the Guard Ship, which we fled from two days before, that we were now not above three mile from the mouth of the River of Congo, and that they could go from thence aboard the Guard Ship in half a Tydes time.

This evening we supped plentifully on Fowls and Pecary, a sort of Wild Hogs which we bought of the Indians; Yams, Patatoes, and Plantains served us for Bread, whereof we had enough. After Supper we agreed with one of these Indians to guide us a days march into the Country, towards the North side; he was to have for his pains a Hatchet, and his bargain was to bring us to a certain Indians habitation, who could speak Spanish; from whom we were in hopes to be better satisfied of our Journey.

The 3d day having fair weather, we began to stir betimes, and set out betwixt 6 and 7 a Clock, marching through several old ruined Plantations. This morning one of our men being tired gave us the slip. By 12 a Clock we had gone 8 mile, and arrived at the Indians house, who lived on the bank of the River Congo; and spake very good Spanish; to [Page] whom we declared the reason of this visit.

At first he seemed to be very dubious of entertaining any discourse with us, and gave very impertinent answers to the questions that we demanded of him; he told us he knew no way to the North side of the Country, but could carry us to Cheapo or to Santa Maria, which we knew to be Spanish Garrisons; the one lying to the Eastward of us, the other to the Westward: Either of them at least 20 miles out of our way. We could get no other answer from him, and all his discourse was in such an angry tone, as plainly declared he was not our friend. However, we were forced to make a virtue of necessity, and humour him, for it was neither time nor place to be angry with the Indians; all our lives lying in their hand.

We were now at a great loss, not knowing what course to take, for we tempted him with Beads, Money, Hatchets, Macheats, or long Knives; but nothing would work on him, till one of our men took a Sky-coloured Petticoat out of his bag and put it on his Wife, who was so much pleased with the Present, that she immediately began to chatter to her Husband, and soon brought him into a better humour. He could then tell us that he knew the way to the North side, and would have gone with us, but that he had cut his foot 2 days before, which made him uncapable of serving us himself: But he would take care that we should not want a guide; and therefore he hired the same Indian who brought us hither, to conduct us 2 days march further for another Hatchet. The old man would have stayed us here all the day, because it rained very hard; but our business required more haste, our Enemies lying so near us; for he told us that he could go from his house aboard the Guard Ship in a Tydes time; and this was the 4th day since they saw us. So we marched 3 mile farther, [Page] and then built Hutts where we stayed all night; it rained all the afternoon, and the greatest part of the night.

The 4th day we began our march betimes, for the forenoons were commonly fair, but much rain afternoon: tho whether it rained or shined it was much at one with us, for I verily believe we crost the Rivers 30 times this day; the Indians having no paths to travel from one part of the Country to another, and therefore guiding themselves by the Rivers. We marched this day 12 miles, and then built our Hutts and lay down to sleep; but we always kept two men on the watch; otherwise our own Slaves might have knockt us on head while we slept. It rained violently all the afternoon, and most part of the night. We had much ado to kindle a fire this evening: our Hutts were but very mean and ordinary, and our Fire small, so that we could not dry our Cloaths, scarce warm our selves, and no sort of food for the Belly; all which made it very hard with us. I confess these hardships quite expell'd the thoughts of an Enemy, for now having been 4 days in the Country, we began to have but few other cares than how to get Guides and Food; the Spaniards were seldom in our thoughts.

The 5th day we set out in the morning betimes, and having travelled 7 miles in those wild pathless Woods, by 10 a clock in the morning we arrived at a young Spanish Indian's house, who had formerly lived with the Bishop of Panama. The young Indian was very brisk, spoke very good Spanish, and received us very kindly. This Plantation afforded us store of Provision, Yams, and Potatoes, but nothing of any flesh, beside two fat Monkeys we shot, part whereof we destributed to some of our Company, who were weak and sickly; for others we got Eggs, and such refreshments as the Indians had, for we still provided for the sick and weak. We [Page] had a Spanish Indian in our Company, who first took up Arms with Captain Sawkins, and had been with us ever since his death. He was perswaded to live here by the master of the house, who promised him his Sister in marriage, and to be assistant to him in clearing a Plantation; but we would not consent to part from him here, for fear of some treachery, but promised to release him in two or three days, when we were certainly out of danger of our Enemies. We stayed here all the Afternoon, and dryed our Cloaths, and Ammunition, cleared our Guns, and provided our selves for a march the next morning.

Our Chyrurgeon Mr. Wafer came to a sad disaster here: Being drying his Powder, a careless fellow passed by with his Pipe lighted, and set fire to his Powder, which blew up and scortch'd his Knee; and reduced him to that condition, that he was not able to march; wherefore we allowed him a slave to carry his things, being all of us the more concern'd at the accident, because lyable our selves every moment to misfortune, and none to look after us but him. This Indian Plantation was seated on the bank of the River Congo, in a very fat Soyl, and thus far we might have come in our Canoa, if I could have perswaded them to it.

The 6th day we set out again, having hired another guide. Here we first crost the River Congo in a Canoa, having been from our first Landing on the West side of the River, and being over, we marched to the Eastwards 2 mile, and came to another River, which we forded several times, though it was very deep. Two of our men were not able to keep company with us, but came after us as they were able. The last time we forded the River, it was so deep, that our tallest men stood in the deepest place, and handed the sick, weak, and short men; by which means we all got over safe, except [Page] those two who were behind. Foreseeing a necessity of wading through Rivers frequently in our Land-march, I took care before I left the Ship, to provide my self a large Joint of Bambo, which I stopt at both ends, closing it with Wax, so as to keep out any Water. In this I preserved my Journal and other Writings from being wet, tho I was often forced to swim. When we were over this River, we sat down to wait the coming of our Consorts who were left behind, and in half an hour they came. But the River by that time was so high, that they could not get over it, neither could we help them over, but bid them be of good comfort, and stay till the River did fall: But we marched 2 mile farther by the side of the River, and there built our Hutts, having gone this day 6 miles. We had scarce finished our Hutts before the River rose much higher, and overflowing the Banks, obliged us to remove into higher ground: But the next night came on before we could build more Hutts, so we lay straggling in the Woods, some under one Tree, some under another, as we could find conveniency, which might have been indifferent comfortable if the weather had been fair; but the greatest part of the night we had extraordinary hard Rain, with much lightening and terrible claps of Thunder. These hardships and inconveniencies made us all careless, and there was no Watch kept, (tho I believe no body did sleep:) So our slaves taking opportunity, went away in the night; all but one, who was hid in some hole and knew nothing of their design, or else fell asleep. Those that went away carried with them, our Chyrurgeons Gun and all his Money.

The next morning being the 8th day, we went to the Rivers side, and found it much fallen; and here our Guide would have us ford it again, which being deep, and the current running swift we could [Page] not. Then we contrived to swim over; those that could not swim, we were resolved to help over as well as we could: But this was not so feizable: for we should not be able to get all our things over. At length we concluded to send one man over with a Line, who should hale over all our things first, and then get the men over. This being agreed on, one George Gayny took the end of a Line, and made it fast about his Neck, and left the other end ashore, and one man stood by the Line, to clear it away to him. But when Gayny was in the midst of the water, the Line in drawing after him chanc'd to kink, or grow entangled; and he that stood by to clear it away, stopt the Line, which turned Gayny on his back, and he that had the Line in his hand threw it all into the River after him, thinking he might recover himself; but the stream running very swift, and the man having three hundred Dollars at his back, was carried down, and never seen more by us. Those two men whom we left behind the day before, told us afterwards that they found him lying dead in a Creek, where the Eddy had driven him ashore, and the Money on his back; but they meddled not with any of it, being only in care how to work their way through a wild unknown Country. This put a period to that contrivance. This was the fourth man that we lost in this Land-Journey; for those two men that we left the day before did not come to us till we were in the North Seas, so we yielded them also for lost. Being frustrated of getting over the River this way, we lookt about for a Tree to fell across the River. At length we found one, which we cut down, and it reach d clear over: on this we passed to the other side, where we found a small Plantain-walk, which we soon ransackt.

While we were busie getting Plantains our Guide was gone, but in less than two hours came to us [Page] again, and brought with him an old Indian, to whom he deliver'd up his charge; and we gave him a Hatchet and dismist him, and entered our selves under the conduct of our new Guide: who immediately led us away, and crost another River, and enter'd into a large Valley of the fattest Land I did ever take notice of; the Trees were not very thick, but the largest that I saw in all my travels: We saw great tracks which were made by the Pecaries, but saw none of them. We march'd in this pleasant Country till 3 a clock in the afternoon, in all about 4 miles, and then arrived at the old mans Country-house, which was only a habitation for Hunting: there was a small Plantain-walk, some Yams and Potatoes. Here we took up our quarters for this day, and refreshed our selves with such food as the place afforded, and dryed our Cloaths and Ammunition. At this place our Indian provided to leave us, for now we thought our selves past danger. This was he that was perswaded to stay at the last house we came from, to marry the young mans Sister; and we dismiss'd him according to our promise.

The ninth day the old man conducted us towards his own habitation. We marched about 5 miles in this Valley; and then ascended a Hill, and travelled about 5 miles farther over two or three small Hills, before we came to any settlement. Half a mile before we came to the Plantations we light of a path, which carried us to the Indians habitations. We saw many wooden Crosses erected in the way, which created some jealousie in us that here were some Spaniards: Therefore we new primed all our Guns, and provided our selves for an Enemy; but coming into the Town found none but Indians, who were all got together in a large house to receive us: for the old man had a little boy with him that he sent before.

[Page] They made us welcome to such as they had, which was very mean; for these were new Plantations, the Corn being not eared. Patatoes, Yams, and Plantains they had none, but what they brought from their old Plantations. There were none of them spoke good Spanish: Two young men could speak a little; it caused us to take more notice of them. To these we made a Present, and desired them to get us a Guide to conduct us to the North side, or part of the way, which they promised to do themselves, if we would reward them for it, but told us we must lye still the next day. But we thought our selves nearer the North Sea than we were, and and proposed to go without a Guide, rather than stay here a whole day. However some of our men who were tired resolved to stay behind; and Mr. Wafer our Chirurgeon, who marched in great pain ever since his Knee was burned with powder, was resolved to stay with them.

The tenth day we got up betimes resolving to march, but the Indians opposed it as much as they could: but seeing they could not perswade us to stay, they came with us; and having taken leave of our friends, we set out.

Here therefore we left the Chirurgeon and two more, as we said, and marched away to the East-ward, following our Guides. But we often look d on our Pocket-Compasses, and shewed them to the Guides, pointing at the way that we would go, which made them shake their heads, and say, they were pretty things, but not convenient for us. After we had descended the Hill on which the Town stood, we came down into a Valley, and guided our selves by a River, which we crossed 32 times; and having marched 9 miles, we built Hutts and lay there all night. This Evening I kill'd a Quaum, a large Bird as big as a Turkey, wherewith we treated our Guides, for we brought no Provision [Page] with us. This night our last Slave run away.

The eleventh day we marched 10 mile farther, and built Hutts at night; but went supperless to bed.

The twelfth in the morning we crossed a deep River, passing over it on a Tree, and marched 7 mile in a low swampy ground, and came to the side of a great deep River, but could not get over. We built Hutts upon its Banks and lay there all night, upon our Barbecu's, or frames of Sticks, raised about 3 foot from the ground.

The thirteenth day, when we turned out, the River had overflowed its Banks, and was 2 foot deep in our Hutts, and our Guides went from us not telling us their intent, which made us think they were returned home again. Now we began to repent our haste in coming from the last settlements, for we had no food since we came from thence. Indeed we got Macaw-berries in this place, wherewith we satisfied our selves this day, though coursly.

The fourteenth day in the morning betimes, our Guides came to us again; and the Waters being fallen within their bounds, they carry'd us to a Tree that stood on the Bank of the River, and told us if we could fell that Tree cross it, we might pass; if not, we could pass no further. Therefore we set two of the best Ax-men that we had, who fell'd it exactly cross the River, and the bows just reached over; on this we passed very safe. We afterwards crossed another River three times, with much difficulty, and at 3 a Clock in the afternoon we came to an Indian settlement, where we met a drove of Monkeys, and kill d 4 of them, and stayed here all night; having marched this day 6 miles. Here we got Plantains enough, and a kind reception of the Indian that lived here all alone, except one boy to wait on him.

[Page] The fifteenth day when we set out, the kind Indian and his boy went with us in a Canoa, and set us over such places as we could not ford: and being past those great Rivers, he returned back again, having helped us at least 2 mile. We marched afterwards 5 mile, and came to large Plantain walks, where we took up our quarters that night; we there fed plentifully on Plantains, both ripe and green, and had fair weather all the day and night. I think these were the largest Plantains walks, and the biggest Plantains that ever I saw, but no house near them: We gathered what we pleased by our Guides orders.

The sixteenth day we marched 3 mile, and came to a large settlement, where we abode all day: Not a man of us but wisht the Journey at an end: our Feet being blistered, and our Thighs stript with wading through so many Rivers; the way being almost continually through Rivers, or pathless Woods. In the afternoon five of us went to seek for game, and kill'd 3 Monkeys, which we drest for Supper. Here we first began to have fair Weather, which continued with us till we came to the North Seas.

The eighteenth day we set out at 10 a Clock; and the Indians with 5 Canoas carried us a league up a River; and when we landed the kind Indians went with us and carried our burthens. We marched 3 mile farther and then built our Hutts, having travelled from the last settlements 6 miles.

The nineteenth day our Guides lost their way, and we did not march above 2 miles.

The twentieth day by 12 a Clock we came to Cheapo River. The Rivers we crost hitherto run all into the South Seas; and this of Cheapo was the last we met with that run that way. Here an old man who came from the last settlements, distributed his burthen of Plantains amongst us, and taking his leave returned home. Afterward we forded the River [Page] and marched to the foot of a very high Mountain, where we lay all night. This day we marched about 9 miles.

The 21st day some of the Indians returned back, and we marched up a very high mountain; being on the top, we went some miles on a ridge, and steep on both sides; then descended a little, and came to a fine Spring, where we lay all night, having gone this day about 9 miles, the weather still very fair and clear.

The 22d day we marched over another very high Mountain, keeping on the ridge 5 miles. When we came to the North end, we, to our great comfort, saw the Sea; then we descended and parted our selves into 3 Companies, and lay by the side of a River, which was the first we met that runs into the North Sea.

The 23d day we came through several large Plantain walks, and at 10 a Clock, came to an Indians habitation, not far from the North Sea. Here we got Canoas to carry us down the River Conception to the Sea side; having gone this day about 7 miles. We found a great many Indians at the mouth of this River: They had settled themselves here for the benefit of Trade with the Privateers; and their Commodities were Yams, Potatoes, Plantains, Sugar, Canes, Fowls, and Eggs.

These Indians told us, that there had been a great many English and French Ships here, which were all gone but one Barco-longo, a French Privateer that lay at La Sound's Key or Island. This Island is about 3 leagues from the mouth of the River Conception, and is one of the Samballoes, a range of Islands reaching for about 20 leagues, from point Samballas to Golden-Island Eastward. These Islands or Keys, as we call them, were first made the Rendezvous of Privateers in the year 1679, being very convenient for careening, and had names given to some of [Page] them by the Captains of the Privateers; as this La-Sound s Key particularly.

Thus we finished our Journey from the South Sea to the North in 23 days; in which time by my account, we travelled 110 miles, crossing some very high Mountains; but our common march was in the Valleys among deep and dangerous Rivers. At our first landing in this Country, we were told that the Indians were our Enemies; we knew the Rivers to be deep, the wet season to be coming in; yet excepting those we left behind, we lost but one man, who was drowned as I said. Our first landing place on the South Coast was very disadvantageous, for we travelled at least 50 miles more than we need to have done, could we have gone up Cheapo River, or Santa Maria River; for at either of these places a man may pass from Sea to Sea in 3 days time with ease. The Indians can do it in a day and a half, by which you may see how easy it is for a party of men to travel over. I must confess the Indians did assist us very much, and I question whether ever we had got over without their assistance, because they brought us from time to time to their Plantations, where we always got Provision, which else we should have wanted. But if a party of 500, or 600 men, or more, were minded to travel from the North to the South Seas, they may do it without asking leave of the Indians; though it be much better to be friends with them.

On the 24th of May, (having lain one night at the Rivers mouth) we all went on board the Privateer, who lay at La Sound s Key. It was a French Vessel, Captain Tristian Commander. The first thing we did was to get such things as we could to gratifie our Indian Guides, for we were resolved to reward them to their hearts content. This we did by giving them Beads, Knives, Scissars, and Looking-glasses, which we bought of the Privateers Crew; [Page] and half a Dollar a man from each of us; which we would have bestowed in goods also, but could not get any, the Privateer having no more toys. They were so well satisfy d with these, that they return'd with joy to their friends; and were very kind to our Consorts whom we left behind; as Mr. Wafer our Chyrurgeon and the rest of them told us, when they came to us some months afterwards, as shall be said hereafter.

I might have given a further account of several things relating to this Country; the In-land parts of which are so little known to the Europeans. But I shall leave this province to Mr. Wafer, who made a longer abode in it than I; and is better able to do it than any man that I know; and is now preparing a particular Description of this Country for the Press.

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a Map of the Middle Part of AMERICA

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CHAP. III.

The Authors cruising with the Privateers in the North Seas on the West-India Coast. They go to the Isle of St. Andreas. Of the Cedars there. The Corn-Islands, and their Inhabitants. Blewfields River, and an Account of the Manatee there, or Sea-Cow; with the manner how the Moskito Indians kill them, and Tortoise, &c. The Maho-tree. The Savages of Bocca-toro. He touches again at Point Samballas, and its Islands. The Groves of Sapadillaes there, the Soldier-Insect, and Manchaneel Tree. The River of Darien, and the Wild Indians near it; Monastery of Madre de Popa, Rio Grande, Santa Martha Town, and the high Mountain there; Rio la Hacha Town, Rancho Reys, and Pearl-Fishery there; the Indian Inhabitants and Country. Dutch Isle of Querisao, &c. Count D'Estree's unfortunate Expedition thither. Isle of Bon Airy. Isle of Aves, the Booby, and Man of War Bird: The Wreck of D Estree's Fleet, and Captain Pain's Adventure here. Little Isle of Aves. The Isles Roca's; the Noddy and Tropick Bird, Mineral Water, Egg-Birds; the Mangrove Trees, black, red, and white. Isle of Tortuga, its Salt-Ponds. Isle of Blanco; the Guano Animal, their Variety; and the best Sea-Tortoise. Modern Alterations in the West-Indies. The Coast of Caraccus, its remarkable[Page]Land, and Product of the best Cacao Nuts. The Cacao described at large, with the Husbandry of it. City of Caraccos. La Guiare Fort and Haven. Town of Comana. Verina, its famous best Spanish Tobacco. The rich Trade of the Coast of Caraccos. Of the Sucking Fish, or Remora, The Authors Arrival in Virginia.

THe Privateer on board which we went being now clean'd, and our Indian Guides thus satisfy'd and set ashore, we set sail in two days for Springer's Key, another of the Samballoe's Isles, and about 7 or 8 leagues from La Sound's Key. Here lay 8 sail of Privateers more, viz.

Capt. Coxon, 10 Guns, 100 Men.
English Commanders and Englishmen.

Capt. Payne, 10 Guns, 100 Men.

Capt. Wright,
4 Guns, 40 Men.

a Barcolongo

Capt. Williams, a small Barcolongo

Capt. Yankes a Barco-longo 4 Guns, about 60 Men, English, Dutch, and French; himself a Dutchman.

Capt. Archemboe, 8 Guns, 40 Men.
French Commanders and Men.

Capt. Tucker, 6 Guns, 70 Men.

Capt. Rose, a Barco-longo.

An hour before we came to the Fleet, Captain Wright, who had been sent to Chagra River, arrived at Springer's Key, with a large Canoa or Pereago laden with Flower, which he took there. Some of the Prisoners belonging to the Pereago, came from Panama not above 6 days before he took her, and told the news of our coming over land, and likewise related the condition and strength of Panama, which was the main thing they enquired after; for Captain Wright was sent thither purposely to get a Prisoner that was able to inform them of the strength of that City, because these Privateers designed to joyn all their force, and by the assistance [Page] of the Indians, (who had promised to be their Guides) to march over land to Panama; and there is no other way of getting Prisoners for that purpose, but by absconding between Chagra and Portabell, because there are much Goods brought that way from Panama; especially when the Armado lyeth at Portabell. All the Commanders were aboard of Captain Wright when we came into the Fleet; and were mighty inquisitive of the Prisoners to know the truth of what they related concerning us. But as soon as they knew we were come, they immediately came aboard of Captain Tristian, being all overjoy'd to see us, for Captain Coxon, and many others, had left us in the South Seas about 12 months since, and had never heard what became of us since that time. They enquired of us what we did there? how we lived? how far we had been? and what discoveries we made in those Seas? After we had answered these general questions, they began to be more particular, in examining us concerning our passage through the Country from the South Seas. We related the whole matter, giving them an account of the fatigues of our march, and the inconveniencies we suffered by the rains; and disheartned them quite from that design.

Then they proposed several other places where such a party of men as were now got together might make a Voyage; but the objections of some or other still hinder'd any proceeding: For the Privateers have an account of most Towns within 20 leagues of the Sea, on all the Coast from Trinidado down to La Vera Cruz; and are able to give a near guess of the strength and riches of them: For they make it their business to examine all Prisoners that fall into their hands, concerning the Country, Town, or City that they belong to; whether born there, or how long they have known it? how many families? whether most Spaniards? or whether [Page] the major part are not Copper-colour'd, as Mulattoes, Mustesoes, or Indians? whether rich, and what their riches do consist in? and what their chiefest manufactures? If fortified, how many great Guns, and what number of small Arms? Whether it'is possible to come undescried on them? How many Look-outs or Centinels? for such the Spaniards always keep; and how the Look-outs are placed? Whether possible to avoid the Look-outs, or take them? If any River or Creek comes near it, or where the best Landing? with innumerable other such questions, which their curiosities lead them to demand. And if they have had any former discourse of such places from other Prisoners, they compare one with the other; then examine again, and enquire if he or any of them, are capable to be Guides to conduct a party of men thither: if not, where and how any Prisoner may be taken that may do it; and from thence they afterwards lay their Schemes to prosecute whatever design they take in hand.

It was 7 or 8 days after before any resolution was taken, yet consultations were held every day. The French seemed very forward to go to any Town that the English could or would propose, because the Governour of Petit-Guavos (from whom the Privateers take Commissions) had recommended a Gentleman lately come from France to be General of the Expedition; and sent word by Captain Tucker, with whom this Gentleman came, that they should, if possible, make an attempt on some Town before he return'd again. The English, when they were in company with the French, seem'd to approve of what the French said, but never look'd on that General to be fit for the service in hand.

At length it was concluded to go to a Town, the name of which I have forgot; it lieth a great way in the Country, but not such a tedious march as it would be from hence to Panama. Our way to it [Page] lay up Carpenter's River, which is about 60 leagues to the Westward of Portabell. Our greatest obstruction in this design was our want of Boats: Therefore it was concluded to go with all our Fleet to St. Andreas, a small uninhabited Island, lying near the Isle of Providence, to the Westward of it, in 13 Deg. 15 Min. North Lat. and from Portabell N. N. W. about 70 leagues; where we should be but a little way from Carpenter's River. And besides, at this Island we might build Canoas, it being plentifully stored with large Cedars for such a purpose; and for this reason the Jamaica-men come hither frequently to build Sloops; Cedar being very fit for building, and it being to be had here at free-cost, beside other Wood. Jamaica is well stored with Cedars of its own, chiefly among the Rocky Mountains: these also of St. Andreas grow in stony ground, and are the largest that ever I knew or heard of; the Bodies alone being ordinarily 40 or 50 foot long, many 60 or 70, and upwards, and of a proportionable bigness. The Bermudas Isles are well stored with them; so is Virginia, which is generally a sandy soil. I saw none in the East Indies, nor in the South Sea Coast, except on the Isthmus as I came over it. We reckon the Pereago's and Canoa's that are made of Cedar to be the best of any; they are nothing but the Tree itself made hollow Boat-wise, with a flat bottom, and the Canoa generally sharp at both ends, the Pereago at one only, with the other end flat. But what is commonly said of Cedar, that the Worm will not touch it, is a mistake, for I have seen of it very much worm-eaten.

All things being thus concluded on, we sailed from hence, directing our course toward St. Andreas. We kept company the first day, but at night it blew a hard gale at N. E. and some of our Ships bore away: The next day others were forced to leave us, and the second night we lost all our company. I [Page] was now belonging to Captain Archembo, for all the rest of the Fleet were over-mann'd: Captain Archembo wanting men, we that came out of the South Seas must either sail with him, or remain among the Indians. Indeed we found no cause to dislike the Captain; but his French Sea-men were the saddest creatures that I was ever among; for tho we had bad weather that requir'd many hands aloft, yet the biggest part of them never stirr'd out of their Hammocks, but to eat or ease themselves. We made a shift to find the Island the fourth day, where we met Captain Wright, who came thither the day before; and had taken a Spanish Tartan, wherein were 30 men, all well armed: She had 4 Patereroes, and some long Guns placed in a Swivel on the Gunnel. They fought an hour before they yielded. The news they related was, that they came from Cartagena in company of 11 Armadilloes (which are small Vessels of War) to seek for the Fleet of Privateers lying in the Sambaloes: that they parted from the Armadilloes 2 days before: that they were order'd to search the Sambaloes for us, and if they did not find us, then they were order'd to go to Portabell, and lye there till they had farther intelligence of us; and he supposed these Armadilloes to be now there.

We that came over Land out of the South Seas being weary of living among the French, desired Captain Wright to fit up his Prize the Tartan, and make a Man of War of her for us, which he at first seemed to decline; because he was settled among the French on Hispaniola, and was very well beloved both by the Governor of Petit-Guavos, and all the Gentry; and they would resent it ill, that Captain Wright, who had no occasion of Men, should be so unkind to Captain Archembo, as to seduce his Men from him; he being so meanly mann'd that he could hardly sail his Ship with his Frenchmen. We told [Page] him we would no longer remain with Captain Archembo, but would go ashore there, and build Canoas to transport our selves down to the Moskitoes, if he would not entertain us; for Privateers are not obliged to any Ship, but free to go ashore where they please, or to go into any other Ship that will entertain them, only paying for their Provision.

When Captain Wright saw our resolutions, he agreed with us on condition we should be under his command, as one Ships Company, to which we unanimously consented.

We staid here about 10 days, to see if any more of our Fleet would come to us; but there came no more of us to the Island but three, viz. Captain Wright, Captain Archembo, and Captain Tucker. Therefore we concluded the rest were bore away either for Bocca-toro, or Bluefield's River on the Main; and we designed to seek them. We had fine weather while we lay here, only some Tornadoes, or Thunder-showers: But in this Isle of St. Andreas there being neither Fish, Fowl, nor Deer, and it being therefore but an ordinary place for us, who had but little Provision, we sailed from hence again in quest of our scattered Fleet, directing our course for some Islands lying near the Main, called by the Privateers the Corn-Islands; being in hopes to get Corn there. These Islands I take to be the same which are generally called in the Maps the Pearl Islands, lying about the Lat. of 12 D. 10 M. North. Here we arrived the next day, and went ashore on one of them, but found none of the Inhabitants; for here are but a few, poor, naked Indians that live here; who have been so often plundered by the Privateers that they have but little Provision; and when they see a Sail they hide themselves; otherwise Ships that come here would take them, and make Slaves of them; and I have seen some of them that have been Slaves. They are people of a [Page] mean Stature, yet strong Limbs; they are of a dark copper colour, black Hair, full round Faces, small black Eyes, their Eye-brows hanging over their Eyes; low Foreheads, short thick Noses, not high, but flattish; full Lips, and short Chins. They have a

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fashion to cut holes in the Lips of the Boys when they are young, close to their Chin; which they keep open with little Pegs till they are 14 or 15 years old: then they wear Beards in them, made of Turtle or Tortoise-shell, in the form you see in the Margin. The little notch at the upper end they put in through the Lip, where it remains between the Teeth and the Lip; the under part hangs down over their Chin. This they commonly wear all day, and when they sleep they take it out. They have likewise holes bored in their Ears, both Men and Women, when young; and by continual stretching them with great Pegs, they grow to be as big as a Mill'd Five Shilling piece; Herein they wear pieces of Wood cut very round and smooth; so that their Ear seems to be all Wood, with a little Skin about it. Another Ornament the Women use is about their Legs, which they are very curious in; for from the Infancy of the Girls their Mothers make fast a piece of Cotton Cloath about the small of their Leg, from the Ankle to the Calf, very hard; which makes them have a very full Calf: this the Women wear to their dying day. Both Men and Women go naked, only a Clout about their Wastes; yet they have but little Feet, though they go barefoot. Finding no Provision here, we sailed toward Bluefield River, where we careened our Tartane; and there Captain Archembo and Captain Tucker left us, and went towards Beccatoro.

[Page] This Blewfields River comes out between the Rivers of Nicaragua and Veragua. At its mouth is a fine sandy Bay, where Barks may clean: It is deep at its mouth, but a shole within; so that Ships may not enter, yet Barks of 60 or 70 Tuns may. It had this name from Captain Blewfield, a famous Privateer living on Providence Island long before Jamaica was taken. Which Island of Providence was settled by the English, and belonged to the Earls of Warwick.

In this River we found a Canoa coming down the stream; and though we went with our Canoas to seek for Inhabitants, yet we found none, but saw in 2 or 3 places signs that Indians had made on the side of the River. The Canoa which we found was but meanly made for want of Tools, therefore we concluded these Indians have no commerce with the Spaniards, nor with other Indians that have.

While we lay here, our Moskito men went in their Canoa, and struck us some Manatee, or Sea-cow. Besides this Blewfields River, I have seen of the Manatee in the Bay of Campethy, on the Coasts of Bocca del Drago, and Bocco del Toro, in the River of Darien, and among the South Keys or little Islands of Cuba. I have heard of their being found on the North of Jamaica, a few, and in the Rivers of Surinam in great multitudes, which is a very low Land. I have seen of them also at Mindanea one of the Philippine Islands, and on the Coast of New-Holland. This Creature is about the bigness of a Horse, and 10 or 12 foot long. The mouth of it is much like the mouth of a Cow, having great thick lips. The Eyes are no bigger than a small Pea, the Ears are only two small holes on each side of the Head. The Neck is short and thick, bigger than the Head. The biggest part of this Creature is at the Shoulders, where it hath two large Fins, one on each side of its Belly. Under each of these Fins the Female hath a small Dug to suckle her young. From the [Page] Shoulders towards the Tail it retains its bigness for about 2 foot, then groweth smaller and smaller to the very tail, which is flat, and about 14 inches broad, and 20 inches long, and in the middle 4 or 5 inches thick, but about the edges of it not above 2 inches thick. From the head to the tail it is round and smooth without any Fin but those two before mentioned. I have heard that some have weighed above 1200 l. but I never saw any so large. The Manatee delights to live in brackish Water; and they are commonly in Creeks and Rivers near the Sea. 'Tis for this reason possibly they are not seen in the South Seas (that ever I could observe) where the Coast is generally a bold Shore, that is, high Land and deep Water close home by it, with a high Sea or great Surges; except in the Bay of Panama: yet even there is no Manatee. Whereas the West-Indies, being, as it were, one great Bay composed of many smaller, are mostly low Land and shoal Water, and afford proper pasture (as I may say) for the Manatee. Sometimes we find them in salt Water, sometimes in fresh; but never far at Sea. And those that live in the Sea at such places where there is no River nor Creek fit for them to enter, yet do commonly come once or twice in 24 hours to the mouth of any fresh Water River that is near their place of abode. They live on Grass 7 or 8 inches long; and of a narrow blade, which grows in the Sea in many places, especially among Islands near the Main. This Grass groweth likewise in Creeks, or in great Rivers, near the sides of them, in such places where there is but little tide or current. They never come ashore, nor into shallower water than where they can swim. Their flesh is white, both the fat and the lean, and extraordinary sweet wholsome meat. The tail of a young Cow is most esteemed; but if old, both head and tail are very tough. A Calf that sucks is the most delicate meat; [Page] Privateers commonly roast them; as they do also great pieces cut out of the Bellies of the old ones.

The Skin of the Manatee is of great use to Privateers, for they cut them out into straps, which they make fast on the sides of their Canoas, through which they put their Oars in rowing, instead of tholes or pegs. The Skin of the Bull, or of the back of the Cow is too thick for this use; but of it they make Horse-whips, cutting them 2 or 3 foot long: at the handle they leave the full substance of the Skin, and from thence cut it away tapering, but very even and square all the four sides. While the Thongs are green they twist them, and hang them to dry; which in a weeks time become as hard as Wood. The Moskito-men have always a small Canoa for their use to strike Fish, Tortoise, or Manatee, which they keep usually to themselves, and very neat and clean. They use no Oars but Paddles, the broad part of which doth not go tapering towards the staff, pole, or handle of it, as in the Oar; nor do they use it in the same manner, by laying it on the side of the Vessel; but hold it perpendicularly, griping the staff hard with both hands, and putting back the water by main strength, and very q [...]ick strokes. One of the Moskitoes (for there go but two in a Canoa) sits in the stern, the other kneels down in the head, and both paddle till they come to the place where they expect their game. Then they lye still, or paddle very softly, looking well about them; and he that is in the head of the Canoa lays down his paddle, and stands up with his striking staff in his hand. This staff is about 8 foot long, almost as big as a mans Arm, at the great end, in which there is a hole to place his Harpoon in. At the other end of his staff there is a piece of light Wood called Bobwood, with a hole in it, through which the small end of the staff comes, and on this piece of Bobwood, there is a line of 10 or 12 fathom [Page] wound neatly about, and the end of the line made fast to it. The other end of the line is made fast to the Harpoon, which is at the great end of the staff, and the Moskito man keeps about a fathom of it loose in his hand. When he strikes, the Harpoon presently comes out of the staff, and as the Manatee swims away, the line runs off from the bob; and although at first both staff and bob may be carried under water, vet as the line runs off it will rise again. Then the Moskito men paddle with all their might to get hold of the bob again, and spend usually a quarter of an hour before they get it. When the Manatee begins to be tired, it lyeth still, and then the Moskito men paddle to the bob and take it up, and begin to hale in the line. When the Manatee feels them he swims away again, with the Canoa after him; then he that steers must be nimble to turn the head of the Canoa that way that his consort points, who being in the head of the Canoa, and holding the line, both sees and feels which way the Manatee is swimming. Thus the Canoa is towed with a violent motion, till the Manatee's strength decays. Then they gather in the line, which they are often forced to let all go to the very end. At length when the Creatures strength is spent, they hale it up to the Canoas side, and knock it on the head, and tow it to the nearest shore where they make it fast, and seek for another; which having taken, they go ashore with it, to put it into their Canoa: For it is so heavy that they cannot lift it in, but they hale it up in shoal water as near the shore as they can, and then overset the Canoa, laying one side close to the Manatee. Then they roll it in, which brings the Canoa upright again; and when they have heav'd out the water, they fasten a line to the other Manatee that lieth afloat, and tow it after them. I have known two Moskito men for a week every day bring aboard two [Page] Manatee in this manner; the least of which hath not weighed less than 600 pound, and that in a very small Canoa, that 3 English men would scarce adventure to go in. When they strike a Cow that hath a young one, they seldom miss the Calf, for she commonly takes her young under one of her Fins. But if the Calf is so big that she cannot carry it, or so frightned that she only minds to save her own life, yet the young never leaves her till the Moskito men have an opportunity to strike her.

The manner of striking Manatee and Tortoise is much the same; only when they seek for Manatee they paddle so gently, that they make no noise, and never touch the side of the Canoa with their paddie; because it is a Creature that hears very well. But they are not so nice when they seek for Tortoise, whose Eyes are better than his Ears. They strike the Tortoise with a square shape Iron peg, the other with a Harpoon. The Moskito-men make their own striking Instruments, as Harpoons, Fish-hooks, and Tortoise-Irons or Pegs.

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These Pegs, or Tortoise-Irons are made 4 square, sharp at one end, and not much above an inch in length, of such a figure as you see in the Margin. The small spike at the broad end hath the line fasten'd to it, and goes also into ahole at the end of the Striking-staff: which when the Tortoise is struck flies off, the Iron and end of the line fastned to it going quite within the Shell, where it is so buried that the Tortoise cannot possibly escape.

They make their Lines both for Fishing and Striking with the bark of Maho; which is a sort of Tree or Shrub, that grow; plentifully all over the West-Indies; and whose Bark is made up of strings or threads, very strong. You may draw it off either in flakes or small threads, as you have occasion. Tis fit for any manner of Cordage; and Privateers often make [Page] their Rigging of it. So much by way of Digression.

When we had cleaned our Tartan we sailed from hence, bound for Boca-toro, which is an opening between two Islands about 10 Deg. 10 Min. North Lat. between the Rivers of Veragne and Chagre. Here we met with Captain Yanky, who told us that there had been a Fleet of Spanish Armadilloes to seek us: that Captain Tristian having fallen to Leeward, was coming to Boca-toro, and fell in amongst them, supposing them to be our Fleet: that they fired and chaced him, but he Rowed and Towed, and they supposed he got away: that Captain Pain was likewise chaced by them and Captain Williams; and that they had not seen them since that they lay within the Islands: that the Spaniards never came in to him; and that Captain Coxon was in at the Careening place.

This Boca-toro is a place that the Privateers use to resort to, as much as any place on all the Coast, because here is plenty of green Tortoise, and a good Careening place. The Indians here have no commerce with the Spaniards; but are very barbarous, and will not be dealt with. They have destroyed many Privateers, as they did not long after this some of Captain Pain s men; who having built a Tent ashore to put his goods in while he Careened his Ship, and some men lying there with their arms, in the night the Indians crept softly into the Tent, and cut off the Heads of, or 4 men, and made their escape; nor was this the first time they had served the Privateers so. There grow on this Coast Vinelloes in great quantity, with which Chocolate is perfumed. These I shall describe elsewhere.

Our Fleet being thus scattered, there were now no hopes of getting together again; therefore every one did what they thought most conducing to obtain their ends. Captain Wright, with whom I now was, was resolv'd to cruise on the Coast of Cartagene; and it being now almost the Westerly wind [Page] season, we sailed from hence, and Captain Yanky with us; and we consorted, because Captain Yanky had no Commission, and was afraid the French would take away his Bark. We past by Scuda, a small Island (where 'tis said Sir Francis Drake's bowels were bury d) and came to a small River to Westward of Chagre; where we took two new Canoas, and carry d them with us into the Sambaloes. We had the Wind at West, with much rain; which brought us to Point-Samballas. Here Captain Wright and Captain Yanky left us in the Tartane to fix the Canoas, while they went on the Coast of Cartagene to seek for provision. We cruised in among the Islands, and kept our Moskito-men, or strikers out, who brought aboard some half-grown Tortoise; and some of us went ashore every day to hunt for what we could find in the Woods: Sometimes we got Pecary, Warree, or Deer; at other times we light on a drove of large fat Monkeys, or Quames, Corrosoes, (each a large sort of Fowl) Pidgeons, Parrots, or Turtledoves. We liv'd very well on what we got, not staying long in one place; but sometimes we would go on the Islands, where there grow great Groves of Sapadillies, which is a sort of Fruit much like a Pear, but more juicy; and under those Trees we found plenty of Soldiers, a little kind of Animals that live in Shells, and have two great Claws like a Crab, and are good food. One time our men found a great many large ones, and being sharp-set had them drest, but most of them were very sick afterwards, being poysoned by them: For on this Island were many Manchaneel Trees, whose Fruit is like a small Crab, and smells very well, but they are not wholesome; and we commonly take care of meddling with any Animals that eat them. And this we take for a general rule; when we find any Fruits that we have not seen before, if we see them peck d by Birds, we may freely eat, but if we see [Page] no such sign, we let them alone; for of this fruit no Birds will taste. Many of these Islands have of these Manchaneel-Trees growing on them.

Thus cruising in among these Islands, at length we came again to La Sound's Key; and the day before having met with a Jamaica Sloop that was come over on the Coast to trade, she went with us. It was in the evening when we came to an Anchor, and the next morning we fir'd two Guns for the Indians that liv'd on the Main to come aboard; for by this time we concluded we should hear from our five men, that we left in the heart of the Country among the Indians, this being about the latter end of August, and it was the beginning of May when we parted from them. According to our expectation the Indians came aboard, and brought our friends with them: Mr. Wafer wore a Clout about him, and was painted like an Indian; and he was some time aboard before I knew him. One of them, named Richard Cobson, dyed within 3 or 4 days after, and was buryd on La Sounds Key.

After this we went to other Keys, to the East-ward of these, to meet Captain Wright and Captain Yanky, who met with a Fleet of Pereagoes laden with Indian Corn, Hog, and Fowls, going to Cartagene; being convoyed by a small Armadilly of 2 Guns and 6 Patereroes. Her they chaced ashore, and most of the Pereagoes; but they got two of them off, and brought them away.

Here Captain Wright's and Captain Yanky's Barks were clean'd; and we stock'd our selves with Corn, and then went towards the Coast of Cartagene. In our way thither we passed by the River of Darien; which is very broad at the mouth, but not above 6 foot water on a Spring tyde; for the Tyde riseth but little here. Captain Coxon, about 6 months before we came out of the South Seas, went up this River with a party of men: Every man carry'd a small [Page] strong Bag to put his Gold in; expecting great Riches there, tho they got little or none. They rowed up about 100 leagues before they came to any settlement, and then found some Spaniards, who lived there to truck with the Indians for Gold; there being Gold Scales in every house. The Spaniards admired how they came so far from the mouth of the River, because there are a sort of Indians living between that place and the Sea, who are very dreadful to the Spaniards, and will not have any commerce with them, nor with any white people. They use Trunks about 8 foot long, out of which they blow poysoned Darts; and are so silent in their attacks on their Enemies, and retreat so nimbly again, that the Spaniards can never find them. Their Darts are made of Macaw-wood, being about the bigness and length of a Knitting-needle: one end is wound about with Cotton, the other end is extraordinary sharp and small; and is jagged with notches like a Harpoon: So that whatever it strikes into, it immediately breaks off, by the weight of the biggest end; which it is not of strength to bear, (it being made so slender for that purpose) and is very difficult to be got out again, by reason of those notches. These Indians have always War with our Darien friendly Indians, and live on both sides this great River 50 or 60 leagues from the Sea, but not near the mouth of the River. There are abundance of Manatee in this River, and some Creeks belonging to it. This relation I had from several men who accompany'd Captain Coxon in that discovery; and from Mr. Cook in particular, who was with them, and is a very intelligent person: He is now chief Mate of a Ship bound to Guinea. To return therefore to the prosecution of our Voyage; meeting with nothing of note, we passed by Cartagene; which is a City so well known, that I shall say nothing of it. We sailed by in sight of it, for it lies open to the Sea; [Page] and had a fair view of Madre de Popa, or Nuestra Sennora de Popa, a Monastery of the Virgin Mary's, standing on the top of a very steep hill just behind Cartagene. It is a place of incredible wealth, by reason of the offerings made here continually; and for this reason often in danger of being visited by the Privateers, did not the neighbourhood of Cartagene keep them in awe. 'Tis, in short, the very Loretto of the West Indies: it hath innumerable Miracles related of it. Any misfortune that befalls the Privateers is attributed to this Lady s doing; and the Spaniards report that she was abroad that night the Oxford Man of War was blown up at the Isle of Vacca near Hispaniola, and that she came home all wet; as, belike, she often returns with her Cloaths dirty and torn with passing thro Woods, and bad ways, when she has been out upon any expedition; deserving doubtless a new suit for such eminent pieces of service.

From hence we passed on to the Rio Grande, where we took up fresh Water at Sea, a league off the mouth of that River. From thence we sailed East-ward, passing by St. Martha, a large Town, and good harbour, belonging to the Spaniards: yet hath it within these few years been twice taken by the Privateers. It stands close upon the Sea, and the Hill within land is a very large one, towering up a great heighth from a vast body of Land. I am of opinion that it is higher than the Pike of Tenariff; others also that have seen both think the same; tho its bigness makes its heighth less sensible. I have seen it in passing by, 30 leagues off at Sea; others, as they told me, above 60: and several have told me, that they have seen at once, Jamaica, Hispaniola, and the high Land of Santa Martha; and yet the nearest of these two places is distant from it 120 leagues; and Jamaica, which is farthest off, is accounted near 150 leagues; and I question whether any Land on either of those two Islands may be seen 50 leagues. [Page] It's head is generally hid in the Clouds; but in clear wheather, when the top appears, it looks white; supposed to be covered with Snow. St. Martha lieth in the Lat. of 12 Deg. North.

Being advanced 5 or 6 leagues to the Eastward of Santa Martha, we left our Ships at Anchor, and return'd back in our Canoa's to the River Grande; entring it by a mouth of it that disembogues it self near Santa Martha: purposing to attempt some Towns that lye a pretty way up that River. But this design meeting with discouragements, we return'd to our Ships, and set sail to Rio la Hacha. This hath been a strong Spanish Town, and is well built; but being often taken by the Privateers, the Spaniards deserted it some time before our arrival. It lieth to the Westward of a River; and right against the Town is a good Road for Ships, the bottom clean and sandy. The Jamaica Sloops used often to come over to trade here: and I am inform'd that the Spaniards have again settled themselves in it, and made it very strong. We enter'd the Fort, and brought two small Guns aboard. From thence we went to the Rancho-Reys, one or two small Indian Villages, where the Spaniards keep two Barks to fish for Pearl. The Pearl-banks lye about 4 or 5 leagues off from the shore, as I have been told; thither the Fishing-Barks go and anchor; then the Divers go down to the bottom, and fill a Basket (which is let down before) with Oysters; and when they come up, others go down, two at a time; this they do till the Bark is full, and then go ashore, where the old men, women and children of the Indians open the Oysters, there being a Spanish Overseer to look after the Pearl. Yet these Indians do very often secure the best Pearl for themselves, as many Jamaica men can testifie who daily trade with them. The meat they string up, and hang it a drying. At this place we went ashore, where we found one of the [Page] Barks, and saw great heaps of Oyster-shells, but the people all fled: Yet in another place, between this and Rio La Recha, we took some of the Indians, who seem to be a stubborn sort of people: They are long-visaged, black hair, their noses somewhat rising in the middle, and of a stern look. The Spaniards report them to be a very numerous Nation; and that they will not subject themselves to their yoak: Yet they have Spanish Priests among them; and by trading have brought them to be somewhat sociable; but cannot keep a severe hand over them. The Land is but barren, it being of a light sand near the Sea; and most Savanah, or Champian; and the grass but thin and course, yet they feed plenty of Cattle. Every man knoweth his own, and looketh after them; but the Land is in common, except only their Houses or small Plantations where they live, which every man maintains with some sence about it. They may remove from one place to another as they please, no man having right to any Land but what he possesseth. This part of the Country is not so subject to Rain as to the West-ward of Santa Martha; yet here are Tornadoes, or Thunder-showers; but neither so violent as on the Coast of Portabell, nor so frequent. The Westerly winds in the Westerly wind season blow here, tho not so strong nor lasting as on the Coasts of Cartagene and Portabell.

When we had spent some time here, we return'd again towards the Coast of Cartagene; and being between Rio Grande and that place, we met with Westerly winds, which kept us still to the Eastward of Cartagene 3 or 4 days; and then in the morning we descryed a Sail off at Sea, and we chaced her at noon: Captain Wright, who sailed best, came up with her, and engaged her; and in half an hour after, Captain Yanky, who sailed better than the Tartan (the Vessel that I was in) came up with her [Page] likewise, and laid her aboard, then Captain Wright also; and they took her before we came up. They lost 2 or 3 men, and had 7 or 8 wounded. The Prize was a Ship of 12 Guns and 40 men, who had all good small Arms: She was laden with Sugar and Tobacco, and had 8 or 10 Tuns of Marmalett on board: She came from Saint Jago on Cuba, and was bound to Cartagene.

We went back with her to Rio Grande, to fix our Rigging, which was shattered in the Fight, and to consider what to do with her; for these were commodities of little use to us, and not worth going into a Port with. At the Rio Grande Captain Wright demanded the Prize as his due by virtue of his Commission: Captain Yanky said it was his due by the Law of Privateers. Indeed Captain Wright had the most right to her, having by his Commission protected Captain Yanky from the French, who would have turned him out because he had no Commission; and he likewise began to engage her first But the Company were all afraid that Captain Wright would presently carry her into a Port; therefore most of Captain Wright's Men stuck to Captain Yanky, and Captain Wright losing his Prize, burned his own Bark, and had Captain Yankys's, it being bigger than his own; the Tartan was sold to a Jamaica Trader, and Captain Yanky commanded the Prize Ship. We went again from hence to Rio la Hach, and set the Prisoners ashore: and it being now the beginning of November, we concluded to go to Querisao to sell our Sugar, if favoured by westerly Winds, which were now come in. We sailed from thence, having fair weather and Winds to our mind, which brought us to Querisao, a Dutch Island. Captain Wright went ashore to the Governour, and offered him the Sale of the Sugar: but the Governor told him he had a great Trade with the Spaniards, therefore he could not admit us in there; but if we would go to St. Thomas, [Page] which is an Island, and Free Port, belonging to the Danes, and a Sanctuary for Privateers, he would send a Sloop with such Goods as we wanted, and Money to buy the Sugar, which he would take at a certain rate; but it was not agreed to.

Querisao is the only Island of importance that the Dutch have in the West-Indies. It is about 5 leagues in length, and may be 9 or 10 in circumference: the Northernmost point is laid down in North lat 12 d. 40 m. and it is about 7 or 8 leagues from the Main, near Cape Roman. On the South side of the East end is a good harbour, called Santa Barbara; but the chiefest harbour is about 3 leagues from the S. E. end, on the South side of it; where the Dutch have a very good Town, and a very strong Fort. Ships bound in thither must be sure to keep close to the Harbour's mouth, and have a Hasar or Rope ready to send one end ashore to the Fort: for there is no Anchoring at the entrance of the Harbour, and the Current always sets to the Westward. But being got in, it is a very secure Port for Ships, either to Careen, or lye safe. At the East end are two hills, one of them is much higher than the other, and steepest toward the North side. The rest of the Island is indifferent level; where of late some rich Men have made Sugar works; which formerly was all pasture for Cattle: there are also some small Plantations of Potatoes and Yames, and they have still a great many Cattle on the Island; but it is not so much esteemed for its produce, as for its situation for the Trade with the Spaniard. Formerly the Harbour was never without Ships from Cartagen [...] and Portabell, that did use to buy of the Dutch here 1000 or 1500 Negroes at once, besides great quantities of European Commodities; but of late that Trade is fallen into the hands of the English at Jamaica: yet still the Dutch have a vast. Trade over all the West Indies, sending from Holland Ships of good force laden [Page] with European goods, whereby they make very profitable returns. The Dutch have two other Islands here, but of little moment in comparison of Querisao; the one lieth 7 or 8 leagues to the Westward of Querisao, called Aruba; the other 9 or 10 leagues to the Eastward of it, called Bon-Airy. From these Islands the Dutch fetch in Sloops Provision for Querisao, to maintain their Garrison and Negroes. I was never at Aruba, therefore cannot say any thing of it as to my own knowledge; but by report it is much like Bon-Airy, which I shall describe, only not so big. Between Querisao and Bon-Airy is a small Island called Little Querisao, it is not above a league from Great Querisao. The King of France has long had an eye on Querisao, and made some attempts to take it, but never yet succeeded. I have heard that about 23 or 24 years since the Governour had sold it to the French, but dy'd a small time before the Fleet came to demand it; and by his death that design fail d. Afterwards, in the year 1678, the Count D Estre, who a year before had taken the Isle of Tobago from the Dutch, was sent hither also with a Squadron of stout Ships, very well mann'd, and fitted with Bombs and Carcasses; intending to take it by storm. This Fleet first came to Martinico; where, while they stay'd, orders were sent to Petit-Guavers, for all Privateers to repair thither, and assist the Count in his design. There were but two Privateers Ships that went thither to him, which were mann'd partly with French, partly with English men. These set out with the Count; but in their way to Querisao, the whole Fleet was lost on a Riff or Ridge of Rocks, that runs off from the Isle of Aves; not above two Ships escaping, one of which was one of the Privateers; and so that design perished.

Wherefore not driving a bargain for our Sugar with the Governour of Querisao, we went from thence to Bon-Airy, another Dutch Island, where we met a [Page] Dutch Sloop come from Europe, laden with Irish Beef; which we bought in exchange for some of our Sugar.

Bon-Airy is the Eastermost of the Dutch Islands, and is the largest of the three, tho not the most considerable. The middle of the Island is laid down in Lat. 12 d. 16 m. It is about 20 leagues from the Main, and 9 or 10 from Querisao, and is accounted 16 or 17 leagues round. The Road is on the S. W. side, near the middle of the Island; where there is a pretty deep Bay runs in. Ships that come from the Eastward luff up close to the Eastern shore; and let go their Anchor in 60 fathom water, within half a Cables length of the shore. But at the same time they must be ready with a Boat to carry a Hasar or Rope, and make it fast ashore; otherwise, when the Land-wind comes in the night, the Ship would drive off to Sea again; for the ground is so steep, that no Anchor can hold if once it starts. About half a mile to the Westward of this Anchoring place there is a small low Island, and a Channel between it and the main Island.

The Houses are about half a mile within Land, right in the Road: There is a Governour lives here, a Deputy to the Governor of Querisao, and 7 or 8 Soldiers, with 5 or 6 Families of Indians. There is no Fort; and the Soldiers in peaceable times have little to do but to eat and sleep, for they never watch, but in time of War. The Indians are Husband-men, and plant Maiz and Guinea Corn, and some Yames, and Potatoes: But their chiefest business is about Cattle; for this Island is plentifully stocked with Goats; and they send great quantities every year in Salt to Querisao. There are some Horses, and Bulls and Cows; but I never saw any Sheep, though I have been all over the Island. The South side is plain low Land, and there are several sorts of Trees, but none very large. There is a small [Page] Spring of water by the Houses, which serves the Inhabitants, though it is brackish. At the West end of the Island there is a good Spring of Fresh water, and 3 or 4 Indian Families live there, but no Water nor Houses at any other place. On the South side, near the East-end, is a good Salt-pond, where Dutch Sloops come for Salt.

From Bon-Airy we went to the Isle of Aves, or Birds; so called from its great plenty of Birds, as Men of War and Boobies; but especially Boobies. The Booby is a Water-fowl, somewhat less than a Hen, of a light greyish colour. I observ'd the Boobies of this Island to be whiter than others. This Bird hath a strong Bill, longer and bigger than a Crows, and broader at the end; her Feet are flat like a Ducks Feet. It is a very simple creature, and will hardly go out of a mans way. In other places they build their Nests on the ground, but here they build on Trees; which I never saw any where else: tho I have seen of them in a great many places. Their Flesh is black and eats Fishy, but are often eaten by the Privateers. Their numbers have been much lessen'd by the French Fleet, which lay here till it was lost, as I shall give an account.

The Man of War (as it is called by the English) is about the bigness of a Kite, and in shape like it, but black; and the Neck is red. It lives on Fish, yet never lights on the Water, but soars aloft like a Kite; and when it sees its prey, it flys down head foremost to the waters edge, very swiftly takes his prey out of the Sea with his Bill, and immediately mounts again as swiftly; and never touching the Water but with his Bill. His Wings are very long: His Feet are like other Land-Fowl; and he builds on Trees, where he finds any; but, where they are wanting, on the ground.

This Island Aves lies about 8 or 9 leagues to the Eastward of the Island Bon-airy, about 14 or 15 leagues [Page] from the Main, and about the lat. of 11d. 45m. North. It is but small, not above 4 mile in length, and towards the East end not half a mile broad. On the North side it is low Land, commonly overflown with the Tide; but on the Southside there is a great Rocky Bank of Coral thrown up by the Sea. The West end is for near a mile space, plain even Savanah Land, without any Trees. There are 2 or 3 Wells dug by Privateers, who often frequent this Island, because there is a good Harbor about the middle of it on the North side, where they may conveniently careen. The Riff or Bank of Rocks on which the French Fleet was lost, as I mentioned above, runs along from the East end to the Northward about 3 mile; then tends away to the Westward, making as it were a Half Moon. This Riff breaks off all the Sea, and there is good riding in even sandy ground to the Westward of it. There are 2 or 3 small low sandy Keys or Islands within this Riff, about 3 miles from the Main Island. The Count de Estree lost his Fleet here in this manner. Coming from the Eastward he fell in on the back of the Riff, and fired Guns to give warning to the rest of his Fleet: But they, supposing their Admiral was engaged with Enemies, hoised up their Topsails, and crowded all the Sail they could make, and ran full sail ashore after him; all within half a mile of each other. For his Light being in the Main Top was an unhappy Beacon for them to follow; and there escaped but one Kings-ship, and one Privateer. The Ships continued whole all day, and the Men had time enough, most of them, to get ashore; yet many perished in the Wreck: and many of those that got safe on the Island, for want of being accustomed to such hardships, died like rotten Sheep. But the Privateers who had been used to such accidents lived merrily, from whom I had this relation: and they told me, that if they had gone to Jamaica with 30 l. [Page] a Man in their Pockets, they could not have enjoyed themselves more: For they kept in a Gang by themselves, and watched when the Ships broke, to get the Goods that came from them; and though much was staved against the Rocks, yet abundance of Wine and Brandy floated over the Riff, where these Privateers waited to take it up. They lived here about 3 weeks, waiting an opportunity to transport themselves back again to Hispaniola; in all which time they were never without 2 or 3 Hogsheads of Wine and Brandy in their Tents, and Barrels of Beef and Pork; which they could live on without Bread well enough, tho the new-comers out of France could not. There were about 40 Frenchmen on board in one of the Ships where there was good store of Liquor, till the after part of her broke away, and floated over the Riff, and was carry'd away to Sea, with all the men drinking and singing; who being in drink did not mind the danger, but were never heard of afterwards.

In a short time after this great Shipwrack, Captain Pain, Commander of a Privateer of 6 Guns, had a pleasant accident befel him at this Island. He came hither to Careen, intending to fit himself very well; for here lay driven on the Island, Masts, Yards, Timbers, and many things that he wanted; therefore he hal'd into the Harbour, close to the Island, and unrigg'd his Ship. Before he had done, a Dutch Ship of 20 Guns, was sent from Querisao to take up the Guns that were lost on the Riff: But seeing a Ship in the Harbour, and knowing her to be a French Privateer, they thought to take her first, and came within a mile of her, and began to fire at her; intending to warp in the next day, for it is very narrow going in. Captain Pain got ashore some of his Guns, and did what he could to resist them; tho he did in a manner conclude he must be taken. But while his men were thus busied, he spy'd a [Page] Dutch Sloop turning to get into the Road, and saw her in the evening anchor at the West end of the Island. This gave him some hope of making his escape; which he did, by sending two Canoas in the night aboard the Sloop, who took her, and got considerable purchase in her; and he went away in her, making a good Reprizal, and leaving his own empty Ship to the Dutch Man of War.

There is another Island to the Eastward of the Isle of Aves about 4 leagues, called by Privateers the littleIsle of Aves, which is overgrown with Mangrove-trees. I have seen it, but was never on it. There are no Inhabitants that I could learn, on either of these Islands, but Boobies, and a few other Birds.

While we were at the Isle of Aves, we careen'd Captain Wright s Bark, and scrubb'd the Sugar-prize; and got 2 Guns out of the Wrecks: continuing here till the beginning of Feb. 1681/2.

We went from hence to the Isles Roca's, to careen the Sugar-prize, which the Isle of Aves was not a place so convenient for. Accordingly we haled close to one of the small Islands, and got our Guns ashore the first thing we did, and built a Breastwork on the point, and planted all our Guns there, to hinder an Enemy from coming to us while we lay on the Careen: Then we made a House, and cover d it with our Sails, to put our goods and provisions in. While we lay here, a French Man of War of 36 Guns, came thro the Keys, or Little Islands; to whom we sold about 10 Tun of Sugar. I was aboard twice or thrice, and very kindly welcomed both by the Captain and his Lieutenant, who was a Cavalier of Malta; and they both offer d me great encouragement in France, if I would go with them; but I ever design'd to continue with those of my own Nation.

The Islands Roca s are a parcel of small uninhabited Islands, lying about the Lat. of 11 d. 40 [...] [Page] about 15 or 16 leagues from the Main, and about 20 leagues N. W. b. W. from Tortuga, and 6 or 7 leagues to the Westward of Orchilla, another Island lying about the same distance from the Main; which Island I have seen but was never at it. Roca's stretch themselves East and West about 5 leagues, and their breadth is about 3 leagues. The northernmost of these Islands is the most remarkable by reason of a high white rocky Hill at the West end of it, which may be seen a great way; and on it there are abundance of Tropick Birds, Men of War, Booby and Noddys, which breed there. The Booby, and Man of War, I have described already. The Noddy is a small Black Bird, much about the bigness of the English Black-bird, and indifferent good meat. They build in Rocks. We never find them far off from Shore. I have seen of them in other places; but never saw any of their Nests but in this Island; where there is great plenty of them. The Tropick Bird is as big as a Pigeon, but round and plump like a Partridge. They are all white, except two or three Feathers in each Wing of a light grey. Their Bills are of a yellowish colour, thick and short. They have one long Feather, or rather a Quill, about 7 inches long, grows out at the Rump, which is all the Tail they have. They are never seen far without either Tropick, for which reason they are called Tropick-birds. They are very good food, and we meet with them a great way at Sea; and I never saw of them any where but at Sea, and in this Island; where they build, and are found in great plenty.

By the Sea, on the South side of that high Hill, there is fresh Water comes out of the Rocks; but so slowly, that it yields not above 40 gallons in 24 hours; and it tastes so copperish, or aluminous rather, and rough in the mouth, that it seems very unpleasant at first drinking: but after 2 or 3 days any other Water will seem to have no taste.

[Page] The middle of this Island is low plain Land, overgrown with long Grass, where there are multitudes of small grey Fowls, no bigger than a Black-bird; yet lay Eggs bigger than a Magpy's: and they are therefore by Privateers called Egg-birds. The East end of the Island is overgrown with black Mangrove Trees.

There are three sorts of Mangrove-Trees, black, red, and white. The black Mangrove is the largest Tree, the body about as big as an Oak, and about 20 feet high. It is very hard and serviceable Timber, but extraordinary heavy; therefore not much made use of for building. The red Mangrove groweth commonly by the Sea side, or by Rivers, or Creeks. The body is not so big as that of the black Mangrove, but always grows out of many roots, about the bigness of a Mans Leg, some bigger, some less, which at about 6, 8, or 10 foot above the ground, joyn into one trunk or body, that seems to be supported by so many artificial Stakes. Where this sort of Tree grows, it is impossible to march, by reason of these Stakes, which grow so mixt one among another, that I have, when forced to go through them, gone half a mile, and never set my foot on the ground, stepping from root to root. The Timber is hard, and good for many uses. The inside of the Bark is red, and it is used for tanning of Leather very much all over the West Indies. The white Mangrove never groweth so big as the other two sorts, neither is it of any great use: Of the young Trees Privateers use to make Looms, or Handles for their Oars; for it is commonly strait, but not very strong, which is the fault of them. Neither the black nor white Mangrove grow towering up from stilts or rising roots, as the red doth; but the body immediately out of the ground, like other Trees.

[Page] The Land of this East end is light Sand, which is sometimes overflown with the Sea at Spring-tides. The Road for Ships is on the South side, against the middle of the Island. The rest of the Islands of Roca's are low. The next to this on the South side is but small, flat and even, without Trees, bearing only Grass. On the South side of it is a Pond of brackish Water, which sometimes Privateers use instead of better; there is likewise good riding by it. About a league from this are two other Islands, not 200 yards distant from each other; yet a deep Channel for Ships to pass through. They are both overgrown with red Mangrove Trees, which Trees, above any of the Mangroves, do flourish best in wet drowned Land, such as these two Islands are; only the East point of the Westernmost Island is dry Sand, without Tree or Bush: On this point we careened, lying on the South side of it.

The other Islands are low, and have red Mangroves, and other Trees on them. Here also Ships may ride; but no such place for careening as where we lay; because at that place Ships may hale close to the shore; and if they have but four Guns on the point may secure the Channel, and hinder any Enemy from coming near them. I observ'd that within, among the Islands, was good riding in many places; but not without the Islands, except to the West-ward, or S. West of them. For on the East, or N. E. of these Islands, the common Trade-Wind blows, and makes a great Sea: and to the South-ward of them there is no ground under 70, 80, or 100 fathom, close by the Land.

After we had filled what Water we could from hence, we set out again in April 1682. and came to Salt-Tortuga, so called to distinguish it from the shoals of Dry Tortugas, near Cape Florida, and from the Isle of Tortugas by Hispaniola, which was called formerly French Tortugas; though not having heard [Page] any mention of that name a great while, I am apt to think it is swallow'd up in that of Petit-Guavres, the chief Garrison the French have in those parts. This Island we arrived at is pretty large, uninhabited, and abounds with Salt. It is in Lat. 11 degrees North, and lyeth West, and a little Northerly from Margarita, an Island inhabited by the Spaniards, strong, and wealthy; it is distant from it about 14 leagues, and 17 or 18 from Cape Blanco on the Main: A Ship being within these Islands, a little to the South-ward, may see at once the Main, Margarita, and Tortuga, when it is clear weather. The East end of Tortuga is full of rugged, bare, broken Rocks, which stretch themselves a little way out to Sea. At the S. E. part is an indifferent good Road for Ships, much frequented in peaceable times by Merchantships, that come hither to lade Salt, in the months of May, June, July, and August. For at the East end is a large Salt-pond, within 200 paces of the Sea. The Salt begins to kern, or grain, in April, except it is a dry season; for it is observed that rain makes the Salt kern. I have seen above 20 Sail at a time in this road come to lade Salt; and these Ships coming from some of the Caribbe Islands, are always well stored with Rum, Sugar, and Lime-juice to make Punch; to hearten their Men when they are at work, getting and bringing aboard the Salt; and they commonly provide the more, in hopes to meet with Privateers, who resort hither in the aforesaid months, purposely to keep a Christmas as they call it; being sure to meet with Liquor enough to be merry with, and are very liberal to those that treat them. Near the West end of the Island, on the South side, there is a small Harbour, and some fresh Water: That end of the Island is full of shrubby Trees; but the East end is rocky and barren as to Trees, producing only course Grass. There are some Goats on it, but not many; and Turtle or [Page] Tortise come upon the sandy Bays to lay their Eggs: and from them the Island hath its Name. There is no riding any where but in the Road where the Salt-Ponds are, or in the Harbour.

At this Isle we thought to have sold our Sugar among the English Ships that come hither for Salt; but failing there, we design'd for Trinidada, an Island near the Main inhabited by the Spaniards, tolerably strong and wealthy: but the Current and Easterly Winds hindering us, we passed through between Margarita and the Main, and went to Blanco, a pretty large Island almost North of Margarita; about 30 leagues from the Main, and in 11 d. 50 m. North Lat. It is a flat, even, low, uninhabited Island, dry and healthy; most Savanah, of long Grass, and hath some Trees of Lignum Vitae growing in Spots, with shrubby Bushes of other Wood about them. It is plentifully stored with Guano s, which are an Animal like a Lizard, but much bigger. The body is as big as the small of a mans leg, and from the hind quarter the tail grows tapering to the end, which is very small. If a Man takes hold of the tail, except very near the hind quarter, it will part and breakoff in one of the joints, and the Guano will get away. They lay Eggs, as most of those amphibious creatures do, and are very good to eat. Their flesh is much esteemed by Privateers, who commonly dress them for their sick men; for they make very good Broath. They are of divers colours, as almost black, dark brown, light brown, dark green, light green, yellow, and speckled: They all live as well in the Water as on Land; and some of them are constantly in the Water, and among Rocks: These are commonly black. Others that live in swampy wet ground are commonly on Bushes and Trees, these are green. But such as live in dry ground, as here at Blanco, are commonly yellow; yet these also will live in the Water, and are sometimes on [Page] Trees. The Road is on the N. W. end, against a small Cove, or little sandy Bay. There is no riding any where else, for it is deep water and steep close to the Land. There is one small Spring on the West side, and there are sandy Bays round the Island, where Turtle or Tortoise come up in great abundance, going ashore in the night. These that frequent this Island are called green Turtle, and they are the best of that sort, both for largeness and sweetness of any in all the West Indies. I would here give a particular description of these and other sorts of Turtle in these Seas; but because I shall have occasion to mention some other sorts of Turtle when I come again into the South Seas, that are very different from all these, I shall there give a general account of all these several sorts at once, that the difference between them may be the better discerned. Some of our modern Descriptions speak of Goats on this Island. I know not what there may have been formerly, but there are none now to my certain knowledge; for my self and many more of our Crew have been all over it. Indeed these parts have undergone great changes in this last age, as well in places themselves, as in their Owners and Commodities of them; particularly Nombre de Dios, a City once famous, and which still retains a considerable name in some late Accounts, is now nothing but a Name. For I have lain ashore in the place where that City stood; but it is all overgrown with Wood, so as to leave no sign that any Town hath been there.

We staid at the Isle of Blanco not above 10 days, and then went back to Salt-Tortuga again, where Captain Yanky parted with us: and from thence, after about 4 days, all which time our men were drunk and quarrelling, we in Captain Wright's Ship went to the Coast of Caraccos on the Main Land. This Coast is upon several accounts very remarkable: [Page] 'Tis a continu'd tract of high Ridges of Hills and small Valleys intermix'd, for about [...]o leagues, stretching East and West; but in such manner, that the Ridges of Hills and the Valleys alternately run pointing upon the shore from South to North: the Valleys, some of them about 4 or 5, others not above 1 or 2 furlongs wide, and in length from the Sea scarce any of them above 3 or 4 mile at most; there being a long Ridge of Mountains at that distance from the Sea-Coast, and in a manner parallel to it, that joins those shorter Ridges, and closeth up the South end of the Valleys; which at the North ends of them lye open to the Sea, and make so many little Sandy Bays, that are the only Landing-places on all the Coast. Both the main Ridge, and these shorter Ribs are very high Land, so that 3 or 4 leagues off at Sea the Valleys scarce appear to the Eye, but all looks like one great Mountain. From the Isles of Roda's about 15, and from the Isle of Aves about 20 leagues off, we see this Coast very plain from on board our Ships; yet when at Anchor on this Coast we cannot see those Isles: tho again from the tops of these Hills they appear as if at no great distance, like so many Hillocks in a Pond. These Hills are barren, except the lower sides of them, that are cover'd with some of the same rich black Mould that fills the Valleys, and is as good as I have seen. In some of the Valleys there is a strong red Clay, but in the general they are extremely fertil, well watered, and inhabited by Spaniards and their Negro's. They have Maiz and Plantains for their support; with Indian Fowls and some Hogs. But the main product of these Valleys, and indeed the only Commodity it vends, are the Cacao-Nuts, of which the Chocolate is made. The Cacao-Tree grows no where in the North Seas but in the Bay of Campechy, on Costa Rica, between Portabel and Nicaragua, chiefly up Carpenters River; and on this Coast [Page] as high as the Isle of Trinidada. In the South Seas, it grows on the River of Guiaquil, a little to the Southward of the Line, and in the Valley of Collina, on the South side of the Continent of Mexico: both which places I shall hereafter describe. Besides these, I am confident there is no place in the world where the Cacao grows, except those in Jamaica, of which there are now but few remaining, of many and large Walks or Plantations of them found there by the English at their first arrival, and since planted by them; and even these, though there is a great deal of pains and care bestowed on them, yet seldom come to any thing, being generally blighted. The Nuts of this Coast of Caracco's, though less than those of Costa Rica, which are large flat Nuts, yet are better and fatter, in my opinion, being so very oily, that we are forced to use Water in rubbing them up; and the Spaniards that live here, instead of parching them to get off the Shell before they pound or rub them, to make Chocolate, do in a manner burn them to dry up the Oil; for else, they say, it would fill them too full of blood, drinking Chocolate, as they do, 5 or 6 times a day. My worthy Consort Mr. Ringrose commends most the Guiaquil Nut: I presume because he had little knowledge of the rest; for being intimately acquainted with him, I know the course of his Travels and Experience. But I am persuaded had he known the rest so well as I pretend to have done, who have at several times been long used to, and in a manner lived upon all the several sorts of them above mentioned, he would prefer the Caraccos Nut before any other; yet possibly the drying up of these Nuts so much by the Spaniards here, as I said, may lessen their Esteem with those Europeans, that use their Chocolate ready rubb'd up: so that we always chose to make it up our selves.

[Page] The Cacao-Tree hath a body about a foot and an half thick (the largest sort) and 7 or 8 foot high to the Branches, which are large, and spreading like an Oak, with a pretty thick, smooth, dark-green leaf, shap'd like that of a Plumb-Tree, but larger. The Nuts are inclosed in Cods as big as both a Mans fists put together: At the broad end of which there is a small, tough, limber stalk, by which they hang pendulous from the body of the Tree, in all parts of it from top to bottom, scattered at irregular distances, and from the greater branches a little way up: especially at the joints of them, or partings, where they hang thickest; but never on the smaller boughs. There may be ordinarily about 20 or 30 of these Cods upon a well-bearing Tree: and they have 2 Crops of them in a year; one in December, but the best in June. The Cod it self or Shell is almost half an inch thick; neither spongy nor woody, but of a substance between both, brittle, yet harder than the Rind of a Lemmon: like which its surface is grained or knobbed, but more course and unequal. The Cods at first are of a dark Green, but the side of them next the Sun of a Muddy Red. As they grow ripe the Green turns to a fine bright Yellow, and the Muddy to a more lively beautiful Red, very pleasant to the Eye. They neither ripen, nor are gather'd at once: but for three weeks or a month, when the Season is, the Overseers of the Plantations go every day about to see which are turn'd yellow; cutting at once, it may be, not above one from a Tree. The Cods thus gathered they lay in several heaps to sweat; and then bursting the Shell with their hands they pull out the Nuts, which are the only substance they contain, having no stalk or pith among them; and (excepting that these Nuts lye in regular rows, like the grains of Maiz, but sticking together; and so closely stowed, that after they have been once separated, [Page] it would be hard to place them again in so narrow a compass. There are generally near 100 Nuts in a Cod: in proportion to the greatness of which, for it varies, the Nuts are bigger or less. When taken out they dry them in the Sun upon Mats spread on the ground: after which they need no more care, having a thin hard skin of their own, and much Oil, which preserves them. Salt water will not hurt them; for we had our Bags rotten, lying in the bottom of our Ship, and yet the Nuts never the worse. They raise the young Trees of Nuts, set with the great end downward, in fine black Mould, and in the same places where they are to bear; which they do in 4 or 5 years time, without the trouble of transplanting. There are ordinarily of these Trees, from 500 to 2000 and upwards in a Plantation or Cacoa-walk, as they call them: and they shelter the young Trees from the weather with Plaintains set about them for 2 or 4 years; destroying all the Plantains by such time the Cacoa-Trees are of a pretty good body, and able to endure the heat; which I take to be the most pernicious to them of any thing: for tho these Valleys lye open to the North winds, unless a little shelter'd here and there by some groves of Plaintain Trees, which are purposely set near the Shores of the several Bays, yet, by all that I could either observe or learn, the Cacao's in this Country are never blighted, as I have often known them to be in other places. Cacoa-Nuts are used as Money in the Bay of Campechy.

The chief Town of this Country is called Caraccos, a good way within Land; 'tis a large wealthy place, where live most of the Owners of these Cacao-walks, that are in the Valleys by the shore; the Plantations being managed by Overseers and Negro's. It is in a large Savanah Country, that abounds with Cattle: and a Spaniard of my acquaintance, [Page] a very sensible man who hath been there, tells me that 'tis very populous, and he judges it to be 3 times as big as Coruma in Gallicia. The way to it is very steep and craggy, over that ridge of of Hills, which I said closes up the Valleys and partition Hills of the Cacao Coast. In this Coast it self the chief place is La Guiare, a good Town close by the Sea; and though it hath but a bad Harbour yet it is much frequented by the Spanish shipping; for the Dutch and English anchor in the sandy Bays that lye here and there in the mouths of several Valleys, and where there is very good riding. The Town is open, but hath a strong Fort; yet both were taken some years since by Captain Wright and his Privateers. 'Tis seared about 4 or 5 leagues to the Westward of Cape Blanco, which Cape is the Eastermost boundary of this Coast of Caraccos. Further Eastward about 20 leagues is a great lake or branch of the Sea, called La Laguna de Vallensuella; about which are many rich Towns; but the mouth of the Lake is shallow that no Ships can enter. Near this mouth is a place called Comana, where the Privateers were once repulsed without daring to attempt it any more, being the only place in the North Seas they attempted in vain for many years; and the Spaniards since throw it in their teeth frequently, as a word of reproach or defiance to them. Not far from the place is Verina, a small Village and Spanish Plantation, famous for its Tobacco, reputed the best in the world.

But to return to Caraccos, all this Coast is subject to dry winds, generally North-east, which caused us to have scabby Lips: and we always found it thus, and that in different seasons of the year; for I have been on this Coast several times. In other respects it is very healthy and a sweet clear Air. The Spaniards have Look-outs or Scouts on the Hills, and Breast-works in the Valleys, and most of [Page] their Negro's are furnished with Arms also for defence of the Bays. The Dutch have a very profitable Trade here, almost to themselves: I have known 3 or 4 great Ships at a time on the Coast, each, it may be, of 30 or 40 Guns. They carry hither all sorts of European Commodities, especially Linnen; making vast returns, chiefly in Silver and Cacao. And I have often wondred and regretted it, that none of my own Countrymen find the way thither directly from England; for our Jamaica-men Trade thither indeed, and find the sweet of it, though they carry English Commodities at second or third hand.

While we lay on this Coast, we went ashore in some of the Bays, and took 7 or 8 Tun of Cacoa; and after that 3 Barks, one laden with Hides, the second with European Commodities, the third with Earthen ware and Brandy. With these 3 Barks we went again to the Islands of Roca's, where we shar'd our Commodities, and separated, having Vessels enough to transport us all whither we thought most convenient. Twenty of us (for we were about 60) took one of the Vessels and our share of the goods, and went directly for Virginia. In our way thither we took several of the Sucking-fishes; for when we see them about the Ship we cast out a Line and Hook, and they will take it with any manner of Bait, whether Fish or Flesh. The Sucking-fish is about the bigness of a large Whiting, and much of the same shape towards the Tail, but the Head is flatter. From the Head to the middle of its Back there groweth a sort of flesh of a hard gristly substance, like that part of the Limpit (a Shell-fish tapering up Pyramidically) which sticks to the Rocks; or like the head or mouth of a Shell-Snail, but harder. This excrescence is of a flat oval form, about 7 or 8 inches long, and 5 or 6 broad; and rising about half an inch high. It is full of small [Page] ridges, with which it will fasten it self to any thing that it meets with in the Sea, just as a Snail doth to a Wall. When any of them happen to come about a Ship they seldom leave her, for they will feed on such filth as is daily thrown overboard, or on meer excrements. When it is fair weather and but little wind, they will play about the Ship; but in blustring weather, or when the Ship sails quick, they commonly fasten themselves to the Ships bottom, from whence neither the Ships motion, though never so swift, nor the most tempestuous Sea can remove them. They will likewise fasten themselves to any other bigger Fish; for they never swim fast themselves, if they meet with any thing to carry them. I have found them sticking to a Shark, after it was hal'd in on the deck, though a Shark is so strong and boisterous a Fish, and throws about him so vehemently for half an hour together, it may be, when caught that did not the Sucking-fish stick at no ordinary rate, it must needs be cast off by so much violence. It is usual also to see them sticking to Turtle, to any old Trees, Planks, or the like, that lye driving at Sea. Any knobs or inqualities at a Ships bottom, are a great hinderance to the swiftness of its sailing; and 10 or 12 of these sticking to it must needs retard it, as much, in a manner, as if its bottom were foul. So that I am inclined to think that this Fish is the Remora of which the Antients tell such stories: if it be not, I know no other that is, and I leave the Reader to judge. I have seen of these Sucking-fishes in great plenty in the Bay of Campechy, and in all the Sea between that and the Coast of Caraccus, as about those Islands, particularly, I have lately described, Rocas, Blanco, Tortugas, &c. They have no scales, and are very good meat.

We met nothing else worth remark, in our Voyage to Virginia; where we arrived in July 1682. That Country is so well known to our Nation, that [Page] I shall say nothing of it, nor shall I detain the Reader with the story of my own affairs, and the troubles that befel me during about 13 months of my stay there; but in the next Chapter enter immediately upon my second Voyage into the South Seas, and round the Globe.

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CHAP. IV.

The Authors Voyage to the Isle of John Fernando in the South Seas. He arrives at the Isles of Cape Verd. Isle of Sall; its Salt-ponds. The Flamingo, and its remarkable Nest. Ambergriese, where found. The Isles of St. Nicholas, Mayo, St. Jago, Fogo, a burning Mountain; with the rest of the Isles of Cape Verde. Sherborough River on the Coast of Guinea. The Commodities, and Negroes there: A Town of theirs describ'd. Tornadoes, Sharks, Flying-fish. A Sea deep and clear, yet pale. Isles of Sibble de Ward. Small red Lobsters. Streight Lo Mair. States Island. Cape Horn in Terra del Fuego. Their Meeting with Captain Eaton in the South Seas, and their going together to the Isle of John Fernando. Of a Moskito-man, left there alone 3 Years: His Art and Sagacity; with that of other Indians. The Island described. The Savanahs of America. Goats at John Fernando's. Seals. Sea-lions. Snappers, a sort of Fish. Rock-fish. The Bays, and natural Strength of this Island.

BEing now entring upon the Relation of a New Voyage, which makes up the main body of this Book, proceeding from Virginia by the way of Terra del Fuego, and the South Seas, the East Indies, and so on till my Return to England by the way of the Cape of Good Hope, I shall give my Reader this short Account of my first entrance upon it. Among those who [Page] accompanied Captain Sharp into the South Seas in our former expedition, and leaving him there return d over Land, as is said in the introduction, and in the 1st and 2d Chapters; there was one Mr. Cook, an English Native of St. Christophers, a Criole, as we call all born of European Parents in the West Indies. He was a sensible man, and had been some years a Privateer. At our joyning our selves with those Privateers we met at our coming again to the North Seas, his lot was to be with Captain Yanky, who kept Company for some considerable time with Captain Wright, in whose Ship I was, and parted with us at our 2d Anchoring at the Isle of Tortugas; as I have said in the last Chapter. After our parting, this Mr. Cook being Quarter-master under Captain Yanky, the second place in the Ship, according to the Law of Privateers, laid claim to a Ship they took from the Spaniards; and such of Captain Yanky's men as were so disposed, particularly all those who came with us over Land, went aboard this Prize Ship under the new Captain Cook. This distribution was made at the Isle of Vacca, or the Isle of Ash, as we call it; and here they parted also such Goods as they had taken. But Captain Cook having no Commission, as Captain Yanky, Captain Tristian, and some other French Commanders had, who lay then at that Island, and they grutching the English such a Vessel, they all joyn'd together, plundered the English of their Ship, Goods and Arms, and turned them ashore. Yet Captain Tristian took in about 8 or 10 of these English, and carry'd them with him to Petit-Guavres: of which number Captain Cook was one, and Captain Davis another, who with the rest found means to seize the Ship as she lay at Anchor in the Road, Captain Tristian and many of his men being then ashore: and the English sending ashore such French-men as remained in the Ship and were mastered by them, though superior in number, [Page] stood away with her immediately for the Isle of Vacca, before any notice of this surprize could reach the French Governor of that Isle; so deceiving him also by a Stratagem, they got on board the rest of their Countrymen, who had been left on that Island; and going thence they took a Ship newly come from France, laden with Wines. They took also a Ship of good force, in which they resolved to embark themselves, and make a new Expedition into the South Seas, to cruise on the Coast of Chili and Peru. But first they went for Virginia with their Prizes; where they arrived the April after my coming thither. The best of their Prizes carried 18 Guns: this they fitted up there with Sails, and every thing necessary for so long [...] Voyage; selling the Wines they had taken for such Provisions as they wanted. My self, and those of our Fellow-travellers over the Isthmus of America, who came with me to Virginia the year before this (most of which had since made a short Voyage to Carolina, and were again return'd to Virginia) resolved to join our selves to these new Adventurers: and as many more engaged in the same design as made our whole Crew consist of about 70 Men. So having furnished our selves with necessary materials, and agreed upon some particular Rules, especially of Temperance and Sobriety, by reason of the length of our intended Voyage, we all went on board our Ship.

August 23. 1683. we sailed from Achamack in Virginia, under the Command of Captain Cook, bound for the South Seas. I shall not trouble the Reader with an account of every days run, but hasten to the less known parts of the World, to give a description of them: only relating such memorable accidents as hapned to us, and such places as we touched at by the way.

We met nothing worth observation till we came to the Islands of Cape Verd, except a terrible Storm, [Page] which could not escape it: This hapned in a few days after we left Virginia; with a S. S. E. Wind just in our Teeth. The Storm lasted above a week: it drencht us all like so many drowned Rats; and was one of the worst Storms I ever was in. One I met with in the East-Indies was more violent [...] the time; but of not above 24 hours continuance. After that Storm we had favourable Winds and good weather; and in a short time we arriv d at the Island Sall, which is one of the Eastermost of the Cape Verd Island. Of these there are ten in number (so considerable as to bear distinct names) and they [...]ye several Degrees off from Cape Verd in Africk, whence they receive that Appellation; taking up about 5 deg. of Longitude in breadth, and about as many of Latitude in their length, viz. from near 14 to 19 North. They are most inhabited by Portuguese Banditti. This of Sall is an Island lying in the Lat. of 16, in Long: 19 deg. 33 min. West from the Lizard in England, stretching from North to South about 8 or 9 leagues; and not above a league and an half, or 2 leagues wide. It hath its name from the abundance of Salt that is naturally congealed there, the whole Island being full of large Salt-ponds. The Land is very barren, producing no Tree that I could see, but some small [...] by Bushes by the Sea side: Neither could I discern any Grass; yet there are some poor Goats on it.

I know not whether there are any other Beasts on the Island: There are some wild Fowl, but, I judge, not many. I saw a few Flamingo, which is a sort of large Fowl, much like a Heron in shape, but bigger, and of a reddish colour. They delight to keep together in great companies, and feed in Mud; or Ponds, or in such places where there is not much Water: They are very shy, therefore it is hard to shoot them. Yet I have lain obscured in the evening near a place where they resort, and [Page] with two more in my company have kill'd 14 of them at once; the first shot being made while they were standing on the ground, the other two as they rose. They build their Nests in shallow Ponds, where there is much Mud, which they scrape together, making little Hillocks, like small Islands, appearing out of the Water, a foot and half high from the bottom. They make the foundation of these Hillocks broad, bringing them up tapering; to the top, where they leave a small hollow pit to lay their Eggs in; and when they either lay their Eggs, or hatch them, they stand all the while, not on the Hillock, but close by it with their Legs on the ground and in the water, resting themselves [...] the Hillock, and covering the hollow Nest upon it with their Rumps: For their Legs are very long; and building thus, as they do, upon the ground, they could neither, draw their Legs conveniently into their Nests, not sit down upon them otherwise than by resting their whole bodies there, to the prejudice of their Eggs or their young, were it not for this admirable contrivance which they have by natural instinct. They never lay more than two Eggs, and seldom fewer. The young ones cannot fly till they are almost full grown, but will run prodigiously fast; yet we have taken many of them. The Flesh of both young and old is lean and black, yet very good meat, tasting neither fishy, nor any way unsavory. Their Tongues are large, having a large knob of fat at the root, which is an excellent bit: a Dish of Flamingo's Tongues being sit for a Prince's Table.

When many of them are standing together by a Ponds side, being half a mile distant from a Man, they appear to him like a Brick Wall; their Feathers being of the colour of new red Brick: and they commonly stand upright, and single, one by one, exactly in a row (except when feeding) and close [Page] by each other. The young ones at first are of a light grey; and as their Wing-feathers spring out, they grow darker: and never come to their right colour, or any beautiful shape, under 10 or 11 months old. I have seen Flamingoes at Rio la Hacha, and at an Island lying near the Main of America, right against Querisao; called by Privateers Flamingo-Key, from the multitude of these Fowls that breed there; and I never saw of their Nests and young but there.

There were not above 5 or 6 men on this Island of Sall, and a poor Governor as they call'd him, who came aboard in our Boat, and brought 3 or 4 poor lean Goats for a Present to our Captain, telling him they were the best that the Island did afford. The Captain, minding more the poverty of the Giver than the value of the Present, gave him in requital a Coat to cloath him; for he had nothing but a few Rags on his back, and an old Hat not worth 3 Farthings; which yet I believe he wore but seldom, for fear he should want before he might get another: for he told us there had not been a Ship in 3 years before. We bought of him about 20 Bushels of Salt for a few old Cloaths; and he begg'd a little Powder and Shot. We stay'd here 3 days; in which time one of these Portuguese offered to some of our men a lump of Ambergriese in exchange for some Cloaths, desiring them to keep it secret; for he said if the Governour should know it he should be hanged. At length one Mr. Coppinger bought it for a small matter; yet I believe he gave more than it was worth. We had not a Man in the Ship that knew Ambergriese: but I have since seen it in other places, and therefore am certain it was not right. It was of a dark colour like Sheeps Dung, and very soft, but of no smell, and possibly 'twas some of their Goats Dung. I afterwards saw some sold at the Necquebars in the East Indies, which was of [Page] a lighter colour, but very hard, neither had it any smell; and this also, I suppose, was a Cheat. Yet it is certain that in both these places there is Ambergriese found.

I was told by one John Reed, a Bristol Man, that he was Prentice to a Master who traded to these Islands of Cape Verd, and once as he was riding at an Anchor at Fogo, another of these Islands, there was a lump of it swam by the Ship, and the Boat being ashore he mist it; but knew it to be Ambergriese, having taken up a lump swimming in the like manner the Voyage before; and his Master having at several times bought pieces of it of the Natives of the Isle of Fogo, so as to enrich himself thereby. And so at the Necquebars, Englishmen have bought, as I have been credibly informed, great quantities of very good Ambergriese. Yet the Inhabitants are so subtle that they will counterfeit it, both there and here: and I have heard that in the Gulf of Florida, whence much of it comes, the Native Indians there use the same Fraud.

Upon this occasion, I cannot omit to tell my Reader what I learnt from Mr. Hill, a Chyrurgeon, upon his shewing me once a piece of Ambergriese, which was thus. One Mr. Benjamin Barker, a man that I have been long well acquainted with, and know him to be a very diligent and observing person, and likewise very sober and credible, told this Mr. Hill, that being in the Bay of Honduras to procure Logwood, which grows there in great abundance; and passing in a Canoa over to one of the Islands in that Bay, he found upon the shore, on a sandy Bay there, a lump of Ambergriese, so large, that when carried to Jamaica, he found it to weigh one hundred pound and upwards. When he first found it, it lay dry, above the mark which the Sea then came to at High-water; and he observed in it a great multitude of Beetles: It was of a dusky colour, [Page] towards black, and about the hardness of mellow Cheese, and of a very fragrant smell: This that Mr. Hill shewed me, being some of it, which Mr. Barker gave him. Besides those already mentioned, all the places where I have heard that Ambergriese hath been found, are Bermudas, and the Bahama Islands in the West Indies; and that part of the Coast of Africk, with its adjacent Islands, which reaches from Mozambique to the Red-Sea.

We went from this Island of Sall, to St. Nicholas, another of the Cape-Verd Islands, lying West South West from Sall, about 22 leagues. We arrived there the next day after we left the other, and Anchored on the S. E. side of the Island. This is a pretty large Island; it is one of the biggest of all the Cape-Verd, and lyeth in a triangular-form. The largest side which lyeth to the East, is about 30 leagues long, and the other two above 20 leagues each. It is a mountainous barren Island, and rocky all round towards the Sea; yet in the heart of it, there are Valleys where the Portuguese, which inhabit here, have Vineyards and Plantations, and Wood for fewel. Here are many Goats, which are but poor in comparison with those in other places, yet much better than those at Sall: There are likewise many Asses. The Governour of this Island came aboard us, with 3 or 4 Gentlemen more in his Company, who were all indifferently well cloathed, and accoutred with Swords and Pistols; but the rest that accompanied him to the Sea side, which were about 20 or 30 men more, were but in a ragged garb. The Governour brought aboard some Wine made in the Island, which tasted much like Madera Wine: It was of a pale colour, and lookt thick. He told us the chief Town was in a Valley 14 mile from the Bay, where we rode; that he had there under him above one hundred families, besides other Inhabitants that lived scattering in Valleys more remote. [Page] They were all very swarthy; the Governour was the clea [...]est of them, yet of a dark tawny complexion.

At this Island we scrubb'd the bottom of our Ship; and here also we [...] ashore on the Bay, and fill'd all our water, and after 5 or 6 days stay, we went from hence to Mayo, another of the Cape-Verd Islands, lying about 40 miles East and by South from the other; arriving there the next day, and anchoring on the N. W. side of the Island. We sent our Boat on shore, intending to have purchased some Provision, as Beef or Goat, with which this Island is better stock'd than the rest of the Islands. But the inhabitants would not suffer our men to land, for about a week before our arrival there came an English Ship, the men of which came ashore, pretending friendship, and seized on the Governour with some others, and carrying them aboard, made them send ashore for Cattle to ransom their Liberties: and yet after this set sail, and carry'd them away; and they had not heard of them since. The English-man that did this (as I was afterwards informed) was one Captain Bond of Bristol. Whether ever he brought back those men again I know not: He himself and most of his men have since gone over to the Spaniards: and twas he who had like to have burnt our Ship after this in the Bay of Panama; as I shall have occasion to relate.

This Isle of Mayo is but small, and invironed with sholes; yet a place much frequented by shipping for its great plenty of Salt: and though there is but bad landing, yet many Ships lade here every year. Here are plenty of Bulls, Cows, and Goats; and at a certain season in the year, as May, June, July, and August, a sort of small Sea-Tortoise come hither to lay their Eggs: but these Turtle are not so sweet as those in the West Indies. The Inhabitants plant Corn, Yames, Potatoes, and some Plantations, and breed [Page] a few Fowls; living very poor, yet much better than the Inhabitants of any other of these Islands, St. Jago excepted, which lieth 4 or 5 leagues to the Westward of Mayo, and is the chief, the most fruitful, and best inhabited, of all the Islands of Cape Verd; yet mountainous, and much barren Land in it.

On the East side of the Isle of St. Jago is a good Port, which in peaceable times especially is seldom without Ships; for this hath long been a place which Ships have been wont to touch at for Water and Refreshments, as those outward bound to the East Indies, English, French, and Dutch; many of the Ships bound to the Coast of Guinea, the Dutch to Surinam, and their own Portuguese Fleet going for Braziel, which is generally about the latter end of September: but few Ships call in here in their return for Europe. When any Ships are here the Country People bring down their Commodities to sell to the Seamen and Passengers, viz. Bullocks, Hogs, Goats, Fowls, Eggs, Plantains, and Cocoa Nuts; which they will give in Exchange for Shirts, Drawers, Handkerchiefs, Hats, Wastecoats, Britches, or in a manner for any sort of Cloath, especially Linnen, for Woollen is not much esteemed there. They care not willingly to part with their Cattel of any sort but in exchange for Money, or Linnen, or some other valuable Commodity. Travellers must have a care of these people, for they are very thievish; and if they see an opportunity, will snatch any thing from you, and run away with it. We did not touch at this Island in this Voyage; but I was there before this in the year 1670, when I saw a Fort here lying on the top of an Hill, and commanding the Harbour.

The Governour of this Island is chief over all the rest of the Islands. I have been told that there are two large Towns on this Island, some small Villages, [Page] and a great many Inhabitants; and that they make a great deal of Wine, such as is that of St. Nicholas. I have not been on any other of the Cape Verd Islands, nor near them; but have seen most of them at a distance. They seem to be mountainous and barren; some of these before-mentioned being the most fruitful and most frequented by Strangers, especially St. Jago and Mayo. As to the rest of them, Fogo and Brava are two small Islands lying to the Westward of St. Jago, but of little note; only Fogo is remarkable for its being a Vulcano: It is all of it one large Mountain of a good heighth, out of the top whereof issue Flames of Fire, yet only discerned in the night: and then it may be seen a great way at Sea. Yet this Island is not without Inhabitants, who live at the foot of the Mountain near the Sea. Their subsistence is much the same as in the other Islands; they having some Goats, Fowls, Plantains, Coco-Nuts, &c. as I am informed. Of the Plantains and Coco-Nuts I shall have occasion to speak when I come into the East Indies: and shall defer the giving an account of them till then.

The remainder of these Islands of Cape Verd, are St. Antonio, Sta. Lucia, St. Vincente, and Bona-Vista: of which I know nothing considerable.

Our entrance among these Islands was from the North East; for in our passage from Virginia we ran pretty far toward the Coast of Gualata in Africk, to preserve the Trade-wind, lest we should be born off too much to the Westward, and so lose the Islands. We anchored at the South of Sall, and passing by the South of St. Nicholas anchored again at Mayo, as hath been said; where we made the shorter stay, because we could get no Flesh among the Inhabitants, by reason of the regret they had at their Governour and his Mens being carried away by Captain Bond. So leaving the Isles of Cape Verd we stood away to the Southward with the Wind at E. N. E. intending to [Page] have touched no more till we came to the Streights of Magellan, But when we came into the lat. of 10 deg. North, we met the Winds at S. by W. and S. S. W. therefore we altered our resolutions, and steered away for the Coast of Guinea, and in few days came to the Mouth of the River of Sherboro, which is an English Factory, lying South of Sierra Liona. We had one of our Men who was well acquainted there; and by his direction we went in among the Shoals, and came to an anchor.

Sherboro was a good way from us, so I can give no account of the place, or our Factory there; save that I have been informed, that there is a considerable Trade driven there for a sort of Red Wood for Dying, which grows in that Country very plentifully; 'tis called by our people Cam-wood. A little within the shore where we anchored was a Town of Negroes, Natives of this Coast. It was skreen'd from our sight by a large Grove of Trees that grew between them and the shore: but we went thither to them several times during the 3 or 4 days of our stay here, to refresh our selves; and they as often came aboard us, bringing with them Plantains, Sugar-canes, Palm-wines, Rice, Fowls and Honey, which they sold us. They were no way shy of us, being well acquainted with the English, by reason of our Guinea-Factories and Trade. This Town seem'd pretty large; the Houses but low and ordinary; but one great House in the midst of it, where their chief men meet and receive Strangers: and here they treated us with Palm-wine. As to their Persons, they are like other Negroes. While we lay here we scrubb'd the bottom of our Ship, and then fill'd all our Water-Casks; and buying up two Puncheons of Rice for our Voyage, we departed from hence about the middle of November 1683, prosecuting our intended course towards the Straights of Mágellan.

[Page] We had but little wind after we got out, and very hot weather with some fierce Tornadoe's, commonly rising out of the N. E. which brought Thunder, Lightening and Rain. These did not last long; sometimes not a quarter of an hour, and then the wind would shuffle about to the Southward again, and fall flat calm, for these Tornadoe's commonly come against the wind that is then blowing, as our Thunder-Clouds are often observed to do in England; but the Tornadoe's I shall describe more largely in my Chapter of Winds in the Appendix to this Book. At this time many of our men were taken with Feavers; yet we lost but one. While we lay in the calms we caught several great Sharks; sometimes 2 or 3 in a day, and eat them all, boyling and squeezing them dry, and then stewing them with Vinegar, Pepper, &c. for we had but little flesh aboard. We took the benefit of every Tornado, which came sometimes 3 or 4 in day, and carried what Sail we could to get to the Southward, for we had but little wind when they were over; and those small winds between the Tornadoe's were much against us, at S. by E. and S. S. E. till we past the Equinoctial Line, which we crost about a degree to the Eastward of the Meridian of the Isle of St. Jago, off the Cape-Verd Islands.

At first we could scarce lye S. W. but being got a degree to the Southward of the Line, the wind veer'd more Easterly, and then we stemm'd S. W. by S. and as we got farther to the Southward, so the wind came about to the Eastward and freshened upon us. In the Lat. of 3 S. we had the wind at E. in the Lat. of 5, we had it at E. S. E. where it stood a considerable time, and blew a fresh top gallant gale. We then made the best use of it, steering on briskly with all the Sail we could make; and this wind by the 18 of Jan. carried us into the Lat. of 36 South. In all this time we met with [Page] nothing worthy remark; not so much as a Fish, except Flying Fish, which have been so often described, that I think it needless for me to do it.

Here we found the Sea much changed from its natural greenness, to a white, or palish colour, which caused us to sound, supposing we might strike ground: For when ever we find the colour of the Sea to change, we know we are not far from Land, or shoals which stretch out into the Sea, running from some Land. But here we found no ground with 100 fathom Line. I was this day at noon by reckoning, 48 d. 50 m. West from the Lizard, the variation by our morning amplitude 15 d. 50 m. East, the variation increasing. The 20 day one of our Chyrurgeons dyed much lamented, because we had but one more for such a dangerous Voyage.

January 28th we made the Sibbel de Wards, which are 3 Islands lying in the lat. of 51 d. 25 m. South, and longitude West from the Lizard in England, by my account, 57 d. 28 m. the variation here we found to be 23 d. 10 m. I had for a month before we came hither, endeavoured to perswade Captain Cook and his Company to anchor at these Islands, where I told them we might probably get water, as I then thought, and in case we should miss of it here, yet by being good Husbands of what we had, we might reach John Fernando's in the South Seas, before our water was spent. This I urged to hinder their designs of going through the Straights of Magellan, which I knew would prove very dangerous to us, the rather, because our men being Privateers, and so more wilful and less under command, would not be so ready to give a watchful attendance in a passage so little known. For altho these men were more under command, than I had ever seen any Privateers, yet I could not expect to find them at a minutes call, in coming to an anchor, or weighing [Page] Anchor: beside, if ever we should have occasion to moor, or cast out two Anchors, we had not a Boat to carry out or weigh an Anchor. These Islands of Sible de Wards were so named by the Dutch. They are all three rocky barren Islands without any Tree, only some Dildo-bushes growing on them: and I do believe there is no Water on any one of them, for there was no appearance of any Water. The two Northernmost we could not come near, but the Southermost we came close by, but could not strike ground till within two Cables length of the shore, and there found it to be foul rocky ground.

From the time that we were in 10 degrees South, till we came to these Islands, we had the Wind between E. N. E. and the N. N. E. fair weather, and a brisk gale. The day that we made these Islands we saw great sholes of small Lobsters, which coloured the Sea Red in spots for a mile in compass, and we drew some of them out of the Sea in our Water-Buckets. They were no bigger than the top of a Mans little finger, yet all their Claws both great and small like a Lobster. I never saw any of this sort of Fish naturally red but here; for ours on the English Coast, which are black naturally, are not red till they are boil'd: neither did I ever any where else meet with any Fish of the Lobster shape so small as these; unless, it may be, Shrimps, or Prawns. Captain Swan and Captain Eaton met also with shoals of this Fish in much the same Latitude and Longitude.

Leaving therefore the Sible de Ward Islands, as having neither good Anchorage nor Water, we sailed on, directing our course for the Streights of Magellan. But the Winds hanging in the westerbord, and blowing hard, oft put us by our Topsails; so that we could not fetch it. The 6th day of February we fell in with the Streights Le Mair, which [Page] is very high Land on both sides, and the Streights very narrow. We had the Wind at N. N. W. a fresh gale; and seeing the opening of the Streights, we ran in with it, till within four mile of the mouth, and then it fell calm, and we found a strong tide setting out of the Streights to the Northward, and like to founder our Ship; but whether flood or ebb I know not; only it made such a short cockling Sea as if we had been in a race, or place where two tides meet: For it ran every way, sometimes breaking in over our Waste, sometimes over our Poop, sometimes over our Bow, and the Ship tossed like an Egg-shell, so that I never felt such uncertain jerks in a Ship. At 8 a clock in the evening we had a small Breez at W. N. W. and steered away to the Eastward, intending to go round the States Island, the East end of which we reached the next day by noon, having a fresh breez all night.

The 7th day at noon being off the East End of States Island I had a good observation of the Sun, and found my self in lat. 54 deg. 52 min. South.

At the East end of States Island are three small Islands, or rather Rocks, pretty high, and white with the Dung of Fowls. Wherefore having observed the Sun we haled up South, designing to pass round to the Southward of Cape Horne, which is the Southermost Land of Terra del Fuego. The Winds hung in the western quarter betwixt the N. W. and the West, so that we could not get much to the Westward, and we never saw Terra del Fuego after that evening that we made the Streight Le Mair. I have heard that there have been Smokes and Fires on Terra del Fuego, not on the tops of Hills, but in Plains and Valleys, seen by those who have sailed through the Streights of Magellan; supposed to be made by the Natives.

We did not see the Sun at rising or setting, in order to take an amplitude after we left the Sibble de [Page]Wards, till we got into the South Seas: therefore I know not whether the variation increased any more or no. Indeed I had an observation of the Sun at noon, in lat. 59 deg. 30 min. and we were then standing to the Southward, with the Wind at W. by N. and that night the Wind came about more to the Southward of the West, and we tackt. I was then in lat. 60 by reckning, which was the farthest South latitude that ever I was in.

The 14th day of February, being in lat. 57. and to the West of Cape Horne, we had a violent Storm, which held us till the third day of March, blowing commonly at S. W. and S. W. by W. and W. S. W. thick weather all the time, with small drizling Rain, but not hard. We made a shift however to save 23 Barrels of Rain-water, besides what we drest our Victuals withal.

March the third the Wind shifted at once, and came about at South, blowing a fierce gale of Wind: soon after it came about to the Eastward, and we stood into the South Seas.

The 9th day having an observation of the Sun, not having seen it of late, we found ourselves in lat. 47 d. 10 m. and the variation to be but 15 d. 30 m. East.

The Wind stood at S. E. we had fair weather and a moderate gale; and the 17th day we were in lat. 36 by observation, and then found the variation to be but 8 degrees East.

The 19th day when we looked out in the morning we saw a Ship to the Southward of us, coming with all the Sail she could make after us: we lay muzled to let her come up with us, for we supposed her to be a Spanish Ship come from Baldivia bound to Lima: we being now to the Northward of Baldivia, and this being the time of the year when Ships that trade thence to Baldivia return home. They had the same opinion of us, and therefore made sure to [Page] take us, but coming nearer we both found our mistakes. This proved to be one Captain Eaton in a Ship sent purposely from London for the South Seas. We hailed each other, and the Captain came on board, and told us of his actions on the Coast of Brazil, and in the River of Plate.

He met Captain Swan (one that came from England to trade here) at the East Entrance into the Streights of Magellan, and they accompanied each other through the Streights, and were separated after they were through by the Storm before mentioned. Both we and Captain Eaton being bound for John Fernando's Isle, we kept company, and we spared him Bread and Beef, and he spared us Water, which he took in as he passed through the Streights.

March the 22d, 1684. we came in sight of the Island, and the next day got in and anchored in a Bay at the South end of the Island, in 25 fathom water, not two Cables lengths from the shore. We presently got out our Canoa, and went ashore to see for a Moskito Indian, whom we left here when we were chaced hence by three Spanish Ships in the year 1681. a little before we went to Arica; Captain Watlin being then our Commander, after Captain Sharp was turned out.

This Indian lived here alone above 3 years, and altho he was several times sought after by the Spaniards, who knew he was left on the Island, yet they could never find him. He was in the Woods hunting for Goats, when Captain Watlin drew off his men, and the Ship was under sail before he came back to shore. He had with him his Gun and a Knife, with a small Horn of Powder, and a few Shot; which being spent, he contrived a way by notching his Knife, to saw the barrel of his Gun into small pieces, wherewith he made Harpoons, Lances, Hooks, and a long Knife; heating the pieces first in the fire, which he struck with his Gunflint, [Page] and a piece of the barrel of his Gun, which he hardened; having learnt to do that among the English. The hot pieces of Iron he would hammer out and bend as he pleased with Stones, and saw them with his jagged Knife, or grind them to an edge by long labour, and harden them to a good temper, as there was occasion. All this may seem strange to those that are not acquainted with the sagacity of the Indians; but it is no more than these Moskito men are accustomed to in their own Country, where they make their own Fishing and Striking Instruments, without either Forge or Anvil; tho they spend a great deal of time about them.

Other Wild Indians who have not the use of Iron, which the Moskito men have from the English, make Hatchets of a very hard stone, with which they will cut down Trees, (the Cotton Tree especially, which is a soft tender Wood) to build their Houses or make Canoas; and though in working their Canoas hollow, they cannot dig them so neat and thin, yet they will make them fit for their service. This their digging or hatchet-work they help out by fire; whether for the felling of the Trees, or for the making the inside of their Canoa hollow. These contrivances are used particularly by the Savage Indians of Blewfield s River, described in the 3d Chapter, whose Canoas and Stone-hatchets I have seen. These Stone-hatchets are about 10 inches long, 4 broad, and 3 inches thick in the middle. They are grownd away flat and sharp at both ends: right in the midst, and clear round it they make a notch, so wide and deep that a man might place his Finger along it, and taking a stick or withe about 4 foot long, they bind it round the Hatchet-head, in that notch, and so twisting it hard, use it as an handle or helve; the head being held by it very fast. Nor are other Wild Indians less ingenious. Those of Patagonia, particularly, head their Arrows [Page] with Flint, cut or grownd; which I have seen and admired. But to return to our Moskito man on the Isle of John Fernando. With such Instruments as he made in that manner, he got such Provision as the Island afforded; either Goats or Fish. He told us that at first he was forced to eat Seal, which is very ordinary meat, before he had made Hooks: but afterwards he never kill'd any Seals but to make lines, cutting their skins into thongs. He had a little House or Hut half a mile from the Sea, which was lined with Goats skin; his Couch or Barbecu of sticks lying along about 2 foot distant from the ground, was spread with the same, and was all his Bedding. He had no Cloaths left, having worn out those he brought from Watlin's Ship, but only a Skin about his Waste. He saw our Ship the day before we came to an Anchor, and did believe we were English, and therefore kill'd 3 Goats in the morning, before we came to an anchor, and drest them with Cabbage, to treat us when we came ashore. He came then to the Sea side to congratulate our safe arrival. And when we landed, a Moskito Indian named Robin, first leapt ashore, and running to his brother Moskito man, threw himself flat on his face at his feet; who helping him up and embracing him, fell flat with his face on the ground at Robins feet, and was by him taken up also. We stood with pleasure to behold the surprize and tenderness, and solemnity of this interview, which was exceedingly affectionate on both sides; and when their ceremonies of civility were over, we also that stood gazing at them drew near, each of us embracing him we had found here, who was overjoyed to see so many of his old friends come hither, as he thought, purposely to fetch him. He was named Will, as the other was Robin. These were names given them by the English, for they have no names among themselves; and they take it as a great favour to be [Page] named by any of us; and will complain for want of it, if we do not appoint them some name when they are with us: saying of themselves they are poor Men, and have no name.

This Island is in lat. 34 d. 15 m. and about 120 leagues from the Main. It is about 12 leagues round, full of high Hills, and small pleasant Valleys; which if manured, would probably produce any thing proper for the Climate. The sides of the Mountains are part Savanahs, part Wood-land. Savanahs are clear pieces of Land without Woods; not because more barren than the Wood-land, for they are frequently spots of as good Land as any, and often are intermixt with Wood-land. In the Bay of Campeachy are very large Savanahs, which I have seen full of Cattle: but about the River of Plate are the largest that ever I heard of, 50, 60, or 100 miles in length; and Jamaica, Cuba, and Hispaniola, have many Savanahs intermixt with Woods. Places cleared of Wood by Art and Labour do not go by this name, but those only which are found so in the uninhabited parts of America, such as this Isle of John Fernandoes; or which were originally clear in other parts.

The Grass in these Savanahs at John Fernando's is not a long flaggy Grass, such as is usually in the Savanahs in the West-Indies, but a sort of kindly Grass, both thick and flourishing the biggest part of the year. The Woods afford divers sorts of Trees; some large and good Timber for Building, but none fit for Masts. The Cabbage Trees of this Isle are but small and low; yet afford a good head, and the Cabbage very sweet. This Tree I shall describe in the Appendix, in the Bay of Campeachy.

The Savanahs are stocked with Goats in great Herds: but those that live on the East end of the Island are not so fat as those on the West end; for though there is much more Grass, and plenty of [Page] Water in every Valley, nevertheless they thrive not so well here as on the West end, where there is less food; and yet there are found greater Flocks, and those too fatter and sweeter.

That West end of the Island is all high Champion ground without any Vally, and but one place to land; there is neither Wood, nor any fresh Water, and the Grass short and dry.

Goats were first put on the Island by John Fernando, who first discovered it in his Voyage from Lima to Baldivia: (and discovered also another Island about the same bigness, 20 leagues to the Westward of this.) From those Goats these were propogated, and the Island hath taken its name, from this its first Discoverer, who when he returned to Lima, desired a Patent for it, designing to settle here; and it was in his second Voyage hither that he set ashore 3 or 4 Goats; which have since by their increase, so well stocked the whole Island. But he could never get a Patent for it, therefore it lies still destitute of Inhabitants, though doubtless capable of maintaining 4 or 500 Families, by what may be produced off the Land only. I speak much within compass; for the Savanahs would at present feed 1000 head of Cattle besides Goats, and the Land being cultivated would probably bear Corn, or Wheat, and good Pease, Yams, or Patatoes; for the Land in their Valleys and sides of the Mountains is of a good black fruitful mould. The Sea about it is likewise very productive of its Inhabitants. Seals swarm as thick about this Island, as if they had no other place in the World to live in; for there is not a Bay nor Rock that one can get ashore on, but is full of them. Sea Lyon's are here in great Companys, and Fish, particularly Snappers and Rock-fish, are so plentiful, that 2 men in an hours time will take with Hook and Line, as many as will serve 100 men.

[Page] The Seals are a sort of Creatures pretty well known, yet it may not be amiss to describe them. They are as big as Calves, the head of them like a Dog, therefore call'd by the Dutch the Sea-hounds. Under each Shoulder grows a long thick Fin: These serve them to swim with when in the Sea, and are instead of Legs to them when on the Land for raising their Bodies up on end, by the help of these Fins or Stumps, and so having their Tail-parts drawn close under them, they rebound as it were and throw their bodies forward, drawing their hinderparts after them; and then again rising up, and springing forward with their fore-parts, alternately, they lie tumbling thus up and down, all the while they are moving on Land. From their Shoulders to their Tails they grow tapering like Fish, and have two small Fins on each side the Rump; which is commonly covered with their Fins. These Fins serve instead of a Tail in the Sea; and on Land they sit on them, when they give suck to their young. Their hair is of divers colours, as black, grey, dun, sported; looking very sleek and pleasant when they come first out of the Sea: For these at John Fernando s have fine thick short Furr; the like I have not taken notice of any where but in these Seas. Here are always thousands, I might say possibly millions of them, either sitting on the Bays, or going and coming in the Sea round the Island; which is covered with them (as they lye at the top of the Water playing and sunning themselves) for a mile or two from the Shore. When they come out of the Sea they bleat like Sheep for their young; and tho they pass through hundreds of others young ones, before they come to their own, yet they will not suffer any of them to suck. The young ones are like Puppies, and lie much ashore; but when beaten by any of us, they, as well as the old ones, will make toward the Sea, and swim very swift [Page] and nimble; tho on shore they lye very sluggishly, and will not go out of our ways unless we beat them, but snap at us. A blow on the Nose soon kills them. Large Ships might here load themselves with Seals skins, and Trane-oyl; for they are extraordinary fat. Seals are found as well in cold as hot Climates; and in the cold places they love to get on Lumps of Ice, where they will lie and sun themselves, as here on the Land: They are frequent in the Northern parts of Europe and America, and in the Southern parts of Africa, as about the Cape of Good Hope, and at the Streights of Magellan. and though I never saw any in the West Indies, but in the Bay of Campeachy, at certain Islands called the Alceranes, and at others called the Desartes; yet they are over all the American Coast of the South Seas, from Terra del Fuego, up to the Equinoctial Line: but to the North of the Equinox again, in these Seas, I never saw any, till as far as 21 North Lat. Nor did I ever see any in the East Indies. In general they seem to resort where there is plenty of Fish, for that is their food: and Fish, such as they feed on, as Cods, Groopers, &c. are most plentiful on rocky Coasts: and such is mostly this Western Coast of the South America; as I shall further relate.

The Sea Lion is a large creature about 12 or 14 foot long. The biggest part of his body is as big as a Bull: it is shaped like a Seal, but 6 times as big. The Head is like a Lion's Head; it hath a broad Face with many long Hairs growing about its Lips like a Cat. It has a great goggle Eye, the Teeth; inches long, about the bigness of a Mans Thumb. In Capt. Sharp's time some of our Men made Dice with them. They have no Hair on their Bodies like the Seal, they are of a dun colour, and are all extraordinary fat; one of them being cut up and boil'd will yeild a Hogshed of Oil, which is very sweet and wholesome to fry Meat withal. The lean Flesh [Page] is black, and of a course grain; yet indifferent good food. They will lye a week at a time ashore if not disturbed. Where 3, or 4, or more of them come ashore together, they huddle one on another like Swine, and grunt like them, making a hideous noise. They eat Fish; which I believe is their common food.

The Snapper is a Fish made much like a Roach, but a great deal bigger. It hath a large Head and Mouth, and great Gills. The Back is of a bright Red, the Belly of a Silver-colour: The Scales are as broad as a Shilling. The Snapper is excellent meat. They are in many places in the West-Indies, and the South-Seas: I have not seen them any where beside.

The Rock-fish is called by Sea-men a Grooper: the Spaniards call it a Baccalao, which is the name for Cod; because it is much like it. It is rounder than the Snapper, of a dark brown colour; and hath small Scales no bigger than a Silver-penny. This Fish is good sweet meat, and is found in great plenty on all the Coast of Peru and Chili.

There are only two Bays in the whole Island where Ships may Anchor; these are both at the East end, and in both of them is a Rivolet of good fresh Water. Either of these Bays may be fortified with little charge, to that degree, that 50 men in each may be able to keep off 1000; and there is no coming into these Bays from the West end, but with great difficulty, over the Mountains, where if 3 men are placed, they may keep down as many as come against them on any side. This was partly experienced by 5 Englishmen that Captain Davis left here, who defended themselves against a great body of Spaniards who landed in the Bays, and came here to destroy them; and though the second time one of their Consorts deserted and fled to the Spaniards, yet the other 4 kept their ground, and were afterward taken in from hence by Captain Strong of London.

[Page] We remained at John Fernando's 16 days; our sick men were ashore all the time, and one of Captain Eaton's Doctors, (for he had 4 in his Ship) tending and feeding them with Goat, and several Herbs, whereof here is plenty growing in the Brooks; and their Diseases were chiefly Scorbutick.

[Page]

CHAP. V.

The Author departs from John Fernando's. Of the Pacifick Sea. Of the Andes, or high Mountains in Peru and Chili. A Prize taken. Isle of Lobos: Penguins, and other Birds there. Three Prizes more. The Islands Gallapago's: The Dildo. tree, Burton-wood, Mammet-trees, Guanoes, Land Tortoise, their several kind; Green Snakes, Turtle-Doves, Tortoise, or Turtle-grass. Sea Turtle, their several kinds. The Air and Weather at the Gallapago's. Some of the Islands describ'd, their Soil, &c. The Island Cocos describ'd. Cape Blanco, and the Bay of Caldera; the Sevanahs there. Captain Cook dies. Of Nicoya, and a Red Wood for Dying, and other Commodities. A narrow Escape of 12 Men. Lancewood. Volean Vejo, a burning Mountain on the Coast of Ria Lexa. A Tornado. The Island and Harbor of Ria Lexa. The Gulph of Amapalla, and Point Casivina. Isles of Mangera and Amapalla. The Indian Inhabitants. Hog-plumb-tree. Other Islands in the Gulph of Amapalla. Captain Eaton and Captain Davis careen their Ships here, and afterwards part.

THE 8th of April, 1684. we sailed from the Isle of John Fernando, with the Wind at S. E. We were now 2 Ships in Company: Captain Cook's, [Page] whose Ship I was in, and who here took the Sickness of which he dy'd a while after; and Captain Eaton's. Our passage lay now along the Pacifick Sea, properly so called. For though it be usual with our Map-makers to give that Name to this whole Ocean, calling it Mare Australe, Mar del Zar, or Mare Pacificum; yet, in my opinion, the Name of the Pacifick Sea ought not to be extended from South to North farther than from 30 to about 4 degrees South Latitude, and from the American Shore Westward indefinitely, with respect to my Observation; who have been in these parts 250 Leagues or more from Land, and still had the Sea very quiet from Winds. For in all this Tract of Water, of which I have spoken, there are no dark rainy Clouds, though often a thick Horizon, so as to hinder an Observation of the Sun with the Quadrant; and in the morning hazy weather frequently, and thick Mists, but scarce able to wet one. Nor are there in this Sea any Winds but the Trade-wind, no Tempests, no Tornado's, or Hurricans (though North of the Equator, they are met with as well in this Ocean as in the Atlantick) yet the Sea it self at the new and full of the Moon, runs with high, large, long Surges, but such as never break out at Sea, and so are safe enough; unless that where they fell in and break upon the shore, they make it bad landing.

In this Sea we made the best of our way toward the Line, till in the lat. of 24. S. where we fell in with the main Land of the South America. All this course of the Land, both of Chili and Peru is vastly high; therefore we kept 12 or 14 leagues off from shore, being unwilling to be seen by the Spaniards dwelling there. The Land (especially beyond this, from 24 deg. S. Lat. to 17, and from 14 to 10) is of a most prodigious heighth. It lies generally in ridges parallel to the Shore, and 3 or 4 ridges one within another, each surpassing other in heighth; [Page] and those that are farthest within Land are much higher than the others. They always appear blue when seen at Sea: sometimes they are obscured with Clouds, but not so often as the high Lands in other parts of the world; for here are seldom, or never any Rains on these Hills, any more than in the Sea near it; neither are they subject to Fogs. These are the highest Mountains that ever I saw, far surpassing the Pike of Tenariffe, or Santa Martha, and I believe any Mountains in the world.

I have seen very high Land in the Lat. of 30 South, but not so high as in the Latitudes before described. In Sir John Narborough's Voyage also to Baldivia (a City on this Coast) mention is made of very high Land seen near Baldivia: and the Spaniard; with whom I have discoursed have told me, that there is very high Land all the way between Coquimbo (which lies in about 30 deg. S. Lat.) and Baldivia, which is in 40 South; so that by all likelihood these ridges of Mountains do run in a continued Chain from one end of Peru and Chili to the other, all along this South Sea Coast, called usually the Andes, or Sierra Nuevada des Andes. The excessive heighth of these Mountains may, possibly, be the reason, that there are no Rivers of note that fall into these Seas. Some small Rivers indeed there are, but very few of them, for in some places there is not one that comes out into the Sea in 150 or 200 Leagues; and where they are thickest they are 30, 40, or 50 Leagues asunder, and too little and shallow to be navigable. Besides, some of these do not constantly run, but are dry at certain seasons of the year: as the River of Ylo, runs flush with a quick Current at the latter end of January, and so continues till June, and then it decreaseth by degrees, growing less, and running slow till the latter end of September, when it fails wholly, and runs no more till January again: This I have seen at both seasons, [Page] in two former Voyages I made hither, and have been informed by the Spaniards, that other Rivers on this Coast are of the like nature, being rather Torrents or Land-floods caused by their Rains at certain seasons far within Land, than Perennial Streams.

We kept still along in sight of this Coast, but at a good distance from it, encountring with nothing of Note, till in the lat. of 9 deg. 40 min. South, on the 3d of May, we descried a Sail to the Northward of us. She was plying to Windward, we chaced her, and Captain Eaton being a head soon took her: she came from Guiaquil about a month before, laden with Timber, and was bound to Lima. Three days before we took her she came from Santa, whither she had gone for Water, and where they had news of our being in these Seas by an Express from Baldivia; for as we afterwards heard, Captain Swan had been at Baldivia to seek a Trade there, and he having met Captain Eaton in the Streights of Magellan, the Spaniards of Baldivia were doubtless informed of us by him; suspecting him also to be one of us, tho he was not. Upon this News the Viceroy of Lima sent Expresses to all the Sea Ports, that they might provide themselves against our Assaults.

We immediately steered away for the Island Lobos, which lieth in lat. 6 deg. 24 min. South lat. (I took the Elevation of it ashore with an Astrolabe) and its 5 leagues from the Main: it is called Lobos de la Mar, to distinguish it from another that is not far from it, and extremely like it, called Lobos de la Terra, for it lies nearer the Main. Lobos, or Lovos, is the Spanish Name for a Seal, of which there are great plenty about these, and several other Islands in these Seas that go by this Name.

The 9th of May, we arrived at this Isle of Lobos de la Mar, and came to an anchor with our Prize. This Lobos consists indeed of two little Islands, each about a mil [...]und, of an indifferent heighth, a [Page] small Channel between, fit for Boats only; and several Rocks lying on the North side of the Islands, a little way from shore. There is a small Cove or Sandy Bay sheltred from the Winds, at the West end of the Eastermost Island; where Ships may Careen: The rest of the shore, as well round the 2 Islands as between them, is a Rocky Coast, consisting of small Cliffs. Within Land they are both of them partly Rocky, and partly Sandy, Barren, without any fresh Water, Tree, Shrub, Grass, or Herbs; or any Land Animals (for the Seals and Sea-Lyons come ashore here) but Fowls: Of which there are great multitudes; as Boobies; but mostly Penguins, which I have seen plentifully all over the South Seas, on the Coast of Newfoundland, and of the Cape of Good Hope. They are a Sea Fowl, about as big as a Duck, and such Feet; but a sharp Bill, feeding on Fish: They do not fly but flutter, having rather stumps like a young Gossins, than Wings: And these are instead of Fins to them in the Water. Their Feathers are Downy. Their flesh is but ordinary food; but their Eggs are good Meat. There is another sort of small black Fowl, that make holes in the Sand for their Night habitations, whose flesh is good sweet meat: I never saw any of them but here, and at John Fernandos.

There is good riding between the Eastermost Island and the Rocks, in 10, 12, or 14 fathom; for the wind is commonly at S. or S. S. E. and the Eastermost Island lying East and West shelters that Road.

Here we scrubb'd our Ships, and being in a readiness to sail, the Prisoners were Examined; to know if any of them could conduct us to some Town where we might make some attempt: For they had before informed us that we were discried by the Spaniards; and by that we knew that they would send no Riches by Sea so long as we were here. Many [Page] Towns were considered on, as Guiaquil, Zana, Truxillo, and others: At last Truxillo was pitched on, as the most important; therefore the likeliest to make us a Voyage if we could Conquer it: which we did not much question; though we knew it to be a very populous City. But the greatest difficulty was in Landing; for Guanchaquo, which is the nearest Sea-port to it, but 6 miles off, is an ill place to Land; since sometimes the very Fishermen that live there are not able to go out in 3 or 4 days. However the 17th of May in the Afternoon, our Men were mustered of both Ships Companies, and their Arms proved. We were in all 108 Men fit for Service; besides the sick: and the next day we intended to Sail and take the Wood Prize with us. But the next day one of our Men being ashoar betimes on the Island discried three Sail bound to the North-ward; two of them without the Island, to the Westward; the other between it and the Continent.

We soon got our Anchors up and chased: and Captain Eaton, who drew the least draught of Water, put through between the Westermost Island and the Rocks, and went after those two that were without the Islands. We in Captain Cook's Ship went after the other, which stood in for the Main-Land: but we soon fetched her up; and having taken her, stood in again with her to the Island; for we saw that Captain Eaton wanted no help, having taken both those that he went after. He came in with one of his Prizes; but the other was so far to Leeward, and so deep that he could not then get her in: but he hoped to get her in the next day: but being deep laden, as designed to go down before the wind to Panama, she would not bear Sail.

The 19th day she turned all day; but got nothing nearer the Island. Our Moskito strikers according to their custom went out and struck 6 Turtles; for here are indifferent plenty of them. These Ships [Page] that we took the day before came from Guanchaquo, all three laden with Flower; bound for Panama. Two of them were laden as deep as they could swim; the other was not above half laden; but was ordered by the Vice-Roy of Lima to sail with the other two, or else she should not sail till we were gone out of the Seas: for he hoped they might escape us by setting out early. In the biggest Ship was a Letter to the President of Panama from the Vice-Roy of Lima; assuring him, that there were Enemies come into that Sea: for which reason he had dispatched these three Ships with Flower, that they might not want; (for Panama is supplied from Peru;) and desired him to be frugal of it, for he knew not when he should send more. In this Ship were likewise 7 or 8 Tuns of Marmalate of Quinees; and a stately Mule sent to the President, and a very large Image of the Virgin Mary in Wood, Carved and Painted to adorn a new Church at Panama, and sent from Lima by the Vice-Roy; for this great Ship came from thence not long before. She brought also from Lima 800000 pieces of Eight to carry with her to Panama: but while she lay at Guanchaco, taking in her lading of Flower, the Merchants hearing of Capt. Swan's being at Baldivia, ordered the Money ashore again. These Prisoners likewise informed us that the Gentlemen (Inhabitants of Truxillo) were building a Fort at Guanchaco (which is the Sea Port for Truxillo) close by the Sea; purposely to hinder the designs of any that should attempt to land there. Upon this news we altered our former resolutions, and resolved to go with our three Prizes to the Gallapagos: which are a great many large Islands, lying some under the Equator, others on each side of it. I shall here omit the description of Truxillo: because in my Appontlix at the latter end of the Book, I intend to give a general Relation of most of the Towns of note on this Coast, from Baldivia to Panama; and from thence towards California.

[Page] The 19th day in the evening we sailed from the Island Lobos, with Captain Eaton in our Company. We carried the 3 Flower Prizes with us, but our first Prize laden with Timber, we left here at an Anchor; the Wind was at S. by E. which is the common Trade-Wind here, and we steered away N. W. by N. intending to run into the latitude of the Isles Gallapagos, and steer off West, because we did not know the certain distance, and therefore could not shape a direct course to them. When we came within 40 minutes of the Equator, we steered West, having the Wind at South, a very moderate gentle Gale. It was the 31st day of May when we first had sight of the Islands Gallapagos: Some of them appeared on our Weather-bow, some on our Lee-bow, others right a head. We at first sight trimm d our Sails, and steered as nigh the Wind as we could, striving to get to the Southermost of them, but our Prizes being deep laden, their Sails but small and thin, and a very small Gale, they could not keep up with us; therefore we likewise edged away again, a point from the Wind, to keep near them; and in the evening the Ship that I was in, and Captain Eaton, Anchored on the East side of one of the Eastermost Islands, a mile from the shore, in 16 fathom Water, clean, white, hard Sand.

The Gallapagos Islands are a great number of uninhabited Islands, lying under, and on both sides of the Equator. The Eastermost of them are about 110 leagues from the Main. They are laid down in the longitude of 181, reaching to the Westward as far as 176, therefore their longitude from England Westward is about 68 degrees. But I believe our Hydrographers do not place them far enough to the West-ward. The Spaniards who first discovered them, and in whose drafts alone they are laid down, report them to be a great number, stretching North-West [Page] from the Line, as far as 5 degrees N. but we saw not above 14 or 15. They are some of them 7 or 8 leagues long, and 3 or 4 broad. They are of a good heighth, most of them flat and even on the top; 4 or 5 of the Eastermost are rocky, barren, and hilly, producing neither Tree, Herb, nor Grass; but a few Dildoe-trees, except by the Sea side. The Dildoe-tree is a green prickly shrub, that grows about 10 or 12 foot high, without either Leaf or Fruit. It is as big as a mans Leg, from the root to the top, and it is full of sharp prickles, growing in thick rows from top to bottom: This shrub is fit for no use, not so much as to burn. Close by the Sea there grows in some places bushes of Burton-wood, which is very good firing. This sort of Wood grows in many places in the West Indies, especially in the Bay of Campeachy, and in the Sambaloes. I did never see any in these Seas but here. There is Water on these barren Islands, in ponds and holes among the Rocks: Some other of these Islands are mostly plain and low, and the Land more fertile; producing Trees of divers sorts, unknown to us. Some of the Westermost of these Islands, are 9 or 10 leagues long, and 6 or 7 broad; the Mould deep and black. These produce Trees of great and tall bodies, especially Mammee-trees, which grow here in great Groves. In these large Islands there are some pretty big Rivers; and on many of the other lesser Islands, there are Brooks of good Water. The Spaniards when they first discovered these Islands, found multitudes of Guanoes, and Land-turtle or Tortoise, and named them the Gallapago's Islands. I do believe there is no place in the World, that is so plentifully stored with these Animals. The Guanoes here, are as fat and large, as any that I ever saw; they are so tame, that a man may knock down 20 in an hours time with a club. The Land-turtle are here so numerous, that 5 or 600 men might [Page] subsist on them alone for several months, without any other sort of Provision: They are extraordinary large and fat; and so sweet, that no Pullet eats more pleasantly. One of the largest of these Creatures will weight 150 or 200 weight, and some of them are 2 foot, or 2 foot 6 inches over the Callapee or Belly. I did never see any but at this place, that will weigh above 30 pound weight. I have heard that at the Isle of St. Lawrence or Madagascar, and at the English Forest, an Island near it, called also Don Mascarin, and now possessed by the French; there are very large ones, but whether so big, fat, and sweet as these, I know not. There are 3 or 4 sorts of these Creatures in the West Indies. One is called by the Spaniards, Hecatee; these live most in fresh Waterponds, and seldom come on Land. They weigh about 10 or 15 pound; they have small Legs and flat Feet, and small long Necks. Another sort is called Tenapen, these are a great deal less than the Hecatee; the Shell on their Backs is all carved naturally, finely wrought, and well clouded: the Backs of these are rounder than those before mentioned; they are otherwise much of the same form: these delight to live in wet swampy places, or on the Land near such places. Both these sorts are very good Meat. They are in great plenty on the Isle of Pines near Cuba: there the Spanish Hunters when they meet them in the Woods bring them home to their Huts, and mark them by notching their Shells, then let them go; this they do to have them at hand, for they never ramble far from thence. When these Hunters return to Cuba, after about a Month or six Weeks stay, they carry with them 3 or 400, or more, of these Creatures to sell; for they are very good Meat, and every man knows his own by their Marks. These Tortoise in the Gallapago's are more like the Hecatee,, except that, as I said before, they are much bigger; and they have very long small [Page] Necks and little Heads. There are some green Snakes on these Islands, but no other Land Animal that I did ever see. There are great plenty of Turtle-Doves so tame, that a Man may kill 5 or 6 dozen in a forenoon with a Stick. They are somewhat less than a Pigeon, and are very good Meat and commonly fat.

There are good wide Channels between these Islands fit for Ships to pass; and in some places shole Water, where there grows plenty of Turtle-grass; therefore these Islands are plentifully stored with Sea-Turtle of that sort which is called the Green-Turtle: I have hitherto deferred the Description of these Creatures, therefore I shall give it here. There are 4 sorts of Sea-turtle, viz. the Trunk-turtle, the Loggerhead, the Hawksbill, and the Green Turtle. The Trunk-turtle is commonly bigger than the other, their backs are higher and rounder, and their flesh rank, and not wholsome. The Loggerhead is so called, because it hath a great Head, much bigger than the other sorts; their flesh is likewise very rank, and seldom eaten but in case of necessity; they feed on Moss that grows about Rocks. The Hawksbill Turtle is the least kind; they are so called because their mouths are long and small, somewhat resembling the Bill of a Hawk: On the backs of these Hawksbill Turtle grows that Shell which is so much esteem'd for making Cabinets, Combs, and other things. The largest of them may have 3 pound and an half of Shell: I have taken some that have had 3 pound 10 ounces; but they commonly have a pound and half, or two pound; some not so much: these are but ordinary food, but generally sweeter than the Loggerhead: yet these Hawksbills in some places are unwholsome, causing them that eat them to purge and vomit excessively, especially those between the Samboloes and Portabel. We meet with other Fish in the West Indies of the same malignant nature; but I shall describe them in the Appendix. These Hawksbill Turtles are better or worse according [Page] to their feeding. In some places they feed on Grass, as the Green Tortoise also doth; in other places they keep among Rocks, and feed on Moss or Sea Weeds; but these are not so sweet as those that eat Grass, neither is their Shell so clear, for they are commonly overgrown with Barnacles, which spoils the Shell; and their Flesh is commonly yellow, especially the fat.

Hawksbill Turtle are in many places of the West Indies. They have Islands and places peculiar to themselves where they lay their Eggs, and seldom come among any other Turtle. These, and all other Turtle lay Eggs in the Sand: their time of laying is in May, June, July; some begin sooner, some later. They lay three times in a season, and at each time 80 or 90 Eggs. Their Eggs are as big as a Hens Egg, and very round, covered only with a white tough Skin. There are some Bays on the North side of Jamaica, where these Hawksbills resort to lay. In the Bay of Honduras are Islands which they likewise make their breeding places, and many places along all the Coast on the Main of the West Indies, from Trinidado to La Vera Cruz in the Bay of Nova Hispania. When a Sea Turtle turns out of the Sea to lay, she is at least an hour before she returnsagain; for she is to go above high water mark, and if it be low water when she comes ashore, she must rest once or twice, being heavy, before she comes to the place where she lays. When she hath found a place for her purpose, she makes a great hole with her Fins in the Sand, wherein she lays her Eggs, then covers them 2 foot deep with the same Sand which she threw out of the hole, and so returns: Sometimes they come up the night before they intend to lay, and take a view of the place, and so having made a Tour, or Semicircular March, they return to the Sea again, and they never fail to come ashore the next night to lay near that place. [Page] All sorts of Turtle use the same methods in laying. I knew a Man in Jamaica that made 8 pound Sterling of the Shell of these Hawksbill Turtle which he got in one Season, and in one small Bay, not half a Mile long. The manner of taking them is to watch the Bay, by walking from one part to the other all Night; making no noise, nor keeping any sort of light. When the Turtle come ashore, the Man that watches for them turns them on their backs, then hales them above high water mark, and leaves them till the morning. A large Green Turtle with her weight and struggling will puzzle 2 Men to turn her. The Hawksbill Turtle are not only found in the West Indies, but on the Coast of Guinea, and in the East Indies: I never saw any in the South Seas.

The Green Turtle are so called, because their Shell is greener than any other. It is very thin and clear, and better clowded than the Hawksbill: but 'tis used only for inlays, being extraordinary thin. These Turtles are generally larger than the Hawksbill: One will weigh 2 or 3 hundred pound: Their backs are flatter than the Hawksbill, their heads round and small. Green Turtle are the sweetest of all the kinds: But there are degrees of them, both in respect to their flesh and their bigness. I have observed that at Blanco in the West-Indies the Green Turtle (which is the only kind there) are larger than any other in the North Seas. There they commonly will weigh 280 or 300 pound: Their Fat is Yellow, and the Lean white, and their flesh extraordinary sweet. At Bocca Toro West of Portabel they are not so large, their flesh not so white; nor the Fat so Yellow. Those in the Bays of Honduras and Compeachy are somewhat smaller still, their Fat is green, and the Lean of a darker colour than those at Boca Toro. I heard of a Monstrous Green Turtle once taken at Port Royal in the Bay of Campeachy, that was 4 foot deep from the back to the helly, [Page] and the belly 6 Foot broad: Captain Roch's Son of about 9 or 10 Years of Age went in it, as in a boat, on board his Father's Ship about a quarter of a Mile from the shore. The leaves of Fat afforded 8 Gallons of Oyl. The Turtle that live among the Keys or small Islands on the South side of Cuba, are a mixt sort, some bigger some less; and so their flesh is of a mixt colour, some green, some dark, some yellowish. With these Port Royal in Jamaica is constantly supplied, by Sloops that come hither with Nets to take them. They carry them alive to Jamaica, where the Turtlers have wires made with Stakes in the Sea to preserve them alive: and the Market is every day plentifully stored with Turtle, it being the common food there, chiefly for the ordinary sort of People.

Green Turtle live on Grass which grows in the Sea, in 3, 4, 5, or 6 fathom water at most of the places before mentioned. This Grass is different from Manatee Grass; for that is a small blade: but this a quarter of an Inch broad and 6 Inches long. The Turtle of these Islands Gallapagos, are a sort of a bastard Green Turtle; for their Shell is thicker than other Green Turtle in the West or East Indies, and their flesh is not so sweet. They are larger than any other Green Turtle; for it is common for these to be 2 or 3 foot deep, and their Callapees, or bellies 5 foot wide: but there are other Green Turtle in the South Seas that are not so big as the smallest Hawksbill. These are seen at the Island Plata, and other places thereabouts: They feed on Moss, and are very rank, but fat.

Both these sorts are different from any others: For both He's and She's come ashore in the day time, and lye in the Sun; but in other places none but the She's go ashore, and that in the night only, to lay their Eggs: The best feeding for Turtle in the South Seas is among these Gallapago Islands; for here is plenty of Grass.

[Page] There is another sort of Green Turtle in the South Seas which are but small, yet pretty sweet: These lye Westward on the Coast of Mexico. One thing is very strange and remarkable in these Creatures; that at the breeding time they leave for 2 or 3 Months their common haunts where they feed most of the Year, and resort to other places, only to lay their Eggs: And 'tis not thought that they eat any thing during this Season: So that both He's and She's, grow very lean; but the He's to that degree that none will eat them. The most remarkable places that I did ever hear of for their breeding, is at an Island in the West Indies called Caimanes, and the Isle Ascention in the Western Ocean: and when the breeding time is past there are none remaining Doubtless they swim some hundreds of Leagues to come to those two places: For it hath been often observed that at Caimanes, at the breeding time, there are found all those sorts of Turtle before described. The South Keys of Cuba are above 40 Leagues from thence; which is the nearest place that these Creatures can come from: and it is most certain, that there could not live so many there as come here in one Season.

Those that go to lay at Ascention must needs travel much farther; for there is no Land nearer it than 300 Leagues: And it is certain that these Creatures live always near the shore. In the South Sea likewise the Gallapagos is the place where they live the biggest part of the Year; yet they go from thence at their Season over to the Main, to lay their Eggs; which is 100 Leagues, the nearest place. Altho multitudes of these Turtles go from their common places of feeding and abode, to those laying places, yet they do not all go: And at the time when the Turtlè resort to these places to lay their Eggs, they are accompanied with abundance of Fish, especially Sharks; the places which the Turtle then leave being [Page] at that time destitute of Fish, which follow the Turtle.

When the She's go thus to their places to lay, the Male accompany them, and never leave them till their return: Both Male and Female are Fat the begining of the Season; but before they return, the Male, as I said, are so lean that they are not fit to eat; but the Female are good to the very last: Yet not so Fat as at the beginning of the Season. It is reported of these Creatures, that they are 9 days engendring, and in the Water; the Male on the Females back. It is observable that the Male while engendring do not easily forsake their Female: For I have gone and taken hold of the Male when ingendring: and a very bad striker may strike them then; for the Male is not shie at all: but the Female seeing a Boat, when they rise to blow, would make her escape, but that the Male grasps her with his 2 fore Fins, and holds her fast. When they are thus coupled it is best to strike the Female first, then you are sure of the Male also. These Creatures are thought to live to a great Age; and it is observed by the Jamaica Turtlers, that they are many years before they come to their full growth.

The air of these Islands is temperate enough considering the Clime. Here is constantly a fresh Sea breze all Day, and cooling refreshing winds in the Night: Therefore the heat is not so violent here, as in most places near the Equator. The time of the Year for the Rains is in November, December and January. Then there is oftentimes excessive dark Tempestuous weather, mixt with much Thunder and Lightning. Sometimes before and after these Months there are moderate refreshing Showers; but in May, June, July, and August the weather is alway very fair.

We staid at one of these Islands, which lies under the Equator, but one Night; because our Prizes [Page] could not get into an Anchor. We refresht our selves very well, both with Land and Sea Turtles: and the next day we failed from thence. The next Island of the Gallapagos that we came to is but 2 Leagues from this: 'Tis Rocky and barren like this; it is about 5 or 6 Leagues long, and 4 broad. We Anchored in the Afternoon, at the North side of the Island, a quarter of a Mile from the shore, in 16 fathom water. It is steep all round this Island, and no Anchoring only at this place. Here it is but ordinary riding; for the ground is so steep, that if an Anchor starts it never holds again; and the wind is commonly off from the Land, except in the Night, when the Land-wind comes more from the West; for there it blows right along the shore, though but faintly. Here is no water but in Ponds and holes of the Rocks. That which we first Anchored at hath water on the North end; falling down in a stream from high steep Rocks, upon the Sandy Bay, where it may be taken up. As soon as we came to an Anchor, we made a Tent ashore for Captain Cook, who was sick. Here we found the Sea Turtle lying ashore on the Sand: this is not customary in the West Indies. We turned them on their backs that they might not get away. The next day more came up; when we found it to be their custom to lye in the Sun: so we never took care to turn them afterwards; but sent ashore the Cook every morning, who kill'd as many as served for the day: This custom we observed all the time we lay here; feeding sometimes on Land Turtle, sometimes on Sea Turtle; there being plenty of either sort. Captain Davis came hither again a second time; and then he went to other Islands on the West side of these. There he found such plenty of Land Turtle, that he and his Men eat nothing else for 3 Months that he staid there. They were so Fat that he saved 60 Jars of Oyl out of those that he spent: This [Page] Oyl served instead of Butter to eat with Dough-boys or Dumplin's, in his return out of these Seas. He found very convenient places to Careen, and good Channels between the Islands; and very good Anchoring in many places. There he found also plenty of brooks of good fresh water; and fire wood enough: there being plenty of Trees fit for many uses. Captain Harris, one that we shall speak of hereafter, came hither likewise; and found some Islands that had plenty of Mammee-trees, and pretty large Rivers. The Sea about these Islands is plentifully stored with Fish, such as are at John Fernando's. They are both large, and Fat; and as plentiful here as at John Fernando's: Here are particularly abundance of Sharks. The North part of this second Isle we anchor'd at lyes 28 minutes North of the Equator. I took the heighth of the Sun with an Astrolabe. These Isles of the Gallapago's have plenty of Salt. We stay'd here but 12 days; in which time we put ashore 5000 packs of flower, for a reserve, if we should have occasion of any before we left these Seas. Here one of our Indian Prisoners informed us that he was born at Ria Lexa, and that he would engage to carry us thither. He being examin'd of the strength and riches of it, satisfy'd the Company so well, that they were resolv'd to go thither.

Having thus concluded; the 12th of June we sailed from hence, designing to touch at the Island Cocos, as well to put ashore some Flower there, as to see the Island, because it was in our way to Ria Lexa. We steer'd North, till in Lat. 4. d. 40 min. intending then to steer W. by N.; for we expected to have had the Wind at S. by E. or S. S. E. as wo had on the South side of the Equator. Thus I had formerly found the Winds near the shore in these latitudes: but when we first parted from the Gallapagos, we had the Wind at S.; and as we sailed farther North we had the Winds at S. by W. then at [Page] S. S. W., Winds which we did not expect. We thought at first that the Wind would come about again to the South; but when we came to sail off West to the Island Cocos, we had the Wind at S. W. by S. and could lye but W. by N. Yet we stood that course till we were in the lat. 5 d. 40 m. North; and then despairing, as the Winds were, to find the Island Cocos, we steer'd over to the Main; for had we seen the Island then we could not have fetcht it, being so far to the North of it.

The Island Cocos is so named by the Spaniards, because there are abundance of Coco-nut Trees growing on it. They are not only in one or two places, but grow in great Groves, all round the Island, by the Sea. This is an uninhabited Island, it is 7 or 8 leagues round, and pretty high in the middle, where it is destitute of Trees, but looks very green and pleasant, with an Herb called by the Spaniards, Gramadael. It is low Land by the Sea side.

This Island is in 5 d. 15 m. North of the Equator; it is environed with Rocks, which makes it almost inaccessible: only at the N. E. end there is a small Harbor where Ships may safely enter and ride secure. In this Harbour there is a fine Brook of fresh Water running into the Sea. This is the account that the Spaniards give of it, and I had the same, also from Captain Eaton, who was there afterward.

Any who like us had not experienced the nature of the Winds in these parts, might reasonably expect that we could have sailed with a flown sheet to Ria Lexa; but we found our selves mistaken, for as we came nearer the shore, we found the winds right in our Teeth; but I shall refer my Reader to the Chapter of Winds, in the Appendix, for a further account of this.

We had very fair weather and small winds in this Voyage from the Gallapagos, and at the beginning of July we fell in with Cape Blanca, on the Main of [Page] Mexico. This is so called from two white Rocks lying off it. When we are off at Sea, right against the Cape, they appear as part of the Cape; but being near the shore, either to the Eastward or Westward of the Cape, they appear like two Ships under sail, at first view, but coming nearer, they are like two high Towers; they being small, high, and steep on all sides, and they are about half a mile from the Cape. This Cape is in lat. 9 d. 56 m. It is about the height of Beachy-head in England, on the Coast of Sussex. It is a full point, with steep Rocks to the Sea. The top of it is flat and even for about a mile; then it gradually falls away on each side with a gentle descent. It appears very pleasant, being covered with great lofty Trees. From the Cape on the N. W. side the Land runs in N. E. for about 4 leagues, making a small Bay called by the Spaniards Caldera. A league within Cape Blanco, on the N. W. side of it, and at the entrance of this Bay, there is a small Brook of very good water running into the Sea. Here the Land is low, making a sadling between two small Hills. It is very rich Land, producing large tall Trees of many sorts; the Mold is black and deep, which I have always taken notice of to be a fat foil. About a mile from this Brook towards the N. E. the VVood land terminates. Here the Savannah land begins, and runs some leagues into the Country, making many small Hills and Dales. These Savannahs are not altogether clear of Trees, but are here and there sprinkled with small Groves, which render them very delightful. The Grass which grows here is very kindly, thick and long; I have seen none better in the West Indies. Toward the bottom of the Bay the Land by the Sea is low and full of Mangroves, but farther in the Country the Land is high and mountainous. The Mountains are part VVoodland, part Savannah. The Trees in those VVoods are but small and short; and the [Page] Mountain Savannahs are cloathed but with indifferent Grass. From the bottom of this Bay, it is but 14 or 15 leagues, to the Lake of Nicaragua on the North-Sea Coast: the way between is somewhat Mountanous, but most Savannah.

Captain Cook, who was taken sick at John Fernandoes, continued so till we came within 2 or 3 leagues of Cape Blanco, and then dyed of a sudden; tho he seemed that morning to be as likely to live, as he had been some weeks before; but it is usual with sick men coming from the Sea, where they have nothing but the Sea Air, to dye off as soon as ever they come within the view of the Land. About 4 hours after we all came to an Anchor, (namely the the Ship that I was in, Captain Eaton, and the great Meal Prize,) a league within the Cape, right against the Brook of Fresh-water, in 14 fathom clean hard Sand. Presently after we came to an Anchor, Captain Cook was carried ashore to be buried; 12 men carried their Arms to guard those that were ordered to dig the Grave; for although we saw no appearance of Inhabitants, yet we did not know but the Country might be thick inhabited. And before Captain Cook was interr [...]d, 3 Spanish Indians came to the place where our men were digging the Grave, and demanded what they were, and from whence they came? to whom our men answered, they came from Lima, and were bound to Ria Lexa, but that the Captain of one of the Ships dying at Sea, oblig [...]d them to come into this place to give him Christian burial. The 3 Spanish Indians, who were very shy at first, began to be more bold, and drawing nearer, asked many silly questions, and our men did not stick to sooth them up with as many falshoods, purposely to draw them into their clutches. Our men often laught at their temerity, and asked them if they never saw any Spaniards before? They told them, that they themselves were [Page] Spaniards, and that they lived among Spaniards, and that altho they were born there, yet they had never seen 3 Ships there before: Our men told them, that neither now might they have seen so many, if it had not been on an urgent occasion. At length they drill d them by discourse so near, that our men lay d hold on all three at once; but before Captain Cook was buried, one of them made his escape, the other two were brought off aboard our Ship. Captain Eaton immediately came aboard and examined them; they confessed that they came purposely to view our Ship, and if possible, to inform themselves what we were; for the President of Panama not long before, sent a Letter of advice to Nicoya, informing the Magistrates thereof, that some Enemies were come into these Seas, and that therefore it behoved them to be careful of themselves. Nicoya is a small Mulatto Town, about 12 or 13 leagues East from hence, standing on the Banks of a River of that name. It is a place very fit for building Ships, therefore most of the Inhabitants are Carpenters; who are commonly imployed in building new, or repairing old Ships. It was here that Captain Sharp (just after I left him, in the year 1681,) got Carpenters to fix his Ship, before he returned for England: and for that reason it behoved the Spaniards to be careful, (according to the Governor of Panama's advice,) lest any men at other times wanting such necessaries as that place afforded, might again be supplied there. These Spanish Indians told us likewise, that they were sent to the place where they were taken, in order to view our Ships, as fearing these were those mentioned by the President of Panama: It being demanded of them to give an account of the Estate and Riches of the Country, they said that the Inhabitants were most Husbandmen, who were imployed either in Planting and Manuring of Corn, or chiefly about Cattle; they having large Savannahs, [Page] which were well stored with Bulls, Cows, and Horses: that by the Sea side in some places, there grew some Red-wood, useful in Dying; of this they said there was little profit made, because they were forced to send it to the Lake of Nicaragua, which runs into the North Seas: that they sent thither also great quantities of Bull and Cow Hides, and brought from thence in exchange Europe Commodities; as Hats, Linnen, and Woollen, wherewith they cloathed themselves; that the flesh of the Cattle turned to no other profit than sustenance for their Families; as for Butter and Cheese they make but little in those parts. After they had given this Relation, they told us, that if we wanted Provision, there was a Beef-estantion, or Farm of Bulls or Cows about 3 mile off, where we might kill what we pleas'd. This was welcom news, for we had no sort of Flesh since we left the Gallapagos; therefore 24 of us immediately entered into two Boats, taking one of these Spanish Indians with us for a Pilot, and went ashore about a league from the Ship. There we haled up our Boats dry, and marched all away, following our Guide, who soon brought us to some Houses, and a large Pen for Cattle. This Pen stood in a large Savannah, about 2 mile from our Boats: There were a great many fat Bulls and Cows feeding in the Savannahs: some of us would have killed 3 or 4 to carry on board, but others opposed it, and said it was better to stay all night, and in the morning drive the Cattle into the Pen, and then kill 20 or 30, or as many as we pleased. I was minded to return aboard, and endeavoured to perswade them all to go with me, but some would not; therefore I returned with 12, which was half, and left the other 12 behind. At this place I saw 3 or 4 Tun of the Red-wood, which I take to be that sort of Wood, call'd in Jamaica Blood-wood, or Nicaragua-wood. We who [Page] returned aboard, met no one to oppose us. and the next day we expected our Consorts that we left ashore, but none came; therefore at 4 a Clock in the afternoon, 10 men went in our Canoa to see what was become of them: When they came to the Bay where we landed, to go to the Estantion, they found our men all on a small Rock, half a mile from the shore, standing in the Water up to their wastes. These men had slept ashore in the house, and turned out betimes in the morning to pen the Cattle: 2 or 3 went one way, and as many another way to get the Cattle to the Pen, and others stood at the Pen to drive them in. When they were thus scatter d, about 40 or 50 armed Spaniards came in among them: Our men immediately call'd to each other, and drew together in a body before the Spaniard; could attack them; and marched to their Boat, which was hal d up dry on the Sand. But when they came to the Sandy Bay, they found their Boat all in flames. This was a very unpleasing sight, for they knew not how to get aboard, unless they marched by land to the place where Captain Cook was buried, which was near a league. The greatest part of the way was thick Woods, where the Spaniards might easily lay an Ambush for them, at which they are very expert. On the other side, the Spaniards now thought them secure; and therefore came to them, and asked them if they would be pleased to walk to their Plantations, with many other such flouts; but our men answered never a word. It was about half ebb, when one of our men took notice of a Rock a good distance from the shore, just appearing above Water; he shew'd it to his Consorts, and told them it would be a good Castle for them if they could get thither. They all wisht themselves there; for the Spaniards, who lay as yet at a good distance from them behind the Bushes, as secure of their prey, began to whistle now and then [Page] a shot among them. Having therefore well consider'd the place, together with the danger they were in, they proposed to send one of the tallest men to try if the Sea between them and the Rock were fordable: This counsel they presently put in execution, and found it according to their desire. So they all marched over to the Rock, where they remained till the Canoa came to them; which was about 7 hours. It was the latter part of the Ebb when they first went over, and then the Rock was dry; but when the Tyde of Flood returned again, the Rock was cover'd, and the Water still flowing; so that if our Canoa had stay'd but one hour longer, they might have been in as great danger of their lives from the Sea, as before from the Spaniards; for the Tyde riseth here about 8 foot. The Spaniards remained on the shore, expecting to see them destroy d, but never came from behind the Bushes where they first planted themselves; they having not above 3 or 4 Hand-guns, the rest of them being arm'd with Lances. The Spaniards in these parts are very expert in heaving or darting the Lance; with which, upon occasion, they will do great feats, especially in Ambuscades: and by their good will they care not for fighting otherwise, but content themselves with standing aloof, threatning and calling names, at which they are as expert as the other; so that if their Tongues be quiet, we always take it for granted they have laid some Ambush. Before night our Canoa came aboard, and brought our men all safe. The next day two Canoas were sent to the bottom of the Bay to seek for a large Canoa, which we were inform d was there. The Spaniards have neither Ships nor Barks here, and but a few Canoas, which they seldom use: neither are there any Fishermen here, as I judge, because Fish is very scarce; for I never saw any here, neither could any of our men ever take any; and yet where ever [Page] we come to an Anchor, we always send out our Strikers, and put out our Hooks and Lines overboard, to try for Fish. The next day our men return'd out of the Bay, and brought the Canoa with them which they were sent for, and 3 or 4 days afterward the 2 Canoas were sent out again for another, which they likewise brought aboard. These Canoas were fitted with Thoats or Benches, Straps, and Oars, fit for service; and one of these Captain Eaton had for his share, and we the other, which we fixt for landing men when occasion required. While we lay here we filled our Water, and cut a great many Looms, or Handles, or Staves for Oars; for here is plenty of Lancewood, which is most proper for that use. I never saw any in the South Seas, but in this place: there is plenty of it in Jamaica, especially at a place called Blewfields (not Blewfields River which is on the Main) near the West end of that Island. The Lancewood grows strait like our young Ashes; it is very hard, tough and heavy, therefore Privateers esteem it very much, not only to make Looms for Oars, but Scowring-Rods for their Guns; for they have seldom less than 3 or 4 spare Rods for fear one should break, and they are much better than Rods made of Ash.

The day before we went from hence Mr. Edward Davis, the Company's Quarter-master, was made Captain by consent of all the Company; for it was his place by Succession. The 20th day of July we sailed from this Bay of Caldera, with Captain Eaton, and our Prize which we brought from Gallapagos in company, directing our course for Ria Lexa. The Wind was at North, which although but an ordinary Wind, yet it carried us in three days abrest of our intended Port.

Ria Lexa is the most remarkable Land on all this Coast, for there is a high peeked burning Mountain, called by the Spaniards Volean-Vejo, or the Old [Page]Volcan: This must be brought to bare N. E. then steer in directly with the Mountain, and that course will bring you to the Harbour. The Sea Winds are here at S. S. W.; therefore Ships that come hither must take the Sea-winds, for there is no going in with the Land-wind. The Volcan may be easily known, because there is not any other so high a Mountain near it, neither is there any that appears in the like form all along the Coast; besides it smoaks all the day, and in the night it sometimes sends forth flames of fire. This Mountain may be seen 20 leagues: being within 3 leagues of the Harbor the entrance into it may be seen: there is a small flat low Island which makes the Harbor, it is about a mile long, and a quarter of a mile broad, and is from the Main about a mile and half. There is a Channel at each end of the Island; the West Channel is the widest and safest, yet at the N. W. point of the Island there is a shole which Ships must take heed of in going in. Being past that shole you must keep close to the Island, for there is a whole sandy point strikes over from the Main almost half way. The East Channel is not so wide, besides there runs a stronger tide; therefore Ships seldom or never go in that way. This Harbor is capable of receiving 200 Sail of Ships; the best riding is near the Main, where there is 7 or 8 fathom water, clean hard Sand.

Ria Lexa Town is 2 leagues from hence, and there are 2 Creeks that run towards it; the Westermost comes near the backside of the Town, the other runs up to the Town, but neither Ships nor Barks can go so far. These Creeks are very narrow, and the Land on each side drowned and full of Red Mangrove-trees. About a mile and half below the Town, on the banks of the East Creek, the Spaniards had cast up a strong Breast-work; it was likewise reported they had another on the West Creek, [Page] both so advantageously placed, that 10 men might with ease keep 200 men from landing. I shall give a description of the Town in my return hither, and therefore forbear to do it here. Wherefore to resume the thread of our course, we were now in sight of the Volcan, being by estimation 7 or 8 leagues from the shore, and the Mountain bearing N. E. we took in our Topsails and hal'd up our Courses, intending to go with our Canoas into the Harbor in the night. In the evening we had a very hard Tornado, out of the N. E. with much Thunder, Lightening and Rain. The violence of the Wind did not last long, yet it was 11 a clock at night before we got out our Canoas, and then it was quite calm. We rowed in directly for the shore, and thought to have reach'd it before day, but it was 9 a clock in the morning before we got into the Harbor. When we came within a league of the Island of Ria Lexa, that makes the Harbor, we saw a House on it, and coming nearer we saw 2 or 2 men, who stood and looked on us till we came within half a mile of the Island, then they went into their Canoa, which lay on the inside of the Island, and rowed towards the Main; but we overtook them before they got over, and brought them back again to the Island. There was a Horseman right against us on the Main when we took the Canoa, who immediately rode away towards the Town as fast as he could. The rest of onr Canoas rowed heavily, and did not come to the Island till 12 a clock, therefore we were forced to stay for them. Before they came we examined the Prisoners, who told us, that they were set there to watch, for the Governor of Ria Lexa received a Letter about a month before, wherein he was advised of some Enemies come into the Sea, and therefore admonished to be careful; that immediately thereupon the Governor had caused a House to be built on this Island, and ordered 4 men to be continually [Page] there to watch night and day; and if they saw any Ship coming thither they were to give notice of it. They said they did not expect to see Boats or Canoas, but lookt out for a Ship. At first they took us in our advanced Canoa to be some men that had been cast away and lost our Ship: till seeing 3 or 4 Canoas more, they began to suspect what we were. They told us likewise, that the Horseman which we saw did come to them every morning, and that in less than an hours time he could be at the Town. When Captain Eaton and his Canoas came ashore, we told them what had hapned. It was now 3 hours since the Horseman rode away, and we could not expect to get to the Town in less than two hours; in which time the Governor having notice of our coming might be provided to receive us at his Breast-works; therefore we thought it best to defer this design till another time.

There is a fine Spring of fresh water on the Island, there are some Trees also, but the biggest part is Savannah, whereon is good grass, though there is no sort of Beast to eat it. This Island is in lat. 12 d. 10 m. North. Here we stay'd till 4 a clock in the afternoon; then our Ships being come within a league of the shore we all went on board, and steer'd for the Gulf of Amapalla, intending there to careen our Ships.

The 26th of July Captain Eaton came aboard our Ship, to consult with Captain Davis, how to get some Indians to assist us in careening: it was concluded, that when we came near the Gulf, Captain Davis should take two Canoas, well mann'd, and go before, and Captain Eaton should stay aboard. According to this agreement, Captain Davis went away for the Gulf the next day.

The Gulf of Amapalla is a great Arm of the Sea, running 8 or 10 leagues into the Country. It is bounded on the South side of its Entrance with [Page] Point Casivina, and on the N. W. side with St. Michaels Mount. Both these places are very remarkable: Point Casivina is in lat. 12 d. 40 m. North: it is a high round Point, which at Sea appears like an Island; because the Land within it is very low. St. Michaels Mount is a very high peeked Hill, not very steep: the Land at the foot of it on the S. E. side, is low and even, for at least a mile. From this low Land the Gulf of Amapalla enters on that side. Between this low Land and Point Casivina, there are two considerable high Islands; the Southermost is called Mangera, the other is called Amapalla; and they are two miles asunder.

Mangera is a high round Island, about 2 leagues in compass, appearing like a tall Grove. It is invironed with Rocks all round, only a small Cove, or Sandy Bay on the N. E. side. The Mold and Soil of this Island is black, but not deep; it is mixt with Stones, yet very productive of large tall Timber Trees. In the middle of the Island there is an Indian Town, and a fair Spanish Church. The Indians have Plantations of Maiz round the Town, and some Plantains: They have a few Cocks and Hens, but no other sort of tame Fowl; neither have they any sort of Beast, but Cats and Dogs. There is a path from the Town to the Sandy Bay, but the way is steep and rocky. At this sandy Bay there are always 10 or 12 Canoas lye haled updry, except when they are in use.

Amapalla is a larger Island than Mangera; the Soil much the same. There are two Towns on it, about two miles asunder; one on the North side, the other on the East side: That on the East side is not above a mile from the Sea; it stands on a Plain on the top of an Hill, the path to it so steep and rocky, that a few men might keep down a great number, only with Stones. There is a very fair Church standing in the midst of the Town.

[Page] The other Town is not so big, yet it has a good handsom Church. One thing I have observed in all the Indian Towns under the Spanish Government, as well in these parts as in the Bay of Campeachy, and elsewhere, that the Images of the Virgin Mary and other Saints, (with which all their Churches were filled) are still painted in an Indian Complexion, and partly in that dress; but in those Towns which are inhabited chiefly by Spaniards, the Saints also conform themselves to the Spanish garb and complexion. The Houses here are but mean: the Indians of both Plains have good Field Maiz, remote from the Town: They have but few Plantains, but they have abundance of large Hog-plumb Trees growing about their Houses. The Tree that bears this Fruit is as big as our largest Plumb-tree: The Leaf is of a dark green colour, and as broad as the Leaf of a Plumb-tree; but they are shaped like the Haw-thorn Leaf. The Trees are very brittle Wood; the Fruit is oval, and as big as a small Horse Plumb. It is at first very green, but when it is ripe, one side is yellow, the other red. It hath a great Stone and but little substance about it: the Fruit is pleasant enough; but I do not remember that ever I saw one throughly ripe, that had not a Maggot or two in it. I do not remember that I did ever see any of this Fruit in the South Seas, but at this place. In the Bay of Campeachy they are very plentiful, and in Jamaica they plant them to fence their ground. These Indians have also some Fowls, as those at Mangera: no Spaniards dwell among them, but only one Padre or Priest, who serves for all three Towns; these two at Amapalla, and that at Mangera. They are under the Governor of the Town of St. Michaels, at the foot of St. Michaels Mount, to whom they pay their Tribute in Maize; being extreamly poor, yet very contented. They have nothing to make Money of, but their Plantations of Maiz and [Page] their Fowls; the Padre or Frier hath his tenths of it, and knows to a peck how much every man hath, and how many Fowls, of which they dare not kill one, though they are sick, without leave from him. There was (as I said) never another white man on these Islands, but the Frier. He could speak the Indian Language, as all Friers must that live among them. In this vast Country of America there are divers Nations of Indians, different in their Language, therefore those Friers that are minded to live among any Nation of the Indians, must learn the Language of those people they propose to teach. Although these here are but poor, yet the Indians in many other places have great riches, which the Spaniards draw from them for trifles: In such places the Friers get plentiful incomes; as particularly in the Bay of Champeachy, where the Indians have large Cacao-walks; or in other places where they plant Cocho-neel Trees, or Silvester Trees; or where they gather Vinelloes, and in such places where they gather Gold. In such places as these, the Friers do get a great deal of wealth. There was but one of all the Indians on both these Islands that could speak Spanish; he could write Spanish also, being bred up purposely, to keep their Registers and Books of Account: he was Secretary to both Islands. They had a Casica too, (a small sort of Magistrate the Indians have amongst themselves), but he could neither write nor speak Spanish.

There are a great many more Islands in this Bay, but none inhabited as these. There is one pretty large Island, belonging to a Nunnery, as the Indians told us, this was stocked with Bulls and Cows: there were 3 or 4 Indians lived there to look after the Cattle, for the sake of which we often frequented this Island, while we lay in the Bay: they are all low Islands, except Amapalla and Mangera. There are 2 Channels to come into this Gulf, [Page] one between Point Casivina and Mangera, the other between Mangera and Amapalla: the latter is the best. The Riding place is on the East side of Amapalla, right against a spot of low ground; for all the Island except this one place is high Land. Running in farther, Ships may Anchor near the Main, on the N. E. side of the Island Amapalla. This is the place most frequented by Spaniards: it is called the Port of Martin Lopez. This Gulf or Lake runs in some leagues beyond all the Islands; but it is shole water, and not capable of Ships.

It was into this Gulf that Captain Davis was gone with the two Canoas, to endeavour for a Prisoner, to gain intelligence, if possible, before our Ships came in: He came the first night to Mangera, but for want of a Pilot, did not know where to look for the Town. In the morning he found a great many Canoas haled up on the Bay; and from that Bay found a path which led him and his company to the Town. The Indians saw our Ships in the evening coming towards the Island, and being before informed of Enemies in the Sea, they kept Scouts out all night for fear: who seeing Captain Davis coming, run into the Town, and alarmed all the people. When Captain Davis came thither, they all run into the Woods. The Fryer hapned to be there at this time; who being unable to ramble into the Woods, fell into Captain Davis's hands: There were two Indian Boys with him, who were likewise taken. Captain Davis went only to get a Prisoner, therefore was well satisfy'd with the Fryer, and immediately came down to the Sea side. He went from thence to the Island Amapalla, carrying the Fryer and the two Indian Boys with him. These were his Pilots to conduct him to the Landing place, where they arrived about noon. They made no stay here, but left 3 or 4 men to look after the Canoas, and Captain Davis with the rest marched to [Page] the Town, taking the Fryer with them. The Town, as is before noted, is about a mile from the Landing place, standing in a plain on the top of the hill, having a very steep ascent to go to it. All the Indians stood on the top of the hill waiting Captain Davis's coming.

The Secretary, mention'd before, had no great kindness for the Spaniards. It was he that perswaded the Indians to wait Captain Davis his coming; for they were all running into the Woods; but he told them, that if any of the Spaniards Enemies came thither, it was not to hurt them, but the Spaniards, whose Slaves they were; and that their Poverty would protect them. This man with the Casica stood more forward than the rest, at the bank of the Hill, when Captain Davis with his Company appear'd beneath. They called out therefore in Spanish, demanding of our Men what they were, and from whence they came? to whom Captain Davis and his Men reply'd, they were Biscayers, and that they were sent thither by the King of Spain to clear those Seas from Enemies; that their Ships were coming into the Gulf to Careen, and that they came thither before the Ships, to seek a convenient place for it, as also to desire the Indians assistance. The Secretary, who, as I said before, was the only man that could speak Spanish, told them that they were welcome, for he had a great respect for any Old Spain Men, especially for the Biscayers, of whom he had heard a very honourable report; therefore he desired them to come up to their Town. Captain Davis and his Men immediately ascended the Hill, the Frier going before; and they were received with a great deal of affection by the Indians. The Casica and Secretary embraced Captain Davis, and the other Indians received his Men with the like Ceremony. These Salutations being ended they all marched towards the Church, for that is the place of [Page] all publick Meetings, and all Plays and Pastimes are acted there also; therefore in the Churches belonging to Indian Towns they have all sorts of Vizards, and strange antick Dresses both for Men and Women, and abundance of Musical Hautboys and Strumstrums. The Strumstrum is made somewhat like a Cittern; most of those that the Indians use are made of a large Goad cut in the midst, and a thin board laid over the hollow, and which is fastned to the sides: this serves for the belly; over which the strings are placed. The nights before any Holidays, or the nights ensuing, are the times when they all meet to make merry. Their Mirth consists in singing, dancing, and sporting in those antick Habits, and using as many antick gestures. If the Moon shine they use but few Torches, if not the Church is full of light. They meet at these times all sorts of both Sexes. All the Indians that I have been acquainted with, who are under the Spaniards,, seem to be more melancholy than other Indians that are free; and at these publick Meetings, when they are in the greatest of their jollity, their mirth seems to be rather forced than real. Their Songs are very melancholy and doleful; so is their Musick: but whether it be natural to the Indians to be thus melancholy, or the effect of their Slavery, I am not certain: But I have always been prone to believe, that they are then only condoling their misfortunes, the loss of their Country and Liberties: which altho these that are now living do not know, nor remember what it was to be free, yet there seems to be a deep impression in their thoughts of the Slavery which the Spaniards have brought them under, increas'd probably by some Traditions of their ancient freedom.

Captain Davis intended when they were all in the Church to shut the Doors, and then make a bargain with them, letting them know what he was, and so draw them afterwards by fair means to our assistance: [Page] the Frier being with him, who had also promis'd to engage them to it: but before they were all in the Church one of Captain Davis his Men pusht one of the Indians to hasten him into the Church. The Indian immediately ran away, and all the rest taking the alarm sprang out of the Church like Deer; it was hard to say which was first: and Captain Davis, who knew nothing of what hapned, was left in the Church only with the Fryer. When they were all fled Captain Davis his Men fired and kill'd the Secretary; and thus our hopes perished by the indiscretion of one foolish fellow.

In the afternoon the Ships came into the Gulf between Point Casivina and Mangera, and anchored near the Island Amapalla, on the East side, in 10 fathom water, clean hard Sand. In the evening Captain Davis and his company came aboard, and brought the Fryer with them; who told Captain Davis, that if the Secretary had not been kill d, he could have sent him a Letter by one of the Indians that was taken at Mangera, and perswaded him to come to us; but now the only way was to send one of those Indians to seek the Casica, and that himself would instruct him what to say, and did not question but the Casica would come in on his word. The next day we sent ashore one of the Indians, who before night returned with the Casica and 6 other Indians, who remained with us all the time that we staid here. These Indians did us good service; especially in piloting us to an Island where we kill'd Beef whenever we wanted; and for this their service we satisfied them to their hearts content. It was at this Island Amapalla, that a party of Englishmen and Frenchmen came afterwards, and stay'd a great while, and at last landed on the Main, and marched over Land to the Cape River, which disembogues into the North Seas near Cape Gratia Dios, and is therefore called the Cape River: Near the Head of [Page] this River they made Bark-logs (which I shall describe in the next Chapter) and so went into the North Seas. This was the way that Captain Sharp had proposed to go if he had been put to it; for this way was partly known to Privateers by the discovery that was made into the Country about 30 years since, by a party of Englishmen that went up that River in Canoas, about as far as the place where these Frenchmen made their Bark-logs: there they landed and marched to a Town called Segevia in the Country. They were near a month getting up the River, for there are many Cataracts where they were often forced to leave the River, and hale their Canoas ashore over the Land, till they were past the Cataracts, and then launch their Canoas again into the River. I have discoursed several Men that were in that Expedition, and if I mistake not Captain Sharp was one of them. But to return to our Voyage in hand; when both our Ships were clean, and our Water fill'd, Captain Davis and Captain Eaton broke off Consortships. Captain Eaton took aboard of his Ships 400 Packs of Flower, and sailed out of the Gulf the second day of September.

[Page]

CHAP. VI.

They depart from Amapalla. Tornadoes. Cape St. Francisco. They meet Captain Eaton, and part again. Isle of Plata described. Another meeting with Capt. Eaton, and their final parting. Point Sancta Hellena. Algatrane a sort of Tar. A Spanish VVreck. Cruisings. Manta, near Cape St. Lorenzo. Monte Christo. Cruisings. Cape Blanco. Payta. The Buildings in Peru. The Soil of Peru. Colan. Barklogs described. Piura. The Road of Payta. Lobos de Terra. They come again to Lobos de la Mar. The Bay of Guiaquil. Isle of Sancta Clara. A rich Spanish Wreck there. Cat-fish. Point Arena in the Isle Puna. The Island described. The Palmeto. tree. Town and Harbour of Puna. River of Guiaquil. Guiaquil Town. Its Commodities, Cacao, Sarsaparilla, Quito cloth. Of the City, and Gold, and Air of Quito. They enter the Bay in order to make an attempt on the Town of Guiaquil. A great advantage slipt that might have been made of a company of Negroes taken in Guiaquil River. They go to Plata again. Isle Plata.

THE third day of September 1684. we sent the Frier ashore, and left the Indians in possession of the Prize which we brought in hither, though she was still half laden with Flower, and we sailed out with the Land Wind, passing between Amapalla [Page] and Mangera. When we were a league out we saw a Canoa coming with Sail and Oars after us; therefore we shortened Sail and staid for her. She was a Canoa sent by the Governor of St. Michaels Town to our Captain, desiring him not to carry away the Frier. The Messenger being told, that the Frier was set ashore again at Amapalla, he returned with joy, and we made Sail again, having the Wind at W. N. W. We steered towards the Coast of Peru: we had Tornadoes every day till we made Cape St. Francisco, which from June to November are very common on these Coasts; and we had with the Tornadoes very much Thunder, Lightning and Rain. When the Tornadoes were over, the Wind, which while they lasted was most from the South East, came about again to the West, and never failed us till we were in sight of Cape St. Francisco, where we found the Wind at South with fair weather. This Cape is in lat. 01 d. 00 North. It is a high bluff, or full point of Land, cloathed with tall great Trees. Passing by this Point coming from the North you will see a small low Point, which you might suppose to be the Cape; but you are then past it, and presently afterwards it appears with three points. The Land in the Country within this Cape is very high, and the Mountains commonly appear very black. When we came in with this Cape we overtook Captain Eaton, plying under the shore: he in his passage from Amapalla, while he was on that Coast, met with such terrible Tornadoes of Thunder and Lightning, that as he and all his Men related, they had never met with the like in any place. They were very much affrighted by them, the Air smelling very much of Sulphur, and they apprehending themselves in great danger of being burnt by the Lightning. He touch'd at the Island Cocos, and put ashore 200 Packs of Flower there, and loaded his Boat with Coco Nuts, and took in fresh water. In the evening we separated [Page] again from Captain Eaton; for he stood off to Sea, and we plied up under the shore, making our best advantage both of Sea and Land Winds. The Sea Winds are here at South, the Land Winds at S. S. E. but sometimes when we came abreast of a River we should have the Wind at S. E.

The 20th day of September we came to the Island Plata, and anchored in 16 fathom. We had very good weather from the time that we fell in with Cape St. Francisco; and were now fallen in again with the same places from whence I begin the account of this Voyage in the first Chapter, having now compast in the whole Continent of the South America.

The Island Plata, as some report, was so named by the Spaniards, after Sir Francis Drake took the Caoafoga, a Ship chiefly laden with Plate, which they say he brought hither and divided it here with his Men. It is about 4 mile long, and a mile and half broad, and of a good heighth. It is bounded with high steep Cliffs clear round, only at one place on the East side. The top of it is flat and even, the Soil sandy and dry: the Trees it produceth are but small bodied, low, and grow thin; and there are only 3 or 4 sorts of Trees all unknown to us. I observed they were much overgrown with long Moss. There is good Grass, especially in the beginning of the year. There is no Water on this Island but at one place on the East side close by the Sea; there it drills slowly down from the Rocks, where it may be received into Vessels. There was plenty of Goats, but they are now all destroyed. There is no other sort of Land Animal that I did ever see: here are plenty of Boobies and Men of War Birds. The anchoring place is on the East side, near the middle of the Island, close by the shore, within two Cables lengths of the sandy Bay: there is about 18 or 20 fathom good fast oazy ground, and smooth Water; [Page] for the S. E. point of the Island shelters from the South Winds which constantly blow here. From the S. E. point there strikes out a small shole a quarter of a mile into the Sea, where there is commonly a great Riplin, or working of short Waves, during all the Flood. The Tide runs pretty strong, the Flood to the South, and the Ebb to the North. There is good landing on the Sandy Bay against the anchoring place, from whence you may go up into the Island, and at no place besides. There are 2 or 3 high, steep, small Rocks at the S. E. point, not a Cables length from the Island; and another much bigger at the N. E. end: it is deep Water all round, but at the anchoring place, and at the shole at the S. E point. This Island lieth in lat 01d. 10 m. South. It is distant from Cape St. Lorenzo 4 or 5 leagues, bearing from it W. S. W. and half a point westerly. At this Island are plenty of those small Sea Turtle spoken of in my last Chapter.

The 21st day Captain Eaton came to an anchor by us: he was very willing to have consorted with us again; but Captain Davis's Men were so unreasonable, that they would not allow Captain Eaton's Men an equal share with them in what they got: therefore Captain Eaton staid here but one night, and the next day sailed from hence, steering away to the Southward. We staid no longer than the day ensuing, and then we sailed toward Point St. Hellena, intending there to land some Men purposely to get Prisoners for intelligence.

Point Santa Hellena bears South from the Island Plata. It lies in lat. 2d. 15 m. South. The Point is pretty high, flat, and even at top; overgrown with many great Thistles, but no sort of Tree; at a distance it appears like an Island, because the Land within it is very low.

This Point strikes out West into the Sea, making a pretty large Bay on the North side. A mile within the [Page] Point, on the Sandy Bay, close by the Sea, there is a poor small Indian Village, called Sancta Hellena; the Land about it is low, sandy and barren, there are no Trees nor Grass growing near it; neither do the Indians produce any Fruit, Grain, or Plant, but Water-Melons only, which are large and very sweet. There is no fresh Water at this place, nor near it; therefore the Inhabitants are obliged to fetch all their Water from the River Colanche, which is in the bottom of the Bay, about 4 leagues from it. Not far from this Town on the Bay, close by the Sea, about 5 paces from high-water mark, there is a sort of bitumenous matter boils out of a little hole in the earth. It is like thin Tar; the Spaniards call it Algatrane. By much boiling it becomes hard like Pitch. It is frequently used by the Spaniards instead of Pitch; and the Indians that inhabit here save it in Jars. It boils up most at high water; and. then the Indians are ready to receive it. These Indians are Fishermen, and go out to Sea on Bark-logs. Their chief subsistence is Maiz, most of which they get from Ships that come hither for Algatrane. There is good anchoring to leeward of the Point, right against the Village: but on the West side of the Point it is deep Water, and no anchoring. The Spaniards do report, that there was once a very rich Ship driven ashore here in calm, for want of Wind to work her. Assoon as ever she struck she heel'd off to Sea, and fill'd with Water presently, and then slid off to 7 or 8 fathom Water, where she lies to this day; none having attempted to fish for her, because she lies deep, and there falls in here a great high Sea. When we were abreast of this Point, we sent away our Canoas in the night to take the Indian Village. They landed in the morning betimes close by the Town, and took some Prisoners. They took likewise a small Bark which the Indians had set on fire, but our Men quenched it, and took the Indian that did it; [Page] who being asked wherefore he set the Bark on fire, said, That there was an Order from the Vice-Roy lately set out, commanding all Sea-men to burn their Vessels if attacked by us, and betake themselves to their Boats. There was another Bark in a small Cove, a mile from the Village, thither our men went, thinking to take her, but the Sea-men that were aboard set her in flames and fled: In the evening our men came aboard, and brought the small Bark with them, the fire of which they had quenched; and then we returned again towards Plata; where we arriv'd the 26th day of September.

In the evening we sent out some men in our Bark lately taken, and Canoas, to an Indian Village called Manta, 2 or 3 leagues to the Westward of Cape St. Lorenzo; hoping there to get other Prisoners, for we could not learn from those we took at Point St. Hellena the reason why the Vice-Roy should give such orders to burn the Ships. They had a fresh Sea-breeze till 12 a clock at night, and then it proved Calm; wherefore they rowed away with their Canoas as near to the Town as they thought convenient, and lay still till day.

Manta is a small Indian Village on the Main, distant from the Island Plata 7 or 8 leagues. It slands so advantageously to be seen, being built on a small ascent, that it makes a very fair prospect to the Sea; yet but a few poor scattering Indian houses. There is a very fine Church, adorned with a great deal of Carved work. It was formerly a habitation of Spaniards; but they are all removed from hence now. The Land about it is dry and sandy, bearing only a few shrubby Trees. These Indians plant no manner of Grain or Root, but are supplied from other places; and commonly keep a stock of Provision to relieve Ships that want; for this is the first Settlement that Ships can touch at, which come from Panama, [Page] bound to Lima, or any other Port in Peru. The Land being dry and sandy, is not fit to produce Crops of Maize; which is the reason they plant none. There is a Spring of good Water between the Village and the Seas.

On the back of the Town, a pretty way up in the Country, there is a very high Mountain, towring up like a Sugar-loaf, called Monte-Christo. It is a very good Sea-mark, for there is none like it on all the Coast. The body of this Mountain bears due South from Manta. About a mile and half from the Shore, right against the Village, there is a Rock, which is very dangerous, because it never appears above water; neither doth the Sea break on it, because here is seldom any great Sea: yet it is now so well known, that all Ships bound to this place do easily avoid it. A mile within this Rock there is good Anchoring, in 6, 8, or 10 fathom Water, good, hard Sand and clear ground: And a mile from the Road on the West side there is a shole running out a mile into the Sea. From Manta to Cape St. Lorenzo the Land is plain and even, of an indifferent heighth. See a further account of these Coasts in the Appendix.

As soon as ever the day appear'd our men landed, and march'd towards the Village, which was about a mile and a half from their Landing-place: Some of the Indians who were stirring, saw them coming, and alarmed their Neighbours; so that all that were able got away. They took only two old Women, who both said, that it was reported that a great many Enemies were come over land thro the Country of Darien into the South Seas, and that they were at present in Canoas and Periagoes: and that the Vice-Roy upon this news had set out the fore-mentioned order for burning their own Ships. Our men found no sort of provision here; the Vice-Roy having likewise sent orders to all Sea-ports to [Page] keep no provision, but just to supply themselves. These Women also said, that the Manta Indians were sent over to the Island Plata, to destroy all the Goats there; which they performed about a month agone: With this news our men returned again, and arriv'd at Plata the next day.

We lay still at the Island Plata, being not resolved what to do; till the 2d day of October: and then Captain Swan in the Cygnet of London arriv'd there. He was fitted out by very eminent Merchants of that City, on a design only to trade with the Spaniards or Indians, having a very considerable Cargo well sorted for these parts of the World; but meeting with divers disappointments, and being out of hopes to obtain a trade in these Seas, his men forc'd him to entertain a company of Privateers which he met with near Nicoya, a Town whither he was going to seek a Trade, and these Privateers were bound thither in Boats to get a Ship. These were the men that we had heard of at Manta; they came over land under the command of Captain Peter Harris, Nephew to that Captain Harris who was kill'd before Panama. Captain Swan was still Commander of his own Ship, and Captain Harris commanded a small Bark under Captain Swan. There was much joy on all sides when they arriv'd; and immediately hereupon Captain Davis and Captain Swan consorted, wishing for Captain Eaton again. Our little Bark, which was taken at Santa Hellena, was immediately sent out to cruize, while the Ships were fitting; for Captain Swan's Ship being full of goods, was not fit to entertain his new guest, till the goods were dispos'd of; therefore he by the consent of the Supercargo's, got up all his goods on Deck, and sold to any one that would buy upon trust: the rest was thrown over-board into the Sea, except fine goods, as Silks, Muslins, Stockings, &c. and except the Iron, whereof he had a good quantity, both wrought [Page] and in Bars: This was saved for Ballast.

The third day after our Bark was sent to cruize, she brought in a Prize of 400 Tuns, laden with Timber: They took her in the Bay of Guiaquil; she came from a Town of that name, and was bound to Lima. The Commander of this Prize said that it was generally reported and believed at Guiaquil, that the Vice-Roy was fitting out 10 sail of Frigots to drive us out of the Seas. This news made our unsettled Crew wish, that they had been perswaded to accept of Captain Eaton's company on reasonable terms. Captain Davis and Captain Swan had some discourse concerning Captain Eaton; they at last concluded to send our small Bark towards the Coast of Lima, as far as the Island Lobos, to seek Captain Eaton. This being approved by all hands, she was cleaned the next day, and sent away, mann'd with 20 men, 10 of Captain Davis, and 10 of Swan's men: and Captain Swan writ a Letter directed to Captain Eaton, desiring his company, and the Isle of Plata was appointed for the general Rendezvous. When this Bark was gone, we turn'd another Bark which we had into a Fire-ship; having 6 or 7 Carpenters, who soon fixt her: and while the Carpenters were at work about the Fire-ship, we scrubb'd and clean'd our Men of War, as well as time and place would permit.

The 19th day of October we finish'd our business, and the 20th day we sail'd toward the Island Lobos, where our Bark was order'd to stay for us, or meet us again at Plata. We had but little Wind; therefore it was the 23d day before we passed by Point St. Hellena. The 25th day we crossed over the Bay of Guiaquil. The 30th day we doubled Cape Blanco. This Cape is in lat. 3 d. 45 m. It is counted the worst Cape in all the South Seas to double, passing to the Southward; for in all other places Ships may stand off to Sea 20 or 30 leagues off, if they find they [Page] cannot get any thing under the shore; but here they dare not do it: for, by relation of the Spaniards, they find a current setting N. W. which will carry a Ship off more in 2 hours, than they can run in again in 5. Besides, setting to the Northward they lose ground: therefore they alway beat it up under the shore, which oft-times they find very difficult, because the wind commonly blows very strong at S. S. W. or S. by W. without altering; for here are never any Land-winds. This Cape is of an indifferent heighth: It is fenced with white Rocks to the Sea; for which reason, I believe, it hath this name: The Land in the Country seems to be full of high, steep, rugged and barren Rocks.

The 2d day of November we got as high as Payta: We lay about 6 leagues off shore all the day, that the Spaniards might not see us; and in the evening sent our Canoas ashore to take it, mann'd with 110 men.

Payta is a small Spanish Sea-port Town in the lat. of 5 d. 15 m. It is built on the Sand, close by the Sea, in a nook, elbow, or small bay, under a pretty high hill. There are not above 75 or 80 Houses, and 2 Churches. The Houses are but low and ill built. The building in this Country of Peru is much alike, on all the Sea-coast. The Walls are built of Brick, made with Earth and Straw kneaded together: They are about 3 foot long, 2 foot broad, and a foot and half thick: They never burn them, but lay them a long time in the Sun to dry before they are used in building. In some places they have no roofs, only poles laid across from the side walls, and cover'd with matts; and then those walls are carry'd up to a considerable heighth. But where they build roofs upon their Houses, the walls are not made so high, as I said before. The Houses in general all over this Kingdom are but meanly built: one chief reason, with the common people especially, [Page] is the want of materials to build withal; for however it be more within Land, yet here is neither Stone nor Timber, to build with, nor any materials but such Brick as I have described: and even the Stone which they have in some places is so brittle, that you may rub it into Sand with your fingers. Another reason why they build so meanly is, because it never rains; therefore they only endeavour to fence themselves from the Sun. Yet their walls, which are built but with an ordinary sort of Brick, in comparison with what is made in other parts of the world, continue a long time as firm as when first made, having never any winds nor rains, to rot, moulder, or shake them. However, the richer sort have Timber, which they make use of in building; but it is brought from other places.

This dry Country commences to the Northward from about Cape Blanco to Coquimbo in about 30 d. S. having no Rain that I could ever observe or hear of; nor any green thing growing in the Mountains: neither yet in the Valleys, except where here and there water'd with a few small Rivers dispers'd up and down. So that the Northernmost parts of this Tract of Land are supplied with Timber from Guiaquil, Galleo, Tornato, and other places that are watered with Rains; where there are plenty of all sort of Timber. In the South parts, as about Guasco and Coquimbo, they fetch their Timber from the Island Chiloe, or other places thereabouts. The walls of Churches and rich mens Houses are whitened with Lime, both within and without; and the doors and posts are very large, and adorned with carved work, and the beams also in the Churches: The inside of the Houses are hung round with rich embroydered, or painted Cloaths. They have likewise abundance of fine Pictures, which adds no small ornament to their House: these, I suppose, they have from Old Spain. But the Houses of Payta are none of them [Page] so richly furnished. The Churches were large and fairly carved: At one end of the Town there was a small Fort close by the Sea, but no great Guns in it. This Fort, only with Musquets, will command all the Bay, so as to hinder any Boats from landing. There is another Fort on the top of the Hill, just over the Town, which commands both it and the lower Fort. There is neither Wood nor Water to be had here: They fetch their Water from an Indian Town called Colan, about 2 leagues N. N. E. from Payta: for at Colan there is a small River of fresh Water, which runs out into the Sea; from whence Ships that touch at Payta are supplied with Water and other refreshments, as Fowls, Hogs, Plantains, Yames, and Maize: Payta being destitute of all these things, only as they fetch them from Colan, as they have occasion.

The Indians of Colan are all Fisher-men: They go out to Sea and fish on Bark-logs. Bark-logs are made of many round logs of Wood in manner of a Raft, and very different according to the use that they are design'd for, or the humour of the people that make them, or the matter that they are made of. If they are made for Fishing, then they are only 3 or 4 logs of Light-wood, of 7 or 8 foot long, plac'd by the side of each other, pinn'd fast together with wooden pins, and bound hard with withes. The Logs are so plac'd, that the middlemost are longer than those by the sides, especially at the head or fore-part, which grows narrower gradually into an angle or point, the better to cut through the Water. Others are made to carry Goods: The bottom of these is made of 20 or 30 great Trees of about 20, 30, or 40 foot long, fasten'd as the other, side to side, and so shaped: On the top of these they place another shorter row of Trees across them, pinn'd fast to each other, and then pinn'd to the undermost row: this double row of Planks makes the [Page] bottom of the Float, and of a considerable breadth. From this bottom the Raft is raised to about 10 foot higher, with rows of Posts sometimes set upright and supporting a floor or two: but those I observ'd were rais'd by thick Trees laid across each other, as in Wood Piles; only not close together as in the bottom of the Float, but at the ends and sides only, so as to leave the middle all hollow like a Chamber; except that here and there a beam goes across it, to keep the Float more compact. In this hollow, at about 4 foot heighth from the beams at the bottom, they lay small poles along, and close together, to make a floor for another Room, on the top of which also they lay another such floor made of Poles: and the entrances into both these Rooms is only by creeping between the great traverse Trees which make the Walls of this Sea-house. The lowest of these stories serves as a Cellar: there they lay great Stones for Ballast, and their Jars of fresh-water closed up, and whatever may bear being wet: for by the weight of the Ballast and Cargo, the bottom of this Room and of the whole Vessel is sunk so deep, as to lye 2 or 3 feet within the surface of the Water. The second story is for the Sea-men, and their necessaries. Above this second stroy the Goods are stowed, to what heighth they please, usually about 8 or 10 feet, and kept together by poles set upright quite round: only there is a little space abaft for the Steers-man (for they have a large Rudder) and afore for the Fire-hearth, to dress their Victuals, especially when they make long Voyages, as from Lima to Truxillo, or Guiaquil, or Panama; which last Voyage is 5 or 600 leagues. In the midst of all, among the Goods, rises a Mast, to which is fasten'd a large Sail, as in our West-Country Barges in the Thames. They always go before the Wind, being unable to ply against it: and therefore are fit only for these Seas, where the Wind is always in a manner the [Page] same, not varying above a point or two all the way from Lima, till such time as they come into the Bay of Panama: and even there they meet with no great Sea; but sometimes Northerly winds: and then they lower their Sails, and drive before it, waiting a change. All their care then is only to keep off from Shore; for they are so made that they cannot sink at Sea. These Rafts carry 60 or 70 Tuns of Goods and upwards; their Cargo is chiefly Wine, Oyl, Flower, Sugar, Quito-cloath, Soap, Goat-skins drest, &c. The Float is manag'd usually by 3 or 4 Men, who being unable to return with it against the Trade-wind, when they come to Panama dispose of the goods and bottom together; getting a passage back again for themselves in some Ship or Boat bound to the Port they came from; and there they make a new Bark-log for their next Cargo.

The smaller sort of Bark-logs, described before, which lye flat on the Water, and are used for Fishing, or carrying Water to Ships, or the like (half a Tun or a Tun at a time) are more governable than the other, tho they have Masts and Sails too. With these they go out at night by the help of the Landwind (which is seldom wanting on this Coast) and return back in the day time with the Sea-wind.

This sort of Floats are used in many places both in the East and West Indies. On the Coast of Coromandel in the East Indies they call them Catamarans. These are but one Log, or two sometimes, of a sort of light Wood, and are made without Sail or Rud der, and so small, that they carry but one Man, whose legs and breech are always in the Water, and he manages his Log with a Paddle, appearing at a distance like a Man sitting on a Fish's back.

The Country about Payta is mountainous and barren, like all the rest of the Kingdom of Peru. There is no Towns of consequence nearer it than Piura, which is a large Town in the Country 40 miles distant. [Page] It lieth, by report of our Spanish Prisoners; in a Valley, which is watered with a small River, that disembogues it self into the Bay of Chirapce, in about 7d. of North latitude. This Bay is nearer to Piura than Payta: yet all Goods imported by Sea for Piura are landed at Payta; for the Bay of Chirapee is full of dangerous sholes, and therefore not frequented by shipping. The Road of Payta is one of the best on the Coast of Peru. It is sheltered from the South-west by a point of Land, which makes a large Bay and smooth Water for Ships to ride in. There is room enough for a good Fleet of Ships, and good anchoring in any depth, from 6 fathom water to 20 fathom. Right against the Town, the nearer the Town the shallower the water, and the smoother the riding: it is clean Sand all over the Bay. Most Ships passing either to the North or the South touch at this place for water; for tho here is none at the Town, yet those Indian Fishermen of Colan will, and do supply all Ships very reasonably; and good water is much prized on all this Coast through the scarcity of it.

November the 3d, at 6 a clock in the morning, our Men landed, about 4 miles to the South of the Town, and took some Prisoners that were sent thither to watch for fear of us; and these Prisoners said, that the Governor of Piura came with 100 armed Men to Payta the night before, purposely to oppose our landing there if we should attempt it.

Our Men marched directly to the Fort on the Hill, and took it without the loss of one Man. Hereupon the Governor of Piura with all his Men, and the Inhabitants of the Town, ran away as fast as they could. Then our Men entered the Town, and found it emptied both of Money and Goods; there was not so much as a Meal of Victuals left for them.

The Prisoners told us a Ship had been here a little before and burnt a great Ship in the Road, but [Page] did not land their Men; and that here they put ashore all their Prisoners and Pilots. We knew this must be Captain Eaton's Ship which had done this, and by these circumstances we supposed he was gone to the East Indies, it being always designed by him. The Prisoners told us also, that since Captain Eaton was here, a small Bark had been off the Harbor, and taken a pair of Bark-logs a fishing, and made the Fishermen bring aboard 20 or 30 Jars of fresh water. This we supposed was our Bark that was sent to the Lobos to seek Captain Eaton.

In the evening we came in with our Ships, and anchored before the Town in 10 fathom water, near a mile from the shore. Here we staid till the sixth day, in hopes to get a Ransom for the Town. Our Captains demanded 300 Packs of Flower, 3000 pound of Sugar, 25 Jars of Wine, and 1000 Jars of Water to be brought off to us; but we got nothing of it. Therefore Captain Swan ordered the Town to be fir'd, which was presently done. Then all our Men came aboard, and Captain Swan ordered the Bark which Captain Harris commanded to be burnt, because she did not sail well.

At night, when the Land Wind came off, we sailed from hence towards Lobos. The 10th day in the evening we saw a Sail bearing N. W. by N. as far as we could well discern her on our Deck. We immediately chased, separating our selves, the better to meet her in the night; but we mist her. Therefore the next morning we again trimb'd sharp, and made the best of our way to the Lobos de la Mar.

The 14th day we had sight of the Island Lobos de Terra: it bore East from us; we stood in towards it, and betwixt 7 and 8 a clock in the night came to an anchor at the N. E. end of the Island in 14 fathom water. This Island at Sea is of an indifferent height, and appears like Lobos de la Mar. About a quarter of a mile from the North end there is a great hollow [Page] Rock and a good Channel between, where there is 7 fathom water. The 15th day we went ashore, and found abundance of Penguins and Boobies, and Seal in great quanties. We sent aboard of all these to be drest, for we had not tasted any flesh in a great while before; therefore some of us did eat very heartily. Captain Swan, to encourage his Men to eat this course flesh, would commend it for extraordinary good food, comparing the Seal to roasting Pig, the Boobies to Hens, and the Penguins to Ducks: this he did to train them to live contentedly on course Meat, not knowing but we might be forced to make use of such food before we departed out of these Seas; for it is generally seen among Privateers, that nothing imboldens them sooner to mutiny than want, which we could not well suffer in a place where there are such quantities of these Animals to be had, if Men could be perswaded to be contented with them.

In the afternoon we sailed from Lobos de Terra with the Wind at S. by E. and arrived at Lobos de la Mar on the 19th day. Here we found a Letter, left by our Bark that was sent to seek Captain Eaton, by which we understood, that Captain Eaton had been there, but was gone before they arriv'd, and had left no Letter to advise us which way he was gone; and that our Bark was again returned to Plata, in hopes to find us there, or meet us by the way, else resolving to stay for us there. We were sorry to hear that Captain Eaton was gone, for now we did not expect to meet with him any more in these Seas.

The 21st day we sent out our Moskito Strikers for Turtle, who brought aboard enough to serve both Ships Companies; and this they did all the time that we abode here. While we lay at this Island, Captain Swan made new yards, squarer than those he had before, and made his Sails larger, and our Ships Company in the mean time split plank for [Page] Fire-wood, and put aboard as many plank as we could conveniently stow, for other uses: Here being plank enough of all sorts, which we had brought hither in the first Prize that we took, and left here.

The 26th day in the evening, we saw a small Bark about 3 leagues N. N. W. from the Island, but we supposing her to be our own Bark, did not go after her. The next morning she was 2 leagues South of the Island, standing off to Sea; but we did not now chace her neither, although we knew she was not our Bark; for being to Windward of us, she could have made her escape, if we had chased her. This Bark, as we were afterward informed, was sent out purposely to see if we were at this Island. Her orders were, not to come too near, only to appear in sight; they supposing that if we were here we should soon be after her; as indeed it was a wonder we had not chaced her: but our not doing so, and lying close under the Island undiscern d by them, was a great occasion of our coming upon Puna afterwards unexpectedly, they being now without fear of any Enemy so near them.

The 28th day we scrubb d our Ships bottoms, intending to sail the next day towards Guiaquil; it being concluded upon to attempt that Town before we returned again to Plata. Accordingly, on the 29th day in the morning, we loosed from hence, steering directly for the Bay of Guiaquil. This Bay runs in between Cape Blanco on the South side, and Point Chandy on the North. About 25 leagues from Cape Blanco, near the bottom of the Bay, there is a small Island called Santa Clara, which lies East and West: It is of an indifferent length, and it appears like a dead Man stretched out in a Shroud. The East end represents the Head, and the West end the Feet. Ships that are bound into the Rive [...] of Guiaquil pass on the South side, to avoid the sholes which lie on the North side of it; whereon formerly Ships [Page] have been lost. It is reported by the Spaniards, that there is a very rich Wreck lies on the North side of that Island, not far from it; and that some of the Plate hath been taken up by one who came from Old Spain, with a Patent from the King to fish in those Seas for Wrecks; but he dying, the Project ceas'd, and the Wreck still remains as he left it; only the Indians by stealth do sometimes take up some of it: and they might have taken up much more, if it were not for the Catfish which swarm hereabouts.

The Catfish is much like a Whiting, but the Head is flatter and bigger. It hath a great wide Mouth, and certain small Strings pointing out from each side of it, like Cats Whiskers: and for that reason it is called a Catfish. It hath three Fins; one growing on the top of his back, and one on either side. Each of these Fins hath a stiff sharp bone, which is very venemous if it strikes into a mans flesh: therefore it is dangerous diving where many of these Fish are. The Indians that adventured to search this wreck, have to their sorrow experienc'd it; some having lost their lives, others the use of their limbs by it: this we were informed by an Indian, who himself had been fishing on it by stealth. I my self have known some white men that have lost the use of their hands, only by a small prick with the fin of these Fish: therefore when we catch them with a Hook, we tread on them to take the Hook out of their mouths, for otherwise, in flurting about (as all Fish will when first taken) they might accidentally strike their sharp Fins into the hands of those that caught them. Some of these Fish are 7 or 8 pound weight; some again, in some particular places, are none of them bigger than a Man's Thumb, but their Fins are all alike venemous. They use to be at the mouths of Rivers, or where there is much Mud and Oaze, and they are found all over the American Coast, both in the North and South Seas, at [Page] least in the hot Countreys, as also in the East Indies: where sailing with Captain Minchin among certain Islands near the Streights of Malacca, he pointed to an Island, at which he told me he lost the use of his hand by one of these, only in going to take the Hook out of its mouth. The wound was scarce visible, yet his Hand was much swoln, and the pain lasted about 9 weeks; during most part of which the raging heat of it was almost ready to distract him. However, though the bony Fins of these Fish are so venemous, yet the Bones in their bodies are not so; at least we never perceived any such effect in eating the Fish; and their Flesh is very sweet, delicious and wholesome Meat.

From the Island Santa Clara to Punta Arena is 7 leagues E. N. E. This Punta Arena, or Sandy Point, is the westermost point of the Island Puna. Here all Ships bound into the River of Guiaquil anchor, and must wait for a Pilot, the entrance being very dangerous for Strangers.

The Island Puna is a pretty large flat low Island, stretching East and West about 12 or 14 leagues long, and about 4 or 5 leagues wide. The Tide runs very strong all about this Island, but so many different ways, by reason of the Branches, Creeks, and Rivers that run into the Sea near it, that it casts up many dangerous sholes on all sides of it. There is in the Island only one Indian Town on the South side of it, close by the Sea, and 7 leagues from Point Arena, which Town is also called Puna. The Indians of this Town are all Seamen, and are the only Pilots in these Seas, especially for this River. Their chiefest employment, when they are not at Sea, is fishing. These men are oblig'd by the Spaniards to keep good watch for Ships that Anchor at Point Arena, which, as I said before, is 7 leagues from the Town Puna. The place where they keep this watch is at a Point of Land on the Island Puna, that starts [Page] out into the Sea; from whence they can see all Ships that anchor at Point Arena. The Indians come thither in the morning, and return at night on Horse-back. From this watching point to Point Arena it is 4 leagues, all drowned Mangrove-land: and in the midway between these two Points is another small Point, where these Indians are obrig d to keep another Watch, when they fear an Enemy. The Centinel goes thither in a Canoa in the morning, and returns at night; for there is no coming thither by Land, through that Mangrove marshy ground. The middle of the Island Puna is Savannah or pasture. There are some ridges of good Woodland, which is of a light yellow or sandy mould, producing large tall Trees, most unknown even to Travellers: But there are plenty of Palmeto Trees, which, because I am acquainted with, I shall describe. The Palmeto Tree is about the bigness of an ordinary Ash: It is about 30 foot high; the body streight, without any limb, or branch, or leaf, except at the head only, where it spreads forth into many small branches, not half so big as a mans arm, some no bigger than ones finger: These branches, are about 3 or 4 foot long, clear from any knot: At the end of the branch there groweth one broad leaf, about the bigness of a large Fan. This, when it first shoots forth, grows in folds, like a Fan when it is closed; and still as it grows bigger so it opens, till it becomes like a Fan spread abroad. It is strengthned towards the stalk with many small ribs springing from thence, and growing into the leaf; which as they grow near the end of the leaf, grow thinner and smaller. The Leaves that make the brush part of the Flag-brooms which are brought into England, grow just in this manner; and are indeed a small kind of Palmeto; for there are of them of several dimensions. In Bermudas, and elsewhere, they make Hats, Baskets, Brooms, Fans to blow [Page] the fire instead of Bellows, with many other House-Implements, of Palmeto-Leaves. On the ridges where these Trees grow, the Indians have here and there Plantations of Maiz, Yams and Potatoes.

There are in the Town of Puna about 20 Houses, and a small Church. The Houses stand all on Posts, 10 or 12 foot high, with Ladders on the outside to go up into them. I did never see the like buildings any where but among the Malayans in the East Indies. They are thatched with Palmeto-leaves, and their Chambers well boarded, in which last they exceed the Malayans. The best place for Ships to lye at an anchor is against the middle of the Town. There is 5 fathom water within a Cables length of the shore, and good soft deep Oaze where ships may careen, or hale ashore: it flows 15 or 16 foot water up and down.

From Puna to Guiaquil is reckoned 7 leagues It is one league before you come to the River of Guiaquil s mouth, where it is above two mile wide; from thence upwards the River lies pretty streight, without any considerable turnings. Both sides of the River are low swampy Land, overgrown with Red Mangroves, so that there is no landing. Four mile before you come to the Town of Guiaquil there is a low Island standing in the River. This Island divides the River into two parts, making two very fair Channels for Ships to pass up and down. The S. W. Channel is the widest; the other is as deep, but narrower and narrower yet, by reason of many Trees and Bushes, which spread over the River, both from the Main and from the Island; and there are also several great stumps of Trees standing upright in the Water, on either side. The Island is above a mile long. From the upper part of the Island to the Town of Guiaquil is almost a league, and near as much from one side of the River to the other. In that spacious place Ships of the greatest burthen may [Page] ride afloat; but the best place for Ships is nearest to that part of the Land where the Town stands; and this place is seldom without Ships. Guiaquil stands facing the Island, close by the River, partly on the side, and partly at the foot of a gentle Hill declining towards the River, by which the lower part of it is often overflown. There are two Forts, one standing in the low ground, the other on the hill. This Town makes a very fine prospect, it being beautified with several Churches and other good Buildings. Here lives a Governor, who, as I have been informed, hath his Patent from the King of Spain. Guiaquil may be reckoned one of the chiefest Sea-Ports in the South Seas: The Commodities which are exported from hence are Cacao, Hides, Tallow, Sarsaparilla and other Drugs, and Woollen Cloath, commonly called Cloath of Quito.

The Cacao grows on both sides of the River above the Town. It is a small Nut, like the Campeachy Nut, I think the smallest of the two; they produce as much Cacao here as serves all the Kingdom of Peru; and much of it is sent to Acapulco, and from thence to the Phillipine Islands.

Sarsaparilla grows in the Water by the sides of the River, as I have been informed.

The Quito-cloath comes from a rich Town in the Country within land called Quito. There is a great deal made, both Serges and Broad-cloath. This Cloath is not very fine, but is worn by the common sort of people throughout the whole Kingdom of Peru. This, and all other commodities which come from Quito, are shipt off at Guiaquil for other parts; and all imported goods for the City of Quito pass by Guiaquil: by which it may appear that Guiaquil is a place of no mean trade.

Quito, as I have been informed, is a very populous City, seated in the heart of the Country. It is inhabited partly by Spaniards; but the major part of [Page] its Inhabitants are Indians, under the Spanish Government.

It is environ'd with Mountains of a vast heighth, from whose bowels many great Rivers have their rise. These Mountains abound in Gold, which by violent rains is wash'd with the Sand into the adjacent Brooks; where the Indians resort in Troops, washing away the Sand, and putting up the Gold-dust in their Calabashes or Gourd Shells: But for the manner of gatnering the Gold I refer you to Mr. Waffer's Book: Only I shall remark here, that Quito is the place in all the Kingdom of Peru that abounds most with this rich Metal, as I have been often informed.

The Country is subject to great Rains, and very thick Fogs, especially the Valleys. For that reason it is very unwholsome and sickly. The chiefest Distempers are Fevers, violent Head-ach, Pains in the Bowels, and Fluxes. I know no place where Gold is found but what is very unhealthy: as I shall more particularly relate when I come to speak of Achin in the Isle of Sumatra in the East Indies. Guiaquil is not so sickly as Quito and other Towns farther within Land; yet in comparison with the Towns that are on the Coast of Mare Pacifico, South of Cape Blanco, it is very sickly.

It was to this Town of Guiaquil that we were bound, therefore we left our Ships off Cape Blanco, and ran into the Bay of Guiaquil with our Bark and Canoas, steering in for the Island Santa Clara, where we arrived the next day after we left our Ships: and from thence we sent away two Canoas the next evening to Point Arena. At this Point there are abundance of Oysters, and other Shell-fish, as Cockles and Muscles; therefore the Indians of Puna often come hither to get these Fish. Our Canoas got over before day, and absconded in a Creek, to wait for the coming of the Puna Indians. The next morning [Page] some of them, according to their custom, came thither on Bark-logs, at the latter part of the Ebb, and were all taken by our Men. The next day, by their advice, the two Watchmen of the Indian Town Puna were taken by our Men, and all its Inhabitants, not one escaping. The next Ebb they took a small Bark laden with Quito-cloath. She came from Guiaquil that Tide, and was bound to Lima; they having advice that we were gone off the Coast, by the Bark which I said we saw while we lay at the Island Lobos. The Master of this Cloath-bark informed our Men, that there were three Barks coming from Guiaquil, laden with Negroes: He said they would come from thence the next Tide. The same Tide of Ebb that they took the Cloath-bark they sent a Canoa to our Bark, where the biggest part of the Men were, to hasten them away with speed to the Indian Town. The Bark was now riding at Point Arena; and the next Flood she came with all the Men and the rest of the Canoas to Puna. The Tide of Flood being now far spent, we lay at this Town till the last of the Ebb, and then rowed away, leaving 5 Men aboard our Bark, who were ordered to lye still till 8 a clock the next morning, and not to fire at any Boat or Bark; but after that time they might fire at any object: for it was supposed that before that time we should be Masters of Guiaquil. We had not rowed above two mile before we met, and took one of the three Barks laden with Negroes; the Master of her said, that the other two would come from Guiaquil the next Tide of Ebb. We cut her Main-Mast down and left her at an Anchor. It was now strong Flood, and therefore we rowed with all speed towards the Town, in hopes to get thither before the Flood was down, but we found it farther than we did expect it to be; or else our Canoas, being very full of Men, did not row so fast as we would have them. The day broke when we were two leagues [Page] from the Town, and then we had not above an hours Flood more; therefore our Captains desired the Indian Pilot to direct us to some Creek where we might abscond all day, which was immediately done, and one Canoa was sent towards Puna to our Bark, to order them not to move nor fire till the next day. But she came too late to countermand the first orders: for the two Barks before mentioned, laden with Negroes, came from the Town the last quarter of the evening Tide, and lay in the River, close by the shore on one side, and we rowed up on the other side and mist them; neither did they see nor hear us. Assoon as the Flood was spent, the two Barks weighed and went down with the Ebb, towards Puna. Our Bark, seeing them coming directly towards them, and both full of Men, supposed that we by some accident had been destroyed, and that the two Barks were mann'd with Spanish Soldiers, and sent to take our Ships, and therefore they fired three Guns at them a league before they came near. The two Spanish Barks immediately came to an anchor, and the Masters got into their Boats, and rowed for the shore; but our Canoa that was sent from us took them both. The firing of these 3 Guns made a great disorder among our advanced Men, for most of them did believe they were heard at Guiaquil, and that therefore it could be no profit to lye still in the Creek; but either row away to the Town, or back again to our Ships. It was now quarter Ebb: therefore we could not move upwards, if we had been dispos d so to do. At length Captain Davis said, he would immediately land in the Creek where they lay, and march directly to the Town, if but 40 Men would accompany him: and without saying more words, he landed among the Mangroves in the Marshes. Those that were so minded followed him, to the number of 40 or 50. Captain Swan lay still with the rest of the Party in the Creek, [Page] for they thought it impossible to do any good that way. Captain Davis and his Men were absent about 4 hours, and then returned all wet, and quite tired, and could not find any passage out into the firm Land. He had been so far, that he almost dispair'd of getting back again: for a Man cannot pass thro those Red Mangroves but with very much labour. When C. Davis was return d, we concluded to be going towards the Town the beginning of the next Flood; and if we found that the Town was alarm'd, we purposed to return again without attempting any thing there. Assoon as it was Flood we rowed away, and passed by the Island through the N. E. Channel, which is the narrowest. There are so many Stumps in the River, that it is very dangerous passing in the night (and that is the time we always take for such attempts) for the River runs very swift, and one of our Canoas stuck on a Stump, and had certainly overset, if she had not been immediately rescued by others. When we were come almost to the end of the Island, there was a Musquet fired at us out of the Bushes, on the Main. We then had the Town open before us, and presently saw lighted Torches, or Candles, all the Town over; whereas before the Gun was fired there was but one Light; therefore we now concluded we were discovered: Yet many of our Men said, that it was a Holiday the next day, as it was indeed, and that therefore the Spaniards were making Fireworks, which they often do in the night against such times. We rowed therefore a little farther, and found firm Land, and Captain Davis pitched his Canoa ashore and landed with his Men. Captain Swan, and most of his Men, did not think it convenient to attempt any thing, seeing the Town was alarm d; but at last, being upbraided with Cowardize, Captain Swan and his Men landed also. The place where we landed was about 2 mile from the Town: it was all overgrown with Woods [Page] so thick, that we could not march through in the night; and therefore we sat down, waiting for the light of the day. We had two Indian Pilots with us; one that had been with us a month, who having received some abuses from a Gentleman of Guiaquil, to be revenged offered his service to us, and we found him very faithful: the other was taken by us not above 2 or 3 days before, and he seemed to be as willing as the other to assist us. This latter was led by one of Captain Davis's men, who shewed himself very forward to go to the Town, and upbraided others with faint-heartedness: Yet this man (as he afterwards confessed) notwithstanding his Courage, privately cut the string that the Guide was made fast with, and let him go to the Town by himself, not caring to follow him; but when he thought the Guide was got far enough from us, he cried out that the Pilot was gone, and that some body had cut the Cord that tied him. This put every Man into a moving posture to seek the Indian, but all in vain; and our consternation was great, being in the dark and among Woods: so the design was wholly dashed, for not a Man after that had the heart to speak of going farther. Here we staid till day, and then rowed out into the middle of the River, where we had a fair view of the Town; which, as I said before, makes a very pleasant prospect. We lay still about half an hour, being a mile, or something better, from the Town. They did not fire one Gun at us, nor we at them. Thus our design on Guiaquil fail'd: yet Captain Townley, and Captain Francois Gronet took it a little while after this. When we had taken a full view of the Town we rowed over the River, where we went ashore to a Beef Estantion or Farm, and kill'd a Cow, which we drest and eat. We staid there till the evening Tide of Ebb, and then rowed down the River, and the 9th day in the morning arrived at Puna. In our [Page] way thither we went aboard the 3 Barks laden with Negroes, that lay at their Anchor in the River, and carry d the Barks away with us. There were 1000 Negroes in the 3 Barks, all lusty young men and women. When we came to Puna, we sent a Canoa to Point Arena, to see if the Ships were come thither. The 12th day she return d again, with tydings that they were both there at Anchor. Therefore in the afternoon we all went aboard of our Ships, and carry'd the Cloath-bark with us, and about 40 of the stoutest Negro men, leaving their 3 Barks with the rest; and out of these also Captain Davis and Captain Swan chose about 14 or 15 apiece, and turn d the rest ashore.

There was never a greater opportunity put into the hands of men to enrich themselves than we had; to have gone with these Negroes, and settled our selves at Santa Maria, on the Isthmus of Darien, and employed them in getting Gold out of the Mines there. Which might have been done with ease: For about 6 months before this, Captain Harris (who was now with us) coming over Land from the North Seas with his body of Privateers, had routed the Spaniards away from the Town and Gold-Mines of Santa Maria, so that they had never attempted to settle there again since: Add to this, that the Indian neighbourhood, who were mortal Enemies to the Spaniards, and had been flusht by their successes against them, through the assistance of the Privateers, for several years, were our fast friends, and ready to receive and assist us. We had, as I have said, 1000 Negroes to work for us, we had 200 Tun of Flower that lay at the Gallapagos, there was the River of Santa Maria, where we could careen and fit our Ships; and might fortifie the mouth so, that if all the strength the Spaniards have in Peru had come against us, we could have kept them out. If they lay with Guard-ships of strength to keep us [Page] in, yet we had a great Country to live in, and a great Nation of Indians that were our friends: Beside, which was the principal thing, we had the North Seas to befriend us; from whence we could export our selves, or effects, or import goods or men to our assistance; for in a short time we should have had assistance from all parts of the West Indies; many thousands of Privateers from Jamaica and the French Islands especially would have flockt over to us; and long before this time we might have been masters not only of th [...]se Mines, (the richest Gold-mines ever yet found in America) but of all the Coast as high as Quito: and much more than I say might then probably have been done.

But these may seem to the Reader but Golden Dreams: To leave them therefore; The 12th day we sail'd from Point Arena towards Plata, to seek our Bark that was sent to the Island Lobos, in search of Captain Eaton. We were 2 Ships in company, and two Barks: and the 16th day we arriv d at Plata, but found no Bark there, nor any Letter. The next day we went over to the Main to fill Water, and in our passage met our Bark: she had been a second time at the Island Lobos, and not finding us was coming to Plata again. They had been in some want of Provision since they left us, and therefore they had been at Santa Hellena, and taken it; where they got as much Maize as served them 3 or 4 days; and that, with some Fish and Turtle which they struck, lasted them till they came to the Island Lobos de Terra. They got Boobies and Penguins Eggs, of which they laid in a store; and went from thence to Lobos de la Mar, where they replenished their stock of Eggs, and salted up a few young Seal, for fear they should want: and being thus victualled, they returned again towards Plata. When our Water was fill'd we went over again to the Island Plata. There we parted the Cloths that were taken in the [Page] Cloath-bark into two Lots or Shares; Captain Davis and his Men had one part, and Captain Swan and his Men had the other part. The Bark which the Cloath was in Captain Swan kept for a Tender. At this time here were at Plata a great many large Turtle, which I judge came from the Gallapagos, for I had never seen any here before, tho I had been here several times: this was their coupling-time, which is much sooner in the year here than in the West Indies, properly so called. Our Strikers brought aboard every day more than we could eat. Captain Swan had no Striker, and therefore had no Turtle, but what was sent him from Captain Davis; and all his Flower too he had from Captain Davis: but since our disappointment at Guiaquil Captain Davis his Men murmured against Captain Swan, and did not willingly give him any Provision, because he was not so forward to go thither as Captain Davis. However, at last, these differences were made up, and we concluded to go into the Bay of Panama, to a Town called La Velia; but because we had not Canoas enough to land our Men, we were resolved to search some Rivers where the Spaniards have no commerce, there to get Indian Canoas.

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CHAP. VII.

They leave the Isle of Plata. Cape Passao. The Coast between that and Cape St. Francisco; and from thence on to Panama. The River of St. Jago. The Red and the White Cotton-tree. The Cabbage-tree. The Indians of St. Jago River, and its Neighbourhood. The Isle of Gallo. The River and Village of Tomaco. Isle of Gorgona. The Pearl-Oysters there and in other parts. The Land on the Main. Cape Corrientes. Point Garachina. Island Gallera. The Kings, or Pearl-Islands. Pacheque. St. Paul's Island. Lavelia. Nata. The Clamfish. Oysters. The pleasant Prospects in the Bay of Panama. Old Panama. The New City. The great Concourse there from Lima and Portobel, &c. upon the Arrival of the Spanish Armada in the West Indies. The Course the Armada takes: with an incidental Account of the first Inducements that made the Privateers undertake the passage over the Isthmus of Darien into the South Seas, and of the particular beginning of their Correspondence with the Indians that inhabit that Isthmus. Of the Air and Weather at Panama. The Isles of Perico. Tabago apleasant Island. The Mammee tree. The Village Tabago. A Spanish Stratagem or two, of Capt. Bond their Engineer. The Ignorance of the Spaniards of these parts in Sea Affairs. A Party of French Privateers arrive from over Land. Of the Commissions that are given [Page]out by the French Governour of Petit-Guavres. Of the Gulf of St. Michael, and the Rivers of Congos, Sambo, and Sta Maria; and an Error of the common Maps, in the placing Point Garachina and Cape St. Lorenzo, corrected. Of the Town and Gold Mines of Sta Maria; and the Town of Scuchadero. Capt. Townley's Arrival with some more English Privateers over Land. Jars of Pisco wine. A Bark of Capt. Knight's joins them. Point Garachina again. Porto de Pinas. Isle of Otoque. The Pacquet from Lima taken. Other English and French Privateers arrive. Chepelio, one of the sweetest Islands in the World. The Sapadillo, Avogato pear, Mammee Sappota, Wild Mammee. and Star-apple. Cheapo River and Town. Some Traversings in the Bay of Panama; and an account of the Strength of the Spanish Fleet, and of the Privateers, and the Engagement between them.

THE 23d day of December 1684, we sailed from the Island Plata towards the Bay of Panama. The Wind at S. S. E. a fine brisk gale, and fair weather. The next morning we past by Cape Passao. This Cape is in lat 00 d. 08 m. South of the Equator. It runs out into the Sea with a high round point, which seems to be divided in the midst. It is bald against the Sea, but within land, and on both sides, it is full of short Trees. The Land in the Country is very high and mountainous, and it appears to be very woody. Between Cape Passao and Cape Saint Francisco, the Land by the Sea is full of small Points, making as many little Sandy Bays between them; and is of an indifferent heighth, [Page] cover'd with Trees of divers sorts: So that sailing by this Coast you see nothing but a vast Grove or Wood; which is so much the more pleasant, because the Trees are of several forms, both in respect to their growth and colour.

Our design was, as I said in my last Chapter, to search for Canoas in some River where the Spaniards have neither Settlement nor Trade with the native Indians. We had Spanish Pilots, and Indians bred under the Spaniards, who were able to carry us into any Harbour or River belonging to the Spaniards, but were wholly unacquainted with those Rivers which are not frequented by the Spaniards. There are many such unfrequented Rivers between Plata and Panama: indeed all the way from the Line to the Gulf of St. Michaels, or even to Panama it self, the Coast is not inhabited by any Spaniards, nor are the Indians that inhabit there any way under their subjection: except only near the Isle Gallo, where on the banks of a Gold River or two there are some Spaniards who work there to find Gold.

Now our Pilots being at a loss on these less frequented Coasts, we supply'd that defect out of the Spanish Pilot books, which we took in their Ships: These we found by experience to be very good Guides. Yet nevertheless the Country in many places by the Sea being low, and full of openings, Creeks and Rivers, it is somewhat difficult to find any particular River that a man designs to go to, where he is not well acquainted.

This however could be no discouragement to us; for one River might probably he as well furnished with Indian Canoas as another; and if we found them, it was to us indifferent where; yet we pitcht on the River Saint Jago, not because there were not other Rivers as large and as likely to be inhabited with Indians as it; but because that River was not far from Gallo, an Island where our Ships could anchor [Page] safely and ride securely. We past by Cape St. Francisco meeting with great and continued Rains. The Land by the Sea, to the North of the Cape, is low and extraordinary woody; the Trees are very thick, and seem to be of a prodigious height and bigness. From Cape Saint Francisco the Land runs more Easterly into the Bay of Panama. I take this Cape to be its bounds on the South side, and the Isles of Cobaya or Quibo to bound it on the North side. Between this Cape and the Isle Gallo there are many large and navigable Rivers. We passed by them all till we came to the River St. Jago.

This River is near 2 d. North of the Equator. It is large and navigable some leagues up; and 7 leagues from the Sea it divides it self into two parts, making an Island that is 4 leagues wide against the Sea. The widest branch is that on the S. W. side of the Island. Both branches are very deep; but the mouth of the narrower is so choakt with sholes that at low water, even Canoas cannot enter. Above the Island it is a league wide, and the Stream runs pretty streight, and very swift. The Tide flows about 3 leagues up the River, but to what height I know not. Probably the River hath its original from some of the rich Mountains near the City of Quito, and it runs thro a Country, as rich in soil, as perhaps any in the world, especially when it draws within 10 or 12 leagues of the Sea. The Land there both on the Island, and on both sides of the River, is of a black deep Mold, producing extraordinary great tall Trees of many sorts, such as usually grow in these hot Climates. I shall only give an account of the Cotton and Cabbage-trees, whereof there is great plenty; and they are as large of their kinds as ever I saw.

There are two sorts of Cotton-trees, one is called the Red, the other the White Cotton-tree. The white Cotton-tree grows like an Oak, but generally [Page] much bigger and taller than our Oaks: The body is streight and clear from knots or boughs to the very head: there it spreads forth many great limbs just like an Oak. The Bark is smooth and of a grey colour: the Leaves are as big as a large Plumb Leaf, jogged at the edge; they are oval, smooth, and of a dark green colour. Some of these Trees have their bodies much bigger 18 or 20 foot high, than nearer the ground, being big-bellied like Nine-pins. They bear a very fine sort of Cotton, called Silk Cotton. When this Cotton is ripe the Trees appear like our Apple-trees in England, when full of Blossoms. If I do not mistake, the Cotton falls down in November, or December: then the ground is covered white with it. This is not substantial and continuous, like that which grows upon the Cotton-shrubs, in Plantations, but like the Down of Thistles; so that I did never know any use made of it in the West Indies, because it is not worth the labour of gathering it: but in the East Indies the Natives gather and use it for Pillows. It hath a small black Seed among it. The Leaves of this Tree fall off the beginning of April; while the old Leaves are falling off the young ones spring out, and in a weeks time the Tree casts off her old Robes, and is cloathed in a new pleasant garb. The red Cotton-tree is like the other, but hardly so big: it bears no Cotton, but its Wood is somewhat harder of the two, yet both sorts are soft spungy Wood, fit for no use that I know, but only for Canoas, which being streight and tall they are very good for; but they will not last long, especially if not drawn ashore often and tarred; otherwise the Worm and the Watersoon rot them. They are the biggest Trees, or perhaps Weeds rather, in the West Indies. They are common in the East and West Indies in good fat Land.

As the Cotton is the biggest Tree in the Woods, so the Cabbage-tree is the tallest: The Body is not [Page] very big, but very high and streight. I have measured one in the Bay of Campeachy 120 feet long as it lay on the ground, and there are some much higher. It has no Limbs nor Boughs, but at the head there are many Branches bigger than a mans Arm. These Branches are not covered, but flat, with sharp edges; they are 12 or 14 foot long. About 2 foot from the Trunk, the Branches shoot forth small long leaves, about an inch broad, which grow so regularly on both sides of the Branch, that the whole Branch seems to be but one Leaf, made up of many small ones. The Cabbage Fruit shoots out in the midst of these Branches, from the top of the Tree: It is invested with many young Leaves or Branches, which are ready to spread abroad, as the old Branches droop and fall down. The Cabbage it self when it is taken out of the Leaves which it seems to be folded in, is as big as the small of a mans Leg, and a foot long: It is as white as Milk, and as sweet as a Nut if eaten raw; and it is very sweet and wholesom if boiled. Besides, the Cabbage it self, there grow out between the Cabbage and the large Branches, small [...]wigs as of a Shrub, about two foot long from their Stump. At the end of those Twigs (which grow very thick together) there hang Berries, hard and round, and as big as a Cherry. These the Tree sheds every year, and they are very good for Hogs; for this reason the Spaniards fine any who shall cut down one of these in their Woods. The body of the Tree is full of rings round it, half a foot asunder from the bottom to the top. The Bark is thin and brittle; the Wood is black and very hard; the heart or middle of the Tree is white pith. They do not climb to get the Cabbage, but cut them down; for should they gather it off the Tree as it stands, yet its head being gone it soon dies. These Trees are much used by Planters in Jamaica, to board the sides of the Houses; [Page] for it is but splitting the Trunk into 4 parts with an Axe, and there are so many Planks. These Trees appear very pleasant, and they beautifie the whole Wood, spreading their green Branches above all other Trees.

All this Country is subject to very great Rains, so that this part of Peru pays for the dry weather which they have about Lima and all that Coast. I believe that is one reason why the Spaniards have made such small discoveries, in this and other Rivers on this Coast. Another reason may be because it lies not so directly in their way; for they do not Coast it a long in going from Panama to Lima, but first go West-ward as far as to the Keys or Isles of Cobaya, for a Westerly wind, and from thence stand over towards Cape St. Francisco, not touching any where [...], till they come to Manta near Cape St. Lorenzo. In their return indeed from Lima to Panama, they may keep along the Coast hereabouts; but then their Ships are always laden, whereas the light Ships that go from Panama, are most at leasure to make discoveries. A third reason may be, the wildness and enmity of all the Natives on this Coast, who are naturally fortified by their Rivers and vast Woods, from whence with their Arrows they can easily annoy any that shall land there to assault them. At this River particularly there are no Indians live within 6 leagues of the Sea, and all the Country so far is full of impassible Woods; so that to get at the Indians, or the Mines and Mountains, there is no way but by rowing up the River; and if any who are Enemies to the Natives attempt this, (as the Spaniards are always hated by them) they must all the way be exposed to the Arrows of those who would lye purposely in Ambush in the Woods for them. These wild Indians have small Plantations of Maiz, and good Plaintain-gardens; for Plant [...] are their chiefest food. They have also a few Fowls and Hogs.

[Page] It was to this River that we were bound, to seek for Canoas, therefore the 26th supposing our selves to be abrest of it, we went from our Ships with 4 Canoas. The 27th day in the morning we entered at half Flood into the smaller Branch of that River, and rowed up 6 leagues before we met any inhabitants. There we found two small Huts thatched with Palmeto Leaves. The Indians seeing us rowing towards their Houses, got their Wives and little ones, with their Houshold-stuff, into their Canoas, and paddled away faster than we could row; for we were forced to keep in the middle of the River because of our Oars, but they with their Paddles kept close under the Banks, and so had not the strength of the stream against them, as we had. These Huts were close by the River on the East side of it, just against the end of the Island. We saw a great many other Houses a league from us on the other side of the River; but the main stream into which we were now come, seemed to be so swift, that we were afraid to put over, for fear we should not be able to get back again. We found only a Hog, some Fowls and Plantains in the Huts: We killed the Hog and the Fowls, which were drest presently. Their Hogs they got (as I suppose) from the Spaniards by some accident, or from some Neighbouring Indians who converse with the Spaniards; for this that we took was of their European kind, which the Spaniards have introduced them into America very plentifully, especially into the Islands Jamaica, Hispaniola, and Cuba above all, being very largely stored with them; where they feed in the Woods in the day time, and at night come in at the sounding of a Conch-shell, and are put up in their Crauls or Pens, and yet some turn wild, which nevertheless are often decoyed in by the other, which being all marked, whenever they see an unmarked Hog in the Pen they know it [...] a wild one, and shoot him presently. [Page] These Crauls I have not seen on the Continent; where the Spaniards keep them tame at home. Among the Wild Indians, or in their Woods, are no Hogs, but Pecary and Warree, a sort I have mentioned before.

After we had refreshed our selves, we returned toward the mouth of the River. It was the evening when we came from thence, and we got to the Rivers mouth the next morning before day: Our Ships when we left them were order'd to go to Gallo, where they were to stay for us. Gallo is a small uninhabited Island, lying in between 2 and 3 Degrees North Lat. It lyeth in a wide Bay about 3 leagues from the mouth of the River Tomaco; and 4 leagues and half from a small Indian Village called Tomaco: The Island Gallo is of an indifferent heighth; it is cloathed with very good Timber Trees, and is therefore often visited with Barks from Guiaquil and other places: for most of the Timber carry d from Guiaquil to Lima, is first fetcht from Gallo. There is a Spring of good Water at the N. E. end: at that place there is a fine small Sandy Bay, where there is good landing. The road for Ships is against this Bay, where there is good secure riding in 6 or 7 fathom water; and here Ships may careen. It is but shole water all about this Island; yet there is a Channel to come in at, where there is not less than 4 fathom water: You must go in with the Tyde of Flood, and come out with Ebb, sounding all the way.

Tomaco is a large River that takes its Name from an Indian Village so called: It is reported to spring from the rich Mountains about Quito. It is thick inhabited with Indians; and there are some Spaniards that live there, who traffick with the Indians for Gold. It is shoal at the mouth of the River, yet Barks may enter.

[Page] The Village Tomaco is but small, and is seated not far from the mouth of the River. It is a place to entertain the Spanish Merchants that come to Gallo to load Timber, or to traffick with the Indians for Gold. At this place one Doleman, with 7 or 8 Men more, once of Capt. Sharp's Crew, were kill'd in the year 1680. From the branch of the River St. Jago, where we now lay, to Tomaco, is about 5 leagues; the Land low, and full of Creeks, so that Canoas may pass within Land through those Creeks, and from thence into Tomaco River.

The 28th day we left the River of St. Jago, crossing some Creeks in our way with our Canoas; and came to an Indian House, where we took the Man and all his Family. We staid here till the afternoon, and then rowed toward Tomaco, with the Man of this House for our Guide. We arrived at Tomaco about 12 a clock at night. Here we took all the Inhabitants of the Village, and a Spanish Knight, called Don Diego de Pinas. This Knight came in a Ship from Lima to lade Timber. The Ship was riding in a Creek about a mile off, and there were only one Spaniard and 8 Indians aboard. We went in a Canoa with 7 Men and took her; she had no Goods, but 12 or 13 Jars of good Wine, which we took out, and the next day let the Ship go. Here an Indian Canoa came aboard with three Men in her. These Men could not speak Spanish, neither could they distinguish us from Spaniards; the wild Indians usually thinking all white Men to be Spaniards. We gave them 3 or 4 Callabashes of Wine, which they freely drank. They were streight-bodied, and well limb'd Men, of a mean heighth; their Hair black, long visag'd, small Noses and Eyes; and were thin fac'd, ill look'd Men, of a very dark copper color. A little before night Captain Swan and all of us returned to Tomaco, and left the Vessel to the Seamen. The 31st day two of our Canoas, who had been [Page] up the River of Tomaco, returned back again to the Village. They had rowed 7 or 8 leagues up, and found but one Spanish House, which they were told did belong to a Lady who lived at Lima; she had Servants here that traded with the Indians for Gold; but they seeing our Men coming ran away: yet our Men found there several Ounces of Gold in Callabashes.

The first day of January 1685. we went from Tomaco towards Gallo. We carried the Knight with us and two small Canoas which we took there, and while we were rowing over, one of our Canoas took a Pacquet Boat that was sent from Panama to Lima. The Spaniards threw the Pacquet of Letters over board with a Line and a Buoy to it, but our Men seeing it took it up, and brought the Letters, and all the Prisoners aboard our Ships that were then at an anchor at Gallo. Here we staid till the 6th day reading the Letters, by which we understood that the Armada from Old Spain was come to Portabel; and that the President of Panama had sent this Pacquet on purpose to hasten the Plate Fleet thither from Lima.

We were very joyful of this News, and therefore sent away the Pacquet Boat with all her Letters; and we altered our former resolutions of going to Lavelia. We now concluded to careen our Ships as speedily as we could, that we might be ready to intercept this Fleet. The properest place that we could think on for doing it was among the Kings Islands or Pearl Keys, because they are near Panama, and all Ships bound to Panama from the Coast of Lima pass by them; so that being there we could not possibly miss the Fleet. According to these resolutions we sailed the next morning, in order to execute what we designed. We were 2 Ships and 3 Barks in Company, viz. Captain Davis, Captain Swan, a Fireship, and 2 small Barks, as Tenders; [Page] one on Captain Davis his Ship, the other on Captain Swan's. We weighed before day, and got out all but Captain Swan's Tender which never budged; for the men were all asleep when we went out, and the Tide of flood coming on before they waked, we were forced to stay for them till the next day.

The 8th day in the morning we descried a sail to the West of us; the Wind was at South, and we chased her, and before noon took her. She was a Ship of about 90 Tun laden with Flower; she came from Truxillio, and was bound to Panama. This Ship came very opportunely to us, for Flower began to grow scarce, and Captain Davis his men grudg'd at what was given to Captain Swan, who, as I said before, had none but what he had from Captain Davis.

We jogged on after this with a gentle gale towards Gorgonia, an Island lying about 25 leagues from the Island Gallo. The 9th day we anchored at Gorgonia, on the West side of the Island, in 38 fathom, clean ground, not 2 Cables length from the shore. Gorgonia is an uninhabited Island, in lat. about 3 degrees North: It is a pretty high Island, and very remarkable, by reason of 2 saddles, or risings and fallings on the top. It is about 2 leagues long, and a league broad; and it is 4 leagues from the Main: At the West-end is another small Island. The Land against the Anchoring place is low; there is a small sandy Bay and good landing. The Soil or Mold of it is black and deep, in the low ground, but on the side of the high Land it is a kind of a red clay. This Island is very well cloathed with large Trees of several sorts, that are flourishing and green all the year. It's very well watered with small Brooks that issue from the high Land. Here are a great many little black Monkeys, some Indian Conies, and a few Snakes, which are all the Land Animals that I know there. It is reported of this [Page] Island that it rains on every day in the year more or less; but that I can disprove: however it is a very wet Coast, and it rains abundantly here all the year long: There are but few fair days; for there is little difference in the seasons of the year between the wet and dry; only in that season which should be the dry time, the rains are less frequent and more moderate than in the wet season, for then it pours as out of a Sieve. It is deep water, and no anchoring any where about this Island, only at that West side: The Tyde riseth and falleth 7 or 8 foot up and down. Here are a great many Perewincles and Muscles to be had at low water. Then the Monkeys come down by the Sea side and catch them; digging them out of their Shells with their Claws.

Here are Pearl-Oysters in great plenty: They grow to the loose Rocks, in 4, 5, or 6 fathom water, by beards, or little small roots, as a Muscle: These Oysters are commonly flatter and thinner than other Oysters; otherwise much alike in shape. The fish is not sweet nor very wholsome; it is as slimy as a Shell-Snail: they taste very copperish, if eaten raw, and are best boyl'd. The Indians who gather them for the Spaniards, hang the meat of them on strings like Jews-ears, and dry them before they eat them. The Pearl is found at the head of the Oyster, lying between the meat and the shell. Some will have 20 or 30 small Seed-Pearl, some none at all, and some will have 1 or 2 pretty large ones. The inside of the shell is more glorious than the Pearl itfelf. I did never see any in the South Seas but here. It is reported there are some at the South end of Callifornia. In the West Indies, the Rancho Rejs, or Rancheria, spoken of in Chap. 3. is the place where they are found most plentifully. 'Tis said there are some at the Island Margarita, near St. Augustin, a Town in the Gulf of Florida, &c. In [Page] the East Indies. The Island Ainam, near the South end of China, is said to have plenty of these Oysters more productive of large round Pearl than those in other other places. They are found also in other parts of the East Indies, on the Persian Coast.

At this Island Gorgona we rummaged our Prize, and found a few Boxes of Marmalade, and 3 or 4 Jars of Brandy, which were equally shared between Captain Davis, Captain Swan, and their Men. Here we fill'd all our Water, and Captain Swan furnished himself with Flower; afterward we turned ashore a great many Prisoners, but kept the chiefest to put them ashore in a better place.

The 13th day we sailed from hence toward the Kings Islands. We were now 6 Sail, 2 Men of War, 2 Tenders, a Fireship, and the Prize. We had but little Wind, but what we had was the common Trade at South. The Land we sailed by on the Main is very low towards the Sea side, but in the Country there are very high Mountains.

The 16th day we passed by Cape Corrientes. This Cape is in lat. 5 d. 10 m. it is high bluff Land, with 3 or 4 small Hillocks on the top. It appears at a distance like an Island. Here we found a strong current running to the North, but whether it be always so I know not. The day after we passed by the Cape we saw a small white Island which we chased, supposing it had been a Sail, till coming near we found our error.

The 21st day we saw Point Garrachina. This Point is in lat 7 d. 20 m. North; it is pretty high Land, rocky, and destitute of Trees; yet within Land it is Woody. It is fenced with Rocks against the Sea. Within the Point, by the Sea, at low Water, you may find store of Oysters and Muscles.

The Kings Islands, or Pearl Keys, are about 12 leagues distant from this Point. Between Point Garqchina and them there is a small low flat barren Island, [Page] called Gallera, at which Captain Harris was sharing with his Men the Gold he took in his pillaging Sancta Maria, which I spake of a little before, when on a sudden 5 Spanish Barks, fitted out on purpose at Panama, came upon him; but he fought them so stoutly with one small Bark he had, and some few Canoas, boarding their Admiral particularly, that they were all glad to leave him. By this Island we anchored, and sent our Boats to the Kings Islands for a a good careening place.

The Kings Islands are a great many low woody Islands, lying N. W. by N. and S. E. by S. They are about 7 leagues from the Main, and 14 leagues in length; and from Panama about 12 leagues. Why they are called the Kings Islands I know not; they are sometimes, and mostly in Maps, called the Pearl Islands. I cannot imagin wherefore they are called so, for I did never see one Pearl Oyster about them, nor any Pearl Oyster Shells; but on the other Oysters I have made many a Meal there: The northermost Island of all this range is called Pacheca, or Pacheque. This is but a small Island, distant from Panama 11 or 12 leagues. The Southermost of them is called St. Pauls. Besides these two I know no more that are called by any particular name, though there are many that far exceed either of the two in bigness. Some of these Islands are planted with Plantains and Bonanas; and there are Fields of Rice on others of them. The Gentlemen of Panama, to whom they belong, keep Negroes there, to plant, weed, and husband the Plantations. Many of them, especially the largest, are wholly untill'd; yet very good fat Land, full of large Trees. These unplanted Islands shelter many Runaway Negroes, who abscond in the Woods all day, and in the night boldly pillage the Plantain Walks. Betwixt these Islands and the Main is a Channel of 7 or 8 leagues wide; there is good depth of Water, and good anchoring all the [Page] way. The Islands border thick on each other, yet they make many small narrow deep Channels, fit only for Boats to pass between most of them. At the S. E. end, about a league from St. Pauls Island, there is a good place for Ships to careen, or hale ashore. It is surrounded with the Land, and hath a good deep Channel on the North side to go in at. The tide riseth here about 10 foot perpendicular.

We brought our Ships into this place the 25th day, but were forced to tarry for a Spring Tide before we could have Water enough to clean them; therefore we first cleaned our Barks, that they might cruise before Panama, while we lay here. The 27th day our Barks being clean we sent them out with 20 Men in each. The fourth day after they returned with a Prize laden with Maiz, or Indian Corn, Salt Beef, and Fowls. She came from Lavelia and was bound to Panama. Lavelia is a Town we once designed to attempt. It is pretty large and stands on the Banks of a River on the North side of the Bay of Panama, 6 or 7 leagues from the Sea.

Nata is another such Town, standing in a Plain near another branch of the same River. In these Towns, and some others on the same Coast, they breed Hogs, Fowls, Bulls and Cows, and plant Maize purposely for the support of Panama, which is supplied with Provision mostly from other Towns and the neighbouring Islands.

The Beef and Fowl our Men took came to us in a good time, for we had eaten but little Flesh since we left the Island Plata. The Harbor where we careen'd was incompassed by three Islands, and our Ships rode in the middle. That on which we haled our Ships ashore was a little Island on the North side of the Harbor. The was a fine small sandy Bay, but all the rest of the Island was invironed with Rocks, on which at low Water we did use to gather Oysters, Clams, Muscles, and Limpits. The Clam is [Page] a sort of Oyster which grows so fast to the Rock, that there is no separating it from thence, therefore we did open it where it grows, and take out the Meat, which is very large, fat, and sweet. Here are a few common Oysters, such as we have in England; of which sort I have met with none in these Seas, but here, at Point Garachina, at Puna, and on the Mexican Coast, in the lat: of 23 d. North. I have a Manuscript of Mr. Teat, Captain Swan's chief Mate, which gives an account of Oysters plentifully found in Port St. Julian, on the East side and somewhat to the North of the Streights of Magellan: but there is no mention made of what Oysters they are. Here are some Guanoes, but we found no other sort of Land Animal. Here are also some Pigeons and Turtle-Doves. The rest of the Islands that incompass this Harbor had of all these sorts of Creatures. Our Men therefore did every day go over in Canoas to them to fish, fowl, or hunt for Guanoes; but having one Man surprized once by some Spaniards lying there in Ambush, and carried off by them to Panama, we were after that more cautious of straggling.

The 14th day of February 1685. we made an end of cleaning our Ship, fill'd all our Water, and stock'd our selves with Fire-wood. The 15th day we went out from among the Islands, and anchored in the Channel between them and the Main, in 25 fathom Water, fast oazy ground. The Plate Fleet was not yet arrived; therefore we intended to cruise before the City of Panama, which is from this place about 25 leagues. The next day we sailed towards Panama, passing in the Channel between the Kings Islands and the Main. It is very pleasant sailing here, having the Main on one side, which appears in divers forms. It is beautified with many small Hills cloathed with Woods of divers sorts of Trees, which are always green and flourishing. There are some few [Page] small high Islands within a league of the Main, scattering here and there one: These are partly woody, partly bare; and they, as well as the Main, appear very pleasant. The Kings Islands are on the other side of this Channel, and make also a very lovely prospect as you sail by them. These, as I have already noted, are low and flat, appearing in several shapes, according as they are naturally formed by many small Creeks and Branches of the Sea. The 16th day we anchored at Pacheque, in 17 fathom Water, about a league from the Island, and sailed from thence the next day with the Wind at N. N. E. directing our course towards Panama.

When we came abrest of Old Panama we anchored, and sent our Canoa ashore with our Prisoner Don Diego de Pinas, with a Letter to the Governor, to treat about an Exchange for our Man they had spirited away, as I said; and another Captain Harris left in the River of St. Maria the year before, coming over Land. Don Diego was desirous to go on this Errand in the name, and with the consent of the rest of our Spanish Prisoners; but by some accident he was killed before he got ashore, as we heard afterwards.

Old Panama was formerly a famous place, but it was taken by Sir Henry Morgan about the year 1673. and at that time great part of it was burned to ashes, and it was never re-edified since.

New Panama is a very fair City, standing close by the Sea, about 4 mile from the Ruines of the Old Town. It gives name to a large Bay which is famous for a great many navigable Rivers, some whereof are very rich in Gold; it is also very pleasantly sprinkled with Islands, that are not only profitable to their Owners, but very delightful to the Passengers and Seamen that sail by them; some of which I have already described. It is incompassed on the backside with a pleasant Country, which is full of small Hills and Valleys, beautified with many [Page] Groves and Spots of Trees, that appear in the Savannahs like so many little Islands. This City is incompassed with a high Stone Wall; the Houses are said to be of Brick. Their Roofs appear higher than the top of the City Wall. It is beautified with a great many fair Churches and Religious Houses, besides the President's House, and other eminent Buildings; which altogether make one of the finest objects that I did ever see, in America especially. There are a great many Guns on her Walls, most of which look toward the Land. They had none at all against the Sea, when I first entered those Seas with Captain Sawkins, Captain Coxon, Captain Sharp, and others; for till then they did not fear any Enemy by Sea: but since then they have planted Guns clear round. This is a flourishing City by reason it is a thorough-fair for all imported or exported Goods and Treasure, to and from all parts of Peru and Chili, whereof their Store-houses are never empty. The Road also is seldom or never without Ships. Besides, once in 3 years, when the Spanish Armada comes to Portobel, then the Plate Fleet also from Lima comes hither with the Kings Treasure and abundance of Merchant Ships full of Goods and Plate; at that time the City is full of Merchants and Gentlemen; the Seamen are busy in landing the Treasure and Goods, and the Carriers, or Caravan Masters, imployed in carrying it over land on Mules (in vast droves every day) to Portobel, and bringing back European Goods from thence: Though the City be then so full, yet during this heat of business there is no hiring of an ordinary Slave under a piece of Eight a day; Houses, also Chambers, Beds, and Victuals, are then extraordinary dear.

Now I am on this subject, I think it will not be amiss to give the Reader an account of the progress of the Armada from Old Spain, which comes thus every three years into the Indies. Its first arrival is [Page] at Cartagena, from whence, as I have been told, an Express is immediately sent over land to Lima, thro the Southern Continent, and another by Sea to Portobel, with two Pacquets of Letters, one for the Viceroy of Lima, the other for the Viceroy of Mexico. I know not which way that of Mexico goes after its arrival at Portobel, whether by Land or Sea: but I believe by Sea to La Vera Cruz. That for Lima is sent by Land to Panama, and from thence by Sea to Lima.

Upon mention of these Pacquets I shall digress yet a little further, and acquaint my Reader, that before my first going over into the South Seas with Captain Sharp (and indeed before any Privateers (at least since Drake and Oxengham) had gone that way which we afterwards went, except La Sound, a French Captain, who by Captain Wright's Instructions had ventured as far as Cheap. Town with a body of Men, but was driven back again) I being then on board Capt. Coxon, in company with 3 or 4 more Privateers, about 4 leagues to the East of Portobel, we took the Pacquets bound thither from Cartagena. We open'd a great quantity of the Merchants Letters, and found the Contents of many of them to be very surprizing, the Merchants of several parts of Old Spain thereby informing their Correspondents of Panama, and elsewhere, of a certain Prophecy that went about Spain that year, the tenour of which was, That there would be English Privateers that year in the West Indies, who would make such great Discoveries, as to open a door into the South Seas, which they supposed was fastest shut; and the Letters were accordingly full of cautions to their Friends to be very watchful and careful of their Coasts.

This Door they spake of we all concluded must be the passage over Land through the Country of the Indians of Darien, who were a little before this become our Friends, and had lately fallen out with the Spaniards, breaking off the Intercourse which for some [Page] time they'r had with them: and upon calling also [...] mind the frequent Invitations we had from those Indians a little before this time, to pass through their Country, and fall upon the Spaniards in the South Seas, we from henceforward began to entertain such thoughts in earnest, and soon came to a Resolution to make those Attempts which we afterwards did, with Capt. Sharp, Coxon, &c. So that the taking these Letters gave the first life to those bold Undertakings: and we took the advantage of the fears the Spaniards were in from that Prophecy, or probable Conjecture, or whatever it were; for we sealed up most of the Letters again; and sent them ashore to Portobel.

The occasion of this our late Friendship with those Indians was thus. About 15 years before this time Capt. Wright being cruising near that Coast, and going in among the Samballoes Isles to strike Fish and Turtle, took there a young Indian Lad as he was paddling about in a Canoa. He brought him aboard his Ship, and gave him the Name of John Gret, cloathing him, and intending to breed him among the English. But his Moskito Strikers, taking a fancy to the Boy, begg'd him of Captain Wright, and took him with them at their return into their own Country, where they taught him their Art, and he married a Wife among them, and learnt their Language, as he had done some broken English while he was with Captain Wright, which he improved among the Moskitoes, who corresponding so much with us, do all of them smatter English after a sort; but his own Language he had almost forgot. Thus he lived among them for many years; till about 6 or 8 months before our taking these Letters, Captain Wright being again among the Samballoes, took thence another Indian Boy about 10 or 12 years old; the Son of a Man of some account among those Indians; and wanting a Striker, he went away to the Moskito's Country, where he [Page] took in John Gret, who was now very expert at it. John Gret was much pleased to see a Lad there of his own Country, and it came into his mind to persuade Capt. Wright upon this occasion to endeavour a Friendship with those Indians; a thing our Privateers had long coveted, but never durst attempt, having such dreadful apprehensions of their Numbers and Fierceness: But John Gret offered the Captain that he would go ashore and negotiate the matter; who accordingly sent him in his Canoa till he was near the shore, which of a sudden was covered with Indians, standing ready with their Bows and Arrows. John Gret, who had only a Clout about his middle, as the fashion of the Indians is, leapt then out of the Boat, and swam, the Boat retiring a little way back; and the Indians ashore seeing him in that habit, and hearing him call to them in their own Tongue (which he had recovered by conversing with the Boy lately taken) suffered him quietly to land, and gathered all about to hear how it was with him. He told them particularly, that he was one of their Countrymen, and how he had been taken many years ago by the English, who had used him very kindly; that they were mistaken in being so much afraid of that Nation, who were not Enemies to them, but to the Spaniards: to confirm this he told them how well the English treated another young Lad of theirs, they had lately taken, such an ones Son; for this he had learnt of the Youth, and his Father was one of the company that was got together on the shore. He persuaded them therefore to make a League with these friendly people, by whose help they might be able to quell the Spaniards, assuring also the Father of the Boy, that if he would but go with him to the Ship, which they saw at anchor at an Island there (it was Golden Island, the Eastermost of the Samballoes, a place where there is good striking for Turtle) he should have his Son restored to him, [Page] and they might all expect a very kind Reception. Upon these assurances 20 or 30 of them went off presently, in 2 or 3 Canoas laden with Plantains, Bonanoes, Fowls, &c. and Captain Wright having treated them on board, went ashore with them, and was entertained by them, and Presents were made on each side. Captain Wright gave the Boy to his Father in a very handsom English Dress, which he had caused to be made purposely for him; and an Agreement was immediately struck up between the English and these Indians, who invited the English through their Country into the South Seas.

Pursuant to this Agreement, the English, when they came upon any such design, or for Traffick with them, were to give a certain signal which they pitcht upon, whereby they might be known. But it happen'd that Mr. La Sound, the French Captain spoken of a little before, being then one of Captain Wright's Men, learnt this Signal, and staying ashore at Petit-Guavres, upon Captain Wright's going thither soon after, who had his Commission from thence, he gave the other French there, such an account of the Agreement before mentioned, and the easiness of entring the South Seas thereupon, that he got at the head of about 120 of them, who made that unsuccessful attempt upon Cheapo, as I said; making use of the signal they had learnt for passing the Indians Country, who at that time could not distinguish so well between the several Nations of the Europeans, as they can since.

From such small beginnings arose those great stirs that have been since made all over the South Seas, viz. from the Letters we took, and from the Friendship contracted with these Indians by means of John Gret. Yet this Friendship had like to have been stifled in its Infancy; for within a few months after an English trading Sloop came on this Coast from Jamaica, and John Gret, who by this time had advanced himself [...] [Page] be a Grandee among these Indians, together with 5 or 6 more of that quality, went off to the Sloop in their long Gowns, as the Custom is for such to wear among them. Being received aboard they expected to find every thing friendly, and John Gret talkt to them in English; but these English Men, having no knowledge at all of what had happened, endeavoured to make them Slaves (as is commonly done); for upon carrying them to Jamaica they could have sold them for 10 or 12 pound a piece. But John Gret, and the rest, perceiving this, leapt all over board, and were by the others killed every one of them in the Water. The Indians on shore never came to the knowledge of it; if they had, it would have endangered our Correspondence. Several times after, upon our conversing with them, they enquired of us what was become of their Countrymen: but we told them we knew not, as indeed it was a great while after that we heard this story; so they concluded the Spaniards had met with them, and killed, or taken them.

But to return to the account of the progress of the Armada which we left at Cartagena: After an appointed stay there of about 60 days, as I take it, it goes thence to Portobel, where it lies 30 days, and no longer. Therefore the Viceroy of L [...]na on notice of the Armada's arrival at Cartagena, immediately sends away the Kings Treasure to Panama, where it is landed, and lies ready to be sent to Portobel upon the first News of the Armada's arrival there. This is the reason partly of their sending Expresses so early to Lima, that upon the Armada s first coming to Portobel, the Treasure and Goods may lye ready at Panama, to be sent away upon the Mules: and it requires some time for the Lima Fleet to unlade, because the Ships ride not at Panama, but at Perica, which are 3 small Islands 2 leagues from thence. The Kings Treasure is said to amount commonly to about 24000000 of Pieces of Eight; besides abundance of Merchants [Page] Money. All this Treasure is carried on Mules, and there are large Stables at both places to lodge them. Sometimes the Merchants to steal the Custom pack up Money among Goods, and send it to Venta de Crurzes on the River Chagre; from thence down the River and afterwards by Sea to Portobel: in which passage I have known a whole Fleet of Periago's and Canoas taken. The Merchants who are not ready to sail by the thirtieth day after the Armada's arrival are in danger to be left behind, for the Ships all weigh the 30th day precisely, and go to the Harbors Mouth: yet sometimes, on great importunity, the Admiral may stay a week longer; for it is impossible that all the Merchants should get ready, for want of Men. When the Armada departs from Portobel it returns again to Cartagena, by which time all the Kings Revenue which comes out of the Country is got ready there. Here also meets them again a great Ship called the Pattache, one of the Spanish Galeons, which before their first arrival at Cartagena goes from the rest of the Armada on purpose to gather the Tribute of the Coast, touching at the Margarita's, and other places in her way thence to Cartagena, as Punta de Guaira, Maracaybo, Rio de la Hacha, and Sancta Martha; and at all these places takes in Treasure for the King. After the set stay at Cartagena the Armada goes away to the Havana in the Isle of Cuba, to meet there the Flota, which is a small number of Ships that go to La Vera Cruz, and there takes in the effects of the City and Country of Mexico, and what is brought thither in the Ship which comes thither every year from the Philippine Islands; and having joined the rest at the Havana, the whole Armada sets sail for Spain through the Gulf of Florida. The Ships in the South Seas lye a great deal longer at Panama before they return to Lima. The Merchants and Gentlemen which come from Lima, stay as little time as they can at Portobel, which is at the best but a sickly place, and at this time is very full [Page] of men from all parts. But Panama, as it is not overcharg d with men so unreasonably as the other, tho very full, so it enjoys a good air, lying open to the Sea wind; which riseth commonly about 10 or 11 a clock in the morning, and continues till 8 or 9 a clock at night: then the Land wind comes, and blows till 8 or 9 in the morning.

There are no Woods nor Marshes near Panama, but a brave dry Champain land; not subject to fogs nor mists. The wet season begins in the latter end of May, and continues till November. At that time the Sea breezes are at S. S. W. and the Land winds at N. At the dry season the winds are most betwixt the E. N. E. and the North: Yet off in the Bay they are commonly at South; but of this I shall be more particular in my Chapter of Winds in the Appendix. The rains are not so excessive about Panama it self, as on either side of the Bay: yet in the months of June, July and August, they are severe enough. Gentlemen that come from Peru to Panama, especially in these months, cut their hair close, to preserve them from Fevers; for the place is sickly to them, because they come out of a Country which never hath any Rains or Fogs, but enjoys a constant serenity; but I am apt to believe this City is healthy enough to any other people. Thus much for Panama.

The 20th day we went and anchored within a league of the Islands Perico (which are only 3 little barren rocky Islands) in expectation of the President of Panama s Answer to the Letter, I said, we sent him by Don Diego; treating about exchange of Prisoners; this being the day on which he had given us his Parole to return with an Answer. The 21st day we took another Ba [...]k laden with Hogs, Fowl, Salt Beef, and Molossoes: she came from Lavelia and was going to Panama. In the afternoon we sent another Letter ashore by a young Mostiso (a mixt brood of Indians and Europeans) directed to the President, and 3 or 4 Copies [Page] of it to be dispersed abroad among the common People. This Letter, which was full of Threats, together with the young Man's managing the business, wrought so powerfully among the common People, that the City was in an uproar. The President immediately sent a Gentleman aboard, who demanded the Flower Prize that we took off of Gallo, and all the Prisoners, for the Ransom of our two Men: but our Captains told him they would exchange Man for Man. The Gentleman said he had not orders for that, but if we would stay till the next day he would bring the Governours answer. The next day he brought aboard our two Men, and had about 40 Prisoners in exchange.

The 24th day we run over to the Island Tabago. Tabago is in the Bay, and about 6 leagues South of Panama. It is about 3 mile long, and 2 broad, a high mountainous Island. On the North side it declines with a gentle descent to the Sea. The Land by the Sea is of a black Mold and deep; but toward the top of the Mountain it is strong and dry. The North side of this Island makes a very pleasant shew: it seems to be a Garden of Fruit inclosed with many high Trees; the chiefest Fruits are Plantains and Bonana's. They thrive very well from the foot to the middle of it; but those near the top are but small, as wanting moisture. Close by the Sea there are many Coco Nut Trees which make a very pleasant sight. Within the Coco Nut Trees there grow many Mammet Trees. The Mammet is a large, tall, and streight-bodied Tree, clean, without Knots or Limbs, for 60 or 70 foot, or more. The Head spreads abroad into many small Limbs, which grow pretty thick, and close together. The Bark is of a dark grey colour, thick and rough, full of large chops. The Fruit is bigger than Quince, it is round, and covered with a thick Rind, of a grey colour. When the Fruit is ripe the Rind is yellow and tough; and it will then peel [Page] off like Leather; but before it is ripe it is brittle: the Juice is then white and clammy; but when ripe not so. The ripe Fruit under the Rind is yellow as a Carret; and in the middle are two large rough Stones flat, and each of them much bigger than an Almond. The Fruit smells very well, and the taste is answerable to the smell. The S. W. end of the Island hath never been cleared, but is full of Fire-wood, and Trees of divers sorts. There is a very fine small Brook of fresh Water, that springs out of the side of the Mountain, and gliding through the Grove of Fruit-trees, falls into the Sea on the North side. There was a small Town standing by the Sea, with a Church at one end, but now the biggest part of it is destroyed by the Privateers. There is good anchoring right against the Town, about a mile from the shore, where you may have 16 or 18 fathom Water, soft oazy ground. There is a small Island close by the N. W. end of this called Tabogilla, which is a small Channel to pass between. There is another woody Island about a mile on the N. E. side of Tabago, and a good Channel between them: this Island hath no Name that ever I heard.

While we lay at Tabago we had like to have had a scurvy trick plaid us by a pretended Merchant from Panama, who came, as by stealth, to traffick with us privately; a thing common enough with the Spanish Merchants, both in the North and South Seas, notwithstanding the severe Prohibitions of the Governours; who yet sometimes connive at it, and will even trade with the Privateers themselves. Our Merchant was by agreement to bring out his Bark laden with Goods in the night, and we to go and anchor at the South of Perico. Out he came, with a Fireship instead of a Bark, and approached very near, haling us with the Watch word we had agreed upon. We suspecting the worst, call d to them to come to an anchor, and upon their not doing so fired at them: when immediately [Page] their Men going out into the Canoas set fire to their Ship, which blew up, and burnt close by us; so that we were forced to cut our Cables in all haste, and scamper away as well as we could.

The Spaniard was not altogether so politick in appointing to meet us at Perico, for there we had Sea-room; whereas had he come thus upon us at Tabago, the Land-wind bearing hard upon us as it did, we must either have been burnt by the Fireship, or upon loosing our Cables have been driven ashore: But I suppose they chose Perico rather for the Scene of their Enterprize, partly because they might there best sculk among the Islands, and partly because if their Exploit fail d, they could thence escape best from our Canoas to Panama, but 2 leagues off.

During this Exploit, Captain Swan (whose Ship was less than ours, and so not so much aim'd at by the Spaniards) lay about a mile off, with a Canoa at the Buoy of his Anchor, as fearing some Treachery from our pretended Merchant: and a little before the Bark blew up he saw a small Float on the Water, and as it appeared, a Man on it, making towards his Ship; but the Man dived, and disappeared of a sudden, as thinking probably that he was discovered.

This was supposed to be one coming with some combustible matter to have stuck about the Rudder. For such a trick Captain Sharp was served at Coquimbo, and his Ship had like to have been burnt by it, if by meer accident it had not been discovered: I was then aboard Captain Sharp's Ship. Captain Swan seeing the Blaze by us, cut his Cables as we did, his Bark did the like; so we kept under sail all the night, being more scared than hurt. The Bark that was on fire drove burning towards Tobago; but after the first blast she did not burn clear, only made a smother, for she was not well made, though Captain Bond had the framing and management of it.

[Page] This Captain Bond was he of whom I made mention in my 4th Chapter. He, after his being at the Isles of Cape Verd, stood away for the South Seas, at the instigation of one Richard Morton, who had been with Captain Sharp in the South Seas. In his way he met with Captain Eaton, and they two consorted a day or two: at last Morton went aboard of Captain Eaton, and perswaded him to lose Captain Bond in the night, which Captain Eaton did, Morton continuing aboard of Captain Eaton, as finding his the better Ship. Captain Bond thus losing both his Consort Eaton, and Morton his Pilot, and his Ship being but an ordinary Sailer, he despaired of getting into the South Seas; and he had plaid such tricks among the Caribbee Isles, as I have been informed, that he did not dare to appear at any of the English Islands. Therefore he perswaded his Men to go to the Spaniards, and they consented to do any thing that he should propose: so he presently steered away into the West Indies, and the first place where he came to an anchor was at Portobel. He presently declared to the Governour, that there were English Ships coming into the South Seas, and that if they questioned it, he offered to be kept a Prisoner till time should discover the truth of what he said; but they believed him, and sent him away to Panama, where he was in great esteem. This several Prisoners told us.

The Spaniards of Panama could not have fitted out their Fireship without this Captain Bond's assistance: for it is strange to say, how grossly ignorant the Spaniards in the West Indies, but especially in the South Seas, are of Sea-affairs. They build indeed good Ships; but this is a small matter: for any Ship of a good bottom will serve for these Seas on the South Coast. They rig their Ships but untowardly, have no Guns, but in 3 or 4 of the Kings Ships; and are as meanly furnished with Warlike Provisions, and as much at a loss for the making any Fireships, or other [Page] less usual Machines. Nay they have not the sence to have their Guns run within the sides upon their discharge, but have Platforms without for the Men to stand on to charge them; so that when we come near we can fetch them down with small shot out of our Boats. A main reason of this is, that the Native Spaniards are too proud to be Seamen, but use the Indians for all those Offices: one Spaniard, it may be, going in the Ship to command it, and himself of little more knowledge than those poor ignorant creatures: nor can they gain much Experience, seldom going far off to Sea, but coasting along the shores.

But to proceed: In the morning when it was light we came again to an anchor close by our Buoys, and strove to get our Anchors again; but our Buoy-Ropes being rotten, broke. While we were puzzling about our Anchors, we saw a great many Canoas full of Men pass between Tabago and the other Island. This put us into a new consternation: we lay still some time, till we saw that they came directly towards us, then we weighed and stood towards them: and when we came within hale, we found that they were English and French Privateers come out of the North Seas through the Isthmus of Darien. They were 280 Men, in 28 Canoas; 200 of them French, the rest English. They were commanded by Captain Gronet, and Captain Lequie. We presently came to an Anchor again, and all the Canoas came aboard. These Men told us, that there were 180 English Men more, under the Command of Captain Townley, in the Country of Darien, making Canoas (as these Men had been) to bring them into these Seas. All the English Men that came over in this Party were immediately entertain'd by Captain Davis and Captain Swan in their own Ships; and the French Men were ordered to have our Flower Prize to carry them, and Captain Gronet being the eldest Commander was to command them there; and thus they were all disposed of to their [Page] hearts content. Captain Gronet, to retalliate this kindness, offered Captain Davis and Captain Swan, each of them a new Commission from the Governor of Petit Guavres. It has been usual for many years past, for the Governor of Petit Guavres to send blank Commissions to Sea by many of his Captains, with orders to dispose of them to whom they saw convenient. Those of Petit-Guavres by this means making themselves the Sanctuary and Asylum of all People of desperate Fortunes; and increasing their own Wealth, and the Strength and Reputation of their Party thereby. Captain Davis accepted of one, having before only an old Commission, which fell to him by Inheritance at the decease of Captain Cook; who took it from Captain Thristian, together with his Bark, as is before mentioned. But Captain Swan refused it, saying he had an order from the Duke of York, neither to give offence to the Spaniards, nor to receive any affront from them; and that he had been injured by them at Baldivia, where they had kill'd some of his Men, and wounded several more; so that he thought he had a lawful Commission of his own to right himself. I never read any of these French Commissions while I was in these Seas, nor did I then know the import of them: but I have learnt since, that the Tenour of them is, to give a Liberty to fish, fowl, and hunt. The occasion of this is, that the Island of Hispaniola, where the Garrison of Petit-Guavres is, belongs partly to the French, and partly to the Spaniards; and in time of Peace these Commissions are given as a Warrant to those of each side to protect them from the adverse Party: but in effect the French do not restrain them to Hispaniola, but make them a pretence for a general ravage in any part of America, by Sea or Land.

Having thus disposed of our Associates, we intended to sail towards the Gulf of St. Michael, to seek Captain Townley; who by this time we thought [Page] might be entring into these Seas. Accordingly the second day of March, 1685. we sail'd from hence towards the Gulf of St. Michael. This Gulf lyes near 30 leagues from Panama, toward the S. E. The way thither from Panama is, to pass between the Kings Islands and the Main. It is a place where many great Rivers having finished their courses are swallowed up in the Sea. It is bounded on the S. with Point Garachina, which lyeth in North lat. 6d. 40 m. and on the North side with Cape St. Lorenzo. Where, by the way, I must correct a gross error in our common Maps; which giving no name at all to the South Cape, which yet is the most considerable, and is the true Point Garachina; do give that name to the North Cape, which is of small remark, only for those whose business is into the Gulf: and the name St. Lorenzo, which is the true name of this Northern Point, is by them wholly omitted; the name of the other Point being substituted into its place. The chief Rivers which run into this Gulf of St. Michael, are Santa Maria, Sambo, and Congos. The River Congos (which is the River I would have perswaded our men to have gone up, as their nearest way in our Journey over Land, mentioned Chap. 1.) comes directly out of the Country, and swallows up many small Streams that fall into it from both sides; and at last loseth itself on the North side of the Gulf, a league within Cape St. Lorenzo. It is not very wide, but deep, and navigable some leagues within land. There are Sands without it; but a Channel for Ships. 'Tis not made use of by the Spaniards, because of the neighbourhood of Santa Maria River; where they have most business on account of the Mines.

The River of Sambo seems to be a great River, for there is a great tyde at its mouth; but I can say nothing more of it, having never been in it. This River falls into the Sea on the South side of the Gulf, [Page] near Point Garachina. Beyond the mouth of these 2 Rivers on either side, the Gulf runs in towards the Land somewhat narrower, and makes 5 or 6 small Islands, which are cloathed with great Trees, green and flourishing all the year, and good Channels between the Islands. Beyond which further in still, the shore on each side closes so near, with 2 Points of low Mangrove Land, as to make a narrow or streight, scarce half a mile wide. This serves as a mouth or entrance to the inner part of the Gulf, which is a deep Bay 2 or 3 leagues over every way, and about the East end thereof are the mouths of several Rivers, the chief of which is that of Santa Maria. There are many outlets or Creeks besides this narrow place I have described, but none navigable beside that. For this reason, the Spanish Guard-Ship, mention'd in Chap. 1. chose to lye between these two Points, as the only passage they could imagine we should attempt; since this is the way that the Privateers have generally taken, as the nearest, between the North and South Seas. The River of Santa Maria is the largest of all the Rivers of this Gulf: It is navigable 8 or 9 leagues up; for so high the tyde flows. Beyond that place the River is divided into many Branches, which are only fit for Canoas. The tyde rises and falls in this River about 18 foot.

About 6 leagues from the Rivers mouth, on the South side of it, the Spaniards about 20 years ago, upon their first discovery of the Gold Mines here, built the Town Santa Maria, of the same name with the River. This Town was taken by Captain Coxon, Captain Harris, and Captain Sharp, at their entrance into these Seas; it being then but newly built. Since that time it is grown considerable; for when Captain Harris, the Nephew of the former, took it (as is said in Chap. 6.) he found in it all sorts of Tradesmen, with a great deal of Flower, and Wine, and [Page] abundance of Iron Crows and Pickaxes. These were Instruments for the Slaves to work in the Gold Mines; for besides what Gold and Sand they take up together, they often find great lumps, wedg d between the Rocks, as if it naturally grew there. I have seen a lump as big as a Hens Egg, brought by Captain Harris from thence, (who took 120 pound there) and he told me that there were lumps a great deal bigger: but these they were forc'd to beat in pieces that they might divide them. These lumps are not so solid, but that they have crevises and pores full of Earth and Dust. This Town is not far from the Mines, where the Spaniards keep a great many Slaves to work in the dry time of the year: but in the rainy season when the Rivers do overflow, they cannot work so well. Yet the Mines are so nigh the mountains, that as the Rivers soon rise, so they are soon down again; and presently after the rain is the best searching for Gold in the Sands: for the violent rains do wash down the Gold into the Rivers, where much of it settles to the bottom and remains. Then the Native Indians who live hereabouts get most; and of them the Spaniards buy more Gold than their Slaves get by working. I have been told that they get the value of 5 Shillings a day, one with another. The Spaniards withdraw most of them with their Slaves, during the wet season, to Panama. At this Town of St. Maria, Captain Townley was lying with his Party, making Canoas, when Captain Gronet came into the Seas; for it was then abandoned by the Spaniards.

There is another small new Town at the mouth of the River called the Scuchaderoes: It stands on the North side of the open place, at the mouth of the River of St. Maria, where there is more air than at the Mines, or at Santa Maria Town, where they are in a manner stifled with heat for want of air.

[Page] All about these Rivers, especially near the Sea, the Land is low, it is deep black Earth, and the Trees it produceth are extraordinary large and high. Thus much concerning the Gulf of St. Michael, whit'er we were bound.

The second day of March, as is said before, we weighed from Perico, and the same night we anchored again at Pacheque. The third day we sailed from thence, steering towards the Gulf. Captain Swan undertook to fetch off Captain Townly and his Men: therefore he kept near the Main; but the rest of the Ships stood nearer the Kings Islands. Captain Swan desired this office, because he intended to send Letters over-land by the Indians to Jamaica, which he did; ordering the Indians to deliver his Letters to any English Vessel in the other Seas. At 2 a clock we were again near the place where we clean'd our Ships. There we saw two Ships coming out, who pro [...]d to be Captain Townly and his Men. They were coming out of the River in the night, and took 2 Barks bound for Panama: the one was laden with Flower, the other with Wine, Brandy, Sugar, and Oyl. The Prisoners that he took declared, that that the Lima Fleet was ready to sail. We went and anchored among the Kings Islands, and the next day Captain Swan returned out of the River of Santa Maria, being informed by the Indians, that Captain Townley was come over to the Kings Islands. At this place Captain Townley put out a great deal of his Goods to make room for his Men. He distributed his Wine and Brandy, so [...]e to every Ship, that it might be drunk out; because he wanted the Jars to carry Water in. The Spaniards in these Seas carry all their Wine, Brandy, and Oyl in Jars that hold 7 or 8 Gallons. When they lade at Pisco (a place about 40 leagues to the Southward of Lima, and famous for Wine) they bring nothing else but Jars of Wine, and they s [...]ow one tier on the top of another [Page] so artificially, that we could hardly do the like without breaking them: yet they often carry in this manner 1500 or 2000, or more in a Ship, and seldom break one. The 10th day we took a small Bark that came from Guiaquil: she had nothing in her but Ballast. The 12th day there came an Indian Canoa out of the River of Santa Maria, and told us, that there were 300 English and French men more coming over Land from the North Seas. The 15th day we met a Bark, with 5 or 6 English men in her, that belonged to Captain Knight, who had been in the South Seas 5 or 6 months, and was now on the Mexican Coast. There he had spied this Bark; but not being able to come up with her in his Ship, he detach'd these 5 or 6 Men in a Canoa, who took her, but when they had done could not recover their own Ship again, losing company with her in the night; and therefore they came into the Bay of Panama, intending to go over land back into the North Seas, but that they luckily met with us: for the Isthmus of Darien was now become a common Road for Privateers to pass between the North and South Seas at their pleasure. This Bark of Captain Knight's had in her 40 or 50 Jars of Brandy: she was now commanded by Mr. Henry More; but Captain Swan, intending to promote Captain Harris, caused Mr. More to be turned out, alledging that it was very likely these Men were run away from their Commander. Mr. More willingly resigned her, and went aboard of Captain Swan, and became one of his Men.

It was now the latter end of the dry season here; and the Water at the Kings, or Pearl Islands, (of which there was plenty when we first came hither) was now dried away. Therefore we were forced to go to Point Garachina, thinking to water our Ships there. Captain Harris, being now Commander of the new Bark, was sent into the River [Page] of Santa Maria, to see for those Men that the Indians told us of, whilst the rest of the Ships sailed towards Point Garachina; where we arriv'd the 21st day, and anchored 2 mile from the Point, and found a strong Tide running out of the River Sambo. The next day we run within the Point, and anchored in 4 fathom at low water. The Tide riseth here 8 or 9 foot: the Flood sets N. N. E. the Ebb S. S. W. The Indians that inhabit in the River Sambo came to us in Canoas, and brought Plantains and Bonanoes. They could not speak, nor understand Spanish; therefore I believe they have no Commerce with the Spaniards. We found no fresh Water here neither; so we went from hence to Port Pinas, which is 7 leagues S. by W. from hence.

Porto Pinas lieth in lat. 7 d. North. It is so called because there are many Pine-trees growing there. The Land is pretty high, rising gently as it runs into the Country. This Country near the Sea is all covered with pretty high Woods: the Land that bounds the Harbor is low in the middle, but high and rocky at both sides. At the mouth of the Harbor there are 2 small high Islands, or rather barren Rocks. The Spaniards in their Pilot Books commend this for a good Harbour; but it lieth all open to the S. W. Winds, which frequentlly blow here in the wet season: besides, the Harbor within the Islands is a place of but small extent, and hath a very narrow going in; what depth of Water there is in the Harbor I know not.

The 25th day we arrived at this Harbor of Pines, but did not go in with our Ships, finding it but an ordinary place to lye at. We sent in our Boats to search it, and they found a stream of good Water running into the Sea: but there were such great swelling surges came into the Harbor, that we could not conveniently fill our Water there. [Page] The 26th day we returned to Point Garachina again. In our way we took a small Vessel laden with Cacao: she came from Guiaquil. The 29th day we arrived at Point Garachina There we found Captain Harris, who had been in the River of Santa Maria; but he did not meet the Men that he went for. Yet he was informed again by the Indians, that they were making Canoas in one of the branches of the River of Santa Maria. Here we shared our Cacao lately taken.

Because we could not fill our Water here, we designed to go to Tabago again, where we were sure to be supplied. Accordingly, on the 30th day we set sail, being now 9 Ships in company; and had a small Wind at S. S. E. The first day of April, being in the Channel between the Kings Islands and the Main, we had much Thunder, Lightning, and some Rain: This evening we anchored at the Island Pacheque, and immediately sent 4 Canoas before us to the Island Tabago, to take some Prisoners for information, and we followed the next day. The 3d day in the evening we anchored by Perica, and the next morning went to Tabago: where we found our 4 Canoas. They arrived there in the night, and took a Canoa that came (as is usual) from Panama for Plantains. There were in the Canoa 4 Indians and a Mulata. The Mulata, because he said he was in the Fireship that came to burn us in the night, was immediately hang'd. These Prisoners confirmed, that one Captain Bond, an English man, did command her.

Here we fill'd our Water, and cut Fire-wood; and from hence we sent 4Canoas over to the Main, with one of the Indians lately taken to guide them to a Sugar-work; for now we had Cacao we wanted Sugar to make Chocolate. But the chiefest of their business was to get Coppers; for each Ship having now so many Men, our Pots would [Page] not boil Victuals fast enough, though we kept them boiling all the day. About 2 or 3 days after they returned aboard with 3 Coppers.

While we lay here Captain Davis his Bark went to the Island Otoque. This is another inhabited Island in the Bay of Panama, not so big as Tabago, yet there are good Plantain Walks on it, and some Negroes to look after them. These Negroes rear Fowls and Hogs for their Masters, who live at Panama; as at the Kings Islands. It was for some Fowls or Hogs that our Men went thither; but by accident they met also with an Express, that was sent to Panama with an account, that the Lima Fleet was at Sea. Most of the Letters were thrown over board and lost; yet we found some that said positively, that the Fleet was coming with all the strength that they could make in the Kingdom of Peru; yet were ordered not to fight us, except they were forced to it: (though afterwards they chose to fight us, having first landed their Treasure at Lavelia) and that the Pilots of Lima had been in consultation what course to steer to miss us.

For the satisfaction of those who may be curious to know, I have here inserted the Resolutions taken by the Commitee of Pilots, as one of our company translated them, out of the Spanish of two of the Letters we took. The first Letter as follows.

SIR,

HAving been with his Excellency, and heard the Letter of Captain Michael Sanches de Tena read; wherein he says, there should be a meeting of the Pilots of Panama in the said City, they say tis not time, putting for objection the Gallapagoes; to which I answered, that it was fear of the Enemy, and that they might well go that way. I told this to his Excellency, who was pleased to command me to write the Course, which is as follows.

[Page] The day for sailing being come, go forth to the West South West; from that to West till you are forty leagues off at Sea; then keep at the same distance to the N. W. till you come under the Line: from whence the Pilot must shape his Course for Moro de Porco, and for the Coast of Lavelia and Natta: where you may speak with the people, and according to the information they give you may keep the same Course for Otoque, from thence to Tabago, and so to Panama: this is what offers as to the Course.

The Letter is obscure: but the Reader must make what he can of it. The Directions in the other Letter were to this Effect.

THE surest Course to be observed going forth from Malabrigo, is thus: you must sail W. by S. that you may avoid the sight of the Islands of Lobos; and if you should chance to see them, by reason of the Breezes, and should fall to Leeward of the Lat. of Malabrigo, keep on a Wind as near as you can, and if necessary, go about, and stand in for the shore: then tack and stand off, and be sure keep your Latitude; and when you are 40 leagues to the Westward of the Islands Lobos, keep that distance, till you come under the Line; and then, if the general Wind follows you farther, you must sail N. N. E. till you come into 3 degrees North. And if in this Lat. you should find the breezes, make it your business to keep the Coast, and so sail for Panama. If in your course you should come in sight of the Land before you are abrest of Cape St. Francisco, be sure to stretch off again out of sight of Land, that you may not be discovered by the Enemy.

The last Letter supposes the Fleet's setting out from Malabrigo, in about 8 deg. South Lat. (as the other doth its going immediately from Lima, 4 deg. further South) and from hence is that caution given of avoiding Lobos, as near Malabrigo in their [Page] usual way to Panama, and hardly to be kept out of sight, as the Winds are thereabouts: yet to be avoided by the Spanish Fleet at this time, because as they had twice before heard of the Privateers lying at Lobos de la Mar, they knew not but at that time we might be there in expectation of them.

The 10th day we sailed from Tabago towards the Kings Islands again, because our Pilots told us, that the Kings Ships did always come this way. The 11th day we anchored at the place where we careen'd. Here we found Captain Harris, who had gone a second time into the River of Santa Maria, and fetched the body of Men that last came over land, as the Indians had informed us: but they fell short of the number they told us of. The 19th day we sent 250 Men in 15 Canoas to the River Cheapo, to take the Town of Cheapo. The 21st day all our Ships, but Captain Harris, who staid to clean his Ship, followed after. The 22d day we arrived at the Island Chepelio.

Chepelio is the pleasantest Island in the Bay of Panama: It is but 7 leagues from the City of Panama, and a league from the Main. This Island is about 2 mile long, and almost so broad: it is low on the North side, and riseth by a small ascent towards the South side. The Soil is yellow, a kind of clay. The high side is stony; the low Land is planted with all sorts of delicate Fruits, viz. Sapadilloes, Avogato-pears, Mammees, Mammee-Sappota's, Star-apples, &c. The middle of the Island is planted with Plantain Trees, which are not very large, but the Fruit extraordinary sweet.

The Sapadillo Tree is as big as a large Pear-tree. The Fruit much like a Bergamo-pear, both in colour, shape and size; but on some Trees the Fruit is a little longer. When it is green or first gathered, the juice is white and clammy, and it will stick like glew; then the Fruit is hard, but after it hath been [Page] gathered 2 or 3 days, it grows soft and juicy, and then the juice is clear as Spring-water, and very sweet: In the midst of the Fruit are 2 or 3 black stones or seeds, about the bigness of the Pumkin seed. This is an excellent Fruit.

The Avogato Pear-tree is as big as most Pear-trees, and is commonly pretty high; the skin or bark black and pretty smooth; the leaves large, of an oval shape, and the Fruit as big as a large Lemon. It is of a green colour, till it is ripe, and then it is a little yellowish. They are seldom fit to eat till they have been gathered 2 or 3 days; then they become soft, and the skin or rind will peel off. The substance in the inside is green, or a little yellowish, and as soft as Butter. Within the substance there is a stone as big as a Horse-plumb. This Fruit hath no taste of its self, and therefore 'tis usually mixt with Sugar and Lime-juice, and beaten together in a Plate, and this is an excellent dish. The ordinary way is to eat it with a little Salt and a rosted Plantain, and thus a man that's hungry, may make a good meal of it. It is very wholsome eaten any way. It is reported that this Fruit provokes to lust, and therefore is said to be much esteemed by the Spaniards; and I do believe they are much esteemed by them, for I have met with plenty of them in many places in the North Seas, where the Spaniards are settled, as in the Bay of Campechy, on the Coast of Cartagena, and the Coast of Carraccos; and there are some in Jamaica, which were planted by the Spaniards, when they possessed that Island.

The Mammee-Sappota Tree is different from the Mammee described at the Isle of Tabago in this Chapter. It is not so big or so tall, neither is the Fruit so big or so round. The rind of the Fruit is thin and brittle; the inside is a deep red, and it has a rough flat long stone. This is accounted the principal [Page] Fruit of the West Indies. It is very pleasant and wholsome. I have not seen any of these on Jamaica; but in many places in the West Indies among the Spaniards. There is another sort of Mammee-tree, which is called the wild Mammee: This bears a Fruit which is of no value, but the Tree is streight, tall, and very tough, and therefore principally used for making Masts.

The Star Apple Tree grows much like the Quince Tree, but much bigger. It is full of leaves, and the leaf is broad, of an oval shape, and of a very dark green colour. The Fruit is as big as a large Apple, which is commonly so covered with leaves, that a man can hardly see it. They say this is a good Fruit; I did never taste any, but have seen both of the Trees and Fruit in many places on the Main, on the North side of the Continent, and in Jamaica. When the Spaniards possest that Island they planted this and other sorts of Fruit, as the Sapadillo, Avoga [...]o Pear, and the like; and of these Fruits there is still in Jamaica in those Plantations that were first settled by the Spaniards, as at the Angels, at 7 mile Walk, and 16 mile Walk. There I have seen these Trees which were planted by the Spaniards, but I did never see any improvement made by the English, who seem in that little curious. The Road for Ships is on the North side, where there is good anchoring half a mile from the shore. There is a Well close by the Sea on the North side, and formerly there were 3 or 4 Houses close by it, but now they are destroyed. This Island stands right against the mouth of the River Cheapo.

The River Cheapo springs out of the Mountains near the North side of the Country, and it being penn'd up on the South side by other Mountains, bends its course to the Westward between both, till finding a passage on the S. W. it makes a kind of a half circle: and being swell'd to a considerable [Page] bigness, it runs with a slow motion into the Sea, 7 leagues from Panama. This River is very deep and about a quarter of a mile broad: but the mouth of it is choaked up with Sands, so that no Ships can enter, but Barks may. There is a small Spanish Town of the same name within 6 leagues of the Sea: it stands on the left hand going from the Sea. This is it which I said Captain La Sound attempted. The Land about it is champion, with many small Hills cloathed with Weeds; but the biggest part of the Country is Savannah. On the South side of the River it is all wood-land for many leagues together. It was to this Town that our 250 Men were sent. The 24th day they returned out of the River, having taken the Town without any opposition: but they found nothing in it. By the way going thither they took a Canoa, but most of the Men escaped ashore upon one of the Kings Islands: She was sent out well appointed with armed Men to watch our motion. The 25th day Captain Harris came to us, having cleaned his Ship. The 26th day we went again toward Tabago; our Fleet now, upon Captain Harris joining us again, consisted of 10 Sail. We arrived at Tabago the 28th day: there our Prisoners were examined concerning the strength of Panama; for now we thought our selves strong enough for such an Enterprize, being near 1000 Men. Out of these, on occasion, we could have landed 900: but our Prisoners gave us small Encouragement to it, for they assured us, that all the strength of the Country was there, and that many Men were come from Portobel, besides its own Inhabitants, who of themselves were more in number than we. These reasons, together with the strength of the place (which hath a high Wall) deterr'd us from attempting it. While we lay here at Tabago some of our men burnt the Town on the Island.

[Page] The 4th of May we failed hence again bound for the Kings Islands; and there we continu'd cruising from one end of these Islands to the other: till on the 22d day Captain Davis and Captain Gronet went to Pacheque, leaving the rest of the Fleet at anchor at St. Pauls Island. From Pacheque we sent 2 Canoas to the Island Chepelio, in hopes to get a Prisoner there. The 25th day our Canoas return'd from Chepelio, with three Prisoners which they took there: They were Sea-men belonging to Panama, who said that provision was so scarce and dear there, that the poor were almost starved; being hindred by us from those common and daily supplies of Plantains, which they did formerly injoy from the Islands; especially from those two of Chepelio and Tabago. That the President of Panama had strictly ordered, that none should adventure to any of the Islands for Plantains: but necessity had obliged them to trespass against the Presidents Order. They farther reported, that the Fleet from Lima was expected every day; for it was generally talked that they were come from Lima: and that the report at Panama was, that King Charles 2d of England was dead, and that the Duke of York was crowned King. The 27th day Captain Swan and Captain Townly also came to Pacheque, where we lay: but Captain Swan s Bark was gone in among the Kings Islands for Plantains. The Island Pacheque, as I have before related, is the northermost of the Kings Islands. It is a small low Island about a league round. On the South side of it there are 2 or 3 small Islands, neither of them half a mile round. Between Pacheque and these Islands is a small channel not above 6 or 7 paces wide, and about a mile long. Through this Captain Townly made a bold run, being prest hard by the Spaniards in the fight I am going to speak of, though he was ignorant whether there was a sufficient depth of Water or not. On the East side [Page] of thiss Channel all our Fleet lay waiting for the Lima Fleet, which we were in hopes would come this way.

The 28th day we had a very wet morning, for the Rains were come in, as they do usually in May, or June, sooner or later; so that May is here a very uncertain month. Hitherto, till within a few days, we had had good fair weather, and the Wind at N. N. E. but now the weather was altered, and the Wind at S. S. W.

However about eleven a clock it cleared up, and we saw the Spanish Fleet about 3 leagues W. N. W. from the Island Pacheque, standing close on a Wind to the Eastward; but they could not fetch the Island by a league. We were riding a league S. E. from the Island, between it and the Main; only Captain Gronet was about a mile to the Northward of us near the Island: he weighed so soon as they came in sight, and stood over for the Main; and we lay still, expecting when he would tack and come to us: but he took care to keep himself out of harms way.

Captain Swan and Townly came aboard of Captain Davis to order how to engage the Enemy, who we saw came purposely to fight us, they being in all 14 Sail, besides Periagoes, rowing with 12 and 14 Oars apiece. Six Sail of them were Ships of good force: first the Admiral 48 Guns, 450 Men; the Vice-Admiral 40 Guns, 400 Men; the Rear-Admiral 36 Guns, 360 Men; a Ship of 24 Guns, 300 Men; one of 18 Guns, 250 Men; and one of eight Guns, 200 Men; 2 great Fireships, 6 Ships only with small Arms, having 800 Men on board them all; besides 2 or 3 hundred Men in Periagoes. This account of their strength we had afterwards from Captain Knight, who being to the Windward on the Coast of Peru, took Prisoners, of whom he had this information, being what they brought [Page] from Lima. Besides these Men, they had also some hundreds of Old Spain Men that came from Portobel, and met them at Lavelia, from whence they now came: and their strength of Men from Lima was 3000 Men, being all the strength they could make in that Kingdom; and for greater security they had first landed their Treasure at Lavelia.

Our Fleet consisted of 10 Sail: first Captain Davis 36 Guns, 156 Men, most English; Captain Swan 16 Guns, 140 Men, all English: These were the only Ships of force that we had; the rest having none but small Arms. Captain Townly had 110 men, all English. Captain Gronet 308 men, all French. Captain Harris 100 men, most English. Captain Branly 36 men; some English some French. Davis his Tender 8 men; Swans Tender 8 men; Townlys Bark 80 men; and a small Bark of thirty Tuns made a Fireship, with a Canoas crew in her. We had in all 960 men. But Captain Gronet came not to us till all was over, yet we were not discouraged at it, but resolved to fight them; for being to Windward of the Enemy, we had it at our choice, whether we would fight or not. It was 3 a clock in the afternoon when we weighed, and being all under sail, we bore down right afore the wind on our Enemies, who kept close on a wind to come to us; but hight came on without any thing, beside the exchanging of a few shot on each side. When it grew dark the Spanish Admiral put out a light, as a signal for his Fleet to come to an Anchor. We saw the light in the Admirals top, which continued about half an hour, and then it was taken down. In a short time after we saw the light again, and being to Windward we kept under sail, supposing the light had been in the Admirals top; but as it proved, this was only a stratagem of theirs; for this light was put out the second time at one of their Barks Topmast-head, and [Page] then she was sent to Leeward; which deceived us: for we thought still the Light was in the Admirals top, and by that means thought ourselves to windward of them.

In the morning therefore, contrary to our expectation, we found they had got the Weather-gage of us, and were coming upon us with full Sail: so we ran for it, and after a running Fight all day, and having taken a turn almost round the Bay of Panama, we came to an anchor again at the Isle of Pacheque, in the very same place from whence we set out in the morning.

Thus ended this days work, and with it all that we had been projecting for 5 or 6 months: when instead of making our selves Masters of the Spanish Fleet and Treasure, we were glad to escape them; and owed that too, in a great measure, to their want of courage to pursue their advantage.

The 30th day in the morning when we looked out we saw the Spanish Fleet all together 3 leagues to Leeward of us at an anchor. It was but little wind till 10 a clock, and then sprung up a small breeze at South, and the Spanish Fleet went away to Panama. What loss they had I know not; we lost but one Man: and having held a consult, we resolved to go to the Keys of Quibo or Cobaya, to seek Captain Harris, who was forced away from us in the Fight: that being the place appointed for our Rendezvous upon any such accident. As for Gronet, he said his Men would not suffer him to join us in the Fight: but we were not satisfied with that excuse; so we suffer'd him to go with us to the Isles of Quiboa, and there cashier'd our cowardly Campanion. Some were for taking from him the Ship which we had given him: but at length he was suffered to keep it with his Men, and we sent them away in it to some other place.

[Page]

CHAP. VIII.

They set out from Tabago, Isle of Chuche. The Mountain called Moro de Porcos. The Coast to the Westward of the Bay of Panama. Isles of Quibo, Quicaro, Rancheria. The Palma-Maria-tree. The Isles Canales and Cantarras. They build Canoas for a New Expedition; and take Puebla Nova. Captain Knight joins them. Canoas how made. The Coast and Winds between Quibo and Nicoya. Volcan Vejo again. Tornadoes. and the Sea rough. Ria Lexa Harbour. The City of Leon taken and burnt. Ria Lexa Creek; the Town and Commodities: the Guava-fruit, and Prickle-Pear: A Ransom paid honourably upon Parole: The Town burnt. Captain Davis and others go off for the South Coast. A contagious Sickness at Ria Lexa. Terrible Tornadoes. The Volcan of Guatimala: the rich Commodities of that Country, Indico, Otta or Anatta, Cochineel, Silvester. Drift Wood, and Pumice Stones. The Coast further on to the North-west. Captain Townley's fruitless Expedition towards Tecoantepeque. The Island Tangola, and neighbouring Continent. Guatulco Port. The Buffadore, or Water spout. Ruins of Guatulco Village. The Coast adjoining. Captain Townly marches to the River Capalita. Turtle at Guatulco. An Indian Settlement. The Vinello Plant and Fruit.

ACcording to the Resolutions we had taken, we set out June the 1st, 1685. passing between [Page] Point Garachina and the Kings Islands. The Wind was at S. S. W. rainy weather, with Tornadoes of Thunder and Lightning. The 3d day we passed by the Island Chuche, the last remainder of the Isles in the Bay of Panama. This is a small, low, round, woody Island, uninhabited; lying 4 leagues S. S. W. from Pacheca.

In our passage to Quibo Captain Branly lost his Main-Mast; therefore he and all his Men left his Bark, and came aboard Captain Davis his Ship. Captain Swan also sprung his Maintop Mast, and got up another; but while he was doing it, and we were making the best of our way, we lost sight of him, and were now on the North side of the Bay; for this way all Ships must pass from Panama, whether bound towards the Coast of Mexico or Peru. The 10th day we passed by Moro de Porcos, or the Mountain of Hogs. Why so called I know not: it is a high round Hill on the Coast of Lavelia.

This side of the Bay of Panama runs out westerly to the Islands of Quibo; there are on this Coast many Rivers and Creeks, but none so large as those on the South side of the Bay. It is a Coast that is partly mountainous, partly low land, and very thick of Woods bordering on the Sea; but a few leagues within land it consists mostly of Savannahs, which are stock'd with Bulls and Cows. The Rivers on this side are not wholly destitute of Gold, though not so rich as the Rivers on the other side of the Bay. The Coast is but thinly inhabited, for except the Rivers that lead up to the Towns of Nata and Lavelia, I know of no other Settlement between Panama and Puebla Nova. The Spaniards may travel by land from Panama through all the Kingdom of Mexico, as being full of Savannahs; but towards the Coast of Peru they cannot pass further than the River Cheapo; the Land there being so full of thick Woods, and watered with so many [Page] great Rivers, besides less Rivers and Creeks, that the Indians themselves who inhabit there cannot travel far without much trouble.

We met with very wet weather in our Voyage to Quibo; and with S. S. W. and sometimes S. W. Winds, which retarded our course. It was the 15th day of June when we arrived at Quibo, and found there Captain Harris whom we sought. The Island Quibo or Cabaya is in lat. 7d. 14m. North of the Equator. It is about 6 or 7 leagues long, and 3 or 4 broad. The Land is low, except only near the N. E. end. It is all over plentifully stored with great tall flourishing Trees of many sorts; and there is good water on the East and North East sides of the Island. Here are some Deer, and plenty of pretty large black Monkies, whose Flesh is sweet and wholsome: besides a few Guanoes, and some Snakes. I know no other sort of Land Animal on the Island. There is a shole runs out from the S. E. point of the Island, half a mile into the Sea; and a league to the North of this shole point, on the East side, there is a Rock about a mile from the shore, which at the last quarter ebb appears above Water. Besides these two places there is no danger on this side, but Ships may run within a quarter of a mile of the shore, and anchor in 6, 8, 10, or 12 fathom, good clean Sand and Oaze.

There are many other Islands lying some on the S. W. side, others on the N. and N. E. sides of this Island; as the Island Quicaro, which is a pretty large Island S. W. of Quibo, and on the North of it is a small Island called the Ranoheria; on which Island are plenty of Palma-Maria Trees. The Palma-Maria is a tall straight-bodied Tree, with a small Head, but very unlike the Palm-tree, notwithstanding the Name. It is greatly esteemed for making Masts, being very tough, as well as of a good length; for the grain of the Wood runs not straight [Page] along it, but twisting gradually about it. These Trees grow in many places of the West Indies, and are frequently used both by the English and Spaniards there for that use. The Islands Canales and Cantarras, are small Islands lying on the N. E. of Rancheria. These have all Channels to pass between, and good anchoring about them; and they are as well stored with Trees and Water as Quibo. Sailing without them all, they appear to be part of the Main The Island Quibo is the largest and most noted; for although the rest have Names, yet they are seldom used only for distinction sake: these, and the rest of this knot, passing all under the common name of the Keys of Quibo. Captain Swan gave to several of these Islands the Names of those English Merchants and Gentlemen who were Owners of his Ship.

June 16th Captain Swan came to an anchor by us: and then our Captains consulted about new methods to advance their fortunes: and because they were now out of hopes to get any thing at Sea, they resolved to try what the Land would afford. They demanded of our Pilots what Towns on the Coast of Mexico they could carry us to. The City of Leon being the chiefest in the Country (any thing near us) though a pretty way within Land, was pitcht on. But now we wanted Canoas to land our Men, and we had no other way but to cut down Trees, and make as many as we had occasion for: these Islands affording plenty of large Trees fit for our purpose. While this was doing we sent 150 Men to take Puebla Nova (a Town upon the Main near the innermost of these Islands) to get Provision: It was in going to take this Town that Captain Sawkins was killed, in the year 1680, who was succeeded by Sharp. Our Men took the Town with much ease; although there was more strength of Men than when Captain Sawkins was kill'd. They returned again the 24th day, but got [Page] no Provision there. They took an empty Bark in their way, and brought her to us.

The 5th day of July Captain Knight, mentioned in my last Chapter, came to us. He had been cruising a great way to the Westward, but got nothing beside a good Ship. At last, he went to the South-ward, as high as the Bay of Guiaquil, where he took a Bark-log, or pair of Bark-logs as we call it, laden chiefly with Flower. She had other Goods, as Wine, Oyl, Brandy, Sugar, Soap, and Leather of Goats-skins; and he took out as much of each as he had occasion for, and then turned her away again. The Master of the Float told him, that the Kings Ships were gone from Lima towards Panama: that they carried but half the Kings Treasure with them, for fear of us, although they had all the strength that the Kingdom could afford: that all the Merchant Ships which should have gone with them were laden and lying at Payta, where they were to wait for further orders. Captain Knight having but few Men did not dare to go to Payta, where, if he had been better provided he might have taken them all; but he made the best of his way into the Bay of Panama, in hopes to find us there inriched with the Spoils of the Lima Fleet; but coming to the Kings Islands he had advice by a Prisoner, that we had ingaged with their Fleet, but were worsted, and since that made our way to the Westward; and therefore he came hither to seek us. He presently consorted with us, and set his Men to work to make Canoas. Every Ships company made for themselves, but we all helped each other to launch them; for some were made a mile from the Sea.

The manner of making a Canoa is, after cutting down a large long Tree, and squaring the upper-most side, and then turning it upon the flat side, to shape the opposite side for the bottom. Then again [Page] they turn her, and dig the inside; boring also three holes in the bottom, one before, one in the middle, and one aloft, thereby to gage the thickest of the bottom; for otherwise we might cut the bottom thinner than is convenient. We left the bottoms commonly about 3 inches thick, and the sides 2 inches thick below, and one and an half at the top. One or both of the ends we sharpen to a point.

Captain Davis made two very large Canoas: one was 36 foot long, and 5 or 6 feet wide; the other 32 foot long, and near as wide as the other. In a months time we finished our business and were ready to sail. Here Captain Harris went to lay his Ship aground to clean her, but she being old and rotten fell in pieces: and therefore he and all his Men went aboard of Captain Davis and Captain Swan. While we lay here we struck Turtle every day, for they were now very plentiful: but from August to March here are not many. The 18th day of July, John Rose, a Frenchman, and 14 Men more, belonging to Captain Gronet, having made a new Canoa, came in her to Captain Davis, and desired to serve under him; and Captain Davis accepted of them, because they had a Canoa of their own.

The 20th day of July we sailed from Quibo, bending our course for Ria Lexa, which is the Port for Leon, the City that we now designed to attempt. We were now 640 men in 8 sail of Ships, Commanded by Captain Davis, Captain Swan, Captain Townly, and Captain Knight, with a Fireship and 3 Tenders, which last had not a constant crew. We past out between the River Quibo and the Rancheria, leaving Quibo and Quicaro on our Larboard side, and the Rancheria, with the rest of the Islands, and the Main, on our Starboard side. The Wind at first was at South South West, We coasted along shore passing by the Gulf of Nicoya, the Gulf of Dulce, and by the Island Caneo. All this Coast is low Land, [Page] overgrown with thick Woods, and there are but few inhabitants near the shore. As we sailed to the Westward we had variable winds, sometimes S. W. and at W. S. W. and sometimes at E. N. E. but we had them most commonly at S. W.; we had a Tornado or two every day, and in the evening or in the night, we had land winds at N. N. E.

The 8th day of August, being in the lat. of 11 d. 20 m. by observation, we saw a high Hill in the Country, towring up like a Sugar-loaf, which bore N. E. by N. We supposed it to be Volcan Vejo, by the smoak which ascended from its top; therefore we steered in North, and made it plainer, and then knew it to be that Volcan, which is the Sea-mark for the harbour for Ria Lexo; for, as I said before, in Chapter the 5th, it is a very remarkable Mountain. When we had brought this Mountain to bear N. E. we got out all our Canoas, and provided to embark into them the next day.

The 9th day in the morning, being about 8 leagues from the shore, we left our Ships under the charge of a few men, and 520 of us went away in 31 Canoas, rowing towards the Harbour of Ria Lexa. We had fair Weather and little Wind till 2 a clock in the afternoon, then we had a Tornado from the shore, with much Thunder, Lightning and Rain, and such a gust of Wind, that we were all like to be founder d. In this extremity we put right afore the Wind, every Canoas crew making what shift they could to avoid the threatning danger. The small Canoas being most light and buoyant, mounted nimbly over the Surges, but the great heavy Canoas lay like logs in the Sea, ready to be swallowed by every foaming billow. Some of our Canoas were half full of water, yet kept two men constantly heaving it out. The fierceness of the Wind continued about half an hour, and abated by degrees; and as the Wind died away, so [Page] the fury of the Sea abated: For in all hot Countries as I have observed, the Sea is soon raised by the Wind, and as soon down again when the Wind is gone, and therefore it is a proverb among the Sea-men, Up Wind, up Sea: Down Wind, down Sea. At 7 a clock in the evening it was quite calm, and the Sea as smooth as a Mill-pond. Then we tugg'd to get into the shore, but finding we could not do it before day, we rowed off again to keep our selves out of sight. By that time it was day, we were 5 leagues from the Land, which we thought was far enough off shore. Here we intended to lye till the evening, but at 3 a clock in the afternoon we had another Tornado, more fierce than that which we had the day before. This put us in greater peril of our lives, but did not last so long. As soon as the violence of the Tornado was over, we rowed in for the shore, and entered the Harbour in the night: The Creek which leads towards Leon, lieth on the S. E. side of the Harbour. Our Pilot being very well acquainted here, carried us into the mouth of it, but could carry us no farther till day, because it is but a small Creek, and there are other Creeks like it. The next morning as soon as it was light, we rowed into the Creek, which is very narrow; the Land on both sides lying so low, that every tide it is overflown with the Sea. This sort of Land produceth red Mangrove-trees, which are here so plentiful and thick, that there is no passing thro them. Beyond these Mangroves on the firm Land close by the side of the River, the Spaniards have built a Brestwork, purposely to hinder an Enemy from landing. When we came in sight of the Brestwork, we rowed as fast as we could to get ashore: The noise of our Oars allarmed the Indians who were set to watch, and presently they ran away towards the City of Leon, to give notice of our approach. We landed as soon as we could, and [Page] marched after them: 470 men were drawn out to march to the Town, and I was left with 59 men more to stay and guard the Canoas till their return.

The City of Leon is 20 mile up in the Country: The way to it plain and even, through a champion Country, of long grassy Savannahs, and spots of high Woods. About 5 mile from the landing place there is a Sugar work, 3 mile farther there is another, and 2 mile beyond that, there is a fine River to ford, which is not very deep, besides which, there is no water in all the way, till you come to an Indian Town, which is 2 mile before you come to the City, and from thence it is a pleasant straight sandy way to Leon. This City stands in a plain not far from a high peeked Mountain, which oftentimes casts forth fire and smoak from its top. It may be seen at Sea, and it is called the Volcan of Leon. The Houses of Leon are not high built, but strong and large, with Gardens about them. The Walls are Stone, and the covering of Pan-tile: There are 3 Churches and a Cathedral, which is the head Church in these parts. Our Countryman Mr Gage, who travelled in these parts, recommends it to the World as the pleasantest place in all America, and calls it the Paradice of the Indies. Indeed if we consider the advantage of its situation, we may find it surpassing most places, for health and pleasure, in America, for the Country about it is of a sandy Soil, which soon drinks up all the Rain that falls, to which these parts are much subject. It is incompassed with Savannahs; so that they have the benefit of the breezes coming from any quarter, all which makes it a very healthy place. It is a place of no great Trade, and therefore not rich in money. Their wealth lies in their Pastures, and Cattle, and Plantations of Sugar. It is said that they make Cordage here of Hemp, but if they have any such Manufactory, it is at some distance [Page] from the Town, for here is no sign of any such thing.

Thither our men were now marching; they went from the Canoas about 8 a clock. Captain Townly with 80 of the briskest men marched before, Captain Swan with 100 men marched next, and Captain Davis with 170 men marched next, and Captain Knight brought up the Rear. Captain Townly, who was near 2 mile a head of the rest, met about 70 Horsemen 4 mile before he came to the City, but they never stood him. About 3 a clock Captain Townly only with his 80 men entered the Town, and was briskly charged in a broad street, with 170 or 200 Spanish Horsemen, but 2 or 3 of their Leaders being knock d down, the rest fled. Their foot consisted of about 500 men, which were drawn up in the Parade; for the Spaniards in these parts make a large square in every Town, tho the Town it self be small. This Square is calcled the Parade: commonly the Church makes one side of it, and the Gentlemens Houses with their Galleries about them the other. But the Foot also seeing their Horse retire, left an empty City to Captain Townly; beginning to save themselves by flight. Captain Swan came in about 4 a clock, Captain Davis with his men about 5, and Captain Knight with as many men as he could incourage to march, came in about 6, but he left many men tired on the road; these, as is usual, came dropping in one or two at a time, as they were able. The next morning the Spaniards kill d one of our tired men; he was a stout old Grey-headed man, aged about 84, who had served under Oliver in the time of the Irish Rebellion; after which he was at Jamaica, and had followed Privateering ever since. He would not accept of the offer our men made him to tarry ashore, but said he would venture as far as the best of them: and when surrounded [Page] by the Spaniards he refused to take quarter, but discharged his Gun amongst them, keeping a Pistol still charged, so they shot him dead at a distance. His name was Swan; he was a very merry hearty old man, and always used to declare he would never take quarter: But they took Mr. Smith, who was tired also; he was a Merchant belonging to Captain Swan, and being carried before the Governour of Leon, was known by a Mulatta woman that waited on him. Mr. Smith had lived many years in the Canaries, and could speak and write very good Spanish, and it was there this Mulatto woman remembred him. He being examined how many men we were, said 1000 at the City and 500 at the Canoas, which made well for us at the Canoas, who straggling about every day might easily have been destroyed. But this so daunted the Governour, that he did never offer to molest our men, although he had with him above 1000 men as Mr. Smith guessed. He sent in a Flag of Truce about noon, pretending to ransom the Town rather than let it be burnt, but our Captains demanded 300000 pieces of eight for its ransom, and as much provision as would victual 1000 men 4 months, and Mr. Smith to be ransomed for some of their Prisoners; but the Spaniards did not intend to ransom the Town, but only capitulated day after day to prolong time till they had got more men. Our Captains therefore, considering the distance that they were from the Canoas, resolved to be marching down. The 14th day in the morning they ordered the City to be set on fire, which was presently done, and then they came away: but they took more time in coming down than in going up. The 15th day in the morning the Spaniards sent in Mr. Smith, and had a Gentlewoman in exchange. Then our Captains sent a Letter to the Governor, to acquaint him, that they intended [Page] next to visit Ria Lexa, and desired to meet him there: they also released a Gentleman on his promise of paying 150 Beefs for his Ransom, and to deliver them to us at Ria Lexa; and the same day our Men came to their Canoas: where having staid all night, the next morning we all entered our Canoas, and came to the Harbour of Ria Lexa, and in the afternoon our Ships came thither to an anchor.

The Creek that leads to Ria Lexa lyeth from the N. W. part of the Harbour, and it runs in Northerly. It is about 2 leagues from the Island in the Harbours mouth to the Town; 2 thirds of the way it is broad, then you enter a narrow deep Creek, bordered on both sides with Red Mangrove Trees, whose limbs reach almost from one side to the other. A mile from the mouth of the Creek it turns away West. There the Spaniards have made a very strong Brestwork, fronting towards the mouth of the Creek, in which were placed 100 Soldiers to hinder us from landing: and 20 yards below that Brestwork there was a Chain of great Trees placed cross the Creek, so that 10 Men could have kept off 500 or 1000.

When we came in sight of the Brestwork we fired but two Guns, and they all ran away: and we were afterwards near half an hour cutting the Boom or Chain. Here we landed, and marched to the Town of Rio Lexo, or Rea Lejo, which is about a mile from hence. This Town stands on a Plain by a small River. It is a pretty large Town with 3 Churches, and an Hospital that hath a fine Garden belonging to it: besides many large fair Houses, they all stand at a good distance one from another, with Yards about them. This is a very sickly place, and I believe hath need enough of an Hospital; for it is seated so nigh the Creeks and Swamps, that it is never free from a noisom smell. The Land about it is a strong yellow Clay: yet [Page] where the Town stands it seems to be Sand. Here are several sorts of Fruits, as Guavo's, Pine-apples, Melons, and Prickle Pears. The Pine-apple and Melon are well known.

The Guava Fruit grows on a hard scrubbed Shrub, whose Bark is smooth and whitish, the branches pretty long and small, the leaf somewhat like the leaf of a Hazel, the fruit much like a Pear, with a thin rind; it is full of small hard seeds, and it may be eaten while it is green, which is a thing very rare in the Indies: for most Fruit, both in the East or West Indies, is full of clammy, white, unsavory juice, before it is ripe, though pleasant enough afterwards. When this Fruit is ripe it is yellow, soft, and very pleasant. It bakes as well as a Pear, and it may be coddled, and it makes goodPies. There are of divers sorts different in shape, taste, and colour. The inside of some is yellow, of others red. When this Fruit is eaten green it is binding, when ripe it is loosening.

The Prickle-pear, Bush, or Shrub, of about 4 or 5 foot high, grows in many places of the West Indies, as at Jamaica, and most other Islands there; and on the Main in several places. This prickly Shrub delights most in barren sandy grounds; and they thrive best in places that are near the Sea: especially where the Sand is saltish. The Tree, or Shrub, is 3 or 4 foot high, spreading forth several branches; and on each branch 2 or 3 leaves. These leaves (if I may call them so) are round, as broad every way as the palm of a man's hand, and as thick; their substance like Houseleek: these leaves are fenced round with strong Prickles above an inch long. The Fruit grows at the farther edge of the leaf: it is as big as a large Plumb, growing small near the leaf, and big towards the top, where it opens like a Medlar. This Fruit at first is green like the leaf, from whence it springs with small Prickles [Page] about it: but when ripe it is of a deep red colour. The inside is full of small black seeds, mixt with a certain red Pulp like thick Syrup: it is very pleasant in taste, cooling, and refreshing; but if a Man eats 15 or 20 of them they will colour his Water, making it look like blood. This I have often experienced, yet found no harm by it.

There are many Sugar-works in the Country, and Estantions or Beef Farms: There is also a great deal of Pitch, Tar, and Cordage, made in the Country, which is the chief of their Trade. This Town we approached without any opposition, and found nothing but empty Houses; besides such things as they could not, or would not, carry away, which were chiefly about 500 Packs of Flower, brought hither in the great Ship that we left at Amapalla, and some Pitch, Tar, and Cordage. These things we wanted, and therefore we sent them all aboard. Here we received 150 Beefs, promised by the Gentleman that was released coming from Leon; besides, we visited the Beef Farms every day, and the Sugar-works, going in small companies of 20 or 30 Men, and brought away every Man his load: for we found no Horses, which if we had, yet the ways were so wet and dirty, that they would not have been serviceable to us. We stay'd here from the 17th till the 24th day, and then some of our destructive Crew set fire to the Houses: I know not by whose order, but we marched away and left them burning: at the Brest-work we imbarked into our Canoas, and returned aboard our Ships.

The 25th day Captain Davis and Captain Swan broke off Consortships; for Captain Davis was minded to return again on the Coast of Peru, but Captain Swan desired to go farther to the West-ward. I had till this time been with Captain Davis, but now left him, and went aboard of Captain [Page] Swan. It was not from any dislike to my old Captain, but to get some knowledge of the Northern parts of this Continent of Mexico: and I knew that Captain Swan determined to coast it as far North as he thought convenient, and then pass over for the East Indies; which was a way very agreeable to my inclination. Captain Townly, with his two Barks, was resolved to keep us company: but Captain Knight and Captain Harris followed Captain Davis. The 27th day in the morning Captain Davis with his Ships went out of the Harbour having a fresh Land Wind. They were in company, Captain Davis's Ship with Captain Harris in her, Captain Davis's Bark and Fireship, and Captain Knight in his own Ship; in all 4 Sail. Captain Swan took his last farewel of him by firing 15 Guns, and he fired 11 in return of the civility.

We stay'd here some time afterwards to fill our Water, and cut Fire-wood: but our Men, who had been very healthy till now, began to fall down apace in Fevers. Whether it was the badness of the Water, or the unhealthiness of the Town was the cause of it we did not know; but of the two I rather believe it was a Distemper we got at Ria Lexa: for it was reported that they had been visited with a Malignant Fever in that Town, which had occasioned many people to abandon it; and although this Visitation was over with them, yet their Houses and Goods might still retain somewhat of the Infection, and communicate the same to us. I the rather believe this, because it afterwards raged very much, not only among us, but also among Captain Davis and his Men, as he told me himself since, when I met him in England: Himself had like to have died, as did several of his and our Men. The 3d day of September we turned ashore all our Prisoners and Pilots, they being unacquainted further to the West, which was the Coast that we designed [Page] to visit: for the Spaniards have very little Trade by Sea beyond the River Lempa, a little to the North West of this place.

About 10 a clock in the morning, the same day, we went from hence, steering Westward, being in company 4 Sail, as well as they who left us, viz. Captain Swan and his Bark, and Captain Townly and his Bark, and about 340 Men.

We met with very bad weather as we sailed along this Coast: seldom a day past but we had one or two violent Tornadoes, and with them very frightful Flashes of Lightning and Claps of Thunder; I did never meet with the like before nor since. These Tornadoes commonly came out of the N. E. the Wind did not last long, but blew very fierce for the time. When the Tornadoes were over we had the Wind at W. sometimes at W. S. W. and S. W. and sometimes to the North of the West, as far as the N. W.

We kept at a good distance off shore, and saw no Land till the 14th day; but then, being in lat. 12 d. 50 m. the Volcan of Guatimala appeared in sight. This is a very high Mountain with two peeks or heads, appearing like two Sugar-loaves. It often belches forth Flames of Fire and Smoak from between the two heads, and this, as the Spaniards do report, happens chiefly in tempestuous weather. It is called so from the City Guatimala which stands near the foot of it, about 8 leagues from the South Sea, and by report, 40 or 50 leagues from the Gulf of Matique in the Bay of Honduras, in the North Seas. This City is famous for many rich Commodities that are produced thereabouts (some almost peculiar to this Country) and yearly sent into Europe, especially 4 rich Dies, Indico, Otta or Anatta, Silvester, and Cochineel.

Indico is made of an Herb which grows a foot and half or two foot high, full of small branches; [Page] and the branches full of leaves, resembling the leaves which grow on Flax, but more thick and substantial. They cut this Herb or Shrub and cast it into a large Cistern made in the ground for that purpose, which is half full of Water. The Indico Stalk or Herb remains in the Water till all the leaves, and I think, the skin, rind, or bark, rot off, and in a manner dissolve: but if any of the leaves should stick fast, they force them off by much labour, tossing and tumbling the mass in the water, till all the pulpy substance is dissolved. Then the Shrub, or woody part, is taken out, and the Water, which is like Ink, being disturbed no more settles, and the Indico falls to the bottom of the Cistern like Mud. When it is thus settled they draw off the Water, and take the Mud and lay it in the Sun to dry: which there becomes hard as you see it brought home.

Otta, or Anatta, is a red sort of Dye. It is made of a red Flower that grows on Shrubs 7 or 8 foot high. It is thrown into a Cistern of Water as the Indico is, but with this difference, that there is no stalk, nor so much as the head of the Flower, but only the Flower it self pull d off from the head, as you peel Rose-leaves from the bud. This remains in the Water till it rots, and by much jumbling it dissolves to a liquid substance, like the Indico; and being settled, and the Water drawn off, the red Mud is made up into Rolls or Cakes, and laid in the Sun to dry. I did never see any made but at a place called the Angels in Jamaica, at Sir Tho. Muddiford's Plantations, about 20 years since; but was grubb'd up while I was there, and the ground otherwise employed. I do believe there is none any where else on Jamaica: and even this probably was owing to the Spaniards, when they had that Island. Indico is common enough in Jamaica. I observed they planted it most in sandy ground: they sow [Page] great Fields of it, and I think they sow it every year; but I did never see the Seeds it bears. Indico is produced all over the West Indies, on most of the Caribbee Islands, as well as the Main; yet no part of the Main yields such great quantities both of Indico and Otta as this Country about Guatimala. I believe that Otta is made now only by the Spaniards; for since the destroying that at the Angels Plantation in Jamaica, I have not heard of any improvement made of this commodity by our Countrymen any where; and as to Jamaica, I have since been informed, that 'tis wholy left off there. I know not what quantities either of Indico or Otta are made at Cuba or Hispaniola: but the place most used by our Jamaica Sloops for these things is the Island Porto Rico, where our Jamaica Traders did use to buy Indico for 3 Rials, and Otta for 4 Rials the pound; which is but 2 s. 3 d. of our Money: and yet at the same time Otta was worth in Jamaica 5 s. the pound, and Indico 3 s. 6 d. the pound; and even this also paid in Goods; by which means alone they got 50 or 60 per Cent. Our Traders had not then found the way of trading with the Spaniards in the Bay of Honduras; but Captain Coxon went thither (as I take it) at the beginning of the year 1679. under pretence to cut Logwood, and went into the Gulf of Matique, which is in the bottom of that Bay. There he landed with his Canoas, and took a whole Store-house full of Indico and Otta in Chests, piled up in several parcels, and marked with different marks, ready to be shipt off aboard two Ships that then lay in the road purposely to take it in; but these Ships could not come at him it being shole-water. He opened some of the Chests of Indico, and supposing the other Chests to be all of the same species, ordered his Men to carry them away. They immediately set to work, and took the nearest at [Page] hand; and having carried out one heap of Chests, they seized on another great pile of a different mark from the rest, intending to carry them away next. But a Spanish Gentleman, their Prisoner, knowing that there was a great deal more than they could carry away, desired them to take only such as belonged to the Merchants, (whose Marks he undertook to shew them) and to spare such as had the same Mark with those in that great Pile they were then entring upon: because, he said, those Chests belonged to the Ship-Captains, who following the Seas, as themselves did, he hoped they would for that reason rather spare their Goods than the Merchants. They consented to his Request: but upon their opening their Chests (which was not before they came to Jamaica, where by connivance they were permitted to sell them) they found that the Don had been too sharp for them; the few Chests which they had taken of the same Mark with the great Pile proving to be Otta, of greater value by far than the other; whereas they might as well have loaded the whole Ship with Otta, as with Indico.

The Cochineel is an Insect, bred in a sort of Fruit much like the Prickle Pear. The Tree or Shrub that bears it is like the Prickle Pear-tree, about 5 foot high, and so prickly; only the Leaves are not quite so big, but the Fruit is bigger. On the top of the Fruit there grows a red Flower: This Flower, when the Fruit is ripe, falls down on the top of the Fruit, which then begins to open, and covers it so, that no Rain nor Dew can wet the inside. The next day, or 2 days after its falling down, the Flower being then scorched away by the heat of the Sun, the Fruit opens as broad as the mouth of a pint pot, and the inside of the Fruit is by this time full of small red insects, with curious thin wings. As they were bred here, so here they would dye [Page] for want of food, and rot in their husks, (having by this time eaten up their mother Fruit) did not the Indians, who plant large fields of these Trees, when once they perceive the Fruit open, take care to drive them out: for they spread under the branches of the Tree a large Linnen cloth, and then with sticks they shake the branches, and so disturb the poor insects, that they take wing to be gone, yet hovering still over the head of their native Tree, but the heat of the Sun so disorders them, that they presently fall down dead on the cloth spread for that purpose, where the Indians let them remain 2 or 3 days longer, till they are throughly dry. When they fly up they are red, when they fall down they are black; and when first they are quite dry they are white as the sheet wherein they lye, though the colour change a little after. These yield the much esteemed Scarlet. The Cochineel-trees are called by the Spaniards Toona's: They are planted in the Country about Guatimala, and about Cheape and Guaxaca, all 3 in the Kingdom of Mexico. The Silvester is a red grain growing in a Fruit much resembling the Cochineel-fruit; as doth also the Tree that bears it. There first shoots forth a yellow Flower, then comes the Fruit, which is longer than the Cochineel-fruit. The Fruit being ripe opens also very wide. The inside being full of these small Seeds or Grains, they fall out with the least touch or shake. The Indians that gather them hold a dish under to receive the Seed, and then shake it down. These Trees grow wild; and 8 or 10 of these Fruits will yield an ounce of Seed: but of the Cochineel-fruits, 3 or 4 will yield an ounce of insects. The Silvester gives a colour almost as fair as the Cochineel; and so like it as to be often mistaken for it, but it is not near so valuable. I often made enquiry how the Silvester grows, and of the Cochineel; but was never fully satisfied, till [Page] I met a Spanish Gentleman that had lived 30 years in the West Indies, and some years where these grow; and from him I had these relations. He was a very intelligent person, and pretended to be well acquainted in the Bay of Campechy; therefore I examined him in many particulars concerning that Bay, where I was well acquainted my self, living there 3 years. He gave very true and pertinent answers to all my demands, so that I could have no distrust of what he related.

When we first saw the Mountain of Guatimala, we were by judgment 25 leagues distance from it. As we came nearer the Land it appeared higher and plainer, yet we saw no fire, but a little smoak proceeding from it. The Land by the Sea was of a good height, yet but low in comparison with that in the Country. The Sea for about 8 or 10 leagues from the shore, was full of floating Trees, or Drift Wood as it is called, (of which I have seen a great deal, but no where so much as here), and Pumice-stones floating, which probably are thrown out of the burning Mountains, and washed down to the shore by the Rains, which are very violent and frequent in this Country; and on the side of Honduras it is excessively wet.

The 24th day we were in lat. 14 d. 30 m. North, and the weather more settled. Then Captain Townly took with him 106 men in 9 Canoas, and went away to the Westward, where he intended to Land, and romage in the Country for some refreshment for our sick men, we having at this time near half our men sick, and many were dead, since we left Ria Lexa. We in the Ships lay still with our Topsails furled, and our Corses or lower Sails hal'd up this day and the next, that Captain Townly might get the start of us.

The 26th day we made sail again, coasting to the Westward, having the Wind at North and fair [Page] weather. We ran along by a tract of very high Land, which came from the Eastward, more within Land than we could see, after we fell in with it, it bare us company for about 10 leagues, and ended with a pretty gentle descent towards the West.

There we had a perfect view of a pleasant low Country, which seemed to be rich in Pasturage for Cattle. It was plentifully furnished with groves of green Trees, mixt among the grassy Savannahs: Here the Land was fenced from the Sea with high sandy Hills, for the Waves all along this Coast run high, and beat against the shore very boisterously, making the Land wholly unapproachable in Boats or Canoas: So we Coasted still along by this low Land, 8 or 9 leagues farther, keeping close to the shore for fear of missing Captain Townly. We lay by in the night, and in the day made an easie sail.

The 2d day of October Captain Townly came aboard; he had coasted along shore in his Canoas, seeking for an entrance, but found none. At last, being out of hopes to find any Bay, Creek, or River, into which he might safely enter; he put ashore on a sandy Bay, but overset all his Canoas; he had one man drowned, and several lost their Arms, and some of them that had not waxt up their Cartrage or Catouche Boxes, wet all their Powder. Captain Townly with much ado got ashore, and dragged the Canoas up dry on the Bay; then every man searched his Catouche-box, and drew the wet Powder out of his Gun, and provided to march into the Country, but finding it full of great Creeks which they could not ford, they were forced to return again to their Canoas. In the night they made good fires to keep themselves warm; the next morning 200 Spaniards and Indians fell on them but were immediately repulsed, and made greater speed back than they had done forward. [Page] Captain Townly followed them, but not far for fear of his Canoas. These men came from Teguantapeque, a Town that Captain Townly went chiefly to seek, because the Spanish Books make mention of a large River there; but whether it was run away at this time, or rather Captain Townly and his men were short sighted, I know not; but they could not find it.

Upon his return we presently made sail, coasting still Westward, having the Wind at E. N. E. fair weather and a fresh gale. We kept within 2 mile of the shore, sounding all the way; and found at 6 miles distance from Land 19 fathom; at 8 miles distance 21 fathom, gross Sand. We saw no opening, nor sign of any place to land at, so we sailed about 20 leagues farther, and came to a small high Island called Tangola, where there is good anchoring. The Island is indifferently well furnished with Wood and Water, and lieth about a league from the shore. The Main against the Island is pretty high champion Savannah Land by the Sea; but 2 or 3 leagues within land it is higher, and very woody.

We coasted a league farther and came to Guatulco. This Port is in lat. 15 d. 30 m. it is one of the best in all this Kingdom of Mexico. Near a mile from the mouth of the Harbour, on the East side, there is a little Island close by the shore; and on the West side of the mouth of the Harbour there is a great hollow Rock which by the continual working of the Sea in and out makes a great noise, which may be heard a great way. Every Surge that comes in forceth the Water out of a little hole on its top, as out of a pipe, from whence it flys out just like the blowing of a Whale; to which the Spaniards also liken it. They call this Rock and Spout the Buffadore: upon what account I know not. Even [Page] in the calmest seasons the Sea beats in there, making the Water spout out at the hole: so that this is always a good mark to find the Harbour by. The Harbour is about 3 mile deep, and one mile broad; it runs in N. W. But the West side of the Harbour is best to ride in for small Ships; for there you may ride land-locked: whereas any where else you are open to the S. W. Winds, which often blow here. There is good clean ground any where, and good gradual soundings from 16 to 6 fathom; it is bounded with a smooth sandy shore, very good to land at; and at the bottom of the Harbour there is a fine Brook of fresh Water running into the Sea. Here formerly stood a small Spanish Town, or Village, which was taken by Sir Francis Drake: but now there is nothing remaining of it, beside a little Chappel standing among the Trees, about 200 paces from the Sea. The Land appears in small short ridges parallel to the shore, and to each other; the innermost still gradually higher than that nearer the shore; and they are all cloathed with very high flourishing Trees, that it is extraordinary pleasant and delightful to behold at a distance: I have no where seen any thing like it.

At this place Captain Swan, who had been very sick, came ashore, and all the sick Men with him, and the Surgeon to tend them. Captain Townley again took a company of Men with him, and went into the Country to seek for Houses or Inhabitants. He marched away to the Eastward, and came to the River Capalita: which is a swift River, yet deep near the mouth, and is about a league from Guatulco. There 2 of his Men swam over the River, and took 3 Indians that were placed there, as Centinels, to watch for our coming. These could none of them speak Spanish; yet our Men by signs made them understand, that they desired to know if there was any Town or Village near; who by the signs [Page] which they made gave our Men to understand, that they could guide them to a Settlement: but there was no understanding by them, whether it was a Spanish or Indian Settlement, nor how far it was thither. They brought these Indians aboard with them, and the next day, which was the 6th day of October, Captain Townly with 140 Men (of whom I was one) went ashore again, taking one of these Indians with us for a Guide to conduct us to this Settlement. Our Men that stay'd aboard fill'd our Water, and cut Wood, and mended our Sails: and our Moskito Men struck 3 or 4 Turtle every day. They were a small sort of Turtle, and not very sweet, yet very well esteemed by us all, because we had eaten no flesh a great while. The 8th day we returned out of the Country, having been about 14 miles directly within land before we came to any Settlement. There we found a small Indian Village, and in it a great quantity of Vinello's drying in the Sun.

The Vinello is a little Cod full of small black seeds; it is 4 or 5 inches long, about the bigness of the stem of a Tobacco leaf, and when dried much resembling it: so that our Privateers at first have often thrown them away when they took any, wondering why the Spaniards should lay up Tobacco stems. This Cod grows on a small Vine, which climbs about and supports it self by the neighbouring Trees: it first bears a yellow Flower, from whence the Cod afterwards proceeds. It is first green, but when ripe it turns yellow; then the Indians (whose Manufacture it is, and who sell it cheap to the Spaniards) gather it, and lay it in the Sun, which makes it soft; then it changes to a Chesnut-colour. Then they frequently press it between their fingers, which makes it flat. If the Indians do any thing to them beside, I know not; but I have seen the Spaniards sleek them with Oyl.

[Page] These Vines grow plentifully at Bocca-toro, where I have gathered and tried to cure them, but could not: which makes me think that the Indians have some secret that I know not of 10 cure them. I have often asks the Spaniards how they were cured, but I never could meet with any could tell me. One Mr. Cree also, a very curious person, who spake Spanish well, and had been a Privateer all his Life, and 7 years a Prisoner among the Spaniards at Portobel and Cartagena, yet upon all his enquiry could not find any of them that understood it. Could we have learnt the Art of it, several of us would have gone to Bocca-toro yearly, at the dry season and cured them, and freighted our Vessel. We there might have had Turtle enough for food, and store of Vinello's. Mr. Cree first shewed me those at Bocca-toro. At, or near a Town also, called Caihooca, in the Bay of Campeachy, these Cods are found. They are commoly sold for 3 pence a Cod among the Spaniards in the West-Indies, and are sold by the Druggist, for they are much used among Chocolate to perfume it. Some will use them among Tobacco, for it gives a delicate scent. I never heard of any Vinello's but here in this Country, about Caihooca, and at Bocca-toro.

The Indians of this Village could speak but little Spanish. They seemed to be a poor innocent people: and by them we understood, that here are very few Spaniards in these parts; yet all the Indians hereabout are under them. The Land from the Sea to their Houses is black Earth, mixt with some Stones and Rocks; all the way full of very high Trees.

The 10th day we sent 4 Canoas to the West-ward, who were ordered to lye for us at Port Angels; where we were in hopes that by some means or other they might get Prisoners, that might give us a better account of the Country than [Page] at present we could have; and we followed them with our Ships: all our Men being now pretty well recovered of the Fever which had raged amongst us ever since we departed from Ria Lexa.

[Page]

CHAP. IX.

They set out from Guatulco. The Isle Sacrificio. Port Angels. Jaccals. A narrow Escape. The Rock Algatross, and the neighbouring Coast. Snooks, a sort of Fish. The Town of Acapulco. Of the Trade it drives with the Philippine Islands. The Haven of Acapulco. A Tornado. Port Marquis. Capt. Townly makes a fruitless Attempt. A long sandy Bay, but very rough Seas. The Palm. tree great and small. The Hill Petaplan. A poor Indian Village. Jew fish. Chequetan, a good Harbour. Estapa; Muscles there. A Caravan of Mules taken. A Hill near Thelupan. The Coast here abouts. The Volcan, Town, Valley, and Bay of Colima. Sallagua Port. Oarrha. Ragged Hills. Coronada, or the Crown-Land. Cape Corrientes. Isles of Chametly. The City Purification. Valderas, or the Valley of Flags. They miss their design on this Coast. Captain Townly leaves them with the Darien Indians. The Point and Isles of Pontique. Other Isles of Chametly. The Penguin-fruit, the yellow and the red, Seals here. Of the River of Cullacan, and the Trade of a Town there with California. Massaclan. River and Town of Rosario. Caput Cavalli, and another Hill. The difficulty of Intelligence on this Coast. The River of Oleta. River of St. Jago. Maxentelba Rock, and Zelisco Hill. Sancta [Page] Pechaque Town in the River of St. Jago. Of Compostella. Many of them cut off at Sancta Pecaque. Of California; whether an Island, or not: and of the North West and North East Passage. A Method proposed for Discovery of the North West and North East Passages. Isle of Santa Maria. A prickly Plant. Captain Swan proposes a Voyage to the East Indies. Valley of Balderas again, and Cape Corrientes. The reason of their ill Success on the Mexican Coast, and Departure thence for the East Indies.

IT was the 12th of October 1685, when we set out of the Harbour of Guatulco with our Ships. The Land here lies along West, and a little Southerly for about 20 or 30 leagues, and the Sea Winds are commonly at W. S. W. sometimes at S. W. the Land Winds at N. We had now fair weather, and but little Wind. We coasted along to the Westward, keeping as near the shore as we could for the benefit of the Land Winds, for the Sea Winds were right against us; and we found a current setting to the Eastward which kept us back, and obliged us to anchor at the Island Sacrificio, which is a small green Island about half a mile long. It lieth about a league to the West of Guatulco, and about half a mile from the Main. There seems to be a fine Bay to the West of the Island; but it is full of Rocks. The best riding is between the Island and the Main: there you will have 5 or 6 fathom Water. Here runs a pretty strong tide; the Sea riseth and falleth 5 or 6 foot up and down.

The 18th day we sailed from hence, coasting to the Westward after our Canoas. We kept near the shore, which was all sandy Bays; the Country [Page] pretty high and woody, and a great Sea tumbling in upon the shore. The 22d day 2 of our Canoas came aboard, and told us they had been a great way to the Westward, but could not find Port Angels. They had attempted to land the day before, at a place where they saw a great many Bulls and Cows feeding, in hopes to get some of them; but the Sea run so high, that they over-set both Canoas, and wet all their Arms, and lost 4 Guns, and had one Man drown'd, and with much ado got off again. They could give no account of the other 2 Canoas, for they lost company the first night that they went from Guatulco, and had not seen them since.

We were now abrest of Port Angels, though our men in the Canoas did not know it; therefore we went in and anchored there. This is a broad open Bay, with 2 or 3 Rocks at the West side. Here is good anchoring all over the Bay, in 30 or 20 or 12 fathom Water; but you must ride open to all Winds, except the Land Winds, till you come into 12 or 13 fathom Water; then you are sheltered from the W. S. W. which are the common Trade Winds. The Tide riseth here about 5 foot; the Flood sets to the N. E. and the Ebb to the S. W. The landing in this Bay is bad; the place of landing is close by the West side, behind a few Rocks; here always goes a great swell. The Spaniards compare this Harbour for goodness to Guatulco, but there is a great difference between them. For Guatulco is almost Landlocked, and this is an open road, and no one would easily know it by their Character of it, but by its marks, and its latitude, which is 15 d. North. For this reason our Canoas, which were sent from Guatulco and ordered to tarry here for us did not know it, (not thinking this to be that fine Harbour) and therefore went farther; 2 of them as I said before returned again, but the [Page] other 2 were not yet come to us. The Land that bounds this Harbour is pretty high, the Earth sandy and yellow, in some places red; it is partly Woodland, partly Savannahs. The Trees in the Woods are large and tall, and the Savannahs are plentifully stored with very kindly Grass. Two leagues to the East of this place is a Beef Farm, belonging to Don Diego de la Rosa.

The 23 day we landed about 100 men and marched thither, where we found plenty of fat Bulls and Cows, feeding in the Savannahs, and in the House good store of Salt and Maiz, and some Hogs, and Cocks and Hens: but the owners or overseers were gone. We lay here 2 or 3 days feasting on fresh provision, but could not contrive to carry any quantity aboard, because the way was so long, and our men but weak, and a great wide River to ford. Therefore we return'd again from thence the 26th day, and brought every one a little Beef or Pork for the men that stay'd aboard. The two nights that we stay'd ashore at this place we heard great droves of Jaccals, as we suppos'd them to be, barking all night long, not far from us. None of us saw these; but I do verily believe they were Jaccals; tho I did never see those Creatures in America, nor hear any but at this time. We could not think that there were less than 30 or 40 in a company. We got aboard in the evening; but did not yet hear any news of our two Canoas.

The 27th day in the morning we sailed from hence, with the Land Wind at N. by W.: The Sea Wind came about noon at W. S. W. and in the evening we anchored in 16 fathom water, by a small rocky Island, which lieth about half a mile from the Main, and 6 leagues Westward from Port Angels. The Spaniards give no account of this Island in their Pilot-book. The 28th day we sailed again with the Land Wind; in the afternoon the Sea [Page] breez blew hard, and we sprung our Main Topmast. This Coast is full of small Hills and Valleys, and a great Sea falls in upon the shore. In the night we met with the other 2 of our Canoas that went from us at Guatulco. They had been as far as Acapulco to seek Port Angells. Coming back from thence they went into a River to get Water, and were encounterd by 150 Spaniards, yet they fill'd their Water in spight of them, but had one man shot through the Thigh. Afterward they went into a Lagune, or Lake of Salt-water, where they found much dried Fish, and brought some aboard. We being now abrest of that place, sent in a Canoa mann'd with 12 men for more Fish: The mouth of this Lagune is not Pistol-shot wide, and on both sides are pretty high Rocks, so conveniently placed by nature, that many men may abscond behind; and within the Rock the Lagune opens wide on both sides. The Spaniards being allarmed by our 2 Canoas that had been there 2 or 3 days before, came armed to this place to secure their Fish; and seeing our Canoa coming, they lay snug behind the Rocks, and suffered the Canoa to pass in, then they fired their Vōlley, and wounded 5 of our men. Our people were a little surprized at this sudden adventure, yet fired their Guns, and rowed farther into the Lagune, for they durst not adventure to come out again through the narrow entrance, which was near a quarter of a mile in length. Therefore they rowed into the middle of the Lagune, where they lay out of Gun-shot, and looked about to see if there was not another passage to get out at, broader than that by which they entered, but could see none. So they lay still 2 days and 3 nights, in hopes that we should come to seek them; but we lay off at Sea, about 3 leagues distant, waiting for their return, supposing by their long absence that they had made some greater discovery, and were [Page] gone farther than the Fish-range; because it is usual with Privateers when they enter upon such designs, to search farther than they proposed, if they meet any encouragement. But Captain Townly and his Bark being nearer the shore, heard some Guns fired in the Lagune. So he mann'd his Canoa, and went towards the shore, and beating the Spaniards away from the Rocks, made a free passage for our men to come out of their pound, where else they must have been starved or knocked on the head by the Spaniards. They came aboard their Ships again the 31st of October. This Lagune is about the lat. of 16 d. 40 m. North.

From hence we made sail again, coasting to the Westward, having fair weather and a Current setting to the West. The second day of November we past by a Rock, called by the Spaniards the Algatross. The Land hereabout is of an indifferent height, and woody, and more within the Country Mountainous. Here are 7 or 8 white cliffs by the Sea, which are very remarkable, because there are none so white and so thick together on all the Coast. They are 5 or 6 mile to the West of the Algatross Rock. There is a dangerous shoal lieth S. by W. from these Cliffs, 4 or 5 mile off at Sea. Two leagues to the West of these Cliffs there is a pretty large River, which forms a small Island at its mouth. The Channel on the East side is but shoal and sandy, but the West Channel is deep enough for Canoas to enter. On the Banks of this Channel the Spaniards have made a Brestwork, to hinder an Enemy from landing, or filling Water.

The 3d day we anchored abrest of this River, in 14 fathom Water, about a mile and a half off shore. The next morning we mann'd our Canoas, and went ashore to the Brestwork with little resistance, although there were about 200 men to keep us off. They fired about 20 or 30 Guns at us, but seeing [Page] we were resolved to land, they quitted the place; one chief reason why the Spaniards are so frequently routed by us, although many times much our superiors in numbers, and in many places fortified with Brestworks is, their want of small Fire-arms, for they have but few on all the Sea Coasts, unless near their larger Garrisons. Here we found a great deal of Salt, brought hither as I judge for to salt Fish, which they take in the Lagunes. The Fish I observed here mostly, were what we call Snooks, neither a Sea-fish nor fresh Water-fish, but very numerous in these salt Lakes. This Fish is about a foot long, and round, and as thick as the small of a mans Leg, with a pretty long head: It hath Scales of a whitish colour, and is good meat. How the Spaniards take them I know not: for we never found any Nets, Hooks, or Lines, neither yet any Bark, Boat, or Canoa, among them on all this Coast; except the Ship I shall mention at Acapulco.

We marched 2 or 3 leagues into the Country, and met with but one House, where we took a Mulatto Prisoner, who informed us of a Ship that was lately arrived at Acapulco; she came from Lima. Captain Townly wanting a good Ship thought now he had an opportunity of getting one, if he could perswade his men to venture with him, into the Harbour of Acapulco, and fetch this Lima Ship out. Therefore he immediately proposed it, and found not only all his own men willing to assist him, but many of Captain Swan's men also. Captain Swan opposed it, because Provision being scarce with us, he thought our time might be much better imployed in first providing our selves with food, and here was plenty of Maiz in the River where we now were, as we were informed by the same Prisoner; who offered to conduct us to the place where it was. But neither the present necessity, nor [Page] Captain Swan's perswasion availed any thing, no nor yet their own interest; for the great design we had then in hand, was to lye and wait for a rich Ship which comes to Acapulco every year richly laden from the Philippine Islands. But it was necessary we should be well stored with Provisions, to enable us to cruize about, and wait the time of her coming. However Townley's Party prevailing, we only fill'd our Water here, and made ready to be gone. So the 5th day in the afternoon we sailed again, coasting to the westward, towards Acapulco. The 7th day in the afternoon, being about 12 leagues from the shore, we saw the high Land of Acapulco, which is very remarkable: for there is a round Hill standing between other 2 Hills; the westermost of which is the biggest and highest, and hath two Hillocks like two paps on its top: the eastermost Hill is higher and sharper than the middlemost. From the middle Hill the Land declines toward the Sea, ending in a high round point. There is no Land shaped like this on all the Coast. In the evening Captain Townly went away from the Ships with 140 men in 12 Canoas, to try to get the Lima Ship out of Acapulco Harbour.

Acapulco is a pretty large Town 17 degrees North of the Equator. It is the Sea-port for the City of Mexico, on the West side of the Continent; as La Vera-Cruz, or St. John d' Ulloa in the Bay of Nova Hispania, is on the North side. This Town is the only place of Trade on all this Coast; for there is little or no Traffick by Sea on all the N. W. part of this vast Kingdom, here being as I have said neither Boats, Barks nor Ships, (that I could ever see) unless only what come hither from other parts, and some Boats near the S. E. end of California; as I guess by the intercourse between that and the Main, for Pearl-fishing.

[Page] The Ships that Trade hither are only 3, two that constantly go once a year between this and Manila in Luconia, one of the Phillipine Islands, and one Ship more every year to and from Lima. This from Lima commonly arrives a little before Christmas; she brings them Quick-silver, Cacao, and pieces of Eight. Here she stays till the Manila Ship arrives, and then takes in a Cargo of Spices, Silks, Callicoes, and Muzlins, and other East India Commodities for the use of Peru, and then returns to Lima. This is but a small Vessel of 20 Guns, but the 2 Manila Ships are each said to be above 1000 Tun. These make their Voyages alternately, so that one or other of them is always at the Manillas. When either of them sets out from Acapulco, it is at the latter end of March, or the beginning of April; she alwas touches to refresh at Guam, one of the Ladrone Islands, in about 60 days space after she sets out. There she stays but 2 or 3 days, and then prosecutes her Voyage to Manila, where she commonly arrives some time in June. By that time the other is ready to sail from thence, laden with East India Commodities. She stretcheth away to the North as far as 36, or sometimes into 40 degrees of North lat. before she gets a wind to stand over to the American shore. She falls in first with the Coast of California, and then Coasts along the shore to the South again, and never misses of a wind to bring her away from thence quite to Acapulco. When she gets the length of Cape St. Lucas, which is the Southermost point of California, she stretcheth over to Cape Cortientes, which is in about the 20th degree of North lat. from thence she Coasts along till she comes to Sallagua, and there she sets ashore Passengers, that are bound to the City of Mexico: From thence she makes her best way, coasting still along shore, till she arrives at Acapulco, which is commonly about [Page] Christmas, never more than 8 or 10 days before or after. Upon the return of this Ship to the Manila, the other which stayeth there till her arrival, takes her turn back to Acapulco. Sir John Narborough therefore was imposed on by the Spaniards, who told him that there were 6 sail or more that used this Trade.

The Port of Acapulco is very commodious for the reception of Ships, and so large, that some hundreds may safely ride there without damnifying each other. There is a small low Island crossing the mouth of the Harbour; it is about a mile and a half long, and half a mile broad, stretching East and West. It leaves a good wide deep Channel at each end, where Ships may safely go in or come out, taking the advantage of the Winds; they must enter with the Sea-wind, and go out with the Land-wind, for these Winds seldom or never fail to succeed each other alternately in their proper seasons of the day or night. The Westermost Channel is the narrowest, but so deep there is no anchoring, and the Manila Ships pass in that way, but the Ships from Lima enters on the S. W. Channel. This Harbour runs in North about 3 miles, then growing very narrow, it turns short about to the West, and runs about a mile farther where it ends. The Town stands on the N. W. side, at the mouth of this narrow passage, close by the Sea, and at the end of the Town there is a Platform with a great many Guns. Opposite to the Town on the East side stands a high strong Castle, said to have 40 Guns of a very great bore. Ships commonly ride near the bottom of the Harbour, under the Command both of the Castle and the Platform.

Captain Townly, who, as I said before, with 140 men, left our Ships on a design to fetch the Lima Ship out of the Harbour, had not rowed above 3 or 4 leagues before the Voyage was like to end [Page] with all their Lives; for on a sudden they were encountered with a violent Tornado from the shore, which had like to have foundered all the Canoas: but they escaped that danger, and the second night got safe into Port Marquis. Port Marquis is a very good Harbour, a league to the East of Acapulco Harbour. Here they staid all the next day to dry themselves, their Cloaths, their Arms and Ammunition, and the next night they rowed softly into Acapulco Harbour: and because they would not be heard, they hal'd in their Oars, and paddled as softly as if they had been seeking Manatee. They paddled close to the Castle; then struck over to the Town, and found the Ship riding between the Brestwork and the Fort, within about 100 yards of each. When they had well viewed her, and considered the danger of the design, they thought it not possible to accomplish it: therefore they paddled softly back again, till they were out of command of the Forts, and then they went to land, and fell in among a company of Spanish Soldiers (for the Spaniards having seen them the day before had set Guards along the Coast) who immediately fired at them, but did them no damage, only made them retire farther from the shore. They lay afterwards at the mouth of the Harbour till it was day to take a view of the Town and Castle, and then returned aboard again, being tired, hungry, and sorry for their disappointment.

The 11th day we made sail again further on to the Westward, with the Land-wind, which is commonly at N. E. but the Sea Winds are at S. W. We passed by a long sandy Bay of above 20 leagues. All the way along it the Sea falls with such force on the shore, that it is impossible to come near it with Boat or Canoa: yet it is good clean ground, and good anchoring a mile or two from the shore. The Land by the Sea is low, and indifferent fertile, producing [Page] many sorts of Trees, especially the spreading Palm, which grows in spots from one end of the Bay to the other.

The Palm-tree is as big as an ordinary Ash, growing about 20 or 30 foot high. The body is clear from boughs or branches, till just at the head; there it spreads forth many large green branches, not much unlike the Cabbage-tree before described. These branches also grow in many places, (as in Jamaica, Darien, the Bay of Campeachy, &c.) from a stump not above a foot or two high; which is not the remains of a Tree cut down; for none of these sort of Trees will ever grow again when they have once lost their head: but these are a sort of Dwarf-palm, and the branches which grow from the stump, are not so large as those that grow on the great Tree. These smaller branches are used both in the East and West Indies for thatching Houses: they are very lasting and serviceable, much surpassing the Palmeto. For this Thatch, if well laid on, will endure 5 or 6 years; and this is called by the Spaniards the Palmeto Royal. The English at Jamaica give it the same Name. Whether this be the same which they in Guinea get the Palm-wine from I know not; but I know that it is like this.

The Land in the Country is full of small peeked barren Hills, making as many little Valleys, which appear flourishing and green. At the West end of this Bay is the Hill of Petaplan, in lat. 17d. 30 m. N. This is a round point stretching out into the Sea: at a distance it seems to be an Island. A little to the West of this Hill are several round Rocks, which we left without us, steering in between them and the round point, where we had 11 fathom water. We came to an anchor on the N. W. side of the Hill, and went ashore, about 170 Men of us, and marched into the Country 12 or 14 [Page] miles. There we came to a poor Indian Village that did not afford us a Meal of Victuals. The people all fled, only a Mulatto woman, and 3 or 4 small Children, who were taken and brought aboard. She told us that a Carrier, (one who drives a Caravan of Mules) was going to Acapulco laden with Flower and other Goods, but stopt in the Road for fear of us, a little to the West of this Village, (for he had heard of our being on this Coast) and she thought he still remained there: and therefore it was we kept the Woman to be our Guide to carry us to that place. At this place where we now lay our Moskito-men struck some small Turtle, and many small Jew-fish.

The Jew-fish is a very good Fish, and I judge so called by the English because it hath Scales and Fins, therefore a clean Fish according to the Levitical Law, and the Jews at Jamaica buy them, and eat them very freely. It is a very large Fish, shaped much like a Cod, but a great deal bigger; one will weigh 3, or 4, or 5 hundred weight. It hath 3 large head, with great Fins and Scales, as big as an Half-Crown, answerable to the bigness of his body. It is very sweet Meat, and commonly fat. This Fish lives among Rocks; there are plenty of them in the West Indies, about Jamaica, and the Coast of Caraccos; but chiefly in these Seas, especially more Westward.

We went from hence with our Ships the 18th day, and steered West about 2 leagues farther, to a place called Chequetan. A mile and half from the shore there is a small Key, and within it is a very good Harbour where Ships may careen; there is also a small River of fresh water, and wood enough.

The 14th day in the morning we went with 95 Men in 6 Canoas to seek for the Carrier, taking the Mulatto woman for our Guide; but Captain Townly would not go with us. Before day we landed [Page] at a place called Estapa, a league to the West of Chequetan. The woman was well acquainted here, having been often at this place for Muscles, as she told us, for here are great plenty of them: they seem in all respects like our English Muscles. She carry'd us through the pathless Wood by the side of a River, for about a league: then we came into a Savannah full of Bulls and Cows; and here the Carrier before mentioned was lying at the Estantion-house with his Mules, not having dared to advance all this while, as not knowing where we lay: so his own fear made him, his Mules, and all his Goods, become a Prey to us. He had 40 packs of Flower, some Chocolate, a great many small Cheeses, and abundance of Earthen Ware. The eatables we brought away, but the Earthen Vessels we had no occasion for, and therefore left them. The Mules were about 60: we brought our Prize with them to the shore, and so turn'd them away. Here we also kill'd some Cows, and brought with us to our Canoas. In the afternoon our Ships came to an anchor half a mile from the place where we landed, and then we went aboard. Captain Townly seeing our good success went ashore with his Men to kill some Cows; for here were no Inhabitants near to oppose us. The Land is very woody, of a good fertile soil, watered with many small Rivers: yet it hath but few Inhabitants near the Sea. Captain Townly killed 18 Beefs, and after he came aboard, our Men, contrary to Captain Swan's inclination, gave Captain Townly part of the Flower which we took ashore. Afterwards we gave the Woman some Cloaths for her and her Children, and put her and two of them ashore; but one of them, a very pretty Boy, about 7 or 8 years old, Captain Swan kept. The Woman cried, and begg'd hard to have him; but Captain Swan would not, but promis'd to make much of him, and was as [Page] good as his word. He proved afterwards a very fine Boy for Wit, Courage, and Dexterity; I have often wonder'd at his Expressions and Actions.

The 21st day in the evening we sailed hence with the Land-wind. The Land-winds on this part of the Coast are at N. and the Sea-winds at W. S. W. We had fair weather, and coasted along to the Westward. The Land is high, and full of ragged Hills; and West from these ragged Hills the Land makes many pleasant and fruitful Valleys among the Mountains. The 25th day we were abrest of a very remarkable Hill, which towring above the rest of its fellows, is divided in the top, and makes two small parts. It is in lat. 18 d. 8 m. North. The Spaniards make mention of a Town called Thelupan near this Hill, which we would have visited if we could have found the way to it. The 26th day Captain Swan and Captain Townly, with 200 Men, of whom I was one, went in our Canoas to seek for the City of Colima, a rich place by report, but how far within Land I could never learn: for as I said before, here is no Trade by Sea, and therefore we could never get Guides to inform us or conduct us to any Town, but one or two, on this Coast: and there is never a Town that lieth open to the Sea but Acapulco; and therefore our search was commonly fruitless, as now: for, we rowed above 20 leagues along shore, and found it a very bad Coast to land: we saw no House, nor sign of Inhabitants, although we past by a fine Valley, called the Valley of Maguella: only at two places, the one at our first setting out on this Expedttion, and the other at the end of it, we saw a Horseman set, as we supposed, as a Centinel, to watch us. At both places we landed with difficulty, and at each place we followed the track of the Horse on the sandy Bay; but where they entered the Woods we lost the track, and although we diligently searcht [Page] for it, yet we could find it no more, so we were perfectly at a loss to find out the Houses or Town they came from. The 28th day, being tired and hopeless to find any Town, we went aboard our Ships, that were now come abrest of the place where we were: for always when we leave our Ships, we either order a certain place of meeting, or else leave them a sign to know where we are by making one or more great Smoaks: yet we had all like to have been ruin'd by such a signal as this in a former Voyage under Captain Sharp, when we made that unfortunate attempt upon Arica, which is mentioned in the History of the Buccaneers. For upon the routing our Men, and taking several of them, some of those so taken told the Spaniards, that it was agreed between them and their Companions on board to make two great Smokes at a distance from each other, assoon as the Town should be taken, as a signal to the Ship, that it might safely enter the Harbour. The Spaniards made these Smokes presently: I was then among those who stay'd on board: and whether the signal was not so exactly made, or some other discouragement happen'd, I remember not: but we forbore going in, till we saw our scatter'd Crew coming off in their Canoas. Had we entred the Port upon the false signal we must have been taken or sunk; for we must have past close by the Fort, and could have had no Wind to bring us out, till the Landwind should rise in the night.

But to our present Voyage: After we came aboard we saw the Volcan of Colima. This is a very high Mountain, in about 18d. 36m. North, standing 5 or 6 leagues from the Sea, in the midst of a pleasant Valley. It appears with 2 sharp peeks, from each of which there do always issue flames of fire or smoke. The Valley in which this Volcan stands is called the Valley of Colima, from the Town [Page] itself which stands there not far from the Volcan. The Town is said to be great and rich, the chief of all its Neighborhood: and the Valley in which it is seated, by the relation which the Spaniards give of it, is the most pleasant and fruitful Valley in all the Kingdom of Mexico. This Valley is about 10 or 12 leagues wide by the Sea, where it makes a small Bay: but how far the Vale runs into the Country I know not. It is said to befull of Cacao gardens, fields of Corn, Wheat, and Plantain-walks. The neighbouring Sea is bounded with a sandy shore; but there is no going ashore for the violence of the waves. The Land within it is low all along, and Woody for about 2 leagues from the East side; at the end of the Woods there is a deep River runs out into the Sea: but it hath such a great Bar, or Sandy shole, that when we were here no Boat or Canoa could possibly enter, the Sea running so high upon the Bar: otherwise, I judge, we should have made some farther discovery into this pleasant Valley. On the West side of the River the Savannah land begins, and runs to the other side of the Valley. We had but little wind when we came aboard; therefore we lay off this Bay that afternoon and the night ensuing.

The 29th day our Captains went away from our Ships with 200 men, intending at the first convenient place to land and search about for a path: for the Spanish Books make mention of 2 or 3 other Towns hereabouts, especially one called Sallagua, to the West of this Bay. Our Canoas rowed along as near the shore as they could; but the Sea went so high that they could not land. About 10 or 11 a clock 2 Horsemen came near the shore, and one of them took a Bottle out of his pocket, and drank to ourmen: While he was drinking, one of our men snatcht up his Gun, and let drive at him, and kill'd his Horse: so his consort immediately set Spurs to [Page] his Horse and rode away, leaving the other to come after afoot. But he being Booted made but slow haste; therefore 2 of our men stript themselves, and swam ashore to take him: but he had a Macheat, or long Knife, wherewith he kept them both from seizing him, they having nothing in their hands wherewith to defend themselves, or offend him. The 30th day our men came all aboard again; for they could not find any place to land in.

The first day of December we passed by the Port of Sallagua. This Port is in lat. 18 d. 52 m. It is only a pretty deep Bay, divided in the middle with a rocky point, which makes, as it were, two Harbours. Ships may ride securely in either, but the West Harbour is the best: there is good anchoring any where in 10 or 12 fathom, and a Brook of fresh Water runs into the Sea. Here we saw a great new thatched House, and a great many Spaniards both Horse and Foot, with Drums beating, and Colours flying, in defiance of us as we thought. We took no notice of them till the next morning, and then we landed about 200 Men to try their Courage: but they presently withdrew. The Foot never stay'd to exchange one shot, but the Horsemen stay'd till 2 or 3 were knocked down, and then they drew off; our Men pursuing them: At last 2 of our Men took 2 Horses that had lost their Riders, and mounting them, rode after the Spaniards full drive till they came among them, thinking to have taken a Prisoner for Intelligence, but had like to have been taken themselves: for 4 Spaniards surrounded them, after they had discharged their Pistols, and unhorsed them; and if some of our best Footmen had not come to their rescue, they must have yielded, or have been killed. They were both cut in 2 or 3 places, but their wounds were not mortal. The 4 Spaniards got away before our Men [Page] could hurt them, and mounting their Horses speeded after their Consorts, who were marched away into the Country. Our Men finding a broad Road leading into the Country, followed it about 4 leagues in a dry stony Country, full of short Woods: but finding no sign of Inhabitants they returned again. In their way back they took two Mulatto's, who were not able to march as fast as their Consorts; therefore they had skulked in the Woods, and by that means thought to have escaped our Men. These Prisoners informed us, that this great Road did lead to a great City called Oarrha, from whence many of those Horsemen before spoken of came: that this City was distant from hence as far as a Horse will go in 4 days; and that there is no place of consequence nearer: that the Country is very poor, and thinly inhabited. They said also, that these Men came to assist the Phillippine Ship, that was every day expected here, to put ashore Passengers for Mexico. The Spanish Pilot-Books mention a Town also called Sallagua hereabouts: but we could not find it, nor hear any thing of it by our Prisoners.

We now intended to cruize off of Cape Corrientes to wait for the Phillippine Ship. So the 6th day of December we set sail, coasting to the Westwards, towards Cape Corrientes. We had fair weather, and but little Wind: the Sea breezes at N. W. and the Land-wind at N. The Land is of an indifferent heighth, full of ragged points, which at a distance appear like Islands: the Country is very woody, but the Trees are not high, nor very big.

Here I was taken sick of a Fever and Ague that afterwards turned to a Dropsy, which I laboured under a long time after: and many of our Men died of this distemper, though our Surgeons used their greatest skill to preserve their lives. The Dropsy is a general distemper on this Coast, and the Natives [Page] say, that the best remedy they can find for it is the Stone or Cod of an Allegator (of which they have 4, one near each Leg, within the Flesh) pulverized and drunk in Water: this Receipt we also found mentioned in an Almanack made at Mexico: I would have tried it, but we found no Allegators here, though there are several.

There are many good Harbours between Sallagua and Cape Corrientes: but we passed by them all. As we drew near the Cape, the Land by the Sea appeared of an indifferent heighth, full of white Cliffs; but in the Country the Land is high and barren, and full of sharp peeked Hills, unpleasant to the sight. To the West of this ragged Land is a chain of Mountains running parallel with the shore: they end on the West with a gentle descent; but on the East side they keep their heighth, ending with a high steep Mountain, which hath 3 small sharp peeked tops, somewhat resembling a Crown; and therefore called by the Spaniards, Coronada, the Crown Land.

The 11th day we were fair in sight of Cape Corrientes, it bore N. by W. and the Crown Land bore North. The Cape is of an indifferent heighth, with steep Rocks to the Sea. It is flat and even on the top, cloathed with Woods: the Land in the Country is high and doubled. This Cape lieth in 20 d. 28 m. North. I find its longitude from Tenariff to be 230 d. 56 m. but I keep my longitude Westward, according to our course, and according to this reckoning, I find it is from the Lizard in England 121 d. 41 m. so that the difference of time is 8 hours, and almost 6 minutes.

Here we had resolved to cruize for the Phillippine Ship, because she always makes this Cape in her Voyage homeward. We were (as I have said) 4 Ships in company; Captain Swan, and his Tender; Captain Townly, and his Tender. It was so [Page] ordered, that Captain Swan should lye 8 or 10 leagues off shore, and the rest about a league distant each from other, between him and the Cape, that so we might not miss the Philippine Ship: but we wanted Provision; and therefore we sent Captain Townly's Bark, with 50 or 60 men to the West of the Cape, to search about for some Town or Plantations, where we might get Provision of any sort. The rest of us in the mean time cruizing in our stations. The 17th day the Bark came to us again, but had got nothing, for they could not get about the Cape, because the wind on this Coast is commonly between the N. W. and the S. W. which makes it very difficult getting to the Westward; but they left 4 Canoas with 46 men at the Cape, who resolved to row to the Westward. The 18th day we sailed to the Keys of Chametly to fill our Water. These Keys or Islands of Chametly are about 16 or 18 leagues to the Eastward of Cape Corrientes. They are small, low, and woody, invironed with Rocks; there are 5 of them lying in the form of a half Moon, not a mile from the shore, and between them and the Main is very good Riding, secure from any Wind. The Spaniards do report, that here live Fishermen, to fish for the Inhabitants of the City of Purification. This is said to be a large Town, the best hereabouts; but is 14 leagues up in the Country.

The 20th instant we entered within these Islands, passing in on the S. E. side, and anchored between the Islands and the Main, in 5 fathom clean Sand. Here we found good fresh Water and Wood, and caught plenty of Rock-fish with Hook and Line, a sort of Fish I describ'd at the Isle of John Fernando, but we saw no sign of Inhabitants, besides 3 or 4 old Hutts; therefore I do believe that the Spanish, or Indian Fishermen come hither only at Lent, or some other such season, but that they do not live [Page] here constantly. The 21st day Captain Townly went away with about 60 men to take an Indian Village, 7 or 8 leagues from hence to the Westward more towards the Cape, and the next day we went to cruize off the Cape, where Captain Townly was to meet us. The 24th day, as we were cruizing off the Cape, the 4 Canoas before mentioned which Captain Townly's Bark left at the Cape, came off to us. They, after the Bark left them, past to the West of the Cape, and rowed into the Valley Valderas, or perhaps Val d' Iris; for it signifies the Valley of Flags.

This Valley lies in the bottom of a pretty deep Bay, that runs in between Cape Corrientes on the S. E. and the point of Pontique on the N. W. which two places are about 10 leagues asunder. The Valley is about 3 leagues wide; there is a level sandy Bay against the Sea, and good smooth landing. In the midst of the Bay is a fine River, whereinto Boats may enter; but it is brackish at the latter end of the dry Season, which is in February, March, and part of April. I shall speak more of the Seasons in my Chapter of Winds, in the Appendix. This Valley is bounded within Land, with a small green Hill, that makes a very gentle descent into the Valley, and affords a very pleasant prospect to Sea-ward. It is inriched with fruitful Savannahs, mixt with Groves of Trees fit for any uses, beside Fruit Trees in abundance, as Guava's, Oranges and Limes, which here grow wild in such plenty, as if Nature had designed it only for a Garden. The Savannahs are full of fat Bulls and Cows, and some Horses; but no House in sight.

When our Canoas came to this pleasant Valley, they landed 37 men, and marched into the Country seeking for some Houses. They had not gone past 3 mile before they were attackt by 150 Spaniards, Horse and Foot: There was a small thin [Page] Wood close by them, into which our men retreated, to secure themselves from the fury of the Horse: Yet the Spaniards rode in among them, and attackt them very furiously, till the Spnnish Captain, and 17 more, tumbled dead off their Horses: then the rest retreated, being many of them wounded. We lost 4 men, and had 2 desperately wounded. In this action, the Foot, who were armed with Lances and Swords, and were the greatest number, never made any attack; the Horse-men had each abrace of Pistols, and some short Guns. If the Foot had come in, they had certainly destroy'd all our men. When the skirmish was over, our men plac'd the two wounded men on Horses, and came to their Canoas. There they kill'd one of the Horses, and drest it; being afraid to venture into the Savannah to kill a Bullock, of which there was store. When they had eaten, and satisfy'd themselves, they returned aboard. The 25th day, being Christmas, we cruized in pretty near the Cape, and sent in 3 Canoas with the Strikers to get Fish; being desirous to have a Christmas dinner. In the afternoon they returned aboard with 3 great Jew-fish, which feasted us all: and the next day we sent ashore our Canoas again, and got 3 or 4 more.

Captain Townly, who went from us at Chametly, came aboard the 28th day, and brought about 40 bushels of Maiz. He had landed to the Eastward of Cape Corrientes, and march'd to an Indian Village that is 4 or 5 leagues in the Country. The Indians seeing him coming, set 2 houses on fire, that were full of Maiz, and run away: Yet he and his men got, in other houses, as much as they could bring down on their backs; which he brought aboard.

We cruized off the Cape till the first day of January, 1686, and then made towards the Valley Valderas, to hunt for Beef: and before night we anchored in the bottom of the Bay, in 60 fathom [Page] water, a mile from the shore. Here we stay'd hunting till the 7th day, and Captain Swan and Captain Townly went ashore every morning with about 240 men, and marched to a small hill; where they remain'd with 50 or 60 men to watch the Spaniards, who appear'd in great companies on other hills not far distant, but did never attempt any thing against our men. Here we kill'd and salted above 2 months meat, besides what we spent fresh: and might have kill'd as much more, if we had been better stor'd with Salt. Our hopes of meeting the Philippine Ship were now over; for we did all conclude, that while we were necessitated to hunt here for Provisions, she was past by to the Eastward, as indeed she was, as we did understand afterwards by Prisoners. So this design fail'd through Captain Townley's eagerness after the Lima Ship, which he attempted in Acapulco Harbour, as as I have related. For though we took a little Flower hard by, yet the same Guide which told us of that Ship would have conducted us where we might had store of Beef and Maiz: but instead thereof we lost both our time and the opportunity of providing our selves, and so were forced to be victualling when we should have been cruizing off Cape Corrientes in expectation of the Manila Ship.

Hitherto we had coasted along here with 2 different designs. The one was to get the Manila Ship, which would have enriched us beyond measure, and this Captain Townly was most for. Sir Tho. Cavendish formerly took the Manila Ship off Cape St. Lucas in California, (where we also would have waited for her, had we been early enough stored with Provisions, to have met her there) and threw much rich Goods over-board. The other design, which Captain Swan and our Crew were most for, was to search along the Coast for rich Towns, and Mines chiefly of Gold and Silver, which we were [Page] assured were in this Country, and we hoped near the shore: not knowing (as we afterwards found) that it was in effect an Inland Country, its Wealth remote from the South Sea Coast, and having little or no commerce with it: its Trade being driven Eastward with Europe, by La Vera Cruz. Yet we had still some expectation of Mines, and so resolved to steer on farther Northward. But Captain Townly, who had no other design in coming on this Coast, but to meet this Ship, resolved to return again towards the Coast of Peru.

In all this Voyage on the Mexican Coast we had with us a Captain, and 2 or 3 of his Men of our friendly Inaians of the Isthmus of Darien; who having conducted over some Parties of our Privateers, and expressing a desire to go along with us, were received and kindly entertained aboard our Ships: and we were pleas'd in having, by this means, Guides ready provided, should we be for returning over Land, as several of us thought to do, rather than sail round about. But at this time, we of Captain Swan's Ship designing farther to the North West, and Captain Townly going back, we committed these our Indian Friends to his care, to carry them home. So here we parted; he to the East-ward, and we to the Westward, intending to search as far to the Westward as the Spaniards were settled.

It was the 7th day of January in the morning when we sailed from this pleasant Valley. The Wind was at N. E. and the weather fair. At 11 a clock the Sea-wind came at N. W. Before night we passed by Point Pontique; this is the West point of the Bay of the Valley of Valderas, and is distant from Cape Corrientes 10 leagues. This point is in lat. 20 d. 50 m. North: it is high, round, rocky and barren. At a distance it appears like an Island. A league to the West of this point are two small barren [Page] Islands, called the Islands of Pontique. There are several high, sharp, white Rocks, that lye scattering about them: we past between these rocky Islands on the left, and the Main on the right; for there is no danger. The Sea-coast beyond this point runs Northward for about 18 leagues, making many ragged points, with small sandy Bays between them. The Land by the Sea side is low and pretty woody: but in the Country full of high, sharp, barren, rugged, unpleasant Hills.

The 14th day we had sight of a small white Rock, which appears very much like a Ship under sail. This Rock is in lat. 21 d. 15 m. it is 3 leagues from the Main. There is a good Channel between it and the Main, where you will have 12 or 14 fathom water near the Island; but running nearer the Main you will have gradual soundings, till you come in with the shore. At night we anchored in 6 fathom water, near a league from the Main, in good oazy ground. We caught a great many Catfish here, and at several places on this Coast, both before and after this.

From this Island the Land runs more Northerly, making a fair sandy Bay: But the Sea falls in with such violence on the Shore, that there is no landing, but very good anchoring on all the Coast, and gradual soundings. About a league off shore you will have 6 fathom, and 4 mile off shore you will have 7 fathom water. We came to an anchor every evening; and in the mornings we sailed off with the Land-wind; which we found at N. E. and the Sea-breezes at N. W.

The 20th day we anchored about 3 miles on the East side of the Islands Chametly, different from those of that name before-mentioned: for these are 6 small Islands in lat. 23 d. 11 m. a little to the South of the Tropick of Cancer, and about 3 leagues from the Main, where a Salt-Lake hath its out-let [Page] into the Sea. These Isles are of an indifferent heighth: Some of them have a few shrubby bushes; the rest are bare of any sort of Wood. They are rocky round by the Sea: only one or two of them have sandy Bays on the North side. There is a sort of Fruit growing on these Islands called Penguins; and 'tis all the Fruit they have.

The Penguin Fruit is of two sorts, the yellow and the red. The yellow Penguin grows on a green stem, as big as a Man's Arm, above a foot high from the ground: The leaves of this stalk are half a foot long, and an inch broad; the edges full of sharp prickles. The Fruit grows at the head of the stalk, in 2 or 3 great clusters, 16 or 20 in a cluster. The Fruit is as big as a Pullets Egg, of a round form, and in colour yellow. It has a thick skin or rind, and the inside is full of small black seeds, mixt among the Fruit. It is a sharp pleasant Fruit. The red Penguin is of the bigness and colour of a small dry Onion, and is in shape much like a Nine-pin; for it grows, not on a stalk, or stem, as the other, but one end on the ground, the other standing upright. 60 or 70 grow thus together as close as they can stand one by another, and all from the same root, or cluster of roots. These Penguins are encompast or fenced with long leaves, about a foot and an half, or 2 foot long, and prickly like the former; and the Fruit too is much alike. They are both wholsom, and never offend the stomach: but those that eat many will find a heat or tickling in their Fundament. They grow so plentifully in the Bay of Campeachy, that there is no passing for their high prickly leaves.

There are some Guanoes on these Islands, but no other sort of Land Animal. The Bays about the Islands are sometimes visited with Seal, and this was the first place where I had seen any of these Animals on the North side of the Equator, in these [Page] Seas. For the Fish on this sandy Coast lye most in the Lagunes or Salt-lakes, and mouths of Rivers; but the Seals come not so much there, as I judge: for this being no rocky Coast, where Fish resort most, there seems to be but little food for the Seals, unless they will venture upon Cat fish.

Captain Swan went away from hence with 100 Men, in our Canoas, to the Northward, to seek for the River Coolecan, possibly the same with the River of Pastla, which some Maps lay down in the Province or Region of Cullacan. This River lieth in about 24 d. N. lat. We were informed, that there is a fair and rich Spanish Town seated on the East side of it, with Savannahs about it, full of Bulls and Cows; and that the Inhabitants of this Town pass over in Boats to the Island California, where they fish for Pearl. I have been told since by a Spaniard, that said he had been at the Island California, that there are great plenty of Pearl-Oysters there, and that the Native Indians of California, near the Pearlfishery, are mortal Enemies to the Spaniards. Our Canoas were absent 3 or 4 days, and said they had been above 30 leagues but found no River: that the Land by the Sea was low, and all sandy Bay; but such a great Sea, that there was no landing They met us in their return in the lat. 23 d. 30 m. coasting along shore after them towards Cullacan; so we returned again to the Eastward. This was the farthest that I was to the North, on this Coast.

6 or 7 leagues N. N. W. from the Isles of Chametly there is a small narrow entrance into a Lake, which runs about 12 leagues Easterly, parallel with the shore, making many small low Mangrove Islands. The mouth of this Lake is in lat. about 23 d. 30 m. It is called by the Spaniards Rio de Sal; for it is a Salt Lake. There is Water enough for Boats and Canoas to enter, and smooth landing after you are in. On the West side of it there is an [Page] House, and an Estantion, or Farm of large Cattel. Our Men went into the Lake, and landed, and coming to the House found 7 or 8 Bushels of Maiz: but the Cattle were driven away by the Spaniards. yet there our Men took the Owner of the Estantion, and brought him aboard. He said, that the Beefs were driven a great way into the Country, for fear we should kill them. While we lay here, Captain Swan went into this lake again, and landed 150 Men on the N. E. side, and marched into the Country: About a mile from the landing place, as they were entring a dry Salina, or Salt-pond, they fired at two Indians that crost the way before them: one of them being wounded in the thigh fell down, and being examined, he told our Men, that there was an Indian Town 4 or 5 leagues off, and that the way which they were going would bring them thither. While they were in discourse with the Indian they were attacqued by 100 Spanish Horsemen, who came with a design to scare them back; but wanted both Arms and Hearts to do it. Our Men past on from hence, and in their way marched through a Savannah of long dry Grass. This the Spaniards set on fire, thinking to burn them; but that did not hinder our Men from marching forward, though it did trouble them a little. They rambled for want of Guides all this day, and part of the next, before they came to the Town the Indian spake of. There they found a company of Spaniards and Indians who made head against them; but were driven out of the Town after a short dispute. Here our Chirurgeon and one Man more were wounded with Arrows; but none of the rest were hurt. When they came into the Town they found 2 or 3 Indians wounded, who told them that the Name of the Town was Massaclan; that there were a few Spaniards living in it, and the rest were Indians: that 5 leagues from this Town [Page] there were 2 rich Gold Mines, where the Spaniards of Compostella, which is the chiefest Town in these parts, kept many Slaves and Indians at work for Gold. Here our Men lay that night, and the next morning packt up all the Maiz that they could find, and brought it on their backs to the Canoas, and came aboard.

We lay here till the 2d of February, and then Captain Swan went away with about 80 Men to the River Rosario: wh [...]re they landed, and marched to an Indian Town of the same Name. They found it about 9 mile from the Sea; the way to it fair and even. This was a fine little Town, of about 60 or 70 Houses, with a fair Church; and it was chiefly inhabited with Indians. They took Prisoners there, which told them, that the River Rosario is rich in Gold, and that the Mines are not above 2 leagues from the Town. Captain Swan did not think it convenient to go to the Mines; but made haste aboard with the Maiz which he took there, to the quantity of about 80 or 90 Bushels; and which to us, in the scarcity we were in of Provisions, was at that time more valuable than all the Gold in the world: and had he gone to the Mines the Spaniards would probably have destroyed the Corn before his return. The 3d day of February we went with our Ships also towards the River Rosario, and anchored the next day against the Rivers mouth, in 7 fathom, good oazy ground, a league from the shore. This River is in lat. 22 d 51 m. N. When you are at an anchor against this River, you will see a round Hill, like a Sugar-loaf, a little way within Land, right over the River, and bearing N. E. by N. To the Westward of that Hill there is another pretty long Hill called by the Spaniards Caput Cavalli, or the Horse's Head.

The 7th day Captain Swan came aboard with the Maiz which he got. This was but a small quantity for so many Men as we were, especially considering [Page] the place we were in, being strangers, and having no Pilots to direct or guide us into any River; and we being without all sort of Provision, but what we were forced to get in this manner from the shore. And though our Pilot-book directed us well enough to find the Rivers, yet for want of Guides to carry us to the Settlements, we were forced to search 2 or 3 days before we could find a place to land: for as I have said before, besides the Seas being too rough for landing in many places, they have neither Boat, Bark, nor Canoa, that we could ever see or hear of: and therefore as there are no such landing places in these Rivers, as there are in the South Seas, so when we were landed, we did not know which way to go to any Town, except we accidentally met with a path. Indeed the Spaniards and Indians whom we had aboard knew the Names of several Rivers, and Towns near them, and knew the Towns when they saw them: but they knew not the way to go to them from the Sea.

The 8th day Captain Swan sent about 40 men to seek for the River Oleta, which is to the East-ward of the River Rosario. The next day we followed after with the Ships, having the Wind at W. N. W. and fair weather. In the afternoon our Canoas came again to us, for they could not find the River Oleta; therefore we designed next for the River St. Jago, to the Eastward still. The 11th day in the evening we anchored against the mouth of the River, in 7 fathom water, good soft oazy ground, and about 2 mile from the shore. There was a high white Rock without us, called Maxentelbo. This Rock at a distance appears like a Ship under sail; it bore from us W. N. W. distant about 3 leagues. The Hill Zelisco bore S. E. which is a very high Hill in the Country, with a Saddle or bending on the top. The River St. Jago is in [...]. 22 d. 15 m. It is one of the principal Rivers on [Page] this Coast; there is 10 foot Water on the bar at low Water, but how much it flows here I know not. The mouth of this River is near half a mile broad, and very smooth entring. Within the mouth it is broader; for there are 3 or 4 Rivers more meet there, and issue all out together. The Water is brackish a great way up; yet there is fresh Water to be had, by digging or making Wells in the sandy Bay, 2 or 3 foot deep, just at the mouth of the River.

The 11th day Captain Swan sent 70 men in 4 Canoas into this River, to seek a Town; for although we had no intelligence of any, yet the Country appearing very promising, we did not question but they would find Inhabitants before they returned. They spent 2 days in rowing up and down the Creeks and Rivers; at last they came to a large Field of Maiz, which was almost ripe: They immediately fell to gathering as fast as they could, and intended to lade the Canoas; but seeing an Indian that was set to watch the Corn, they quitted that troublesom and tedious work, and seiz'd him, and brought him aboard, in hopes by his information, to have some more easy and expedite way of a supply, by finding Corn ready cut and dried. He being examined, said, that there was a Town called Santa Pecaque, 4 leagues from the place where he was taken; and that if we designed to go thither, he would undertake to be our Guide. Captain Swan immediately ordered his men to make ready, and the same evening went away with 8 Canoas and 140 men, taking the Indian for their Guide.

He rowed about 5 leagues up the River, and landed the next morning. The River at this place was not above Pistol shot wide, and the Banks pretty high one each side, and the Land plain and even. He left 23 men to guard the Canoas, and [Page] marcht with the rest to the Town. He set out from the Canoas at 6 a clock in the morning, and reacht the Town by 10. The way thro which he passed was very plain, part of it Wood-land, part Savannahs. The Savannahs were full of Horses, Bulls and Cows. The Spaniards seeing him coming run all away; so he entered the Town without the least opposition.

This Town of Santa Pecaque stands on a Plain, in a Savannah, by the side of a VVood, with many Fruit Trees about it. It is but a small Town, but very regular, after the Spanish mode, with a Parade in the midst. The Houses fronting the Parade had all Balconies: there were 2 Churches; one against the Parade, the other at the end of the Town. It is inhabited most with Spaniards. Their chiefest occupation is Husbandry. There are also some Carriers, who are imployed by the Merchants of Compostella, to trade for them to, and from the Mines.

Compostella is a rich Town, about 21 leagues from hence. It is the chiefest in all this part of the Kingdom, and is reported to have 70 white Families: which is a great matter in these parts; for it may be that such a Town hath not less than 500 Families of copper-coloured People, besides the white. The Silver Mines are about 5 or 6 leagues from Santa Pecaque; where, as we were told, the Inhabitants of Compostella had some hundreds of Slaves at work. The Silver here, and all over the Kingdom of Mexico, is said to be finer and richer in proportion than that of Potosi or Peru, tho the Oar be not so abundant; and the Carriers of this Town of Santa Pecaque carry the Oar to Compostella, where it is refined. These Carriers or Sutlers also furnish the Slaves at the Mines with Maiz, whereof here was great plenty now in the Town designed for that use: here was also Sugar, Salt, and Salt-fish.

[Page] Captain Swan's only business at Santa Pecaque was to get Provision: therefore he ordered his Men to divide themselves into two parts, and by turns carry down the Provision to the Canoas; one half remaining in the Town to secure what they had taken, while the other half were going and coming. In the afternoon they caught some Horses, and the next morning, being the 17th day, 57 Men, and some Horses, went laden with Maiz to the Canoas. They found them, and the Men left to guard them, in good order; though the Spaniards had given them a small diversion, and wounded one Man: but our Men of the Canoas landed, and drove them away. These that came loaded to the Canoas left 7 Men more there, so that now they were 40 Men to guard the Canoas. At night the other returned, and the 18th day in the morning that half which staid the day before at the Town, took their turn of going with every Man his burthen, and 24 Horses laden. Before they returned Captain Swan and his other Men at the Town caught a Prisoner, who said, that there were near a thousand Men of all colours, Spaniards and Indians, Negroes and Mulatto's, in arms, at a place called St. Jago, but 3 leagues off, the chief Town on this River: that the Spaniards were armed with Guns and Pistols, and the copper-colour'd with Swords and Lances. Captain Swan, fearing the ill consequence of separating his small company, was resolved the next day to march away with the whole party; and therefore he ordered his Men to catch as many Horses as they could, that they might carry the more provision with them. Accordingly, the next day, being the 19th day of February 1686. Captain Swan called out his Men betimes to be gone; but they refused to go, and said, that they would not leave the Town till all the Provision was in the Canoas: Therefore he was forced to [Page] yield to them, and suffered half the company to go as before: They had now 54 Horses laden, which Captain Swan ordered to be tied one to another, and the Men to go in two bodies, 25 before, and as many behind: but the Men would go at their own rate, every Man leading his Horse. The Spaniards observed their manner of marching, and laid an Ambush about a mile from the Town, which they managed with such success, that falling on our body of Men, who were guarding the Corn to the Canoas, they kill'd them every one. Captain Swan hearing the report of their Guns, ordered his Men, who were then in the Town with him, to march out to their assistance: but some opposed him, despising their Enemies; till two of the Spaniards Horses, that had lost their Riders, came galloping into the Town in a great fright, both bridled and and saddled, with each a pair of Holsters by their sides, and one had a Carabine newly discharged: which was an apparent token that our Men had been engaged, and that by Men better armed than they imagined they should meet with. Therefore Captain Swan immediately marcht out of the Town, and his Men all followed him; and when he came to the place where the Engagement had been, he saw all his Men that went out in the morning lying dead. They were stript, and so cut and mangl'd, that he scarce knew one Man. Captain Swan had not more Men then with him, than those were who lay dead before him, yet the Spaniards never came to oppose him, but kept at a great distance; for 'tis probable the Spaniards had not cut off so many Men of ours, but with the loss of a great many of their own. So he marched down to the Canoas, and came aboard the Ship with the Maiz that was already in the Canoas. We had about 50 Men killed, and among the rest my ingenious friend Mr. Ringrose was one, who wrote that [Page] Part of the History of the Buccaneers, which relates to Captain Sharp. He was at this time Cape-Merchant, or Super-cargo of Captain Swan s Ship. He had no mind to this Voyage; but was necessitated to engage in it, or starve.

This loss discouraged us from attempting any thing more hereabouts. Therefore Captain Swan proposed to go to Cape St. Lucas on California to careen. He had two reasons for this: first, that he thought he could lye there secure from the Spaniards; and next, that if he could get a commerce with the Indians there, he might make a discovery in the Lake of California, and by their assistance try for some of the Plate of New Mexico.

This Lake of California (for so the Sea, Channel or Streight, between that and the Continent, is called) is but little known to the Spaniards, by what I could ever learn; for their Drafts do not agree about it. Some of them do make California an Island, but give no manner of account of the Tides flowing in the Lake, or what depth of Water there is, or of the Harbours, Rivers, or Creeks, that border on it: Whereas on the West side of the Island, toward the Asiatick Coast, their Pilot-book gives an account of the Coast from Cape St. Lucas to 40 d. N. Some of their Drafts newly made do make California to join to the Main. I do believe that the Spaniards do not care to have this Lake discovered, for fear lest other European Nations should get knowledge of it, and by that means visit the Mines of New Mexico. We heard that not long before our arrival here, the Indians in the Province of New Mexico made an insurrection, and destroyed most of the Spaniards there, but that some of them flying towards the Gulf or Lake of California, made Canoas in that Lake and got safe away; so that the Indians of the Lake of California, seem to be at perfect enmity with the Spaniards. We had [Page] an o'd intelligent Spaniard now aboard, who said that he spoke with a Frier that made his escape among them.

New Mexico, by report of several English Prisoners there, and Spaniards I have met with, lyeth N. W. from Old Mexico between 4 and 500 leagues, and the biggest part of the Treasure which is found in this Kingdom, is in that Province; but without doubt there are plenty of Mines in other parts, as well as in this part of the Kingdom where we now were, as in other places; and probably, on the Main, bordering on the Lake of California; although not yet discovered by the Spaniards who have Mines enough, and therefore, as yet, have no reason to discover more.

In my opinion, here might be very advantageous Discoveries made by any that would attempt it: for the Spaniards have more than they can well manage. I know yet, they would lie like the Dog in the Manger; altho not able to eat themselves, yet they would endeavour to hinder others. But the Voyage thither being so far, I take that to be one reason that hath hindered the Discoveries of these parts: yet it is possible, that a man may find a nearer way hither than we came; I mean by the North West.

I know there have been divers attempts made about a North West Passage, and all unsuccessful: yet I am of opinion, that such a Passage may be found. All our Countrymen that have gone to discover the N. W. Passage, have endeavoured to pass to the Westward, beginning their search along Davis's, or Hudsons Bay. But if I was to go on this Discovery, I would go first into the South Seas, bend my course from thence along by California, and that way seek a Passage back into the West Seas. For as others have spent the Summer, in first searching on this more known side nearer home, and so before they got through, the time of the [Page] year obliged them to give over their search, and provide for a long course back again, for fear of being left in the Winter; on the contrary, I would search first on the less known Coasts of the South Sea side, and then, as the year past away, I should need no retreat, for I should come farther into my knowledge, if I succeeded in my attempt, and should be without that dread and fear which the others must have in passing from the known to the unknown; who for ought I know gave over their search just as they were on the point of accomplishing their desires.

I would take the same method if I was to go to discover the North East Passage. I would winter about Japan, Corea, or the North East part of China; and taking the Spring and Summer before me, I would make my first Trial on the Coast of Tartary: wherein, if I succeeded, I should come into some known parts; and have a great deal of time before me to reach Archangel or some other Port. Captain Wood, indeed says, this North East Passage is not to be found for Ice: but how often do we see that sometimes designs have been given over as impossible, and at another time, and by other ways, those very things have been accomplished? But enough of this.

The next day after that fatal Skirmish near Santa Pecaque Captain Swan ordered all our Water to be fill d, and to get ready to sail. The 21st day we sailed from hence, directing our course towards California: we had the Wind at N. W. and W. N. W. a small gale, with a great Sea out of the West. We past by 3 Islands called the Maria's. After we past these Islands we had much Wind at N. N. W. and N. W. and at N. with thick rainy weather. We beat till the 6th day of February, but it was against a brisk Wind, and proved labour in vain. For we were now within reach of the Land Trade-wind, [Page] which was opposite to us: but would we go to California upon any Discovery or otherwise, we should bear 60 or 70 leagues off from shore; where we should avoid the Land-winds, and have the benefit of the true Easterly Trade-wind.

Finding therefore that we got nothing, but rather lost ground, being then in 21 d. 5 m. N. we steered away more to the Eastward again for the Islands Maria's, and the 7th day we came to an anchor at the East end of the middle Island, in 8 fathom Water, good clean Sand.

The Maria's are three uninhabited Islands in lat. 21 d. 40 m. they are distant from Cape St. Lucas on California 40 leagues, bearing West South West, and they are distant from Cape Corrientes 20 leagues, bearing upon the same points of the Compass with Cape St. Lucas. They stretch N. W. and S. E. about 14 leagues. There are 2 or 3 small high Rocks near them: The Westermost of them is the biggest Island of the three; and they are all three of an indifferent heighth. The soil is stony and dry; the land, in most places, is covered with a shrubby sort of Wood, very thick and troublesome to pass through. In some places there is plenty of straight large Cedars; though speaking of the places where I have found Cedars, Chap. 3. I forgot to mention this place. The Spaniards make mention of them in other places: but I speak of those which I have seen. All round by the Sea side it is sandy; and there is produced a green prickly Plant, whose leaves are much like the Penguin-leaf, and the root like the root of a Se [...]pervive, but much larger. This root being bak d in an Oven is good to eat: and the Indians on California, as I have been informed, have great part of their subsistence from these roots. We made an Oven in a sandy Bank, and baked of these Roots, and I eat of them: but none of us greatly cared for them. They taste exactly [Page] like the Roots of our English Burdocks boil'd, of which I have eaten. Here are plenty of Guanoes and Raccoons (a large sort of Rat) and Indian Conies, and abundance of large Pigeons and Turtle-Doves. The Sea is also pretty well stored with Fish, and Turtle or Tortoise, and Seal. This is the second place on this Coast where I did see any Seal: and this place helps to confirm what I have observed, that they are seldom seen but where there is plenty of Fish. Captain Swan gave the middle Island the Name of Prince George's Island.

The 8th day we run nearer the Island, and anchored in 5 fathom, and moored Head and Stern, and unrigg d both Ship and Bark in order to careen. Here Captain Swan proposed to go into the East Indies. Many were well pleased with the Voyage; but some thought, such was their ignorance, that he would carry them out of the world; for about 2 thirds of our Men did not think there was any such way to be found: but at last he gain'd their consents.

At our first coming hither we did eat nothing but Seal; but after the first 2 or 3 days our Strikers brought aboard Turtle every day; on which we fed all the time that we lay here, and saved our Maiz for our Voyage. Here also we measured all our Maiz, and found we had about 80 Bushels. This we divided into 3 parts; one for the Bark, and two for the Ship; our Men were divided also, 100 men aboard the Ship, and 50 aboard the Bark, besides 3 or 4 Slaves in each.

I had been a long time sick of a Dropsy, a distemper, whereof, as I said before, many of our men died; so here I was laid and covered all but my head in the hot Sand: I indured it near half an hour, and then was taken out and laid to sweat in a Tent. I did sweat exceedingly while I was in the Sand, and I do believe it did me much good, for I grew well soon after.

[Page] We staid here till the 26th day, and then both Vessels being clean, we sailed to the Valley of Balderas to water, for we could not do it here now. In the wet Season indeed here is Water enough, for the Brooks then run down plentifully; but now, though there was Water, yet it was bad filling, it being a great way to fetch it from the holes were it lodged. The 28th day we anchored in the bottom of the Bay the Valley of Balderas, right against the River, where we watered before: but this River was brackish now in the dry season; and therefore we went 2 or 3 leagues nearer Cape Corrientes, and anchored by a small round Island, not half a mile from the shore. The Island is about 4 leagues to the Northward of the Cape; and the Brook where we filled our water is just within the Island, upon the Main. Here our Strikers struck 9 or 10 Jew-fish; some we did eat, and the rest we salted: and the 29th day we fill'd 32 Tuns of very good water.

Having thus provided our selves, we had nothing more to do, but to put in execution our intended expedition to the East Indies, in hopes of some better success there, than we had met with on this little frequented Coast. We came on it full of expectations; for besides the richness of the Country, and the probability of finding some Sea Ports worth visiting, we perswaded our selves that there must needs be Shipping and Trade here, and that Acapulco and La Vera Cruz were to the Kingdom of Mexico, what Panama and Portobel are to that of Peru, viz. Marts for carrying on a constant Commerce between the South and North Seas, as indeed they are. But whereas we expected that this Commerce should be managed by Sea, we found our selves mistaken: that of Mexico being almost wholly a Land-trade, and managed more by Mules than by Ships: So that instead of profit we met with little [Page] on this Coast, besides fatigues, hardships and losses, and so were the more easily induced to try what better fortune we might have in the East Indies. But to do right to Captain Swan, he had no intention to be as a Privateer in the East Indies; but, as he hath often assured me with his own mouth, he resolved to take the first opportunity of returning to England: So that he feigned a compliance with some of his men, who were bent upon going to cruize at Manila, that he might have leisure to take some favourable opportunity of quitting the Privateer Trade.

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CHAP. X.

Their Departure from Cape Corrientes for the Ladrone Islands, and the East Indies. Their Course thither, and Accidents by the way: with a Table of each days Run, &c. Of the different accounts of the breadth of these Seas. Guam, one of the Ladrone Islands. The Coco-nut Tree, Fruit, &c. The Toddi, or Arack that distils from it; with other uses that are made of it Coire Cables. The Lime, or Crab Limon. The Bread fruit. The Native Indians of Guam. Their Proe's, a remarkable sort of Boats: and of those used in the East Indies. The State of Guam: and the Provisions with which they were furnisht there.

I Have given an account in the last Chapter of the resolutions we took of going over to the East Indies. But having more calmly considered on the length of our Voyage, from hence to Guam, one of the Ladrone Islands, which is the first place that we could touch at, and there also being not certain to find Provisions, most of our men were almost daunted at the thoughts of it; for we had not 60 days Provision, at a little more than half a pint of Maiz a day for each man, and no other Provision except 3 Meals of salted Jew-fish; and we had a great many Rats aboard, which we could not hinder from eating part of our Maiz. Beside, the great distance between Cape Corrientes and Guam: which is variously set down. The Spaniards, [Page] who have the greatest reason to know best, make it to be between 2300 and 2400 leagues; our Books also reckon it differently, between 90 and 100 degrees, which all comes short indeed of 2000 leagues, but even that was a Voyage enough to frighten us, considering our scanty Provisions. Captain Swan to encourage his men to go with him, perswaded them that the English Books did give the best account of the distance; his reasons were many, although but weak. He urged among the rest, that Sir Thomas Candish and Sir Francis Drake, did run it in less than 50 days, and that he did not question but that our Ships were better sailers, than those which were built in that age, and that he did not doubt to get there in little more than 40 days: This being the best time in the year for breezes, which undoubtedly is the reason that the Spaniards set out from Acapulco about this time; and that although they are 60 days in their Voyage, it is because they are great Ships, deep laden, and very heavy sailers; besides, they wanting nothing are in no great haste in their way, but sail with a great deal of their usual caution. And when they come near the Island Guam, they lye by in the night for a week, before they make Land. In prudence we also should have contriv'd to lye by in the night when we came near Land, for otherwise we might have run ashore, or have outsailed the Islands, and lost sight of them before morning. But our bold adventurers seldom proceed with such wariness when in any streights.

But of all Captain Swan's arguments, that which prevailed most with them was, his promising them, as I have said, to cruize off the Manila's. So he and his men being now agreed, and they incouraged with the hope of gain, which works its way thro all difficulties, we set out from Cape Corrientes March the 31st, 1686. We were 2 Ships in Company, [Page] Captain Swan s Ship, and a Bark commanded under Captain Swan, by Captain Teat, and we were 150 men, 100 aboard of the Ship, and 50 aboard the Bark, beside slaves, as I said.

We had a small Land-wind at E. N. E. which carried us 3 or 4 leagues, then the Sea-wind came at W. N. W. a fresh gale, so we steered away S. W. By 6 a clock in the evening we were about 9 leagues S. W. from the Cape, then we met a Land-wind which blew fresh all night, and the next morning about 10 a clock we had the Sea breez at N. N. E. so that at noon we were 30 leagues from the Cape. It blew a fresh gale of Wind, which carried us off into the true Trade-wind, (of the difference of which Trade-winds I shall speak in the Chapter of Winds, in the Appendix) for although the constant Sea breez near the shore is at W. N. W. yet the true Trade off at Sea, when you are clear of the Land-winds, is at E. N. E. At first we had it at N. N. E. so it came about Northerly, and then to the East as we run off. At 250 leagues distance from the shore we had it at E. N. E. and there it stood till we came within 40 leagues of Guam. When we had eaten up our 3 meals of salted Jew-fish in so many days time, we had nothing but our small allowance of Maiz.

After the first day of March we made great runs every day, having very fair clear weather, and a fresh Trade-wind, which we made use of with all our Sails, and we made many good Observations of the Sun. At our first setting out, we steer'd into the lat. of 13 degrees, which is near the lat. of Guam; then we steered West keeping in that lat. By that time we had sailed 20 days, our men seeing we made such great runs, and the Wind like to continue, repined because they were kept at such short allowance. Captain Swan endeavoured to perswade them to have a little patience; yet [Page] nothing but an augmentation of their daily allowance would appease them. Captain Swan, though with much reluctance, gave way to a small enlargement of our commons, for now we had not above 10 spoonfuls of boil'd Maiz a man, once a day, whereas before we had 8: I do believe that this short allowance did me a great deal of good, though others were weakened by it; for I found that my strength increased, and my Dropsy wore off. Yet I drank 3 times every 24 hours; but many of our men did not drink in 9 or 10 days time, and some not in 12 days; one of our men did not drink in 17 days time, and said he was not adry when he did drink; yet he made water every day more or less. One of our men in the midst of these hardships was found guilty of theft, and condemned for the same, to have 3 blows from each man in the Ship, with a 2 inch and a half rope on his bare back. Captain Swan began first, and struck with a good will, whose example was followed by all of us.

It was very strange that in all this Voyage we did not see one Fish, not so much as a Flying-fish, nor any sort of Fowl, but at one time, when we were by my account 4975 miles West from Cape Corrientes, then we saw a great number of Boobies, which we supposed came from some Rocks not far from us, which were mentioned in some of our Sea-carts, but we did not see them.

After we had run the 1900 leagues by our reckoning which made the English account to Guam, the men began to murmur against Captain Swan, for perswading them to come this Voyage; but he gave them fair words, and told them that the Spanish account might probably be the truest, and seeing the gale was likely to continue, a short time longer would end our troubles.

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A Map of the EAST INDIES

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[Page] [Page] As we drew nigh the Island, we met with some small Rain, and the Clouds settling in the West, were an apparent token that we were not far from Land; for in these Climates, between or near the Tropicks, where the Trade-wind blows constantly, the Clouds which fly swift over head, yet seem near the Limb of the Horizon to hang without much motion or alteration, where the Land is near. I have often taken notice of it, especially if it is high Land, for you shall then have the Clouds hang about it without any visible motion.

The 20th day of May, our Bark being about 3 leagues a head of our Ship, sailed over a rocky shole, on which there was but 4 fathom water and abundance of Fish swimming about the Rocks. They imagin d by this that the Land was not far off; so they clapt on a Wind with the Barks head to the North, and being past the Shole lay by for us. When we came up with them, Captain Teat came aboard us, and related what he had seen. We were then in lat. 12 d. 55 m. steering West. The Island Guam is laid down in Lat. 13 d. N. by the Spaniards, who are Masters of it, keeping it as a baiting place as they go to the Philippine Islands. Therefore we clapt on a Wind and stood to North-ward, being somewhat troubled and doubtful whither we were right, because there is no Shole laid down in the Spanish drafts about the Island Guam. At 4 a clock, to our great joy, we saw the Island Guam, at about 8 leagues distance.

It was well for Captain Swan that we got sight of it before our Provision was spent, of which we had but enough for 3 days more; for as I was afterwards informed, the men had contrived first to kill Captain Swan and eat him when the victuals was gone, and after him all of us who were accessary in promoting the undertaking this Voyage. This made Captain Swan say to me after our arrival [Page] at Guam, Ah! Dampier, you would have made them but a poor Meal; for I was as lean as the Captain was lusty and fleshy. The Wind was at E. N. E. and the Land bore at N. N. E. therefore we stood to the Northward, till we brought the Island to bear East, and then we turned to get in to an anchor.

The account I have given hitherto of our course from Cape Corrientes in the Kingdom of Mexico, (for I have mentioned another Cape of that name in Peru, South of the Bay of Panama) to Guam, one of the Ladrone Islands, hath been in the gross. But for the satisfaction of those who may think it serviceable to the fixing the Longitudes of these parts, or to any other use in Geography or Navigation, I have here subjoined a particular Table of every days run, which was as follows.

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A Table of every days Run to Guam.

Day | Course. | Dist. | S. | W. | Lat. | Winds.
March 31 | S W 5 d W | 27 | 17 | 20 | 20: 11 | W N W
Ap 1 | S W 5 W | 106 | 68 | 81 | R. 19: 3 | N W: N N W
2 | S W 1 W | 142 | 98 | 101 | R. 17: 25 | N b W
3 | W by S | 102 | 19 | 100 | Ob. 17: 6 | N
4 | W 12 S | 140 | 29 | 136 | Ob. 16: 37 | N: N N E
5 | W 20 S | 160 | 54 | 150 | Ob. 15: 43 | N
6 | W 10 S | 108 | 18 | 106 | Ob. 15: 25 | N E
7 | W 15 S | 89 | 23 | 86 | Ob. 15: 2 | N E: E N E
8 | W 2 S | 64 | 5 | 63 | R. 14: 57 | E N E
9 | W 4 S | 94 | 6 | 93 | Ob. 14: 51 | E N E
10 | W 5 S | 138 | 12 | 137 | Ob. 14: 39 | E N E
11 | W 5 S | 124 | 10 | 123 | Ob. 14: 29 | E N E
12 | W 5 S | 170 | 14 | 169 | R. 14: 15 | E N E
13 | W 5 S | 170 | 14 | 169 | R. 14: 1 | E N E
14 | W 5 S | 180 | 15 | 177 | R. 13: 46 | E N E
15 | W 6 S | 174 | 18 | 172 | R. 13: 28 | E N E cloudy
16 | W 6 S | 182 | 19 | 180 | R. 13: 9 | E N E misty
17 | W 6 S | 216 | 22 | 214 | R. 12: 47 | E N E Rain

The Summ of the Westings hitherto is—2283 which make Deg. of Longitude—39d. 5m.

From hence my Course is most West, sometimes Southerly, sometimes Northerly.

Day | Course. | Dist. | N or S | W. | Lat. | Winds.
18 | W | 192 | 0 | 192 | R. 12: 47 | E by N
19 | W | 180 | 0 | 180 | R. 12: 47 | E cloudy
20 | W | 177 | 0 | 170 | R. 12: 47 | E N E
21 | W | 171 | 0 | 171 | R. 12: 47 | E N E
22 | W | 18 | 0 | 180 | R. 12: 47 | E by N
23 | R. W. Ob. W 4 N | 170 | 11 N | 168 | R. 12: 47 ob. 12: 58 | E by N
24 | R. W | 146 | 0 | 146 | R. 12: 58 | E by N
25 | W | 146 | 0 | 146 | R. 12: 58 | E by N
26 | W 3 N | 185 | 9 N | 184 | Ob. 13: 7 | E by N
27 | W | 140 | 0 | 140 | Ob. 13: 7 | E by N
28 | W | 167 | 0 | 167 | R. 13: 7 | E by N
29 | W 2 N | 172 | 5 | 171 | Ob. 13: 12 | E
30 | W | 173 | 0 | 173 | Ob. 13: 12 | E N E
M. 1 | W | 196 | 0 | 196 | R. 13: 12 | E by N
2 | W | 160 | 0 | 160 | Ob. 13: 12 | E by N
3 | W | 154 | 0 | 154 | R. 13: 12 | E N E
4 | R. W. Ob. W 2 S | 153 | 5 S | 152 | R. 13: 12 Ob. 13: 7 | E N E
5 | W 2 N | 180 | 7 N | 179 | Ob. 13: 14 | E N E
6 | W 3 N | 172 | 9 N | 171 | Ob 13: 22 | E N E
7 | W | 160 | [...] | 160 | Ob. 13: 22 | E N E
8 | W 3 S | 149 | 7 S | 148 | Ob. 13: 15 | E by N
9 | W 4 S | 134 | 9 S | 133 | Ob. 13: 6 | E N E
10 | W | 128 | 0 | 128 | R. 13: 6 | E N E
11 | W 5 S | 112 | 9 | 111 | Ob. 12: 57 | [...] N E
12 | W | 128 | 0 | 128 | R. 12: 57 | E N E
13 | W | 129 | 0 | 129 | R. 12: 57 | E N E
14 | W | 128 | 0 | 128 | R. 12: 57 | E N E
15 | W 4 N | 118 | 8 N | 117 | Ob. 13: 5 | E N E
16 | W 6 S | 114 | 11 S | 113 | Ob. 12: 54 | E N E
17 | W 3 S | 109 | 5 S | 108 | Ob. 12: 49 | E N E
18 | W | 120 | 0 | 120 | R. 12: 49 | E N E
19 | W | [...] | 0 | 137 | R. 12: 49 | E N E
20 | W | 134 | 0 | 134 | R. 12: 50 | E
21 | N W 7 W | 13 | 8 N | 10 | R. 12: 59 | E N E

Summ of all the Westings—7323 Making Deg of Longitude in all—125 d. 11 m.

[Page] Now the Island Guam bore N. N. E. 8 leagues dist. this gives 22 m. to my Lat. and takes 9 from my Meridian dist. so that the Island is in Lat. 13: 21; and the Merid. dist. from Cape Corrientes 7302 miles; which reduced into degrees makes 125 d. 11 m.

The Table consists of 7 Columns. The first is of the days of the month. The 2d Column contains each days course, or the Point of the Compass we ran upon. The 3d gives the distance or length of such course in Italian or Geometrical miles, (at the rate of 60 to a degree,) or the progress the Ship makes every day; and is reckoned always from noon to noon. But because the course is not always made upon the same Rumb in a direct line, therefore the 4th and 5th Columns shew how many miles we ran to the South every day, and how many to the West, which last was our main run in this Voyage. By the 17th of April we were got pretty near into the latitude of Guam, and our course then lying along that parallel, our Northing and Southing consequently were but little, according as the Ship deviated from its direct course; and such deviation is thenceforward exprest by N. or S. in the 5th Column, and the Ships keeping straight on the West Rumb, by 0, that is to say, no Northing or Southing. The 6th Columns shews the lat. we were in every day, where R. signifies the dead Reckoning, by the running of the Logs, and Ob. shews the lat. by observation. The 7th Column shews the Wind and Weather.

To these I would have added an 8th Column, to shew the Variation of the Needle; but as it was very small in this course, so neither did we make any observation of it, above once, after we were set out from the Mexican Coast At our departure from Cape Corrientes, we found it to be 4 d. 28 m. Easterly; and the observation we made of it afterwards, when we had gone about a third of the Voyage, [Page] shewed it to be so near the same, but decreasing: Neither did we observe it at Guam, for Captain Swan who had the Instruments in his Cabbin, did not seem much to regard it: Yet I am inclined to think that at Guam, the Variation might be either none at all, or even increasing to the Westward.

To conclude, May 20th at noon (when we begin to call it 21st) we were in lat. 12 d. 50 m. N. by R. having run since the noon before 134 miles directly West. We continued the same course till 2 that afternoon, for which I allow 10 miles more, West still, and then, finding the parallel we ran upon to be too much Southerly, we clapt on a Wind and sailed directly North, till 5 in the afternoon, having in that time run 8 mile, and increased our latitude so many minutes, making it 12 d. 58 m. We then saw the Island Guam bearing N. N. E. distant from us about 8 leagues, which gives the latitude of the Island 13. d. 20 m. And according to the account foregoing, its longitude is 125 d. 11 m. West from Cape Corrientes on the Coast of Mexico, allowing 58 and 59 Italian miles to a degree in these latitudes, at the common rate of 60 miles to a degree of the Equator, as before computed.

As a Corollary from hence it will follow, that upon a supposal of the truth of the general allowance, Seamen make of 60 Italian miles to an Equinoctial degree, that the South Sea must be of a greater breadth by 25 degrees, than it s commonly reckoned by Hydrographers, who makes it only about 100, more or less. For since we found (as I shall have occasion to say) the distance from Guam to the Eastern parts of Asia, to be much the same with the common reckoning; it follows by way of necessary consequence from hence, that the 25 degrees of longitude, or there abouts, which are under-reckon'd in the distance between America and the East Indies Westward, must be over reckoned [Page] in the breadth of Asia and Africk, the Atlantick Sea, or the American Continent, or all together; and so that Tract of the Terraqueous Globe, must be so much shortened. And for a further confirmation of the fact, I shall add, that as to the Aethiopick or Indian Sea, its breadth must be considerably less than 'tis generally calculated to be; if it be true what I have heard over and over, from several able Seamen whom I have conversed with in those parts, that Ships sailing from the Cape of Good Hope to New-Holland, (as many Ships bound to Java, or thereabouts, keep that lat.) find themselves there, (and sometimes to their cost) running a ground when they have thought themselves to be a great way off; and 'tis from hence possibly, that the Dutch call that part of this Coast, the Land of Indraught, (as if it magnetically drew Ships too fast to it) and give cautions to avoid it: But I rather think 'tis the nearness of the Land, than any Whirlpool, or the like, that surprizes them. As to the breadth of the Atlantick Sea, I am from good hands assured, that it is over-reckoned by 6, 7, 8, or 10 degrees; for besides my different draughts of the concurrent Accounts of several experienced men, who have [...]onfirmed the same to me; Mr. Canby particularly, who hath sailed as a Mate in a great many Voyages, from Cape Lopez on the Coast of Guinea to Barbadoes, and is much esteem d as a very sensible man, hath often told me, that he constantly found the distance to be between 60 and 62 degree; whereas 'tis laid down in 68, 69, 70, and 72 degrees in the common draughts.

As to the supposition it self which our Seamen make, in the allowing but 60 miles to a degree, I am not ignorant how much this hath been canvased, of late years especially, and that the prevailing opinion hath been that about 70, or upwards should be allowed. But till I can see some better grounds [Page] for the exactness of these tryals, that have been made on Land by Mr. Norwood and others, considering the inequality of the Earths surface, as well as the obliquity of the way; in their allowing for which I am somewhat doubtful of their measures: upon the whole matter, I cannot but adhere to the general Sea-Calculation, confirmed as to the main by daily experience, till some more certain estimate shall be made, than those hitherto attempted. For we find our selves when we sail North or South, to be brought to our intended place, in a time agreeable enough with what we expect upon the usual supposition; making all reasonable allowance, for the little unavoidable deviations East or West: and there seems no reason why the same estimate should not serve us in crosing the Meridians, which we find so true in sailing under them. As to this course of ours to Guam particularly, we should rather increase than shorten our estimate of the length of it, considering that the Easterly Wind and Current being so strong, and bearing therefore our Log after us, as is usual in such cases; should we therefore in casting up the run of the Log, make allowance for so much space as the Log it self drove after us (which is commonly 3 or 4 miles in 100 in so brisk a gale as this was) we must have reckoned more than 125 degrees, but in this Voyage we made no such allowance: (though it be usual to do it) so that how much soever this computation of mine exceeds the common Draughts, yet is it of the shortest according to our experiment and calculation.

But to proceed with our Voyage: The Island Guam, or Guahon, (as the Native Indians pronounce it) is one of the Ladrone Islands, belongs to the Spaniards, who have a small Fort with 6 Guns in it, with a Governour and 20 or 30 Soldiers. They keep it for the relief and refreshment of their Philippine [Page] Ships, that touch here in their way from Acapulco to Manila, but the Winds will not so easily let them take this way back again. The Spaniards of late have named Guam, the Island Maria, it is about 12 leagues long and 4 broad, lying N. and S. It is pretty high Champion Land.

The 21st day of May 1686, at 11 a clock in the evening, we anchored near the middle of the Island Guam, on the West side, a mile from the shore. At a distance it appears flat and even, but coming near it you will find it stands shelving, and the East side, which is much the highest, is fenced with steep Rocks, that oppose the violence of the Sea, which continually rage against it, being driven with the constant Trade-wind, and on that side there is no anchoring. The West side is pretty low, and full of small sandy Bays, divided with as many rocky points. The Soil of the Island is reddish, dry, and indifferent fruitful. The Fruits are chiesly Rice, Pine-apples, Water-melons, Musk-melons, Oranges and Limes, Coco-nuts, and a sort of Fruit called by us Bread-fruit.

The Coco-nut Trees grow by the Sea, on the Western side in great groves, 3 or 4 miles in length, and a mile or 2 broad. This Tree is in shape like the Cabbage-tree, and at a distance they are not to be known each from other, only the Coco-nut Tree is fuller of Branches; but the Cabbage-tree generally is much higher, though the Coco-nut Trees in some places are very high.

The Nut or Fruit grows at the head of the Tree, among the Branches and in clusters, 10 or 12 in a cluster. The Branch to which they grow is about the bigness of a mans arm, and as long, running small towards the end. It is of a yellow colour, full of knots, and very tough. The Nut is generally bigger than a mans head. The outer Rind is near 2 inches thick, before you come to the Shell; [Page] the Shell it self is black, thick, and very hard. The Kernel in some Nuts is near an inch thick, sticking to the inside of the Shell clear round, leaving a hollow in the middle of it, which contains about a pint, more or less, according to the bigness of the Nut; for some are much bigger than others.

This Cavity is full of sweet, delicate, wholsom, and refreshing Water. While the Nut is growing, all the inside is full of this Water, without any Kernel at all; but as the Nut grows towards its maturity, the Kernel begins to gather and settle round on the inside of the Shell, and is soft like Cream; and as the Nut ripens, it increaseth in substance and becomes hard. The ripe Kernel is sweet enough, but very hard to digest, therefore seldom eaten, except by strangers, who know not the effects of it; but while it is young and soft like pap, some men will eat it, scraping it out with a spoon, after they have drunk the water that was within it. I like the Water best when the Nut is almost ripe, for it is then sweetest and briskest.

When these Nuts are ripe and gathered, the outside Rind becomes of a brown rusty colour; so that one would think that they were dead and dry: yet they will sprout out like Onions, after they have been hanging in the Sun 3 or 4 months, or thrown about in a House or Ship, and if planted afterward in the Earth, they will grow up to a Tree. Before they thus sprout out, there is a small spungy round knob grows in the inside, which we call an Apple: This at first is no bigger than the top of ones finger, but increaseth daily, sucking up the Water till it is grown so big as to fill up the Cavity of the Coco-nut; and then it begins to sprout forth. By this time the Nut that was hard, begins to grow oily and soft, thereby giving passage to the sprout that springs from the [Page] Apple, which Nature hath so contrived, that it points to the hole in the Shell, (of which there are 3, till it grows ripe, just where it's fastened by its Stalk to the Tree; but one of these holes remains open even when it is ripe,) through which it creeps and spreads forth its Branches. You may let these teeming Nuts sprout out a foot and half or 2 foot high before you plant them, for they will grow a great while like an Onion out of their own substance.

Beside the Liquor or Water in the Fruit, there is also a sort of VVine drawn from the Tree called Toddy, which looks like VVhey. It is sweet and very pleasant, but it is to be drunk within 24 hours after it is drawn, for afterwards it grows sowre. Those that have a great many Trees, draw a spirit from the sowre Wine, called Arack. Arack is distill'd also from Rice, and other things in the East Indies; but none is so much esteemed for making Punch as this sort, made of Toddi, or the sap of the Coco-nut Tree, for it makes most delicate Punch; but it must have a dash of Brandy to hearten it, because this Arack is not strong enough to make good Punch of it self. This sort of Liquor is chiefly used about Goa; and therefore it has the name of Goa Arack. The way of drawing the Toddi from the Tree, is by cutting the top of a Branch that would bear Nuts; but before it has any Fruit: and from thence the Liquor which was to feed its Fruit, distils into the hole of a Callabash that is hung upon it. This Branch continues running almost as long as the Fruit would have been growing, and then it dries away. The Tree hath usually 3 fruitful Branches, which if they be all tapp'd thus, then the Tree bears no Fruit that year; but if one or two only be tapp'd, the other will bear Fruit all the while. The Liquor which is thus drawn is emptied out of the [Page] Callabash duly morning and evening, so long as it continues running, and is sold every morning and evening in most Towns in the East Indies, and great gains is produced from it even this way; but those that distil it and make Arack, reap the greatest profit. There is also great profit made of the Fruit, both of the Nut and the Shell.

The Kernel is much used in making Broath. When the Nut is dry they take off the husk, and giving two good blows on the middle of the Nut, it breaks in two equal parts, letting the Water fall on the ground; then with a small iron Rasp made for the purpose, the Kernel or Nut is rasped out clean, which being put into a little fresh Water, makes it become white as Milk. In this milky Water they boil a Fowl, or any sort of Flesh, and it makes very savory Broath. English Seamen put this Water into boil'd Rice, which they eat instead of Rice-milk, carrying Nuts purposely to Sea with them. This they learn from the Natives.

But the greatest use of the Kernel is to make Oyl, both for burning and for frying. The way to make the Oyl is to grate or rasp the Kernel, and steep it in fresh water; then boil it, and scum off the Oil at top as it rises: but the Nuts that make the Oyl ought to be a long time gathered, so as that the Kernel may be turning soft and oily.

The Shell of this Nut is used in the East Indies for Cups, Dishes, Ladles, Spoons, and in a manner for all eating and drinking vessels. [...] shaped Nuts are often brought home to Europe, and much esteemed. The husk of the Shell is of great use to make Cables; for the dry husk is full of small strings and threads, which being beaten, become soft, and the other substance which was mixt among it falls away like Saw-dust, leaving only the strings. These are afterwards spun into long yarns, and twisted up into balls for convenience; and many of these [Page] Rope-yarns joyned together make good Cables. This Manufactory is chiefly used at the Maldive Islands, and the threads sent in balls into all places that trade thither, purposely for to make Cables. I made a Cable at Achin with some of it. These are called Coire Cables: they will last very well. But there is another sort of Coire Cables (as they are called) that are black, and more strong and lasting; and are made of strings that grow, like Horse-hair, at the heads of certain Trees, almost like the Coco-nut-tree. This sort comes most from the Island Timor. In the South Seas the Spaniards do make Oakam to chalk their Ships with the husk of the Coco-nut, which is more serviceable than that made of hemp, and they say it will never rot. I have been told by Captain Knox, who wrote the Relation of Ceylon, that in some places of India they make a sort of coarse Cloath of the husk of the Coco-nut, which is used for Sails. I my self have seen a sort of course Sail-cloath made of such a kind of substance: but whether the same or no I know not.

I have been the longer on this subject, to give the Reader a particular Account of the use and profit of a Vegetable, which is possibly of all others the most generally serviceable to the conveniencies, as well as the necessities of humane Life. Yet this Tree, that is of such great use, and esteemed so much in the East Indies, is scarce regarded in the West Indies, for want of the knowledge of the benefit which it may produce. And tis partly for the sake of my Countrymen in our American Plantations that I have spoken so largely of it. For the hot Climates there are a very propersoil for it: and indeed it is so hardy both in the raising it, and when grown, that it will thrive as well in dry sandy ground as in rich land. I have found them growing very well in low sandy Islands (on the West of Sumatra) that are over-flowed with the Sea every [Page] Spring-tide; and though the Nuts there are not very big, yet this is no loss; for the Kernel is thick and sweet, and the Milk, or VVater in the inside, is more pleasant and sweet than of the Nuts that grow in rich ground, which are commonly large indeed, but not very sweet. These at Guam growing in dry ground are of a middle size, and I think the sweetest that I did ever taste. Thus much for the Coco-nut.

The Lime is a sort of bastard or Crab-limon. The Tree, or Bush that bears it is prickly, like a Thorn, growing full of small boughs. In Jamaica, and other places, they make of the Lime-Bush Fences about Gardens, or any other Inclosure, by planting the seeds close together, which growing up thick, spread abroad, and make a very good Hedge. The Fruit is like a Lemon, but smaller; the rind thin, and the inclosed substance full of juice. The juice is very tart, yet of a pleasant taste if sweetned with Sugar. It is chiefly used for making Punch, both in the East and West Indies, as well ashore as at Sea, and much of it is for that purpose yearly brought home to England from our West India Plantations. It is also used for a particular kind of Sauce, which is called Pepper-Sauce, and is made of Cod-pepper, commonly called Guinea-pepper, boiled in Water, and then pickled with Salt, and mixt with Lime-juice to preserve it. Limes grow plentifully in the East and West Indies within the Tropicks.

The Bread-fruit (as we call it) grows on a large Tree, as big and high as our largest Apple-trees. It hath a spreading head full of branches, and dark leaves. The Fruit grows on the boughs like Apples: it is as big as a Penny Loaf when VVheat is at 5 Shillings the Bushel. It is of a round shape, and hath a thick tough [...]ind. VVhen the Fruit is ripe it is yellow and soft; and the taste is sweet [Page] and pleasant. The Natives of this Island use it for Bread: they gather it when full grown, while it is green and hard; then they bake it in an Oven, which scorcheth the rind and makes it black: but they scrape off the outside black crust, and there remains a tender thin crust, and the inside is soft, tender and white like the crumb of a Penny Loaf. There is neither seed nor stone in the inside, but all is of a pure substance like Bread: it must be eaten new; for if it is kept above 24 hours, it becomes dry, and eats harsh and choaky; but 'tis very pleasant before it is too stale. This Fruit lasts in season 8 months in the year, during which time the Natives eat no other sort of food of Bread kind. I did never see of this Fruit any where but here. The Natives told us, that there is plenty of this Fruit growing on the rest of the Ladrone Islands: and I did never hear of any of it any where else.

They have here some Rice also: but the Island being of a dry soil, and therefore not very proper for it, they do not sow very much. Fish is scarce about this Island: yet on the Shole that our Bark came over there was great plenty, and the Natives commonly go thither to fish.

The natives of this Island are strong bodied, large limb'd and well shap'd. They are Copper-coloured, like other Indians: their hair is black and long, their Eyes meanly proportioned; they have pretty high Noses; their Lips are pretty full, and their Teeth indifferent white. They are long visaged, and stern of countenance; yet we found them to be affable and courteous. They are many of them troubled with a kind of a Leprosie. This distemper is very common at Mindanao: therefore I shall speak more of it in my next Chapter. They of Guam are otherwise very healthy, especially in the dry season: but in the wet season, which comes in in June, and holds till October, the air is more [Page] thick and unwholsome; which occasions Fevers: but the rains are not violent nor lasting. For the Island lyes so far Westerly from the Philippine Islands, or any other Land, that the Westerly winds do seldom blow so far; and when they do, they do not last long: but the Easterly Winds do consiantly blow here, which are dry and healthy; and this Island is found to be very healthful, as we were informed while we lay by it. The natives are very ingenious beyond any people, in making Boats, or Proes, as they are called in the East Indies, and therein they take great delight. These are built sharp at both ends; the bottom is of one piece, made like the bottom of a little Canoa, very neatly dug, and left of a good substance. This bottom part is instead of a Keel. It is about 26 or 28 foot long; the under part of this Keel is made round, but inclining to a wedge and smooth; and the upper part is almost flat, having a very gentle hollow, and is about a foot broad: From hence both sides of the Boat are carried up to about 5 foot high with narrow plank, not above 4 or 5 inches broad, and each end of the Boat turns up round, very prettily. But what is very singular, one side of the Boat is made perpendicular, like a Wall, while the other side is rounding, made as other Vessels are, with a pretty full belly. Just in the middle it is about 4 or 5 foot broad aloft, or more according to the length of the Boat. The Mast stands exactly in the middle, with a long Yard that peeksup and down like a Mizen-yard. One end of it reacheth down to the end or head of the Boat, where it is placed in a notch, that is made there purposely to receive it, and keep it fast. The other end hangs over the stern: To this yard the sail is fastened. At the foot of the sail there is another small yard, to keep the sail out square, and to roll up the sail on when it blows hard: for it serves instead of a [Page] reef to take up the sail to what degree they please, according to the strength of the Wind. Along the belly-side of the Boat, parallel with it at about 6 or 7 foot distance, lies another small Boat, or Canoa, being a Log of very light Wood, almost as long as the great Boat, but not so wide, being not above a foot and an half wide at the upper part, and very sharp like a wedge at each end. And there are two Bamboas of about 8 or 10 foot long, and as big as ones Leg, placed over the great Boats side, one near each end of it, and reaching about 6 or 7 foot from the side of the Boat: by the help of which the little Boat is made firm and contiguous to the other. These are generally called by the Dutch, and by the English from them, Outlagers. The use of them is to keep the great Boat upright from over-setting; because the Wind here being in a manner constantly East (or if it were at West it would be the same thing) and the Range of these Islands, where their business lies to and fro, being mostly North and South, they turn the flat side of the Boat against the Wind upon which they sail, and the belly-side, consequently, with its little Boat, is upon the Lee: and the Vessel having a Head at each end, so as to sail with either of them foremost (indifferently) they need not tack, or go about, as all our Vessels do, but each end of the Boat serves either for head or stern as they please. When they ply to windward, and are minded to go about, he that steers bears away a little from the Wind, by which means the stern comes to the Wind; which is now become the head, only by shifting the end of the yard. This Boat is steered with a broad Paddle, instead of a Rudder. I have been the more particular in describing these Boats, because I do believe they sail the best of any Boats in the world. I did here for my own satisfaction try the swiftness of one of them: sailing [Page] by our Log, we had 12 knots on our reel, and she run it all out before the half minute glass was half out; which, if it had been no more, is after the rate of 12 mile an hour; but I do believe she would have run 24 mile an hour. It was very pleasant to see the little Boat running along so swift by the others side.

The Native Indians are not less dexterous in managing than in building these Boats. By report, they will go from hence to another of the Ladrone Islands about 30 leagues off, and there do their business, and return again in less than 12 hours. I was told that one of these Boats was sent Express to Manila, which is above 400 leagues, and performed the Voyage in 4 days time. There are of these Proes or Boats used in many places of the East Indies, but with a Belly and a little Boat on each side. Only at Mindanao I saw one like these with the belly and little Boat only on one side, and the other flat, but not so neatly built.

The Indians of Guam have neat little Houses, very handsomely thatch'd with Palmeto-thatch. They inhabit together in Villages built by the Sea, on the West side, and have Spanish Priests to instruct them in the Christian Religion.

The Spaniards have a small Fort on the West side, near the South end, with 6 Guns in it. There is a Governour, and 20 or 30 Spanish Souldiers. There are no more Spaniards on the Island, beside 2 or 3 Priests. Not long before we arriv'd here the Natives rose on the Spaniards to destroy them, and did kill many: but the Governour with his Souldiers at length prevailed, and drove them out of the Fort: So when they found themselves disappointed of their intent, they destroyed the Plantations and stock, and then went away to other Islands. There were then 3 or 400 Indians on this Island; but now there are not above 100; for all that were [Page] in this Conspiracy went away. As for these who yet remain, if they were not actually concerned in that broil, yet their hearts also are bent against the Spaniards: for they offered to carry us to the Fort, and assist us in the Conquest of the Island; but C. Swan was not for molesting the Spaniards here.

Before we came to an anchor here one of the Priests came aboard in the night with 3 Indians. They first hailed us to know from whence we came, and what we were; to whom answer was made in Spanish, that we were Spaniards, and that we came from Acapulco. It being dark they could not see the make of our Ship, nor very well discern what we were. Therefore they came aboard: but perceiving the mistake that they were in, in taking us for a Spanish Ship, they endeavoured to get from us again; but we held their Boat fast, and made them come in. Captain Swan received the Priest with much civility, and conducting him into the great Cabbin declared, that the reason of our coming to this Island was want of Provision, and that he came not in any hostile manner, but as a friend to purchase with his Money what he wanted: and therefore desired the Priest to write a Letter to the Governor, to inform him what we were, and on what account we came. For having him now aboard, the Captain was willing to detain him as an Hostage, till we had Provision. The Padre told Captain Swan that Provision was now scarce on the Island: but he would engage, that the Governour would do his utmost to furnish us.

In the morning the Indians, in whose Boat or Prow the Frier came aboard, were sent to the Governour with 2 Letters; one from the Frier, and another very obliging one from Captain Swan, and a Present of 4 yards of Scarlet-cloath, and a piece of broad Silver and Gold Lace. The Governor lives near the South end of the Island on the West [Page] side; which was about 5 leagues from the place where we were; therefore we did not expect an answer till the evening, not knowing then how nimble they were. Therefore when the Indian Canoa was dispatched away to the Governor, we hoised out 2 of our Canoas, and sent one a fishing, and the other ashore for Coco-nuts. Our fishing Canoa got nothing: but the Men that went ashore for Coco-nuts came off laden.

About 11 a clock, that same morning. the Governor of the Island sent a Letter to Captain Swan, complimenting him for his Present, and promising to support us with as much Provision as he could possibly spare; and as a token of his gratitude, he sent a Present of 6 Hogs, of a small sort, most excellent Meat, the best, I think, that ever I eat: they are fed with Coco-nuts, and their flesh is hard as Brisket Beef. They were doubtless of that breed in America which came originally from Spain. He sent also 12 Muskmelons, larger than ours in England, and as many Water-melons, both sorts here being a very excellent Fruit; and sent an order to the Indians that lived in a Village not far from our Ship, to bake every day as much of the Bread-fruit as we did desire, and to assist us in getting as many dry Coco-nuts as we would have; which they accordingly did, and brought off the Bread-fruit every day hot, as much as we could eat. After this the Governour sent every day a Canoa or two with Hogs and Fruit, and desired for the same, Powder, Shot, and Arms; which was sent according to his request. We had a delicate large English Dog: which the Governour did desire, and had it given him very freely by the Captain, though much against the grain of many of his Men, who had a great value for that Dog. Captain Swan endeavoured to get this Governours Letter of Recommendation to some Merchants at Manila, for he [Page] had then a design to go to Fort St. George, and from thence intended to trade to Manila: but this his design was concealed from the company. While we lay here the Acapulco Ship arrived in sight of the Island, but did not come in sight of us: for the Governour sent an Indian Proe with advice of our being here. Therefore she stood off to the South-ward of the Island, and coming foul of the same shole that our Bark had run over before, was in great danger of being lost there; for she struck off her Rudder, and with much ado got clear; but not till after three days labour. For tho the shole be so near the Island, and the Indians go off and fish there every day, yet the Master of the Acapulco Ship, who should (one would think) know these parts, was utterly ignorant of it. This their striking on the shole we heard afterward, when we were on the Coast of Manila; but these Indians of Guam did speak of her being in sight of the Island while we lay there: which put our men in a great heat to go out after her; but Captain Swan perswaded them out of that humour, for he was now wholly averse to any hostile action.

The 30th day of May the Governour sent his last Present, which was some Hogs, a Jar of pickled Mangoes, a Jar of excellent pickled Fish, and a Jar of fine Rusk, or Bread of fine Wheat Flower, baked like Bisket, but not so hard. He sent besides 6 or 7 packs of Rice, desiring to be excused from sending any more Provision to us, saying he had no more on the Island that he could spare. He sent word also that the West Monsoon was at hand; that therefore it behoved us to be jogging from hence, unless we were resolved to return back to America again. Captain Swan returned him thanks for his kindness and advice, and took his leave; and the same day sent the Frier ashore that was seized on at our first arrival, and gave him a large [Page] Brass Clock, an Astralobe, and a large Telescope: for which Present the Frier sent us aboard 6 Hogs, and a roasting Pig, 3 or 4 Bushels of Potatoes, and 50 l. of Manila Tobacco. Then we prepared to be gone, being pretty well furnished with Provision to carry us to Mindanao, where we designed next to touch. We took aboard us as many Coco-nuts as we could well stow, and we had a good stock of Rice, and about 50 Hogs in Salt.

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CHAP. XI.

They resolve to go to Mindanao. Their departure from Guam. Of the Philippine Islands. The Isle Luconia, and its chief Town and Port, Manilo, Manila, or Manilbo. Of the rich Trade we might establish with these Islands. St. Johns Island. They arrive at Mindanao. The Island described. Its Fertility. The Libby Trees, and the Sago made of them. The Plantain Tree, Fruit, Liquor, and Cloth. A smaller Plantain at Mindanao. The Bonano. Of the Clove-bark, Cloves and Nutmegs, and the Methods taken by the Dutch to monopolize the Spices. The Betel-nut, and Arek tree. The Durian, and the Jaca-tree and Fruit. The Beasts of Mindanao Centapes or Forty Legs, a venemous Insect, and others. Their Fowls, Fish, &c. The Temperature of the Climate, with the Course of the Winds, Tornadoes, Rain, and Temper of the Air throughout the year.

WHile we lay at Guam we took up a Resolution of going to Mindanao, one of the Philippine Islands, being told by the Frier and others, that it was exceedingly well stored with Provisions; that the Natives were Mahometans, and that they had formerly a Commerce with the Spaniards; but that now they were at wars with them. This Island was therefore thought to be a convenient place for us to go to: for besides that it was in our [Page] way to the East Indies, which we had resolved to visit; and that the Westerly Monsoon was at hand, which would oblige us to shelter some where in a short time, and that we could not expect good Harbours in a better place than in so large an Island as Mindanao: besides all this, I say, the Inhabitants of Mindanao being then, as we were told (tho falsly) at Wars with the Spaniards, our Men, who it should seem were very squeamish of plundering without Licence, derived hopes from thence of getting a Commission there from the Prince of the Island to plunder the Spanish Ships about Manila, and so to make Mindanao their common Rendezvouz. And if Captain Swan was minded to go to an English Port, yet his Men, who thought he intended to leave them, hoped to get Vessels and Pilots at Mindanao fit for their turn, to cruise on the Coast of Manila. As for Captain Swan, he was willing enough to go thither, as best suiting his own design: and therefore this Voyage was concluded on by general consent.

Accordingly June 22d, 1686. we left Guam, bound for Mindanoa. We had fair weather, and a pretty smart gale of Wind at East, for 3 or 4 days, and then it shifted to the S. W. being rainy, but it soon came about again to the East, and blew a gentle gale; yet it often shuffled about to the S. E. For though in the East Indies the Winds shift in April, yet we found this to be the shifting season for the Winds here; the other shifting season being in October sooner or later, all over India. As to our course from Guam to the Philippine Islands, we found it (as I intimated before) agreeable enough with the account of our common Draughts.

The 21st day of July we arrived at the Island St. John, which is one of the Philippine Islands. The Philippines are a great company of large Islands, taking up about 13 deg. of Lat. in length, reaching [Page] near upon, from 5 d. of North Lat. to the 19th degree, and in breadth about 6 deg. of Longitude. They derive this Name from Philip the 2d, King of Spain; and even now they do most of them belong to that Crown.

The chiefest Island in this range is Luconia, which lies on the North of them all. At this Island Magellan died in the Voyage that he was making round the VVorld. For after he had past those Streights between the South end of America and Terra del Fuego, which now bear his Name, and had ranged down in the South Seas on the back of America; from thence stretching over to the East Indies, he fell in with the Ladrone Islands, and from thence steering East still, he fell in with these Philippine Islands, and anchored at Luconia; where he warr'd with the native Indians, to bring them in obedience to his master the King of Spain, and was by them kill'd with a poysoned Arrow. It is now wholly under the Spaniards, who have several Towns there. The chief is Manilo, which is a large Sea-port Town near the S. E. end, opposite to the Island Mindora. It is a place of great strength and trade: The two great Acapulco Ships before-mentioned fetching from hence all sorts of East-India commodities; which are brought hither by foreigners, especially by the Chinese, and the Portuguese. Sometimes the English Merchants of Fort St. George send their Ships hither as it were by stealth, under the charge of Portugueze Pilots and Mariners: for as yet we cannot get the Spaniards there to a commerce with us or the Dutch, although they have but few Ships of their own. This seems to arise from a jealousie, or fear of discovering the riches of these Islands; for most, if not all the Philippine Islands, are rich in Gold: and the Spaniards have no place of much strength in all these Islands that I could ever hear of, besides Manilo it self. Yet they have Villages [Page] and Towns on several of the Islands, and Padres or Priests to instruct the native Indians, from whom they get their Gold.

The Spanish Inhabitants, of the smaller Islands especially, would willingly trade with us if the Government was not so severe against it; for they have no goods but what are brought from Manilo at an extraordinary dear rate. I am of the opinion, that if any of our Nations would seek a trade with them, they would not lose their labour; for the Spaniards can and will Smuggle (as our Sea-men call Trading by stealth) as well as any Nation that I know; and our Jamaicans are to their profit sensible enough of it. And I have been informed, that Captain Goodlud of London, in a Voyage which he made from Mindanao to China, touch'd at some of these Islands, and was civilly treated by the Spaniards, who bought some of his Commodities, giving him a very good price for the same.

There are about 12 or 14 more large Islands lying to the Southwards of Luconia; most of which, as I said before, are inhabited by the Spaniards. Besides these there are an infinite number of small Islands of no account, and even the great Islands, many of them, are without Names; or at least so variously set down, that I find the same Islands named by divers Names.

The Island St. John and Mindanao are the Southern-most of all these Islands, and are the only Islands in all this Range that are not subject to the Spaniards.

St. Johns Island is on the East side of the Mindanao, and distant from it 3 or 4 leagues. It is in lat. about 7 or 8 North. This Island is in length about 38 leagues, stretching N. N. W. and S. S. E. and it is in breadth about 24 leagues, in the middle of the Island. The Northermost end is broader, and the Southermost is narrower: This Island is of a [Page] good heighth, and is full of many small hills. The Land at the South East end (where I was ashore) is of a black fat mould; and the whole Island seems to partake of the same fatness, by the vast number of large Trees that it produceth: for it looks all over like one great Grove.

As we were passing by the S. E. end we saw a Canoa of the Natives under the shore: therefore one of our Canoas went after to have spoken with her; but she run away from us, seeing themselves chaced, put their Canoa ashore, leaving her fled into the Woods; nor would be allured to come to us, altho we did what we could to entice them: besides these Men we saw no more here, nor sign of any Inhabitants at this end.

When we came aboard our Ship again we steered away for the Island Mindanao, which was now fair in sight of us: it being about 10 leagues distant from this part of St. Johns. The 22d day we came within a league of the East side of the Island Mindanao, and having the Wind at S. E. we steered toward the North end, keeping on the East side, till we came into the lat. of 7d. 40 m. and there we anchored in a small Bay, about a mile from the shore, in 10 fathom Water, rocky foul ground.

Some of our Books gave us an account, that Mindanao City and Isle lies in 7d. 40 m. we guest that the middle of the Island might lye in this lat. but we were at a great loss where to find the City, whether on the East or West side. Indeed, had it been a small Island, lying open to the Eastern Wind, we might probably have searched first on the West side; for commonly the Islands within the Tropicks, or within the bounds of the Trade-Winds have their Harbours on the West sido, as best sheltered: but the Island Mindanao being guarded on the East side by St. Johns Island, we might as reasonably expect to find the Harbour and City on [Page] this side, as any where else: but coming into the lat. in which we judg'd the City might be, found no Canoas, or People, that might give as any umbrage of a City, or place of Trade near at hand, though we coasted within a league of the shore.

The Island Mindanao is the biggest of all the Philippine Islands, except Luconia. It is about 60 leagues long, and 40 or 50 broad. The South end is in about 5 d. N. and the N. W. end reacheth almost to 8 d. N. It is a very mountainous Island, full of Hills and Valleys. The Mould in general is deep and black, and extraordinary fat and fruitful. The sides of the Hills are stony, yet productive enough of very large tall Trees. In the heart of the Country there are some Mountains that yield good Gold. The Valleys are well moistned with pleasant Brooks, and small Rivers of delicate Water; and have Trees of divers sorts flourishing and green all the year. The Trees in general are very large, and most of them are of kinds unknown to us.

There is one sort which deserves particular notice; called by the Natives Libby Trees. These grow wild in great Groves of 5 or 6 mile long, by the sides of the Rivers. Of these Trees Sago is made, which the poor Country People eat instead of Bread 3 or 4 months in the year. This Tree for its body and shape is much like the Palmeto tree, or the Cabbage tree, but not so tall as the latter. The Bark and Wood is hard and thin like a Shell, and full of white Pith, like the Pith of an Elder. This Tree they cut down, and split it in the middle, and scrape out all the Pith; which they beat lustily with a wooden Pestle in a great Mortar or Trough, and then put into a Cloth or Strainer held over a Trough; and pouring Water in among the Pith, they stir it about in the Cloth: so the Water carries all the substance of the Pith through the Cloth down into the Trough, leaving nothing in [Page] the Cloth but a light sort of Husk, which they throw away; but that which falls into the Trough settles in a short time to the bottom like Mud; and then they draw off the Water, and take up the muddy substance, wherewith they make Cakes; which being baked proves very good Bread.

The Mindanao People live 3 or 4 months of the year on this food for their Bread kind. The Native Indians of Teranate, and Tidore, and all the Spice Islands, have plenty of these Trees, and use them for food in the same manner; as I have been inform'd by Mr. Caril Rofy, who is now Commander of one of the Kings Ships. He was one of our company at this time; and being left with Captain Swan at Mindanao, went afterwards to Teranate, and lived there among the Dutch a year or two. The Sago which is transported into other parts of the East Indies, is dried in small pieces like little Seeds or Comfits, and commonly eaten with Milk of Almonds by those that are troubled with the Flux; for it is a great binder, and very good in that distemper.

In some places of Mindanao there is plenty of Rice; but in the hilly Land they plant Yams, Potatoes, and Pumkins; all which thrive very well. The other Fruits of this Island are Water-Melons, Musk-Melons, Plantains, Bonanoes, Guava's, Nutmegs, Cloves, Betel-nuts, Durians, Jacks, or Jaca's, Coco-nuts, Oranges, &c.

The Plantain I take to be the King of all Fruit, not except the Coco it self. The Tree that bears this Fruit is about 3 foot, or 3 foot and an half round, and about 10 or 12 foot high. These Trees are not raised from seed, (for they seem not to have any) but from the roots of other old Trees. If these young suckers are taken out of the ground, and planted in another place, it will be 15 months before they bear, but if let stand in their own native [Page] Soil they will bear in 12 months. As soon as the Fruit is ripe the Tree decays, but then there are many young ones growing up to supply its place. When this Tree first springs out of the ground, it comes up with 2 leaves, and by that time it is a foot high, two more springs up in the inside of them; and in a short time after two more within them, and so on. By that time the Tree is a month old you may perceive a small body almost as big as ones Arm, and then there are 8 or 10 leaves, some of them 4 or 5 foot high. The first leaves that it shoots forth are not above a foot long, and half a foot broad; and the stem that bears them no bigger than ones finger; but as the Tree grows higher the leaves are larger. As the young leaves spring up in the inside, so the old leaves spread off, and their tops droop downward, being of a greater length and breadth by how much they are nearer the root, and at last decay and rot off; but still there are young leaves spring up out of the top, which makes the Tree look always green and flourishing. When the Tree is full grown the leaves are 7 or 8 foot long, and a foot and half broad; towards the end they are smaller and end with a round point. The stem of the leaf is as big as a mans Arm, almost round, and about a foot in length, between the leaf and the body of the Tree. That part of the stem which comes from the Tree, if it be the outside leaf, seems to inclose half the body as it were with a thick hide, and right against it on the other side of the Tree, is another such answering to it. The next two leaves in the inside of these grow opposite to each other, in the same manner, but so that if the 2 outward grow North and South, these grow East and West, and those still within them, keep the same order. Thus the body of this Tree seems to be made up of many thick skins, growing one over another, and when it is full grown, there [Page] springs out of the top a strong stem, harder in substance than any other part of the body. This stem shoots forth at the heart of the Tree, is as big as a mans Arm, and as long; and the Fruit grows in clusters round it, first blossoming, and then shooting forth the Fruit. It is so excellent that the Spaniards give it the preheminence of all other Fruit, as most conducing to Life. It grows in a Cod about 6 or 7 inches long, and as big as a mans Arm. The Shell, Rind or Cod, is soft, and of a yellow colour when ripe. It resembles in shape a Hogs-gut pudding. The inclosed Fruit is no harder than Butter in Winter, and is much of the colour of the purest yellow Butter. It is of a delicate taste, and melts in ones mouth like Marmalet. It is all pure pulp, without any Seed, Kernel or Stone. This Fruit is so much esteemed by all Europeans that settle in America, that when they make a new Plantation, they commonly begin with a good Plaintain-walk, as they call it, or a Field of Plantains; and as their family increaseth, so they augment the Plaintain-walk, keeping one man purposely to prune the Trees, and gather the Fruit as he sees convenient. For the Trees continue bearing, some or other, most part of the year; and this is many times the whole food on which a whole Family subsists. They thrive only in rich fat ground, for poor sandy will not bear them. The Spaniards in their Towns in America, as at Havana, Cartagena, Portabel, &c. have their Markets full of Plantains, it being the common food for poor people: Their common price is half a Rial, or 3 s. a dozen. When this Fruit is only used for Bread, it is roasted or boiled when it's just full grown, but not yet ripe, or turn'd yellow. Poor people, or Negroes, that have neither Fish nor Flesh to eat with it, make Sauce with Cod-pepper, Salt and Lime-juice: which makes it eat very savory; much better than a crust of Bread alone. Sometimes for [Page] a change they eat a roasted Plantain, and a ripe raw Plantain together, which is instead of Bread and Butter. They eat very pleasant so, and I have made many a good meal in this manner. Sometimes our English take 6 or 7 ripe Plantains, and mashing them together, make them into a lump, and boyl them instead of a Bag-pudding; which they call a Buff-Jacket: and this is a very good way for a change. This Fruit makes also very good Tarts: and the green Plantains sliced thin, and dryed in the Sun, and grated, will make a sort of flour which is very good to make Puddings. A ripe Plantain sliced and dryed in the Sun may be preserved a great while; and then eats like Figs, very sweet and pleasant. The Darien Indians preserve them a long time, by drying them gently over the fire; mashing them first, and moulding them into lumps. The Moskito Indians will take a ripe Plantain and roast it; then take a pint and half of Water in a Calabash, and squeeze the Plantain in pieces with their hands, mixing it with the Water; call Mishlaw, and it's pleasant and sweet and nourishing; somewhat like Lambs-wool (as 'tis then they drink it all off together: this they call'd) made with Apples and Ale: and of this Fruit alone many thousands of Indian Families in the West Indies have their whole subsistence. When they make drink with them, they take 10 or 12 ripe Plantains and mash them well in a Trough: then they put two gallons of Water among them; and this in two hours time will ferment and froth like Wort: In 4 hours it is fit to drink; and then they bottle it and drink it as they have occasion: But this will not keep above 24 or 30 hours. Those therefore that use this drink brew it in this manner every morning. When I went first to Jamaica I could relish no other drink they had there. It drinks brisk and cool, and is very pleasant. This drink is windy; and so is the fruit eaten raw: but [Page] boyl'd or roasted it is not so. If this drink is kept above 30 hours it grows sharp: but if then it be put out into the Sun, it will become very good Vinegar. This fruit grows all over the West Indies (in the proper Climates) at Guinea, and in the East Indies.

As the Fruit of this Tree is of great use for food, so is the Body no less serviceable to make cloaths; but this I never knew till I came to this Island. The ordinary People of Mindanao do wear no other cloath. The Tree never bearing but once, and so being fell'd when the Fruit is ripe; they cut it down close by the ground, if they intend to make Cloath with it. One blow with a Macheat, or Long Knife, will strike it asunder: then they cut off the top, leaving the Trunk 8 or 10 foot long, stripping off the outer Rind, which is thickest towards the lower end; having stript 2 or 3 of these Rinds, the Trunk becomes in a manner all of one bigness, and of a whitish colour: Then they split the Trunk in the middle, which being done, they split the 2 halves again, as near the middle as they can. This they leave in the Sun 2 or 3 days, in which time part of the juicy substance of the Tree dries away, and then the ends will appear full of small threads. The women, whose employment it is to make the Cloath, take hold of those threads one by one, which rend away easily from one end of the Trunk to the other, in bigness like whited brown thread, for the threads are naturally of a determinate bigness, as I observed their Cloath to be all of one substance and equal fineness; but 'tis stubborn when new, wears out soon, and when wet feels a little slimy. They make their pieces 7 or 8 yards long, their wasp and woof all one thickness and substance.

There is another sort of Plantains in that Island, which are shorter and less than the others, which I never saw any where but here. These are full [Page] of black Seeds mixt quite through the Fruit. They are binding, and are much eaten by those that have Fluxes. The Country people gave them us for that use, and with good success.

The Bonano Tree is exactly like the Plantain for shape and bigness, nor easily distinguishable from it but by its Fruit, which is a great deal smaller and not above half so long as a Plantain, being also more mellow and soft, less luscious, yet of a more delicate taste. They use this for the making drink oftner than Plantains, and it is best when used for drink, or eaten as Fruit; but it is not so good for Bread, nor doth it eat well at all when roasted or boiled; so 'tis only necessity that makes any use it this way. They grow generally where Plantains do, being set intermixt with them purposely in their Plantain-walks. They have plenty of Clove-bark, of which I saw a Ship-load, and as for Cloves, Raja Laut, whom I shall have occasion to mention, told me, that if the English would settle there, they could order matters so in a little time, as to send a Ship load of Cloves from thence every year. I have been informed that they grow on the boughs of a Tree about as big as a Plumb-tree, but I never happened to see any of them.

I have not seen the Nutmeg-trees any where; but the Nutmegs this Island produces are fair and large, yet they have great store of them, being unwilling to propugate them or the Cloves, for fear that should invite the Dutch to visit them, and bring them into subjection, as they have done the rest of the Neighbouring Islands where they grow. For the Dutch being seated among the Spice-Islands, have monopolized all the Trade into their own hands, and will not suffer any of the Natives to dispose of it, but to themselves alone. Nay, they are so careful to preserve it in their own hands, that they will not suffer t [...]e Spice to grow in the [Page] uninhabited Islands, but send Soldiers to cut the Trees down. Captain Rofy told me, that while he lived with the Dutch, he was sent with other men to cut down the Spice Trees; and that he himself did at several times cut down 7 or 800 Trees. Yet altho the Dutch take such care to destroy them, there are many uninhabited Islands that have great plenty of Spice-trees, as I have been informed by Dutch-men that have been there, particularly by a Captain of a Dutch Ship that I met with at Achin, who told me, that near the Island Banda there is an Island where the Cloves falling from the Trees do lye and rot on the ground, and they are at the time when the Fruit falls, 3 or 4 inches thick under the Trees. He and some others told me, that it would not be a hard matter for an English Vessel to purchase a Ships Cargo of Spice, of the Natives of some of these Spice Islands.

He was a free Merchant that told me this. For by that name the Dutch and English in the East Indies, distinguish those Merchant who are not Servants to the Company. The free Merchants are not suffered to Trade to the Spice Islands, nor to many other places where the Dutch have Factories; but on the other hand, they are suffered to Trade to some places where the Dutch Company themselves may not Trade, as to Achin particularly, for there are some Princes in the Indies, who will not Trade with the Company for fear of them. The Sea-men that go to the Spice Islands are obliged to bring no Spice from thence for themselves, except a small matter for their own use, about a pound or two. Yet the masters of those Ships do commonly so order their business, that they often secure a good quantity, and send it ashore to some place near Batavia, before they come into that Harbour, (for it is always brought thither first before it's sent to Europe,) and if they meet any Vessel at Sea that [Page] will buy their Cloves, they will sell 10 or 15 Tuns out of 100, and yet seemingly carry their complement to Batavia; for they will pour water among the remaining part of their Cargo, which will swell them to that degree, that the Ships hold will be as full again, as it was before any were sold. This trick they use whenever they dispose of any clandestinely, fot the Cloves when they first take them in are extraordinary dry; and so will imbibe a great deal of moisture. This is but one instance, of many hundreds, of little deceitful arts the Dutch Seamen in these parts have among them, of which I have both seen and heard several. I believe there are no where greater Thieves; and nothing will perswade them to discover one another; for should any do it, the rest would certainly knock him on the head. But to return to the products of Mindanao.

The Betel Nut is much esteemed here, as it is in most places of the East Indies. The Betel-tree grows like the Cabbage-tree, but it is not so big, nor so high. The body grows streight, about 12 or 14 foot high, without Leaf or Branch, except at the head. There it spreads forth long Branches like other Trees of the like nature, as the Cabbage-tree, the Coco-nut Tree, and the Palm. These Branches are about 10 or 12 foot long, and their stems near the head of the Tree, as big as a mans Arm. On the top of the Tree among the Branches, the Betel-nut grows on a tough stem, as big as a mans Finger, in clusters much as the Coco-nuts do, and they grow 40 or 50 in a cluster. This Fruit is bigger than a Nutmeg, and is much like it, but rounder. It is much used all over the East Indies. The way is to cut it in four pieces, and wrap one of them up in an Areck leaf, which they spread with a soft paste made of Lime or Plaister, and then chew it altogether. [Page] Every man in these parts carries his Lime box by his side, and dipping his finger into it, spreads his Betel and Arek leaf with it. The Arek is a small Tree or Shrub, of a green Bark, and the Leaf is long and broader than a Willow. They are packt up to sell into parts that have them not, to chew with the Betel. The Betel-nut is most esteem'd when it is young, and before it grows hard, and then they cut it only in two pieces with the green husk or shell on it. It is then exceeding juicy, and therefore makes them spit much. It tastes rough in the mouth, and dies the Lips red, and makes the Teeth black, but it preserves them and cleanseth the Gums. It is also accounted very wholesom for the Stomach; but sometimes it will cause great giddiness in the head of those that are not use to chew it. But this is the effect only of the old Nut, for the young Nuts will not do it. I speak of my own experience.

This Island produceth also Durians and Jacks. The Trees that bear the Durians, are as big as Apple Trees, full of Boughs. The Rind is thick and rough; the Fruit is so large that they grow only about the Bodies, or on the Limbs near the Body, like the Cacao. The Fruit is about the bigness of a large Pumkin, covered with a thick green rough Rind. When it is ripe the Rind begins to turn yellow, but it is not fit to eat till it opens at the top. Then the Fruit in the inside is ripe, and sends forth an excellent scent. When the Rind is opened, the Fruit may be split into 4 quarters; each quarter hath several small cells; that inclose a certain quantity of the Fruit, according to the bigness of the cell, for some are larger than others. The largest of the Fruit may be as big as a Pullets Egg: Tis as white as Milk, and as soft as Cream, and the taste very delicious to those that are accustomed to them; but those who have not been [Page] used to eat them, will dislike them at first, because they smell like roasted Onions. This Fruit must be eaten in its prime, (for there is no eating of it before it is ripe) and even then 'twill not keep above a day or two before it putrifies, and turns black, or of a dark colour, and then it is not good. Within the Fruit there is a stone as big as a small Bean, which hath a thin shell over it. Those that are minded to eat the Stones or Nuts, roast them, and then a thin shell comes off, which incloses the Nut; and it eats like a Chasenut.

The Jack or Jaca is much like the Durian, both in bigness and shape. The Trees that bear them also are much alike, and so is their manner of the Fruits growing. But the inside is different; for the Fruit of the Durian is white, that of the Jack is yellow, and fuller of Stones. The Durian is most esteemed; yet the Jack is very pleasant Fruit, and the Stones or Kernels are good roasted.

There are many other sorts of Grain, Roots and Fruits in this Island, which to give a particular description of, would fill up a large Volume.

In this Island are also many sorts of Beasts, both wild and tame; as Horses, Bulls, and Cows, Buffaloes, Goats, Wild-hogs, Deer, Monkies, Guano's, Lizards, Snakes, &c. I never saw or heard of any Beasts of Prey here, as in many other places. The Hogs are ugly Creatures; they have all great Knobs growing over their Eyes, and there are multitudes of them in the Woods. They are commonly very poor, yet sweet. Dear are here very plentiful in some places, where they are not disturbed.

Of the venemous kind of Creatures here are Scorpions, whose sting is in their Tail, and Centapees, call'd by the English 40 Legs, both which are also common in the West Indies, in Jamaica, and elsewhere. These Centapees are 4 or 5 inches long, as big as [Page] a Goose quill, but flattish; of a dun or reddish colour on the Back, but Belly whitish, and full of Legs on each side the Belly. Their sting or bite is more raging than the Scorpion. They lye in old Houses, and dry Timber. There are several sorts of Snakes; some very poisonous. There is another sort of Creature like a Guano both in colour and shape, but 4 times as big, whose Tongue is like a small Harpoon, having two beards like the beards of a Fishook. They are said to be very venemous, but I know not their names. I have seen them in other places also, as at Pulo Condore, or the Island Condore, and at Achin, and have been told that they are in the Bay of Bengal.

The Fowls of this Country are Ducks and Hens: Other tame Fowl I have not seen nor heard of any. The wild Fowl are Pidgeons, Parrots, Parakits, Turtle-dove, and abundance of small Fowls. There are Bats as big as a Kite.

There are a great many Harbours, Creeks, and good Bays for Ships to ride in; and Rivers navigable for Canoas, Proes or Barks, which are all plentifully stored with Fish of divers sorts, so is also the adjacent Sea. The chiefest Fish are Bonetas, Snooks, Cavally's, Bremes, Mullets, 10 Pownders, &c. Here are also plenty of Sea Turtle, and small Manatee, which are not near so big as those in the West Indies. The biggest that I saw would not weigh above 600 l. but the flesh both of the Turtle and Manatee are very sweet.

The weather at Mindanao is temperate enough as to heat, for all it lies so near the Equator; and especially on the borders near the Sea. There they commonly enjoy the breezes by day, and cooling Land-winds at night. The Winds are Easterly one part of the year, and Westerly the other. The Easterly winds begin to set in October, and it is the middle of November before they are settled. [Page] These Winds bring fair weather. The Westerly Winds begin to blow in May, but are not settled till a month afterwards. The West Winds always bring Rain, Tornadoes, and very tempestuous Weather. At the first coming in of these Winds they blow but faintly; but then the Tornadoes rise one in a day, sometimes two. These are Thunder-showers which commonly come against the Wind, bringing with them a contrary Wind to what did blow before. After the Tornadoes are over, the Wind shifts about again, and the Sky becomes clear, yet then in the Valleys and the sides of the Mountains, there riseth a thick fog, which covers the Land. The Tornadoes continue thus for a week or more; then they come thicker, 2 or 3 in a day, bringing violent gusts of Wind, and terrible claps of Thunder. At last they come so fast, that the Wind remains in the quarter from whence these Tornadoes do rise, which is out of the West, and there it settles till October or November. When these Westward Winds are thus settled, the Sky is all in mourning, being covered with black Clouds, pouring down excessive Rains, sometimes mixt with Thunder and Lightning, that nothing can be more dismal. The Winds raging to that degree, that the biggest Trees are torn up by the Roots, and the Rivers swell and overflow their Banks, and drown the low Land, carrying great Trees into the Sea. Thus it continues sometimes a week together, before the Sun or Stars appear. The fiercest of this weather is in the latter end of July and in August, for then the Towns seem to stand in a great Pond, and they go from one house to another in Canoas. At this time the Water carries away all the filth and nastiness from under their Houses. Whilst this tempestuous season lasts, the weather is cold and chilly. In September the weather is more moderate, and the Winds are not so [Page] fierce, nor the Rain so violent. The Air thence-forward begins to be more clear and delightsome; but then in the morning there are thick Fogs, continuing till 10 or 11 a clock before the Sun shines out, especially when it has rained in the night. In October the Easterly Winds begin to blow again, and bring fair weather till April. Thus much concerning the natural state of Mindanao.

[Page]

CHAP. XII.

Of the Inhabitants, and Civil State of the Isle of Mindanao. The Mindanayans, Hilanoones, Sologues, and Alfoorees. Of the Mindanayans, properly so called: Their Manners and Habits. The Habits and Manners of their Women. A Comical Custom at Mindanao. Their Houses, their Diet, and Washings. The Languages spoken there, and transactions with the Spaniards. Their fear of the Dutch, and seeming desire of the English. Their Handy crafts, and peculiar sort of Smiths Bellows. Their Shipping, Commodities, and Trade. The Mindanao and Manila Tobacco. A sort of Leprosie there, and other Distempers. Their Marriages The Sultan of Mindanao, his Poverty, Power, Family, &c. The Proes or Boats here. Raja Laut the General, Brother to the Sultan, and his Family. Their way of fighting. Their Religion. Raja Laut's Devotion. A Clock or Drum in their Mosques. Of their Circumcision, and the Solemnity then used. Of other their Religious Observations and Superstitions. Their abhorrence of Swines Flesh, &c.

THis Island is not subject to one Prince, neither is the Language one and the same; but the People are much alike, in colour, strength, and stature. They are all or most of them of [Page] one Religion, which is Mahometanism, and their customs and manner of living are alike. The Mindanao people more particularly so called, are the greatest Nation in the Island, and trading by Sea with other Nations, they are therefore the more civil. I shall say but little of the rest, being less known to me, but so much as hath come to my knowledge, take as follows. There are besides the Mindanayans, the Hilanoones, (as they call them) or the Mountaniers, the Sologues, and Alfoorees.

The Hilanoones live in the heart of the Country: They have little or no commerce by Sea, yet they have Proe's that row with 12 or 14 Oars apiece. They enjoy the benefit of the Gold Mines; and with their Gold buy foreign Commodities of the Mindanao people. They have also plenty of Bees Wax, which they exchange for other Commodities.

The Sologues inhabit the N. W. end of the Island. They are the least Nation of all; they Trade to Manila in Proe's, and to some of the neighbouring Islands, but have no commerce with the Mindanao people.

The Alfoorees are the same with the Mindanayans, and were formerly under the subjection of the Sultan of Mindanao, but were divided between the Sultan's Children, and have of late had a Sultan of their own; but having by Marriage contracted an alliance with the Sultan of Mindanao, this has occasioned that Prince to claim them again as his Subjects; and he made War with them a little after we went away, as I afterwards understood.

The Mindanayans properly so called, are men of mean statures; small Limbs, streight Bodies, and little Heads. Their Faces are oval, their Fore. heads flat, with black small Eyes short low Noses, pretty large Mouths; their Lips thin and red, their Teeth black, yet very sound, their Hair [Page] black and straight, the colour of their Skin rawney, but inclining to a brighter yellow than some other Indians, especially the Women. They have a custom to wear their Thumb-nails very long, especially that on their left Thumb, for they do never cut it but scrape it often. They are indued with good natural Wits, are ingenious, nimble, and active, when they are minded; but generally very lazy and thievish, and will not work except forced by hunger. This laziness is natural to most Indians; but these people's laziness seems rather to proceed not so much from their natural inclinations, as from the severity of their Prince, of whom they stand in great awe: For he dealing with them very arbitrarily, and taking from them what they get, this damps their industry, so they never strive to have any thing but from hand to mouth. They are generally proud, and walk very stately. They are civil enough to strangers, and will easily be acquainted with them, and entertain them with great freedom; but they are implacable to their Enemies, and very revengeful if they are injured, frequently poisoning secretly those that have affronted them.

They wear but few Cloaths; their Heads are circled with a short Turbat, fringed or laced at both ends; it goes once about the head, and is tied in a knot, the laced ends hanging down. They wear Frocks and Breeches, but no Stockings nor Shooes.

The Women are fairer than the Men; and their Hair is black and long: which they tie in a knot, that hangs back in their poles. They are more round vifaged than the Men, and generally well featured; only their Noses are very small, and so low between their Eyes, that in some of the Female Children the rising that should be between the Eyes is scarce discernable; neither is there any [Page] sensible rising in their Foreheads. At a distance they appear very well; but being nigh, these Impediments are very obvious. They have very small Limbs. They wear but two Garments; a Frock, and a sort of Petticoat: the Petticoat is only a piece of Cloth, sowed both ends together: but it is made 2 foot too big for their Wastes, so that they may wear either end uppermost: that part that comes up to their Wastes, because it is so much too big, they gather it in their Hands, and twist it till it sits close to their Wastes, tucking in the twisted part between their Waste and the edge of the Petticoat, which keeps it close. The Frock sits loose about them, and reaches down a little below the Waste. The Sleeves are a great deal longer than their Arms, and so small at the end, that their Hands will scarce go through. Being on, the Sleeve sits in folds about the wrist, wherein they take great pride.

The better sort of people have their garments made of long Cloath; but the ordinary sort wear Cloth made of Plantain-tree, which they call Saggen; by which Name they call the Plantain. They have neither Stocking nor Shooe, and the Women have very small Feet.

The Women are very desirous of the company of Strangers, especially of White Men; and doubtless would be very familiar, if the Custom of the Country did not debar them from that freedom, which seems coveted by them. Yet from the highest to the lowest they are allowed liberty to converse with, or treat Strangers in the sight of their Husbands.

There is a kind of begging Custom at Mindanao, that I have not met elsewhere with in all my Travels; and which I believe is owing to the little Trade they have; which is thus: When Strangers arrive here, the Mindanao Men will come aboard, [Page] and invite them to their Houses, and inquire who has a Comrade, (which word I believe they have from the Spaniards) or a Pagally, and who has not. A Comrade is a familiar Male-friend; a Pagally is an innocent Platonick Friend of the other Sex. All Strangers are in a manner oblig'd to accept of this Acquaintance and Familiarity, which must be first purchased with a small Present, and afterwards confirmed with some Gift or other to continue the Acquaintance: and as often as the Stranger goes ashore, he is welcome to his Comrade or Pagally s House, where he may be entertained for his Money, to eat, drink, or sleep; and complimented, as often as he comes ashore, with Tobacco and Betel-nut, which is all the Entertainment he must expect gratis. The richest Mens Wives are allowed the freedom to converse with her Pagally in publick, and may give or receive Presents from him. Even the Sultans and the Generals Wives, who are always coopt up, will yet look out of their Cages when a Stranger passeth by, and demand of him if he wants a Pagally: and to invite him to their Friendship, will send a Present of Tobacco and Betel-nut to him by their Servants.

The chiefest City on this Island is called by the same Name of Mindanao. It is seated on the South side of the Island, in lat. 7 d. 20 m. N. on the banks of a small River, about 2 mile from the Sea. The manner of building is somewhat strange; yet generally used in this part of the East Indies. Their Houses are all built on Posts, about 14, 16, 18, or 20 foot high. These Posts are bigger or less, according to the intended Magnificence of the Superstructure. They have but one floor, but many partitions or rooms, and a ladder or stairs to go up out of the streets. The roof is large, and covered with Palmeto or Palm-leaves. So there is a clear passage like a Piazza (but a filthy one) under the [Page] House. Some of the poorer People that keep Ducks or Hens, have a fence made round the posts of their Houses, with a door to go in and out; and this under-room serves for no other use. Some use this place for the common draught of their Houses; but building mostly close by the River in all parts of the Indies, they make the River receive all the filth of their Houses; and at the time of the Land-floods, all is washed very clean.

The Sultans House is much bigger than any of the rest. It stands on about 180 great Posts or Trees, a great deal higher than the common Building, with great broad stairs made to go up. In the first room he hath about 20 Iron Guns, all Saker and Minion, placed on Field-Carriages. The General, and other great Men have some Guns also in their Houses. About 20 paces from the Sultan's House there is a small low House, built purposely for the Reception of Ambassadors, or Merchant Strangers. This also stands on Posts, but the floor is not raised above 3 or 4 foot above the ground, and is neatly matted purposely for the Sultan and his Council to sit on; for they use no Chairs, but sit cross-legg'd like Taylors on the floor.

The common Food at Mindanao is Rice, or Sago, and a small Fish or two. The better sort eat Buffalo, or Fowls ill drest, and abundance of Rice with it. They use no Spoons to eat their Rice, but every Man takes a handful out of the Platter, and by wetting his Hand in Water, that it may not stick to his Hand, squeezes it into a lump, as hard as possibly he can make it, and then crams it into his mouth. They all strive to make these lumps as big as their mouths can receive them; and seem to vie with each other, and glory in taking in the biggest lump; so that sometimes they almost choak themselves. They always wash after meals, or if they touch any thing that is unclean; for which reason [Page] they spend abundance of Water in their Houses, This Water, with the washing of their Dishes, and whatother filth they make, they pour down near their Fire-place: for their Chambers are not boarded, but floored with split Bamboos, like Laths so that the Water presently falls underneath their dwelling rooms, where it breeds Maggots, and makes a prodigious stink. Besides this filthiness, the sick people ease themselves, and make water in their Chambers; there being a small hole made purposely in the floor, to let it drop through. But healthy sound people commonly ease themselves, and make water in the River. For that reason you shall always see abundance of people, of both Sexes, in the River, from morning till night; some easing themselves, others washing their bodies or cloaths. If they come into the River purposely to wash their cloaths, they strip and stand naked till they have done: then put them on, and march out again: both men and women take great delight in swimming, and washing themselves, being bred to it from their Infancy. I do believe it is very wholsome to wash mornings and evenings in these hot Countries, at least 3 or 4 days in the week: for I did use my self to it when I lived afterwards at Ben-cooly, and found it very refreshing and comfortable. It is very good for those that have Fluxes to wash and stand in the River mornings and evenings. I speak it experimentally; for I was brought very low with that distemper at Achin; but by washing constantly mornings and evenings I found great benefit, and was quickly cured by it.

In the City of Mindanao they spake two Languages indifferently; their own Mindanao Language, and the Malaya: but in other parts of the Island they speak only their proper Language, having little Commerce abroad. They have Schools, and instruct the Children to read and write, and [Page] bring them up in the Mahometan Religion. Therefore many of the words, especially their Prayers, are in Arabick; and many of the words of civility, the same as in Turkey: and especially when they meet in the morning, or take leave of each other, they express themselves in that Language.

Many of the old people both Men and Women can speak Spanish, for the Spaniards were formerly settled among them, and had several. Forts on this Island; and then they sent two Friers to this City, to convert the Sultan of Mindanao and his people. At that time these people began to learn Spanish, and the Spaniards incroached on them and endeavoured to bring them into subjection; and probably before this time had brought them all under their yoak, if they themselves had not been drawn off from this Island to Manila, to resist the Chinese, who threatened to invade them there. When the Spaniards were gone, the old Sultan of Mindanao, Father to the present, in whose time it was, razed and demolished their Forts, brought away their Guns, and sent away the Friers, and since that time will not suffer the Spaniards to settle on the Islands.

They are now most afraid of the Dutch, being sensible how they have inslaved many of the neighbouring Islands. For that reason they have a long time desired the English to settle among them, and have offered them any convenient place to build a Fort in, as the General himself told us; giving this reason, that they do not find the English so incroaching as the Dutch or Spanish. The Dutch are no less jealous of their admitting the English, for they are sensible what detriment it would be to them if the English should settle here.

There are but few Tradesmen at the City of Mindanao. The chiefest Trades are Goldsmiths, Blacksmiths, and Carpenters. There are but 2 or [Page] 3 Goldsmiths; these will work in Gold or Silver, and make any thing that you desire: but they have no Shop furnished with Ware ready made for Sale. Here are several Blacksmiths who work very well, considering the Tools that they work with. Their Bellows are much different from ours. They are made of a wooden Cylinder, the trunk of a Tree, about 3 foot long, bored hollow like a Pump, and set upright on the ground, on which the Fire it self is made. Near the lower end there is a small hole, in the side of the trunk next the Fire, made to receive a Pipe, through which the wind is driven to the Fire by a great bunch of fine Feathers fastned to one end of the stick, which closing up the inside of the Cylinder, drives the air out of the Cylinder through the pipe: Two of these Trunks or Cylinders are placed so nigh together, that a Man standing between them may work them both at once alternately, one with each hand. They have neither Vice nor Anvil but a great hard Stone, or a piece of an old Gun, to hammer upon: yet they will perform their work making both common Utensils, and Iron-works about Ships to admiration. They work altogether with Charcoal. Every Man almost is a Carpenter, for they can all work with the Ax and Ads. Their Ax is but small, and so made, that they can take it out of the Helve, and by turning it make an Ads of it. They have no Saws; but when they make Plank they split the Tree in two, and make a Plank of each part, planing it with the Ax and Ads. This requires much pains, and takes up a great deal of time; but they work cheap, and the goodness of the Plank thus hewed, which hath its grain preserv'd entire, makes amends for their cost and pains.

They build good and serviceable Ships or Barks for the Sea; some for Trade, others for Pleasure; and some Ships of War. Their trading Vessels they [Page] send chiefly to Manila. Thither they transport Bees-wax, which, I think, is the only Commodity, besides Gold, that they vend there. The Inhabitants of the City of Mindanao get a great deal of Bees-wax themselves: but the greatest quantity they purchase is of the Mountaneers, from whom they also get the Gold which they send to Manila; and with these they buy there Calicoes, Muslins, and China Silk. They send sometimes their Barks to Bornec and other Islands; but what they transport thither, or import from thence, I know not. The Dutch come hither in Sloops from Ternate and Tidore, and buy Rice, Bees-wax, and Tobacco: for here is a great deal of Tobacco grows on this Island, more than in any Island or Country in the East Indies, that I know of, Manila only excepted. It is an excellent sort of Tobacco; but these people have not the Art of managing this Trade to their best advantage, as the Spaniards have at Manila. I do believe the Seeds were first brought hither from Manila by the Spaniards, and even thither, in all probability, from America: the difference between the Mindanao and Manila Tobacco is, that the Mindanao Tobacco is of a darker colour, and the leaf larger and grosser than the Manila Tobacco, being propagated or planted in a fatter soil. The Manila Tobacco is of a bright yellow colour, of an indifferent size, not strong, but pleasant to smoak. The Spaniards at Manila are very curious about this Tobacco, having a peculiar way of making it up neatly in the leaf. For they take 2 little sticks, each about a foot long and flat, and placing the stalks of the Tobacco-leaves in a row, 40 or 50 of them between the two sticks, they bind them hard together, so that the leaves hang dangling down. One of these bundles is sold for a Rial at Fort St. George: but you may have 10 or 12 pound of Tobacco at Mindanao for a Rial; and the Tobacco is [Page] as good, or rather better than the Manila Tobacco, but they have not that vent for it as the Spaniards have.

The Mindanao people are much troubled with a sort of Leprosie, the same as we observed at Guam. This distemper runs with a dry Scurf all over their bodies, and causeth great itching in those that have it, making them frequently scratch and scrub themselves, which raiseth the outer skin in small whitish flakes, like the scales of little Fish, when they are raised on end with a Knife. This makes their skin extraordinary rough, and in some you shall see broad white spots in several parts of their body. I judge such have had it, but are cured; for their skins were smooth, and I did not perceive them to scrub themselves: yet I have learnt from their own mouths that these spots were from this distemper. Whether they use any means to cure themselves, or whether it goes away of it self, I know not: but I did not perceive that they made any great matter of it, for they did never refrain any company for it; none of our people caught it of them, for we were afraid of it and kept off. They are sometimes troubled with the Small Pox, but their ordinary distempers are Fevers, Agues, Fluxes, with great pains, and gripings in their guts. The Country affords a great many Drugs and Medicinal Herbs; whose Virtues are not unknown to some of them that pretend to cure the sick.

The Mindanao Men have many Wives: but what Ceremonies are used when they marry I know not. There is commonly a great Feast made by the Bridegroom to entertain his Friends, and the most part of the night is spent in mirth.

The Sultan is absolute in his power over all his Subjects. He is but a poor Prince; for as I mentioned before, they have but little Trade, and therefore cannot be rich. If the Sultan understands [Page] that any Man has Money, if it be but 20 Dollars, which is a great matter among them, he will send to borrow so much Money, pretending urgent occasions for it; and they dare not deny him. Sometimes he will send to sell one thing or another that he hath to dispose of, to such whom he knows to have Money, and they must buy it, and give him his price; and if afterward he hath occasion for the same thing, he must have it if he sends for it. He is but a little Man, between 50 and 60 years old, and by relation very good natured, but over-ruled by those about him. He has a Queen, and keeps about 20 Women, or Wives more, in whose company he spends most of his time. He has one Daughter by his Sultaness or Queen, and a great many Sons and Daughters by the rest. These walk about the streets, and would be always begging things of us; but it is reported, that the young Princess is kept in a room, and never stirs out, and that she did never see any Man but her Father and Raja Laut her Uncle, being then about 14 years old.

When the Sultan visits his Friends he is carried in a small Couch on 4 Mens shoulders, with 8 or 10 armed Men to guard him; but he never goes far this way: for the Country is very woody, and they have but little paths, which renders it the less commodious. When he takes his pleasure by Water, he carries some of his Wives along with him. The Proes that are built for this purpose, are large enough to entertain 50 or 60 persons, or more. The Hull is neatly built, with a round head and stern, and over the Hull there is a small slight house built with Bamboes; the sides are made up, with split Bamboes about 4 foot high, with little Windows in them of the same, to open and shut at their pleasure. The roof is almost slat, neatly that ched with Palmeto leaves. This house is divided [Page] into 2 or 3 small Partitions or Chambers, one particularly for himself. This is neatly matted underneath, and round the sides; and there is a Carpit and Pillows for him to sleep on. The second Room is for his Women, much like the former. The third is for the Servants, who tend them with Tobacco and Betel-nut; for they are always chewing or smoaking. The fore and after parts of the Vessel are for the Mariners to sit and row. Besides this, they have Outlayers, such as those I described at Guam; only the Boats and Outlayers here are larger. These Boats are more round, like the Half-Moon almost; and the Bamboes or Outlayers that reach from the Boat are also crooked. Besides, the Boat is not flat on one side here, as at Guam; but hath a Belly and Outlayers on each side: and whereas at Guam there is a little Boat fasten'd to the Outlayers, that lies in the Water; the Beams or Bamboes here are fastned traverse-wise to the Outlayers on each side, and touch not the Water like Boats, but 1, 3 or 4 foot above the Water, and serve for the Barge-men to sit and row and paddle on; the inside of the Vessel, except only just afore and abaft, being taken up with the apartments for the Passengers. There run across the Outlayers two tire of Beams for the Paddlers to sit on, on each side the Vessel. The lower tire of these Beams is not above a foot from the water: so that upon any the least reeling of the Vessel, the Beams are dipt in the water, and the men that sit are wet up to their waste: their feet seldom escaping the water. And thus as all our Vessels are Rowed from within, these are Paddled from without.

The Sultan hath a Brother called Raja Laut, a brave man. He is the second man in the Kingdom. All strangers that come hither to trade must make their address to him, for all Sea affairs belong to [Page] him. He licenceth strangers to import or export any Commodity, and 'tis by his permission that the Natives themselves are suffered to trade: Nay the very Fishermen must take a permit from him: so that there is no man can come into the River or go out but by his leave. He is 2 or 3 years younger than the Sultan, and a little man like him. He has 8 Women, by some of whom he hath Issue. He hath only one Son, about 12 or 14 years old, who was Circumcised while we were there. His eldest Son died a little before we came hither, for whom he was still in great heaviness. If he had lived a little longer he should have married the young Princess; but whether this second Son must have her I know not, for I did never hear any discourse about it. Raja Laut is a very sharp man; he speaks and writes Spanish, which he learned in his youth. He has by often conversing with Strangers, got a great insight into the Customs of other Nations, and by Spanish Books has some knowledge of Europe. He is General of the Mindanaians. and is accounted an expert Soldier, and a very stout man; and the Women in their dances, sings many Songs in his praise.

The Sultan of Mindanao sometimes makes War with his Neighbours the Mountaneers or Alfoors. Their Weapons are Swords, Lances and some hand Cressets. The Cresset is a small thing like a Baggonet, which they always wear in War or Peace, at work or play, from the greatest of them to the poorest, and meanest persons. They do never meet each other so as to have a pitcht Battle, but they build small Works or Forts of Timber, wherein they plant little Guns, and lye in sight of each other 2 or 3 months, skirmishing every day in small Parties, and sometimes surprizing a Brest-work; and whatever side is like to be worsted, if they have no probability to escape by flight, they [Page] sell their lives as dear as they can; for there is seldom any quarter given, but the Conquerour cuts and hacks his Enemies to pieces.

The Religion of these people is Mahometanism. Friday is their Sabbath; but I did never see any difference that they make between this day and any other day, only the Sultan himself goes then to his Mosque twice. Raja Laut never goes to the Mosque, but prays at certain hours, 8 or 10 times in a day; where-ever he is, he is very punctual to his Canonical hours, and if he be aboard will go ashore, on purpose to pray. For no business nor company hinders him from this Duty. Whether he is at home or abroad, in a house or in the field, he leaves all his Company and goes about 100 yards off, and there kneels down to his Devotion. He first kisses the ground, then prays aloud, and divers times in his Prayers he kisses the ground, and does the same when he leaves off: His Servants, and his Wives and Children talk and sing, or play how they please all the time, but himself is very serious. The meaner sort of people have little Devotion: I did never see any of them at their Prayers, or go into a Mosque.

In the Sultans Mosque there is a great Drum with but one Head, called a Gong; which is instead of a Clock. This Gong is beaten at 12 a Clock, at 3, 6, and 9; a man being appointed for that service. He has a stick as big as a mans arm, with a great knob at the end, bigger than a mans fist, made with Cotton, bound fast with small Cords: With this he strikes the Gong as hard as he can, about 20 strokes; beginning to strike leisurely the first 5 or 6 strokes; then he strikes faster, and at last strikes as fast as he can: and then he strikes again slower and slower so many more strokes: thus he rises and falls 3 times, and then leaves off till 3 hours after. This is done night and day.

[Page] They circumcise the Males at 11 or 12 years of Age, or older; and many are circumcised at once. This Ceremony is performed with a great deal of Solemnity. There had been no Circumcision for some years before our being here; and then there was one for Raja Laut's Son. They chuse to have a general Circumcision when the Sultan, or General, or some other great a person hath a Son fit to be circumcised; for with him great many more are circumcised. There is notice given about 8 or 10 days before for all Men to appear in Arms, and great preparation is made against the solemn day. In the morning before the Boys are circumcised, Presents are sent to the Father of the Child, that keeps the Feast; which, as I said before, is either the Sultan, or some great person: and about 10 or 11 a clock the Mahometan Priest does his Office. He takes hold of the fore-skin with two sticks, and with a pair of Scizzars snips it off. After this most of the Men, both in City and Country being in Arms before the House, begin to act as if they were ingag'd with an Enemy, having such Arms as I described. Only one acts at a time, the rest make a great Ring of 2 or 300 yards round about him. He that is to exercise comes into the Ring with a great shriek or two, and a horrid look; then he fetches 2 or 3 large stately strides, and falls to work. He holds his broad Sword in one hand, and his Lance in the other, and traverses his ground, leaping from one side of the Ring to the other; and in a menacing posture and look, bids defiance to the Enemy, whom his fancy frames to him; for there is nothing but air to oppose him. Then he stamps and shakes his Head, and grinning with his Teeth, makes many ruful faces. Then he throws his Lance, and nimbly snatches out his Cresset, with which he hacks and hews the air like a mad man, often shrieking. At last, being almost tired with [Page] motion, he flies to the middle of the Ring, where he seems to have his Enemy at his mercy; and with 2 or 3 blows cuts on the ground as if he was cutt ng off his Enemy's Head. By this time he is all of a sweat, and withdraws triumphantly out of the Ring, and presently another enters with the like shrieks and gestures. Thus they continue combating their imaginary Enemy all the rest of the day; towards the conclusion of which the richest men act, and at last the General, and then the Sultan concludes this Ceremony: He and the General with some other great Men, are in Armour, but the rest have none. After this the Sultan returns home, accompanied with abundance of people, who wait on him there till they are dismist. But at the time when we were there, there was an after-game to be played; for the General's Son being then Circumcised, the Sultan intended to give him a second visit in the night; so they all waited to attend him thither. The General also provided to meet him in the best manner, and therefore desired Captain Swan with his men to attend him. Accordingly Captain Swan ordered us to get our Guns, and wait at the Generals house till further orders. So about 40 of us waited till 8 a clock in the evening: When the General with Captain Swan, and about 1000 men, went to meet the Sultan, with abundance of Torches that made it as light day. The manner of the march was thus: First of all there was a Pageant, and upon it two dancing Women gorgeously apparelled, with Coronets on their Heads, full of glistering Spangles, and Pendants of the same, hanging down over their Breast and Shoulders. These are Women bred up purposely for dancing: Their Feet and Legs are but little imployed, except sometimes to turn round very gently; but their Hands, Arms, Head, and Body are in continual motion, especially [Page] their Arms, which they turn and twist so strangely, that you would think them to be made without Bones. Besides the two dancing Women, there were two old Women in the Pageant, holding each a lighted Torch in their Hands, close by the two dancing Women, by which light the glittering Spangles appeared very gloriously. This Pageant was carried by six lusty men: Then came 6 or 7 Torches, lighting the General and Captain Swan, who marched side by side next, and we that attended Captain Swan followed close after, marching in order 6 and 6 abreast, with each man his Gun on his Shoulder, and Torches on each side. After us came 12 of the Generals men with old Spanish Match-locks, marching 4 in a row. After them about 40 Lances, and behind them as many with great Swords, marching all in order. After them came abundance only with Cressets by their sides, who marched up close without any order. When we came near the Sultans house, the Sultan and his men met us, and we wheeled off to let them pass. The Sultan had 3 Pageants went before him: In the first Pageant were 4 of his Sons, who were about 10 or 11 years old. They had gotten abundance of small Stones, which they roguishly threw about on the peoples heads.. In the next were 4 young Maidens, Nieces to the Sultan, being his Sisters Daughters; and in the 3d, there were 3 of the Sultans Children, not above 6 years old. The Sultan himself followed next, being carried in his Couch, which was not like your Indian Palankins, but open, and very little and ordinary. A multitude of people came after, without any order: but as soon as he was past by, the General, and Captain Swan, and all our men, closed in just behind the Sultan, and so all marched together to the Generals house. We came thither between 10 and 11 a clock, where the biggest part [Page] of the company were immediately dismist; but the Sultan and his Children, and his Nieces, and some other Persons of Quality, entred the Generals house. They were met at the head of the Stairs by the Generals women, who with a great deal of respect conducted them into the house. Captain Swan, and we that were with him followed after. It was not long before the General caused his dancing Women to enter the Room, and divert the company with that pastime. I had forgot to tell you that they have none but vocal Musick here, by what I could learn, except only a row of a kind of Bells without clappers, 16 in number, and their weight increasing gradually from about 3 to 10 pound weight. These were set in a row on a Table on the Generals House, where for 7 or 8 days together before the Circumcision day, they were struck each with a little stick, for the biggest part of the day, making a great noise, and they ceased that morning. So these dancing Women sung themselves, and danced to their own Musick. After this the General's Women, and the Sultans Sons, and his Nieces danced. Two of the Sultans Nieces were about 18 or 19 years old, the other two were 3 or 4 years younger. These young Ladies were very richly drest, with loose Garments of Silk, and small Coronets on their Heads. They were much fairer than any Women that I did ever see there, and very well featured; and their Noses, tho but small, yet higher than the other Womens, and very well proportioned. When the Ladies had very well diverted themselves and the company with dancing, the General caused us to fire some Sky-rockets, that were made by his and Captain Swan's order, purposely for this nights solemnity; and after that the Sultan and his retinue went away with a few attendants, and we all broke up; and thus ended this days solemnity: but the Boys [Page] being sore with their Amputation, went straddling for a fortnight after.

They are not, as I said before, very curious, or strict in observing any days, or times of particular Devotions, except it be the Ramdam time, as we call it. The Ramdam time was then in August, as I take it, for it was shortly after our arrival here. In this time they fast all day, and about 7 a clock in the evening, they spend near an hour in Prayer. Towards the latter end of their Prayer, they loudly invoke their Prophet, for about a quarter of an hour, both old and young bawling out very strangely, as if they intended to fright him out of his sleepiness or neglect of them. After their Prayer is ended, they spend sometime in feasting before they take their repose. Thus they do every day for a whole month at least; for sometimes 'tis 2 or 3 days longer before the RAmdam ends: for it begins at the new Moon, and lasts till they see the next new Moon, which sometimes in thick hazy Weather is not till 3 or 4 days after the change, as it happen'd while I was at Achin, where they continued the Ramdam till the new Moons appearance. The next day after they have seen the new Moon, the Guns are all discharged about noon, and then the time ends.

A main part of their Religion consists in washing often, to keep themselves from being desiled; or after they are defiled to cleanse themselves again. They also take great care to keep themselves from being polluted, by tasting or touching any thing that is accounted unclean; therefore Swines flesh is very abominable to them; nay any one that hath either tasted of Swines flesh, or touched those Creatures, is not permitted to come into their Houses in many days after, and there is nothing will scare them more than a Swine. Yet there are wild Hogs in the Islands, and those so plentiful, that they will [Page] come in Troops out of the Woods in the night into the very City, and come under their Houses, to romage up and down the filth that they find there. The Natives therefore would even desire us to lye in wait for the Hogs, to destroy them, which we did frequently, by shooting them and carrying them presently on board, but were prohibited their Houses afterwards.

And now I am on this subject, I cannot omit a story concerning the General. He once desired to have a pair of Shoes made after the English fashion, tho he did very seldom wear any: So one of our men made him a pair, which the General liked very well. Afterwards some body told him, that the Thread wherewith the Shoes were sowed, were pointed with Hogs bristles. This put him into a great passion; so he sent the Shoes to the man that made them, and sent him withal more Leather to make another pair, with Threads pointed with some other hair, which was immediately done, and then he was well pleased.

[Page]

CHAP. XIII.

Their coasting along the Isle of Mindanao, from a Bay on the East side to another at the S. E. end. Tornadoes and boisterous Weather. The S. E. Coast, and its Savannah and plenty of Deer. They coast along the South side to the River of Mindanao City, and anchor there. The Sultans Brother and Son come aboard them, and invite them to settle there. Of the Feasibleness and probable Advantage of such a Settlement, from the Neighbouring Gold and Spice Islands. Of the best way to Mindanao by the South Sea and Terra Australis; and of an accidental Discovery there by Captain Davis, and a probability of a greater. The capacity they were in to settle here. The Mindanaians measure their Ship. Captain Swan's Present to the Sultan: his Reception of it, and Audience given to Captain Swan, with Raja Laut, the Sultans Brother's Entertainment of him. The Contents of 2 English Letters shewn them by the Sultan of Mindanao. Of the Commodities, and the Punishment there. The Generals Caution how to demean themselves: at his Persuasion they lay up their Ships in the River. The Mindanaians Caresses. The great Rains and Floods at the City The Mindanaians have Chinese Accomptants. How their Women dance. A Story of one John Thacker. Their Bark eaten up, and their Ship indanger'd by the Worm. Of the [Page]Worms here and elsewhere. Of Captain Swan, Raja Laut, the General's, Deceitfulness, Hunting wild Kine. The Prodigality of some of the English. Captain Swan treats with a young Indian of a Spice-Island. A Hunting Voyage with the General. His punishing a Servant of his. Of his Wives and Women. A sort of strong Rice Drink. The Generals foul Dealing and Exactions. Captain Swan s Uneasiness and indiscreet Management. His Men mutiny. Of a Snake twisting about one of their Necks. The main part of the Crew go away with the Ship, leaving Captain Swan and some of his Men: several others poysoned there.

HAving in the two last Chapters given some account of the Natural, Civil, and Religious State of Mindanao, I shall now go on with the prosecution of our affairs during our stay there.

'Twas in a Bay on the N. East side of the Island that we came to an anchor, as hath been said. We lay in this Bay but one night, and part of the next day. Yet there we got speech with some of the Natives, who by signs made us understand, that the City Mindanao was on the West side of the Island. We endeavoured to perswade one of them to go with us to be our Pilot, but he would not: Therefore in the afternoon we loosed from hence, steering again to the South East, having the Wind at S. W. When we came to the S. E. end of the Island Mindanao, we saw two small Islands about 3 leagues distant from it. We might have passed between them and the main Island, as we learnt since but not knowing them, nor what dangers we might encounter there; we chose rather to sail to the Eastward of them. But meeting very strong Westerly Winds, we got nothing forward in many [Page] days. In this time we first saw the Islands Meangis, which are about 16 leagues distant from the Mindanao,, bearing S. E. I shall have occasion to speak more of them hereafter.

The 4th day of July we got into a deep Bay, 4 leagues N. W. from the two small Islands before mentioned. But the night before, in a violent Tornado, our Bark being unable to beat any longer, bore away, which put us in some pain for fear she was overset, as we had like to have been our selves. We anchored on the South West side of the Bay, in 15 fathom Water, about a Cables length from the shore. Here we were forced to shelter our selves from the violence of the Weather, which was so boisterous with Rains, and Tornadoes, and a strong Westerly Wind, that we were very glad to find this place to anchor in, being the only shelter on this side from the West Winds.

This Bay is not above two mile wide at the mouth, but farther in it is 3 leagues wide, and 7 leagues deep, running in N. N. W. There is a good depth of Water about 4 or 5 leagues in, but rocky foul ground for above 2 leagues in, from the mouth on both sides of the Bay, except only in that place where we lay. About 3 leagues in from the mouth, on the Eastern side, there are fair sandy Bays, and very good anchoring in 4, 5 and 6 fathom. The Land on the East side is high mountainous, and woody, yet very well watered with small Brooks, and there is one River large enough for Canoas to enter. On the West side of the Bay, the Land is of a mean heighth with a large Savannah, bordering on the Sea, and stretching from the mouth of the Bay, a great way to the Westward.

This Savannah abounds with long Grass, and it is plentifully stock'd with Deer. The adjacent Woods are a covert for them in the heat of the day: but [Page] mornings and evenings they feed in the open Plains, as thick as in our Parks in England. I never saw any where such plenty of wild Deer, tho I have met with them in several parts of America, both in the North and South Seas.

The Deer live here pretty peaceably and unmolested; for there are no Inhabitants on that side of the Bay. We visited this Savannah every morning, and killed as many Deer as we pleased, sometimes 16 or 18 in a day; and we did eat nothing but Venison all the time we staid here.

We saw a great many Plantations by the sides of the Mountains, on the East side of the Bay, and we went to one of them, in hopes to learn of the Inhabitants whereabouts the City was, that we might not over-sail it in the night: but they fled from us.

We lay here till the 12th day before the Winds abated of their fury, and then we sailed from hence, directing our course to the Westward. In the morning we had a Land Wind at North. At 11 a clock the Sea breeze came at West, just in our Teeth, but it being fair weather, we kept on our way, turning and taking the advantage of the Land breezes by night, and the Sea breezes by day.

Being now past the S. E. part of the Island, we coasted down on the South side, and we saw abundance of Canoas a fishing, and now and then a small Village. Neither were these Inhabitants afraid of us (as the former) but came aboard; yet we could not understand them, nor they us, but by signs: and when we mentioned the word Mindanao, they would point towards it.

The 18th day of July we arrived before the River of Mindanao; the mouth of which lies in lat. 6 d. 22 m. No. and is laid in 231 d. 12 m. Longitude West, from the Lizard in England. We anchored right against the River in 15 fathom water, clear [Page] hard Sand; about 2 miles from the shore, and 3 or 4 miles from a small Island, that lay without us to the Southward. We fired 7 or 9 Guns, I remember not well which; and were answered again with 3 from the shore; for which we gave one again. Immediately after our coming to an anchor Raja Laut, and one of the Sultans Sons came off in a Canoa, being rowed with 10 Oars, and demanded in Spanish what we were? and from whence we came? Mr. Smith (he who was taken Prisoner at Leon in Mexico) answered in the same Language, that we were English, and that we had been a great while out of England. They told us that we were welcom, and asked us a great many questions about England; especially concerning our East India Merchants; and whether we were sent by them to settle a Factory here? Mr. Smith told them that we came hither only to buy provision. They seemed a little discontented when they understood that we were not come to settle among them: for they had heard of our arrival on the East side of the Island a great while before, and entertained hopes that we were sent purposely out of England hither to settle a trade with them; which it should seem they are very desirous of. For Captain Goodlud had been here not long before to treat with them about it; and when he went away told them (as they said) that in a short time they might expect an Ambassadour from England, to make a full bargain with them.

Indeed upon mature thoughts, I should think we could not have done better, than to have complied with the desire they seemed to have of our settling here; and to have taken up our quarters among them. For as thereby we might better have consulted our own profit and satisfaction, than by the other loose roving way of life; so it might probably have proved of publick benefit to our Nation, and been a means of introducing an [Page] English Settlement and Trade, not only here, but through several of the Spice-Islands, which lye in its neighbourhood.

For the Islands Meangis, which I mentioned in the beginning of this Chapter, lye within 20 leagues of Mindanao. These are 3 small Islands that abound with Gold and Cloves, if I may credit my Author Prince Jeoly, who was born on one of them, and was at this time a Slave in the City of Mindanao. He might have been purchased by us of his Master for a small matter, as he was afterwards by Mr. Moody, (who came hither to Trade, and laded a Ship with Clove Bark) and by transporting him home to his own Country, we might have gotten a Trade there. But of Prince Jeoly I shall speak more hereafter. These Islands are as yet probably unknown to the Dutch, who as I said before, indeavour to ingross all the Spice into their own hands.

There was another opportunity offered us here of settling on another Spice Island that was very well inhabited: for the Inhabitants fearing the Dutch, and understanding that the English were settling at Mindanao, their Sultan sent his Nephew to Mindanao while we were there to invite us thither: Captain Swan conferr'd with him about it divers times, and I do believe he had some inclination to accept the offer; and I am sure most of the men were for it: but this never came to a head, for want of a true understanding between Captain Swan and his Men, as may be declared hereafter.

Beside the benefit which might accrue from this Trade with Meangis, and other the Spice Islands, the Philippine Islands themselves, by a little care and industry, might have afforded us a very beneficial Trade, and all these Trades might have been managed from Mindanao, by settling there first. For that Island lyeth very convenient for Trading [Page] either to the Spice Islands, or to the rest of the Philippine Islands; since as its Soil is much of the same nature with either of them, so it lies as it were in the Center of the Gold and Spice Trade in these parts: the Islands North of Mindanao abounding most in Gold, and those South of Meangis in Spice.

As the Island Mindanao lies very convenient for Trade, so considering its distance, the way thither may not be over long and tiresome. The course that I would choose should be to set out of England about the latter end of August, and to pass round Terra del Fuego, and so stretching over towards New Holland, coast it along that shore till I came near to Mindanao; or first I would coast down near the American shore, as far as I found convenient, and then direct my course accordingly for the Island. By this I should avoid coming near any of the Dutch settlements, and be sure to meet always with a constant brisk Easterly Trade Wind, after I was once past Terra del Fuego. Whereas in passing about the Cape of Good Hope, after you are shot over the East Indian Ocean, and are come to the Islands, you must past thro the Streights of Malacca or Sundy, or else some other Streights East from Java, where you will be sure to meet with Counter-winds, go on which side of the Equator you please; and this would require ordinarily 7 or 8 months for the Voyage, but the other I should hope to perform in 6 or 7 at most. In your return from thence also you must observe the same Rule as the Spaniards do in going from Manila to Acapulco; only as they run towards the North Pole for variable Winds, so you must run to the South-ward, till you meet with a Wind that will carry you over to Terra del Fuego. There are places enough to touch at for Refreshments, either going or coming. You may touch going thither on either [Page] side of Terra Patagonica; or, if you please, at the Gallapagoes Islands, where there is Refreshment enough; and returning you may probably touch somewhere on New Holland, and so make some profitable discovery in these places without going out of your way. And to speak my thoughts freely, I believe 'tis owing to the neglect of this easy way that all that vast Tract of Terra Australis which bounds the South Sea is yet undiscovered: those that cross that Sea seeming to design some business on the Peruvian or Mexican Coast, and so leaving that at a distance. To confirm which, I shall add what Captain Davis told me lately, that after his Departure from us at the Haven of Ria Lexa (as is mentioned in the 8th Chap.) he went, after several Traverses, to the Gallapagoes, and that standing thence Southward for Wind, to bring him about Terra del Fuego, in the Lat. of 27 South, about 500 leagues from Copayapo, on the Coast of Chili, he saw a small sandy Island just by him; and that they saw to the Westward of it a long tract of pretty high Land, tending away toward the North West out of sight. This might probably be the Coast of Terra Australis Incognita.

But to return to Mindanao; as to the capacity we were then in, of setting our selves at Mindanao, although we were not sent out of any such design of settling, yet we were as well provided, or better, considering all circumstances, than if we had. For there was scarce any useful Trade, but some or others of us understood it. We had Sawyers, Carpenters, Joyners, Brickmakers, Bricklayers, Shoemakers, Taylors, &c. we only wanted a good Smith for great work; which we might have had at Mindanao. We were very well provided with Iron, Lead, and all sorts of Tools, as Saws, Axes, Hammers, &c. We had Powder and Shot enough, and very good small Arms. If we had designed to [Page] build a Fort, we could have spared 8 or 10 Guns out of our Ship, and Men enough to have managed it, and any affair of Trade beside. We had also a great advantage above raw Men that are sent out of England into these places, who proceed usually too cautiously, coldly and formerly, to compass any considerable design, which Experience better teaches than any Rules whatsoever; besides the danger of their Lives in so great and sudden a a change of Air: whereas we were all inured to hot Climates, hardned by many fatigues, and in general daring Men, and such as would not be easily baffled. To add one thing more, our Men were almost tired, and began to desire a quietus est; and therefore they would gladly have seated themselves any where. We had a good Ship too, and enough of us (beside what might have been spared to manage our new Settlement) to bring the News with the effects to the Owners in England: for Captain Swan had already 5000 l. in Gold, which he and his Merchants received for goods sold mostly to Captain Harris and his men: which if he had laid but part of it out in Spice, as probably he might have done, would have satisfy'd the Merchants to their hearts content. So much by way of digression.

To proceed therefore with our first Reception at Mindanao, Raja Laut and his Nephew sat still in their Canoa, and would not come aboard us; because, as they said, they had no orders for it from the Sultan. After about half an hours discourse, they took their leaves; first inviting Captain Swan ashore; and promising him to assist him in getting provision; which they said at present was scarce, but in 3 or 4 months time the Rice would be gathered in, and then he might have as much as he pleased: and that in the mean time he might secure his Ship in some convenient place, for fear of the Westerly [Page] winds, which they said would be very violent at the latter end of this month, and all the next, as we found them.

We did not know the quality of these two persons till after they were gone; else we should have fir'd some Guns at their departure: When they were gone, a certain Officer under the Sultan came aboard, and measured our Ship. A custome derived from the Chinese, who always measured the length and breadth and the depth of the Hold of all Ships that come to load there; by which means they know how much each Ship will carry. But for what reason this Custom is used either by the Chinese, or Mindanao men, I could never learn; unless the Mindanaians design by this means to improve their skill in Shipping, against they have a trade.

Captain Swan, considering that the season of the year would oblige us to spend some time at this Island, thought it convenient to make what interest he could with the Sultan; who might afterwards either obstruct, or advance his designs. He therefore immediately provided a present to send ashore to the Sultan, viz. 3 yards of Scarlet Cloath, 3 yards of broad Gold Lace, a Turkish Scimiter and a pair of Pistols: and to Raja Laut he sent 3 yards of Scarlet Cloath, and 3 yards of Silver Lace. This Present was carried by Mr. Henry More in the evening. He was first conducted to Raja Laut's house; where he remained till report thereof was made to the Sultan, who immediately gave order for all things to be made ready to receive him.

About 9 a clock at night, a Messenger came from the Sultan to bring the Present away. Then Mr. More was conducted all the way, with Torches and armed Men, till he came to the House where the Sultan was. The Sultan with 8 or 10 men of his Council were seated on Carpets, waiting [Page] his coming. The Present that Mr. More brought was laid down before them, and was very kindly accepted by the Sultan, who caused Mr. More to sit down by them, and asked a great many questions of him. The discourse was in Spanish by an Interpreter. This conference lasted about an hour, and then he was dismist, and returned again to Raja Laut's House. There was a supper provided for him, and the Boats crew; after which he returned aboard.

The next day the Sultan sent for Capt. Swan: He immediately went ashore with a Flag flying in the Boats head, and two Trumpets sounding all the way. When he came ashore, he was met at his Landing by two principal Officers, guarded along with Soldiers, and abundance of people gazing to see him. The Sultan waited for him in his Chamber of Audience, where Captain Swan was treated with Tobacco and Betel, which was all his entertainment.

The Sultan sent for two English Letters for Captain Swan to read, purposely to let him know, that our East India Merchants did design to settle here, and that they had already sent a Ship hither. One of these Letters was sent to the Sultan from England, by the East India Merchants. The chiefest things contained in it, as I remember, for I saw it afterwards in the Secretaries hand, who was very proud to shew it to us, was to desire some priviledges, in order to the building of a Fort there. This Letter was written in a very fair hand, and between each line, there was a Gold line drawn. The other Letter was left by Captain Goodlud, directed to any English men who should happen to come thither. This related wholly to Trade, giving an account, at what rate he had agreed with them for Goods of the Island, and how European Goods should be sold to them; [Page] with an account of their Weight and Measures, and their difference from ours.

The rate agreed on for Mindanao Gold, was 14 Spanish Dollars, (which is a current Coin all over India) the English Ounce, and 18 Dollars the Mindanao Ounce. But for Bees-wax and Clove-bark, I do not remember the rate; neither do I well remember the rates of Europe Commodities; but I think the rate of Iron was not above 4 Dollars a hundred. Captain Goodlud s Letter concluded thus. Trust none of them, for they are all Thieves, but Tace is Latin for a Candle. We understood afterwards that Captain Goodlud was robb d of some Goods by one of the Generals men, and that he that robb d him was fled into the Mountains, and could not be found while Captain Goodlud was here. But the fellow returning back to the City some time after our arrival here, Raja Laut brought him bound to Captain Swan, and told him what he had done, desiring him to punish him for it as he pleased; but Captain Swan excused himself, and said it did not belong to him, therefore he would have nothing to do with it. However, the General Raja Laut, would not pardon him, but punished him according to their own custom, which I did never see but at this time.

He was stript stark naked in the morning at Sunrising, and bound to a post, so that he could not stir hand nor foot, but as he was moved; and was placed with his face Eastward against the Sun. In the afternoon they turn'd his face towards the West, that the Sun might still be in his face; and thus he stood all day, parcht in the Sun (which shines here excessively hot) and tormented with the Moskito's or Gnats: After this the General would have kill d him, if Captain Swan had consented to it. I did never see any put to Death; but I believe they are barbarous enough in it: The General told us himself [Page] that he put two men to death in a Town where some of us were with him; but I heard not the manner of it. Their common way of punishing is to strip them in this manner, and place them in the Sun; but sometimes they lay them flat on their backs on the Sand, which is very hot; where they remain a whole day in the scorching Sun, with the Moskito s biting them all the time.

This action of the General in offering Captain Swan the punishment of the Thief, caus'd Captain Swan afterwards to make him the same offer of his men, when any had offended the Mindanao men: but the General left such offenders to be punished by Captain Swan, as he thought convenient. So that for the least offence Captain Swan punished his men, and that in the sight of the Mindanaians; and I think sometimes only for revenge: as he did once punish his Chief Mate Mr. Teat, he that came Captain of the Bark to Mindanao. Indeed at that time Captain Swan had his men as much under command as if he had been in a Kings Ship: and had he known how to use his Authority, he [...] have led them to any Settlement, and have brought them to assist him in any design he had pleased.

Captain Swan being dismist from the Sultan, with abundance of civility, after about two hours discourse with him, went thence to Raja Laut's House. Raja Laut had then some difference with the Sultan, and therefore he was not present at the Sultans reception of our Captain; but waited his return, and treated him and all his men with boyled Rice and Fowls. He then to'd Captain Swan again, and urged it to him, that it would be best to get his Ship into the River as soon as he could, because of the usual tempestuous weather at this time of the year: and that he should want no assistance to further him in any thing. He told him also, that as we must of necessity stay here some [Page] time, so our men would often come ashore; and he therefore desired him to warn his men to be careful to give no affront to the Natives; who, he said, were very revengeful. That their Customs being different from ours, he feared that Captain Swan s men might some time or other offend them, though ignorantly; that therefore he gave him this friendly warning, to prevent it: that his house should always be open to receive him or any of his men, and that he knowing our customs, would never be offended at any thing. After a great deal of such discourse he dismist the Captain and his Company, who took their leave and came aboard.

Captain Swan having seen the two Letters, did not doubt but that the English did design to settle a Factory here: therefore he did not much scruple the honesty of these people, but immediately ordered us to get the Ship into the River. The River upon which the City of Mindanao stands is but small, and hath not above 10 or 11 foot water on the Bar at a Spring-tide: therefore we lightned our Ship, a [...]d the Spring coming on, we with much ado got her into the River, being assisted by 50 or 60 Mindanaian Fishermen, who liv'd at the mouth of the River; Raja Laut himself being aboard our Ship to direct them. We carried her about a quarter of a mile up, within the mouth of the River, and there moored her, head and stern in a hole, where we always rode afloat. After this the Citizens of Mindanao came frequently aboard, to invite our men to their houses, and to offer us Pagallies. 'Twas a long time since any of us had received such Friendship, and therefore we were the more easily drawn to accept of their kindnesses; and in a very short time most of our men got a Comrade or two, and as many Pagallies; especially such of us as had good cloaths, and store of Gold, as many had, who were of the [Page] number of those, that accompanied Captain Harris over the Isthmus of Darien, the rest of us being poor enough. Nay the very poorest and meanest of us could hardly pass the Streets, but we were even hal'd by force into their houses, to be treated by them; altho their Treats were but mean, viz. Tobacco, or Betel-nut, or a little sweet spiced Water. Yet their seeming sincerity simplicity, and the manner of bestowing these Gifts, made them very acceptable. When we came to their houses they would always be praising the English, as declaring that the English and Mindanaians were all one. This they exprest by putting their two fore-fingers close together, and saying that the English and Mindanaians were samo, samo, that is all one. Then they would draw their fore fingers half a foot asunder, and say the Dutch and they were Bugeto, which signifies so, that they were at such distance in point of friendship: and for the Spaniards, they would make a greater representation of distance than for the Dutch: fearing these, but having felt, and smarted from the Spaniards, who had once almost brought them under.

Captain Swan did seldom go into any house at first, but into Raja Laut's. There he dined commonly every day; and as many of his men as were ashore, and had no money to entertain themselves, resorted thither about 12 a clock, where they had Rice enough boiled and well drest, and some scraps of Fowls, or bits of Buffaloe, drest very nastily. C [...] tain Swan was served a little better, and his [...] Trumpeters sounded all the time that he was at [...] ner. After dinner Raja Laut would sit and discour [...] with him most part of the afternoon. It was now the Ramdam time, therefore the General excused himself, that he could not entertain our Captain with dances, and other pastimes, as he intended to do when this solemn time was past; [Page] besides, it was the very heighth of the wet Season, and therefore not so proper for pastimes.

We had now very tempestuous Weather, and excessive Rains, which so swell'd the River, that it overflowed its Banks; so that we had much ado to keep our Ship safe: For every now and then we should have a great Tree come floating down the River, and sometimes lodge against our Bows, to the endangering the breaking our Cables, and either the driving us in over the Banks, or carrying us out to Sea; both which would have been very dangerous to us, especially being without Ballast.

The City is about a mile long (of no great breadth) winding with the banks of the River on the Right hand going up, tho it hath many houses on the other side too. But at this time it seemed to stand as in a pond, and there was no passing from one house to another but in Canoas. This tempestuous rainy Weather happened the latter end of July, and lasted most part of August.

When the bad Weather was a little asswaged, Captain Swan hired a house, to put our Sails and Goods in, while we careen'd our Ship. We had a great deal of Iron and Lead, which was brought ashore into this house. Of these Commodities Captain Swan sold to the Sultan and General, 8 or 10 Tuns, at the rates agreed on by Captain Goodlud, to be paid in Rice. The Mindanaians are no good Accomptants; therefore the Chinese that live here, do cast up their Accompts for them. After this, Captain Swan bought Timber-trees of the General, and set some of our men to saw them into Planks, to sheath the Ships bottom. He had two Whip-saws on board, which he brought out of England, and four or five men that knew the use of them, for they had been Sawyers in Jemaica.

[Page] When the Ramdam time was over, and the dry time set in a little, the General, to oblige Captain Swan, entertained him every night with Dances. The dancing Women that are purposely bred up to it, and make it their Trade, I have already described. But beside them all the Women in general are much addicted to Dancing. They dance 40 or 50 at once: and that standing all round in a Ring joined hand in hand, and singing and keeping time. But they never budge out of their places, nor make any motion till the Chorus is sung; then all at once they throw out one Leg, and bawl out aloud; and sometime they only clap their hands when the Chorus is sung. Captain Swan, to retalliate the Generals favours, sent for his Violins, and some that could dance English Dances; wherewith the General was very well pleased. They commonly spent the biggest part of the nights in these sort of Pastimes.

Among the rest of our Men that did use to dance thus before the General, there was one John Thacker, who was a Seaman bred, and could neither write nor read; but had formerly learnt to dance in the Musick-houses about Wapping: This man came into the South Seas with Captain Harris, and getting with him a good quantity of Gold, and being a pretty good husband of his share, had still some left, besides what he laid out in a very good suit of Clothes. The General supposed by his garb and his dancing, that he had been of noble extraction: and to be satisfy'd of his Quality, asked of one of our men if he did not guess aright of him? The man of whom the General asked this question told him, he was much in the right; and that most of our Ships company were of the like extraction; especially all those that had fine Clothes; and that they came abroad only to see the World, having Money enough to bear their [Page] expences where-ever they came; but that for the rest, those that had but mean Clothes, they were only common Sea-men. After this the General shew'd a great deal of respect to all that had good Clothes, but especially to John Thacker; till Captain Swan came to know the business, and marr'd all; undeceiving the General, and drubbing the Noble-man: for he was so much incensed against John Thacker, that he could never endure him afterwards; tho the poor fellow knew nothing of the matter.

About the middle of November we began to work on our Ships bottom, which we found very much eaten with the Worm: for this is a horrid place for Worms. We did not know this till after we had been in the River a month; and then we found our Canoas bottoms eaten like Honey-combs; our Bark, which was a single bottom, was eaten thro; so that she could not swim. But our Ship was sheathed and the Worm came no farther than the Hair between the sheathing Plank and the main Plank. We did not mistrust the Generals Knavery till now: for when he came down to our Ship, and found us ripping off the sheathing Plank, and saw the firm bottom underneath, he shook his Head, and seemed to be discontented; saying he did never see a Ship with 2 bottoms before. We were told that in this place where we now lay a Dutch Ship was eaten up in 2 months time, and the General had all her Guns; and it is probable he did expect to have had ours: which I do believe was the main reason that made him so forward in assisting us to get our Ship into the River, for when we went out again we had no assistance from him. We had no Worms till we came to this place: for when we careen'd at the Marias, the Worm had not touch'd us; not at Guam, for there we scrubb'd; nor after we came to the Island Mindanao; for at the S. E. end of the [Page] Island we heel'd and scrubb'd also. The Mindanaians are so sensible of these destructive Insects, that whenever they come from Sea, they immediately hale their Ships into a dry Dock, and burn her bottom, and there let her lye dry, till they are ready to go to Sea again. The Canoas or Proes they hale up dry, and never suffer them to be long in the water. It is reported that those Worms which get into a Ships bottom in the salt water, will dye in the fresh water; and that the fresh water Worms will dye in salt water: but in brackish water both sorts will increase prodigiously. Now this place where we lay was sometimes brackish water, yet commonly fresh; but what sort of Worm this was I know not. Some men are of opinion, that these Worms breed in the Plank; but I am perswaded they breed in the Sea: for I have seen millions of them swimming in the water, particularly in the Bay of Panama; for there Captain Davis, Captain Swan and my self, and most of our men, did take notice of them divers times, which was the reason of our Cleaning so often while we were there: and these were the largest Worms that I did ever see. I have also seen them in Virginia, and in the Bay of Campeachy; in the latter of which places the Worm eats prodigiously. They are always in Bays, Creeks, mouths of Rivers, and such places as are near the shore; being never found far out at Sea, that I could ever learn: yet a Ship will bring them lodg'd in its Plank for a great way.

Having thus ript off all our Worm-eaten Plank, and clapt on new, by the beginning of December, 1686, our Ships bottom was sheathed and tallowed; and the 10th day we went over the Bar, and took aboard the Iron and Lead that we could not sell, and began to fill our Water and fetch aboard Rice for our Voyage: But C. Swan remain d ashore still, and was not yet determin'd when to sail, or whither. [Page] But I am well assured that he did never intend to cruize about Manila, as his Crew design'd; for I did once ask him, and he told me, that what he had already done of that kind he was forc'd to; but now being at liberty, he would never more engage in any such design: For, said he, there is no Prince on Earth is able to wipe off the stain of such actions. What other designs he had I know not; for he was commonly very cross, yet he did never propose doing any thing else, but only ordered the Provision to be got aboard in order to sail; and I am confident if he had made a motion to go to any English Factory, most of his men would have consented to it, tho, probably some would have still opposed it. However, his authority might soon have over-swayed those that were refractory; for it was very strange to see the awe that these men were in of him, for he punished the most stubborn and daring of his men. Yet when we had brought the Ship out into the Road, they were not altogether so submissive, as while it lay in the River, though even then it was that he punished Captain Teat.

I was at that time a hunting with the General for Beef, which he had a long time promised us. But now I saw that there was no credit to he given to his word; for I was a week out with him and saw but four Cows, which were so wild, that we did not get one. There were five or six more of our Company with me: these who were young men, and had Dalilahs there, which made them fond of the place, all agreed with the General to tell Captain Swan, that there were Beeves enough, only they were wild. But I told him the truth, and advised him not to be too credulous of the Generals promises. He seemed to be very angry, and stormed behind the Generals back, but in his presence was very mute, being a man of small courage.

[Page] It was about the 20th day of December when we returned from hunting, and the General designed to go again to another place to hunt for Beef; but he stayed till after Christmas-day, because some of us designed to go with him; and Captain Swan had desired all his men to be aboard that day, that we might keep it solemnly together: And accordingly he sent aboard a Buffaloe the day before, that we might have a good Dinner. So the 25th day about 10 a clock, Captain Swan came aboard, and all his Men who were ashore: For you must understand that near a third of our men lived constantly ashore, with their Comrades and Pagallies, and some with Women-servants, whom they hired of their Masters for Concubines. Some of our men also had Houses, which they hired or bought, for Houses are very cheap, for 5 or 6 Dollars. For many of them having more money than they knew what to do with, eased themselves here of the trouble of telling it, spending it very lavishly, their prodigality making the people impose upon them to the making the rest of us pay the dearer for what we bought, and to the endangering the like impositions upon such Englishmen as may come here hereafter. For the Mindanaians knew how to get our Squires Gold from them (for we had no Silver,) and when our men wanted Silver, they would change now and then an Ounce of Gold, and could get for it no more then 10 or 11 Dollars for a Mindanao Ounce which they would not part with again under 18 Dollars. Yet this, and the great prices they set on their Goods, were not the only way to lessen their stocks; for their Pagallies and Comrades would often be begging somewhat of them, and our men were generous enough, and would bestow half an ounce of Gold at a time, in a Ring for their Pagallies, or in a Silver Wrist-band, or Hoop to come about their [Page] Arms, in hopes to get a nights Lodging with them.

When we were all aboard on Christmas-day, Captain Swan and his two Merchants; I did expect that Captain Swan would have made some proposals, or have told us his designs; but he only dined and went ashore again, without speaking any thing of his mind. Yet even then I do think that he was driving on a design, of going to one of the Spice Islands, to load with Spice; for the young man before mentioned, who I said was sent by his Unkle, the Sultan of a Spice Island near Ternate, to invite the English to their Island, came aboard at this time, and after some private discourse with Captain Swan, they both went ashore together. This young man did not care that the Mindanaians should be privy to what he said. I have heard Captain Swan say that he offered to load his Ship with Spice, provided he would build a small Fort, and leave some men to secure the Island from the Dutch; but I am since informed, that the Dutch have now got possession of the Island.

The next day after Christmas the General went away again, and 5 or 6 Englishmen with him, of whom I was one, under pretence of going a hunting; and we all went together by Water in his Proe, together with his Women and Servants, to the hunting place. The General always carried his Wives and Children, his Servants, his Money and Goods with him: so we all imbarked in the morning, and arrived there before night. I have already described the fashion of their Proes, and the rooms made in them. We were entertained in the Generals Room or Cabbin. Our Voyage was not so far, but that we reached our Port before night.

[Page] At this time one of the Generals Servants had offended, and was punished in this manner. He was bound fast flat on his Belly, on a Bambou belonging to the Proe, which was so near the Water, that by the Vessels motion, it frequently delved under water, and the man along with it; and sometime when hoisted up, he had scarce time to blow before he would be carried under Water again.

When we had rowed about two leagues, we entered a pretty large deep River, and rowed up a league further; the Water salt all the way. There was a pretty large Village, the Houses built after the Country fashion. We landed at this place, where there was a House made ready immediately for us. The General and his Women lay at one end of the house, and we at the other end, and in the evening all the Women in the Village danced before the General.

While he staid here, the General with his men went out every morning betimes, and did not return till 4 or 5 a clock in the afternoon, and he would often complement us, by telling us what good trust and confidence he had in us, saying that he left his Women and Goods under our protection, and that he thought them as secure with us six, (for we had all our Arms with us) as if he had left 100 of his own men to guard them. Yet for all this great confidence, he always left one of his principal men, for fear some of us should be too familiar with his Women.

They did never stir out of their own Room when the General was at home, but as soon as he was gone out, they would presently come into our Room, and sit with us all day, and ask a thousand questions of us concerning our English Women, and our customs. You may imagin that before this time, some of us had attained so much of [Page] their Language as to understand them, and give them answers to their demands. I remember that one day they asked how many Wives the King of England had? we told them but one, and that our English Laws did not allow of any more. They said it was a very strange custom, that a Man should be confined to one Woman; some of them said it was a very bad Law, but others again said it was a good Law; so there was a great dispute among them about it. But one of the General's Women said positively, that our Law was better than theirs, and made them all silent by the reason which she gave for it. This was the War Queen, as we called her, for she did always accompany the General when-ever he was called out to engage his Enemies, but the rest did not.

By this familiarity among the Women, and by often discoursing them, we came to be acquainted with their customs and priviledges. The General lies with his Wives by turns, but she by whom he had the first Son, has a double portion of his company: for when it comes to her turn, she has him two nights, whereas the rest have him but one. She with whom he is to lye at night seems to have a particular respect shewn her by the rest all the precedent day, and for a mark of distinction, wears a striped silk Handerchief about her Neck, by which we knew who was Queen that day.

We lay here about 5 or 6 days, but did never in all that time see the least sign of any Beef, which was the business we came about: neither were we suffered to go out with the General to see the wild kind, but we wanted for nothing else: However this did not please us, and we often importuned him to let us go out among the Cattle. At last he told us, that he had provided a Jar of Rice-drink to be merry with us, and after that we should go with him.

[Page] This Rice-drink is made of Rice boiled and put into a Jar, where it remains a long time steeping in Water. I know not the manner of making it, but it is very strong pleasant drink. The evening when the General designed to be merry, he caused a Jar of this drink to be brought into our Room, and he began to drink first himself, then afterwards his men; so they took turns till they were all as drunk as Swine, before they suffered us to drink. After they had enough, then we drank, and they drank no more, for they will not drink after us. The General leapt about our Room a little while; but having his Load soon went to sleep.

The next day we went out with the General into the Savannah, where he had near 100 men making of a large pen to drive the Cattle into. For that is the manner of their Hunting, having no Dogs. But I saw not above 8 or 10 Cows, and those as wild as Deer, so that we got none this day: yet the next day some of his men brought in 3 Heifers, which they kill'd in the Savannah. With these we returned aboard, they being all that we got there.

Captain Swan was much vext at the Generals actions; for he promised to supply us with as much Beef as we should want, but now either could not, or would not make good his promise. Besides, he failed to perform his promise in a bargain of Rice, that we were to have for the Iron which he sold him, but he put us off still from time to time, and would not come to any account. Neither were these all his tricks, for a little before his Son was circumcised, (of which I spake in the foregoing Chapter) he pretended a great streight for money, to defray the charges of that day; and therefore desired Captain Swan to lend him about 20 Ounces of Gold; for he knew that Captain [Page] Swan had a considerable quantity of Gold in his possession, which the General thought was his own, but indeed had none but what belonged to the Merchants. However he lent it the General, but when he came to an account with Captain Swan, he told him, that is was usual at such solemn times to make Presents, and that he received it as a Gift. He also demanded payment for the Victuals that our Captain and his Men did eat at his house. These things startled Captain Swan, yet how to help himself he knew not. But all this, with other inward troubles lay hard on our Captains spirits, and put him very much out of humour; for his own Company also were pressing him every day to be gone, because now was the heighth of the Easterly Monsoon, the only Wind to carry us farther into the Indies.

About this time some of our men, who were weary and tired with wandring, ran away into the Country and absconded, they being assisted, as was generally believed, by Raja Laut. There were others also, who fearing we should not go to an English Port, bought a Canoa, and designed to go in her to Borneo: For not long before a Mindanao Vessel came from thence, and brought a Letter directed to the chief of the English Factory at Mindanao. This Letter the General would have Captain Swan have opened, but he thought it might come from some of the East India Merchants, whose Affairs he would not intermeddle with, and therefore did not open it. I since met with Captain Bowry at Achin, and telling him this story, he said that he sent that Letter, supposing that the English were settled there at Mindanao, and by this Letter we also thought that there was an English Factory at Borneo: so here was a mistake on both sides. But this Canoa wherewith some of them thought to go to Borneo, Captain Swan took from [Page] them, and threatned the undertakers very hardly. However this did not so far discourage them, for they secretly bought another; but their designs taking air, they were again frustrated by Captain Swan.

The whole Crew were at this time under a general disaffection, and full of very different Projects; and all for want of action. The main division was between those that had Money and those that had none. There was a great difference in the humours of these; for they that had Money liv'd ashore, and did not care for leaving Mindanao; whilst these that were poor liv'd aboard, and urged C. Swan to go to Sea. These began to be unruly as well as dissatisfy'd, and sent alhore the Merchants Iron to sell for Rack and Honey, to make Punch, wherewith they grew drunk and quarrelsome: Which disorderly actions deterr'd me from going aboard; for I did ever abhor drunkenness, which now our men that were aboard abandoned themselves wholly to.

Yet these disorders might have been crusht, if Captain Swan had used his authority to suppress them: But he with his Merchants living always ashore, there was no command, and therefore every man did what he pleased, and encourag d each other in his villanies. Now Mr. Hurthop, who was one of Captain Swan s Merchants, did very much importune him to settle his resolutions, and declare his mind to his men; which at last he consented to do: Therefore he gave warning to all his men to come aboard the 13th day of January 1687.

We did all earnestly expect to hear what Captain Swan would propose, and therefore were very willing to go aboard. But unluckily for him, two days before this meeting was to be, Captain Swan sent aboard his Gunner, to fetch something ashore out of his Cabbin. The Gunner rummaging to [Page] find what he was sent for, among other things took out the Captains Journal, from America to the Island Guam, and laid it down by him. This Journal was taken up by one John Reed, a Bristol man, whom I have mentioned in my 4th Chapter. He was a pretty ingenious young man, and of a very civil carriage and behaviour. He was also accounted a good Artist, and kept a Journal, and was now prompted by his curiosity, to peep into Captain Swan's Journal, to see how it agreed with his own; a thing very usual among Sea-men that keep Journals, when they have an opportunity, and especially young men, who have no great experience. At the first opening of the Book he light on a place in which Captain Swan had inveighed bitterly against most of his men, especially against another John Reed, a Jamaica-man. This was such stuff as he did not seek after: But hitting so pat on this subject, his curiosity led him to pry farther; and therefore while the Gunner was busie, he convey'd the Book away, to look over it at his leisure. The Gunner having dispatch'd his business, lock'd up the Cabbin-door not missing the Book, and went ashore. Then John Reed shew'd it to his Name-sake, and to the rest that were aboard; who were by this time the biggest part of them ripe for mischief; only wanting some fair pretence to set themselves to work about it. Therefore looking on what was written in this Journal to be matter sufficient for them to accomplish their ends, Captain Teat, who, as I said before, had been abused by Captain Swan, laid hold on this opportunity to be revenged for his injuries, and aggravated the matter to the heighth; perswading the men to turn out Captain Swan from being Commander, in hopes to have commanded the Ship himself. As for the Sea-men, they were easily perswaded to any thing; for they were quite tired with this long and [Page] tedious Voyage, and most of them despaired of ever getting home, and therefore did not care what they did, or whither they went. It was only want of being busied in some action that made them so uneasie; therefore they consented to what Teat proposed, and immediately all that were aboard bound themselves by Oath to turn Captain Swan out, and to conceal this design from those that were ashore, until the Ship was under sail; which would have been presently, if the Surgeon or his Mate had been aboard: but they were both ashore, and they thought it no prudence to go to Sea without a Surgeon: Therefore the next morning they sent ashore one John Cookworthy, to hasten off either the Surgeon or his Mate, by pretending that one of the men in the night broke his Leg by falling into the Hold. The Surgeon told him that he intended to come aboard the next day with the Captain, and would not come before; but sent his Mate Herman Coppinger.

This man some time before this was sleeping at his Pagallies, and a Snake twisted himself about his Neck; but afterwards went away without hurting him. In this Country it is usual to have the Snakes come into the Houses, and into the Ships too; for we had several came aboard our Ship when we lay in the River. But to proceed, Herman Coppinger provided to go aboard; and the next day, being the time appointed for Captain Swan and all his men to meet aboard, I went aboard with him, neither of us mistrusting what was designing by those aboard, till we came thither. Then we found it was only a trick to get the Surgeon off; for now, having obtained their desires, the Canoa was sent ashore again immediately, to desire as many as they could meet to come aboard; but not to tell the reason, lest Captain Swan should come to hear of it.

[Page] The 13th day in the morning they weighed, and fired a Gun: Captain Swan immediately sent aboard Mr. Nelly, who was now his chief Mate, to see what the matter was: To him they told all their grievances, and shew'd him the Journal. He perswaded them to stay till the next day, for an answer from Captain Swan and the Merchants. So they came to an Anchor again, and the next morning Mr. Harthop came aboard: He perswaded them to be reconciled again, or at least to stay and get more Rice: But they were deaf to it, and weighed again while he was aboard. Yet at Mr. Harthop's perswasion they promised to stay till 2 a clock in the afternoon for Captain Swan, and the rest of the men, if they would come aboard; but they suffer'd no man to go ashore, except one William Williams that had a Wooden Leg, and another that was a Sawyer.

If Captain Swan had yet come aboard, he might have dash'd all their designs: but he neither came himself, as a Captain of any Prudence and Courage would have done, nor sent till the time was expired. So we left Captain Swan and about 36 men ashore in the City, and 6 or 8 that run away; and about 16 we had buried there, the most of which dyed by Poyson. The Natives are very expert at Poysoning, and do it upon small occasions: nor did our men want for giving offence, through their general Rogueries, and sometimes by dallying too familiarly with their Women even before their faces. Some of their Poysons are slow and lingering; for we had some now aboard who were poyson'd there; but dyed not till some months after.

[Page]

CHAP. XIV.

They depart from the River of Mindanao. Of the time lost or gain'd in sailing round the World: With a Caution to Seamen, about the allowance they are to make for the difference of the Suns declination. The South Coast of Mindanao. Chambongo Town and Harbour, with its Neighbouring Keys. Green-Turtle. Ruins of a Spanish Fort. The Westermost point of Mindanao. Two Proes of the Sologues laden from Manila. An Isle to the West of Sebo. Walking-Canes. Isle of Batts, very large: and numerous Turtle and Manatee. A dangerous Shoal. They sail by Panay belonging to the Spaniards, and others of the Philippine Islands. Isle of Mindora. Two Barks taken. A further account of the Isle Luconia, and the City and Harbour of Manila. They go for Pulo Condore to lye there. The Shoals of Pracel, &c. Pulo Condore. The Tar-tree. The Mango. Grape-tree. The Wild or Bastard-Nutmeg. Their Animals. Of the Migration of the Turtle from place to place. Of the Commodious Situation of Pulo Condore; its Water, and its Cochinchinese Inhabitants. Of the Malayan Tongue. The custom of prostituting their Women in these Countries, and in Guinea. The Idolatry here, at Tunquin, and among the Chinese Seamen, and of a Procession at Fort St. George. [Page] Change of time in compassing the World.

They refit their Ship. Two of them dye of Poyson they took at Mindanao. They take in Water, and a Pilot for the Bay of Siam. Pulo Uby, and Point of Cambodia. Two Cambodian Vessels. Isles in the Bay of Siam. The tight Vessels and Seamen of the Kingdom of Champa. Storms. A Chinese Jonk from Palimbam in Sumatra. They come again to Pulo Condore. A bloody fray with a Malayan Vessel. The Surgeons and the Authors desires of leaving their Crew.

THe 14th day of January 1687, at 3 of the clock in the afternoon, we sailed from the River of Mindanao, designing to cruise before Mauilo.

It was during our stay at Mindanao, that we were first made sensible of the change of time, in the course of our Voyage. For having Travell'd so far Westward, keeping the same course with the Sun, we must consequently have gain'd something insensibly in the length of the particular days, but have lost in the tale, the bulk, or number of the days or hours. According to the different longitudes of England and Mindanao, thi Isle being West from the Lizzard, by common computation, about 210 degrees, the difference of time at our arrival at Mindanao ought to be about 14 hours: and so much we should have anticipated our reckoning, having gained it by bearing the Sun company. Now the natural day in every particular place must be consonant to it self: but this going about with, or against the Suns course, will of necessity make a difference in the calculation of the civil day between any two places. Accordingly, at Mindanao, and all other places in the East [Page]Indies, we found themreckoning a day before us, both Natives and Europeans; for the Europeans coming Eastward by the Cape of Good Hope, in a course contrary to the Sun and us, where-ever we met they were a full day before us in their Accounts. So among the Indian Mahometans here, their Friday, the day of their Sultans going to their Mosques, was Thursday with us; though it were Friday also with those who came Eastward from Europe. Yet at the Ladrone Islands, we found the Spaniards of Guam keeping the same computation with our selves; the reason of which I take to be, that they settled that Colony by a course Westward from Spain; the Spaniards going first to America, and thence to the Ladrones and Philippines. But how the reckoning was at Manila, and the rest of the Spanish Colonies in the Philippine Islands, I know not: whether they keep it as they brought it, or corrected it by the Accounts of the Natives, and of the Portuguese, Dutch and English, coming the contrary way from Europe.

One great reason why Seamen ought to keep the difference of time as exact as they can, is, that they may be the more exact in their Lo ngitude. For our Tables of the Suns declination, being calculated for the Meridians of the places in which they were made, differ about 12 minutes from those parts of the World, that lie on their opposite Meridians, in the months of March and September; and in proportion to the Suns declination, at other times of the year also. And should they run farther as we did, the difference would still increase upon them, and be an occasion of great errours. Yet even able Seamen in these Voyages are hardly made sensible of this, tho so necessary to be observed, for want of duly attending to the reason of it, as it happened among those of our crew; who after we had past 180 degrees, began [Page] to decrease the difference of declination, whereas they ought still to have increased it, for it all the way increased upon us.

We had the Wind at N. N. E. fair clear Weather, and a brisk gale. We coasted to the West-ward, on the South side of the Island Mindanao, keeping within 4 or 5 leagues of the shore. The Land from hence trends away W. by S. It is of a good heighth by the Sea, and very Woody, and in the Country we say high Hills.

The next day we were abrest off Chambongo; a Town in this Island, and 30 leagues from the River of Mindanao. Here is said to be a good Harbour, and a great settlement, with plenty of Beef and Buffaloe. It is reported that the Spaniards were formerly fortified here also: There are 2 shoals lie off this place, 2 or 3 leagues from the shore. From hence the Land is more low and even; yet there are some Hills in the Country.

About 6 leagues before we came to the West end of the Island Mindanao, we fell in with a great many small low Islands or Keys, and about 2 or 3 leagues to the Southward of these Keys, there is a long Island stretching N. E. and S. W. about 12 leagues. This Island is low by the Sea on the North side, and has a ridge of Hills in the middle running from one end to the other. Between this Island and the small Keys, there is a good large Channel: Among the Keys also there is good depth of Water, and a violent Tide; but on what point of the compass it flows, I know not, nor how much it riseth and falls.

The 17th day we anchored on the East side of all these Keys, in 8 fathom water, clean Sand. Here are plenty of green Turtle, whose flesh is as sweet as any in the West Indies: but they are very shy. A little to the Westward of these Keys, on the Island Mindanan, we saw abundance of Coco-nut Trees; [Page] Therefore we sent our Canoa ashore, thinking to find Inhabitants, but found none, nor sign of any; but great tracks of Hogs, and great Cattle; and close by the Sea there were the ruins of an old Fort. The Walls thereof were of a good heighth, built with Stone and Lime, and by the Wokrmanship seem'd to be Spanish. From this place the Land trends W. N. W. and is of an indifferent heighth by the Sea. It run on this point of the Compass 4 or 5 leagues, and then the Land trends away N. N. W. 5 or 6 leagues farther, making with many bluff points.

We weigh'd again the 14th day, and went thro between the Keys; but met such uncertain Tydes, that we were forced to anchor again. The 22d day we got about the Westermost point of all Mindanao, and stood to the Northward, plying under the shore, and having the Wind at N. N. E. a fresh gale. As we sailed along further, we found the Land to trend N. N. E. On this part of the Island the Land is high by the Sea, with full bluff points, and very Woody. There are some small sandy Bays, which afford streams of fresh Water.

Here we met with two Proe's belonging to the [...], one of the Mindanaian Nations before mentioned. They came from Manila laden with Silks and Calicoes. We kept on this Western part of the Island steering Northerly, till we came abrest of some other of the Philippine Islands, that lay to the Northward of us; then steered away towards them; but still keeping on the West side of them, and we had the Winds at N. N. E.

The 3d of February we anchored in a good bay on the West side of an Island, in lat. 9 d. 55 m. where we had 13 fathom Water, good soft oaze. This Island hath no name that we could find in any book, but lieth on the West side of Island [Page] Sebo. It is about 8 or 10 leagues long, Mountainous and Woody. At this place Captain Read, who was the same Captain Swan had so much railed against in his Journal, and was now made Captain in his room (as Captain Teat was made Master, and Mr. Henry More Quartermaster) ordered the Carpenters to cut down our Quarter Deck, to make the Ship snug, and the fitter for sailing. When that was done we heeled her, scrubbed her bottom and tallowed it. Then we fill'd all our Water, for here is a delicate small run of Water.

The Land was pretty low in this Bay, the Mould black and fat, and the Trees of several kinds, very thick and tall. In some places we found plenty of Canes, such as we use in England for Walking-canes. These were short jointed not above two foot and a half, or two foot ten inches the longest, and most of them not above two foot. They run along on the ground like a Vine; or taking hold of the Trees they climb up to their very tops. They are 15 or 20 fathom long, and much of a bigness from the root, till within 5 or 6 fathom of the end. They are of a pale green colour, cloathed over with a coat of a short thick hairy substance, of a dun colour: but it comes off by only drawing the Cane thro your hand. We did cut many of them and they proved very tough heavy Canes.

We saw no Houses, nor sign of Inhabitants; but while we lay here there was a Canoa with 6 men came into this Bay; but whether they were bound, or from whence they came, I know not. They were Indians, and we could not understand them.

In the middle of this Bay, about a mile from the shore, there is small low woody Island, not above a mile in circumference: our Ship rode about a mile from it. This Island was the habitation [Page] of an incredible number of great Batts, with bodies as big as Ducks, or larger Fowl, and with vast Wings: For I saw at Mindanao one of this sort, and I judge that the Wings stretcht out in length, could not be less asunder than 7 or 8 foot from tip to tip; for it was much more than any of us could fathom with our Arms, extended to the utmost. The Wings are for substance like those of other Batts, of a dun or mouse colour. The Skin or Leather of them hath Ribs running along it and draws up in 3 or 4 folds, and at the joints of those Ribs and the extremities of the Wings, there are sharp crooked Claws, by which they may hang on any thing. In the evening as soon as the Sun was set, these Creatures would begin to take their flight from this Island, in swarms like Bees, directing their flight over to the main Island; and whether afterwards I know not. Thus we should see them rising up from the Island till night hindred our sight, and in the morning as soon as it was light, we should see them returning again like a Cloud, to the small Island, till Sun rising. This course they kept constantly while we lay here, affording us every morning and evening an hours diversion in gazing at them, and talking about them; but our curiosity did not prevail with us to go ashore to them, our selves and Canoas being all the day time taken up in business about our Ship. At this Isle also we found plenty of Turtle and Manatee, but no Fish.

We stay'd here till the 10th of February 1687, and then having compleated our business, we sailed hence with the Wind at North. But going out we struck on a Rock, where we lay two hours: It was very smooth Water, and the Tide of flood, or else we should there have lost our Ship. We struck off a great piece of our Rudder, which was all the damage that we received, but we more narrowly [Page] mist losing our Ship this time, than in any other in the whole Voyage. This is a very dangerous Shoal, because it does not break, unless probably it may appear in foul weather. It lies about two mile to the Westward, without the small Batt Island. Here we found the Tide of flood setting to the Southward, and the Ebb to the Northward.

After we were past this Shoal, we coasted along by the rest of the Philippine Islands, keeping on the West side of them. Some of them appeared to be very Mountainous dry Land. We saw many fires in the night as we passed by Panay, a great Island settled by Spaniards, and by the fires up and down, it seems to be well settled by them; for this is a Spanish custom, whereby they give notice of any danger or the like from Sea; and 'tis probable they had seen our Ship the day before. This is an unfrequented Coast, and 'tis rare to have any Ship seen there. We touched not at Panay, nor any where else; tho we saw a great many small Islands to the Westward of us, and some Shoals, but none of them laid down in our draughts.

The 18th day of Feb. we anchored at the N. W. end of the Island Mindora, in 10 fathom Water, about 3 quarters of a mile from the shore. Mindora is a large Island; the middle of it lying in lat. 13, about 40 leagues long, stretching N. W. and S. E. It is high and Mountainous, and not very woody. At this place where we anchored the Land was neither very high nor low. There was a small Brook of Water, and the Land by the Sea was very woody, and the Trees high and tall, but a league or two farther in, the Woods are very thin and small. Here we saw great tracks of Hogs and Beef, and we saw some of each, and hunted them; but they were wild, and we could kill none.

[Page] While we were here there was a Canoa with 4 Indians came from Manila. They were very shie of us a while: but at last, hearing us speak Spanish, they came to us, and told us, that they were going to a Frier, that liv'd at an Indian Village towards the S. E. end of the Island. They told us also, that the Harbour of Manila is seldom or never without 20 or 30 Sail of Vessels, most Chinese, some Portugueze, and some few the Spaniards have of their own. They said that when they had done their business with the Frier they would return to Manila, and hoped to be back again at this place in 4 days time. We told them, that we came for a Trade with the Spaniards at Manila, and should be glad if they would carry a Letter to some Merchant there, which they promised to do. But this was only a pretence of ours, to get out of them what intelligence we could as to their Shipping, Strength, and the like, under colour of seeking a Trade: for our business was to pillage. Now if we had really designed to have traded here, this was as fair an opportunity as Men could have desired: for these men could have brought us to the Frier that they were going to, and a small Present to him would have engaged him to do any kindness for us in the way of Trade: for the Spanish Governors do not allow of it, and we must Trade by stealth.

The 21st day we went from hence with the wind at E. N. E. a small gale. The 23d day in the morning we were fair by the S. E. end of the Island Luconia, the place that had been so long desired by us. We presently saw a Sail coming from the Northward, and making after her, we took her in 2 hours time. She was a Spanish Bark, that came from a place called Pangasanam, a small Town on the N. end of Luconia, as they told us; probably the same with Pongassinay, which lies on a Bay at the N. W. side of the Island. She was bound to Manila, [Page] but had no Goods aboard; and therefore we turned her away.

The 23d we took another Spanish Vessel that came from the same place as the other. She was laden with Rice and Cotton-cloath, and bound for Manila also These Goods were purposely for the Acapulco Ship: the Rice was for the Men to live on while they lay there, and in their return; and the Cotton-cloath was to make Sails. The Master of this Prize was Boatswain of the Acapulco Ship which escaped us at Guam, and was now at Manila. It was this Man that gave us the relation of what strength it had, how they were afraid of us there, and of the accident that happen'd to them, as is before mentioned in the 10th Chapter. We took these two Vessels within 7 or 8 leagues of Manila.

Luconia I have spoken of already: but I shall now add this further account of it. It is a great Island, taking up between 6 and 7 degrees of Lat. in length, and its breadth near the middle is about 60 leagues, but the ends are narrow. The North end lies in about 19 d. North Lat. and the S. end in about 12 d. 30 m. This great Island hath abundance of small Keys or Islands lying about it; especially at the North end. The South side fronts towards the rest of the Philippine Islands: of these that are its nearest Neighbours, Mindora, lately mentioned, is the chief, and gives name to the Sea or Streight that parts it and the other Islands from Luconia; being called the Streights of Mindora.

The body of the Island Luconia is composed of many spacious plain Savannahs, and large Mountains. The North end seems to be more plain and even, I mean freer from Hills, than the South end: but the Land is all along of a good heighth. It does not appear so flourishing and green as some of the other Islands in this Range; especially that of St. John, Mindanao, Batt Island, &c. yet in some

[Page]

A Prospect of ye Coast of ye I. Luconia near: Manila, at 6 L. off Shore, ye highest Pike bearing East.

Thus the Islands Pulo Condor appear: at 8 L. distance bearing South.

[figure]

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[Page] [Page] places it is very woody. Some of the Mountains of this Island afford Gold; and the Savannahs are well stockt with herds of Cattle, especially Buffaloes. These Cattle are in great plenty all over the East-Indies; and therefore 'tis very probable that there were many of these here even before the Spaniards came hither. But now there are also plenty of other Cattle, as I have been told, as Bullocks, Horses, Sheep, Goats, Hogs, &c. brought hither by the Spaniards.

It is pretty well inhabited with Indians, most of them, if not all, under the Spaniards, who now are masters of it. The Native Indians do live together in Towns; and they have Priests among them to instruct them in the Spanish Religion.

Manila, the chief, or perhaps only City, lies at the foot of a ridge of high Hills, facing upon a spacious harbour near the S. W. point of the Island, in about the Lat. of 14 d. North. It is environ'd with a high strong Wall, and very well fortify'd with Forts and Breastworks. The Houses are large, strongly built, and covered with Pan-tile. The Streets are large, and pretty regular; with a Parade in the midst, after the Spanish fashion. There a great many fair Buildings, besides Churches and other Religious houses; of which there are not a few.

The Harbour is so large, that some hundreds of Ships may ride here: and is never without many, both of their own, and strangers. I have already given you an account of the two Ships going and coming between this place and Acapulco. Besides them, they have some small Vessels of their own; and they do allow the Portuguese to Trade here, but the Chinese are the chiefest Merchants and they drive the greatest Trade; for they have commonly 20 or 30, or 40 Jonks in the Harbour at a time, and a great many Merchants constantly residing in the City, [Page] beside Shop-keepers, and Handy-crafts men in abundance. Small Vessels run up near the Town, but the Acapulco Ships, and others of greater burthen, lye a league short of it, where there is a strong Fort also, and Store-houses to put Goods in.

I had the major part of this relation 2 or 3 years after this time, from Mr. Coppinger our Surgeon; for he made a Voyage hither from Porta Nova, a Town on the Coast of Coromandel, in a Portugueze Ship, as I think. Here he found 10 or 12 of Captain Swan's men; some of those that we left at Mindanao. For after we came from thence, they bought a Proe there, by the instigation of an Irish-man, who went by the name of John Fitz-Gerald, a person that spoke Spanish very well; and so in this their Proe they came hither. They had been here but 18 months when Mr. Coppinger arrived here, and Mr. Fitz-Gerald had in this time gotten a Spanish Mustesa Woman to Wife, and a good Dowry with her. He then professed Physick and Surgery, and was highly esteemed among the Spaniards for his supposed Knowledge in those Arts: For being always troubled with sore Shins while he was with us, he kept some Plaisters and Salves by him; and with these he set up, upon his bare natural stock of knowledge, and his Experience in Kibes. But then he had a very great stock of confidence withal, to help out the other, and being an Irish Roman Catholick, and having the Spanish Language, he had a great advantage of all his Consorts; and he alone lived well there of them all. We were not within sight of this Town, but I was shewn the Hills that over-looked it, and drew a draft of them as we lay off at Sea; which I have caused to be ingraven among a few others that I took my self; See the Table.

[Page] The time of the year being now too far spent to do any thing here, it was concluded to sail from hence to Pulo Condore, a little parcel of Islands on the Coast of Cambodia, and carry this prize with us, and there careen if we could find any convenient place for it, designing to return hither again by the latter end of May, and wait for the Acapulco Ship that comes about that time. By our Drafts (which we were guided by, being strangers to these parts) this seemed to us then to be a place out of the way, where we might lye snug for a while, and wait the time of returning for our prey. For we avoided as much as we could the going to lye by at any great place of Commerce, lest we should become too much exposed, and perhaps be assulted by a force greater than our own.

So having set our Prisoners ashore, we sailed from Luconia the 26th day of Feb. with the Wind E. N. E. and fair weather, and a brisk gale. We were in lat. 14d. N. when we began to steer away for Pulo Condore, and we steered S. by W. In our way thither we went pretty near the Shoals of Pracel, and other Shoals which are very dangerous. We were very much afraid of them, but escaped them without so much as seeing them, only at the very South end of the Pracel Shoals we saw 3 little sandy Islands or Spots of Sand, standing just above water within a mile of us.

It was the 13th day of March before we came in sight of Pulo Condore, or the Island Condore, as Pulo signifies. The 14th day about noon we anchored on the North side of the Island, against a sandy Bay 2 mile from the shore, in 10 fathom clean hard Sand, with both Ship and Prize. Pulo Condore is the principal of a heap of Islands, and the only inhabited one of them. They lye in lat. 8 d. 40. m. North, and about 20 leagues South and [Page] by East from the mouth of the River of Cambodia. These Islands lye so near together, that at a distance they appear to be but one Island.

Two of these Islands are pretty large, and of a good heighth; they may be seen 14 or 15 leagues at Sea; the rest are but little Spots. The biggest of the two (which is the inhabited one) is about 4 or 5 leagues long, and lies East and West. It is not above 3 mile broad at the broadest place, in most places not above a mile wide. The other large Island is about 3 mile long, and half a mile wide. This Island stretcheth N. and S. It is so conveniently placed at the West end of the biggest Island, that between both there is formed a very commodious Harbour. The entrance of this Harbour is on the North side, where the two Islands are near a mile asunder. There are 3 or 4 small Keys, and a good deep Channel between them and the biggest Island. Towards the South end of the Harbour the two Islands do in a manner close up, leaving only a small passage for Boats and Canoas. There are no more Islands on the North side, but 5 or 6 on the South side of the great Island. See the Table.

The Mold of these Islands for the biggest part is blackish, and pretty deep; only the Hills are somewhat stony. The Eastern part of the biggest Island is sandy, yet all cloathed with Trees of divers sorts. The Trees do not grow so thick as I have seen them in some places, but they are generally large and tall, and fit for any uses.

There is one sort of Tree much larger than any other on this Island, and which I have not seen any where else. It is about 3 or 4 foot diameter in the Body, from whence is drawn a sort of clammy juice, which being boiled a little becomes perfect Tar; and if you boil it much it will become hard as Pitch. It may be put to either use; we [Page] used it both ways, and found it to be very serviceable. The way that they get this juice, is by cutting a great gap horizontally in the body of the Tree half through, and about a foot from the ground: and then cutting the upper part of the body aslope inwardly downward, till in the middle of the Tree it meet with the traverse cutting, or plain. In this plain horizontal semicircular stump, they make a hallow like a Bason that may contain a quart or two. Into this hole the juice which drains from the wounded upper part of the Tree falls: from whence you must empty it every day. It will run thus for some months, and then dry away, and the Tree will recover again.

The Fruit-trees that nature hath bestowed on these Isles are Mangoes; and Trees bearing a sort of Grape, and other Trees bearing a kind of wild or bastard Nutmegs. These all grow wild in the Woods, and in very great plenty.

The Mangoes here grow on Trees as big as Apple-trees: Those at Fort St. George are not so large. The fruit of these is as big as a small Peach; but long and smaller towards the top: It is of a yellowish colour when ripe; it is very juicy, and of a pleasant smell, and delicate taste. When the Mango is young, they cut them in two pieces, and pickle them with Salt and Vineger, in which they put some Cloves, of Garlick. This is an excellent sawce, and much esteemed; it is called Mango Achar. Achar, I presume, signifies Sawce. They make in the East Indies especially at Siam and Pegu, several sorts of Achar, as of the young tops of Bamboes, &c. Bambo-Achar and Mango-Achar are most used. The Mangoes were ripe when we were there, (as were also the rest of these Fruits) and they have then so delicate a fragrancy, that we could smell them out in the thick Woods if we had but the wind of them, while we were a good way from them and [Page] could not see them: and we generally found them out this way. Mangoes are common in many places of the East Indies: but I did never know any grow wild only at this place. These, though not so big as those I have seen at Achin; at Maderas, and Fort St. George, are yet every whit as pleasant as the best sort of their Garden Mangoes.

The Grape-tree grows with a strait body, of a Diameter about a foot or more, and hath but few Limbs or Boughs. The Fruit grows in Clusters, all about the body of the Tree, like the Jack, Durian, and Cacao Fruits. There are of them both red and white. They are much like such Grapes as grow on our Vines, both in shape and colour; and they are of a very pleasant Winy taste. I never saw these but on the two biggest of these Islands; the rest had no Tar-trees, Mango's, Grape-trees, nor Wild Nutmegs.

The Wild Nutmeg-tree is as big as a Walnut-tree; but it does not spread so much. The Boughs are gross, and the Fruit grows among the Boughs, as the Wallnut, and other Fruits. This Nutmeg is much smaller than the true Nutmeg, and longer also. It is inclosed with a thin Shell, and a sort of Mace, encircling the Nut, within the Shell. This bastard Nutmeg is so much like the true Nutmeg in shape, that at our first arrival here we thought it to be the true one; but it has no manner of smell nor taste.

The Animals of these Islands are some Hogs, Lizards, and Guanoes; and some of those Creatures mentioned in Chap. XI. which are like, but much bigger than the Guano.

Here are many sorts of Birds, as Parrots, Parakites, Doves and Pigeons. Here are also a sort of wild Cocks and Hens: They are much like our tame Fowl of that kind; but a great deal less: for they are about the bigness of a Crow. The Cocks do [Page] crow like ours, but much more small and shrill; and by their crowing we do first find them out in the Woods, where we shoot them. Their flesh is very white and sweet.

There are a great many Limpits, and Muscles, and plenty of green Turtle.

And upon this mention of Turtle again, I think it not amiss to add some reasons to strengthen the opinion that I have given concerning these Creatures removing from place to place. I have said in Chapter 5th, that they leave their common feeding places, and go to places a great way from thence to lay, as particularly to the Island Ascention. Now I have discoursed with some since that subject was printed, who are of opinion, that when the laying time is over, they never go from thence, but lye some where in the Sea about the Island, which I think is very improbable: for there can be no food for them there, as I could soon make appear; as particularly from hence, that the Sea about the Isle of Ascention is so deep as to admit of no anchoring but at one place, where there is no sign of Grass: and we never bring up with our sounding Lead, any Grass or Weeds out of very deep Seas, but Sand or the like only. But if this be granted, that there is food for them, yet I have a great deal of reason to believe that the Turtle go from hence; for after the laying time you shall never see them, and where ever Turtle are, you will see them rise, and hold their Head above water to breath, once in 7 or 8 minutes, or at longest in 10 or 12. And if any man does but consider, how Fish take their certain seasons of the year to go from one Sea to another, this would not seem strange; even Fowls also having their seasons to remove from once place to another

These Islands are pretty well watered with small Brooks of fresh Water, that run flush into [Page] the Sea for 10 months in the year. The latter end of March they begin to dry away, and in April you shall have none in the Brooks, but what is lodged in deep holes; but you may dig Wells in some places. In May, when the Rain comes, the Land is again replenished with water, and the Brooks run out into the Sea.

These Islands lye very commodiously in the way to and from Japan, China, Manila, Tunquin, Cochinchina, and in general all this most Easterly Coast of the Indian Continent; whether you go through the Streights of Malacca, or the Streights of Sunda, between Sumatra and Java: and one of them you must pass in the common way from Europe, or other parts of the East Indies; unless you mean to fetch a great compass round most of the East India Islands, as we did. Any Ship in distress may be refreshed and recruited here very conveniently; and besides ordinary accommodations, be furnished with Masts, Yards, Pitch and Tar. It might also be a convenient place to usher in a Commerce with the Neighbouring Country of Cochinchina, and Forts might be built to secure a Factory; particularly at the Harbour, which is capable of being well fortified. This place therefore being upon all these Accounts so valuable, and withal so little known, I have here inserted a draft of it, which I took during our stay there.

The Inhabitants of this Island are by Nation Cochinchinese, as they told us, for one of them spake good Malayan: which Language we learnt a smattering of, and some of us so as to speak it pretty well while we lay at Mindanao, and this is the common Tongue of Trade and Commerce (though it be not in several of them the Native Language) in most of the East India Islands, being the Lingua Franca, as it were, of these parts. I believe 'tis the vulgar Tongue at Malacca, Sumatra, Java, and [Page] Borneo; but at Celebes, the Philippine Islands and the Spice Islands, it seems borrowed for the carrying of Trade.

The Inhabitants of Pulo Condore are but a small people in stature, well enough shaped, and of a darker colour than the Mindanayans. They are pretty long visaged; their Hair is black and streight, their Eyes are but small and black, their Noses of a mean bigness and pretty high, their Lips thin, their Teeth white, and little Mouths. They are very civil people, but extraordinary poor. Their chiefest imployment is to draw the juice of those Trees that I have described, to make Tar. They preserve it in wooden Troughs, and when they have their Cargo they transport it to Cochinchina, their Mother Country. Some others of them imploy themselves to catch Turtle, and boil up their Fat to Oyl, which they also transport home. These people have great large Nets, with wide mashes to catch the Turtle. The Jamaica Turtlers have such; and I did never see the like Nets but at Jamaica and here.

They are so free of their Women, that they would bring them aboard, and offer them to us; and many of our men hired them for a small matter. This is a custom used by several Nations in the East Indies; as at Pegu, Siam, Cochinchina, and Cambodia, as I have been told. It is used at Tunquin also to my knowledge, for I did afterward make a Voyage thither, and most of our Men had Women aboard all the time of our abode there. In Africa, also, on the Coast of Guinea, our Merchants, Factors, and Seamen that reside there, have their black Misses. It is accounted a piece of policy to do it, for the chief Factors and Captains of Ships have the great Mens Daughters offered them, the Mandarins or Noblemens at Tunquin, and even the Kings Wives in Guinea, and by this sort of Alliance [Page] the Country people are ingaged to a greater friendship: And if there should arise any difference about Trade, or any thing else, which might provoke the Natives to seek some treacherous revenge, (to which all these Heathen Nations are very prone) then these Dalilahs would certainly declare it to their white friends, and so hinder their Country-mens designs.

These People are Idolaters: but their manner of Worship I know not. There are a few scattering Houses and Plantations on the great Island, and a small Village on the South side of it; where there is a little Idol Temple, and an Image of an Elephant, about 5 foot high, and in bigness proportionable, placed on one side of the Temple; and a Horse, not so big, placed on the other side of it; both standing with their Heads towards the South. The Temple it self was low and ordinary, built of Wood, and thatched, like one of their Houses; which are but very meanly.

The Images of the Horse and the Elephant were the most general Idols that I observ'd in the Temples of Tunquin, when I travell'd there. There were other Images also, of Beasts, Birds, and Fish: I do not remember I saw any humane shape there; nor any such monstrous Representations as I have seen among the Chinese. Where-ever the Chinese Seamen or Merchants come (and they are very numerous all over these Seas) they have always hideous Idols on board their Jonks or Ships, with Altars, and Images burning before them. These Idols they bring ashore with them: and beside those they have in common; every Man hath one in his own House. Upon some particular solemn days I have seen their Bonzies, or Priests, bring whole armfuls of painted Papers, and burn them with a great deal of Ceremony, being very careful to let no piece escape them. The same day they kill'd a Goat, [Page] which had been purposely fatting a month before: this they offer or present before their Idol, and then dress it and feast themselves with it. I have seen them do this in Tunquin, where I have at the same time been invited to their Feasts: and at Bancouli, in the Isle of Sumatra, they sent a Shoulder of the Sacrific'd Goat to the English, who eat of it, and ask'd me to do so too; but I refused.

When I was at Maderas, or Fort St. George, I took notice of a great Ceremony used for several nights successively by the Idolaters inhabiting the Suburbs: Both men and women (these very well clad) in a great multitude went in solemn Procession with lighted Torches, carrying their Idols about with them. I knew not the meaning of it. I observ'd some went purposely carrying Oyl to sprinkle into the Lamps, to make them burn the brighter. They began their round about 11 a clock at night, and having paced it gravely about the streets till 2 or 3 a clock in the morning, their Idols were carry'd with much Ceremony into the Temple by the chief of the Procession, and some of the Women I saw enter the Temple, particularly. Their Idols were different from those of Tunquin, Cambodia, &c. being in humane Shape.

I have said already that we arrived at these Islands the 14th day of March 1687. The next day we searched about for a place to careen in; and the 16th day we entered the Harbour, and immediately provided to careen. Some Men were set to fell great Trees to saw into Plank; others went to unrigging the Ship: some made a House to put our Goods in, and for the Sailmaker to work in. The Country People resorted to us, and brought us of the fruits of the Island, with Hogs, and sometimes Turtle; for which they received Rice in exchange, which we had a Ship load of, taken at Manila. We bought of them also a good quantity of their [Page] pitchy Liquor, which we boyled, and used about our Ships bottom. We mixed it first with Lime, which we made here; and it made an excellent coat, and stuck on very well.

We staid in this Harbour from the 16th day of March tiil the 16th day of April; in which time we made a new Suit of Sails of the Cloath that was taken in the Prize. We cut a spare Main-top-mast, and sawed Plank to sheath the Ships bottom; for she was not sheathed all over at Mindanao, and that old Plank that was left on then we now ript off, and clapt on new.

While we lay here 2 of our men dyed, who were poysoned at Mindanao: they told us of it, when they found themselves poyson'd, and had lingred ever since. They were open d by our Doctor, according to their own request before they dyed, and their Livers were black, light and dry, like pieces of Cork.

Our business being finished here, we left the Spanish Prize taken at Manila, and most of the Rice, taking out enough for our selves: and on the 17th day we went from hence to the place where we first Anchored, on the North side of the great Island, purposely to water; for there was a great stream, when we first came to the Island, and we thought it was so now. But we found it dryed up, only it stood in holes, 2 or 3 Hogsheads, or a Tun in a hole: Therefore we did immediately cut Bamboos, and made Spouts, through which we conveyed the Water down to the Sea-side; by taking it up in Bowls, and pouring it into these Spouts or Troughs. We conveyed some of it thus near half a mile. While we were filling our Water, Captain Read engaged an old man, one of the Inhabitants of this Island, the same, who, I said, could speak the Malayan Language, to be his Pilot to the Bay of Siam: for he had often been telling [Page] us, that he was well acquainted there, and that he knew some Islands there, where there were Fishermen lived, who he thought could supply us with Salt-fish to eat at Sea; for we had nothing but Rice to eat. The Easterly Monsoon was not yet done; therefore it was concluded to spend some time there, and then take the advantage of the beginning of the Western Monsoon, to return to Manila again.

The 21st day of April 1687 we sailed from Pulo Condore, directing our course W. by S. for the Bay of Siam. We had fair weather, and a fine moderate gale of Wind at E. N. E.

The 23d day we arrived at Pulo Uby, or the Island Uby. This Island is about 40 leagues to the Westward of Pulo Condore; it lies just at the entrance of the Bay of Siam, at the S. W. point of Land, that makes the Bay; namely, the point of Cambodia. This Island is about 7 or 8 leagues round, and it is higher Land than any of Pulo Condore Isles. Against the South East part of it there is a small Key, about a Cables length from the main Island. This Pulo Uby is very woody, and it has good Water on the North side, where you may anchor; but the best anchoring is on the East side against a small Bay; then you will have the little Island to the Southward of you.

At Pulo Uby we found two small Barks laden with Rice. They belonged to Cambodia, from whence they came not above two or three days before; and they touched here to fill Water. Rice is the general food of all these Countries, therefore it is transported by Sea from one Country to another, as Corn is in these parts of the World. For in some Countries they produce more than enough for themseves, and send what they can spare to those places where there is but little.

[Page] The 24th day we went into the Bay of Slam: This is a large deep Bay, of which and of this Kingdom I shall at present speak but little, because I design a more particular account of all this Coast, to wit, of Tunquin, Cochinchina, Siam, Champa, Cambodia, and Malacca, making all the most Easterly part of the Continent of Asia, lying South of China; but to do it in the course of this Voyage, would too much swell this Volume; and I shall chuse therefore to give a separate relation of what I know or have learnt of them, together with the Neighbouring parts of Sumatra, Java, &c. where I have spent some time.

We run down into the Bay of Siam, till we came to the Islands that our Pulo Condore Pilot told us of, which lye about the middle of the Bay; but as good a Pilot as he was he run us aground; yet we had no damage. Captain Read went ashore at these Islands, where he found a small Town of Fishermen, but they had no Fish to sell, and so we returned empty.

We had yet fair weather and very little wind; so that being often becalmed, we were till the 13th day of May before we got to Pulo Uby again. There we found two small Vessels at an anchor on the East side: They were laden with Rice and Laquer, which is used in Japaning of Cabinets. One of these come from Champa, bound to the Town of Malacca, which belongs to the Dutch, who took it from the Portuguese: and this shews that they have a Trade with Champa. This was a very pretty neat Vessel, her bottom very clean and curiously coated, she had about 40 men all armed with Cortans, or broad Swords, Lances, and some Guns, that went with a swivel upon their Gunnals. They were of the Idolaters, Natives of Champa, and some of the briskest, most sociable, without fearfulness or shyness, and the most neat and [Page] dexterous about their Shipping, of any such I have met with in all my Travels. The other Vessel came from the River of Cambodia, and was bound towards the Streights of Malacca. Both of them stopt here, for the Westerly winds now began to blow, which were against them, being somewhat belated.

We anchored also on the East side, intending to fill Water. While we lay here we had very violent Winds at S. W. and a strong current setting right to Windward. The fiercer the Wind blew the more strong the current set against it. This storm lasted till the 20th day, and then it began to abate.

The 21st day of May we went back from hence towards Pulo Condore. In our way we overtook a great Jonk that came from Palimbam, a Town on the Island Sumatra: She was full laden with Pepper which they bought there, and was bound to Siam: but it blowing so hard, she was afraid to venture into that Bay, and therefore came to Pulo Condore with us, where we both anchored May the 24th. This Vessel was of the Chinese make, full of little Rooms or partitions like our Well-boats. I shall describe them in the next Chapter. The men of this Jonk told us, that the English were settled on the Island Samatra, at a place called Sillabar: and the first knowledge we had that the English had any settlement on Samatra was from these.

When we came to an anchor, we saw a small Bark at an anchor near the shore; therefore Capthain Read sent a Canoa aboard her, to know from whence they came; and supposing that it was a Malaya Vessel, he ordered the men not to go aboard, for they are accounted desperate fellows, and their Vessels are commonly full of men, who all wear Cressets, or little Daggers by their [Page] sides. The Canoas crew, not minding the Captains orders, went aboard, all but one man that stay'd in the Canoa. The Malayans, who were about 20 of them, seeing our men all armed, thought that they came to take their Vessel: therefore at once, on a signal given, they drew out their Cressets, and stabbed 5 or 6 of our men before they knew what the matter was. The rest of our men leapt over-board, some into the Canoa, and some into the Sea, and so got away. Among the rest, one Daniel Wallis leapt into the Sea, who could never swim before nor since: yet now he swam very well, a good while before he was taken up. When the Canoas came aboard, Captain Read manned two Canoas, and went to be revenged on the Malayans: but they seeing him coming, did cut a hole in their Vessels bottom, and went ashore in their Boat. Captain Read followed them, but they run into the Woods and hid themselves. Here we stayed ten or eleven days, for it blew very hard all the time. While we stayed here, Herman Coppinger our Surgeon went ashore, intending to live here: But Captain Read sent some men, and fetcht him again. I had the same thoughts, and would have gone ashore too, but waited for a more convenient place. For neither he nor I, when we went last on board at Mindanao, had any knowledge of the Plot that was laid to leave Captain Swan, and run away with the Ship; and being sufficiently weary of this mad Crew, we were willing to give them the slip at any place from whence we might hope to get a passage to an English Factory. There was nothing else of moment happened whilst we stayed here.

[Page]

CHAP. XV.

They leave Pulo Condore, designing for Manila, but are driven off from thence, aad from the Isle of Prata, by the Winds, and brought upon the Coast of China. Isle of St. John, on the Coast of the Province of Canton; its soil and productions, China [...]ogs, &c. The Inhabitants; and of the Tartars forcing the Chinese to cut off their Hair. Their Habits, and the little Feet of their Women. China-ware, China-roots, Tea, &c. A Village at St. John's Island, and of the Husbandry of their Rice. A story of a Chinese Pagoda, or Idol-Temple, and Image. Of the China Jonks, and their Ri [...]ging. They leave St. John's and the Coast of China. A most outragious Storm. Corpus Sant, a light, or Meteor appearing in Storms. The Piscadores, or Fishers Islands near Formosa: A Tartarian Garrison, and Chinese Town on one of these Islands. They anchor in the Harbour near the Tartars Garrison, and treat with the Governor Of Amoy in the Province of Fokieu, and Macao a Chinese and Portuguese Town near Canton in China. The Habits of a Tartarian Officer and his Retinue. Their presents, excellent Beef. Samciu, a sort of Chinese Arack, and Hocciu a kind of Chinese Mum, and the Jars it is bottled in. Of the Isle of Formosa, and the 5 Islands: to [Page]which they give the Names of Orange. Monmouth, Grafton, Bashee, and Goat-Islands, in general, the Bashee Islands. A digression concerning the different depths of the Sea near high or low Lands. The Soil, &c. as before. The Soil, Fruits, and Animals of these Islands. The Inhabitants and their Cloathing. Rings of a yellow Metal like Gold. Their Houses built on remarkable precipices. Their Boats and Employments. Their food, of Goat Skins, Entrails, &c. Parcht Locusts. Bashee, or Sugar-cane drink. Of their Language and Original, Launces and Buffaloe Coats. No Idols, nor Civil form of Government. A young man buried alive by them; supposed to be for Theft. Their Wives and Children, and Husbandry. Their Manners, Entertainments, and Traffick. Of the Ships first Entercourse with these people, and bartering with them. Their Course among the Islands; their stay there, and provision to depart. They are driven off by a violent Storm, and return. The Natives kindness to 6 of them left behind. The Crew discouraged by those Storms, quit their design of Cruising off Manila for the Acapulco Ship: and 'tis resolved to fetch a Compass to Cape Comorin, and so for the Red-Sea.

HAving fill'd our Water, cut our Wood, and got our Ship in a sailing posture, while the blustring hard Winds lasted, we took the first opportunity of a settled gale to sail towards Manila. Accordingly June the 4th, 1687, we loosed from [Page] Pulo Condore, with the Wind at S. W. fair weather at a brisk gale. The Pepper Jonk bound to Siam remained there, waiting for an Easterly wind; but one of his men, a kind of a bastard Portuguese came aboard our Ship, and was entertained for the sake of his knowledge in the several Languages of these Countries. The Wind continued in the S. W. but 24 hours, or a little more, and then came about to the North, and then to the N. E.; and the Sky became exceeding clear. Then the Wind came at East, and lasted betwixt E. and S. E. for 8 or 10 days. Yet we continued plying to Windward, expecting every day a shift of Wind, because these Winds were not according to the season of the year.

We were now afraid lest the Currents might deceive us, and carry us on the shoals of Pracel, which were near us, a little to the N. W. but we passed on to the Eastward, without seeing any sign of them; yet we were kept much to the Northward of our intended course: and the Easterly Winds still continuing, we despaired of getting to Manila; and therefore began to project some new design; and the result was, to visit the Island Prata, about the Lat. of 20 deg. 40 min. North; and not far from us at this time.

It is a small low Island, environed with Rocks clear round it, by report. It lyeth so in the way between Manila and Canton, the head of a Province, and a Town of great trade in China, that the Chinese do dread the Rocks about it, more than the Spaniards did formerly dread Bermudas: for many of their Jonks coming from Manila have been loft there, and with abundance of Treasure in them; as we were informed by all the Spaniards that ever we converst with in these parts. They told us also, that in these wrecks most of the men were drowned, and that the Chinese did never go thither [Page] to take up any of the Treasure that was lost there, for fear of being lost themselves. But the danger of the place did not daunt us; for we were resolved to try our fortunes there, if the Winds would permit; and we did beat for it 5 or 6 days: but at last were forced to leave that design also for want of Winds; for the S. E. Winds continuing, forced us on the Coast of China.

It was the 25th day of June when we made the Land; and running in towards the shore we came to an Anchor the same day, on the N. E. end of St. John's Island.

This Island is in Lat. about 2 d. 30 min. North, lying on the S. Coast of the Province of Quantung or Canton in China. It is of an indifferent heighth, and pretty plain, and the Soil fertile enough. It is partly woody, partly Savannahs or Pasturage for Cattle; and there is some moist arable Land for Rice. The skirts or outer part of the Island, especially that part of it which borders on the main Sea, is woody: The middle part of it is good thick grassy Pasture, with some groves of Trees; and that which is cultivated Land is low wet Land, yielding plentiful Crops of Rice; the only grain that I did see here. The tame Cattle which this Island affords, are China Hogs, Goats, Buffaloes, and some Buslocks. The Hogs of this Island are all black; they have but small Heads, very short thick Necks, great Bellies, commonly touching the ground, and short Legs. They eat but little food, yet they are most of them very fat; probably because they sleep much. The tame Fowls are Ducks, and Cocks and Hens. I saw no wild Fowl but a few small Birds.

The Natives of this Island are Chinese. They are subject to the Crown of China, and consequently at this time to the Tartars. The Chinese in general are tall, strait-bodied, raw boned men. They [Page] are long Visaged, and their Foreheads are high; but they have little Eyes. Their Noses are pretty large, with a rising in the middle. Their Mouths are of a mean size, pretty thin Lips. They are of an ashy complexion; their Hair is black, and their Beards thin and long, for they pluck the hair out by the roots, suffering only some few very long straggling Hairs to grow about their Chin, in which they take great pride, ofren combing them, and sometimes tying them up in a knot, and they have such Hairs too growing down from each side of their upper Lip like Whiskers. The ancient Chinese were very proud of the Hair of their Heads, letting it grow very long, and stroking it back with their Hands curiously, and then winding the plats all together round a Bodkin, thrust through it at the hinder part of the Head; and both Men and Women did thus. But when the Tartars conquer'd them, they broke them of this custom they were fond of, by main force; insomuch that they resented this imposition worse than their subjection, and rebelled upon it: but being still worried, were forc'd to acquiesce; and to this day they follow the fashion of their Masters the Tartars, and shave all their Heads, only reserving one Lock; which some tye up, others let it hang down to a great or small length as they please. The Chinese in other Countries still keep their old custom, but if any of the Chinese is found wearing long Hair in China, he forfeits his Head; and many of them have abandoned their Country to preserve their liberty of wearing their Hair, as I have been told by themselves.

The Chinese have no Hats, Caps, or Turbans; but when they walk abroad, they carry a small Umbrello in their hands, wherewith they fence their heads from the Sun or the Rain, by holding it over their heads. If they walk but a little way, [Page] they carry only a large Fan made of Paper, or Silk, of the same fashion as those our Ladies have, and many of them are brought over hither: one of these every man carries in his hand if he do but cross the street, skreening his head with it, if he hath not an Umbrello with him.

The common apparrel of the men, is a loose Frock and Breeches. They seldom wear Stockings, but they have Shoes, or a sort of Slippers rather. The mens Shoes are made diversly: The women have very small Feet, and consequently but little Shoes; for from their Infancy their Feet are kept swathed up with bands, as hard as they can possibly endure them; and from the time they can go till they have done growing they bind them up every night. This they do purposely to hinder them from from growing, esteeming little Feet to be a great Beauty. But by this unreasonable custom they do in a manner lose the use of their Feet, and instead of going they only stumble about their Houses, and presently squat down on their Breeches again, being, as it were, confined to sitting all days of their lives. They seldom stir abroad, and one would be apt to think, that, as some have conjectured, their keeping up their fondness for this fashion were a stratagem of the mens, to keep them from gadding and gossipping about, and confine them at home. They are kept constantly to their work, being fine Needle-Women, and making many curious Embroideries, and they make their own Shoes; but if any Stranger be desirous to bring away any for Novelty's sake, he must be a great Favourite to get a pair of Shoes of them, tho he give twice their value. The poorer sort of Women trudge about streets, and to the Market, without Shoes or Stockings: and these cannot afford to have little feet, being to get their living with them.

[Page] The Chinese, both Men and Women, are very ingenious; as may appear by the many curious things that are brought from thence, especially the Porcelaine or China Earthen Ware. The Spaniards of Manila, that we took on the Coast of Luconia, told me, that this Commodity is made of Conch-shells; the inside of which looks like Mother of Pearl. But the Portuguese lately mentioned, who had lived in China, and spoke that and the neighbouring Languages very well, said, that it was made of a fine sort of Clay that was dug in the Province of Canton. I have often made enquiry about it, but cou'd never be well satisfied in it: but while I was on the Coast of Canton I forgot to inquire about it. They make very fine Lacquer Ware also, and good Silks; and they are curious at painting and Carving.

China affords Drugs in great abundance; especially China Root; but this is not peculiar to that Country alone; for there is much of this Root growing in Jamaica, particularly at 16 mile walk; and in the Bay of Honduras it is very plentiful. There is a great store of Sugar made in this Country; and Tea in abundance is brought from thence; being much used there, and in Tunquin and Cochinchina as common drinking; Women sitting in the Streets, and selling Dishes of Tea hot and ready made: they call it Chau, and even the poorest People sip it. But the Tea at Tonqueen or Cochinchina seems not so good, or of so pleasant a bitter, or of so fine a colour, or such virtue as this in China; for I have drank of it in these Countries: unless the fault be in their way of making it, for I made none there my self: and by the high red colour it looks as if they made a Decoction of it, or kept it stale. Yet at Japan I was told there is a great deal of pure Tea, very good.

The Chinese are very great Gamesters, and they will never be tired with it, playing night and day, [Page] till they have lost all their Estates; then it is usual with them to hang themselves. This was frequently done by the Chinese Factors at Manila, as I was told by Spaniards that lived there. The Spaniards themselves are much addicted to gaming, and are very expert at it; but the Chinese are too subtle for them, being in general a very cunning people.

But a particular account of them and their Country would fill a Volume; nor doth my short experience of them qualify me to say much of them. Wherefore to confine my self chiefly to what I observ'd at St. John s Island, where we lay some time, and visited the shore every day to buy Provision, as Hogs, Fowl, and Buffaloe. Here was a small Town standing in a wet swampy ground, with many filthy Ponds amongst the Houses, which were built on the ground as ours are, not on posts as at Mindanao. In these Ponds were plenty of Ducks; the Houses were small and low, and covered with Thatch, and the inside were but ill furnished, and kept nastily: and I have been told by one who was there, that most of the Houses in the City of Canton it self are but poor and irregular.

The Inhabitants of this Village seem to be most Husbandmen: They were at this time very busy in Sowing their Rice, which is their chiefest Commodity. The Land in which they choose to Sow the Rice is low and wet, and when Plowed the Earth was like a mass of Mud. They plow their Land with a small Plow, drawn by one Buffaloe, and one man both holds the Plow, and drives the Beast. When the Rice is ripe and gathered in, they tread it out of the Earth with Buffaloes, in a large round place made with a hard floor fit for that purpose, where they chain 3 or 4 of these Beasts, one at the tail of the other, and driving them round in a ring, as in a Horse-mill, they so order [Page] that the Buffaloes may tread upon it all.

I was once ashore at this Island, with 7 or 8 English men more, and having occasion to stay some time, we killed a small Shote, or young Porker, and roasted it for our Dinners. While we were busy dressing of our Pork, one of the Natives came and sat down by us, and when our Dinner was ready, we cut a good piece and gave it him, which he willingly received. But by signs he begged more, and withal pointed into the Woods: yet we did not understand his meaning, nor much mind him, till our Hunger was pretty well asswaged; although he did still make signs, and walking a little way from us, he beckoned to us to come to him; which at last I did, and 2 or 3 more. He going before, led the way in a small blind path, through a thicket, into a small grove of Trees, in which there was an old Idol Temple about 10 foot square: The Walls of it were about 9 foot high, and 2 foot thick, made of Bricks. The floor was paved with broad Bricks, and in the middle of the floor stood an old rusty Iron Bell on its brims. This Bell was about two foot high, standing flat on the ground; the brims on which it stood were about 16 inches diameter. From the brims it did taper away a little towards the head, much like our Bells; but that the brims did not turn out so much as ours do. On the head of the Bell there were 3 Iron bars as big as a mans Arm, and about 10 inches long from the top of the Bell, where the ends join'd as in a center, and seemed of one Mass with the Bell, as if cast together. These bars stood all parallel to the ground, and their further ends, which stood triangularly and opening from each other at equal distances, like the flyers of our Kitchen Jacks, were made exactly in the shape of the paw of some monstrous Beast, having sharp claws on it. This it leems was their God: for as soon as our zealous [Page] Guide came before the Bell, he fell flat on his face, and beckned to us, seeming very desirous to have us do the like. At the inner side of the Temple against the Walls, there was an Altar of white hewn Stone. The Table of the Altar was about 3 foot long, 16 inches broad, and 3 inches thick. It was raised about two foot from the ground, and supported by 3 small pillars of the same white Stone. On this Altar there were several small Earthen Vessels; one of them was full of small sticks that had been burned at one end. Our Guide made a great many signs for us to fetch and to leave some of our meat there, and seemed very importunate, but we refused. We left him there, and went aboard; I did see no other Temple nor Idol here.

While we lay at this place, we saw several small China Jonks, sailing in the Lagune between the Islands and the Main, one came and anchored by us. I and some more of our men went aboard to view her: She was built with a square flat Head as well as Stern, only the head or fore part was not so broad as the Stern. On her Deck she had little thatcht Houses like Hovels, covered with Palmeto Leaves, and raised about 3 foot high, for the Seamen to creep into. She had a pretty large Cabin, wherein there was an Altar and a Lamp burning, I did but just look in, and saw not the Idol. The Hold was divided in many small partitions, all of them made so tight, that if a leak should spring up in any one of them, it could go no farther, and so could do but little damage, but only to the Goods in the bottom of that room where the leek springs up. Each of these rooms belong to one or two Merchants, or more, and every man freights his Goods in his own room; and probably lodges there, if he be on board himself. These Jonks have only two Masts, a Main-mast and a Fore-mast. The [Page] Fore-mast has a square Yard and a square Sail, but the Main-mast has a Sail narrow aloft, like a Sloops Sail, and in fair weather they use a Top-fail, which is to hale down on the Deck in foul weather, Yard and all; for they do not go up to furl it. The Main-mast in their biggest Jonks seemed to me as big as any third rate Man of Wars Mast in England, and yet not pierced as ours, but made of one grown Tree: and in all my Travels I never saw any single Tree-masts so big in the body, and so long, and yet so well tapered, as I have seen in the Chinese Jonks.

Some of our men went over to a pretty large Town on the Continent of China, where we might have furnished our selves with Provision, which was a thing we were always in want of, and was our chief business here: but we were afraid to lye in this place any longer, for we had some signs of an approaching Storm: this being the time of the year in which Storms are expected on this Coast; and here was no safe Riding. It was now the time of the year for the S. W. Monsoon, but the Wind had been whiffling about from one part of the Compass to another for two or three days, and sometimes it would be quite calm. This caused us to put to Sea, that we might have Sea-room at least; for such flattering weather is commonly the fore-runner of a Tempest.

Accordingly we weighed Anchor, and set out: yet we had very little Wind all the next night. But the day ensuing, which was the 4th day of July, about 4 a clock in the afternoon, the Wind came to the N. E. and freshned upon us, and the Sky look'd very black in that quarter, and the black clouds began to rise apace and move towards us; having hung all the morning in the Horizon. This made us take in our Top-sails, and the Wind still increasing, about 9 a clock we rift our Main-sail and Foresail; [Page] at 10 we furl'd our Fore-sail, keeping under a Main-sail and Mizen. At 11 a clock we furl'd our Main-sail, and ballasted our Mizen: at which time it began to rain, and by 12 a clock at night it blew exceeding hard, and the Rain poured down as through a Sieve. It thundered and lightned prodigiously, and the Sea seemed all of a Fire about us: for every Sea that broke sparkled like Lightning. The violent Wind raised the Sea presently to a great heighth, and it ran very short, and began to break in on our Deck. One Sea struck away the Rails of our Head, and our Sheet Anchor, which was stowed with one Flook or bending of the Iron, over the Ships Gunal, and lasht very well down to the side, was violently washt off, and had like to have struck a hole in our Bow, as it lay beating against it. Then we were forced to put right before the Wind to stow our Anchor again; which we did with much ado: but afterwards we durst not adventure to bring our Ship to the wind again, for fear of foundring, for the turning the Ship either to or from the Wind is dangerous in such violent Storms. The fierceness of the weather continued till 4 a clock that morning; in which time we did cut away two Canoas that were towing aftern.

After four a clock the Thunder and the Rain abated, and then we saw a Corpus Sant at our Maintop-mast head, on the very top of the truck of the Spindle. This sight rejoyed our Men exceedingly; for the height of the Storm is commonly over when the Corpus Sant is seen aloft: but when they are seen lying on the Deck, it is generally accounted a bad sign.

A Corpus Sant is a certain small glittering light: when it appears as this did, on the very top of the Main-mast or at a Yard-arm, it is like a Star; but when it appears on the Deck, it resembles a great Glowworm. [Page] The Spaniards have another Name for it, (though I take even this to be a Spanish or Portuguese Name, and a corruption only of Corpus Sanctum) and I have been told that when they see them, they presently go to Prayers, and bless themselves for the happy sight. I have heard some ignorant Seamen discoursing how they have seen them creep, or as they say, travel about in the Scuppers, telling many dismal stories that hapned at such times: but I did never see any one stir out of the place where it first was fixt, except upon Deck, where every Sea washeth it about. Neither did I ever see any but when we have had hard rain as well as wind; and therefore do believe it is some Jelly: but enough of this.

We continued scudding right before wind and sea from 2 till 7 a clock in the morning, and then the wind being much abated, we set our Mizen again, and brought our Ship to the wind, and lay under a Mizen till 11. Then it fell flat calm, and it continued so for about 2 hours: but the Sky looked very black and rueful, especially in the S. W. and the Sea tossed us about like an Egg-shell, for want of wind. About one a clock in the afternoon the wind sprung up at S. W. out of the quarter from whence we did expect it: therefore, we presently brail'd up our Mizen, and wore our Ship: but we had no sooner put our Ship before the wind, but it blew a Storm again, and it rain'd very hard; though not so violently as the night before: but the wind was altogether as boysterous, and so continued till 10 or 11 a clock at night. All which time we scudded, or run before the wind very swift, tho only with our bare Poles, that is, without any Sail abroad. Afterwards the wind died away by degrees, and before day we had but little wind, and fine clear weather.

[Page] I was never in such a violent Storm in all my life; so said all the company. This was near the change of the Moon: it was 2 or 3 days before the change. The 6th day in the morning, having fine handsome weather, we got up our Yards again, and began to dry our selves and our cloaths, for we were all well sopt. This Storm had deadned the hearts of our men so much, that instead of going to buy more Provision at the same place from whence we came before the Storm, or of seeking any more for the Island Prata, they thought of going somewhere to shelter before the Full Moon, for fear of another such Storm at that time: For commonly, if there is any very bad weather in the month, it is about 2 or 3 days before or after the Full, or Change of the Moon.

These thoughts, I say, put our men on thinking where to go, and the Drafts or Sea-plats being first consulted, it was concluded to go to certain Islands lying in lat. 23 d. N. called Piscadores. For there was not a man aboard that was any thing acquainted on these Coasts; and therefore all our dependance was on the Drafts, which only pointed out to us where such and such places or Islands were, without giving us any account, what Harbour, Roads, or Bays there were; or the produce, strength, or trade of them: these we were forced to seek after our selves.

The Piscadores are a great many inhabited Islands, lying near the Island Formosa, between it and China, in or near the lat. of 23 deg. N. lat. almost as high as the Tropick of Cancer. These Piscadore Islands are moderately high, and appear much like our Dorsetshire and Wiltshire Downs in England. They produce thick short Grass, and a few Trees. They are pretty well watered, and they feed abundance of Goats, and some great Cattle. There are abundance of Mounts and old Fortifications on them: [Page] but of no use now, whatever they have been.

Between the 2 Eastermost Islands there is a very good Harbour, which is never without Jonks riding in it: and on the West side of the Easternmost Island there is a large Town and Fort commanding the Harbour. The Houses are but low, yet well built: and the Town makes a fine prospect. This is a Garrison of the Tartars, wherein are also 3 or 400 Soldiers; who live here 3 years, and then they are removed to some other place.

On the Island, on the West side of the Harbour, close by the Sea, there is a small Town of Chinese, and most of the other Islands have some Chinese living on them, more or less.

Having, as I said before, concluded to go to these Islands, we steered away for them, having the Wind at W. S. W. a small gale. The 20th day of July we had first sight of them, and steered in among them; finding no place to anchor in till we came into the Harbour before-mentioned. We blundered in, knowing little of our way, and we admired to see so many Jonks going and coming, and some at an anchor, and so great a Town as the Neighbouring Eastermost Town, the Tartarian Garrison; for we did not expect, nor desire, to have seen any people, being in care to lye conceal'd in these Seas; however, seeing we were here, we boldly run into the Harbour, and presently sent ashore our Canoa to the Town.

Our people were met by an Officer at their landing; and our Quarter-master, who was the chiefest man in the Boat, was conducted before the Governour and examined, of what Nation we were, and what was our business here. He answered that we were English, and were bound to Amoy, or Anhay, which is a City standing on a Navigable River in the Province of Fokien in China, and is a place of vast Trade, there being a huge multititude [Page] of Ships there, and in general on all these Coasts, as I have heard of several that have been there. He said also, that having received some damage by a storm, we therefore put in here to refit, before we would adventure to go farther; and that we did intend to lye here till after the full Moon, for fear of another storm. The Governour told him, that we might better refit our Ship at Amoy than here, and that he heard that two English Vessels were arrived there already; and that he should be very ready to assist us in any thing, but we must not expect to Trade there, but must go to the places allowed to entertain Merchant Strangers, which were Amoy and Macao. Macao is a Town of great Trade also, lying in an Island at the very mouth of the River of Canton. 'Tis fortified and garrisoned by a large Portuguese Colony, but yet under the Chinese Governour, whose people inhabit one moyety of the Town, and lay on the Portuguese what Tax they please; for they dare not disoblige the Chinese, for fear of losing their Trade. However, the Governour very kindly told our Quarter-master, that whatsoever we wanted, if that place could furnish us, we should have it. Yet that we must not come ashore on that Island, but he would send aboard some of his men, to know what we wanted, and they should also bring it off to us. That nevertheless we might go on shore on the other Islands to buy refreshments of the Chinese. After the discourse was ended, the Governour dismist him, with a small jar of Flower, and 3 or 4 large Cakes of very fine Bread, and about a dozen Pine-apples and Water-melons, (all very good in their kind) as a Present to the Captain.

The next day an eminent Officer came aboard, with a great many Attendants. He wore a black Silk Cap of a particular make, with a plume of [Page] black and white Feathers, standing up almost round his head behind, and all his outside Cloaths were black Silk. He had a loose black Coat, which reached to his Knees, and his Breeches were of the same; and underneath his Coat he had two Garments more, of other coloured Silk. His Legs were covered with small black limber Boots. All his Attendants were in a very handsom garb of black Silk, all wearing those small black Boots and Caps. These Caps were like the Crown of a Hat made of Palmeto-leaves, like our Straw-hats; but without [...]brims, and coming down but to their Ears. These had no Feathers, but had an oblong Button on the top, and from between the Button and the Cap, there fell down all round their Head as low as the Cap reached, a sort of course Hair like Horse-hair, dyed (as I suppose) of a light red colour.

The Officer brought aboard, as a present from the Governour, a young Heifer, the fattest and kindliest Beef, that I did ever taste in any foreign Country: 'Twas small yet full grown; 2 large Hogs, 4 Goats, 2 Baskets of fine Flower, 20 great flat Cakes of fine well tasted Bread, 2 great Jars of Arack, (made of Rice as I judged) called by the Chinese, Sam Shu; and 55 Jars of Hog Shu, as they call it, and our Europeans from them. This is a strong Liquor, made of Wheat as I have been told. It looks like Mum, and tastes much like it, and is very pleasant and hearty. Our Seamen love it mightily, and will lick their Lips with it: for scarce a Ship goes to China, but the men come home fat with soaking this Liquor, and bring store of Jars of it home with them. It is put into small white thick Jars, that hold near a quart: The double Jars hold about two quarts. These Jars are small below, and thence rise up with a pretty full belly, closing in pretty short at top, with a small thick mouth. Over [Page] the mouth of the Jar they put a thin chip cut round, just so as to cover the mouth, over that a piece of paper, and over that they put a great lump of clay, almost as big as the Bottle or Jar it self, with a hollow in it, to admit the neck of the Bottle, made round and about 4 inches long; this is to preserve the Liquor. If the Liquor take any vent it will be sowre presently, so that when we buy any of it, of the Ships from China returning to Maderas, or Fort St. George, where it is then sold, or of the Chinese themselves, of whom I have bought it at Achin, and Bancouli in Sumatra, if the clay be crackt, or the Liquor mothery, we make them take it again. A quart Jar there is worth Sixpence. Besides this present from the Governour, there was a Captain of a Jonk sent two Jars of Arack, and abundance of Pine-apples, and Water-melons.

Captain Read sent ashore, as a Present to the Governour, a curious Spanish Silver-hilted Rapier, an English Carbine, and a Gold Chain, and when the Officer went ashore, three Guns were fired. In the afternoon the Governour sent off the same Officer again, to complement the Captain for his civility, and promised to retaliate his kindness before we departed; but we had such blustring weather afterward, that no Boat could come aboard.

We stayed here till the 29th day, and then sailed from hence with the wind at S. W. and pretty fair weather. We now directed our course for some Islands we had chosen to go to, that lye between Formosa and Luconia. They are laid down in our plots without any name, only with a figure of 5, denoting the number of them. It was supposed by us, that these Islands had no Inhabitants, because they had not any name by our Hydographers. Therefore we thought to lye there secure, and be pretty near the Island Luconia, which we did still intend to visit.

[Page] In going to them we sailed by the South West end of Formosa, leaving it on our larboard side. This is a large Island; the South end is in lat. 21 d. 20 m. and the North end in 25 d. 10 m. North lat. the longitude of this Isle is laid down from 142 d. 5 m. to 143 d. 16 m. reckoning East from the pike of Tenariffe; so that 'tis but narrow; and the Tropick of Cancer crosses it. It is a high and woody Island, and was formerly well inhabited by the Chinese, and was then frequently visited by English Merchants, there being a very good Harbour to secure their Ships. But since the Tartars have conquered China, they have spoiled the Harbour, (as I have been informed) to hinder the Chinese that were then in Rebellion, from fortifying themselves there; and ordered the foreign Merchants to come and trade on the Main.

The 6th day of August we arrived at the five Islands that we were bound to, and anchored on the East side of the Northermost Island, in 15 fathom, a Cables length from the shore. Here, contrary to our expectation, we found abundance of Inhabitants in sight; for there were 3 large Towns all within a league of the Sea; and another larger Town than any of the three, on the back side of a small hill close by also, as we found afterwards. These Islands lye in lat. 20 d. 20 m. North lat. by my observation, for I took it there, and I find their Longitude according to our Drafts, to be 141 d. 50 m. These Islands having no particular Names in the Drafts, some or other of us made use of the Seamens priviledge, to give them what names we pleased. Three of the Islands were pretty large; the Westermost is the biggest. This the Dutch men who were among us called the Prince of Orange's Island, in honour of his present Majesty. It is about 7 or 8 leagues long, and about 2 leagues wide; and it lies almost N. and S. [Page] The other two great Islands are about 4 or 5 leagues to the Eastward of this. The Northermost of them, where we first anchored, I called the D. of Grafton's Isle, as soon as we landed on it: having married my Wife out of his Dutchess's Family, and leaving her at Arlington house, at my going aboard. This Isle is about 4 leagues long, and one league and a half wide, stretching North and South. The other great Isle our Seamen called the Duke of Monmouth's Island. This is about a league to the Southward of Grafton Isle. It is about 3 leagues long, and a league wide, lying as the other. Between Monmouth and the South end of Orange Island, there are two small Islands of a roundish form, lying East and West. The Eastermost Island of the two, our men unanimously called Bashee Island, from a Liquor which we drank there plentifully every day, after we came to an anchor at it. The other which is the smallest of all, we called Goat Island, from the great number of Goats there: and to the Northward of them all, are two high Rocks.

Orange Island, which is the biggest of them all, is not inhabited. It is high Land, flat, and even on the top, with steep cliffs against the Sea: for which reason we could not go ashore there, as we did on all the rest.

I have made it my general observation, that where the Land is fenced with steep Rocks and Cliffs against the Sea, there the Sea is very deep, and seldom affords anchor ground; and on the other side where the Land falls away with a declivity into the Sea, (altho the Land be exrraordinary high within, yet) there are commonly good soundings, and consequently anchoring; and as the visible declivity of the Land appears near, or at the edge of the Water, whether pretty steep, or more sloping, so we commonly find our anchor [Page] ground to be, more or less deep or steep; therefore we came nearer the shore, or anchor farther off, as we see convenient; for there is no Coast in the World, that I know, or have heard of, where the Land is of a continual heighth, without some small Valleys or declivities, which lye intermixt with the high Land. They are these subsidings of Valleys or low Lands, that make dents in the shore, and Creeks, small Bays, and Harbours, or little Coves, &c. which afford good anchoring, the surface of the Earth being there lodged deep under Water. Thus we find many good Harbours on such Coasts, where the Land bounds the Sea with steep Clifs, by reason of the Declivities, or subsiding of the Land between these Cliffs: But where the Declension from the Hills, or Cliffs, is not within Land, between Hill and Hill, but, as on the Coast of Chili and Peru, the Declivity is toward the Main Sea, or into it, the Coast being perpendicular, or very steep from the neighbouring Hills, as in those Countries from the Andes, that run along the shore, there is a deep Sea, and few or no Harbours, or Creeks. All that Coast is too steep for anchoring, and hath the fewest Roads fit for Ships of any Coast I know. The Coasts of Gallicia, Portugal, Norway, and Newfoundland, &c. are Coasts like the Peruvian, and the high Islands of the Archipelago; but yet not so scanty of good Harbours; for where there are short Ridges of Land, there are good Bays at the extremities of those Ridges, where they plunge into the Sea; as on the Coast of Caraccos, &c. The Island of John Fernando, and the Island St. Helena, &c. are such high Land with deep shore: and in general, the plunging of any Land under Water, seems to be in proportion to the rising of its continuous part above Water, more or less steep; and it must be a bottom almost level, or very gently declining, [Page] that affords good anchoring, Ships being soon driven from their Moorings on a steep bank: Therefore we never strive to anchor where we see the Land high, and bounding the Sea with steep Cliffs; and for this reason, when we came in sight of States Island near Terra del Fuego, before we entered into the South Seas, we did not so much as think of anchoring after we saw what Land it was, because of the steep Cliffs which appear'd against the Sea: Yet there might be little Harbours or Coves for Shallops, or the like, to anchor in, which we did not see nor search after.

As high steep Cliffs bounding on the Sea have this ill consequence, that they seldom afford anchoring; so they have this benefit, that we can see them far off, and sail close to them, without danger: for which reason we call them Bold Shores. Whereas low Land, on the contrary, is seen but a little way, and in many places we dare not come near it, for fear of running aground before we see it. Besides, there are in many places shoals thrown out by the course of great Rivers, that from the low Land fall into the Sea.

This which I have said, that there is usually good anchoring near low Lands, may be illustrated by several instances. Thus on the South side of the Bay of Campeachy, there is mostly low Land, and there also is good anchoring all along shore; and in some places to the Eastward of the Town of Campeachy, we shall have so many fathom as we are leagues off from Land; that is, from 9 or 10 leagues distance, till you come within 4 leagues: and from thence to Land it grows but shallower. The Bay of Honduras also is low Land, and continues mostly so, as we past along from thence to the Coasts of Portobel, and Cartagena, till we came as high as Santa Martha; afterwards the Land is low again, till you come towards the Coast of [Page] Caraccus, which is a high Coast and bold shore. The Land about Surinam on the same Coast is low and good anchoring, and that over on the Coast of Guinea is such also. And such too is the Bay of Panama, where the Pilot-book orders the Pilot always to sound, and not to come within such a depth, be it by night or day. In the same Seas, from the high Land of Guatimala in Mexico, to California, there is mostly low Land and good anchoring. In the Main of Asia, the Coast of China, the Bays of Siam and Bengal, and all the Coast, of Coromandel, and the Coast about Malacca, and against it the Island Sumatra, on that side, are mostly low anchoring shores. But on the West side of Sumatra, the shore is high and bold; so most of the Islands lying to the Eastward of Sumatra; as the Islands Borneo, Celebes, Gilolo, and abundance of Island of less note, lying scattering up and down those Seas, are low Land and have good anchoring about them, with many shoals scattered to and fro among them; but the Islands lying against the East Indian Ocean, especially the West sides of them, are high Land and steep, particularly the West parts, not only of Sumatra, but also of Java, Timor, &c. Particulars are endless; but in general, 'tis seldom but high Shores and deep Waters, and on the other side, low Land and shallow Seas, are found together.

But to return from this digression, to speak of the rest of these Islands. Monmouth and Grafton Isles are very hilly, with many of those steep inhabited Precipices on them, that I shall describe particularly. The two small Islands are flat and even; only the Bashee Island hath one steep scraggy Hill, but Goat-Island is all flat and very even.

The mold of these Islands in the Valleys, is blackish in some places, but in most red. The [Page] Hills are very rocky: The Valleys are well watered with Brooks of fresh water, which run into the Sea in many different places. The Soil is indifferent fruitful, especially in the Valleys; producing pretty great plenty of Trees (tho not very big) and thick Grass. The sides of the Mountains have also short Grass; and some of the Mountains have Mines within them, for the Natives told us, that the yellow Metal they shew'd us, (as I shall speak more particularly) came from these Mountains; for when they held it up they would point towards them.

The fruit of the Islands are a few Plantains, Bonanoes, Pine-apples, Pumkins, Sugar-canes, &c. and there might be more if the Natives would, for the ground seems fertile enough. Here are great plenty of Potatoes, and Yames, which is the common food for the Natives, for bread kind: for those few Plantains they have, are only used as Fruit. They have some Cotton growing here of the small plants.

Here are plenty of Goats, and abundance of Hogs; but few Fowls either wild or tame. For this I have always observed in my Travels, both in the East and West Indies, that in those places where there is plenty of Grain, that is, of Rice in the one, and Maiz in the other, there are also found great abundance of Fowls; but on the contrary, few Fowls in those Countries, where the Inhabitants feed on Fruits and Roots only. The few wild Fowls that are here, are Parakites, and some other small Birds. Their tame Fowl are only a few Cocks and Hens.

Monmouth and Grafton Islands are very thick inhabited: and Bashee Island hath one Town on it. The Natives of these Islands are short squat people; they are generally round visaged, with low Foreheads, and thick Eye-brows; their Eyes of a hazel [Page] colour, and small, yet bigger than the Chinese; short low Noses, and their Lips and Mouths middle proportioned. Their Teeth are white; their Hair is black, and thick, and lank, which they wear but short; it will just cover their Ears, and so it is cut round very even. Their Skins are of a very dark copper colour.

They wear no Hat, Cap, nor Turbat, nor any thing to keep off the Sun. The men for the biggest part have only a small clout to cover their Nakedness; some of them have Jackets made of Plantain leaves, which were as rough as any Bears skin: I never saw such rugged things. The Women have a short Petticoat made of Cotton, which comes a little below their Knees. It is a thick sort of stubborn cloath, which they make themselves of their Cotton. Both Men and Women do wear large Ear-rings, made of that yellow Metal before mention'd. Whether it were Gold or no I cannot positively say: I took it to be so, it was heavy, and of the colour of our paler Gold. I would fain have brought away some to have satisfied my curiosity; but I had nothing wherewith to buy any. Captain Read bought 2 of these Rings with some Iron, of which the people are very greedy: and he would have bought more, thinking he was come to a very fair Market; but that the paleness of the Metal made him and his Crew distrust its being right Gold. For my part, I should have ventur'd on the purchase of some: but having no property in the Iron, of which we had great store on board, sent from England by the Merchants along with Captain Swan, I durst nor barter it away.

These Rings when first polished look very gloriously, but time makes them fade, and turn to a pale yellow. Then they make a soft paste of red earth, and smearing it over their Rings, they cast them into a quick fire, where they remain till they [Page] be red hot: then they take them out and cool them in water, and rub off the paste; and they look again of a glorious colour and lustre.

These people make but small low Houses. The sides, which are made of small posts, watled with boughs, are not above 4 foot and an half high: the ridge pole is about 7 or 8 foot high. They have a fire-place at one end of their Houses, and boards placed on the ground to lye on. They inhabit together in small Villages, built on the sides and tops of rocky hills; 3 or 4 rows of Houses one above another, and on such steep praecipices, that they go up to the first row with a wooden Ladder, and so with a Ladder still from every story up to that above it, there being no way to ascend. The Plain on the first praecipice may be so wide, as to have room both for a row of Houses that stand all along on the edge or brink of it, and a very narrow street running along before their doors, between the row of Houses and the foot of the next praecipice; the plain of which is in a manner level to the tops of the Houses below, and so for the rest. The common Ladder to each row or street comes up at a narrow passage left purposely about the middle of [...] and the street being bounded with a praecipice also at each end, tis but drawing up the Ladder, if they be assaulted, and then there is no coming at them from below, but by climbing up as against a perpendicular wall: and that they may not be assaulted from above, they take care to build on the side of such a hill, whose backside hangs over the Sea, or is some high, steep, perpendicular praecipice, altogether inaccessible. These praecipices are natural; for the Rocks seem too hard to work on; nor is there any sign that Art hath been employed about them. On Bashee Island there is one such, and built upon, with its back next the Sea. Grafton and Monmouth Isles are very [Page] thick set with these Hills and Towns: and the Natives, whether for fear of Pyrates, or Foreign Enemies, or Factions among their own Clans, care not for building but in these Fastnesses: which I take to be the reason that Orange Isle, though the the largest, and as fertile as any, yet being level, and exposed, hath no Inhabitants. I never saw the like Praecipices and Towns.

These People are pretty ingenious also in building Boats. Their small Boats are much like our Deal Yalls, but not so big; and they are built with very narrow Plank, pinn'd with Wooden Pins, and some Nails. They have also some pretty large Boats, which will carry 40 or 50 Men. These they row with 12 or 14 Oars of a side. They are built much like the small ones, and they row double banked; that is, two Men setting on one Bench, but one rowing on one side, the other on the other side of the Boat. They understand the use of Iron, and work it themselves. Their Bellows are like those at Mindanao.

The common imployment for the Men is Fishing; but I did never see them catch much: whether it is more plenty at other times of the year I know not. The Women do manage their Plantations.

I did never see them kill any of their Goats or Hogs for themselves, yet they would beg the Paunches of the Goats that they themselues did sell to us: and if any of our surly Seamen did heave them into the Sea, they would take them up again, and the Skins of the Goats also. They would not meddle with Hogs-guts; if our Men threw away any beside what they made Chitterlings and Sausages of. The Goat-skins these people would carry ashore, and making a fire they would singe off all the hair, and afterwards let the skin lye and parch on the coals, till they thought it eatable: and then they [Page] would gnaw it, and tear it in pieces with their teeth, and at last swallow it. The Paunches of the Goats would make them an excellent dish: they drest it in this manner. They would turn out all the chopt grass and crudities found in the Maw into their Pots, and set it over the fire, and stir it about often: this would smoak and puff, and heave up as it were boyling; wind breaking out of the ferment, and making a very savory stink. While this was doing, if they had any Fish, as commonly they had 2 or 3 small Fish, these they would make very clean (as hating Nastiness belike) and cut the flesh from the bone, and then mince the flesh as small as possibly they could, and when that in the Pot was well boil'd, they would take it up, and strewing a little Salt into it, they would eat it, mixt with their raw minc'd fish. The dung in the Maw would look like so much boil'd Herbs minc'd very small; and they took up their mess with their singers, as the Moors do their Pilaw, using no Spoons.

They had another dish made of a sort of Locusts, whose bodies were about an inch and an half long, and as thick as the top of one's little finger; with large thin Wings, and long and small Legs. At this time of the year these creatures came in great swarms to devour their Potato-leaves and other Herbs; and the Natives would go out with small Nets, and take a quart at one sweep. When they had enough, they would carry them home, and parch them over the fire in an earthen Pan; and then their Wings and Legs would fall off, and their Heads and Backs would turn red like boil'd Shrimps, being before brownish. Their bodies being full, would eat very moist, their heads would crackle in ones teeth. I did once eat of this Dish, and liked it well enough: but their other Dish my stomach would not take.

[Page] Their common drink is Water; as it is of all other Indians: beside which they make a sort of drink with the juice of the Sugar-cane, which they boyl, and put some small black sort of Berries among it. When it is well boyled, they put it into great Jars, and let it stand 3 or 4 days, and work. Then it settles, and becomes clear, and is presently fit to drink. This is an excellent Liquor, and very much like English Beer, both in colour and taste. It is very strong, and I do believe very wholesome: for our men, who drank briskly of it all day for several weeks, were frequently drunk with it, and never sick after it. The Natives brought a vast deal of it every day to those aboard and ashore: for some of our men were ashore at work on Bashee Island; which Island they gave that name to from their drinking this Liquor there; that being the name which the Natives call'd this Liquor by: and as they sold it to our men very cheap, so they did not spare to drink it as freely. And indeed from the plenty of this Liquor, and their plentiful use of it, our Men call'd all these Islands, the Bashee Islands.

What Language these people do speak I know not: for it had no affinity in sound to the Chinese, which is spoke much through the teeth; nor yet to the Malayan Language. They called the Metal that their Ear-rings were made of Bullawan, which is the Mindanao word for Gold; therefore probably they may be related to the Philippine Indians: for that is the general Name for Gold among all those Indians. I could not learn from whence they have their Iron: but it is most likely they go in their great Boats to the North end of Luconia, and trade with the Indians of that Island for it. Neither did I see any thing beside Iron, and pieces of Buffaloes Hides, which I could judge that they bought of Strangers: Their Cloaths were of their own growth and manufacture.

[Page] These men had Wooden Lances, and a few Lances headed with Iron; which are all the Weapons that they have. Their Armour is a piece of Buffaloe-hide, shaped like our Carters Frocks, being without Sleeves, and sowed both sides together, with holes for the Head and the Arms to come forth. This Buff-Coat reaches down to their Knees: It is close about their Shoulders, but below it is 3 foot wide, and as thick as a Board.

I could never perceive them to worship any thing, neither had they any Idols: neither did they seem to observe any one day more than other. I could never perceive that one man was of greater power than another; but they seemed to be all equal: only every man ruling in his own House, and the Children respecting and honouring their Parents.

Yet 'tis probable that they have some Law, or Custome, by which they are governed: for while we lay here we saw a young man buried alive in the Earth; and 'twas for Theft, as far as we could understand from them. There was a great deep hole dug, and abundance of people came to the place to take their last farewel of him: Among the rest, there was one Woman who made great lamentation, and took off the condemned persons Ear-rings. We supposed her to be his Mother. After he had taken his leave of her and some others, he was put into the pit, and covered over with Earth. He did not struggle, but yielded very quietly to his punishment: and they cramm'd the Earth close upon him, and stifled him.

They have but one Wife, with whom they live and agree very well; and their Children live very obediently under them. The Boys go out a Fishing with their Fathers, and the Girls live at home with their Mothers: and when the Girls are grow [...] pretty strong, they send them to their Plantations [Page] to dig Yames and Potatoes; of which they bring home on their heads every day enough to serve the whole family: for they have no Rice nor Maiz.

Their Plantations are in the Valleys, at a good distance from their Houses: where every man has a certain spot of Land, which is properly his own. This he manageth himself for his own use; and provides enough, that he may not be beholding to his neighbour.

Notwithstanding the seeming nastiness of their Dish of Goats Maw, they are in their Persons a very neat cleanly people, both Men and Women: And they are withal the quietest and civilest people that I did ever meet with. I could never perceive them to be angry with one another. I have admired to see 20 or 30 Boats aboard our Ship at a time, and yet no difference among them; but all civil and quiet, endeavouring to help each other on occasion: No noise, nor appearance of distaste: and although sometimes cross accidents would happen, which might have set other men together by the ears, yet they were not moved by them. Sometimes they will also drink freely, and warm themselves with their drink; yet neither then could I ever perceive them out of humour. They are not only thus civil among themselves, but very obliging and kind to strangers: nor were their Children rude to us, as is usual. Indeed the Women, when we came to their houses, would modestly beg any Rags, or small pieces of Cloath, to swaddle their young ones in; holding out their Children to us: and begging is usual among all these wild Nations. Yet neither did they beg so importunately as in other places; nor did the Men ever beg any thing at all. Neither, except once at the first time that we came to an Anchor, (as I shall relate) did they steal any thing; but deal justly, and with great sincerity with us; and make us very welcome to [Page] their houses with Bashee drink. If they had none of this Liquor themselves, they would buy a Jar of Drink of their neighbours, and sit down with us: for we could see them go and give a piece or two of their Gold for some Jars of Bashee. And indeed among Wild Indians, as these seem to be, I wonder'd to see buying and selling, which is not so usual; nor to converse so freely, as to go aboard strangers Ships with so little caution: Yet their own small Trading may have brought them to this. At these Entertainments, they and their Family, Wife and Children, drank out of small Callabashes: and when by themselves, they drink about from one to another; but when any of us came among them, then they would always drink to one of us.

They have no sort of Coin: but they have small crumbs of the Metal before described, which they bind up very safe in Plantain Leaves, or the like. This Metal they exchange for what they want, giving a small quantity of it, about 2 or 3 grains, for a Jar of Drink, that would hold 5 or 6 Gallons. They have no Scales, but give it by guess. Thus much in general.

To proceed therefore with our affairs, I have said before, that we anchored here the 6th day of August. While we were furling our Sails there came near 100 Boats of the Natives aboard, with 3 or 4 Men in each; so that our Deck was full of Men. We were at first afraid of them, and therefore got up 20 or 30 small Arms on our Poop, and kept 3 or 4 Men as Centinels, with Guns in their hands, ready to fire on them if they had offered to molest us. But they were pretty quiet, only they pickt up such old Iron that they found on our Deck, and they also took out our Pump Bolts, and Linch-Pins out of the Carriages of our Guns, before we perceived them. At last, one of our Men perceived [Page] them very busy getting out one of our Linch Pins; and took hold of the fellow, who immediately bawl'd out, and all the rest presently leaped over-board, some into their Boats, others into the Sea; and they all made away for the shore. But when we perceived their fright we made much of him that was in hold, who stood trembling all the while; and at last we gave him a small piece of Iron, with which he immediately leapt overboard, and swam to his Consorts; who hovered about our Ship to see the issue. Then we beckned to them to come aboard again, being very loth to lose a commerce with them. Some of the Boats came aboard again, and they were always very honest and civil afterwards.

We presently after this sent a Canoa ashore, to see their manner of living, and what Provision they had: The Canoas Crew were made very welcom with Bashee drink, and saw abundance of Hogs; some of which they bought, and returned aboard. After this the Natives brought aboard both Hogs and Goats to us in their own Boats: and every day we should have 15 or 20 Hogs and Goats in Boats aboard by our side. These we bought for a small matter: we could buy a good fat Goat for an old Iron Hoop, and a Hog of 70 or 80 pound weight for 2 or 3 pound of Iron. Their Drink also they brought off in Jars, which we bought for old Nails, Spikes, and Leaden Bullets. Beside the forementioned Commodities, they brought aboard great quantities of Yams and Potatoes; which we purchased for Nails, Spikes, or Bullets. It was one Man's work to be all day cutting out Bars of Iron into small pieces with a cold Chisel: and these were for the great purchases of Hogs and Goats, which they would not sell for Nails, as their Drink and Roots. We never let them know what store we have; that they may value it the more. [Page] Every morning, assoon as it was light, they would thus come aboard with their Commodities; which we bought as we had occasion. We did commonly furnish our selves with as many Goats and Roots as served us all the day; and their Hogs we bought in large quantities, as we thought convenient; for we salted them. Their Hogs were very sweet: but I never saw so many meazled ones.

We filled all our Water at a curious Brook close by us in Graftons Isle, where we first anchored. We stayed there about 3 or 4 days, before we went to other Islands. We sailed to the Southward, passing on the East side of Grafton Island, and then passed thro between that and Monmouth Island; but we found no anchoring till we came to the North end of Monmouth Island, and there we stopt during one Tide. The Tide runs very strong here, and sometimes makes a short chopping Sea. Its course amongst these Islands is S. by E. and N. by W. The flood sets to the North, and ebb to to the South, and it riseth and falleth 8 foot.

When we went from hence, we coasted about 2 leagues to the Southward, on the West side of Monmouth Island; and finding no anchor ground, we stood over to Bashee Island, and came to an anchor on the North East part of it, against a small sandy Bay, in 7 fathom clean hard sand, and about a quarter of a mile from the shore. Here is a pretty wide Channel between these two Islands, and anchoring all over it. The depth of Water is 12, 14, and 16 fathom.

We presently built a Tent ashore, to mend our Sails in, and stay'd all the rest of our time here, viz. from the 13th day of August till the 26 day of September. In which time we mended our Sails, and scrubbed our Ships bottom very well: and every day some of us went to their Towns, and were [Page] kindly entertained by them. Their Boats also came aboard with their Merchandise to sell, and lay aboard all day; and if we did not take it off their hands one day, they would bring the same again the next.

We had yet the Winds at S. W. and S. S. W. mostly fair weather. In October we did expect the Winds to shift to the N. E. and therefore we provided to sail (as soon as the Eastern Monsoon was settled) to cruise off of Manila. Accordingly we provided a stock of Provision. We salted 70 or 80 good fat Hogs, and bought Yams and Potatoes good store to eat at Sea.

About the 24th day of September, the Winds shifted about to the East, and from thence to the N. E. fine fair weather. The 25th it came at N. and began to grow fresh, and the Sky began to be clouded; and the Wind freshned on us.

At 12 a clock at night it blew a very fierce storm. We were then riding with our best Bower a head, and though our Yards and Top-mast were down, yet we drove. This obliged us to let go our Sheet Anchor, veering out a good scope of Cable, which stopt us till 10 or 11 a clock the next day. Then the Wind came on so fierce, that she drove again, with both Anchors a head. The Wind was now at N. by W. and we kept driving till 3 or 4 a clock in the afternoon: and it was well for us that there were no Islands, Rocks, or Sands in our way, for if there had, we must have been driven upon them. We used our utmost endeavours to stop her, being loath to go to Sea, because we had 6 of our Men ashore, who could not get off now. At last we were driven out into deep Water, and then it was in vain to wait any longer: Therefore we hove in our Sheet Cable, and got up our Sheet Anchor, and cut away our best Bower, (for to have heav'd her up then would [Page] have gone near to have foundred us) and so put to Sea. We had very violent weather the night ensuing, with very hard Rain, and we were forced to scud with our bare poles till 3 a clock in the morning. Then the Wind slacken'd, and we brought our Ship to, under a mizen, and lay with our head to the Westward. The 27th day the Wind abated much, but it rained very hard all day, and the night ensuing. The 28th day the Wind came about to the N. E. and it cleered up, and blew a hard gale, but it stood not there, for it shifted about the Eastward, thence to the S. E. then to the South, and at last it settled at S. W. and then we had a moderate gale and fair weather.

It was the 29th day when the Wind came to the S. W. Then we made all the sail we could for the Island again. The 30th day we had the Wind at West, and saw the Islands; but could not get in before night. Therefore we stood off to the Southward till 2 a clock in the morning; then we tackt, and stood in all the morning, and about 12 a clock, the 1st day of October, we anchored again at the place from whence we were driven.

Then our 6 men were brought aboard by the Natives, to whom we gave 3 whole bars of Iron, for their kindness and civility, which was an extraordinary Present to them. Mr. Robert Hall, was one of the men that was left ashore. I shall speak more of him hereafter. He and the rest of them told me, that after the Ship was out of sight, the Natives began to be more kind to them than they had been before, and perswaded them to cut their Hair short, as theirs was, offering to each of them if they would do it, a young Woman to Wife, and a small Hatchet, and other Iron Utenfils, fit for a Planter, in Dowry; and withal shewed [Page] them a piece of Land for them to manage. They were courted thus by several of the Town where they then were: but they took up their head-quarters at the house of him with whom they first went ashore. When the Ship appeared in sight again, then they importuned them for some Iron, which is the chief thing that they covet, even above their Ear-rings. We might have bought all their Earrings, or other Gold they had, with our Iron-bars, had we been assur'd of its goodness: and yet when it was touch'd, and compared with other Gold, we could not discern any difference, tho it look'd so pale in the lump: but the seeing them polish it so often, was a new discouragement.

This last Storm put our Men quite out of heart: for although it was not altogether so fierce as that which we were in on the Coast of China, which was still fresh in memory, yet it wrought more powerfully, and frighted them from their design of cruising before Manila, fearing another Storm there. Now every Man wisht himself at home, as they had done an hundred times before: but Captain Reed, and Captain Teat the Master, perswaded them to go towards Cape Comorin, and then they would tell them more of their minds, intending doubtless to cruize in the Red Sea: and they easily prevailed with the Crew.

The Eastern Monsoon was now at hand, and the best way had been to go through the Streights of Malacca: but Captain Teat said it was dangerous, by reason of many Islands and Shoals there, with which none of us were acquainted. Therefore he thought it best to go round on the East side of all the Philippine Islands, and so keeping South toward the Spice Islands, to pass out into the East Indian Ocean about the Island Timor.

[Page] This seemed to be a very tedious way about, and as dangerous altogether for Sholes; but not for meeting with English or Dutch Ships, which was their greatest fear. I was well enough satisfied, knowing that the farther we went, the more Knowledge and Experience I should get, which was the main thing that I regarded; and should also have the more variety of places to attempt an Escape from them, being fully resolv'd to take the first opportunity of giving them the slip.

[Page]

CHAP. XVI.

They depart from the Bashee Islands, and passing by some others, and the N. End of Luconia, St. John's Isle, and other of the Philippines, they stop at the two Isles near Mindanao; where they re-fit their Ship, and make a Pump after the Spanish fashion. By the young Prince of the Spice-Island they have News of Captain Swan, and his men, left at Mindanao: The Author proposes to the Crew to return to him; but in vain: the story of his Murder at Mindanao. The Clove-Islands, Ternate, Tidore, &c. The Island Celebes, and Dutch Town of Macasser. They Coast along the East side of Celebes, and between it and other Islands and Sholes, with great Difficulty. Shy Turtle. Vast Cookles. A wild Vine of great Virtue for Sores. Great Trees; one excessively big. Beacons instead of Buoys on the Sholes. A Spout: a Description of them, with a story of one. Uncertain Tornadoes. Turtle. The Island Bouton, and its chief Town and Harbour, Callasusung. The Inhabitants. Visits given and receiv'd by the Sultan. His Device in the Flag of his Proe: his Guards, Habit, and Children. Their Commerce. Their different esteem (as they pretend) of the English and Dutch. Maritime Indians sell others for Slaves. Their Reception in the [Page]Town. A Boy with 4 Rows of Teeth. Parakites. Crockadores, a sort of White Parrots. They pass among other Inhabited Islands, Omba, Pentare, Timor, &c. Sholes. New-Holland: laid down too much Northward. Its Soil, and Dragon trees. The poor Winking Inhabitants: their Features, Habit, Food, Arms, &c. The way of fetching Fire out of Wood. The Inhabitants on the Islands. Their Habitations, Unfitness for Labour, &c. The great Tides here. They design for the Island Cocos, and Cape Comorin.

THE third day of October 1687. we sailed from these Islands, standing to the Southward; intending to sail through among the Spice Islands. We had fair weather, and the wind at West. We first steered S. S. W. and passed close by certain small Islands that lye just by the North end of the Island Luconia. We left them all on the West of us, and past on the East side of it, and the rest of the Philippine Islands, coasting to rhe Southward.

The N. East end of the Island Luconia appears to be good Champion Land, of an indifferent heighth, plain and even for many leagues: only it has some pretty high Hills standing upright by themselves in these Plains; but no ridges of Hills, or chains of Mountains joyning one to another. The Land on this side seems to be most Savannah, or Pasture: The S. E. part is more Mountainous and Woody.

Leaving the Island Luconia, and with it our Golden projects, we sailed on the Southward, passing on the East side of the rest of the Philippine Islands. These appear to be more Mountainous, and less Woody, till we came in sight of the Island St. John; the first of that name I mentioned: the other I [Page] spake of on the Coast of China. This I have already described to be a very woody Island. Here the Wind coming Southerly, forced us to keep farther from the Islands.

The 14th day of October we came close by a small low Woody Island, that lyeth East from the S. E. end of Mindanao, distant from it about 20 leagues. I do not find it set down in any Sea-Chart.

The 15th day we had the Wind at N. E. and we steered West for the Island Mindanao, and arrived at the S. E. end again on the 16th day. There we went in and anchored between two small Islands, which lye in about 5 d. 10 m. N. Lat. I mentioned them when we first came on this Coast. Here we found a fine small Cove, on the N. W. end of the Eastermost Island, fit to Careen in, or hale ashore: so we went in there, and presently unrigged our Ship, and provided to hale our Ship ashore, to clean her bottom. These Islands are about 3 or 4 leagues from the Island Mindanao: they are about 4 or 5 miles in circumference, and of a pretty good heighth. The mold is black and deep; and there are two small Brooks of fresh Water.

They are both plentifully stored with great high Trees: therefore our Carpenters were sent ashore to cut down some of them for our use; for here they made a new Boltsprit, which we did set here also, our old one being very faulty. They made a new Fore-Yard too, and a Fore Top-Mast: and our Pumps being faulty, and not serviceable, they did cut a Tree to make a Pump. They first squared it, then sawed it in the middle, and then hollowed each side exactly. The two hollow sides were made big enough to contain a Pump-box in the midst of them both, when they were joyned together: and it required their utmost skill to close them exactly to the making a tight Cylinder for the [Page] Pump-box; being unaccustomed to such work. We learnt this way of Pump-making from the Spaniards; who make their Pumps that they use in their Ships in the South Seas after this manner: and I am confident that there are no better Hand-pumps in the world than they have.

While we lay here, the young Prince that I mentioned in Chapter the 13th, came aboard. He understanding that we were bound farther to the Southward, desired us to transport him and his Men to his own Island. He shewed it to us in our Draft, and told us the Name of it: which we put down in our Draft, for it was not named there: but I quite forgot to put it into my Journal.

This Man told us, that not above 6 days before this, he saw Captain Swan, and several of his Men that we left there, and named the Names of some of them, who, he said, were all well, and that now they were at the City of Mindanao: but that they had been all of them out with Raja Laut, fighting under him in his Wars against his Enemies the Alfoores: and that most of them fought with undaunted Courage; for which they were highly honored and esteemed, as well by the Sultan, as by the General Raja Laut: That now Captain Swan intended to go with his Men to Fort St. George, and that in order thereto, he had proffered 40 ounces of Gold for a Ship; but the Owner and he were not yet agreed: and that he feared that the Sultan would not let go away till the Wars were ended.

All this the Prince told us in the Malayan tongue, which many of us had learnt; and when he went away he promised to return to us again in 3 days time, and so long Captain Reed promised to stay for him (for we had now almost finished our business) and he seem'd very glad of the opportunity of going with us.

[Page] After this I endeavoured to perswade our Men, to return with the Ship to the River of Mandanao, and offer their service again to Captain Swan. I took an opportunity when they were filling of Water, there being then half the Ships Company ashore: and I found these all very willing to do it. I desired them to say nothing, till I had tried the minds of the other half, which I intended to do the next day; it being their turn to fill Water then: but one of these Men, who seemed most forward to invite back Captain Swan, told Captain Read and Captain Teat of the project, and they presently disswaded the Men from any such designs. Yet fearing the worst, they made all possible haste to be gone.

I have since been informed, that Captain Swan and his Men stayed there a great while afterward: and that many of the Men got passage from thence in Dutch Sloops to Ternate, particularly Mr. Rofy, and Mr. Nelly. There they remained a great while, and at last got to Batavia (where the Dutch took their Journals from them) and so to Europe; and that some of Captain Swan's Men died at Mindanao; of which number Mr. Harthope, and Mr. Smith, Captain Swan's Merchants were two. At last Captain Swan and his Surgeon going in a small Canoa aboard of a Dutch Ship then in the Road, in order to get passage to Europe, were overset by the Natives at the Mouth of the River; who waited their coming purposely to do it, but unsuspected by them: where they both were kill'd in the Water. This was done by the General's Order, as some think, to get his Gold, which he did immediately seize on. Others say, it was because the General's House was burnt a little before, and Captain Swan was suspected to be the Author of it; and others say, that it was Captain Swan's Threats occasioned his own Ruine; for he would often say passionately, [Page] that he had been abused by the General, and that he would have satisfaction for it; saying also that now he was well acquainted with their Rivers, and knew how to come in at any time; that he also knew their manner of fighting, and the Weakness of their Country; and therefore he wou'd go away, and get a Band of Men to assist him, and returning thither again, he would spoil and take all that they had, and their Country too. When the General has been informed of these discourses he would say, What, is Captain Swan made of Iron, and able to resist a whole Kingdom? Or does he think that we are afraid of him, that he speaks thus? Yet did he never touch him, till now the Mindanayans kill'd him. It is very probable there might be somewhat of truth in all of this; for the Captain was passionate, and the General greedy of Gold. But whatever was the occasion, so he was kill'd, as several have assured me, and his Gold seiz'd on, and all his things; and his Journal also from England, as far as Cape Corrientes on the Coast of Mexico. This Journal was afterwards sent away from thence by Mr. Moody (who was there both a little before and a little after the Murder) and he sent it to England by Mr. Goddard, Chief Mate of the Defence.

But to our purpose; seeing I could not perswade them to go to Captain Swan again, I had a great desire to have had the Prince's company: but Captain Read was afraid to let his fickle crew lye long. That very day that the Prince had promised to return to us, which was November 2. 1687. we sailed hence, directing our course South West, and having the Wind at N. W.

This Wind continued till we came in sight of the Island Celebes; then it veered about to the W. and to the Southward of the West. We came up with the N. E. end of the Island Celebes the 9th [Page] day, and there we found the current setting to the Westward so strongly, that we could hardly get on the East side of that Island.

The Island Celebes is a very large Island, extended in length from North to South, about 7 degrees of lat. and in breadth it is about 3 degrees. It lies under the Equator, the North end being in lat. 1 d. 30 m. North, and the South end in lat. 5 d. 30 m. South, and by common account the North point in the bulk of this Island, lies nearest North and South, but at the North East end there runs out a long narrow point, stretching N. E. about 30 leagues: and about 30 leagues to the Eastward of this long Slipe, is the Island Gilolo, on the West side of which are 4 small Islands, close by it, which are very well stored with Cloves. The two chiefest are Ternate and Tidore; and as the Isle of Ceylon is reckoned the only place for Cinnamon, and that of Banda for Nutmegs,, so these are thought by some to be the only Clove Islands in the World; but this is a great error, as I have already shewn.

At the South end of the Island Celebes there is a Sea or Gulph, of about 7 or 8 leagues wide, and 40 or 50 long, which runs up the Countrey almost directly to the North; and this Gulph hath several small Islands along the middle of it. On the West side of the Island almost at the South end of it, the Town of Macasser is seated. A Town of great Strength and Trade, belonging to the Dutch.

There are great Inlets and Lakes on the East side of the Island; as also abundance of small Islands, and sholes lying scattered about it. We saw a high peeked Hill at the N. end: but the Land on the East side is low all along; for we cruized almost the length of it. The mold on this side is black and deep, and extraordinary fat and rich, [Page] and full of Trees: and there are many Brooks of Water run out into the Sea. Indeed all this East side of the Island seems to be but one large Grove of extraordinary great high Trees.

Having with much ado got on this East side, coasting along to the Southward, and yet having but little Wind, and even that little against us, at S. S. W. and sometimes Calm, we were a long time going about the Island.

The 22d day we were in Lat. 1 d. 20 m. South, and being about 3 leagues from the Island standing to the Southward, with a very gentle Land wind, about 2 or 3 a clock in the morning, we heard a clashing in the Water, like Boats rowing: and fearing some sudden attack, we got up all our Arms, and stood ready to defend our selves. As soon as it was day, we saw a great Proe, built like the Mindanayan Proe's, with about 60 men in her; and 6 smaller Proe's. They lay still about a mile to. Windward of us, to view us; and probably design'd to make a prey of us, when they first came out: but they were now afraid to venture on us.

At last we shewed them Dutch Colours, thinking thereby to allure them to come to us; for we could not go to them: but they presently rowed in toward the Island, and went into a large opening; and we saw them no more; nor did we ever see any other Boats, or Men, but only one fishing Canoa, while we were about this Island; neither did we see any House on all the Coast.

About 5 or 6 leagues to the South of this place, there is a great Range of both large and small Islands: and many shoals also that are not laid down in our Drafts; which made it extreamly troublesom for us to get through. But we past between them all and the Island Celebes, and anchored against a sandy Bay in 8 fathom sandy ground, about half a mile from the main Island: being then in lat. 1 d. 50 m. South.

[Page] Here we stayed several days, and sent out our Canoas a striking of Turtle every day; for here is great plenty of them; but they were very shy, as they were generally where-ever we found them in the East India Seas. I know not the reason of it, unless the Natives go very much a striking here: for even in the West Indies they are shy in places that are much disturbed: and yet on New Holland we found them shy, as I shall relate; though the Natives there do not molest them.

On the sholes without us we went and gathered Shell-fish at low water. There were a monstrous sort of Cockles; the Meat of one of them would suffice 7 or 8 Men. It was very good wholsom Meat. We did also beat about in the Woods on the Island, but found no game. One of our Men, who was always troubled with sore Legs, found a certain Vine that supported it self by climbing about other Trees. The leaves reach'd 6 or 7 feet high, but the strings or branches 11 or 12. It had a very green leaf, pretty broad and roundish, and of a thick substance. These leaves pounded small, and boiled with Hogs Lard, make an excellent Salve. Our Men, knowing the vertues of it, stockt themselves here: there was scarce a Man in the Ship but got a pound or two of it; especially such as were troubled with old Ulcers, who found great benefit by it. This Man that discovered these leaves here had his first knowledge of them in the Isthmus of Darien, he having had this Receipt from one of the Indians there: and he had been ashore in divers places since, purposely to seek these leaves, but did never find any but here. Among the many vast Trees hereabouts, there was one exceeded all the rest. This Captain Read caused to be cut down, in order to make a Canoa, having lost our Boats, all but one small one, in the late Storms; so 6 lusty Men, who had been Logwood cutters in [Page] the Bays of Campeachy and Honduras (as Captain Read himself, and many more of us had) and so were very expert at this work, undertook to fell it, taking their turns, 3 always cutting together: and they were one whole day, and half the next, before they got it down. This Tree, though it grew in a Wood, was yet 18 foot in circumference, and 44 foot of clean body, without knot or branch: and even there it had no more than one or two branches, and then ran clean again 10 foot higher; there it spread it self into many great limbs and branches like an Oak, very green and flourishing: yet it was perisht at the heart, which marr'd it for the service intended.

So leaving it, and having no more business here we weighed, and went from hence the next day, it being the 29th day of November. While we lay here we had some Tornadoes, one or two every day, and pretty fresh Land Winds which were at West. The Sea breezes were small and uncertain, sometimes out of the N. E. and so veering about to the East and South East. We had the Wind at North East when we weighed, and we steered off S. S. W. In the afternoon we saw a shole a head of us, and altered our course to the S. S. E. In the evening, at 4 a clock, we were close by another great shole: therefore we tackt, and stood in for the Island Celebes again; for fear of running on some of the sholes in the night. By day a Man might avoid them well enough, for they had all Beacons on them, like Huts built on tall Posts, above high-water mark, probably set up by the Natives of the Island Celebes, or those of some other neighbouring Islands; and I never saw any such elsewhere. In the night we had a violent Tornado out of the S. W. which lasted about an hour.

[Page] The 30th day we had a fresh Land Wind, and steered away South, passing between the 2 Shoals, which we saw the day before. These Shoals lye in lat. 3 d. South, and about 10 leagues from the Island Celebes. Being past them, the Wind died away, and we lay decalmed till the afternoon: Then we had a hard Tornado out of the South West, and towards the evening we saw two or three Spouts, the first I had seen since I came into the East Indies; in the West Indies I had often met with them. A Spout is a small ragged piece, or part of a Cloud, hanging down about a yard, seemingly from the blackest part thereof. Commonly it hangs down sloping from thence, or sometimes appearing with a small bending, or elbow in the middle. I never saw any hang perpendicularly down. It is small at the lower end, seeming no bigger than ones Arm, but 'tis fuller towards the Cloud, from whence it proceeds.

When the surface of the Sea begins to work, you shall see the Water, for about 100 paces in circumference, foam and move gently round till the whirling motion increases: and then it flies upward in a pillar, about 100 paces in compass at the bottom, but lessening gradually upwards to the smallness of the Spout it self, there where it reacheth the lower end of the Spout; through which the rising Sea-water seems to be conveyed into the Clouds. This visibly appears by the Clouds increasing in bulk and blackness. Then you shall presently see the Cloud drive along, although before it seemed to be without any motion; the Spout also keeping the same course with the Cloud, and still sucking up the Water as it goes along, and they make a Wind as they go. Thus it continues for the space of half an hour, more or less, until the sucking is spent, and then breaking off, all the Water which was below [Page] the Spout, or pendulous piece of Cloud, falls down again into the Sea, making a great noise with its fall, and clashing motion in the Sea.

It is very dangerous for a Ship to be under a Spout when it breaks, therefore we always endeavoured to shun it, by keeping at a distance, if possibly we can. But for want of Wind to carry us away, we are often in great fear and danger; for it is usually calm when Spouts are at work, except only just where they are. Therefore men at Sea, when they see a Spout coming, and know not how to avoid it, do sometimes fire shot out of their great Guns into it, to give it air or vent, that so it may break; but I did never hear that it proved to be of any benefit.

And now being on this subject, I think it not amiss to give you an account of an accident that happened to a Ship once on the Coast of Guinea, some time in or about the year 1674. One Captain Records of London, bound for the Coast of Guinea, in a Ship of 300 Tuns, and 16 Guns, called the Blessing; when he came into the lat. 7 or 8 degrees North, he saw several Spouts, one of which came directly towards the Ship, and he having no Wind to get out of the way of the Spout, made ready to receive it by furling his sails. It came on very swift, and broke, a little before it reached the Ship; making a great noise, and raising the Sea round it, as if a great house, or some such thing, had been cast into the Sea. The fury of the Wind still lasted, and took the Ship on the Starboard bow with such violence, that it snapt off the Boltsprit and Fore-mast both at once, and blew the Ship all along, ready to over-set it, but the Ship did presently right again, and the Wind whirling round, took the Ship a second time with the like fury as before, but on the contrary side, and was again like to overset her the other way. [Page] The Mizen-mast felt the fury of this second blast, and was snapt short off, as the Fore-mast and Boltsprit had been before. The Main-mast, and Maintop-mast received no damage, for the fury of the Wind, (which was presently over) did not reach them. Three men were in the Fore-top when the Fore-mast broke, and one on the Boltsprit, and fell with them into the Sea, but all of them were saved. I had this relation from Mr. John Canby, who was then Quarter-master and Steward of her; one Ahraham Wise, was chief Mate, and Leonard Jefferies second Mate.

We are usually very much afraid of them: yet this was the only damage that ever I heard done by them. They seem terrible enough; the rather because they come upon you while you lie becalm'd, like a Log in the Sea, and cannot get out of their way: but though I have seen, and been beset by them often, yet the fright was always the greatest of the harm.

December the 1st, we had a gentle gale at E. S. E. we steered South; and at noon I was by Observation in lat. 3 d. 34 m. South. Then we saw the Island Bouton, bearing South West, and about 10 leagues distant. We had very uncertain and unconstant Winds: The Tornadoes came out of the S. W. which was against us; and what other Winds we had were so saint, that they did us little kinndess; but we took the advantage of the smallest gale, and got a little way every day. The 4th day at noon I was by Observation in Lat. 4 d. 30 m. South.

The 5th day we got close by the N. W. end of the Island Bouton, and in the evening, it being fair weather, we hoised out our Canoa, and sent the Moskito men, of whom we had 2 or 3, to strike Turtle, for here are plenty of them: but they being shy, we chose to strike them in the night (which [Page] is customary in the West Indies also) For every time they come up to breathe, which is once in 8 or 10 minutes, they blow so hard, that one may hear them at 30 or 40 yards distance; by which means the Striker knows where they are, and may more easily approach them than in the day: for the Turtle sees bettter than he hears: but, on the contrary, the Manatee's hearing is quickest.

In the morning they returned with a very large Turtle, which they took near the shore; and withal an Indian of the Island came aboard with them. He spake the Malayan Language; by which we did understand him. He told us, that 2 leagues farther to the Southward of us, there was a good Harbour, in which we might Anchor: So having a fair Wind, we got thither by noon.

This Harbour is in Lat. 4 d. 54 m. South: lying on the East side of the Island Bouton. Which Island lyes near the S. E. end of the Island Celebes, distant from it about 3 or 4 leagues. It is of a long form, stretching S. W. and N. E. about 25 leagues long, and 10 broad. It is pretty high Land, and appears pretty even, and flat, and very woody.

There is a large Town within a league of the anchoring place, called Callasusung, being the chief, if there were more; which we knew not. It is about a mile from the Sea, on the top of a small Hill, in a very fair Plain, incompassed with Coconut Trees. Without the Trees there is a strong Stone Wall, clear round the Town. The Houses are built like the Houses at Mindanao; but more neat: and the whole Town was very clean and delightsome.

The Inhabitants are small, and well shaped. They are much like the Mindanaians in shape, colour, and habit; but more neat and tight. They speak the Malayan Language, and are all Mahometans. They are very obedient to the Sultan, who [Page] is a little Man, about 40 or 50 years old, and hath a great many Wives and Children.

About an hour after we came to an anchor, the Sultan sent a Messenger aboard, to know what we were, and what our business. We gave him an account, and he returned ashore, and in a short time after he came aboard again, and told us, that the Sultan was very well pleased when he heard that we were English; and said, that we should have any thing that the Island afforded; and that he himself would come aboard in the morning. Therefore the Ship was made clean, and every thing put in the best order to receive him.

The 6th day in the morning betimes a great many Boats and Canoas came aboard, with Fowls, Eggs, Plantains, Potatoes, &c. but they would dispose of none till they had order for it from the Sultan, at his coming. About 10 a clock the Sultan came aboard in a very neat Proe, built after the Mindanao fashion. There was a large white Silk Flag at the head of the Mast, edged round with a deep red for about 2 or 3 inches broad, and in the middle there was neatly drawn a Green Griffon, trampling on a winged Serpent, that seemed to struggle to get up, and threatned his Adversary with open mouth, and with a long Sting that was ready to be darted into his Legs. Other East Indian Princes have their Devices also.

The Sultan with 3 or 4 of his Nobles, and 3 of his Sons, sate in the House of the Proe. His Guards were 10 Musqueteers, 5 standing on one side of the Proe, and 5 on the other side; and before the door of the Proe-house stood one with a great broad Sword, and a Target, and 2 more such at the after part of the House; and in the head and stern of the Proe stood 4 Musqueteers more, 2 at each end.

[Page] The Sultan had a Silk Turbat, laced with narrow Gold Lace by the sides, and broad Lace at the end: which hung down on one side the head, after the Mindanayan fashion. He had a sky-coloured Silk pair of Breeches, and a piece of red Silk thrown cross his shoulders, and hanging lose about him; the greatest part of his back and waste appearing naked. He had neither Stocking nor Shoe. One of his Sons was about 15 or 16 year old; the other two were young things: and they were always in the arms of one or other of his Attendants.

Captain Read met him at the side, and led him into his small Cabbin, and fired 5 Guns for his welcome. Assoon as he came aboard he gave leave to his Subjects to traffick with us: and then our People bought what they had a mind to. The Sultan seemed very well pleased to be visited by the English; and said, he had coveted to have a sight of Englishmen, having heard extraordinary characters of their just and honorable dealings: but he exclaimed against the Dutch (as all the Mindanayans, and all the Indians we met with do) and wisht them at a greater distance.

For Macasser is not very far from hence, one of the chiefest Towns that the Dutch have in those parts. From thence the Dutch come sometimes hither to purchase Slaves. The Slaves that these People get here and sell to the Dutch, are some of the idolatrous Natives of the Island, who not being under the Sultan, and having no head, live straggling in the Country, flying from one place to another to preserve themselves from this Prince and his Subjects, who hunt after them to make them Slaves. For the civilized Indians of the maritime places, who trade with Foreigners, if they cannot reduce the inland people to the Obedience of their Prince, they catch all they can of them and sell them for Slaves; accounting them to be but [Page] as Savages, just as the Spaniards do the poor Americans.

After two or three hours discourse the Sultan went ashore again, and 5 Guns were fired at his departure also. The next day he sent for Captain Read to come ashore, and he, with 7 or 8 Men, went to wait on the Sultan. I could not slip an opportunity of seeing the place; and so accompanied them. We were met at the landing place by two of the chief Men, and guided to a pretty neat House, where the Sultan waited our coming. The House stood at the farther end of all the Town before mention'd, which we past through; and abundance of people were gazing on us as we past by. When we came near the House, there were 40 poor naked Soldiers with Musquets made a Lane for us to pass through. This House was not built on Posts, as the rest were, after the Mindanayan way; but the room in which we were entertained was on the ground, covered with Mats to sit on. Our Entertainment was Tobacco and Betelnut, and young Coco-nuts; and the House was beset with Men, Women and Children, who thronged to get near the VVindows to look on us.

We did not tarry above an hour before we took our leaves and departed. This Town stands in a sandy Soil: but what the rest of the Island is I know not, for none of us were ashore but at this place.

The next day the Sultan came aboard again, and presented Captain Read with a little Boy, but he was too small to be serviceable on board; and so Captain Read returned thanks, and told him he was too little for him. Then the Sultan sent for a bigger Boy, which the Captain accepted. This Boy was a very pretty tractable Boy; but what was wonderful in him, he had two rows of Teeth, [Page] one within another, on each Jaw. None of the other people were so, nor did I ever see the like. The Captain was presented also with two He-goats and was promised some Buffaloe, but I do believe that they have but few of either on the Island. We did not see any Buffaloe nor many Goats, neither have they much Rice, but their chiefest food is Roots. We bought here about a thousand pound weight of Potatoes. Here our men bought also abundance of Crockadores, and fine large Parakites, curiously coloured, and some of the finest I ever saw.

The Crockadore is as big as a Parrot, and shaped much like it, with such a Bill; but is as white as Milk, and hath a bunch of feathers on his head like a Crown. At this place we bought a Proe also of the Mindanaian make, for our own use, which our Carpenters afterwards altered, and made a delicate Boat fit for any service. She was sharp at both ends, but we saw'd off one, and made that end flat, fastening a Rudder to it, and she rowed and sailed incomparably.

We stayed here but till the 12th day, because it was a bad Harbour and foul ground, and a bad time of the year too, for the Tornadoes began to come in thick, and strong. When we went to weigh our Anchor, it was hooked in a Rock, and we broke our Cable, and could not get our Anchor, though we strove hard for it; so we went away and left it there. We had the Wind at N. N. E. and we steered towards the S. E. and fell in with 4 or 5 small Islands, that lye in 5 d. 40 m. South lat. and about 5 or 6 leagues from Callasusung Harbour. These Islands appeared very green with Coco-nut Trees, and we saw two or three Towns on them, and heard a Drum all night; for we were got in among shoals, and could not get out again till the next day. We know not whether the Drum were for fear of us, [Page] or that they were making merry, as 'tis usual in these parts to do all the night, singing and dancing till morning.

We found a pretty strong Tide here, the flood setting to the Southward, and the ebb to the Northward. These shoals, and many other that are not laid down in our Drafts, lye on the South West side of the Islands where we heard the Drum, about a league from them. At last we past between the Islands, and tried for a passage on the East side. We met with divers shoals on this side also, but found Channels to pass through; so we steered away for the Island Timor, intending to pass out by it. We had the Winds commonly at W. S. W. and S. W. hard gales, and rainy weather.

The 16th day, we got clear of the shoals, and steered S. by E. with the Wind at W. S. W. but veering every half hour, sometimes at S. W. and then again at W. and sometimes at N. N. VV. bringing much Rain, with Thunder and Lightening.

The 20th day we passed by the Island Omba, which is a pretty high Island, lying in lat. 8 d. 20 m. and not above 5 or 6 leagues from the N. E. part of the Island Timor. It is about 13 or 14 leagues long, and five or six leagues wide.

About 7 or 8 leagues to the VVest of Omba, is another pretty large Island, but it had no name in our plats; yet by the situation it should be that, which in some Maps is called Pentare. We saw on it abundance of smoaks by day, and fires by night, and a large Town on the North side of it, nor far from the Sea; but it was such bad weather that we did not go ashore. Between Omba and Pentare, and in the mid Channel, there is a small low sandy Island, with great shoals on either side; but there is a very good Channel close by Pentare, between that and the shoals about the small Isle. We were three days beating off and on, not [Page] having a wind, for it was at South South West.

The 23d day in the evening, having a small gale at North, we got through, keeping close by Pentare. The Tide of ebb here set out to the Southward, by which we were helped through, for we had but little wind. But this Tide, which did us a kindness in setting us through, had like to have ruined us afterwards, for there are two small Islands lying at the South end of the Channel we came through, and towards these Islands the Tide hurried us so swiftly, that we very narrowly escaped being driven ashore; for the little wind we had before at North dying away, we had not one breath of wind when we came there, neither was there an anchor ground. But we got out our Oars and rowed, yet all in vain: for the Tide set wholly on one of the small Islands, that we were forced with might and main strength to bear off the Ship, by thrusting with our Oars against the shore, which was a steep bank, and by this means we presently drove away, clear of Danger; and having a little wind in the night at North, we steered away S. S. W. In the morning again we had the wind at W. S. W. and steered S. and the wind coming to the W. N. W. we steered S. W. to get clear of the S. W. end of the Island Timor. The 26th day we saw the N. W. point of Timor, S. E. by E. distant about 8 leagues.

Timor is a long high mountainous Island, stretching N. E. and S. VV. It is about 70 leagues long, and 15 or 16 wide: the middle of the Island is in Lat. about 9 d. South. I have been informed that the Portuguese do trade to this Island: but I know nothing of its produce besides Coire, for making Cables; of which there is mention Chap. X.

The 27th day we saw two small Islands which lye near the S. W. end of Timor: They bear from us S. E. We had very hard gales of wind, and [Page] still with a great deal of Rain: the wind at W. and W. S. W.

Being now clear of all the Islands, we stood off South, intending to touch at New Holland, a part of Terra Australis Incognita, to see what that Country would afford us. Indeed, as the Winds were, we could not now keep our intended course (which was first Westerly, and then Northerly) without going to New Holland, unless we had gone back again among the Islands: but this was not a good time of the year to be among any Islands to the South of the Equator, unless in a good Harbour.

The 31st day we were in lat. 13 d. 20 m. still standing to the Southward, the wind bearing commonly very hard at W. and we keeping upon it under 2 courses, and our Mizen, and sometimes a Main-top-sail rift. About 10 a clock at night we tackt and stood to the Northward, for fear of running on a shoal, which is laid down in our Drafts in lat. 13 d. 50 m. or thereabouts: it bearing S. by W. from the East end of Timor: and so the Island bore from us, by our judgments and reckoning. At 3 a clock we tackt again, and stood S. by W. and S. S. W.

In the morning, assoon as it was day, we saw the shoal right ahead: it lies in 13 d. 50 m. by all our reckonings. It is a small spit of hand, just appearing above the waters edge, with several Rocks about it, 8 or 10 foot high above water. It lies in a triangular form; each side being about a league and half. We stemm'd right with the middle of it, and stood within half a mile of the Rocks, and sounded; but found no ground. Then we went about and stood to the North 2 hours; and then tackt and stood to the Southward again, thinking to weather it: but could not. So we bore away on the North side, till we came to the East point, giving the Rocks a small birth: then we trimb'd [Page] sharp, and stood to the Southward, passing close by it, and sounded again; but found no ground.

This shoal is laid down in our Drafts not above 16 or 20 leagues from New Holland; but we did run afterwards 60 leagues due South before we fell in with it: and I am very confident, that no part of New Holland hereabouts lyes so far Northerly by 40 leagues, as it is laid down in our Drafts. For if New Holland were laid down true, we must of necessity have been driven near 40 leagues to the Westward of our course: but this is very improbable, that the Current should set so strong to the Westward, seeing we had such a constant Westerly Wind. I grant that when the Monsoon shifts first, the Current does not presently shift, but runs afterwards near a month: but the Monsoon had been shifted at least two months now. But of the Monsoons and other Winds, and of the Currents, elsewhere, in their proper place. As to these here, I do rather believe that the Land is not laid down true, than that the Current deceived us; for it was more probable we should have been deceived before we met with the shoal, than afterward: for on the Coast of New Holland we found the Tides keeping their constant course; the Flood running N. by E. and the Ebb S. by W.

The 4th day of January 1688, we fell in with the Land of New Holland in the Lat. of 16 d. 50 m. having, as I said before, made our course due South from the shoal that we past by the 31st day of December. We ran in close by it, and finding no convenient anchoring, because it lies open to the N. W. we ran along shore to the Eastward, steering N. E. by E. for so the Land lies. We steered thus about 12 leagues; and then came to a point of Land, from whence the Land trends East and Southerly, for 10 or 12 leagues: but how afterwards I know not. About 3 leagues to the Eastward of [Page] this point, there is a pretty deep Bay, with abundance of Islands in it, and a very good place to anchor in, or to hale ashore. About a league to the Eastward of that point we anchored January the 5th, 1688. 2 mile from the shore, in 29 fathom, good hard sand, and clean ground.

New Holland is a very large tract of Land. It is not yet determined whether it is an Island or a main Continent; but I am certain that it joyns neither to Asia, Africa, nor America. This part of it that we saw is all low even Land, with sandy Banks against the Sea, only the points are rocky, and so are some of the Islands in this Bay.

The Land is of a dry sandy soil, destitute of Water, except you make Wells: yet producing divers sorts of Trees: but the Woods are not thick, nor the Trees very big. Most of the Trees that we saw are Dragon-trees as we supposed; and these too are the largest Trees of any there. They are about the bigness of our large Apple Trees, and about the same heighth: and the rind is blackish, and somewhat rough. The leaves are of a dark colour; the Gum distils out of the knots or cracks that are in the bodies of the Trees. We compared it with some Gum Dragon, or Dragons Blood, that was aboard; and it was of the same colour and taste. The other sorts of Trees were not known by any of us. There was pretty long grass growing under the Trees; but it was very thin. We saw no Trees that bore Fruit or Berries.

We saw no sort of Animal, nor any track of Beast, but once; and that seemed to be the tread of a Beast as big as a great Mastiff Dog. Here are a few small Land-birds, but none bigger than a Blackbird: and but few Sea-fowls. Neither is the Sea very plentifully stored with Fish, unless you reckon the Manatee and Turtle as such. Of these creatures there is plenty; but they are extraordinary [Page] shy; though the Inhabitants cannot trouble them much, having neither Boats nor Iron.

The Inhabitants of this Country are the miserablest People in the world. The Hodmadods of Monomatapa, though a nasty People, yet for Wealth are Gentlemen to these; who have no Houses and Skin Garments, Sheep, Poultry, and Fruits of the Earth, Ostrich Eggs, &c. as the Hodmadods have: and setting aside their humane shape, they differ but little from Brutes. They are tall, strait bodied, and thin, with small long Limbs. They have great Heads, round Foreheads, and great Brows. Their Eye-lids are always half closed, to keep the Flies out of their Eyes: they being so troublesome here, that no fanning will keep them from coming to ones Face; and without the assistance of both hands to keep them off, they will creep into ones Nostrils; and Mouth too, if the Lips are not shut very close. So that from their Infancy being thus annoyed with these Insects, they do never open their Eyes, as other People: and therefore they cannot see far; unless they hold up their Heads, as if they were looking at somewhat over them.

They have great Bottle noses, pretty full lips, and wide mouths. The two fore teeth of their upper Jaw are wanting in all of them, men and women, old and young: whether they draw them out, I know not: Neither have they any Beards. They are long visaged, and of a very unpleasing aspect; having no one graceful feature in their faces. Their Hair is black, short and curl'd, like that of the Negroes: and not long and lank like the common Indians. The colour of their skins, both of their faces and the rest of their body, is coal black, like that of the Negroes of Guinea.

They have no sort of Cloaths; but a piece of the rind of a Tree ty'd like a Girdle about their wastes, and a handful of long Grass, or 3 or 4 [Page] small green Boughs, full of Leaves, thrust under their Girdle, to cover their nakedness.

They have no Houses, but lye in the open Air, without any covering; the Earth being their Bed, and the Heaven their Canopy. Whether they cohabit one Man to one Woman, or promiscuously, I know not: but they do live in Companies, 20 or 30 Men, Women, and Children together. Their only food is a small sort of Fish, which they get by making Wares of stone, across little Coves, or branches of the Sea: every Tide bringing in the small Fish, and there leaving them for a prey to these people, who constantly attend there, to search for them at low water. This small Fry I take to be the top of their Fishery: they have no Instruments to catch great Fish, should they come; and such seldom stay to be left behind at low water: nor could we catch any Fish with our Hooks and Lines all the while we lay there. In other places at low water they seek for Cockles, Muscles, and Periwincles: Of these Shell-fish there are fewer still; so that their chiefest dependance is upon what the Sea leaves in their Wares; which, be it much or little, they gather up, and march to the places of their abode. There the old People, that are not able to stir abroad, by reason of their Age, and the tender Infants, wait their rerurn; and what Providence has bestowed on them, they presently broil on the Coals, and eat it in common. Sometimes they get as many Fish as makes them a plentiful Banquet; and at other times they scarce get every one a taste: but be it little or much that they get, every one has his part, as well the young and tender, as the old and feeble, who are not able to go abroad, as the strong and lusty. VVhen they have eaten they lye down till the next low water, and then all that are able march out, be it night or day, rain or shine, 'tis all one: they must attend the [Page] Wares, or else they must fast: For the Earth affords them no Food at all. There is neither Herb, Root, Pulse, nor any sort of Grain, for them to eat, that we saw: nor any sort of Bird, or Beast that they can catch, having no Instruments wherewithal to do so.

I did not perceive that they did worship any thing. These poor creatures have a sort of Weapon to defend their Ware, or fight with their Enemies, if they have any that will interfere with their poor Fishery. They did at first endeavour with their Weapons to frighten us, who lying ashore deterr'd them from one of their Fishing-places. Some of them had Wooden Swords, others had a sort of Lances. The Sword is a piece of Wood, shaped somewhat like a Cutlass. The Lance is a long strait pole, sharp at one end, and hardened afterwards by heat. I saw no Iron, nor any other sort of Metal: therefore it is probable they use Stone-Hatchets, as some Indians in America do, described in Chap. IV.

How they get their Fire, I know not: but, probably, as Indians do, out of Wood. I have seen the Indians of Bon-Airy do it, and have my self tryed the experiment: They take a flat piece of Wood, that is pretty soft, and make a small dent in one side of it; then they take another hard round stick, about the bigness of ones little finger, and sharpening it at one end like a Pencil, they put that sharp end in the hole or dent of the flat soft piece; and then rubbing or twirling the hard piece between the palms of their hands, they drill the soft piece till it smoaks, and at last takes fire.

These people speak somewhat through the throat; but we could not understand one word that they said. We anchored, as I said before, January the 5th, and seeing Men walking on the shore, we presently sent a Canoa to get some acquaintance [Page] with them: for we were in hopes to get some Provision among them. But the Inhabitants, seeing our Boat coming, run away and hid themselves. We searched afterwards 3 days, in hopes to find their Houses; but found none: yet we saw many places where they had made Fires. At last, being out of hopes to find their Habitations, we searched no farther: but left a great many toys ashore; in such places where we thought that they would come. In all our search we found no water, but old Wells on the sandy Bays.

At last we went over to the Islands, and there we found a great many of the Natives: I do believe there were 40 on one Island, Men, Women and Children. The Men, at our first coming ashore, threatened us with their Lances and Swords; but they were frighted by firing one Gun, which we fired purposely to scare them. The Island was so small that they could not hide themselves: but they were much disordered at our Landing, especially the Women and Children: for we went directly to their Camp. The lu [...]iest of the Women snatching up their Infants ran away howling, and the little Children run after squeaking and bawling; but the Men stood still. Some of the VVomen, and such People as could not go from us, lay still by a Fire, making a doleful noise as if we had been coming to devour them: but when they saw we did not intend to harm them, they were pretty quiet, and the rest that fled from us at our first coming, returned again. This their place of dwelling was only a Fire, with a few Boughs before it, set up on that side the wind was of.

After we had been here a little while, the Men began to be familiar, and we cloathed some of them, designing to have had some service of them for it: for we found some Wells of Water here, and intended to carry 2 or 3 Barrels of it aboard. [Page] But it being somewhat troublesom to carry to the Canoas, we thought to have made these men to have carried it for us, and therefore we gave them some Cloaths; to one an old pair of Breeches, to another a ragged Shirt, to a third a Jacket that was scarce worth owning; which yet would have been very acceptable at some places where we had been, and so we thought they might have been with these people. We put them on them, thinking that this finery would have brought them to work heartily for us; and our Water being filled in small long Barrels, about 6 Gallons in each, which were made purposely to carry Warer in, we brought these our new Servants to the Wells, and put a Barrel on each of their Shoulders for them to carry to the Canoa. But all the signs we could make were to no purpose, for they stood like Statues, without motion, but grinn'd like so many Monkeys, staring one upon another: For these poor Creatures seem not accustomed to carry burthens; and I believe that one of our Ship-boys of 10 years old, would carry as much as one of them. So we were forced to carry our Water our selves, and they very fairly put the Cloaths off again, and laid them down, as if Cloaths were only to work in. I did not perceive that they had any great liking to them at first, neither did they seem to admire any thing that we had.

At another time our Canoa being among these Islands seeking for game, espy'd a drove of these men swimming from one Island to another; for they have no Boats, Canoas, or Bark-logs. They took up four of them, and brought them aboard; two of them were middle aged, the other two were young men about 18 or 20 year old. To these we gave boiled Rice, and with it Turtle and Manatee boiled. They did greedily devour what we gave them, but took no notice of the Ship, or [Page] any thing in it, and when they were set on Land again, they ran away as fast as they could. At our first coming, before we were acquainted with them, or they with us, a Company of them who liv'd on the Main, came just against our Ship, and standing on a pretty high Bank, threatned us with their Swords and Lances, by shaking them at us; at last the Captain ordered the Drum to be beaten, which was done of a sudden with much vigor, purposely to scare the poor Creatures. They hearing the noise, ran away as fast as they could drive, and when they ran away in haste, they would cry Gurry, Gurry, speaking deep in the Throat. Those Inhabitants also that live on the Main, would always run away from us; yet we took several of them. For, as I have already observed, they had such bad Eyes, that they could not see us till we came close to them. We did always give them victuals, and let them go again, but the Islanders, after our first time of being among them, did not stir for us.

When we had been here about a week, we hal'd our Ship into a small sandy Cove, at a Spring-tide, as far as she would sloat; and at low Water she was left dry, and the sand dry without us near half a mile; for the Sea riseth and falleth here about 5 fathom. The Flood runs North by East, and the Ebb South by West. All the Neep-tides we lay wholly a ground, for the Sea did not come near us by about a hundred yards. We had therefore time enough to clean our Ships bottom, which we did very well. Most of our Men lay ashore in a Tent, where our Sails were mending; and our Strikers brought home Turtle and Manatee every day, which was our constant food.

While we lay here, I did endeavour to perswade our men to go to some English Factory; but was threatened to be turned ashore, and left here for [Page] it This made me desist, and patiently wait for some more convenient place and opportunity to leave them, than here: Which I did hope I should accomplish in a short time: because they did intend, when they went from hence, to bear down towards Cape Comorin. In their way thither they design'd also to visit the Island Cocos, which lyeth in Lat. 12 d. 12 m. North, by our Drafts: hoping there to find of that Fruit; the Island having it name from thence.

[Page]

CHAP. XVII.

Leaving New-Holland they pass by the Island Cocos, and touch at another Woody Island near it. A Land Animal like large Crawfish. Coco-Nuts floating in the Sea. The Island Triste, bearing Coco's, yet over-flown every Spring-tide. They anchor at a small Island near that of Nassaw. Hog Island, and others. A Proe taken, belonging to Achin. Nicobar Island, and the rest called by that Name. Ambergrease, good and bad. The manners of the Inhabitants of these Islands. They anchor at Nicobar Isle. Its Situation, Soil, and pleasant Mixture of its Bays, Trees, &c. The Melory-tree and Fruit, used for bread. The Natives of Nicobar Island, their Form, Habit, Language, Habitations; no form of Religion or Government: Their Food and Canoas. They clean the Ship. The Author projects and gets leave to stay ashore here, and with him two Englishmen more, the Portuguese, and 4 Malayans of Achin. Their first Rencounters with the Natives. Of the common Traditions concerning Cannibals, or Man-Eaters. Their Entertainment ashore. They buy a Canoa, to transport them over to Achin; but overset her at first going cut. Having recruited and improved her, they set out again for the East side of the Island. They [Page]have a War with the Islanders: but Peace being re-established, they lay in stores, and make Preparations for their Voyage.

MArch the 12th, 1688. we sailed from New Holland, with the Wind at N. N. W. and fair weather. We directed our course to the Northward, intending, as I said, to touch at the Island Cocos: but we met with the Winds at N. W., W. N. W., and N N. W. for several days; which obliged us to keep a more Easterly course than was convenient to find that Island. We had soon after our setting out very bad weather, with much Thunder and Lightning, Rain, and high blustring Winds.

It was the 26th day of March before we were in the lat. of the Island Cocos, which is in 12 d. 12 m. and then, by judgment, we were 40 or 50 leagues to the East of it; and the Wind was now at S. W. Therefore we did rather chuse to bear away towards some Islands on the West side of Sumatra, than to beat against the Wind for the Island Cocos. I was very glad of this; being in hopes to make my escape from them to Sumatra, or some other place.

We met nothing of remark in this Voyage, beside the catching two great Sharks, till the 28th day. Then we fell in with a small woody Island, in Lat. 10 d. 30 m. Its Longitude from New Holland, from whence we came, was, by my account, 12 d. 6 m. West. It was deep water about the Island, and therefore no anchoring: but we sent 2 Canoas ashore; one of them with the Carpenters, to cut a Tree to make another Pump; the other Canoa went to search for fresh water, and found a fine small Brook near the S. W. point of the Island; but there the Sea fell in on the ashore so high, that [Page] they could not get it off. At noon both our Canoas returned aboard: and the Carpenters brought aboard a good Tree, which they afterwards made a Pump with, such a one as they made at Mindanao. The other Canoa brought aboard as many Boobies, and Men of War Birds, as sufficed all the Ships Company, when they were boiled. They got also a sort of Land Animal, somewhat resembling a large Craw-fish, without its great Claws. These creatures lived in holes in the dry sandy ground, like Rabbits. Sir Francis Drake in his Voyage round the world makes mention of such that he found at Ternate, or some other of the Spice Islands, or near them. They were very good sweet Meat, and so large that 2 of them were more than a Man could eat; being almost as thick as ones Leg. Their Shells were of a dark brown: but red when boiled.

This Island is of a good heighth, with steep Cliffs against the S. and S. W. and a sandy Bay on the North side: but very deep water steep to the shore. The Mold is blackish, the Soil fat, producing large Trees of divers sorts.

About one a clock in the Afternoon we made sail from this Island, with the wind at S. W. and we steered N. W. Afterwards the winds came about at N. W. and continued between the W. N. W. and the N. N. W. several days. I observed, that the winds blew for the most part out of the West, or N. W. and then we had always rainy weather, with Tornadoes, and much Thunder and Lightning: but when the wind came any way to the Southward, it blew but faint, and brought fair weather.

We met nothing of remark till the 7th day of April, and then, being in Lat. 7 d. S. we saw th [...] Land of Sumatra at a great distance, bearing North. The 8th day we saw the East end of the Island Sumatra [Page] very plainly: we being then in Lat. 6 d. S. The 10th day, being in Lat. 5 d. 11 m. and about 7 or 8 leagues from the Island Sumatra, on the West side of it, we saw abundance of Coco Nuts swimming in the Sea; and we hoysed out our Boat, and took up some of them: as also a small Hatch, or Scuttle rather, belonging to some Bark. The Nuts were very sound, and the Kernel sweet, and in some the Milk or Water in them was yet sweet and good.

The 13th day we came to a small Island called Triste, in Lat. (by observation) 4 d. South: it is about 14 or 15 leagues to the West of the Island Sumatra. From hence to the Northward there are a great many small uninhabited Islands, lying much at the same distance from Sumatra. This Island Triste is not a mile round, and so low, that the Tide flows clear over it. It is of a sandy soil, and full of Coco-nut Trees. The Nuts are but small; yet sweet enough, full, and more ponderous than I ever felt any of that bigness: notwithstanding that every Spring-tide the Salt water goes clear over the Island.

We sent ashore our Canoas for Coco-nuts, and they return'd aboard laden with them three times. Our Strikers also went out and struck some Fish, which was boiled for Supper. They also killed 2 young Aligators, which we salted for the next day.

I had no opportunity at this place to make my Escape as I would have done, and gone over hence to Sumatra, could I have kept a Boat with me. But there was no compassing this: and so the 15th day we went from hence, steering to the Northward on the West side of Sumatra. Our Food now was Rice, and the Meat of the Coco-nuts rasped, and steep'd in water; which made a sort of Milk, into which we did put our Rice, making a pleasant [Page] Mess enough. After we parted from Triste we saw other small Islands, that were also full of Coco-nut Trees.

The 19th day, being in Lat. 3 d. 25 m. S. the S. W. point of the Island Nassau bore N. about 5 mile dist. This is a pretty large uninhabited Island; in Lat. 3 d. 20 m. S. and is full of high Trees. About a mile from the Island Nassau there is a small Island full of Coco-nut Trees. There we anchored the 20th day to replenish our stock of Coco-nut Trees. A [...] riff of Rocks lies almost round this Island, so that our Boats could not go ashore, nor come aboard at low water: yet we got aboard 4 Boat loads of Nuts. This Island is low like Triste, and the anchoring is on the North side: where you have 14 fathom, a mile from shore, clean sand.

The 21st day we went from hence, and kept to the Northward, coasting still on the West side of the Island Sumatra; and having the winds between the W. and S. S. W. with unsettled weather: sometimes Rains and Tornadoes, and sometimes fair weather.

The 25th day we crost the Equator, still coasting to the Northward, between the Island Sumatra, and a range of small Islands, lying 14 or 15 leagues off it. Among all these Islands, Hog Island is the most considerable. It lies in lat. 3 d. 40. m. North. It is pretty high even Land, cloathed with tall flourishing Trees; we past by it the 28th day.

The 29th we saw a sail to the North of us, which we chased: but it being little wind, we did not come up with her till the 30th day. Then, being within a league of her, Captain Read went in a Canoa and took her, and brought her aboard. She was a Proe with 4 men in her, belonging to Achin, whither she was bound. She [Page] came from one of these Coco-nut Islands that we past by, and was laden with Coco-nuts, and Goco-nut Oil. Captain Read ordered his men to take aboard all the Nuts, and as much of the Oyl as he thought convenient, and then cut a hole in the bottom of the Proe, and turned her loose, keeping the men Prisoners.

It was not for the lucre of the Cargo, that Captain Read took this Boat, but to hinder me and some others from going ashore; for he knew that we were ready to make our escapes, if an opportunity presented it self; and he thought, that by his abusing and robbing the Natives, we should be afraid to trust our selves among them. But yet this proceeding of his turned to our great advantage, as shall be declared hereafter.

May the 1st, we ran down by the North West end of the Island Sumatra, within 7 or 8 leagues of the shore. All this West side of Sumatra which we thus coasted along, our Englishmen at Fort St. George, call the West Coast, simply; without adding the name of Sumatra. The Prisoners who were taken the day before, shewed us the Islands that lye off of Achin Harbour, and the Channels through which Ships go in; and told us also that there was an English Factory at Achin. I wisht my self there, but was forced to wait with patience till my time was come.

We were now directing our course towards the Nicobar Islands, intending there to clean the Ship's bottom, in order to make her sail well.

The 4th day in the evening, we had sight of one of the Nicobar Islands. The Southermost of them lies about 40 leagues N. N. W. from rhe N. W. end of the Island Sumatra. This most Southerly of them is Nicobar it self, but all the cluster of Islands lying South of the Audeman Islands are called by our Seamen the Nicobar Islands.

[Page] The Inhabitants of these Islands have no certain converse with any Nation; but as Ships pass by them, they will come aboard in their Proes, and offer their Commodities to sale, never inquiring of what Nation they are; for all white people are alike to them. Their chiefest Commodities are Ambergrease and Fruits.

Ambergrease is often found by the Native Indians of these Islands, who know it very well; as also know how to cheat ignorant Strangers with a certain mixture like it. Several of our men bought such of them for a small purchase. Captain Weldon also about this time touched at some of these Islands, to the North of the Island where we lay: and I saw a great deal of such Ambergrease, that one of his men bought there; but it was not good, having no smell at all. Yet I saw some there very good and fragrant.

At that Island where Captain Weldon was, there were 2 Fryers sent thither to convert the Indians. One of them came away with Captain Weldon; the other remained there still. He that came away with Captain Weldon gave a very good character of the Inhabitants of that Island, viz. that they were very honest, civil, harmless People: that they were not addicted to Quarrelling, Theft, or Murder; that they did marry, or at least live as Man and Wife, one Man with one Woman, never changing till Death made the separation: that they were punctual and honest in performing their Bargains: and that they were inclined to receive the Christian Religion. This Relation I had afterwards from the mouth of a Priest at Tonqueen, who told me that he received this information by a Letter from the Frier that Captain Weldon brought away from thence. But to proceed.

The 5th day of May we ran down on the West side of the Island Nicobar, properly so called, and [Page] anchored at the N. W. end of it, in a small Bay, in 8 fathom water, not half a mile from the shore. The body of this Island is in 7 d. 30 m. North Lat. it is about 12 leagues long, and 3 or 4 broad. The South end of it is pretty high, with steep Cliffs against the Sea: the rest of the Island is low, flat, and even. The mold of it is black, and deep: and it is very well watered with small running streams. It produceth abundance of tall Trees, fit for any uses: for the whole bulk of it seems to be but one entire Grove. But that which adds most to its beauty off at Sea, are the many spots of Coco-nut Trees which grow round it in every small Bay. The Bays are half a mile, or a mile long, more or less; and these Bays are intercepted, or divided from each other, with as many little rocky points of VVoodland.

As the Coco-nut Trees do thus grow in Groves, fronting to the Sea, in the Bays, so there is another sort of Fruit Tree in the Bays bordering on the backside of the Coco Trees, farther from the Sea. It is called by the Natives a Melory Tree. This Tree is as big as our large Apple Trees, and as high. It hath a blackish rind, and a pretty broad leaf. The Fruit is as big as the Bread-fruit at Guam, described in Chapter X. or a large Penny Loaf. It is shaped like a Pear, and hath a pretty tough smooth rind, of a light green colour. The inside of the Fruit is in substance much like an Apple; but full of small strings, as big as a brown thread. I did never see of these Trees any where but here.

The Natives of this Island are tall well-limb'd Men: pretty long visaged, with black Eyes; their Noses middle proportioned, and the whole Symmetry of their Faces agreeing very well. Their Hair is black and lank, and their Skins of a dark copper colour. The Women have no Hair on [Page] their Eye-brows. I do believe it is pluckt up by the roots; for the Men had Hair growing on their Eye-brows, as other People.

The Men go all naked save only a long narrow piece of cloath, or Sash, which going round their Wastes, and thence down between their Thighs, is brought up behind, and tuckt in at that part which goes about the Waste. The Women have a kind of a short Petticoat reaching from their Waste to their Knees.

Their Language was different from any that I had ever heard before; yet they had some few Malayan words, and some of them had a word or two of Portuguese: which probably they might learn aboard of their Ships, passing by this place: for when these Men see a Sail they do presently go aboard of them in their Canoas. I did not perceive any Form of Religion that they had: they had neither Temple, nor Idol, nor any manner of outward veneration to any Deity, that I did see.

They inhabit all round the Island by the Sea side, in the Bays; there being 4 or 5 Houses, more or less, in each Bay. Their Houses are built on Posts, as the Mindanaians are. They are small, low, and of a square form. There is but one Room in each House, and this Room is about 8 foot from the ground: and from thence the roof is raised about 8 foot higher. But instead of a sharp ridge, the top is exceeding neatly arched with small Rafters about the bigness of a Mans Arm, bent round like a Half-Moon, and very curiously thatched with Palmeto-leaves.

They live under no Government that I could perceive; for they seem to be equal, without any distinction; every Man ruling in his own House. Their Plantations are only those Coco-nut Trees which grow by the Sea side; there being no cleared Land farther in on the Island: for I observ'd that [Page] when past the Fruit Trees, there were no paths to be seen going into the Woods. The greatest use which they make of their Coco-Trees is to draw Toddy from them, of which they are very fond.

The Melory Trees seem to grow wild: they have great Earthen Pots to boil the Melory Fruit in, which will hold 12 or 14 Gallons. These Pots they fill with the Fruit; and putting in a little water, they cover the mouth of the Pot with leaves, to keep in the steam, while it boils. When the Fruit is soft they peel off the rind, and scrape the pulp from the strings with a flat stick made like a Knife; and then make it up in great lumps, as big as a Holland Cheese; and then it will keep 6 or 7 days. It looks yellow, and tastes well, and is their chiefest food: for they have no Yams, Potatoes, Rice, nor Plantains (except a very few;) yet they have a few small Hogs, and a very few Cocks and Hens like ours. The Men imploy themselves in Fishing; but I did not see much Fish that they got: every House hath at least 2 or 3 Canoas belonging to it, which they draw up ashore.

The Canoas that they go a fishing in are sharp at both ends: and both the sides and the bottom are very thin and smooth. They are shaped somewhat like the Proes at Guam, with one side flattish, and the other with a pretty big belly: and they have small slight Outlagers on one side. Being thus thin and light they are better managed with Oars than with Sails: yet they sail well enought, and are steer'd with a Paddle. There commonly go 20 or 30 Men in one of these Canoas; and seldom fewer than 9 or 10. Their Oars are short; and they do not paddle, but row with them, as we do. The Benches they sit on when they row are made of split Bambo's, laid across, and so near together, that they look like a Deck. The Bambos lie moveable: so that when any go in to row [Page] they take up a Bambo in the place where they would sit; and lay it by to make room for their Legs. The Canoas of those of the rest of these Islands were like those of Nicobar: and probably they were alike in other things; for we saw no difference at all in the Natives of them, who came hither while we were here.

But to proceed with our affairs: it was, as I said before, the 5th day of May, about 10 in the morning, when we anchored at this Island: Captain Read immediately ordered his Men to heel the Ship in order to clean her: which was done this day and the next. All the Water Vessels were fill'd, they intending to go to Sea at night: for the winds being yet at N. N. E. the Captain was in hopes to get over to Cape Comorin before the wind shifted. Otherwise it would have been somewhat difficult for him to get thither; because the Westerly Monsoon was now at hand.

I thought now was my time to make my Escape, by getting leave, if possible, to stay here: for it seem'd not very feazable to do it by stealth; and I had no reason to despair of getting leave: this being a place where my stay could, probably, do our Crew no harm, should I design it. Indeed one reason that put me on the thoughts of staying at this particular place, besides the present opportunity of leaving Captain Read, which I did always intend to do, assoon as I could, was, that I had here also a prospect of advancing a profitable Trade for Ambergrease with these People, and of gaining a considerable fortune to my self: For in a short time I might have learned their Language, and by accustoming my self to row with them in the Proes or Canoas, especially by conforming my self to their Customs and Manners of living, I should have seen how they got their Ambergrease, and have known what quantities they get, and [Page] the time of the year when most is found. And then afterwards I thought it would be easie for me to have transported my self from thence, either in some Ship that past this way, whether English, Dutch, or Portuguese; or else to have gotten one of the young Men of the Island, to have gone with me in one of their Canoas to Achin; and there to have furnished my self with such Commodities, as I found most coveted by them; and therewith, at my return, to have bought their Ambergrease.

I had, till this time, made no open show of going ashore here: but now, the water being fill'd, and the Ship in a readiness to sail, I desired Captain Read to set me ashore on this Island. He, supposing that I could not go ashore in a place less frequented by Ships than this, gave me leave: which probably he would have refused to have done, if he thought I should have gotten from hence in any short time; for fear of my giving an account of him to the English or Dutch. I soon got up my Chest and Bedding, and immediately got some to row me ashore; for fear lest his mind should change again.

The Canoa that brought me ashore, landed me on a small sandy Bay, where there were two Houses, but no person in them. For the Inhabitants were removed to some other House, probably, for fear of us; because the Ship was close by: and yet both Men and Women came aboard the Ship without any sign of fear. When our Ships Canoa was going aboard again, they met the Owner of the Houses coming ashore in his Boat. He made a great many signs to them to fetch me off again: but they would not understand him. Then he came to me, and offered his Boat to carry me off: but I refused it. Then he made signs for me to go up into the House, and, according as I did understand him by his signs, and a few Malayan words [Page] that he used, he intimated that somewhat would come out of the Woods in the night, when I was asleep, and kill me, meaning probably some Wild Beast. Then I carried my Chest and Cloaths up into the house.

I had not been ashore an hour before Captain Teat and one John Damarell, with 3 or 4 armed men more came to fetch me aboard again. They need not have sent an armed Posse for me; for had they but sent the Cabbin-boy ashore for me, I would not have denied going aboard. For though I could have hid my self in the Woods, yet then they would have abused, or have kill'd some of the Natives, purposely to incense them against me. I told them therefore, that I was ready to go with them, and went aboard with all my things.

When I came aboard I found the Ship in an uproar: for there were 3 men more, who taking courage by my example, desired leave also to accompany me. One of them was the Surgeon Mr. Coppenger, the other were Mr. Robert Hall and one named Ambrose; I have forgot his Sir-name. These men had always harboured the same designs as I had. The two last were not much opposed; but Captain Read and his Crew would not part with the Surgeon. At last the Surgeon leapt into the Canoa, and taking up my Gun, swore he would go ashore, and that if any man did oppose it, he would shoot him: but John Oliver, who was then Quarter-master, leapt into the Canoa, taking hold of him, took away the Gun, and with the help of 2 or 3 more, they dragg'd him again into the Ship.

Then Mr. Hall and Ambrose and I were again sent ashore; and one of the men that rowed us ashore stole an Ax, and gave it to us, knowing it was a good Commodity with the Indians. It was now dark, therefore we lighted a Candle, and I [Page] being the oldest stander in our new Country, conducted them into one of the Houses, where we did presently hang up our Hammocks. We had scarce done this before the Canoa came ashore again, and brought the 4 Malaya men belonging to Achin, (which we took in the Proe we took off of Sumatra) and the Portuguese that came to our Ship out of the Siam Jonk at Pulo Condore: the Crew having no occasion for these, being leaving the Malayan parts, where the Portuguese Spark served as an Interpreter; and not fearing now that the Achinese could be serviceable to us in bringing us over to their Country, 40 leagues off: nor imagining that we durst make such an attempt: as indeed it was a bold one. Now we were Men enough to defend our selves against the Natives of this Island, if they should prove our Enemies: though if none of these Men had come ashore to me, I should not have feared any danger. Nay, perhaps less, because I should have been cautious of giving any offence to the Natives: and I am of the opinion, that there are no People in the world so barbarous, as to kill a single person that falls accidentally into their hands, or comes to live among them; except they have before been injured, by some outrage, or violence committed against them. Yet even then, or afterwards, if a Man could but preserve his Life from their first rage, and come to treat with them (which is the hardest thing, because their way is usually to abscond, and rushing suddenly upon their Enemy to kill him at unawares) one might, by some slight, insinuate ones self into their favours again. Especially by shewing some toy, or knack, that they did never see before: which any European, that has seen the world, might soon contrive to amuse them withal: as might be done, generally, even with a little Fire struck with a Flint and Steel.

[Page] As for the common opinion of Authropophagi, or Man-eaters, I did never meet with any such people: All Nations or Families in the World, that I have seen or heard of, having some sort of food to live on, either Fruit, Grain, Pulse, or Roots; which grow naturally, or else planted by them; if not Fish, and Land-Animals besides; (yea, even the people of New-Holland, had Fish amidst all their penury) would scarce kill a man purposely to eat him. I know not what barbarous Customs may formerly have been in the world: and to sacrifice their Enemies to their Gods, is a thing hath been much talkt of with relation to the Savages of America. I am a stranger to that also, if it be, or have been customary in any Nation there; and yet, if they sacrifice their Enemies it is not necessary they should eat them too. After all, I will not be peremptory in the Negative, but I speak as to the compass of my own knowledge, and know some of these Cannibal stories to be false, and many of them have been disproved since I first went to the West Indies. At that time how barbarous were the poor Florida Indians accounted, which now we find to be civil enough? What strange stories have we heard of the Indians, whose Islands where called the Isles of Cannibals? Yet we find that they do Trade very civilly with the French and Spaniards; and have done so with us. I do own that they have formerly endeavoured to destroy our Plantations at Barbadoes, and have since hindred us from settling the Island Santa Lucia, by destroying 2 or 3 Colonies successively of those that were settled there; and even the Island Tabago has been often annoyed and ravaged by them, when settled by the Dutch, and still lies waste (though a delicate fruitful Island) as being too near the Caribbees on the Continent, who visit it every year. But this was to preserve their own right, by [Page] endeavouring to keep out any that would settle themselves on those Islands, where they had planted themselves; yet, even these people would not hurt a single person, as I have been told by some that have been Prisoners among them. I could instance also in the Indians of Bocca Toro, and Bocca Drago, and many other places where they do live, as the Spaniards call it, wild and salvage; yet there they have been familiar with Privateers, but by abuses have withdrawn their friendship again. As for these Nicobar people, I found them affable enough, and therefore I did not fear them; but I did not much care whether I had gotten any more Company or no.

But however, I was very well satisfied, and the rather because we were now men enough to row our selves over to the Island Sumatra; and accordingly we presently consulted how to purchase a Canoa of the Natives.

It was a fine clear Moon-light Night, in which we were left ashore. Therefore we walked on the sandy Bay, to watch when the Ship would weigh and be gone, not thinking our selves secure in our new gotten liberty till then. About 11 or 12 a clock we saw her under sail, and then we returned to our Chamber, and so to sleep. This was the 6th of May.

The next morning betimes, our Landlord, with 4 or 5 of his friends, came to see his new guests, and was somewhat surprized to see so many of us, for he knew of no more but my self. Yet he seemed to be very well pleased, and entertained us with a large Calabash of Toddy, which he brought with him. Before he went away again, (for wheresoever we came they left their Houses to us, but whether out of fear or superstition I know not.) we bought a Canoa of him for an Ax, and we did presently put our Chests and Cloaths [Page] in it, designing to go to the South end of the Island, and lye there till the Monsoon shifted, which we expected every day.

When our things were stowed away, we with the Achinese entered with joy into our new Frigot, and launched off from the shore. We were no sooner off, but our Canoa overset, bottom upwards. We preserved our lives well enough by swimming, and dragg'd also our Chests and Cloaths ashore; but all our things were wet. I had nothing of value but my Journal and some Drafts of Land, of my own taking, which I much prized, and which I had hitherto carefully preserved. Mr. Hall had also such another Cargo of Books and Drafts, which were now like to perish. But we presently opened our Chests and took out our Books, which, with much ado, we did afterwards dry; but some of our Drafts that lay loose in our Chests were spoiled.

We lay here afterwards 3 days, making great fires to dry our Books. The Achinese in the mean time fixt our Canoa, with Outlagers on each side; and they also cut a good Mast for her, and made a substantial sail with Mats.

The Canoa being now very well fixt, and our Books and Cloaths dry, we launched out the second time, and rowed towards the East side of the Island, leaving many Islands to the North of us. The Indians of the Island accompanied us with 8 or 10 Canoas against our desire; for we thought that these men would make Provision dearer at that side of the Island we were going to, by giving an account what rates we gave for it at the place from whence we came, which was owing to the Ships being there; for the Ships crew were not so thrifty in bargaining (as they seldom are) as single persons, or a few men might be apt to be, who would keep to one bargain. Therefore to [Page] hinder them from going with us, Mr. Hall scared one Canoas crew, by firing a shot over them. They all leapt over board, and cried out, but seeing us row away, they got into their Canoa again, and came after us.

The firing of that Gun made all the Inhabitants of the Island to be our Enemies. For presently after this we put ashore, at a Bay where were four Houses, and a great many Canoas: but they all went away, and came near us no more, for several days. We had then a great Loaf of Melory, which was our constant food; and if we had a mind to Coco-nuts, or Toddy, our Malayans of Achin would climb the Trees, and fetch as many Nuts as we would have, and a good pot of Toddy every morning. Thus we lived till our Melory was almost spent; being still in hopes that the Natives would come to us, and sell it as they had formerly done. But they came not to us; nay, they opposed us where ever we came, and often shaking their Lances at us, made all the shew of hatred that they could invent.

At last, when we saw that they stood in opposition to us, we resolved to use force to get some of their food, if we could not get it other ways. With this resolution, we went in our Canoa to a small Bay, on the North part of the Island; because it was smooth water there and good landing, but on the other side, the wind being yet on that quarter, we could not land without jeopardy of oversetting our Canoa, and wetting our Arms, and then we must have lain at the mercy of our Enemies, who stood 2 or 300 men in every Bay, where they saw us coming, to keep us off.

When we set out, we rowed directly to the North end, and presently were followed by 7 or 8 of their Canoas. They keeping at a distance, rowed away faster than we did, and got to the [Page] Bay before us: and there, with about 20 more Canoas, full of Men, they all landed, and stood to hinder us from landing. But we rowed in, within a hundred yards of them: Then we lay still, and I took my Gun, and presented at them: at which they all fell down flat on the ground. But I turn'd my self about, and to shew that we did not intend to harm them, I fired my Gun off to Sea; so that they might see the Shot graze on the water. Assoon as my Gun was loaden again, we rowed gently in: at which some of them withdrew. The rest standing up, did still cut and hew the Air, making signs of their hatred: till I once more frighted them with my Gun, and discharg'd it as before. Then more of them sneak'd away, leaving only 5 or 6 Men on the Bay. Then we rowed in again, and Mr. Hall, taking his Sword in his hand, leapt ashore; and I stood ready with my Gun to fire at the Indians, if they had injured him: but they did not stir, till he came to them, and saluted them.

He shook them by the hand, and by such signs of friendship as he made, the Peace was concluded, ratified and confirmed, by all that were present: and others that were gone, were again call'd back, and they all very joyfully accepted of a Peace. This became universal over all the Island, to the great joy of the Inhabitants. There was no ringing of Bells, nor Bonfires made, for that is not the custom here; but gladness appeared in their Countenances, for now they could go out and fish again, without fear of being taken. This peace was not more welcom to them than to us; for now the Inhabitants brought their Melory again to us; which we bought for old Rags, and small stripes of Cloath, about as broad as the palm of ones hand. I did not see above 5 or 6 Hens, for they have but few on the Island. At some places we saw some small Hogs, which we could have [Page] bought of them reasonably; but we would not offend our Achinese Friends, who were Mahometans.

We stayed here 2 or 3 days, and then rowed toward the South end of the Island, keeping on the East side, and we were kindly received by the Natives, where ever we came. When we arrived at the South end of the Island, we fitted our selves with Melory, and Water. We bought 3 or 4 Loaves of Melory, and about 12 large Coco-nut shells, that had all the Kernel taken out, yet were preserved whole except only a small hole at one end; and all these held for us about 3 gallons and a half of Water. We bought also 2 or 3 Bambo's, that held about 4 or 5 gallons more: This was our Sea store.

We now designed to go to Achin, a Town on the N. W. end of the Island Sumatra, distant from hence about 40 leagues, bearing South South East. We only waited for the western Monsoon, which we had expected a great while, and now it seemed to be at hand; for the Clouds began to hang their heads to the Eastward, and at last moved gently that way; and though the Wind was still at East, yet this was an infallible sign that the western Monsoon was nigh.

[Page]

CHAP. XVIII.

The Author with some other puts to Sea in an open Boat, designing for Achin. Their Accommodations for their Voyage. Change of Weather; a Halo about the Sun, and a violent storm. Their great danger and distress. Cudda a Town and Harbour on the Coast of Malacca. Pulo Way. Golden Mountain on the Isle of Sumatra: River and Town of Passenge-Jonca, on Sumatra, near Diamondpoint: where they go ashore very sick, and are kindly entertained by the Oromkay, and Inhabitants. They go thence to Achin. The Author is examined before the Shabander; and takes Physick of a Malayan Doctor. His long illness. He sets out towards Nicobar again, but returns suddenly to Achin Road. He makes several Voyages thence, to Tonqueen, to Malacca, to Fort St. George, and to Bencouli an English Factory on Sumatra. An account of the Ships Crew, who set the Author ashore at Nicobar. Some go to Trangambar, a Danish Fort on Coromandel; others to Fort St. George; many to the Mogul's Camp. Of the Peuns; and how John Oliver made himself a Captain. Captain Read with the rest, having plundered a rich Portuguese Ship near Ceylon, goes to Madagascar, and Ships himself off thence in a New-york Ship. The Traverses of the rest to Johanna, [Page] &c. Their Ship, the Cygnet of London, now lies sunk in Augustin Bay at Madagascar. Of Prince Jeoly, the Painted man, whom the Author brought with him to England, and who died at Oxford. Of his Country the Isle of Meangis; the Cloves there, &c. The Author is made Gunner of Bencouli, but is forced to slip away from thence, to come for England.

IT was the 15th day of May 1688, about 4 a clock in the afternoon, when we left Nicobar Island, directing our course toward Achin, being 8 men of us in Company, viz. 3 English, 4 Malayans, who were born at Achin, and the mungrel Portuguese.

Our Vessel, the Nicobar Canoa, was not one of the biggest, nor of the least size: She was much about the burthen of one of our London Wherrys below Bridge; and built sharp at both ends, like the fore part of a Wherry. She was deeper than a Wherry, but not so broad, and was so thin and light, that when empty, 4 men could launch her, or hale her ashore on a sandy Bay. We had a good substantial Mast, and a mat Sail, and good Outlagers lasht very fast and firm on each side the Vessel, being made of strong poles. So that while these continued firm, the Vessel could not overset, which she would easily have done without them; and with them too, had they not been made very strong; and we were therefore much beholding to our Achinese Companions, for this contrivance.

These men were none of them so sensible of the danger as Mr. Hall and my self, for they all consided so much in us, that they did not so much as scruple any thing that we did approve of. Neither [Page] was Mr. Hall so well provided as I was, for before we left the Ship, I had purposely consulted our Draft of the East Indies, (for we had but one in the Ship) and out of that I had written in my pocketbook an account of the bearing and distance of all the Malacca Coast, and that of Sumatra, Pegu, and Siam, and also brought away with me a pocket Compass for my direction, in any enterprize that I should undertake.

The weather at our setting out, was very fair, clear and hot. The Wind was still at S. E. a very small breeze, just fanning the Air, and the Clouds were moving gently from West to East, which gave us hopes that the Winds were either at West already, abroad at Sea, or would be so in a very short time. We took this opportunity of fair weather, being in hopes to accomplish our Voyage to Achin, before the western Monsoon was set in strong, knowing that we should have very blustring weather after this fair weather, especially at the first coming of the western Monsoon.

We rowed therefore away to the Southward, supposing that when we were clear from the Island we should have a true Wind, as we call it, for the Land hales the Wind; and we often find the Wind at Sea different from what it is near the Shore. We rowed with 4 Oars, taking our turns: Mr. Hall and I steered also by turns, for none of the rest were capable of it. We rowed the first afternoon, and the night ensuing, about twelve leagues, by my judgment. Our course was South South East, but the 16th day in the morning, when the Sun was an hour high, we saw the Island from whence we came, bearing N. W. by N. Therefore I found we had gone a point more to the East than I intended, for which reason we steered S. by E.

[Page] In the afternoon at 4 a clock, we had a gentle breeze at W. S. W. which continued so till 9, all which time we laid down our Oars, and steered away S. S. E. I was then at the Helm, and I found by the ripling of the Sea, that there was a strong Current against us. It made a great noise that might be heard near half a mile. At 9 a clock it fell calm, and so continued till 10. Then the Wind sprung up again, and blew a fresh breeze all night.

The 17th day in the morning we lookt out for the Island Sumatra, supposing that we were now within 20 leagues of it; for we had rowed and sailed, by our reckoning 24 leagues from Nicobar Island; and the distance from Nicobar to Achin is about 40 leagues. But we lookt in vain for the Island Sumatra; for turning our selves about, we saw, to our grief, Nicobar Island, lying W. N. W. and not above 8 leagues distant. By this it was visible, that we had met a very strong Current against us in the night. But the wind freshned on us, and we made the best use of it while the weather continued fair. At noon we had an observation of the Sun, my lat. was 6 d. 55 m. and Mr. Hall's was 7 d. N.

The 18th day the Wind freshned on us again and the Sky began to be clouded. It was indifferent clear till noon, and we thought to have had an Observation: but we were hindred by the Clouds, that covered the face of the Sun, when it came on the Meridian. This often happens that we are disappointed of making Observations, by the Suns being clouded at noon, though it shines clear, both before and after, especially in places near the Sun; and this obscuring of the Sun at noon, is commonly sudden and unexpected, and for about half an hour or more.

[Page] We had then also a very ill presage, by a great Circle about the Sun, (5 or 6 times the Diameter of it) which seldom appears, but storms of Wind, or much Rain ensue. Such Circles about the Moon are more frequent, but of less import. We do commonly take great notice of these that are about the Sun, observing if there be any breach in the Circle, and in what quarter the breach is, for from thence we commonly find the greatest stress of the Wind will come. I must confess that I was a little anxious at the sight of this Circle, and wisht heartily that we were near some Land. Yet I shewed no sign of it to discourage my Consorts, but made a virtue of necessity, and put a good countenance on the matter.

I told Mr. Hall that if the Wind became too strong and violent, as I feared it would, it being even then very strong, we must of necessity steer away before the Wind and Sea, till better Weather presented; and that as the Winds were now, we should, instead of about 20 leagues to Achin, be driven 60 or 70 leagues to the Coast of Cudda or Queda, a Kingdom, and Town, and Harbour of Trade on the Coast of Malacca.

The Winds therefore bearing very hard, we rolled up the foot of our Sail on a pole fastned to it, and settled our yard within 3 foot of the Canoa sides, so that we had now but a small sail; yet it was still too big, considering the Wind; for the Wind being on our broad side, prest her down very much, tho supported by her Outlagers; insomuch that the poles of the Outlagers going from the sides of their Vessel, bent as if they would break; and should they have broken our overturning and perishing had been inevitable. Besides, the Sea increasing, would soon have filled the Vessel this way. Yet thus we made a shift to bear up with the side of the Vessel against the Wind for a [Page] while: But the Wind still increasing, about one a clock in the afternoon we put away right before Wind and Sea, continuing to run thus all the afternoon, and part of the night ensuing. The Wind continued, increasing all the afternoon, and the Sea still swelled higher, and often broke, but did us no damage; for the ends of the Vessel being very narrow, he that steered received and broke the Sea on his back, and so kept it from coming in so much as to endanger the Vessel: though much Water would come in, which we were forced to keep heaving out continually. And by this time we saw it was well that we had altered our course, every Wave would else have filled and sunk us, taking the side of the Vessel: And though our Outlagers were well lasht down to the Canoas bottom with Rattans, yet they must probably have yielded to such a Sea as this; when even before, they were plunged under Water, and bent like twigs.

The evening of this 18th day was very dismal. The Sky looked very black, being covered with dark Clouds, the Wind blew hard, and the Seas ran high. The Sea was already roaring in a white fome about us; a dark night coming on, and no Land in sight to shelter us, and our little Ark in danger to be swallowed by every Wave; and what was worst of all, none of us thought our selves prepared for another World. The Reader may better guess, than I can express, the confusion that we were all in. I had been [...]in many eminent dangers before now, some of which I have already related, but the worst of them all was but a play-game, in comparison with this. I must confess that I was in great conflicts of Mind at this time. Other dangers came not upon me with such a leisurely and dreadful solemnity: A sudden Skirmish or Engagement, or so, [Page] was nothing when ones blood was up, and pusht forward with eager expectations. But here I had a lingring view of approaching death, and little or no hopes of escaping it; and I must confess that my courage, which I had hitherto kept up, failed me here; and I made very sad reflections on my former Life, and lookt back with horrour and detestation, on actions which before I disliked, but now I trembled at the remembrance of. I had long before this repented me of that rovingcourse of life, but never with such concern as now. I did also call to mind the many miraculous acts of Gods Providence towards me, in the whole course of my life, of which kind, I believe few men have met with the like. For all these I returned thanks in a peculiar manner, and this once more desired Gods assistance, and composed my mind, as well as I could, in the hopes of it, and, as the event shew'd, I was not disappointed of my hopes.

Submitting our selves therefore to Gods good providence, and taking all the care we could to preserve our lives, Mr. Hall and I took turns to steer, and the rest took turns to heave out the Water, and thus we provided to spend the most doleful night I ever was in. About 10 a clock it began to Thunder, Lighten, and Rain; but the Rain was very welcom to us, having drank up all the Water we brought from the Island.

The Wind at first blew harder than before, but within half an hour, it abated, and became more moderate; and the Sea also asswaged of its fury, and then by a lighted Match, of which we kept a piece burning on purpose, we looked on our Compass, to see how we steered, and found our course to be still East. We had no occasion to look on the Compass before, for we steered right before the Wind, which if it had shifted, we [Page] had been obliged to have altered our couse accordingly. But now it being abated, we found our Vessel lively enough with that small sail which was then aboard, to hale to our former course, S. S. E. which accordingly we did, being now in hopes again to get to the Island Sumatra.

But about 2 a clock in the morning of the 19th day, we had another gust of Wind, with much Thunder, Lightening, and Rain, which lasted till day, and obliged us to put before the Wind again, steering thus for several hours. It was very dark, and the hard Rain soaked us so throughly, that we had not one dry thread about us. The Rain chill'd us extreamly; for any fresh water is much colder than that of the Sea. For even in the coldest Climates the Sea is warm, and in the hottest Climates the Rain is cold, and unwholesome for mans body. In this wet starveling plight we spent the tedious night. Never did poor Mariners on a Lee-shore more earnestly long for the dawning light, than we did now. At length the day appeared; but with such dark black Clouds near the Horizon, that the first glimpse of the Dawn appeared 30 or 40 degrees high; which was dreadful enough: for it is a common saying among Sea-men, and true as I have experienced, that a high dawn will have high winds, and a low dawn, small winds.

We continued our course still East, before Wind and Sea, till about 8 a clock in the morning of this 19th day; and then one of our Malayan friends cryed out, Pulo Way. Mr. Hall, and Ambrose, and I, thought the fellow had said, Pull away, an expression usual among English Sea-men, when they are Rowing. And we wonder'd what he meant by it, till we saw him point to his consorts; and then we looking that way, saw Land appearing, like an Island, and all our Malayans said it was an [Page] Island at the N. W. end of Sumatra, called Way; for Pulo Way, is the Island Way. We, who were dropping with wet, cold and hungry, were all overjoyed at the sight of the Land, and presently marked its bearing. It bore South, and the Wind was still at West, a strong gale; but the Sea did not run so high as in the night. Therefore we trimmed our small Sail no bigger than an Apron, and steered with it. Now our Outlagers did us a great kindness again, for although we had but a small sail, yet the Wind was strong, and prest down our Vessels side very much: but being supported by the Outlagers, we could brook it well enough, which otherwise we could not have done.

About noon we saw more Land, beneath the supposed Pulo Way; and steering towards it, before night we saw all the Coast of Sumatra, and found the errours of our Achinese; for the high Land that we first saw, which then appeared like an Island, was not Pulo Way, but a great high Mountain on the Island Sumatra, called by the English the Golden Mountain. Our Wind continued till about 7 a clock at night; then it abated, and at 10 a clock it died away: and then we stuck to our Oars again, though all of us quite tired with our former fatigues and hardships.

The next morning being the 20th day, we saw all the low Land plain, and judged our selves not above 8 leagues off. About 8 a clock in the morning we had the Wind again at West, a fresh gale, and steering in still for the Shore, at 5 a clock in the afternoon we run to the mouth of a River on the Island Sumatra, called Passange Jonca. It is 34 leagues to the Eastward of Achin, and 6 leagues to the West of Diamond Point, which makes with 3 Angles of a Rhombus, and is low Land.

Our Malayans were very well acquainted here, and carried us to a small fishing Village, within a [Page] mile of the Rivers mouth, called also by the name of the River, Passange Jonca. The hardships of this Voyage, with the scorching heat of the Sun, at our first setting out, and the cold Rain and our continuing wet for the last two days, cast us all into Fevers, so that now we were not able to help each other, nor so much as to get our Canoa up to the Village; but our Malayans got some of the Townsmen to bring her up.

The news of our arrival being noised abroad, one of the Oramkai's or Noblemen of the Island, came in the night to see us. We were then lying in a small Hut, at the end of the Town, and it being late, this Lord only viewed us, and having spoken with our Malayans, went away again; but he returned to us again the next day, and provided a large house for us to live in, till we should be recovered of our sickness; ordering the Townspeople to let us want for nothing. The Achinese Malayans that came with us, told them all the circumstances of our Voyage; how they were taken by our Ship, and where, and how we that came with them were Prisoners aboard the Ship, and had been set ashore together at Nicobar, as they were. It was for this reason probably, that the Gentlemen of Sumatra were thus extraordinary kind to us, to provide every thing that we had need of; nay, they would force us to accept of Presents from them, that we knew not what to do with; as young Buffaloes, Goats, &c. for these we would turn loose at night, after the Gentlemen that gave them to us were gone, for we were prompted by our Achinese Consorts to accept of them, for fear of disobliging by our refusal. But the Coco-nuts, Plantains, Fowls, Eggs, Fish and Rice, we kept for our use. The Malayans that accompanied us from Nicobar separated themselves from us now, living at one end of the house [Page] by themselves, for they were Mahometans, as all those of the Kingdom of Achin are; and though during our passage by Sea together, we made them content to drink their water out of the same Coco-shell with us; yet being now no longer under that necessity, they again took up their accustomed nicety and reservedness. They all lay sick, and as their sickness increas'd, one of them threatned us that if any of them died, the rest should kill us, for having brought them this Voyage: yet I question whether they would have attempted, or the Country people have suffer'd it. We made a shift to dress our own food, for none of these people, though they were very kind in giving us any thing that we wanted, would yet come near us, to assist us in dressing our victuals: nay they would not touch any thing that we used. We had all Fevers, and therefore took turns to dress victuals, according as we had strength to do it, or stomachs to eat. I found my Fever to encrease, and my head so distempered, that I could scarce stand, therefore I whetted and sharpened my Penknife, in order to let my self blood, but I could not; for my Knife was too blunt.

We stayed here 10 or 12 days, in hopes to recover our health, but finding no amendment, we desired to go to Achin. But we were delayed by the Natives, who had a desire to have kept Mr. Hall and my self, to sail in their Vessels to Malucca, Cudda, or to other places whither they Trade. But finding us more desirous to be with our Country-men, in our Factory at Achin, they provided a large Proe to carry us thither, we not being able to manage our own Canoa. Besides, before this 3 of our Malayan Comrades were gone very sick into the Country, and only one of them and the Portuguese remained with us, accompanying us to Achin, and they both as sick as we.

[Page] It was the beginning of June 1688, when we left Passange Jonca. We had 4 men to row, one to steer, and a Gentleman of the Country, that went purposely to give an information to the Government of our arrival. We were but 3 days and nights in our passage, having Sea Breezes by day, and Land Winds by night, and very fair Weather.

When we arrived at Achin, I was carry'd before the Shabander, the chief Magistrate in the City. One Mr. Dennis Driscall, an Irish man, and a Resident there, in the Factory which our East-India Company had there then, was Interpreter. I being weak, was suffer'd to stand in the Shabander's presence: for it is their custom to make men sit on the floor, as they do, cross-legg'd like Taylors: but I had not strength then to pluck up my heels in that manner. The Shabander asked of me several questions, especially how we durst adventure to come in a Canoa from the Nicobar Island to Sumatra. I told him, that I had been accustomed to hardships and hazards, therefore I did with much freedom undertake it. He inquired also concerning our Ship, whence she came, &c. I told him from the South Seas; that she had ranged about the Philippine Islands, &c. and was now gone towards Arabia, and the Red Sea. The Malayans also and Portuguese were afterward examined, and confirmed what I declared, and in less than half an hour, I was dismist with Mr. Driscal, who then lived in the English East India Companies Factory. He provided a Room for us to lye in, and some Victuals.

Three days after our arrival here our Portuguese died of a Fever. What became of our Malayans I know not. Ambrose lived not long after. Mr. Hall also was so weak, that I did not think he would [Page] recover. I was the best; yet still very sick of a Fever, and little likely to live. Therefore Mr. Driscal, and some other Englishmen, perswaded me to take some purging Physick of a Malayan Doctor. I took their advice, being willing to get ease: but after 3 Doses, each a large Calabash of nasty Stuff, finding no amendment, I thought to desist from more Physick: but was perswaded to take one Dose more; which I did, and it wrought so violently, that I thought it would have ended my days. I struggled till I had been about 20 or 30 times at stool: but it working so quick with me, with little intermission, and my strength being almost spent, I even threw my self down once for all, and had above 60 stools in all before it left off working. I thought my Malayan Doctor, whom they so much commended, would have killed me outright. I continued extraordinary weak for some days after his drenching me thus: but my Fever left me for above a week: after which it returned upon me again for a twelve month, and a Flux with it.

However, when I was a little recover'd from the effects of my Drench, I made a shift to go abroad: and having been kindly invited to Captain Bowrey's House there, my first visit was to him; who had a Ship in the Road, but lived ashore. This Gentleman was extraordinary kind to us all, particularly to me, and importuned me to go his Boatswain to Persia; whither he was bound, with a design to sell his Ship there; as I was told, tho not by himself. From thence he intended to pass with the Caravan to Aleppo, and so home for England. His business requir'd him to stay some time longer at Achin; I judge, to sell some commodities, that he had not yet disposed of. Yet he chose rather to leave the disposal of them to some Merchant there; and make a short trip to the Nicobar Islands in the mean time, and on his return to take [Page] in his effects, and so proceed towards Persia. This was a sudden resolution of Captain Bowry's, presently after the arrival of a small Frigot from Siam, with an Ambassador from the King of Siam, to the Queen of Achin. The Ambassador was a Frenchman by Nation. The Vessel that he came in was but small, yet very well mann'd, and fitted for a fight. Therefore it was generally supposed here, that Captain Bowry was afraid to lye in Achin Road, because the Siamers were now at Wars with the English, and he was not able to defend his Ship, if he should be attackt by them.

But whatever made him think of going to the Nicobar Islands, he provided to sail; and took me, Mr. Hall, and Ambrose with him: tho all of us so sick and weak that we could do him no service. It was some time about the beginning of June when we sailed out of Achin Road: but we met with the Winds at N. W. with turbulent weather, which forced us back again in 2 days time. Yet he gave us each 12 Mess a piece, a Gold Coyn, each of which is about the value of 15 pence English. So he gave over that design: and some English Ships coming into Achin Road, he was not afraid of the Siamers who lay there.

After this, he again invited me to his House at Achin, and treated me always with Wine and good Cheer, and still importuned me to go with him to Persia: but I being very weak, and fearing the Westerly Winds would create a great deal of trouble, did not give him a positive answer: especially because I thought I might get a better Voyage in the English Ships newly arrived, or some others now expected here. It was this Captain Bowry who sent the Letter from Borneo directed to the Chief of the English Factory at Mindanao, of which mention is made in Chapter the XIII.

[Page] A short time after this Captain Welden arrived here from Fort St. George, in a Ship called the Curtana, bound to Tonqueen. This being a more agreeable Voyage than to Persia, at this time of the year, besides that the Ship was better accommodated, especially with a Surgeon, and I being still sick; I therefore chose rather to serve Captain Welden than Captain Bowry. But to go on with a particular account of that Expedition were to carry my Reader back again: whom having brought thus far towards England in my Circum-Navigation of the Globe, I shall not now weary him with new Rambles, nor so much swell this Volume as I must to describe the Tour I made in those remote parts of the East Indies, from and to Sumatra. So that my Voyage to Tonqueen at this time, as also another to Malacca afterwards, with my Observations in them, and the Descriptions of those and the Neighbouring Countries; as well as the Description of the Island Sumatra it self, and therein the Kingdom and City of Aehin, Bencouli, &c. I shall refer to another place, where I may give a particular relation of them. In short, it may suffice, that I set out to Tonqueen with Captain Welden about July 1688, and returned to Achin in the April following. I staid here till the latter end of September 1689. and making a short Voyage to Malacca, came thither again about Christmas. Soon after that I went to Fort St. George, and staying there about 5 months, I return'd once more to Sumatra; not to Achin, but Bencouli, an English Factory on the West Coast; of which I was Gunner about 5 months more.

So that having brought my Reader to Sumatra, without carrying him back, I shall bring him on next way from thence to England: And of all that occurr'd between my first setting out from this Island in 1688, and my final departure from it at the beginning of the year 1691, I shall only take [Page] notice at present of two passages; which I think I ought not to omit.

The first is, that at my Return from Malacca, a little before Christmas, 1689, I found at Achin one Mr. Morgan, who was one of our Ships Crew that left me ashore at Nicobar, now Mate of a Danish Ship of Trangambar; which is a Town on the Coast of Coromandel, near Cape Comorin, belonging to the Danes: And receiving an account of our Crew from him and others, I thought it might not be amiss to gratifie the Readers Curiosity therewith; who would probably be desirous to know the success of those Ramblers, in their new intended Expedition towards the Red Sea: and withal I thought it might not be unlikely that these Papers may fall into the hands of some of our London Merchants, who were concern'd in fitting out that Ship; which I said formerly, was called the Cygnet of London, sent on a Trading Voyage into the South Seas, under the Command of Captain Swan: and that they might be willing to have a particular Information of the fate of their Ship. And by the way, even before this meeting with Mr. Morgan, while I was at Tonqueen, January 1689, I met with an English Ship in the River of Tonqueen, called the Rainbow of London, Captain Poole Commander; by whose Mate, Mr. Barlow, who was returning in that Ship to England, I sent a Pacquet, which he undertook to deliver to the Merchants, Owners of the Cygnet, some of which he said he knew: wherein I gave a particular account of all the Course and Transactions of their Ship, from the time of my first meeting it in the South Seas, and going aboard it there, to its leaving me ashore at Nicobar. But I never could hear that either that, or other Letters which I sent at the same time, were received.

To proceed therefore with Morgan's Relation: He told me, that when they in the Cygnet went away [Page] from Nicobar, in pursuit of their intended Voyage to Persia, they directed their course towards Ceylon. But not being able to weather it, the Westerly Monsoon bearing hard against them, they were obliged to seek refreshment on the Coast of Coromandel. Here this mad fickle crew were upon new projects again. Their designs meeting with such delays and obstructions, they many of them grew weary of it, and about half of them went ashore. Of this number, Mr. Morgan, who told me this, and Mr. Herman Coppinger the Surgeon, went to the Danes at Trangambar, who kindly received them. There they lived very well; and Mr. Morgan was employed as a Mate in a Ship of theirs at this time to Achin; and Captain Knox tells me, that he since Commanded the Curtana, the Ship that I went in to Tonqueen, which Captain Welden having sold to the Mogul's Subjects, they employed Mr. Morgan as Captain to trade in her for them; and it is an usual thing for the trading Indians to hire Europeans to go Officers on board their Ships; especially Captains and Gunners.

About two or three more of these that were set ashore, went to Fort St. George; but the main body of them were for going into the Mogul's Service. Our Seamen are apt to have great notions of I know not what profit and advantages to be had in serving the Mogul; nor do they want for fine storiesto encourage one another to it. It was what these men had long been thinking and talking of as a fine thing; but now they went upon it in good earnest. The place where they went ashore was at a Town of the Moors: which name our Seamen give to all the Subjects of the great Mogul, but especially his Mahometan Subjects; calling the Idolaters, Gentous, or Rashbouts. At this Moors Town they got a Peun to be their Guide to [Page] the Mogul's nearest Camp: for he hath always several Armies in his vast Empire.

These Peuns are some of the Gentous, or Rashbouts, who in all places along the Coast, especially in Sea-port Towns, make it their business to hire themselves to wait upon strangers, be they Merchants, Seamen, or what they will. To qualify them for such attendance, they learn the European Languages, English, Dutch, French, Portuguese, &c. according as they have any of the Factories of these Nations, in their Neighbourhood, or are visited by their Ships. No sooner doth any such Ship come to an Anchor, and the men come ashore, but a great many of these Peuns are ready to profer their Service. 'Tis usual for the strangers to hire their attendance during their stay there, giving them about a Crown a month of our Money, more or less. The richest sort of men will ordinarily hire 2 or 3 Peuns to wait upon them; and even the common Seamen if able, will hire one a piece to attend them, either for convenience or ostentation; or sometimes one Peun between two of them. These Peuns serve them in many capacities, as Interpreters, Brokers, Servants to attend at Meals and go to Market, and on Errands, &c. Nor do they give any trouble, eating at their own homes, and lodging there, when they have done their Masters business for them; expecting nothing but their Wages, except that they have a certain allowance of about a Fanam, or 3 d. in a Dollar which is an 18th part profit, by way of Brokerage for every Bargain they drive: they being generally employed in buying and selling. When the Strangers go away, their Peuns desire them to give them their Names in Writing, with a Certificate of their honest and diligent serving them: and these they shew to the next comers, to get into business; some being able to produce a large scrowl of such Certificates.

[Page] But to proceed, The Moors Town where these men landed, was not far from Cunnimere, a small English Factory on the Coromandel Coast. The Governour whereof having intelligence by the Moors of the landing of these men, and their intended march to the Mogul's Camp, sent out a Captain with his Company to oppose it. He came up with them, and gave them hard words: but they being 30 or 40 resolute Fellows, not easily daunted, he durst not attack them, but returned to the Governour, and the news of it was soon carried to Fort St. George. During their march John Oliver who was one of them, privately told the Peun who guided them, that himself was their Captain. So when they came to the Camp, the Peun told this to the General: and when their Stations and Pay were assign'd them, John Oliver had a greater respect paid him than the rest; and whereas their pay was ten Pagodas a month each man, (a Pagoda is 2 Dollars or 9 s. English) his pay was 20 Pagodas: which stratagem and usurpation of his occasioned him no small envy and indignation from his Comerades.

Soon after this 2 or 3 of them went to Agra, to be of the Moguls Guard. A while after the Governor of Fort St. George sent a message to the main body of them, and a Pardon to withdraw them from thence; which most of them accepted, and came away. John Oliver, and the small Remainder, continued in the Country; but leaving the Camp, went up and down plundering the Villages, and fleeing when they were pursued; and this was the last News I heard of them. This account I had, partly by Mr. Morgan, from some of those Deserters he met with at Trangambar: and partly from others of them whom I met with my self afterwards at Fort St. George. And these were the Adventures of those who went up into the Country.

[Page] Captain Read having thus lost the best half of his Men, sailed away with the rest of them, after having filled his Water, and got Rice, still intending for the Red Sea. When they were near Ceylon, they met with a Portuguese Ship richly laden: out of which they took what they pleas'd, and then turn'd her away again. From thence they pursued their Voyage; but the Westerly Winds bearing hard against them, and making it hardly feizable for them to reach the Red Sea, they stood away for Madagascar. There they entered into the service of one of the Petty Princes of that Island, to assist him against his Neighbours, with whom he was at Wars. During this Interval, a small Vessel from New York came hither to purchase Slaves: which Trade is driven here, as it is upon the Coast of Guinea; one Nation or Clan selling others that are their Enemies. Captain Read, with about 5 or 6 more, stole away from their Crew, and went aboard this New York Ship; and Captain Teat was made Commander of the Residue. Soon after which, a Brigantine from the West Indies, Captain Knight Commander, coming thither with design to go to the Red Sea also, these of the Cygnet consorted with them, and they went together to the Island Johanna. Thence going together towards the Red Sea, the Cygnet proving leaky, and sailing heavily, as being much out of Repair, Captain Knight grew weary of her Company, and giving her the slip in the night, went away for Achin; for having heard that there was plenty of Gold there, he went thither with a design to cruize: and 'twas from one Mr. Humes, belonging to the Ann of London, Captain Freke Commander, who had gone aboard Captain Knight, and whom I saw afterwards at Achin, that I had this Relation. Some of Captain Freke's Men, their own Ship being lost, had gone aboard the Cygnet at Johanna: and after Captain Knight had left [Page] her, she still pursued her Voyage towards the Red Sea: but the Winds being against them, and the Ship in so ill a condition, they were forc'd to bear away for Coromandel, where Captain Teat and his own Men went ashore to serve the Mogul. But the Strangers of Captain Freke's Ship, who kept still aboard the Cygnet, undertook to carry her for England: and the last News I heard of the Cygnet was from Captain Knox, who tells me that she now lies sunk in St. Augustin Bay in Madagasear. This Digression I have made to give an account of our Ship.

The other passage I shall speak of, that occurred during this Interval of the Tour I made from Achin, is with relation to the Painted Prince, whom I brought with me into England, and who died at Oxford. For while I was at Fort St. George, about April 1690, there arrived a Ship called the Mindanao Merchant, laden with Clove-bark from Mindanao. 3 of Captain Swan's Men, that remained there when we went from thence, came in her: from whom I had the Account of Captain Swan's Death, as is before related. There was also one Mr. Moody, who was Supercargo of the Ship. This Gentleman bought at Mindanao the Painted Prince Jeoly (mentioned in Chapter XIII.) and his Mother; and brought them to Fort St. George; where they were much admired by all that saw them. Sometime after this, Mr. Moody, who spoke the Malayan Language very well, and was a person very capable to manage the Companys affairs, was ordered by the Governour of Fort St. George to prepare to go to Indrapore, an English Factory on the West Coast of Sumatra, in order to succeed Mr. Gibbons, who was Chief of that place.

By this time I was very intimately acquainted with Mr. Moody, and was importuned by him to go with him, and to be Gunner of the Fort there. I [Page] always told him I had a great desire to go to the Bay of Bengal, and that I had now an offer to go thither with Captain Metcalf, who wanted a Mate, and had already spoke to me. Mr. Moody, to incourage me to go with him, told me, that if I would go with him to Indrapore, he would buy a small Vessel there, and send me to the Island Meangis, Commander of her; and that I should carry Prince Jeoly and his Mother with me (that being their Country) by which means I might gain a Commerce with his People for Cloves.

This was a design that I liked very well; therefore I consented to go thither. It was some time in July 1690. when we went from Fort St. George, in a small Ship called the Diamond, Captain Howel Commander. We were about 50 or 60 Passengers in all; some ordered to be left at Indrapore, and some at Rencouly: 5 or 6 of us were Officers; the rest Soldiers to the Company. We met nothing in our Voyage that deserves notice, till we came abrest of Indrapore: and then the Wind came at N. W. and blew so hard that we could not get in, but were forced to bear away to Bencouli, another English Factory on the same Coast; lying 50 or 60 leagues to the Southward of Indrapore.

Upon our arrival at Bencouli we saluted the Fort, and were welcomed by them. The same day we came to an anchor; and Captain Howel, and Mr. Moody, with the other Merchants went ashore, and were all kindly received by the Governour of the Fort. It was 2 days after before I went ashore; and then I was importuned by the Governour to stay there, to be Gunner of this Fort; because the Gunner was lately dead: and this being a place of greater import than Indrapore, I should do the Company more service here than there. I told the Governour if he would augment my Sallery, which by agreement with the Governor of [Page] Fort St. George I was to have had at Indrapore, I was willing to serve him; provided Mr. Moody would consent to it. As to my Sallery, he told me, I should have 24 Dollers per month, which was as much as he gave to the old Gunner.

Mr. Moody gave no answer till a Week aster, and then, being ready to be gone to Indrapore, he told me I might use my own liberty, either to stay here, or go with him to Indrapore. He added, that if I went with him, he was not certain, as yet, to perform his Promise, in getting a Vessel for me to go to Meangis, with Jeoly and his Mother: but he would be so fair to me, that because I left Maderas on his account, he would give me the half share of the 2 Painted People, and leave them in my Possession, and at my Disposal. I accepted of the Offer, and Writings were immediately drawn between us.

Thus it was that I came to have this Painted Prince, whose Name was Jeoly, and his Mother. They were born on a small Island called Meangis, which is once or twice mentioned in Chap. XIII. I saw the Island twice, and 2 more close by it: each of the 3 seemed to be about 4 or 5 leagues round; and of a good highth. Jeoly himself told me, that they all three abounded with Gold, Cloves, and Nutmegs: for I shewed him some of each sort several times, and he told me in the Malayan Language, which he spake indifferent well, Meangis Hadda Madochala se Bullawan: that is, there is abundance of Gold at Meangis. Bullawan, I have observed to be the common word for Gold at Mindanao; but whether the proper Malayan word I know not, for I found much difference between the Malayan Language as it was spoken at Mindanao, and the Language on the Coast of Malacca, and Achin. When I shewed him Spice, he would not only tell me that there was [Page] Madochala, that is, abundance; but to make it appcar more plain, he would also shew me the hair of his Head, a thing frequent among all the Indians that I have met with, to shew their Hair, when they would express more than they can number. He told me also, that his Father was Raja of the Island where they lived: that there were not above 30 men on the Island, and about one hundred Women: that he himself had five Wives and eight Children, and that one of his Wives painted him.

He was painted all down his Breast, between his Shoulders behind; on his Thighs (mostly) before; and in the form of several broad Rings, or Bracelets, round his Arms and Legs. I cannot liken the Drawings to any Figure of Animals, or the like; but they were very curious, full of great variety of Lines, Flourishes, Chequered Work, &c. keeping a very graceful proportion, and appearing very artificial, even to a wonder, especially that upon and between his Shoulder-blades. By the account he gave me of the manner of doing it, I understood that the Painting was done in the same manner, as the Jerusalem Cross is made in Mens Arms, by pricking the skin, and rubbing in a pigment. But whereas Powder is used in making the Jerusalem-Cross, they at Meangis use the gum of a Tree beaten to powder, called by English Drammer, which is used instead of Pitch in many parts of India. He told me, that most of the Men and Women on the Island were thus painted: and also that they had all Ear-rings made of Gold, and Gold Shackles about their Legs and Arms: that their common Food, of the produce of the Land, was Potatoes and Yames: that they had plenty of Cocks and Hens; but no other tame Fowl. He said that Fish (of which he was a great Lover, as wild Indians generally are) was very plentiful [Page] about the Island; and that they had Canoas, and went a fishing frequently in them; and that they often visited the other two small Islands, whose Inhabitants speak the same Language as they did; which was so unlike the Malayan, which he had learnt while he was a Slave at Mindanao, that when his Mother and he were talking together in their Meangian Tongue, I could not understand one word they said. And indeed all the Indians who spake Malayan, who are the Trading and politer sort, lookt on these Meangians as a kind of Barbarians: and upon any occasion of dislike, would call them Bobby, that is, Hogs; the greatest expression of contempt that can be; especially from the mouth of Malayans, who are generally Mahometans; and yet the Malayans every where call a Woman Babbi, by a name not much different: and Mamma signifies a Man. Tho these two last words properly denote Male and Female: and as Eyam signifies a Fowl, so Eyam Mamma is a Cock, and Eyam Babbi is a Hen. But this by the way.

He said also, that the Customs of those other Isles, and their manner of living, was like theirs, and that they were the only people with whom they had any converse: And that one time, as he with his Father, Mother, and Brother, with 2 or 3 men more, were going to one of these other Islands, they were driven by a strong wind on the Coast of Mindanao, where they were taken by the Fishermen of that Island, and carried ashore, and sold as Slaves; they being first stript of their Gold Ornaments. I did not see any of the Gold that they wore, but there were great holes in their Ears, by which it was manifest that they had worn some ornaments in them. Jeoly was sold to one Michael a Mindanayan, that spoke good Spanish, and commonly waited on Raja Laut, serving him as our Interpreter, where the Raja was at a loss in any [Page] word, for Michael understood it better. He did often beat and abuse his painted Servant, to make him work, but all in vain; for neither fair means, threats nor blows, would make him work, as he would have him. Yet he was very timerous, and could not endure to see any sort of Weapons; and he often told me that they had no Arms at Meangis, they having no Enemies to fight with.

I knew this Michael very well, while we were at Mindanao: I suppose that name was given him by the Spaniards, who baptized many of them at the time when they had footing at that Island: But at the departure of the Spaniards they were Mahometans again as before. Some of our people lay at this Michael's house, whose Wife and Daughter were Pagallies to some of them. I often saw Jeoly at his Masters Michael s house, and when I came to have him so long after, he remembred me again. I did never see his Father nor Brother nor any of the others that were taken with them; but Jeoly came several times aboard our Ship when we lay at Mindanao, and gladly accepted of such victuals as we gave him; for his Master kept him at very short commons.

Prince Jeoly lived thus a Slave at Mindanao 4 or 5 years, till at last Mr. Moody bought him and his Mother for 60 Dollars, and as is before related, carried him to Fort St. George, and from thence along with me, to Bencouli. Mr. Moody stayed at Bencouli about three weeks, and then went back with Captain Howel, to Indrapore, leaving Jeoly and his Mother with me. They lived in a house by themselves without the Fort. I had no imployment for them; but they both imployed themselves. She used to make and mend their own Cloaths, at which she was not very expert, for they wear no Cloaths at Meangis, but only a Cloath about their wastes: and he busied himself in [Page] making a Chest, with 4 boards, and a few nails that he begg'd of me. It was but an ill shaped odd thing, yet he was as proud of it, as if it had been the rarest piece in the World. After some time they were both taken sick, and though I took as much care of them, as if they had been my Brother and Sister, yet she died. I did what I could to comfort Jeoly; but he took on extreamly, insomuch that I feared him also. Therefore I caused a Grave to be made presently, to hide her out of his sight. I had her shrouded decently in a piece of new Callico; but Jeoly was not so satisfied, for he wrapped all her Cloaths about her, and two new pieces of Chints that Mr. Moody gave her, saying that they were his Mothers, and she must have them. I would not disoblige him, for fear of endangering his life; and I used all possible means to recover his health: but I found little amendment while we stay'd here.

In the little printed relation that was made of him when he was shewn for a sight in England, there was a Romantick story of a beautiful Sister of his, a Slave with them at Mindanao; and of the Sultans falling in love with her; but these were stories indeed. They reported also that his Paint was of such Virtue, that Serpents and Venemous Creatures would flee from him; for which reason, I suppose, they represented so many Serpents scampering about in the printed Picture that was made of him. But I never knew any Paint of such virtue: and as for Jeoly, I have seen him as much afraid of Snakes, Scorpions, or Centapees, as my self.

Having given this account of the Ship that left me at Nicobar, and of my painted Prince whom I brought with me to Benconli, I shall now proceed on with the relation of my Voyage thence to En gland, after I have given this [...] account [Page] of the occasion of it, and the manner of my getting away.

To say nothing therefore now of that place, and my employment there as Gunner of the Fort, the year 1690 drew towards an end, and not finding the Governour keep to his agreement with me; nor seeing by his carriage towards others any great reason I had to expect he would, I began to wish my self away again. I saw so much ignorance in him, with respect to his charge, being much fitter to be a Book-keeper than Governour of a Fort; and yet so much insolence and cruelty with respect to those under him, and rashness in his management of the Malayan Neighbourhood, that I soon grew weary of him, not thinking my self very safe, indeed, under a man whose humours were so brutish and barbarous. I forbear to mention his name after such a character; nor do I care to fill these papers with particular stories of him: But I therefore give this intimation, because as it is the interest of the Nation in general, so is it especially of the Honourable East India Company, to be informed of abuses in their Factories. And I think the Company might receive great advantage by strictly enquiring into the behaviour of those whom they intrust with any command. For beside the odium, which reflects back upon the Superiours from the mis-doings of their Servants, how undeservedly soever; there are great and lasting mischiefs proceed from the Tyranny or ignorant rashness of some petty Governours. Those under them are discouraged from their service by it, and often go away to the Dutch, the Mogul, or the Malayan Princes, to the great detriment of our Trade, and even the Trade and the Forts themselves are many times in danger by indiscreet provocations given to the Neighbouring Nations, who are best managed, as all Mankind are, by justice; [Page] and fair dealings; nor are any more implacably revengeful than those Malayans who live in the Neighbourhood of Bencouli, which Fort hath been more than once in danger of being surpriz d by them. I speak not this out of disgust to this particular Governour; much less would I seem to reflect on any others, of whom I know nothing amiss: But as it is not to be wondered at, if some should not know how to demean them in places of power, for which neither their Education nor their Business possibly, have sufficiently qualified them; so it will be the more necessary for the Honourable Company to have the closer eye over them, and as much as may be, to prevent or reform any abuses they may be guilty of; and 'tis purely out of my zeal for theirs and the Nations interest, that I have given this caution, having seen too much occasion for it.

I had other motives also for my going away. I began to long after my Native Country, after so tedious a ramble from it: and I proposed no small advantage to my self from my painted Prince, whom Mr. Moody had left entirely to my disposal, only reserving to himself his right to one half share in him. For beside what might be gain'd by shewing him in England, I was in hopes that when I had got some money, I might there obtain what I had in vain sought for in the Indies, viz. A Ship from the Merchants, wherewith to carry him back to Meangis, and reinstate him there in his own Country, and by his favour and negotiation to establish a traffick for the Spice, and other products of those Islands.

Upon these projects, I went to the Governour and Council, and desired that I might have my discharge to go for England, with the next Ship that came. The Council thought it reasonable, and they consented to it; he also gave me his word [Page] that I should go. Upon the 2d of Jan. 1691 there came to an anchor in Bencouli Road, the Defence. Captain Heath Commander, bound for England, in the service of the Company. They had been at Indrapore, where Mr. Moody then was; and he had made over his share in Prince Jeoly, to Mr. Goddard chief Mate of the Ship. Upon his coming on shore, he shewed me Mr. Moody s writings, and lookt upon Jeoly, who had been sick for 3 months: in all which time I tended him as carefully, as if he had been my Brother. I agreed matters with Mr. Goddard, and sent Jeoly on board, intending to follow him as I could, and desiring Mr. Goddard's assistance to setch me off, and conceal me aboard the Ship if there should be occasion; which he promised to do, and the Captain promised to entertain me. For it proved as I had soreseen, that upon Captain Heath's arrival, the Governor repented him of his Promise, and would not suffer me to depart. I importun'd him all I could; but in vain: so did Captain Heath also, but to no purpose. In short, after several Essays, I slipt away at midnight (understanding the Ship was to sail away the next morning, and that they had taken leave of the Fort) and creeping through one of the Port-holes of the Fort, I got to the shore, where the Ships Boat waited for me, and carried me on board. I brought with me my Journal, and most of my written Papers: but some Papers and Books of value I left in hasle, and all my Furniture; being glad I was my self at liberty, and had hopes of seeing England again.

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CHAP. XIX.

The Author's departure from Bencouli, on board the Defence, under Captain Heath. Of a fight between some French Men of War from Ponticheri, and some Dutch Ships from Pallacat, joined with some English, in sight of Fort St. George. Of the bad Water taken in at Bencouli; and the strange sickness and death of the Seamen, supposed to be occasioned thereby. A Spring at Bencouli recommended. The great exigences on board: a Consult held, and a Proposal made to go to Johanna. A Resolution taken to prosecute their Voyage to the Cape of Good Hope. The Wind favours them. The Captains Conduct They arrive at the Cape, and are helped into Harbour by the Dutch. A description of the Cape, its Prospect, Soundings, Table Mount, Harbour, Soil, &c. large Pomegranates and good Wines. The Land-Animals. A very beautiful kind of Onager, or Wild Ass, striped regularly black and white. Ostrages. Fish. Seals. The Dutch Fort and Factory. Their sine Garden. The Traffick here.

BEing thus got on board the Defence, I was co [...] cealed there, till a Boat which came from the Fort laden with Pepper was gone off again. And then we set sail for the Cape of Good Hope, Jan. 25, 1691. and made the best of our way, as wind and weather would permit; expecting there to [Page] meet 3 English Ships more, bound home from the Indies: for the War with the French having been proclaimed at Fort St. George, a little before Captain Heath came from thence, he was willing to have company home, if he could.

A little before this War was proclaimed, there was an Engagement in the Road of Fort St. George between some French men of War, and some Dutch and English Ships at anchor in the Road: which, because there is such a plausible story made of it in Monsieur Duquesne's late Voyage to the East Indies, I shall give a short account of, as I had it particularly related to me by the Gunners Mate of Capt. Heath's Ship, a very sensible Man, and several others of his Men, who were in the Action. The Dutch have a Fort on the Coast of Coromandel, called Pallacat, about 20 leagues to the Northward of Fort St. George. Upon some occasion or other the Dutch sent some Ships thither to fetch away their effects, and transport them to Batavia. Acts of Hostility were already begun between the French and Dutch; and the French had at this time a Squadron newly arrived in India, and lying at Ponticheri, a French Fort on the same Coast, Southward of Fort St. George. The Dutch in returning to Batavia, were obliged to coast it along by Fort St. George and Ponticheri, for the sake of the Wind: but when they came near this last, they saw the French Men of War lying at anchor there; and should they have proceeded along the shore, or stood out to Sea, expected to be pursued by them. They therefore turn'd back again; for though their Ships were of a pretty good force, yet were they unfit for Fight, as having great Loads of Goods, and many Passengers, Women and Children, on board: so they put in at Fort St. George, and desiring the Governours Protection, had leave to anchor in the Road, and to send their Goods and useless People [Page] ashore. There were then in the Road a few small English Ships: and Captain Heath, whose Ship was a very stout Merchant-man, and which the French Relater calls the English Admiral, was just come from China; but very deep laden with Goods, and the Deck full of Cannisters of Sugar, which he was preparing to send ashore. But before he could do it, the French appeared; coming into the Road with their lower Sails and Top-sails, and had with them a Fireship. With this they thought to have burnt the Dutch Commadore, and might probably enough have done it as she lay at anchor, if they had had the courage to have come boldly on; but they fired their Ship at a distance, and the Dutch sent and towed her away, where she spent her self without any execution. Had the French Men of War also come boldly up, and grappled with their Enemies, they might have done something considerable, for the [...]rt could not have played on them, without damaging our Ships as well as theirs. But instead of this, the French dropt anchor out of reach of the shot of the Fort, and there lay exchanging shot with their Enemies Ships with so little advantage to themselves, that after about 4 hours fighting, they cut their Cables, and went away in haste and disorder, with all their Sails loose, even their Top-gallant sails, which is not usual, but when Ships are just next to running away.

Captain Heath, notwithstanding his Ship was so heavy and incumbred, behaved himself very bravely in the fight; and upon the going off of the French went aboard the Dutch Commadore, and told him, that if he would pursue them, he would stand out with them to Sea, though he had very little Water aboard; but the Dutch Commander excused himself, saying he had orders to defend himself from the French, but none to chase them, [Page] or go out of his way to seek them. And this was the exploit which the French have thought fit to brag of. I hear that the Dutch have taken from them since, their Fort of Ponticheri.

But to proceed with our Voyage: We had not been at Sea long, before our men began to droop, in a sort of a distemper that stole insensibly on them, and proved fatal to above 30, who died before we arrived at the Cape. We had sometimes two and once three men thrown over board in a morning. This distemper might probably arise from the badness of the Water, which we took in at Bencouli: for I did observe while I was there, that the River-water, wherewith our Ships were watered, a ws very unwholesom, it being mixt with the Water of many small Creeks, that proceeded from low Land, and whose streams were always very black, they being nourished by the Water that drained out of the low swampy unwholesom ground.

I have observed not only there, but in other hot Countries also both in the East and West Indies, that the Land-floods which pour into the Channels of the Rivers, about the season of the Rains, are very unwholesom. For when I lived in the Bay of Campeachy, the Fish were found dead in heaps on the shores of the Rivers, and Creeks, at such a season; and many we took up half dead: of which sudden mortality, there appeared no cause but only the malignity of the Waters draining off the Land. This happens chiefly, as I take it, where the water drains through thick Woods, and Savannahs of long Grass, and swampy Grounds, with which some hot Countries abound: and I believe it receives a strong Tincture from the Roots of several kind of Trees, Herbs, &c. and especially where there is any stagnancy of the Water, it soon corrupts; and possibly the Serpents and other poisonous [Page] Vermin and Infects may not a little contribure to its bad qualities: at such times it will look very deep coloured, yellow, red, or black, &c. The season of the Rains was over, and the Land floods were abating, upon the taking up this Water in the River of Bencouli: but would the Seamen have given themselves the trouble, they might have fill'd their Vessels with excellent good Water, at a Spring on the back side of the Fort, not above 2 or 300 paces from the Landing place; and with which the Fort it serv'd. And I mention this as a caution to any Ships that shall go to Bencouli for the future; and withal I think it worth the care of the Owners or Governours of the Factory, and that it would tend much to the preservation of their Seamens lives, to lay Pipes to convey the Fountain Water to the shore, which might easily be done, with a small charge: and had I staid longer there I would have undertaken it. I had a design also of bringing it into the Fort, though much higher: for it would be a great convenience and security to it, in case of a Siege.

Beside the badness of our Water, it was stowed among the Pepper in the Hold, which made it very hot. Every morning when we came to take our allowance, it was so hot, that a man could hardly suffer his hands in it, or hold a bottle full of it in his hand. I never any where felt the like, nor could have thought it possible that Water should heat to that degree in a Ships Hold. It was exceeding black too, and looked more like Ink than Water. Whether it grew so black with standing, or was tinged with the Pepper, I know not, for this Water was not so black when it was first taken up. Our food also was very bad; for the Ship had been out of England upon this Voyage above three years; and the salt Provision brought from thence, and which we fed on, having been so long [Page] in salt, was but ordinary food for sickly men to live on.

Captain Heath, when he saw the misery of his Company, ordered his own Tamarinds, of which he had some Jars aboard, to be given some to each mess, to eat with their Rice. This was a great refreshment to the men, and I do believe it contributed much to keep us on our legs

This distemper was so universal, that I do believe there was scarce a man in the Ship, but languished under it; yet it stole so insensibly on us, that we could not say we were sick, feeling little or no pain, only a weakness, and but little stomach. Nay most of those that died in this Voyage, would hardly be perswaded to keep their Cabbins, or Hammacks, till they could not stir about; and when they were forced to lye down, they made their Wills, and piked off in 2 or 3 days.

The loss of these men, and the weak languishing condition that the rest of us were in, rendered us uncapable to govern our Ship, when the wind blew more than ordinary. This often happened when we drew near the Cape, and as oft put us to our trumps to manage the Ship. Captain Heath, to incourage his men to their labour, kept his watch as constantly as any man, tho sickly himself, and lent an helping hand on all occasions. But at last, almost despairing of gaining his passage to the Cape, by reason of the Winds coming Southerly, and we having now been sailing 8 or 9 weeks, he called all our men to consult about our safety, and desired every man, from the highest to the lowest, freely to give his real opinion and advice, what to do in this dangerous juncture; for we were not in a condition to keep out long; and could we not get to Land quickly, must have perished at Sea. He consulted therefore whether it were best to beat still for the Cape, or bear away [Page] for Johanna, where we might expect relief, that being a place where our outward bound East India Ships usually touch, and whose Natives are very familiar; but other places, especially St. Laurence, or Madagascar, which was nearer, was unknown to us. We were now so nigh the Cape that with a fair Wind we might expect to be there in 4 or 5 days; but as the Wind was now, we could not hope to get thither. On the other side, this Wind was fair to carry us to Johanna: but then Johanna was a great way off; and if the Wind should continue as it was, to bring us into a true Trade wind, yet we could not get thither under a fortnight; and if we should meet calms, as we might probably expect, it might be much longer. Besides, we should lose our passage about the Cape till October or November, this being about the latter end of March, for after the 10th of May 'tis not usual to beat about the Cape, to come home. All circumstances therefore being weighed and considered, we at last unanimously agreed, to prosecute our Voyage towards the Cape, and with patience wait for a shift of Wind.

But Captain Heath, having thus far sounded the inclination of his weak men, told them, that it was not enough that they all consented to beat for the Cape, for our desires were not sufficient to bring us thither; but that there would need a more than ordinary labour and management, from those that were able: And withal, for their encouragement, he promised a months pay Gratis, to every man that would engage to assist on all occasions, and be ready upon call, whether it were his turn to watch, or not; and this money he promised to pay at the Cape. This offer was first imbraced by some of the Officers, and then as many of the men as found themselves in a capacity, listed themselves in a Roll, to serve theit Commander.

[Page] This was wisely contrived of the Captain, for he could not have compell'd them in their weak condition, neither would fair words alone, without some hopes of a reward, have engag d them to so much extraordinary work; for the Ship, Sail, and Rigging were much out of repair. For my part, I was too weak to enter my self in that list, for else our common safety, which I plainly saw lay at stake, would have prompted me to do more than any such reward would do. In a short time after this, it pleased God to favour us with a fine Wind, which being improved to the best advantage by the incessant labour of these new listed men, brought us in a short time to the Cape.

The night before we entered the Harbour, which was about the beginning of April, being near the land, we fired a Gun every hour, to give notice that we were in distress. The next day, a Dutch Captain came aboard in his Boat, who seeing us so weak as not to be able to trim our Sails to turn into the Harbour, though we did tollerably well at Sea, before the Wind, and being requested by our Captain to assist him, sent ashore for a hundred lusty men, who immediately came aboard, and brought our Ship in to an anchor. They also unbent our Sails, and did every thing for us that they were required to do, for which Captain Heath gratified them to the full.

These men had better stomachs than we, and eat freely of such food as the Ship afforded: and they having the freedom of our Ship, to go to and fro between Decks, made prize of what they could lay their hands on, especially salt Beef, which our men, for want of stomachs in the Voyage, had hung up, 6, 8, or 10 pieces in a place. This was conveyed away before we knew it, or thought of it: besides, in the night, there was a Bale of Muzlins broke open, and a great deal conveyed away; [Page] but whether the Muslins were stoln by our own men, or the Dutch, I cannot say; for we had some very dexterous Thieves in our Ship.

Being thus got safe to an anchor, the sick were presently sent ashore, to quarters provided for them, and those that were able remained aboard, and had good fat Mutton, or fresh Beef, sent aboard every day: I went ashore also with my painted Prince, where I remained with him till the time of sailing again, which was about 6 weeks. In which time I took the opportunity to inform my self of what I could concerning this Country, which I shall in this next place give you a brief account of, and so make what haste I can home.

The Cape of Good Hope is the utmost bounds of the continent of Africa towards the South, lying in 34 d. 30 m S. lat. in a very temperate Climate. I look upon this latitude to be one of the mildest and sweetest for its temperature, of any whatsoever; and I cannot here but take notice of a common prejudice our European Seamen have as to this Country, that they look upon it as much colder than places in the same lat. to the North of the the Line. I am not of their opinion as to that: and their thinking so I believe may easily be accounted for from hence, that whatever way they come to the Cape, whether going to the East Indies or returning back, they pass thro a hot Climate: and coming to it thus out of an extremity, of heat, 'tis no wonder if it appear the colder to them. Some impute the coldness of the South Wind here, to its blowing off from Sea. On the contrary, I. have always observ d the Sea Winds to be warmer than Land Winds; unless it be when a bloom, we call it, or hot b'ast blow from thence. Such an one we felt in this very Voyage, as we went from Cape Verd Islands, towards the South Seas; which I forgot to mention in its proper place, Chap. 4th. [Page] For one afternoon about the 19th of Jan. 1683 in the lat. of 37 South, we felt a brisk gale coming from off the Coast of America, but so violently hot, that we thought it came from some burning Mountain on the shore, and was like the heat from the mouth of an Oven. Just such another gleam I felt one afternoon also, as I lay at anchor at the Groin in July 1694. it came with a Southerly Wind: both these were followed by a Thunder-shower. These were the only great blooms I ever met with in my Travels. But setting these aside, which are exceptions, I have made it my general observation, that the Sea Winds are a great deal warmer than those which blow from Land: unless where the Wind blows from the Poles, which I take to be the true cause of the coldness of the South Wind at the Cape; for it is cold at Sea also. And as for the coldness of Land-Winds, as the South-West parts of Europe are very sensible of it from the Northern and Eastern Winds; so on the opposite Coast of Virginia, they are as much pinch d with the North-West Winds, blowing excessively cold from over the Continent: though its lat. be not much greater than this of the Cape.

But to proceeed: This large Promontory consists of high, and very remarkable Land: and off at Sea it affords a very pleasant and agreeable prospect. And without doubt the prospect of it was very agreeable to those Portuguese, who first found out this way by Sea to the East-Indies: when after coasting along the vast Continent of Africk, towards the South Pole, they had the comfort of seeing the Land and their course end in this promontory: which therefore they called the Cape de Bon Esperance, or of Good Hope, finding that they might now proceed Eastward.

There is good Sounding off this Cape 50 or 60 leagues at Sea, to the Southward: and therefore [Page] our English Seamen standing over as they usually do, from the Coast of Brazil, content themselves with their Soundings, concluding thereby that they are abrest of the Cape, they often pass by without seeing it, and begin to shape their course Northward. They have several other signs whereby to know when they are near it, as by the Sea-Fowl they meet at Sea, especially the Algatrosses, a very large long-winged Bird, and the Mangovolucres a smaller Fowl. But the greatest dependance of our English Seamen now is upon their observing the variation of the Compass, which is very carefully minded when they come near the Cape, by taking the Suns Amplitude mornings and evening. This they are so exact in, that by the help of the Azimuth Compass, an Instrument more peculiar to the Seamen of our Nations, they know when they are abrest of the Cape, or are either to the East or the West of it: and for that reason, though they should be to Southward of all the Soundings, or fathomable ground, they can shape their course right, without being obliged to make the Land. But the Dutch, on the contrary, having settled themselves on this Promontory, do always touch here in their East India Voyages, both going and coming.

The most remarkable Land at Sea is a high Mountain, steep to the Sea, with a flat even top, which is called the Table Land. On the West side of the Cape, a little to the Northward of it, there is a spacious Harbour, with a low flat Island lying off it; which you may leave on either hand, and pass in or out securely at either end. Ships that anchor here, ride near the Main Land, leaving the Island at a farther distance without them. The Land by the Sea against the Harbour, is low; but backt with high Mountains a little way in, to the Southward of it.

[Page] The Soil of this Country is of a brown colour; not deep, yet indifferently productive of Grass, Herbs, and Trees. The Grass is short, like that which grows on our Wiltshire or Dorsetshire Downs. The Trees hereabouts are but small and few; the Country also farther from the Sea, does not much abound in Trees, as I have been informed. The Mould or Soyl also is much like this near the Harbour, which though it cannot be said to be very fat, or rich Land, yet it is very fit for cultivation, and yields good Crops to the industrious Husbandman, and the Country is pretty well settled with Farms, Dutch Families, and French Refugees, for 20 or 30 leagues up the Country; but there are but few Farms near the Harbour.

Here grows plenty of Wheat, Barly, Pease, &c. Here are also Fruits of many kinds, as Apples, Pears, Quinces, and the largest Pomgranats that I did ever see.

The chief Fruits are Grapes. These thrive very well, and the Country is of late years, so well stockt with Vineyards, that they make abundance of Wine, of which they have enough and to spare; and do sell great quantities to Ships that touch here. This Wine is like a French High Country White Wine, but of a pale yellowish colour; it is sweet, very pleasant and strong.

The tame Animals of this Country are Sheep, Goats, Hogs, Cows, Horses, &c. The Sheep are very large and fat, for they thrive very well here: This being a dry Country, and the short pasturage very agreeable to these Creatures, but it is not so proper for great Cattle; neither is the Beef in its kind so sweet as the Mutton. Of wild Beasts, 'tis said, here are several sorts, but I saw none. However, it is very likely there are some wild Beasts, that prey on the Sheep, because they are commonly brought into the Houses in the night and penn'd up.

[Page] There is a very beautiful sort of wild Als in this Country, whose body is curiously striped with equal lists of white and black: the stripes coming from the ridge of his Back, and ending under the Belly, which is white. These stripes are two or three Fingers broad, running parallel with each other, and curiously intermixt, one white and one black, over from the Shoulder to the Rump. I saw two of the Skins of these Beasts, dried and preserved to be sent to Halland, as a rarity. They seemed big enough to inclose the Body of a Beast, as big as a large Colt of a twelvemonth old.

Here are a great many Ducks, Dunghil Fowls, &c. and Ostriges are plentifully found in the dry Mountains and Plains. I eat of their Eggs here, and those of whom I bought them told me that these creatures lay their Eggs in the Sand, or at least on dry ground, and so leave them to be hatch'd by the Sun. The meat of one of their Eggs will suffice two men very well. The Inhabitants do preserve the Eggs that they find to sell to strangers. They were pretty scarce when I was here, it being the beginning of their Winter; whereas I was told they lay their Eggs about Christmas, which is their Summer.

The Sea hereabouts affords plenty of Fish of divers sorts; especially a small sort of Fish, not so big as a Herring; whereof they have such great plenty, that they pickle great quantities yearly, and send them to Europe. Seales are also in great numbers about the Cape; which, as I have still observed, is a good sign of the plentifulness of Fish, which is their food.

The Dutch have a strong Fort by the Sea side, against the Harbour, where the Governour lives. At about 2 or 300 paces distance from thence, on the West side of the Fort, there is a small Dutch Town, in which I told about 50 or 60 Houses; [Page] low, but well built, with Stone-walls; there being plenty of Stone, drawn out of a Quarry close by.

On the backside of the Town, as you go towards the Mountains, the Dutch East-India Company have a large House, and a stately Garden, walled in with a high Stone Wall.

This Garden is full of divers sorts of Herbs, Flowers, Roots, and Fruits, with curious spacious Gravel-walks and Arbors; and is watered with a Brook that descends out of the Mountains: which being cut into many channels, is conveyed into all parts of the Garden. The Hedges which make the Walks are very thick, and 9 or 10 foot high: They are kept exceeding neat and even by continual pruning. There are lower Hedges within these again, which serve to separate the Fruit-trees from each other, but without shading them: and they keep each sort of Fruit by themselves, as Apples, Pears, abundance of Quinces, Pomgranats, &c. These all prosper very well, and bear good Fruit, especially the Pomgranat. The Roots and Garden-herbs have also their distinct places, hedged in apart by themselves; and all in such order, that it is exceeding pleasant and beautiful. There are a great number of Negro Slaves brought from other parts of the World; some of which are continually weeding, pruning, trimming, and looking after it. All Strangers are allowed the liberty to walk there; and by the Servants leave, you may be admitted to taste of the Fruit: but if you think to do it clandestinly, you may be mistaken, as I knew one was when I was in the Garden, who took 5 or 6 Pomgranats, and was espy'd by one of the Slaves, and threatned to be carry'd before the Governour: I believe it cost him some Money to make his peace, for I heard no more of it. Further up from the Sea, [Page] beyond the Garden, towards the Mountains, there are several other small Gardens, and Vineyards, belonging to private men: but the Mountains are so nigh, that the number of them are but small.

The Dutch that live in the Town get considerably by the Ships that frequently touch here chiefly, by entertaining Strangers that come ashore to refresh themselves: for you must give 3 s. or a Dollar a day for you entertainment; the Bread and Flesh is as cheap here as in England: Besides they buy good penny worths of the Seamen, both outward and homeward bound, which the Farmers up the Country buy of them again at a dear rate; for they have not the opportunity of buying things at the best hand, but must buy of those that live at the Harbour: the nearest Settlements, as I was informed being 20 miles off.

Notwithstanding the great plenty of Corn and Wine, yet the extraordinary high Taxes which the Company lays on Liquor, makes it very dear: and you can buy none but at the Tavern, except it be by stealth. There are but 3 Houses in the Town that sell strong Liquor, one of which is this Wine House or Tavern; there they sell only Wine: another sells Beer and Mum; and the third sells Brandy and Tobacco, all extraordinary dear. A Flask of Wine which holds 3 quarts will cost 18 Stivers, for so much I paid for it; yet I bought as much for 8 Stivers in another place, but it was privately, at an unlicensed House, and the person that sold it, would have been mined had it been known; and thus much for the Country, and the European Inhabitants.

[Page]

CHAP XX.

Of the Natural Inhabitants of the Cape of Good Hope, the Hodmadods or Hottantots. Their Personage, Garb, besmearing themselves; their Cloathing, Houses, Food, way of Living, and Dancing at the Full of the Moon: Compared in those respects with other Negroes and Wild Indians. Captain Heath refreshes his Men at the Cape, and getting some more hands, departs in company with the James and Mary, and the Josiah. A great swelling Sea from the S. W. They arrive at Santa Hellena, and there meet with the Princess Ann, homeward bound. The Air, Situation, and Soil of that Island. Its first discovery and change of Masters since. How the English got it. Its Strength, Town, Inhabitants, and the product of their Plantations. The Santa Hellena Manatee no other than the Sea Lyon. Of the English Women at this Isle. The English Ships refresh their Men here; and depart all together. Of the different Courses from hence to England. Their Course, and arrival in the English Channel and the Downs.

THe Natural Inhabitans of the Cape are the Hodmadods, as they are commonly called, which is a corruption of the Word Hottantot; for this is the Name by which they call to one another, either in their Dances, or on any occasion, [Page] as if every one of them had this for his Name. The word probably hath some signification or other in their Language, whatever it is.

These Hottantots are people of a middle stature, with small Limbs and thin Bodies, full of activity. Their Faces are of a flat oval Figure, of the Negro make, with great Eye-brows, black Eyes, but neither are their Noses so flat, nor their Lips so thick, as the Negroes of Guinea. Their Complexion is darker than the common Indians; tho not so black as the Negroes or New Hollanders; neither is their Hair so much frizled.

They besmear themselves all over with Grease, as well to keep their Joints supple, as to fence their half naked Bodies from the Air, by stopping up their Pores. To do this the more effectually, they rub Soot over the greased parts, especially their Faces, which adds to their natural Beauty, as Painting does in Europe; but withal sends from them a strong smell, which though sufficiently pleasing to themselves, is very unpleasant to others. They are glad of the worst of Kitchin-stuff for this purpose, and use it as often as they can get it.

This custom of anointing the Body is very common in other parts of Africa, especially on the Coast of Guinea, where they generally use Palm-oyl, anointing themselves from Head to Foot; but when they want Oyl, they make use of Kitchin-stuff, which they buy of the Europeans, that Trade with them. In the East Indies also, especially on the Coast of Cudda and Malacca, and in general, on almost all the Easterly Islands, as well on Sumatra, Java, &c. as on the Philippine and Spice Islands, the Indian Inhabitants anoint themselves with Coco-nut Oyl, two or three times a day, especially mornings and evenings. They spend sometimes half an hour in chasing [Page] the Oyl, and rubbing it into their Hair and Skin, leaving no place unsmear'd with Oyl, but their Face, which they daub not like these Hottantots. The Americans also in some places do use this custom, but not so frequently, perhaps for want of Oyl and Grease to do it. Yet some American Indians in the North Seas, frequently daub themselves with a Pigment made with Leaves, Roots, or Herbs, or with a sort of red Earth, giving their Skins a yellow, red, or green colour, according as the Pigment is. And these smell unsavourly enough to people not accustomed to them; tho not so rank as those who use Oyl or Grease.

The Hottantots do wear no covering on their Heads, but deck their Hair with small Shells. Their Garments are Sheep-skins wrapt about their Shoulders like a Mantle, with the woolly sides next their Bodies. The men have besides this Mantle, a pieces of Skin like a small Apron, hanging before them. The Women have another Skin tucked about their Wastes, which comes down to their Knees like a Petticoat; and their Legs are wrapt round with Sheep-guts, two or three inches thick, some up as high as to their Calves, others even from their Feet to their Knees, which at a small distance seems to be a sort of Boots. These are put on when they are green; and so they grow hard and stiff on their Legs, for they never pull them off again, till they have occasion to eat them; which is when they journey from home, and have no other food: then these Guts, which have been worn, it may be, 6, 8, 10, or 12 months, make them a good Banquet: This I was informed of by the Dutch. They never pull off their Sheep-skin Garments, but to louse themselves, for by continual wearing them they are full of Vermin, which obliges them often to strip and sit in [Page] the Sun two or three hours together in the heat of the day, to destroy them. Indeed most Indians that live remote from the Equator, are molested with Lice, though their Garments afford less shelter for Lice, than these Hottantots Sheep-skins do. For all those Indians who live in cold Countries, as in the North and South parts of America, have some sort of Skin or other to cover their Bodies, as Deer, Otter, Beaver or Seals Skins, all which they as constantly wear, without shifting themselves as these Hottantots do their Sheep-Skins. And hence they are lowsy too, and strong scented, though they do not daub themselves at all, or but very little; for even by reason of their Skins they smell strong.

The Hottantots Houses are the meanest that I did ever see. They are about 9 or 10 foot high, and 10 or 12 from side to side. They are in a manner round, made with small poles stuck into the ground, and brought together at the top where they are fastned. The sides and top of the House are filled up with Boughs coursely watled between the poles, and all is covered over with long Grass, Rushes, and pieces of Hides; and the House appears at a distance just like a Hay-cock. They leave only a small hole on one side about three or four foot high, for a door to creep in and out at; but when the wind comes in at this door, they stop it up, and make another hole in the opposite side. They make the Fire in the middle of the House, and the smoak ascends out of the crannies, from all parts of the House. They have no Beds to lye on, but tumble down at night round the fire.

Their Houshold furniture is commonly an earthen pot or two to boyl Victuals, and they live very miserably and hard; it is reported that they will fast two or three days together, when they travel about the Country.

[Page] Their common food is either Herbs, Flesh, or Shell-fish, which they get among the Rocks, or other places at low water: for they have no Boats, Barklogs, nor Canoas to go a fishing in; so that their chiefest subsistance is on Land Animals, or on such Herbs as the Land naturally produceth. I was told by my Dutch Landlord, that they kept Sheep and Bullocks here before the Dutch settled among them: and that the Inland Hottantots have still great stocks of Cattle, and sell them to the Dutch for Rolls of Tobacco; and that the price for which they sell a Cow or Sheep, was as much twisted Tobacco, as will reach from the Horns or Head, to the Tail; for they are great lovers of Tobacco, and will do any thing for it. This their way of trucking was confirmed to me by many others, who yet said that they could not buy their Beef this cheap way, for they had not the liberty to deal with the Hottantots, that being a priviledge which the Dutch East India Company reserve to themselves. My Landlord having a great many Lodgers, fed us most with Mutton, some of which he bought of the Butcher, and there is but one in the Town; but most of it he kill'd in the night, the Sheep being brought privately by the Hottantots, who assisted in Skinning and Dressing, and had the Skin and Guts for their pains. I judge these Sheep were fetched out of the Country, a good way off, for he himself would be absent a day or two to procure them, and two or three Hottantots with him. These of the Hottantots that live by the Dutch Town, have their greatest subsistance from the Dutch, for there is one or more of them belonging to every house. These do all sorts of servile work, and there take their Food and Grease. Three or four more of their nearest Relations sit at the doors or near the Dutch House, waiting [Page] for the scraps and fragments that come from the Table; and if between meals the Dutch people have any occasion for them, to go on Errands, or the like, they are ready at command; expecting little for their pains; but for a stranger they will not budge under a Stiver.

Their Religion, if they have any, is wholly unknown to me; for they have no Temple nor Idol, nor any place of worship that I did see or hear of. Yet their mirth and nocturnal pastimes at the New and Full of the Moon, lookt as if they had some Superstition about it. For at the Full especially they sing and dance all night, making a great noise: I walked out to their Huts twice at these times, in the evening, when the Moon arose above the Horizon, and viewed them for an hour or more. They seem all very busie, both Men, Women and Children, dancing very oddly on the green Grass by their Houses. They traced to and fro promiscuously, often clapping their hands and singing aloud. Their Faces were sometimes to the East, sometimes to the West: neither did I see any motion or gesture that they used when their Faces were toward the Moon, more than when their backs were towards it. After I had thus observed them for a while, I returned to my Lodging, which was not above 2 or 300 paces from their Huts; and I heard them Singing in the same manner all night. In the grey of the morning I walked out again, and found many of the men and women still Singing and Dancing; who continued their mirth till the Moon went down, and then they left off: Some of them going into their Huts to sleep, and others to their attendance in their Dutch houses. Other Negroes are less circumspect in their Night-Dances, as to the precise time of the Full Moon, they being more general in these Nocturnal pastimes, [Page] and use them oftener; as do many people also in the East and West Indies: Yet there is a difference between colder and warmer Countries as to their Divertisements. The warmer Climates being generally very preductive of delicate Fruits, &c. and these uncivilized people caring for little else than what is barely necessary, they spend the greatest part of their time in diverting themselves, after their several fashions; but the Indians of colder Climates are not so much at leisure, the Fruits of the Earth being scarce with them, and they necessitated to be continually Fishing, Hunting, or Fowling for their subsistance; not as with us for Recreation.

As for these Hottantots, they are a very lazy sort of people, and tho they live in a delicate Country, very fit to be manured, and where there is Land enough for them, yet they choose rather to live as their Fore-fathers, poor and miserable, than be at pains for plenty. And so much for the Hottantots: I shall now return to our own affairs.

Upon our arrival at the Cape, Captain Heath took an House to live in, in order to recover his health. Such of his Men as were able did so too, for the rest he provided Lodgings and paid their expences. Three or four of our men, who came ashore very sick, died, but the rest, by the assistance of the Doctors of the Fort, a fine Air, and good Kitchin and Cellar Physick, soon recovered their healths. Those that subscribed to be at all calls, and assisted to bring in the Ship, received Captain Heath's Bounty, by which they furnished themselves with Liquor for their homeward Voyage. But we were now so few, that we could not sail the Ship; therefore Captain Heath desired the Governour to spare him some men; and as I was informed, had a promise to be [Page] supplied out of the homeward bound Dutch East India Ships, that were now expected every day, and we waited for them. In the mean time in came the James and Mary, and the Josiah of London bound home. Out of these we thought to have been furnished with men: but they had only enough for themselves; therefore we waited yet longer for the Dutch Fleet, which at last arrived: but we could get no men from them.

Captain Heath was therefore forced to get men by stealth, such as he could pick up, whether Soldiers or Seamen. The Dutch knew our want of men, therefore near 40 of them, those that had a design to return to Europe, came privately and offered themselves, and waited in the night at places appointed, where our Boats went and fetched 3 or 4 aboard at a time, and hid them; especially when any Dutch Boat came aboard our Ship. Here at the Cape I met my friend Daniel Wallis, the same who leapt into the Sea and swam at Pulo Condore. After several Traverses to Madagascar, Don Mascarin, Ponticherri, Pegu, Cunnimere, Maderas, and the River of Hugli, he was now got hither in a homeward bound Dutch Ship. I soon perswaded him to come over to us, and found means to get him aboard our Ship.

About the 23d of May we sailed from the Cape, in the company of the James and Mary, and the Josiah, directing our Course towards the Island Santa Hellena. We met nothing of remark in this Voyage, except a great swelling Sea, out of the S. W. which taking us on the broad side, made us rowl sufficiently. Such of our Water-Casks as were between Decks, running from side to side, were in a short time all staved, and the Deck well washed with the fresh water. The Shot tumbled out the Lockers and Garlands; and rung a lowd peal, rumbling from side to side, every rowl that [Page] the Ship made: neither was it an easie matter to reduce them again within bounds. The Guns, being carefully look'd after and lash'd fast, never budg [...]d, but the Tackles or Pulleys, and Lashings, made great Musick too. The sudden and violent motion of the Ship, made us fearful lest some of the Guns should have broken loose, which must have been very detrimental to the Ships sides. The Masts were also in great danger to be rowl'd by the board: but no harm hapned to any of us besides the loss of 3 or 4 Butts of Water, and a Barrel or 2 of good Cape Wine, which was staved in the great Cabbin.

This great Tumbling Sea, took us shortly after we came from the Cape. The violence of it lasted but one Night: yet we had a continual swelling came out of the S. W. almost during all the passage to Santa Hellena: which was an eminent token that the S. W. Winds were now violent in the higher latitudes towards the South Pole; for this was the time of the year for those Winds. Notwithstanding this boisterous Sea coming thus obliquely upon us, we had fine clear weather, and a moderate gale at S. E. or between that and the East, till we came to the Island Santa Hellena, where we arrived the 20th day of June. There we found the Princess Ann at an Anchor, waiting for us.

The Island Santa Hellena lies in about 16 Degrees South lat. The Air is commonly serene and clear, except in the months that yield Rain; yet we had one or two very rainy days, even while we were here. Here are moist seasons to plant and sow, and the weather is temperate enough as to heat, tho so near the Equator, and very healthy.

The Island is but small, not above nine or ten leagues in length, and stands 3 or 400 leagues [Page] from the main Land. It is bounded against the Sea with steep Rocks, so that there is no landing but at 2 or 3 places. The Land is high and Mountainous, and seems to be very dry and poor; yet there are fine Valleys, proper for cultivation. The Mountains appear bare, only in some places you may see a few low Shrubs, but the Valleys afford some Trees fit for building, as I was informed.

This Island is said to have been first discover'd and settled by the Portuguese, who stockt it with Goats and Hogs. But it being afterwards deserted by them, it lay waste, till the Dutch, finding it convenient to relieve their East India Ships, settled it again; but they afterwards relinquished it for a more convenient place; I mean the Cape of Good Hope. Then the English East India Company settled their Servants there, and began to Fortify it, but they being yet weak, the Dutch about the year 1672 came thither, and re-took it, and kept it in their possession. This news being reported in England, Captain Monday was sent to re-take it, who by the advice and conduct of one that had formerly lived there, landed a Party of Armed Men in the night in a small Cove, unknown to the Dutch then in Garrison, and climbing the Rocks, got up into the Island, and so came in the morning to the Hills hanging over the Fort, which stands by the Sea in a small Valley. From thence firing into the Fort, they soon made them surrender. There were at this time two or three Dutch East India Ships, either at Anchor, or coming thither, when our Ships were there. These, when they saw that the English were Masters of the Island again, made sail to be gone; but being chaced by the English Frigots, 2 of them became rich prizes to Captain Monday and his men.

[Page] The Island hath continued ever since in the hands of the English East-India Company, and hath been greatly strengthned both with Men and Guns; so that at this day it is secure enough from the invasion of any Enemy. For the common Landing-place is a small Bay, like a Half-Moon, scarce 500 paces wide, between the two points. Close by the Sea side are good Guns planted at equal distances, lying along from one end of the Bay to the other: besides a small Fort, a little further in from the Sea, near the midst of the Bay. All which makes this Bay so strong, that it is impossible to force it. The small Cove where Captain Monday landed his men when he took the Island from the Dutch, is scarce fit for a Boat to land at; and yet that is now also fortified.

There is a small English Town within the great Bay, standing in a little Valley, between two high steep Mountains. There may be about 20 or 30 small Houses, whose Walls are built with rough Stones: The inside furniture is very mean. The Governour hath a pretty tolerably handsome low House, by the Fort; where he commonly lives, having a few Souldiers to attend him, and to guard the Fort. But the Houses in the Town before mentioned stand empty, save only when Ships arrive here; for their Owners have all Plantations farther in the Island, where they constantly employ themselves. But when Ships arrive, they all flock to the Town, where they live all the time that the Ships lye here; for then is their Fair or Market, to buy such necessaries as they want, and to sell off the produce of their Plantations.

Their Plantations afford Patatoes, Yames, and some Plantains and Bonanoes. Their stock consists chiefly of Hogs, Bullocks, Cocks and Hens, Ducks, Geese, and Turkeys, of which they have [Page] great plenty, and sell them at a low rate to the Sailors, taking in exchange, Shirts, Drawers, or any light Cloaths; pieces of Callico, Silks, or Muzlins: Arack, Sugar, and Lime-juice, is also much esteemed and coveted by them. But now they are in hopes to produce Wine and Brandy, in a short time; for they do already begin to plant Vihes for that end, there being a few French men there to manage that affair. This I was told, but I saw nothing of it, for it rained so hard when I was ashore, that I had not the opportunity of seeing their Plantations. I was also informed, that they get Manatee or Sea-cows here, which seemed very strange to me. Therefore enquiring more strictly into the matter, I found the Santa Hellena Manatee to be, by their Shapes, and manner of lying ashore on the Rocks, those Creatures called Sea-lyons; for the Manatee never come ashore, neither are they found near any rocky Shores, as this Island is, there being no feeding for them in such places. Besides, in this Island there is no River for them to drink at, tho there is a small Brook runs into the Sea, out of the Valley by the Fort.

We stayed here 5 or 6 days, all which time the Islanders lived at the Town, to entertain the Seamen; who constantly flockt ashore, to enjoy themselves among their Country people. Our touching at the Cape had greatly drained the Seamen of their loose Corns, at which these Islanders as greatly repined; and some of the poorer sort openly complained against such doings, saying, it was fit that the East India Company should be acquainted with it, that they might hinder their Ships from touching at the Cape. Yet they were extreamly kind, in hopes to get what was remaining. They are most of them very poor: but such as could get a little Liquor to sell [Page] to the Seamen at this time got what the Seamen could spare; for the Punch Houses were never empty. But had we all come directly hither, and not touched at the Cape, even the poorest people among them would have gotten something by entertaining sick men. For commonly the Seamen coming home, are troubled, more or less, with Scorbutick Distempers; and their only hopes are to get Refreshment and Health at this Island, and these hopes seldom or never fail them, if once they get footing here. For the Islands afford abundance of delicate Herbs, wherewith the sick are first bathed to supple their Joints, and then the Fruits and Herbs, and fresh food soon after cure them of their Scorbutick Humours. So that in a weeks time, men that have been carried ashore in Hammocks, and they who were wholly unable to go, have soon been able to leap and dance. Doubtless the serenity and wholesomeness of the Air contributes much to the carrying off of these Distempers; for here is constantly a fresh breeze. While we stayed here, many of the Seamen got Sweethearts. One young man belonging to the James and Mary, was married, and brought his Wife to England with him. Another brought his Sweetheart to England, they being each engaged by Bonds to marry at their arrival in England; and several others of our Men were over Head and Ears in love with the Santa Hellena Maids, who, tho they were born there, yet very earnestly desired to be released from that Prison, which they have no other way to compass, but by marrying Seamen, or Passengers that touch here. The young Women born here, are but one remove from English, being the Daughters of such. They are well shaped, proper and comely, were they in a Dress to set them off.

[Page] My stay ashore here was but two days, to get Refreshments for my self and Jeoly, whom I carried ashore with me: and he was very diligent to pick up such things as the Island afforded, carrying ashore with him a Bag, which the people of the Isle filled with Roots for him. They flockt about him, and seemed to admire him much. This was the last place where I had him at my own disposal, for the Mate of the Ship, who had Mr. Moodie's share in him, left him entirely to my management, I being to bring him to England. But I was no sooner arrived in the Thames, but he was sent ashore to be seen by some eminent persons; and I being in want of Money, was prevailed upon to sell first, part of my share in him, and by degrees all of it. After this I heard he was carried about to be shown as a Sight, and that he died of the Small-pox at Oxford.

But to proceed, our Water being fill'd, and the Ships all stocked with fresh Provision, we sailed from hence in Company of the Princess Ann, the James and Mary, and the Josiah, July the 2d, 1691, directing our course towards England, and designing to touch no where by the way. We were now in the way of the Trade Winds, which we commonly find at E. S. E. or S. E. by E. or S. E. till we draw near the Line, and sometimes till we are 8 or 10 degrees to the North of the Line. For which reason Ships might shape their course so, as to keep on the African Shore, and pass between Cape Verd, and Cape Verd Islands; for that seems to be the directest course to England. But experience often shews us, that the farthest way about is the nearest way home, and so it is here. For by striving to keep near the African Shore, you meet with the Winds more uncertain, and subject to calms; whereas in keeping the mid way between Africa and America, or rather nearer the [Page] American Continent, till you are North of the Line, you have a brisk constant gale.

This was the way that we took, and in our passage before we got to the Line, we saw three Ships, and making towards them, we found two of them to be Portuguese, bound to Brazil: The third kept on a Wind, so that we could not speak with her; but we found by the Portuguese it was an English Ship, called the Dorothy, Capt. Thwayt Commander, bound to the East Indies. After this we kept Company still with our 3 Consorts till we came near England, and then were separated by bad weather; but before we came within sight of Land, we got together again, all but the James and Mary. She got into the Channel before us, and went to Plymouth, and there gave an account of the rest of us; whereupon our Men of War who lay there, came out to join us, and meeting us, brought us off of Plymouth. There our Consort the James and Mary came to us again, and from thence we all sailed in company of several Men of War towards Portsmouth. There our first Convoy left us, and went in thither. But we did not want Convoys, for our Fleets were then repairing to their Winter Harbours, to be laid up; so that we had the company of several English Ships to the Downs, and a Squadron also of Dutch sailed up the Channel, but kept off farther from our English Coast, they being bound home to Holland. When we came as high as the South Foreland, we left them standing on their course, keeping on the back of the Goodwin Sands; and we lufft in for the Downs, where we anchored September the 16th, 1691.

[Page]

ERRATA.

Pag. | Lin. | Read.
5 | 18 | design of avoiding our En.
6 | 34 | what these
16 | 20 | But the Night
18 | 18 | our young Spanish Indian
37 | 8 | or she so frighted
38 | 14 | since; that
43 | 23 | Rancheries
44 | 3 | Rio la Hachae
49 | 23 | which was lost here, as I
61 | 36 | rows) are plac'd like the
63 | 19 | Venezuela
| 28 | from that place
75 | 38 | Plantans
76 | 21 | Coco
79 | 26 | Jago, one of the
| 33 | at S. E. in the
87 | 33 | describe in my 7 Chap The Savannahs
89 | 7 | Land. For
102 | 19 | Terapen
104 | 13 | Sand. In N. lat. their time
| 14 | July; in S. L. about Christmas: Some
106 | 1 | S. Latitudes
111 | 19 | Gramadel
119 | 21 | is a shallow sandy
123 | 12 | places have
127 | 8 | Gourd
132 | 17 | Cacafoga
140 | 25 | Tomaco
166 | 6 | not round, but
| 31 | Cuba. This last is very
174 | 1 | Indies, the
| 5 | Indies; and on
177 | 29 | soft oazy
185 | 5 | Cruzes
188 | 18 | with a small
194 | 1 | between the Mouths
205 | 10 | Woods
215 | 3 | abaft
267 | 14 | North
270 | 16 | were 30
272 | 37 | tho the Indians of
275 | 14 | bearing E. S. E.
| 35 | by Sea, from the places along the W. Coast
285 | 29 | 22 W. 180 0 180
288 | 1 | to be decreasing
| 38 | are over reckoned
289 | 23 | besides the concurrent
290 | 1 | those
313 | 32 | 3d a
316 | 28 | have no great
321 | 37 | blow in Oct.
342 | 16 | Table in
343 | 38 | Island
353 | 6 | formally
354 | 9 | measure
365 | 32 | prices the Mindanaians set
368 | 33 | Kine
377 | 24 | Latitudes
387 |  | r. p. 385, &c.
392 | 5 | Achin, & at Maderas, or Fort
396 | 30 | and Lamps
406 | 13 | 22 d.
410 | 34 | the Ear
413 | 8 | pieced
422 | 7 | abroad
423 | 2 | come
430 | 8 | as it was
435 | 1 | one of them very
442 | 34 | on to the
461 | 27 | spit of Sand
465 | 34 | tender. the old
475 | 11 | Coco-nuts. A riff
476 | 17 | Andeman
501 | 29 | Malacca
514 | 28 | Dammer
525 | 11 | is serv'd

[Page]

Books sold by James Knapton, at the Crown in St. Pauls Church-yard.

THE Memoirs of Monsieur Pontis, who served in the French Armies 56 years, translated by Ch. Cotton Esq fol. Sir W. Temples Memoirs 80.

Plutarchs Lives, 5 vol. 80

Scarrons Novels 80

Processus Integri in morbis fere omnibus Curandis a Do. Tho. Sydenham Conscripti 125.

Dr Sydenham's practice of Physick, faithfully translated into English, with large Annotations, Animadversions and Practical Observations on the same. By W. Salmon, M. D. 125.

Wingates Arithmetick 80. 9th Edit.

Scriveners Directions to a holy Life, 80,

A Learned Treatise of the situation of the Terrestrial Paradice, Written by Monsieur Huet, done into English

Quadraennium Jacobi, or the history of the Reign of K. James 2d. from his coming to the Crown to his Desertion, the 2d edit.

A new method of curing all sorts of Fevers, without taking any thing by the mouth; being a new prescription for giving the Bark in Clyster, whereby all the inconveniencies of administring it in any other form are avoided, and a more speedy and certain Cure is obtained. By A. Helvet M. D. 125 2d edit.

The Governour of Cyprus 125. a Novel.

The wanton Fryar 125. a Novel.

Victoriae Anglicanae, or the Histories of several Battles won by the English against the French, 125.

Cor [...]. Nepos in usum Delph. 80.

The Artificial Clock Maker, a Treatise of Watch and Clock Work, wherein the Art of calculating numbers for most sorts of Movements, is explained to the capacity of the unlearned; also the History of Clock-work both Antient and Modern, with other useful matters never before published, 80. By J. D. M. A.

The History of the Inquisition of Goa, done in English by the ingenious Mr Wharton, 40.

Russels Treatise of Physick, 80.

Bugerdicij & Hereboord Logica, 125.

Elis de Articulis, 125.

Mori Ethica, 125.

Bakers Chronicle, fol.

L' Estranges Aesop, fol.

Seneas Morals, 80.

Tillotsons Works, fol.

—His late Sermon in 3 vol. [...]

[Page] Bp Taylors Life of Christ, fol.

Parsons Councellor in 80.

Dr Lucus enquiry after Happiness 3 pts. 80.

The Common Prayer in lat. 125.

Idem in French.

The Works of the Author of the whole Duty of Man, fol.

Idem in Octavo.

Cambridge Phrases, 80.

Design of Ecclesiastes, 80.

Poetry and Plays.

Ben. Johnsons Works folio

Sir Rob. Howards Plays

The E. of Orrerys Plays folio

Drydens Juvenal 80

Miltons Paradise lost and regained folio

—Poetical works with Notes

Prince Arthur

Ovids Epistles by several hands 80

Drydens Miscellany poems

Wallers poems

Oldhams poems

Clevelands poems

Tates poems

Dennis poems

Flatmans poems

Mrs Behns poems

Hudibras

Mr Dryden's Plays, bound or single, viz.

1 Dramatick essay

2 Wild Gallant

3 Rival Ladies

4 Indian Emperor

5 Maiden Queen

6 Sir Martin Marrall

7 Tempest

8 Mock Astrologer

9 Tyrannick Love

10 Conq. of Granada

11 Marriage Alamode

12 Love in a Nunnery

13 Amboyna

14 State of Innocence

15 Aurenzebes

16 All for Love

17 Limberham

18 O Edipus

19 Troilus & Cressida

20 Spanish Fryar

21 Duke of Guise

22 Albion & Albanius

23 Don Sebastian

24 Amphytrion

25 King Arthur

26 Cleomenes

27 Love Triumphant

Mr Shadwel's Plays, bound or single, viz.

1 Sullen Lovers

2 Humorist

3 Royal Shepherdess

4 Virtuoso

5 Psycbe

6 Libertine

7 Epsom Wells

8 Timon of Athens

9 Miser

10 True Widdow

[Page] 11 Lancashire Witches

12 Woman Captain

13 Squire of Alsatia

14 Bury Fair

15 Amorous Blggot

16 Sco [...]

17 Volunteers

Mr Otway's Plays, bound or single, viz.

1 Alcibiades

2 Friendship in fashion

3 Orphan

4 Soldiers fortune

5 Atheist

6 Titus and [...]

7 Venice preserved

8 Don Carlos

9 Caius Maius

10 Windsor Castle, a poem

Mr Lee's Tragedies, bound or single, viz.

1 Sophonisba

2 Nero

3 Alexander the Great

4 Gloriana

5 Mithridates

6 Theodosius

7 Caesar Borgia

8 Lucius Jun. Brutus

9 Constantine

10 OEdipus

11 Duke of Guise

12 Massacre of Paris

13 Princess of Cleve

Also these, and all other Modern Plays.

Mr Anthony

Abdelazer

Alphonso K. of Naples

Antony & Cleopatra

Adventures of 5 hours

Bellamira

Black Prince and Tryphon

Bussy d' Amboyse

Country Wit

Country Wife

Chances

Circe

Cheats

City Politicks

Cambyses

Destruction of Jerusalem

Duke and no Duke

Devil of a Wife

Distressed Innocent

Dame Dobsan

Dutch Lover

Don Quixot 3 parts

Double Dealer

Empress of Morocco

Earl of Essex

English Monarch

English Fryar

Edward the Third

Emperor of the Moon

English Lawyer

Fond Husband

Feign'd Courtezans

Forc'd Marriage

Female Virtuoso

Fortune Hunters

Fatal Marriage

Gentleman Dancing Master

Greenwich Park

Henry 5 & Mustapha

Heir of Morocco

Hamlet

Ibrahim

Island Princess

Ingratitude of Commonwealth

Julius Caesat

Injur'd Lovers

Innocent Impostor

Innocent Usurper

King and no King, & [...]

FINIS.

[Page]

A new voyage round the world describing particularly the isthmus of America, several coasts and islands in the West Indies, the isles of Cape Verd, the passage by Terra del Fuego, the South Sea coasts of Chili, Peru and Mexico, the isle of Guam one of the Ladrones, Mindanao, and other Philippine and East-India islands near Cambodia, China, Formosa, Luconia, Celebes, &c., New Holland, Sumatra, Nicobar Isles, the Cape of Good Hope, and Santa Hellena : their soil, rivers, harbours, plants, fruits, animals, and inhabitants : their customs, religion, government, trade, &c. / by William Dampier ; illustrated with particular maps and draughts.[2]

§

§

§

[Page]

[Page]

Voyages and Descriptions.

Vol. II.

In THREE Parts, viz.

1. A Supplement of the Voyage round the World, Describing the Countreys of Tonquin, Achin, Malacca, &c. their Product, Inhabitants, Manners, Trade, Policy, &c.

2. Two Voyages to Campeachy; with a Description of the Coasts, Product, Inhabitants, Logwood-Cutting, Trade, &c. of Jucatan, Campeachy, New-Spain, &c.

3. A Discourse of Trade-Winds, Breezes, Storms, Seasons of the Year, Tides and Currents of the Torrid Zone throughout the World: With an Account of Natal in Africk, its Product, Negro's, &c.

By Captain William Dampier.

Illustrated with Particular Maps and Draughts.

To which is Added, A General INDEX to both Volumes.

LONDON, Printed for James Knapton, at the Crown in St Pauls Church-yard. M DC XCIX.

[Page]

[Page]

To the Right Honourable EDWARD, Earl of ORFORD, Viscount Barfleur, Baron of Shingey, Principal Lord of the Admiralty, Treasurer of his Majesty's Navy, &c. and one of his Majesty's most Honourable Privy Council.

My Lord,

'TIs in Acknowledgement of the Favours your Lordship has conferr'd upon me, that I presume to place your Name before these Papers. The Honourable Person to whom I dedicated my former Volume could not have taken a more agreeable way to befriend me, than by recommending me to your Patronage; and I shall always retain a grateful sense of it: and your Lordship has been pleas'd to prefer me in a way suitable to my Genius[Page]and Experience; and wherein therefore, if in any way, I may be able to do something toward the preserving the good Opinion you have been pleased to entertain of me. 'Tis a further satisfaction to me that my Employment is of such a Nature, as does not alienate me from your Lordships more peculiar Jurisdiction, but places me more immediately under it, and chiefly accountable to your self. Whatever parts of the World I shall range into, I shall carry this comfort along with me, that next under the Providence of God, and his Majesty's Protection, I shall be so long as I am upon the Seas, in the Province, and under the Direction of your Lordship and the Honourable Board: for whose favours to me in general I have no better way of Expressing my Gratitude, than by doing it thus to your Lordship, who Presides there And with these Sentiments, I am bold to subscribe my self,

My Lord,

Your Lordships Most Faithful, and Devoted Humble Servant, William Dampier.

[Page]

The PREFACE.

IN the Preface to my former Volume, I have accounted for the Design, Method and Stile of those Relations of my Travels: what I have more to say of that kind, is chiefly with reference to what I now offer the Reader. Thus far I have thought fit to change my Method in this Volume, as to divide it into distinct Parts, because the Matters it treats of are so different from one another, in point of Time, or other Circumstances: but still in each Part I have taken the same Course of making several Chapters, that this Volume might retain some Uniformity with the other.

The First of these is that Account I promised of my Voyages from Achin in Sumatra, to several places in the E. Indies; of which I forbore to particularize in the former Volume, for Reasons there mentioned. I have now more than discharg'd my self of that Promise: for I have improved my own Observations, especially as to Tonquin, by those of some English Gentlemen, who made a considerable stay in that Kingdom. I am abundantly satisfied my self of their Ability and Integrity; the proper Qualifications in things of this Nature: and could I have obtained their leave, the Reader also should have had the satisfaction of knowing to whom he was to abscribe several of those Particulars: However, I have taken frequent Occasions to distinguish in general what I saw, from what I was informed of. This Part is the Supplement of what is contained in the former Volume; and compleats the Voyage round the World.

The Second Part contains what relates to the time I spent in the Bay of Campeachy, either as a Logwood-Cutter, or a Trader to them. This was before I made my Voyage round the World, as the Reader will perceive: and upon this occasion, therefore, I have gone so far back, as to speak of my first Entrance upon this Rambling kind of Life. For the Account it gives of Campeachy, and the Neighbouring Parts of Jucatan and New Spain, &c. I refer the Reader to the work its self.

The Third Part is an Account of the Winds, and Weather, Storms, Tides, and Currents of the Torrid Zone, round the World; which may be of use towards the Improvement of Navigation, and that part of Natural History. 'Tis the substance of what I have remark'd or learnt, about things of that kind, in so long a Course of [Page] roving upon the Seas: and tho I have not omitted to speak of these matters in the series of my Voyages, as occasion offered, yet I thought it might not be unacceptable, to put them together in one View also by themselves, in a Methodical Discourse, ranging the several particulars under their proper Heads.

To render these things the more Intelligible, I have prefixed peculiar Maps: one to each of the foregoing Parts; but two to this of the Winds, &c. that the Variety of Trade-Winds might some way be Pictured, as it were, to the Eye; and the Reader might be the less liable to be confounded with the Multiplicity of Words, denoting the several Points of the Compass, or other Terms necessary to the Descriptional part of the Discourse. These Maps contain the Torrid Zone, and so much towards each Pole as was of use to my Design: and the Projection differs in this only from the Common Maps, that in order to shew the Atlantick and South Oceans each in one entire View, the Division of the Hemisphaeres is made, not at the first Meridian, (reckoning from Tenariffe,) nor at the 350th, as is usual also and as 'tis in the Globe-Map, prefixed to my first Volume, but at the 300th; yet still retaining the common Graduation in the Equator, from that customary Meridian of the Canaries, or C. Verd.

And upon this mention of the Atlantick Sea, there is one thing I would observe to the Reader, that I use that name not only for the North Sea, as 'tis call'd, but for this whole Ocean, on both sides of the Equator between Europe and Africk on one hand, and America on the other. If I be questioned for taking this Liberty, I should think it enough to say, that I wanted a general Name for this whole Ocean, and I could not find one more proper. And yet even as to the Reason of the thing, if the Discovery of a Sea to the South of the Isthmus of Darien, or the Mexican Coast, were ground sufficient for the extending the Name of South Sea to all that largest Ocean of the World, tho it lies West, rather, of the whole Continent of America; much more may I be allowed a less considerable enlargement of the name of Atlantick Sea, which others have long since extended to so great a part of this Ocean, from its Original narrow Confines, the Neighbourhood of Mount Atlas, and the Coasts of Mauritania. I know that so much of this Ocean as lies South of the R. Niger, went usually by the name of the Aethiopick Sea: yet I can't learn a sufficient Reason for it: for tho 'tis true that the Antients call'd all the South parts of Africk to each Sea, Aethiopia, yet even upon this bottom, the name of Aethiopick Sea should have been left common to the Oceans on each side the Cape of [Page] Good Hope. But if the Name must be appropriated, why to this on the West of Africa? why not rather to that on its E. Coast? which lies nearer the Inward or more proper Aethiopia, now the Abissine Empire; and consequently might better be call'd the Aethiopick Sea. Accordingly I have ventured to call it so, Vol. I. page 289, making it there the same as the Indian; which I also make to be all the Ocean from the East Coast of Africa to the remotest of the E. India Islands, New Holland, and New Guinea: tho this Name also of Indian Sea has been understood, usually, of narrower bounds. But be that as it will, I was for using comprehensive Names: and therefore these three Names of Atlantick, Indian, and South Seas or Oceans, serve me for the whole Ambit of the Torrid Zone, and what else I have occasion to speak of.

To these three Parts is added a General Index of both Volumes. The first Volume should not have been publish'd without one, but that 'twas reserved to be annex'd to this; that the Reader might not have the trouble of turning over two Alphabets.

Thus what I designed as an Appendix to the former Volume, is grown to be its self a Volume answerable to the other. And I am sensible there is one part of the intended Appendix yet behind, viz. The Description of the South Sea Coasts of America, from the Spanish Pilot-Books, &c. I confess I had thoughts of crowding it into this Volume: but besides the dryness and fatigue of such a Work, and the small leisure I had for it, I was quite discouraged from attempting it, when upon nearer View of the Matter I found in those Descriptions and Charts a repugnance with each other in many particulars; and some things which from my own experience I knew to be erroneous. Indeed as they are they may be very useful to Sailors in those Parts, being generally right enough in the Main: but I was loth to undertake a work, much of which must have consisted in correcting Mistakes, and yet have left unavoidably many more to be rectified. Others may have Time and Helps for this affair; and future Discoveries may give greater Light to direct them. To me it shall suffice, that bating this one particular, I have here endeavoured to perform what I had made the Publick expect from me.

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The CONTENTS.

PART I.

The Supplement of the Voyage round the World.

CHap. 1. The Authors Voyage from Achin to Malacca and Tonquin.

2. The Natural State of Tonquin.

3. Of the Natives, their Customs, Religion, Trade, &c.

4. Of the Government: Kings, Soldiery, and Mandarins.

5. Voyage to Tenan. The A.'s. journey by land to Cachao, and Occurrences.

6. His return from Tonquin, wit [...] some particulars of Cambodia and Bancouli, and Arrival at Malacca and Achin.

7. Achin describ'd; its Natural and Political Sate, Customs, Trade, Civil War, &c.

8. His Voyage to Malacca again: Malacca described.

9. His Return to Achin; Voyage to Fort St George, and thence to Bencouli: Bencouli described.

PAAT II.

The Campeachy Voyages.

Chap. 1. The A.'s 1st Voyage to Campeachy, and Return. Jucatan' Alcranes, and I. of Pines describ'd.

2. His 2d Voyage. The E. Coast of Campeachy describ'd; its Vegetables, Weather, Animals, &c.

3. Logwood-Cutting, Beef-Hunting, and Occurrences.

4. The W. Coast of Campeachy describ'd; its Mountain-Cow, Indians, &c.

5. The Coast further W. and products, of Campeachy and New Spain described. The A.'s return to England.

PART III.

A Discourse of Winds, Storms, Seasons, Tides, and Currents in the Torrid Zone.

Chap. 1. Of the True or General Trade Wind at Sea, Crossing the Line, &c.

2. Of the Coasting and constant Trade Winds.

3. Of the shifting Trade-Winds, and Monsoons.

4. Of the Ordinary Sea and Land Breezes.

5. Of peculiar Breezes, and Winds of particular effects, Summasenta Winds, Cartagena Breezes, Popogaios, Tereno's, and Harmatans.

6. Of storms, Norths, Souths, Hurricane's, Tuffoons, stormy Monsoons, and Elephanta's.

7. Of the Seasons of the Year, Weather, Rains and Tornadoes.

8. Of Tides and Currents. Natal described; its Product, Negroes, &c.

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A Map of the Streights of MALACCA.

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A Map of the Streights of MALACCA.

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Mr Dampier's Voyages. VOL. II.

PART I. His Voyage from Achin in Sumatra, to Tonquin, and other places in the East-Indies.

CHAP. I.

The Connexion of this discourse with the Voyage round the World. The Authors departure from Achin in the Isle of Sumatra with Captain Weldon. Their Course along the Streights of Malacca. Pulo Nuttee, and other Islands. The R. and Kingdom of Jihore. Pulo Oro, and Pulo Timaon: Green Turtle there. Pulo Condore. Sholes of Pracel, River of Cambodia, Coast of Champa, Pulo Canton. Cochinchinese, Pulo Champello, R. and City of Quinam. Oyl of Porpusses and Turtle. Shipwrackt men detained usually at Cochinchina [Page] and Pegu. Aguala wood from the Bay of Siam. Bay of Tonquin. I. of Aynam, and other Islands. Rokbo one mouth of the chief R. of Tonquin. Fishers I. River of Domea, the other Mouth. Its Bar and Entrance. Mountain Elephant. Pearl-Islands. Pilots of Batsha. They go up the River of Domea. Domea and its Gardens, and Dutch there. They leave their Ships at Anchor above it, where the Natives build a Town. They go up to the chief City in the Country Boats. The River, and the Country about it. Leprous Beggars. Hean, a Town of note; Chinese there. The Governor, Shipping and Tide. They arrive at Cachao, the Metropolis of Tonquin.

THe Reader will find upon perusing my Voyage round the World, that I then omitted to speak particularly of the excursions I made to Tonquin, Malacca, Fort St. George, and Bencouli, from Achin in the Isle of Sumatra; together with the description I intended to give of those parts. I do but just mention them there; but shall now proceed to a more distinct account of them.

And to keep to the order of time, the Reader may recollect, that my first departure from Achin was to Tonquin, along with Captain Weldon, about July 1688. as I have said p. 505th of my former Volume. I have there related in a page or two before, to how weak a condition my self and my Companions were brought, through the fatigues of our passage from Nicobar to Achin: yet did not my weakness take me off from contriving some employment or expedition, whereby I might have a comfortable subsistence. Captain Weldon [Page] touched here, to sell the Slaves he had brought with him from Fort St. George; it being in his way to the Streights of Malacca, and so to Tonquin, whither he was bound. This afforded me the opportunity of trying that Voyage, to which he kindly invited me, and to which I was the more incouraged because he had a good Surgeon in his Ship, whose Advice I needed: and my friend Mr. Hall was particularly animated thereby; who had also resolv'd upon this Voyage, and was in a weaker condition than my self. Besides, Captain Weldon promised to buy a Sloop at Tonquin, of which he would make me Commander, to go a trading Voyage from thence to Cochinchina, Champa, Cambodia, or some other of the adjacent Countries: which Trade has been scarce yet been attempted by our Country men, and there were hopes it might turn to a good account; but this project came to nothing.

However, Captain Weldon having finished his business at Achin, I set out thence with him through the Streights of Malacca, and we soon arrived at the Town of Malacca: of which Town and Country, I shall have a better occasion to speak hereafter. Here we found the Caesar of London, commanded by Captain Wright, who came from Bombay, and was bound to China. He stopt here to water and refresh, as is usual for Ships to do do that pass these Streights. By him we were informed that three other English Ships had touched here, and were past on to the Eastward 10 days before. These 3 Ships came from Fort St. George, in company with Captain Weldon: but his business calling him to Achin, they in the mean time prosecuting their Voyage, got the start of us thus much. The Caesar was soon ready to sail again, and went away the next morning after our arrival at Malacca.

[Page] Our Captain being a stranger to the Bay of Tonquin, as were all his Ships company, he hired a Dutch Pilot at Malacca; and having finished his business there, we set sail, two days after the Caesar. We were desirous to overtake these four Ships, and therefore crouded all the sail we could make; having a strong westerly wind, accompanied with many hard Gusts and Tornadoes: and the very next day we got sight of them; for they had not yet passed through a narrow passage, called the Streights of Sincapore. We soon got up with them, and past through together; and sailing about 3 leagues further we anchored near an Island called Pulo Nuttee, belonging to the Kingdom of Jihore.

Here Captain Weldon took in wood and water, and some of the Indian Inhabitants came aboard us in their Canoas, of whom we bought a few Cocoa-nuts, Plantains, and fresh Fish. We staid here not above 24 hours; for the other Ships had filled most of their water at other Islands near this, before we came up with them: for tho Ships do usually take in water at Malacca Town, yet they do as frequently discharge it again at some of these Islands, and take in better.

We sailed the next day, and kept near the Malacca shore; and there passing by the mouth of the River Jihore, we left many other Islands on our Star-board side.

The River of Jihore runs by the City of that name, which is the seat of the little Kingdom of Jihore. This Kingdom lies on the Continent of Malacca, and consists of the extremity or doubling of that Promontory. It abounds with Pepper, and other good Commodities.

They are a Mahometan people, very warlike, and desirous of trade. They delight much in Shipping and going to Sea, all the neighbouring [Page] Islands in a manner being Colonies of this Kingdom, and under its Government. They coast about in their own Shipping to several parts of Sumatra, Java, &c. their Vessels are but small, yet very serviceable; and the Dutch buy up a great many of them at a small price, and make good trading Sloops of them. But they first fit them up after their own fashion, and put a Rudder to them, which the Jihorians don't use, tho they are very good Sea-men in their way; but they make their Vessels sharp at each end, tho but one end is used as the Head: and instead of a Rudder, they have on each side the Stern a thing like a very broad Oar, one of which they let down into the water at pleasure, as there is occasion to steer the Ship either to the one side or the other, always letting down that which is to the Leeward. They have Proes of a particular neatness and curiosity. We call them Half-moon Proes, for they turn up so much at each end from the water, that they much resemble a Half moon, with the Horns upwards. They are kept very clean, sail well, and are much used by them in their Wars. The people of Jihore have formerly endeavoured to get a Commerce with our Nation. For what reason that trade is neglected by us I know not. The Dutch trade very much there; and have lately endeavoured to bring the King, who is very young, to their bow.

At the farther end of the Streights of Malacca, among many other Islands, we sail'd by those of Pulo Oro, and Pulo Timaon: which last is a place often touch'd at for wood, water, and other refreshments, tho we past it by. Among other things, there are great plenty of excellent Green Turtle among these Islands.

Being at length got clear of all the Islands into the wide Ocean, we steered away still together [Page] till we came in sight of Pulo Condore: when having all brought to, and spoke with each other, we parted for our several Voyages. The Caesar and two others, that were bound to China, steered away to the Eastward, keeping to the South of Pulo Condore; it being their best course, thereby to avoid the large sholes of Pracel. We and the Saphire of Fort St: George, commanded by Captain Lacy, steered more Northerly; and leaving Pulo Condore on our Starboard, we hall'd in for the Continent, and fell in with it near the River of Cambodia. But leaving this also on our Starboard side, we coasted along to the Eastward, keeping near the Champa shore; and coming to the point of Land that bounds the S. W. part of the Bay of Tonquin, we doubled it, and coasting to the North, leaving Champa still on our Larboard side, and the dangerous shoals of Pracel about 12 or 14 leagues off on our Starboard side, we kept along fair by the shore, just without Pulo Canton.

This Island lies in about 13 d. North. It is much frequented by the Cochinchinese, whose Country begins hereabouts, bordering on the Kingdom of Champa. They are most Fishermen that come hither, and their chief business is to make Oyl of Porpusses: for these Fish are found in great plenty here at some seasons of the year, and then the Cochinchinese resort hither to take them. The people that we found on Pulo Condore, mentioned in the 14th Chapter of my Voyage round the World, page 395, were of these Cochinchinese. The Turtle also which they catch is chiefly in order to make Oyl of their fat: and there is great store of Turtle on all this Coast.

We coasted yet farther on this shore, till we came to the Islands of Champello. These may seem to have some affinity to Champa, by the sound of the word, which one would take to be [Page] a Portuguese diminutive of Champa; yet they lye on the Cochinchina Coast, and belong to it, tho uninhabited. They are 4 or 5 in number, and lye 4 or 5 leagues from the shore. They are called Champello de la Mar, to distinguish them from others lying farther down in the Bay of Tonquin, called Champello de Terra. These last lye in about 16 d. 45 m. North, but the Islands of Champello de la Mar lye in about 13 d. 45 m. N.

Over against these last Islands, on the Main, there is a large navigable River empties itself into the Sea. The City of Quinam stands on the banks of this River, and is said to be the principal City of the Kingdom of Cochinchina. As to its distance from the Sea, its bigness, strength, riches, &c. I am yet in the dark: only I have been inform'd, that if a Ship is cast away on this Kingdom, the Seamen that escape drowning and get ashore become Slaves to the King. Captain John Tiler was thus served, and despaired of ever getting his freedom; but after a considerable stay there he was taken notice of by the King; and upon promise of returning thither again to trade there, he was sent away. I sailed in a Vessel of his after this: but I never found him inclined to Trade thither any more. However, notwithstanding this their severity to Shipwrackt people, I have been informed by Captain Tiler and others, that they have a desire to Trade, tho' they are yet destitute of the means to attain it. This desire of Trade, they seem to have taken up from some Chinese fugitives, who fled from the Tartars, when they conquered their Country: and being kindly received by these Cochinchinese, and having among them many Artificers, they instructed their kind protectors in many useful Arts, of which they were wholly ignorant before. 'Tis probable this their custom of seizing Shipwrackt Seamen may soon vanish by the coming in of Trade, which is already [Page] advancing among them; for the Merchants of China do now drive some small traffick among these people, and fetch thence some small quantities of Pepper, Lignum Aloes, and Aguala Wood, which is much esteemed for its rare scent, and is very valuable in other places of India. They also fetch Betle from hence, it growing here in great plenty. I have had no account of any Shipping the Cochinchinese have of their own, but I have met with them in their open Boats of 4, 5, or 6 Tun; imploying themselves chiefly in getting Pitch and Tar from Pulo Condore, in fishing about the Coast and Island to get Oyl, and in fetching Aguala Wood from the Bay of Siam; which, whether it grows there or no, I can't tell, but I have heard that 'tis only drift wood cast ashore by the Sea.

The seizing Shipwrackt-men has been also a custom at Pegu, but whether still continued I know not. They lookt on such as men preserved by God, purposely for them to feed and maintain; and therefore the King ordered them to be maintained by his Subjects; neither was any work required of them, but they had liberty to beg. By this means they got food and rayment from the Inhabitauts, who were zealously charitable to them.

But to proceed; we kept a little without all the Islands, and coasting 5 or 6 leagues further, we stood right over towards the N. E. Cod of the Bay of Tonquin. The Bay of Tonquin has its entrance between the S. E. point of Champa on the West side, which lies in the lat. of about 12 d. North, and the Island of Aynam near the S. W. part of China, on the East side. The Island of Aynam is in about 19 d. North. It is a pretty considerable Island, well peopled with Chinese Inhabitants. They have Ships of their own, and drive [Page] a great trade by Sea. I have seen many of their Ships, some of 100 Tun, with Outlagers on both sides, and others like ordinary Jonks, without Outlagers: but am wholly ignorant of their Trade, any farther than what I have mentioned of their having Pearl Oysters there, in the 7th Chapter of my Voyage round the World, page 174.

Near the Cod of the Bay of Tonquin there are abundance of small Islands, of which I shall speak more hereafter. The mouth of the Bay seems to be barr'd up with the great shole of Pracel, which lies stretched at length before it, yet leaving two wide Channels, one at each end; so that Ships may pass in or out either way. And therefore even the Ships that are bound from the Streights of Malacca or Siam to China, may as well pass to and fro within the shole at without.

The Bay of Tonquin is about 30 leagues wide in the broadest place. There is good sounding and anchoring all over it: and in the middle, where it is deepest, there is about 46 fathom water: There you have black Oaz, and dark Peppery Sand: but on the West side there is reddish Oazy Sand. Beside the other Islands before-mentioned, there are others of less note on the Cochinchina Coast; but none of them all above 4 or 5 miles from the shore.

In the bottom of the Bay also, there are some small Islands, close by the Tonquin shore: 2 of these are of especial note, not for their bigness, but for Sea-marks for the 2 principal Rivers, or mouth rather of the chief River of Tonquin. One of these Rivers or Mouths, is call'd Rokko. It discharges it self into the Sea near the N. W. corner of the Bay: and the mouth of it is in about 20 d. 6m. N. This River or branch I was not at: but have been informed, that it has not above 12 foot water at the entrance; but that its bottom [Page] is soft Oaz, and therefore very convenient for small Vessels, and it is the way that all the Chinese and Siamers do use. About a League to the Westward of this Rivers mouth, there is a small pretty high Island called Fishers Island. It lyeth about 2 mile from the shore, and it hath good anchoring about it in 17 or 18 foot water: and therefore it is not only a Sea-mark for the River, but a secure place to ride in, and very convenient for Ships to anchor at, to sheiter themselves when they come hither, especially if they have not a present opportunity to enter the River; either because of coming too late in the year, or being hindered by bad weather.

The other River or Mouth, was that by which we entered; and 'tis larger and deeper than the former. I know not its particular name; but for distinction I shall call it the River of Domea; be cause the first Town of note, that I saw on its bank, was so called. The mouth of this River is in lat 20 d. 45 m. It disembogues 20 leagues to the N. E. of Rokbo. There are many dangerous Sands and Shoals, between these 2 Rivers, which stretch into the Sea 2 leagues or more: and all the Coast, even from the Cochinchina shore on the West, to China on the East, admits of Shoals and Sands, which yet in some places lie stretched farther off from the shore than in others.

This River of Domea is that by which most European Ships enter, for the sake of its depth: yet here is a Bar of near 2 mile broad, and the Channel is about half a mile broad, having Sands on each side. The depth of the River is various at different times and seasons, by the relation of the Pilots who are best acquainted here: for at some times of the year here is not above 15 or 16 foot water on a springtide, and at other times here are 26 or 27 foot. The highest tides are said to be in the month of November,[Page]December, and January, when the Northerly Monsoons blow; and the lowest in May, June, and July, when the Southerly Monsoons blow: but to be particular in them is beyond my experience.

The Channel of the Bar is hard Sand, which makes it the more dangerous: and the Tides whirling among the Sands, set divers ways in a Tides time; which makes it the more dangerous still. Therefore Ships that come hither, commonly wait for a Pilot to direct them, and if they arrive when it is Nepe-tide, they must stay for a Spring before a Pilot will come off to take charge of them. The mark of this River is a great high ridgy Mountain in the Country, call'd the Elephant. This must be brought to bear N. W. by N.: then steering towards the shore, the water runs shallower, till you come into 6 fathom, and then you will be 2 or 3 miles from the foot or entrance of the Bar, and about the same distance from a small Island called Pearl Island; which will then bear nearest N. N. E. Having these marks and depth, you may anchor, and wait for a Pilot.

The Pilots for this River are Fishermen, who live at a Village call'd Batsha, at the mouth of the River; so seated, that they can see all Ships that wait for a Pilot, and hear the Guns too, that are often fired as signals by Europeans, to give notice of their arrival.

It was in the road before the Bar, in sight of the Elephant Land, that we found the Rainbow of London, Captain Pool Commander, riding and waiting for a Pilot, when we and Captain Lacy arrived. Captain Pool came directly from England, and passing through the Streights of Sundy, touched at Batavia.

He had lain here 2 or 3 days before we arrived: but the Spring-tides coming on, the Pilots came [Page] aboard, and we all 3 in company passed in over the Bar, and entring about half flood, we had 14 foot and a half water on the Bar. Being got over the Bar we found it deeper, and the bottom soft Oaz. The River at its mouth is above a mile wide, but grows narrower as you run farther up. We had a moderate Sea-breeze, and having a good tide of flood, made the best of it to reach to our anchoring place.

Having run about 5 or 6 leagues up the River, we past by a Village called Domea. This is a handsome Village: and 'twas the first of note that we saw standing on the banks. 'Tis seated on the Starboard side going up, and so nigh the River, that the tide sometimes washes the walls of the Houses: for the tide rises and falls here 9 or 10 foot. This Village consists of about 100 Houses. The Dutch Ships that trade here do always lye in the River before this Town; and the Dutch Seamen, by their annual returns hither from Batavia, are very intimate with the Natives, and as free here as at their own homes: for the Tonquinese in general are a very sociable people, especially the traders and poorer sort: but of this more in its proper place. The Dutch have instructed the Natives in the art of Gardening: by which means they have abundance of Herbage for Sallading; which among other things is a great refreshment to the Dutch Sea-men, when they arrive here.

Tho the Dutch who come to trade in this Kingdom, go no higher with their Ships than this Domea, yet the English usually go about 3 mile farther up, and there lye at anchor during their stay in this Country. We did so at this time, and passing by Domea came to an anchor at that distance. The tide is not so strong here as at Domea; but we found not one house near it: yet our Ships had not lain there many days before the Natives came from [Page] all the Country about, and fell a building them Houses after their fashion; so that in a months time there was a little Town built near our anchoring place. This is no unusual thing in other parts of India, especially where Ships lye long at a place, the poorer sort of Natives taking this opportunity to truck and barter; and by some little offices, or begging, but especially by bringing Women to let to hire, they get what they can of the Seamen.

This place where our Ships rode at anchor was not above 20 miles from the Sea: but the Trade of the Kingdom is driven at Cachao, the principal City; where for that reason the English and Dutch East India Companies have each of them their Factors constantly residing. The City was farther up the River, about 80 miles from our Anchoring place; and our Captains got themselves in a readiness to go up thither; it being usual to send up the goods in the Country Boats, which are large and commodious enough; and the hire is pretty reasonable both for the Vessels, and the Men who manage them. They are Tonquinese, and use both Oars and Sails. Our Factory at Cachao had news of our arrival before we came to an anchor, and immediately the chief of the Factory, with some of the King of Tonquin's Officers, came down to us, by that time we had lain there about 4 or 5 days. The Tonquinese Officers came to take an account of the Ships and lading, and our Captains received them with great civility, firing of Guns, feasting for 2 or 3 days, and presents also at their return back to Cachao.

Soon after their departure, the chief of the Factory return'd thither again, and with him went our three Captains, and some others, among whom I got leave to go also. Captain Weldon had recommended me to the chief of the Factory, while he was aboard us: and my going up now to the [Page] City, was in order to have his assistance in the Voyage to Cochinchina, Champa, or Cambodia, which Captain Weldon had contrived for me; nor was it his fault that it came to nothing.

We went from our Ships in the Country Boats we had hired, with the tide of flood, and anchored in the ebb: for the tide runs strong for 30 or 40 miles, beyond the place where we left our Ships. Our men contented themselves with looking after their goods (the Tonquinese being very light finger'd) and left the management of the Boats entirely to the Boats crew. Their Boats have but one Mast; and when the wind is against them they take it down, and ply their Oars. As we advanced thus up the River, sometimes rowing sometimes sailing, we had a delightful prospect over a large level fruitful Country. It was generally either Pasture or Rice-fields; and void of Trees, except only about the Villages, which stood thick, and appeared mighty pleasant at a distance. There are many of these Villages stand close to the banks of the Rivers, incompassed with Trees on the back side only, but open to the River.

When we came near any of these Villages, we were commonly encountered with Beggars, who came off to us, in little Boats made of twigs, and plaistered over both inside and outside with Clay, but very leaky. These were a poor Leprous people, who for that reason are compell'd by the rest to live by themselves, and are permitted to beg publickly. As soon as they spied us they set up a loud doleful cry, and as we past by them we threw them out some Rice, which they received with great appearance of joy.

In about 4 days time we get to Hean, a Town on the East side of the River; which is here entire: for a little before we came to Hean, we met [Page] the main stream where it parts into the Channels, that of Domea, which we came up, and the other of Rokbo: making so a large and triangular Island between them and the Sea; the mouths of those Channels being, as I have said, 20 leagues asunder.

Hean is about 60 miles from the place where we left our Ships, and about 80 from the Sea that way: but along the River or Channel Rokbo, where the Land trends more to the Southward, it seems to be farther distant from the Sea. 'Tis a considerable Town, of about 2000 Houses: but the Inhabitants are most poor people and Souldiers, who keep a Garrison there; tho it has neither Walls, Fort, nor great Guns.

Here is one street belonging to the Chinese Merchants. For some years ago a great many lived at Cachao; till they grew so numerous, that the Natives themselves were even swallowed up by them. The King taking notice of it, ordered them to remove from thence, allowing them to live any where but in the City. But the major part of them presently forsook the Country, as not finding it convenient for them to live any where but at Cachao; because that is the only place of Trade in the Country, and Trade is the Life of a Chinese. However some of them were content to settle at Hean, where they have remained ever since. And these Merchants, notwithstanding the prohibition, go often to Cachao, to buy and sell goods; but are not suffer'd to make it their constant residence. There were two of these China Merchants who traded yearly to Japan, with raw and wrought Silks, bringing back Money, chiefly. These all of them wore long Hair braided behind, as their own Country fashion was before the Tartarian Conquest. The French too have their Factory here, not being allowed to fix at Cachao, and their Bishops [Page] Palace is the fairest building in Hean: but of this I shall have occasion to speak more hereafter.

The Governor of the adjacent Province lives here. He is one of the principal Mandarins of the Nation, and he has always a great many Souldiers in the Town, and inferiour Officers, whom he employs at his pleasure on any occasion. Besides, here are also some of the Kings River Frigots, which I shall hereafter describe, ready to be sent on any expedition: and tho no Europeans come up so far as this with their Ships, (that I could learn) yet the Siamites and Chinese bring their Ships up the River Rokbo, quite to Hean, and lie at anchor before it: and we found there several Chinese Jonks. They ride afloat in the middle of the River; for the water does not rise and fall much at this place: Neither is the flood discerned by the turning of the stream; for that always runs down, tho not so swift near full Sea as at other times: for the tide pressing against the stream, tho faintly so far up the River, has not power to turn it, but only slackens its course, and makes the water rise a little.

The Governor or his Deputy gives his Chop or Pass to all Vessels that go up or down; not so much as a Boat being suffered to proceed without it. For which reason we also made a stop: yet we stayed here but a little while; and therefore I did not now go ashore; but had a while after this a better opportunity of seeing Hean.

From Hean we went up to Cachao in our Boats, being about 2 days more on our Voyage, for we had no tide to help us. We landed at the English Factory, and I stayed there 7 or 8 days, before I went down to our Ships again in one of the Country Boats. We had good weather coming up: but it rain'd all the time of this my first stay at Cachao; and we had much wet weather after this. [Page] But having got thus far I shall now proceed to give some general account of this Country; from my own observations, and the experience of Merchants and others worthy of credit, who have had their Residence there, and some of them a great may years.

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CHAP. II.

Tonquin, its Situation, Soil, Waters, and Provinces. Its natural Produce, Roots, Herbs, Fruits, and Trees. The Cam-chain and Cam-quit Oranges. Their Limes, &c. Their Betle and Lichea Fruit. The Pone-tree, Lack-trees, Mulberry-trees, and Rice. Their land Animals, Fowl tame and wild; Nets for wild Ducks, Locusts, Fish, Balachaun, Nuke mum-Pickle, Soy, and manner of Fishing. The Market, Provisions, Food and Cookery. Their Chau or Tea. The Temperature of their Air and Weather throughout the Year. Of the great Heats near the Tropicks. Of the yearly Land Floods here, and elsewhere in the Torrid Zone, and of the overflowing of the Nile in Egypt. Of Storms called Tuffoons: and of the influence the Rains have on the Harvest at Tonquin, and elsewhere in the Torrid Zone.

THE Kingdom of Tonquin is bounded to the North and North East with China, to the West with the Kingdom of Laos, to the S: and E. with Cochinchina and the Sea, which washes a part of this Kingdom. As to the particular bounds or extent of it, I cannot be a competent judge, coming to it by Sea, and going up directly to Cachao: but it is reasonable to believe it to be a pretty large Kingdom, by the many great Provinces which are said to be contained in it. That part of the Kingdom that borders on the Sea, is all [Page] very low Land: neither is there any Hill to be seen, but the Elephant Mountain, and a Ridge of a much less heighth, continued from thence to the mouth of the River of Domea. The Land for about 60 miles up in the Country is still very low, even and plain: nor is it much higher, for about 40 miles farther quite to Cachao, and beyond it; being without any sensible Hill, tho generally of a tolerable good heighth, and with some gentle risings here and there, that make it a fine pleasant Champian; and the further side of this also is more level than the Champian Country it self about Hean or Cachao. Farther still to the North, beyond all this, I have been inform'd that there is a chain of high Mountains, running cross the Country from East to West; but I could get no intimation of what is beyond them.

The Soil of this Country is generally very rich; That very low Land I speak of towards the Sea, is most black Earth, and the mould pretty deep. In some places there's very strong Clay. The Champian Land is generally yellowish or greyish earth, of a looser and more friable substance then the former: yet in some places it has a touch of the Clay too. In the plain Country, near the Mountains last mentioned, there are said to be some high steep rocks of Marble scattered up and down at unequal distances, which standing in that large plain Savannah, appear like so many great Towers or Castles: and they are the more visible, because the Land about them is not burdened with Wood, as in some places in its neighbourhood.

I have said somewhat already of the great River, and its 2 branches Rokbo and Domea, wherewith this Country is chiefly water'd: tho it is not distitute of many other pleasant streams, that are lost in these, in their course towards the Sea: and probably there are many others, that run immediately [Page] into the Sea, through their own channels, tho not so navigable as the other. The Country in general is very well watered; and by means of the great Navigable River and its Branches, it has the opportunity of Foreign Trade. This rises about the Mountains in the North, or from beyond them; whence running Southerly toward the Sea, it passes thro the before-mention'd plain of Marble Rocks, and by that time it comes to Cachao, which is about 40 or 50 miles to the South of the Mountains, 'tis about as broad as the Thames at Lambeth: vet so shallow in the dry Season, as that it may be forded on Horseback. At Hean 20 miles lower, us rather broader than the Thames at Gravesend; and so below Hean to the place where it divides it self.

The Kingdom of Tonquin is said to be divided into 8 large Provinces, viz. the East and West Provinces, the North and South Provinces, and the Province of Cachao in the middle between those 4: which 5 I take to be the principal Provinces, making the heart of the Country. The other 3, which are Tenan, Tenehoa, and Ngeam, lie more upon the Borders.

The Province of Tenan is the most Easterly, having China on the S. E., the Island Aynam and the Sea on the S. and S. W., and the East Province on the N. W. This is but a small Province: its chiefest product is Rice.

The East Province stretches away from Tenan to the North Province, having also China on its East side, part of the South Province, and the Province of Cachao on the West; and the Sea on the South. This is a very large Province; 'tis chiefly low Land, and much of it Islands, especially the S. E. part of it, bordering on the Sea towards Tenan; and here the Sea makes the Cod of a Bay. It has abundance of Fishermen inhabiting near the Sea: but its chief [Page] produce is Rice: here is also good pasturage, and much Cattle, &c. Hean is the chief place of this Pro vince, and the Seat of the Mandarin its Governor.

The S. Province is the triangular Island, made by Sea: the River of Domea is on it's E. side, dividing it from the East Province, and Rokbo on the West, dividing it from Tenan; having the Sea to its South. This Province is very low plain even Land, producing Rice in great abundance: here are large pastures, and abundance of Fishermen near the Sea.

Tenehoa to the West of Rokbo, has the West Province on its North, Aynam on its West, and the Sea on its South: this Province is also low Land, chiefly abounds in Rice and Cattle, and hath a great Trade in Fishing, as all the Sea Coast has in general.

The Province of Ngeam, hath Tenehoa on the East, and on the South and West it borders on Cochinchina, and has the West Province on its North. This is a pretty large Province, abounding with Rice and Cattle: and here are always Soldiers kept to guard the Frontiers from the Cochinchineses.

The West Provinces hath Ngeam on the South, the Kingdom of Laos on the West, the Province of Cachao on the East, and on the North the North Province. This is a large Province, and good Champion Land: rich in Soyl, partly woody, partly pasture. The product of this Province is chiefly in Lack; and here are bred a great abundance of Silk worms for making Silk.

The North Province is a large tract of Land, making the North side of this whole Kingdom. It hath the Kingdom of Laos on the West, and China on the East and North, the Kingdom of Bao Oi Baotan on the North West, and on the South it [Page] ders on 3 of the principal Provinces of Tonquin, viz. the West Province, that of Cachao, and the East Province. This North Province, as it is large, so it has variety of Land and Soyl; a great deal of plain Champion Land, and many high Mountains which yield Gold, &c. the wild Elephants of this Country are found most on these Mountains. The other parts of this Province produce Lack and Silk, &c.

The Province of Cachao, in the heart of the Kingdom, lies between the East, West, North, and South Provinces: 'tis a Champion pleasant Country: the Soil is yellow or grey earth: and 'tis pretty woody, with some Savannahs. It abounds with the two principal Commodities of their Trade, viz. Lack and Silk, and has some Rice: Nor are any of the Provinces destitute of these Commodities, tho in different proportions, each according to the respective Soil.

This Country has of its own growth all necessaries for the Life os Man. They have little occasion for eatable Roots, having such plenty of Rice; yet they have Yams and Potatoes for variety; which would thrive here as well as any where, were the Natives industrious to propagate them.

The Land is every where cloath'd with herbage of one kind or other, but the dry Land has the same Fate that most dry Lands have between the Tropicks, to be over-run with Purslain; which growing wild, and being pernicious to other tender Herbs and Plants, they are at the pains to weed it out of their Fields and Gardens, tho tis very sweet, and makes a good Sallad for a hot Country.

There is a sort of Herb very common in this Country, which grows wild in stagnant Ponds, and floats on the surface of the water. It has a narrow, long, green thick leaf. It is much esteemed [Page] and eaten by the Natives who commend it for a very wholesom herb, and say that 'tis good to expel poyson. This Country produces many other sorts of wild herbs; and their, gardens also are well furnish'd with pleasant and wholsome ones, especially many Onions, of which here are great plenty.

Plantains and Bonanoes grow and thrive here as well as any where, but they are used here only as Fruit, and not for Bread, as in many places of America. Besides these here are divers sorts of excellent fruits, both Ground fruit and Tree fruit. The ground Fruits are Pumpkins, Melons, Pine-apples, &c. the Tree Fruits are Mangoes a few, Oranges, Limes, Coco-nuts, Guava's, Mulberry's, their much esteem'd Betle, a Fruit call'd Lichea, &c. The Oranges are of divers sorts, and two of them more excellent than the rest. One sort is called Cam-chain, the other is called Camquit. Cam, in the Tonquinese Language signifies an Orange, but what the distinguishing words Cam and Quit signifie I know not.

The Cam-chain is a large Orange, of a yellowish colour: the rind is pretty thick and rough; and the inside is yellow like Amber. It has a most fragrant smell, and the taste is very delicious. This sort of Orange is the best that I did ever taste; I believe there are not better in the world: A man may eat freely of them; for they are so innocent, that they are not denied to such as have Fevers, and other sick people.

The Cam quit is a very small round Fruit, not above half so big as the former. It is of a deep red dolour, and the rind is very smooth and thin. The inside also is very red; the taste is not inferiour to the Cam-chain, but it is accounted very unwholesom fruit, especially to such as are subject to fluxes; for it both creates and heightens that [Page] distemper. These 2 sorts are very plentiful and cheap, and they are in season from October till February, but then the Cam-chain becomes redder, and the rind is also thinner. The other sorts of Oranges are not much esteemed.

The Limes of Tonquin are the largest I ever saw. They are commonly as big as an ordinary Limon, but rounder. The rind is of a pale yellow colour when ripe; very thin and smooth. They are extraordinary juicy, but not near so sharp, of tart in taste as the West Indian Limes.

Coco nuts and Guava's do thrive here very well: but there are not many of the latter.

The Betle of Tonquin is said to be the best in India, there is great plenty of it; and 'tis most esteemed when it is young, green, and tender; for 'tis then very juicy. At Mindanao also they like it best green: but in other places of the East-Indies it is commonly chew'd when it is hard and dry.

The Lichea is another delicate fruit. 'Tis as big as a small Pear, somewhat long shaped, of a reddish colour, the rind pretty thick and rough, the inside white, inclosing a large black kernel, in shape like a Bean.

The Country is in some part woody; but the low Land in general is either grassy pasture, or Rice Fields, only thick set with small Groves, which stand scattering very pleasantly, all over the low-Country. The Trees in the Groves are of divers sorts, and most unknown to us. There is good Timber, for building either Ships or Houses, and indifferent good Masts may here be had.

There is a Tree called by the Natives Pone, chiefly used for making Cabinets, or other wares to be lackered. This is a soft sort of wood, not much unlike Fir, but not so serviceable. Another Tree grows in this Country that yields the Lack, with which Cabinets and other fine things are overlaid. [Page] These grow plentifully in some places especially in the Champion Lands. Here are also Mulberry Trees in great plenty, to feed the Silk worms, from whence comes the chief Trade in the Country. The Leaves of the old Trees are not so nourishing to the Silk-worms, as those of the young Trees, and therefore they raise crops of young ones every year, to feed the Worms: for when the season is over, the young Trees are pluckt up by the roots, and more planted against the next year; so the Natives suffer none of these Trees to grow to bear Fruit. I heard of no Mulberries kept for eating, but some few raised by our English Merchants at Hean, and these bear but small hungry Fruit.

Here is good plenty of Rice, especially in the low Land, that is fatned by the overflowing Rivers. They have two crops every year, with great increase, if they have seasonable Rains and Floods. One crop is in May, and the other in November: and tho the low Land is sometimes overflown with water in the time of Harvest, yet they matter it not, but gather the crop and fetch it home wet in their Canoas; and making the Rice fast in small bundles, hang it up in their Houses to dry. This serves them for Bread-corn; and as the Country is very kindly for it, so their Inhabitants live chiefly of it.

Of Land Animals in this Country there are Elephants, Horses, Buffaloes, Bullocks, Goats, Deer, a few Sheep for their King, Hogs, Dogs, Cats, Lizards, Snakes, Scorpions, Centapees, Toads, Frogs, &c. The Country is so very populous, that they have but few Deer or wild Game for Hunting, unless it be in the remoter parts of the Kingdom. But they have abundance of Fowls both tame and wild. The tame Fowls are Cocks and Hens, and Ducks also in great plenty, of the same sort with ours. The Inhabitants have little [Page] Houses made purposely for the Ducks to lay their Eggs in, driving them in every night in laying time, and letting them out again in the morning. There are also some Geese, Parrots, Partridges, Parakites, Turtle Doves, &c. with many sorts of smaller Birds. Of wild Water-fowls they have Ducks, Widgeons, Teals, Herons, Pelicans, and Crabcatchers, (which I shall describe in the Bay of Campeachy) and other smaller Water-fowls. The Duck, Widgeon, and Teal are innumerable: they breed here in the months of May, June, and July; then they fly only in couples: but from October to March you will see over all the low watry Lands great companies together: and I have no where seen such large flights, nor such plenty of Game. They are very shy since the English and Dutch settled here; for now the Natives as well as they shoot them: but before their arrival the Tonquinese took them only with Nets: neither is this custom left off yet. The Net that is us'd for this Game is made square, and either bigger or less according as they have occasion. They fix two Poles about 10 or 11 foot high, upright in the ground, near the Pond, where the Ducks haunt; and the Net has a head-cord, which is stretched out streight, made from the top of one Pole to the other; from whence the lower part of the Net hangs down loose towards the ground; and when in the evening they fly towards the Pond, many of them strike against the Net, and are there entangled.

There is a kind of Locust in Tonquin, in great abundance. This Creature is about the bigness of the top of a mans Finger, and as long as the first joynt. It breeds in the earth, especially in the banks of Rivers and Ditches in the low Country. In the months of January and February, which is the season of taking them, being then only seen, this creature first comes out of the Earth in huge [Page] swarms. It is then of a whitish colour, and having 2 small wings, like the wings of a Bee, at its first coming out of the Earth it takes its flight; but for want of strength or use falls down again in a short time. Such as strive to fly over the River, do commonly fall down into the water, and are drowned, or become a prey to the Fish of the River, or are carried out into the Sea to be devoured there: but the Natives in these months watch the Rivers, and take up thence multitudes, skimming them from off the Water with little Nets. They eat them fresh, broiled on the Coals; or pickle them to keep. They are plump and fat, and are much esteemed both by rich and poor, as good wholesome food, either fresh or pickled.

The Rivers and Ponds are stored with divers sorts of excellent Fish, besides abundance of Frogs, which they Angle for, being highly esteemed by the Tonquinese. The Sea too contributes much towards the support of the poor People, by yielding plentiful stores of Fish, that swarm on this Coast in their seasons, and which are commonly preferr'd before the River Fish. Of these here are divers sorts, besides Sea Turtle, which frequently come ashore on the Sandy Bays, in their seasons, to lay their Eggs. Here are also both Land crabs and Sea-crabs good store, and other Shell-fish, viz. Craw-fish, Shrimps, and Prawns. Here is one sort of small Fish much like an Anchovy, both in shape and size, which is very good pickled. There are other sorts of small Fish, which I know not the names of. One sort of them comes in great shoals near the shore, and these the Fishermen with their Nets take so plentifully as to load their Boats with them. Among these they generally take a great many Shrimps in their nets, which they carry ashore mixt together as they take them, and make Balachaun with them.

[Page] Balachaun is a composition of a strong savor; yet a very delightsom dish to the Natives of this Country. To make it, they throw the Mixture of Shrimps and small Fish into a sort of weak pickle made with Salt and Water, and put into a tight earthen Vessel or Jar. The Pickle being thus weak, it keeps not the Fish firm and hard, neither is it probably so designed, for the Fish are never gutted. Therefore in a short time they turn all to a mash in the Vessel; and when they have lain thus a good while, so that the Fish is reduced to a pap, they then draw off the liquor into fresh Jars, and preserve it for use. The masht Fish that remains behind is called Balachaun, and the liquor pour'd off is call'd Nuke-Mum. The poor people eat the Balachaun with their Rice. 'Tis rank scented, yet the taste is not altogether unpleasant; but rather savory, after one is a little used to it. The Nuke-Mum is of a paie brown colour, inclining to grey; and pretty clear. It is also very savory, and used as a good sauce for Fowls, not only by the Natives, but also by many Europeans, who esteem it equal with Soy. I have been told that Soy is made partly with a Fishy composition, and it seems most likely by the taste: tho a Gentleman of my acquaintance, who was very intimate with one that sailed often from Tonquin to Japan, from whence the true Soy comes, told me, that it was made only with Wheat, and a sort of Beans mixt with Water and Salt.

Their way of Fishing differs little from ours: in the Rivers, they take some of their Fish with Hook and Line, others with Nets of several sorts. At the mouths of the Rivers, they set nets against the Stream or Tide. These have two long wings opening on each side the mouth of the Net, to guide the Fish into it; where passing through a narrow neck, they are caught in a bag at the farther end.

[Page] Where the Rivers mouth is so wide, that the wings of the Net will not reach from side to side; as at Batsha particularly it will not, there they supply that defect, with long slender Canes, which they stick upright near one another in a row: for on both sides of the River, when the tide runs strong (which is the time that the Fish are moving) the limber Canes make such a ratling, by striking against each other, that thereby the Fish are scared from thence towards the Mouth of the Net; in the middle of the Stream. Farther up the River, they have Nets made square like a great sheet. This sort hath two long Poles laid across each other. At this crossing of the Poles a long Rope is fastned; and the Net hangs down in a bag by its corners from them. To manage it there is a substantial post, set upright and firm in the River; and the top of it may be 8 or 10 foot above the water. On the top of this post there is a Mortice made, to receive a long pole, that lies athwart like the Beam of a Ballance: to the heavier end of which they tie the Rope, which holds the Net; and to the other end another Rope to pull up the Net on occasion. The Fishermen sink it with Stones to the Rivers bottom, and when they see any Fish come over it, one suddenly pulls the Rope at the opposite end of the beam, and heaves Net and Fish out of the Water. They take a great deal of Fish this way: and sometimes they use Drag-Nets, which go quite across, and sweep the River.

In the stagnant Ponds, such as the Mandarins have commonly about their Houses, they go in and trouble the water with their feet, till 'tis all muddy and thick: and as the Fish rise to the surface, they take what they please with small Nets, fastned to a hoop, at the end of a pole.

[Page] For all these sorts of provision there are Markets duly kept all over Tonquin, one in a week, in a neighbourhood of 4 or 5 Villages; and held at each of them successively in its order: so that the same Village has not the Market return'd to it till 4 or 5 weeks after. These Markets are abundantly more stor'd with Rice (as being their chief subsistence, especially of the poorer sort) than either with Flesh or Fish, yet wants there not for Pork, and young Pigs good store, Ducks and Hens, plenty of Eggs, Fish great and small, fresh and salted Balachaun and Nuke-Mum, with all sorts of Roots, Herbs, and Fruits, even in these Country Markets. But at Cachao, where there are markets kept every day, they have besides these, Beef of Bullocks, Buffaloes Flesh, Goats Flesh, Horse Flesh, Cats and Dogs, (as I have been told) and Locusts.

They dress their food very cleanly, and make it savory: for which they have several ways unknown in Europe, but they have many sorts of dishes, that wou'd turn the Stomach of a stranger, which yet they themselves like very well; as particularly, a dish of raw Pork, which is very cheap and common. This is only Pork cut and minced very small, fat and lean together; which being afterwards made up in balls, on rolls like Sausages, and prest very hard together, is then neatly wrapt up in clean leaves, and without more ado, served up to the Table. Raw Beef is another dish, much esteemed at Cachao. When they kill a Bullock they singe the hair off with Fire, as we singe Bacon Hogs in England. Then they open it; and while the Flesh is yet hot, they cut good Collops from off the lean parts, and put them into very tart Vinegar; where it remains 3 or 4 hours or longer, till it is sufficiently soaked, and then, without more trouble, they take it out, and eat it with great delight. As for Horseflesh, I know not whether [Page] they kill any purposely for the Shambles; or whether they only do it when they are not likely to live; as I have seen them do their working Bullocks at Galicia in Old Spain; where the Cattel falling down with labour, and being so poor and tired, that they cannot rise, they are slaughtered, and sent to market, and I think I never eat worse Beef than at the Groin. The Horseflesh comes to Market at Cachao very frequently, and is as much esteemed as Beef. Elephants they eat also; and the Trunk of this Beast is an acceptable present for a Nobleman, and that too tho the beast dyes with Age or Sickness. For here are but few wild Elephants, and those so shy, that they are not easily taken. But the King having a great number of tame Elephants, when one of these dyes, 'tis given to the poor, who presently fetch away the Flesh; but the Trunk is cut in pieces, and presented to the Mandarins. Dogs and Cats are killed purposely for the Shambles, and their Flesh is much esteemed, by people of the best fashion, as I have been credibly informed. Great yellow Frogs also are much admired: especially when they come fresh out of the Pond. They have many other such choice dishes: and in all the Villages, at any time of the day, and be it market day or not, there are several to be sold by poor people, who make it their Trade. The most common sorts of Cookeries, next to boil'd Rice, is to dress little bits of Pork, spitted 5 or 6 of them at once, on a small skiver, and roasted. In the Markets also, and daily in every Village, there are Women sitting in the Streets, with a Pipkin over a small Fire, full of Chau, as they call it, a sort of very ordinary Tea, of a reddish brown colour, and 'tis their ordinary drink.

The Kingdom of Tonquin is in general healthy enough, especially in the dry season, when also it is very delightsom. For the seasons of the year [Page] at Tonquin, and all the Countries between the Tropicks, are distinguished into Wet and Dry, as properly as others are into Winter and Summer. But as the alteration from Winter to Summer, and vice versa is not made of a sudden, but with the interchangeable Weather of Spring and Autumn; so also toward the end of the dry season, there are some gentle showers now and then, that precede the violent wet months; and again toward the end of these, several fair days that introduce the dry time. These seasons are generally much alike at the same time of the year in all places of the Torrid Zone, on the same side of the Equator: but for 2 or 3 degrees on each side of it, the weather is more mixt and uncertain, (tho inclining to the wet extreme) and is often contrary to that which is then settled on the same side of the Equator more toward the Tropick. So that even when the wet Season is set in, in the Northern parts of the Torrid Zone, it may yet be dry weather for 2 or 3. degrees North of the Line: and the same may be said of the contrary Latitudes and Seasons. This I speak with respect to the driness or moisture of Countries in the Torrid Zone: but it may also hold good of their Heat or Cold, generally: for as to all these qualities there is a further difference arises from the make or situation of the Land, or other accidental causes, besides what depends on the respective latitude or regard to the Sun. Thus the Bay of Compeachy in the West Indies, and that of Bengal in the East, in much the same latitude, are exceeding hot and moist; and whether their situation, being very low Countries, and the scarcity and faintness of the Sea-breezes, as in most Bays may not contribute hereunto, I leave others to judge. Yet even as to the Latitudes of these places, lying near the Tropicks, they are generally upon that account alone more inclined to great Heats, [Page] than places near the Equator. This is what I have experienc'd in many places in such Latitudes both in the East and West Indies, that the hottest parts of the World are these near the Tropicks, especially 3 or 4 Degrees within them; sensibly hotter than under the Line itself. Many reasons may be assign'd for this, beside the accidental ones from the make of the particular Countries, Tropical Winds, or the like. For the longest day at the Equator never exceeds 12 hours, and the night is always of the same length: But near the Tropicks the longest day is about 13 hours and an half; and an hour and an half being also taken from the night, what with the length of the day, and the shortness of the night, there is a difference of three hours; which is very cousiderable. Besides which, at such places as are about 3 degrees within the Tropicks, or in the Lat. of 20 Deg. N., the Sun comes within 2 or 3 degrees of the Zenith in the beginning of May; and having past the Zenith, goes not above 2 or 3 degrees beyond it, before it returns and passeth the Zenith once more; and by this means is at least 3 months within 4 degrees of the Zenith: so that they have the Sun in a manner over their heads from the beginning of May, till the latter end of July. Whereas when the Sun comes under the Line, in March or September, it immediately posts away to the North or the South, and is not 20 days in passing from 3 degrees on one side, to 3 degrees on the other side the Line. So that by his small stay there, the heat cannot be answerable to what it is near the Tropick, where he so long continues in a manner Vertical at Noon, and is so much longer above the Horizon each paaticular day, with the intervening of a shorter night.

But to return to Tonquin. During the wet months there 'tis excessive hot, especially whenever [Page] the Sun breaks out of the Clouds, and there is then but little Wind stirring: And I have been told by a Gentleman who liv'd there many years, that he thought it was the hottest place that ever he was in, tho he had been in many other parts of India. And as to the Rains, it has not the least share of them, tho neither altogether the greatest of what I have met with in the Torrid Zone; and even in the same Latitude, and on the same side of the Equator. The wet season begins here the latter end of April, or the beginning of May; and holds till the latter end of August: in which time are very violent Rains, some of many hours, others of 2 or 3 days continuance: Yet are not these Rains without some considerable intervals of fair weather, especially toward the beginning or end of the season.

By these Rains are caus'd those Land-floods, which never fail in these Countries between the Tropicks at their annual periods; all the Rivers then overflowing their Banks. This is a thing so well known to all who are any way acquainted with the Torrid Zone, that the cause of the overflowing of the Nile, to find out which the Ancients set their wits so much upon the rack, and fancied melting of Snows, and blowing of Etesiae, and I know not what, is now no longer a secret. For these floods must needs discharge themselves upon such low Lands as lie in their way; as the Land of Egypt does with respect to the Nile, coming a great way from within the Torrid Zone, and falling down from the higher Ethiopia. And any one who will be at the pains to compare the time of the Land flood in Egypt, with that of the Torrid Zone in any of the parts of it along which the Nile runs, will find that of Egypt so much later than the other, as 'twill be thought reasenable to allow for the daily progress of the Waters along so vast a tract [Page] of Ground. They might have made the same wonderment of any other Rivers which run any long course from out the Torrid Zone: but they knowing only the North Temperate Zone, and the Nile being the only great River known to come thither a great way from a Country near the Line, they made that only the subject of their enquiry: but the same effect must also follow from any great River that should run from out of the Torrid Zone into the South Temperate Zone. And as to the Torrid Zone, the yearly floods, and their cause, are every where as well known by people there, as the Rivers themselves. In America particularly, in Campeachy Rivers, in Rio Grande, and others, 'tis a vast havock is made by these floods; bringing down sometimes Trees of an incredible bigness; and these floods always come at the stated season of the year. In the dry part of Peru, along the coasts of Pacifick Sea, where it never rains, as it seldom does in Egypt, they have not only Floods, but Rivers themselves, made by the annual falling of Rain on the Mountains within Land; the Channels of which are dry all the rest of the year. This I have observ'd concerning the River Ylo, on the Coast of Peru, in my former Volume, p. 95. But it has this difference from the Floods of Egypt, that besides its being a River in the Torrid Zone, 'tis also in South Latitude; and so overflows at a contrary season of the year; to wit, at such time as the Sun being in Southern Signs, causes the Rains and Floods on that side the Line.

But to return from this digression, in August the weather at Tonquin is more moderate, as to heat or wet, yet not without some showers, and September and October are more temperate still: yet the worst weather in all the year for Seamen, is in one of the 3 months last mentioned: for then the violent Storms, called Tuffoons, (Typhones) are expected. [Page] These winds are so very fierce, that for fear of them the Chinese that Trade thither, will not stir out of Harbour, till the end of October: after which month there is no more danger of any violent Storms, till the next year.

Tuffoons are a particular kind of violent Storms, blowing on the Coast of Tonquin, and the neighboring Coasts in the months of July, August, and September. They commonly happen near the full or change of the Moon, and are usually preceded by very fair weather, small winds and a clear Sky. Those small winds veer from the common Trade of that time of the year, which is here at S. W. and shuffles about to the N. and N. E. Before the Storm comes there appears a boding Cloud in the N. E. which is very black near the Horizon, but towards the upper edge, it looks of a dark copper colour, and higher still it is brighter, and afterwards it fades to a whitish glaring colour, at the very edge of the Cloud. This appears very amazing and ghastly, and is sometimes seen 12 hours before the Storm comes. When that Cloud begins to move apace, you may expect the Wind presently. It comes on fierce, and blows very violent at N. E. 12 hours more or less. It is also commonly accompanied with terrible claps of Thunder, large and frequent flashes of Lightning, and excessive hard rain. When the Wind begins to abate it dyes away suddenly, and falling flat calm, it continues so an hour, more or less: then the wind comes about to the S. W. and it blows and rains as fierce from thence, as it did before at N. E. and as long.

November and December are 2 very dry, wholesom warm and pleasant months. January, February, and March are pretty dry: but then you have thick fogs in the morning, and sometimes drisling cold rains: the Air also in these 3 months, particularly in January and February is very sharp, especially [Page] when the wind is at North East, or North North East, whether because of the Quarter it blows from, or the Land it blows over I know not: for I have elsewhere observ'd such Winds to be Colder, where they have come from over Land. April is counted a moderate month, either as to heat or cold, driness or moisture.

This is ordinarily the state of their year: yet are not these various Seasons so exact in the returns, but that there may sometimes be the difference of a month, or more. Neither yet are the several Seasons, when they do come, altogether alike in all years. For sometimes the Rains are more violent and lasting, at other times more moderate; and some years they are not sufficient to produce reasonable Crops, or else they come so unseasonably as to injure and destroy the Rice, or at least to advance it but little. For the Husbandry of this Country, and other Countries in the Torrid Zone depends on the Annual Floods, to moysten and fatten the Land, and if the wet season proves more dry than ordinary, so as that the Rice Land is not well dranched with the overflowings of the Rivers, the Crops will be but mean: and Rice being their Bread, the staff of Life with them, if that failes, such a populous Country as this cannot subsist, without being beholding to its Neighbours. But when it comes to that pass, that they must be supplyed by Sea, many of the poorer sort sell their Children to relieve their wants, and so preserve their Lives, whilst others that have not Children to sell, may be famished and dye miserable in the Streets. This manner of Parents dealing with their Children is not peculiar to this Kingdom alone, but is customary in other places of the East Indies, especialy on the Coasts of Malabar and Coromandel. There a famine happens more frequently, and rages sometimes to a degree beyond belief: for those Countries [Page] are generally very dry, and less productive of Rice then Tonquin. Neither are there such large Rivers to fatten the Land: but all their Crop depends on Seasons of Rains only, to moisten the earth: and when those seasons fail, as they do very often, then they can have no Crop at all. Sometimes they have little or no rain in 3 or 4 years, and then they perish at a lamentable rate. Such a Famine as this happen'd 2 or 3 years before my going to Fort St. George, which raged so sore, that thousands of people perished for want, and happy were they that cou'd hold out, till they got to the Sea-port Towns, where the Europeans lived, to sell themselves to them, tho they were sure to be transported from their own Country presently. But the famine does never rage so much at Tonquin, neither may their greatest scarcity be so truly called a Famine: for in the worst of times there is Rice, and 'tis thro the poverty of the meaner people, that so many perish, or sell their Children, for they might else have Rice enough, had they money to buy it with: and when their Rice is thus dear, all other provisions are so proportionably.

There is a further difference between the Countries of Malabar and Coromandel, and this of Tonquin, that there the more Rain they have there, the greater is their blessing: but here they may have too much rain for the lower part of the Kingdom; but that is rare. When this happens, they have Banks to keep in the Rivers, and Ditches to drain the Land; tho sometimes to little purpose, when the floods are violent, and especially if out of season. For if the floods come in their seasons, tho they are great, and drown all the Land, yet are they not hurtful; but on the contrary, very beneficial, because the mud that they leave behind fattens the Land. And after all, if the low Land [Page] should be injured by the floods, the dry Champion Land yields the better increase, and helps out the other; as that does them also in more kindly seasons. In the dry seasons the low Lands have this advantage, that Channels are easily cut out of the River, to water them on each side. So that let the Seasons be wet or dry, this Country seldom suffers much. Indeed considering the number of its inhabitants, and the poverty of the major part, it is sometimes here, as in all populous Countries, very hard with the poor, especially the Trades people in the large Towns. For the Trade is very uncertain, and the people are imployed according to the number of Ships that come thither, to fetch away their Goods: and if but few Ships come hither, as sometimes it happens, then the poor are ready to famish for want of work, whereby to get a subsistance. And not only this, but most Silk Countries are stockt with great multitudes of poor people, who work cheap and live meanly on a little Rice: which if it is not very cheap, as it commonly is here, the poor people are not able to maintain themselves.

[Page]

CHAP III.

Of the Natives of Tonquin: Their Form, Disposition, Capacity, Cloaths, Buildings, Villages, Groves, Banks, Ditches, and Gardens. Of Cachao, the Capital City. Ovens to secure goods from Fire; and other precautions against it. The Streets of the City, the Kings Palaces, and English and Dutch Factories. An Artificial Mole above the City, to break the force of the Land floods. Of their Wives and Common women. Feasts at the Graves of the Dead, and Annual Feasts: their entertaining with Betle and Arek, &c. Their Religion, Idols, Pagods, Priests, Offerings, and Prayers. Their Language and Learning. Their Mechanick Arts, Trades, Manufactures, Commodities and Traffick.

TOnquin is very populous, being thick set with Villages; and the Natives in general are of a middle stature, and clean limb'd. They are of a Tawny Indian colour: but I think the fairest and clearest that I ever saw of that Complexion: for you may perceive a blush or change of colour in some of their faces, on any sudden surprize of passion; which I could never discern in any other Indians. Their faces are generally flattish, and of an oval form. Their noses and lips are proportionable enough, and altogether graceful. Their hair is black, long and lank, and very thick; and they wear it hanging down to their shoulders.

[Page] Their teeth are as black as they can make them; for this being accounted a great ornament, they dye them of that colour, and are 3 or 4 days doing it. They do this when they are about 12 or 14 years old, both Boys and Girls: and during all the time of the operation they dare not take any nourishment, besides Water, Chau, or some liquid thing, and not much of that neither, for fear, I judge, of being poyson'd by the Dye, or Pigment. So that while this is doing they undergo very severe Penance: but as both Sexes, so all Qualities, the poor as well as the rich, must be in this fashion: they say they should else be like Brutes; and that 'twould be a great shame to them to be like Elephants or Dogs; which they compare those to that have white teeth.

They are generally dextrous, nimble, and active; and ingenious in any Mechanick science they profess. This may be seen by the multitude of fine Silks that are made here; and the curious Lackerwork, that is yearly transported from thence. They are also laborious and diligent in their Callings: but the Country being so very populous, many of them are extreme poor for want of employment: and tho the Country is full of Silk, and other materials to work on, yet little is done, but when strange Ships arrive. For 'tis the Money and Goods that are brought hither, especially by the English and Dutch, that puts life into them: for the Handicrafts men have not Money to set themselves to work; and the Foreign Merchants are therefore forc'd to trust them with advancemoney, to the value of at least a third, or half their goods; and this for 2 or 3 months or more, before they have made their goods, and brought them in. So that they having no Goods ready by them, till they have Money from the Merchant strangers, the Ships that trade hither must of necessity [Page] stay here all the time that their Goods are making, which are commonly 5 or 6 months.

The Tonquinese make very good Servants; I think the best in India. For as they are generally apprehensive and docil, so are they faithful when hired, diligent and obedient. Yet they are low spirited: probably by reason of their living under an Arbitrary Government. They are patient in labour, but in sickness they are mightily dejected. They have one great fault extreme common among them, which is gaming. To this they are so universally addicted, Servants and all, that neither the awe of their Masters nor any thing else is sufficient to restrain them, till they have lost all they have, even their very Cloaths. This is a reigning Vice amongst the Eastern Nations, especially the Chinese, as I said in the 15th Chapter of my former Volume. And I may add, that the Chinese I found settled at Tonqnin, were no less given to it than those I met with elsewhere. For after they have lost their Money, Goods, and Cloaths they will stake down their Wives and Children: and lastly, as the dearest thing they have, will play upon tick, and mortgage their Hair upon honour: And whatever it cost 'em, they will be sure to redeem it. For a free Chinese, as these are, who have fled from the Tartars, would be as much asham'd of short Hair, as a Tonquinese of white Teeth.

The Cloaths of the Tonquinese are made either of Silk or Cotton. The poor people and Soldiers do chiefly wear Cotton cloath died to a dark tawny colour. The rich men and Mandarins commonly wear English Broad-cloath: the chief colours are red or green. When they appear before the King, they wear long Gowns which reach down to their heels: neither may any man appear in his presence but in such a garb. The great men have also long Caps made of the same that their Gowns [Page] are made of: but the middle sort of men and the poor commonly go bare-headed. Yet the Fishermen, and such Labourers as are by their employments more exposed to the weather, have broad brim'd Hats, made of Reeds, Straw, or Palmetoleaves. These Hats are as stiff as boards, and sit not plyant to their heads: for which reason they have Bandstrings or Necklaces fastened to their Hats; which coming under their chins are there tyed, to keep their Hats fast to their heads. These Hats are very ordinary things; they seldom wear them but in rainy weather: Their other Cloaths are very few and mean: a ragged pair of Britches commonly sussiceth them. Some have bad Jackets, but neither Shirt, Stockings, nor Shooes.

The Tonquinese buildings are but mean. Their Houses are small and low: the Walls are either Mud, or Watle bedawbed over: and the Roofs are thatched, and that very ill, especially in the Country. The Houses are too low to admit of Chambers; yet they have here 2 or 3 partitions on the ground floor, made with a watling of Canes or Sticks, for their several uses; In each of which there is a Window to let in the light. The Windows are only small square holes in the Walls, which they shut up at night with a Board, fitted for that purpose. The Rooms are but meanly furnished; with a poor Bed or two (or more, according to the bigness of the family) in the inner Room. The outer Rooms are furnish'd with Stools, Benches, or Chairs to sit on. There is also a Table, and on one side a little Altar, with two Incense-pots on it: nor is any House without its Altar. One of these Incense-pots has a small bundle of Rushes in it; the ends of which I always took notice had been burnt, and the sire put out. This outer Room is the place where they commonly dress their food: yet in fair weather they do it [Page] as frequently in the open air, at their doors, or in their yards; as being thereby the less incommoded by heat or smoak.

They dwell not in lone houses, but together in Villages: 'tis rare to see a single house by itself. The Country Villages commonly consist of 20, 30, or 40 houses, and are thick seated over all the Country; yet hardly to be seen till you come to their very doors, by reason of the Trees and Groves they are surrounded with. And 'tis as rare to see a Grove without a Village, in the low Country near the Sea, as to see a Village without a Grove: but the high Lands are full of Woods, and the Villages there stand all as in one great Forest. The Villages and Land about them do most belong to great men, and the Inhabitants are Tenants that manure and cultivate the ground.

The Villages in the low Land are also surrounded with great banks and deep ditches. These incompass the whole Grove, in which each Village stands.

The banks are to keep the water from overflowing their gardens, and from coming into their houses in the wet time, when all the Land about them is under water, 2 or 3 foot deep. The ditches or trenches are to preserve the water in the dry time, with which they water their gardens when need requires. Every man lets water at pleasure, by little drains that run inward from the Town-ditch, into his own garden; and usually each mans yard or garden is parted from his neighbours by one of these little drains on each side. The houses lie scattering up and down in the Grove; no where joyning to one another, but each apart, and fenced in with a small hedge. Every house hath a small gate or stile to enter into the garden first, for the house stands in the middle of it: and the garden runs also from the backside of the house [Page] to the Town-Ditch, with its drain and hedge on each side. In the gardens every man has his own Fruit-trees, as Oranges, Limes, Betle, his Pumpkins, Melons, Pine-apples, and a great many Herbs. In the dry season these Grovy dwellings are very pleasant; but in the wet season they are altogether uncomfortable: for tho fenced in thus with banks, yet are they like so many Duck houses, all wet and dirty: neither can they pass from one Village to another, but mid-leg or to their knees in water, unless sometimes in Boats, which they keep for this purpose: but notwithstanding these, they are seldom out of mire and wet, even in the midst of the Village or Garden, so long as that season lasts. The Inhabitants of the higher part of the Kingdom are not troubled with such inconveniencies, but live more cleanly and comfortably, forasmuch as their Land is never overflown with water: and tho they live also in Villages or Towns as the former, yet they have no occasion to surround them with banks or trenches, but lie open to the Forest.

The Capital City Cachao, which stands in the high Country, about 80 miles from the Sea, on the West side of the River, and on a pretty level, yet rising ground, lies open in the same manner, without wall, bank, or ditch. There may be in Cachao about 20000 Houses. The Houses are generally low, the walls of the Houses are of mud, and the covering thatch, yet some are built with brick, and the covering with pantile. Most of these Houses have a yard or backside belonging to them. In each yard you shall see a small arched building made somewhat like an Oven, about 6 foot high, with the mouth on the ground. It is built from top to bottom with brick, all over daub'd thick with mud and dirt. If any house wants a yard, they have nevertheless such a kind of Oven as this, but [Page] smaller, set up in the middle of the House it self: and there is scarce a house in the City without one. The use of it is to thrust their chiefest goods into, when a Fire happens: for these low thatch'd Houses are very subject to take fire, especially in the dry times, to the destruction of many Houses in an instant, that often they have scarce time to secure their goods in the arched Ovens, tho so near them.

As every private person hath this contrivance, to secure his own goods, when a Fire happens, so the Government hath carefully ordered necessary means to be used for the preventing of Fire, or extinguishing it before it gets too great a head. For in the beginning of the dry season, every man must keep a great Jar of water on the top of his House, to be ready to pour down, as occasion shall serve. Besides this, he is to keep a long pole, with a basket or bowl at the end of it, to throw water out of the Kennels upon the houses. But if the Fire gets to such a head, that both these expedients fail, then they cut the straps that hold the Thatch of the Houses, and let it drop from the rafters to the ground. This is done with little trouble; for the Thatch is not laid on as ours, neither is it tyed on by single leaves, as in the West Indies, and many parts of the East Indies, where they Thatch with Palmeto or Palm tree leaves: but this is made up in Panes of 7 or 8 foot square, before it is laid on; so that 4 or 6 Panes more or less, according to the bigness of the House, will cover one side of it: and these Panes being only fastned in a few places to the rafters with Rattans, they are easily cut, and down drops half the covering at once, These panes are also better than loose thatch, as being more managable, in case any of them should fall on or near near the Oven where the Goods are; for they are easily dragg'd off to another [Page] place. The Neighbouring Houses may this way be soon uncovered, before the flame comes to them; and the Thatch either carried away, or at least laid where it may burn by itself. And for this purpose every man is ordered to keep a long Pole or Bambo at his door, with a Cutting-hook at the end of it, purposely for uncovering the houses: and if any man is found without his Jar upon the house, and his Bucket-pole and long Hook at his door, he will be punish'd severely for his neglect. They are rigorous in exacting this: for even with all this caution they are much and often damaged by Fire.

The principal streets in this City are very wide, tho some are but narrow. They are most of them pav'd, or pitch'd rather, with small Stones; but after a very ill manner. In the wet season they are very dirty; and in the dry time there are many stagnant ponds, and some ditches full of black stinking mud, in and about the City. This makes it unpleasant, and a man would think unwholesome too: yet it is healthy enough, as far as I perceiv'd, or could ever learn.

The Kings of Tonquin, who make this City their constant Residence, have two or three Palaces in it, such as they be. Two of them are very mean; they are built with timber, yet have they many great Guns planted in Houses near them, Stables for the Kings Elephants and Horses, and pretty large square spots of ground for the Soldiers to draw themselves up regularly before him. The third Palace is call'd the Palace Royal It is more magnificently built than the other two: yet built also with timber, but all open, as the Divans in Turky are said to be. The wall that incompasseth it is most remarkable. It is said to be 3 leagues in circumference. The heighth of this Wall is about 15 or 16 foot, and almost as many [Page] broad or thick. It is faced up on both sides with Brick: there are several small Gates to go in and out at, but the main Gate faceth to the City. This they say is never opened, but when the Boua or Emperor goes in or comes out. There are two smaller Gates adjoyning to it, one on each side, which are opened on all occasions, for any concern'd there to pass in and out; but strangers are not permitted this liberty. Yet they may ascend to the top of the Wall, and walk round it; there being stairs at the Gate to go up by: and in some places the Walls are fallen down.

Within this Wall there are large Fish-ponds, where also there are Pleasure-Boats for the Emperors diversion. I shall defer speaking of him, whose Prison this is rather than Court, till the next Chapter, where I shall discourse of the Government.

The house of the English Factory, who are very few, is pleasantly seated on the North end of the City, fronting to the River. 'Tis a pretty handsome low built. House; the best that I saw in the City. There is a handsome Dining-room in the middle, and at each end convenient apartments for the Merchants, Factors, and Servants belonging to the Company to live in, with other conveniences. This House stands parallel with the River; and at each end of it, there are smaller Houses for other uses, as Kitchin, Store-Houses, &c. runing in a line from the great House towards the River, making two Wings, and a square Court open to the River. In this square space, near the banks of the River, there stands a Flag-staff, purposely for the hoysing up the English Colours, on all occasions: for it is the custom of our Countrymen aboard, to let fly their Colours on Sundays, and all other remarkable days.

[Page] The Dutch Factory joyns to the English Factory on the South side: I was never in it, and therefore can say nothing of it, but what I have heard, that their ground is not so large as ours, tho they are the longest standers here by many years: for the English are but newly removed hither from Hean, where they resided altogether before.

There is nothing more in or about the City worth noting, but only a piece of work on the same side, up the River. This is a massy frame of Timber, ingeniously put together, and very artificially placed on great piles, that are set upright in the River, just by its banks. The piles are driven firmly into the ground, close one by another: and all the space between them and the bank is filled up with stones, and on them great Trees laid across, and pinn'd fast at each end to the piles: so that the whole fabrick must be moved before any part of it will yield. This piece of work is raised about 16 or 17 foot above the water in the dry time: but in the wet season the floods come within 2 or 3 foot of the top. It was made to resist the violence of the water in the rainy season: for the stream then presseth so hard against this place, that before this pile was built, it broke down the bank, and threatned to carry all before it, even to the ruining of the City, if this course had not timely been taken to prevent it. And so much the rather, because there is a large pond just within Land, and low ground between it and the City: so that had it made but a small breach into the pond, it would have come even to the skirts of the City. And tho the City stands so high as that the Land floods never reach it, yet the Land on which it stands being a sort of yielding Sand, could not be thought capable of always resisting such violence. For the natural floods do very often make great changes in the River, breaking down [Page] one point of Land, and making another point in the opposite side of the River; and that chiefly in this part of the Country, where it is bounded with high banks: for nearer the Sea, where it presently overflows, the floods do seldom make any consideable change, and move more quietly.

But to return to the people. They are courteous and civil to strangers, especially the trading people: but the great men are proud, haughty and ambitious; and the Souldiers very insolent. The poorer sort are very Thievish; insomuch that the Factors and Strangers that traffick hither are forced to keep good watch in the night to secure their goods, notwithstanding thesevere punishments they have against Thieves. They have indeed great opportunities of Thieving, the Houses being so slightly built: but they will work a way under ground, rather than fail; anduse many subtle stratagems. I am a stranger to any ceremonies used by them in Marriage, or at the Birth of a Child, or the like, if they use any: Polygamy is allowed of in this Country, and they buy their Wives of the Parents. The King and and great Men keep several, as their inclinations lead them, and their ability serves. The poor are stinted for want of means more than desire: for tho many are not able to buy, much less to maintain one Wife; yet most of them make a shift to get one, for here are some very low prized ones, that are glad to take up with poor Husbands. But then in hard times, the man must sell both Wife and Children, to buy Rice to maintain himself. Yet this is not so common here as in some places; as I before observed of the Malabar and Coromandel Coasts. This custom among them of buying Wives, easily degenerates into that other of hiring Misses, and gives great liberty to the young Women, who offer themselves of their [Page] own accord to any strangers, who will go to their price. There are of them of all prizes, from 100 Dollars to 5 Dollars, and the refuse of all will be caressed by the poor Seamen. Such as the Lascars, who are Moors of India, coming hither, in Vessels from Fort St. George, and other places: who yet have nothing to give them, but such fragments of Food, as their Commons will afford. Even the great men of Tonquin will offer their Daughters to the Merchants and Officers, tho their stay is not likely to be above 5 or 6 Months in the Country: neither are they affraid to be with Child by White men, for the Children will be much fairer than their Mothers, and consequently of greater repute, when they grow up, if they be Girls. Nor is it any great charge to breed them here: and at the worst if their Mothers are not able to maintain them, 'tis but selling them when they are young. But to return, the Women who thus let themselves to hire, if they have been so frugal as to save what they have got by these loose amours, they soon procure Husbands, that will love and esteem them well enough: and themselves also will prove afterwards obedient and faithful Wives. For 'tis said, that even while they are with strangers, they are very faithful to them; especially to such as remain long in the Country, or make annual returns hither, as the Dutch generally do. Many of these have gotten good Estates by their Tonquin Ladies; and that chiefly by trusting them with Money and Goods. For in this poor Country 'tis a great advantage to watch the Market: and these female Merchants having stocks will mightily improve them, taking their opportunities of buying raw Silk in the dead time of the year. With this they will employ the poor people, when work is scarce; and get it cheaper and better done, than when Ships are here: for then every man being employed [Page] and in a hurry of business, he will have his price according to the haste of work. And by this means they will get their Goods ready against the Ships arrive, and before the ordinary working season, to the profit both of the Merchant and the Pagally.

When a man dyes he is interr'd in his own Land, for here are no common Burying-places: and within a month afterwards the friends of the deceased, especially if he was the master of the family, must make a great feast of Flesh and Fruit at the Grave. 'Tis a thing belonging to the Priests office to assist at this solemnity; they are always there, and take care to see that the friends of the deceased have it duly performed. To make this Feast they are obliged to sell a piece of Land, tho they have Money enough otherways: which Money they bestow in such things as are necessary for the solemnity, which is more or less, according to the quality of the deceased. If he was a great man, there is a Tower of Wood erected over the Grave; it may be 7 or 8 foot square, and built 20 or 25 foot high. About 20 yards from the Tower, are little Sheds built with Stalls, to lay the Provisions on, both of Meat and Fruits of all sorts, and that in great plenty. Thither the Country people resort to fill their Bellies, for the Feast seems to be free for all comers, at least of the Neighbourhood. How it is drest or distributed about I know not; but there the People wait till 'tis ready. Then the Priest gets within the Tower, and climbs up to to the top, and looking out from thence, makes an oration to the People below. After this the Priest descends, and then they set fire to the foundation of the Tower, burn it down to the Ground: and when this is done they fall to their Meat. I saw one of these Grave-Feasts, which I shall have elsewhere occasion to mention.

[Page] The Tonquinese have two Annual Feasts. The chief is at the first New Moon of the New Year: and their New Year begins with the first New Moon that falls out after the middle of January, for else that Moon is reckon'd to the old year. At this time they make merry and rejoyce 10 or 12 days, and then there is no business done, but every man makes himself as fine as may be, especially the common sort. These spend their time in gaming or sporting, and you shall see the Streets full of people, both Citizens and Country folks, gazing at several diverting exercises. Some set up Swings in the Streets, and get money of those that will swing in them. The Frames are contriv'd like ours in the Fields about London in Holiday times: but they who swing stand upright on the lower part of the Swing, which is only a stick standing on each end, being fastened to a pendulous rope, which they hold fast with their hands on each side; and they raise themselves to such prodigious heighth, that if the Swing should break they must needs break their Limbs at best, if not kill themselves outright. Others spend their time in drinking. Their ordinary drink is Tea: but they make themselves merry with hot Rack, which sometimes also they mix with their Tea. Either way it hath an odd nasty taste, but is very strong: and is therefore much esteemed by them: especially at this time, when they so much devote themselves to mirth, or madness, or even bestial drunkenness. The richer sort are more reserved: yet they will also be very merry at this time. The Nobles treat their friends with good cheer and the best Rack; but indeed there is, none good in this Country. Yet such as they have they esteem as a great Cordial; especially when Snakes and Scorpions have been infused therein, as I have been informed. This is not only accounted a great Cordial, but an antidote against the Leprosie, and [Page] all sorts of Poyson; and 'tis accounted a great piece of respect to any one to treat him with this Liquor. I had this relation from one that had been treated thus by many of the great men. They also at this time more especially chew abundance of Betle, and make presents thereof to one another.

The Betle Leaf is the great entertainment in the East for all Visitants; and 'tis always given with the Arek folded up in it. They make up the Arek in pellets fit for use by first peeling off the outer green hard rind of the Nuts, and then splitting it lengthways in 3 or 4 parts, more or less, according to its bigness. Then they dawb the Leaf all over with Chinam or Lime made into a Morter or Paste, and kept in a Box for this purpose, spreading it thin.

And here by the way I shall take notice of a slip in my former Volume, p. 318, which I desire may be corrected: the Nut being there by mistake call'd the Betle, and the Arek-tree call'd the Betletree, whereas Betle is the name of the Leaf they chew. In this Leaf, thus spread with Chinam, they roll up a flice of Arek-Nut, very neatly, and make a pellet of about an inch long, and as big as the top of ones finger. Every man here has a Box that will hold a great many of these pellets, in which they keep a store ready made up: for all persons, of what quality soever, from the Prince to the Reggar, chew abundance of it. The poorer sort carry a small pouchful about with them: But the Mandarins, or great men, have curious oval Boxes, made purposely for this use, that will hold 50 or 60 Betle pellets. These Boxes are neatly lacker'd and gilded, both inside and outside, with a cover to take off; and if any stranger visits them, especially Europeans, they are sure, among other good entertainment, to be treated with a Box of Betle. The Attendant that brings it holds it to the left [Page] hand of the stranger; who therewith taking off the cover, takes with his right hand the Nuts out of the Box. 'Twere an affront to take them, or give or receive any thing with the left hand, which is confin'd all over India to the viler uses.

It is accounted good breeding to commend the taste or neatness of this present; and they all love to be flatter'd. You thereby extremely please the master of the house, and engage him to be your friend: and afterwards you may be sure he will not fail to send his Servant with a present of Betle once in two or three mornings, with a complement to know how you do. This will cost you a small gratuity to the Servant, who joyfully acquaints his Master how gratefully you receiv'd the present: and this still engages him more; and he will complement you with great respect whenever he meets you. I was invited to one of these New-years Feasts by one of the Countrey, and accordingly went ashore, as many other Sea-men did upon like invitations. I know not what entertainment they had; but mine was like to be but mean, and therefore I presently left it. The staple Dish was Rice, which I have said before is the common food: Besides which, my friend, that he might the better entertain me and his other guests, had been in the morning a fishing in a Pond not far from his house, and had caught a huge mess of Frogs, and with great joy brought them home as soon as I came to his house. I wonder'd to see him turn out so many of these creatures into a Basket; and asking him what they were for? he told me to eat: but how he drest them I know not; I did not like his dainties so well as to stay and dine with him.

The other great Feast they have, is after their May crop is hous'd, about the beginning of June. At this Feast also they have publick Rejoycings; but much inferiour to those of their New years Feast.

[Page] Their Religion is Paganism, and they are great Idolaters: Nevertheless they own an omnipotent, supream, over-ruling power, that beholds both them and their actions, and so far takes notice of them, as to reward the good and punish the bad in the other world. For they believe the immortality of the Soul: but the notion that they have of the Deity is very obscure. Yet by the figures which they make, representing this God, they manifestly shew that they do believe him to excel in sight, strength, courage and wisdom, justice, &c. For tho their Idols, which are made in human shapes are very different in their forms; yet they all represent somewhat extraordinary either in the countenance, or in the make of the body or limbs. Some are very corpulent and fat, others are very lean, some also have many eyes, others as many hands, and all grasping somewhat. Their aspects are also different, and in some measure representing what they are made to imitate, or there is somewhat in their hands or lying by them, to illustrate the meaning of the Figure. Several passions are also represented in the countenance of the Image, as love, hated, joy, grief. I was told of one Image, that was placed sitting on his Hams, with his Elbows resting on his Knees, and his Chin resting on his 2 Thumbs, for the supporting his Head, which lookt drooping forwards: his Eyes were mournfully lifted up towards Heaven, and the figure was so lean, and the countenance and whole composure was so sorrowful, that it was enough to move the beholder with pity and compassion. My Friend said he was much affected with the sight thereof.

There are other Images also, that are in the shape of Beasts, either Elephants or Horses: for I have not seen them in any other shape. The Pagodas or Idol Temples, are not sumptuous and magnificent, as in some of the Neighbouring Kingdoms. [Page] They are generally built with Timber, and are but small and low: yet mostly covered with Pantile; especially the City Pagodas. But in the Country some of them are thatched. I saw the Horse and Elephant Idols only in the Country: and indeed I saw none of the Idols in the City Cachao, but was told they were generally in humane shapes.

The Horse and Elephant Images I saw, were both sorts about the bigness and height of a good Horse, each standing in the midst of a little Temple, just big enough to contain them, with their heads towards the Door: and sometimes one, sometimes two together in a Temple, which was always open. There were up and down in the Country other buildings, such as Pagodas, or Temples, Tombs, or the like, less than these; and not above the heighth of a man: but these were always shut so close, that I could not see what was within them.

There are many Pagan Priests belonging to these Pagodas, and 'tis reported that they are by the Laws tyed up to strict rules of living; as abstinence from Women, and strong drink especially and enjoin'd a poor sort of Life. Yet they don't seem to confine themselves much to these Rules: but their subsistance being chiefly from Offerings, and there being many of them, they are usually very poor The offering to the Priest is commonly 2 or 3 handfuls of Rice, a box of Betle, or some such like present. One thing the people resort to them for is fortune-telling, at which they pretend to be very expert, and will be much offended if any dispute their skill in that, or the truth of their Religion. Their Habitations are very little and mean, close by the Pagodas, where they constantly attend to offer the petitions of the poor people, that frequently resort thither on some such errand. For they have no set times of Devotion, neither do they seem to esteem one day above another, except [Page] their Annual Feasts. The people bring to th Priest in writing what Petition they have to make: and he reads it aloud before the Idol, and afterwards burns it in an Incense-pot, the supplicant all the while lying prostrate on the Ground.

I think the Mandarins and rich people seldom come to the Pagodas, but have a Clerk of their own, who reads the Petition in their own Courts or Yards: and it should seem by this, that the Mandarins have a better sense of the Deity, than the common People; for in these Yards, there is no Idol, before whom to perform the Ceremony, but 'tis done with Eyes lift up to Heaven. When they make this Petition they order a great deal of good meat to be drest, and calling all their Servants into the Court, where the Ceremony is to be performed, they place the food on a table, where also 2 Incense-pots are placed, and then the Mandarin presents a paper to the Clerk, who reads it with an audible voice. In the first place there is drawn up an ample account of all that God has blest him withal, as Health, Riches, Honour, Favour of his Prince, &c. and long Life, if he be old; and towards the conclusion, there is a Petition to God for a continuance of all these blessings, and a farther augmentation of them; especially with long life and favour of his Prince, which last they esteem as the greatest of all Blessings. While this paper is reading the Master kneels down, and bows his face down to the Earth: and when the Clerk has done reading it, he puts it to the burning Rushes, that are in the Incensepot, where 'tis consumed. Then he flings in 3 or 4 little bundles of sacred paper, which is very fine and gilded; and when that also is burnt, he bids his Servants eat the Meat. This Relation I had from an English Gentlemen, who understood the Language very well, and was present at such a Ceremony. This burning of paper seems a great Custom [Page] among the Eastern Idolaters: and in my former Volume I observed the doing so by the Chinese, in a sacrifice they had at Bencouli.

The Tonquinese Language is spoken very much through the throat, but many words of it are pronounced through the teeth. It has a great affinity to the Chinese Language, especially the Fokien dialect, as I have been inform'd: and tho their words are differently pronounc'd, yet they can understand each others writings, the characters and words being so near the same. The Court Language especially is very near the Chinese; for the Courtiers being all Scholars, they speak more elegantly; and it differs very much from the vulgar corrupted language. But for the Malayan Tongue, which Monsieur Tavernier's Brother in his History of Tonquin says is the Court Language, I could never hear by any person that it is spoken there, tho I have made particular enquiry about it; neither can I be of his opinion in that matter. For the Tonquinese have no manner of Trade with any Malayans that I could observe or learn, neither have any of their neighbours: and for what other grounds the Tonquinese should receive that language I know not. It is not probable that either Conquest, Trade or Religion could bring it in; nor do they travel towards Malacca, but towards China; and commonly 'tis from one of these causes that men learn the language of another Nation. The remarkable smoothness of that Language, I confess, might excite some people to learn it out of curiosity: but the Tonquinese are not so curious.

They have Schools of Learning, and Nurseries to tutor youth. The Characters they write in are the same with the Chinese, by what I could judge; and they write with a hair Pencil, not sitting at a Table as we do, but standing upright. They hold their Paper in one hand, and write with the other, [Page] making their Charracters very exact and fair. They write their lines right down from the top to the bottom, beginning the first line from the right hand, and so proceeding on towards the left. After they can write, they are instructed in such Sciences as their Masters can tutor them in; and the Mathematicks are much studied by them. They seem to understand a little of Geometry and Arithmetick, and somewhat more of Astronomy. They have Almanacks among them: but I could not learn whether they are made in Tonquin, or brought to them from China.

Since the Jesuits came into these parts, some of them have improv'd themselves in Astronomy pretty much. They know from them the Revolutions of the Planets; they also learn of them natural Philosophy, and especially Ethicks: and when young Students are admitted or made Graduates, they pass thro a very strict examination. They compose something by way of trial, which they must be careful to have wholly their own, for if it is found out that they have been assisted, they are punished, degraded, and never admitted to a second examination.

The Tonquinese have learnt several Mechanick Arts and Trades, so that here are many Tradesmen, viz. Smiths, Carpenters, Sawyers, Joyners, Turners, Weavers, Tailors, Potters, Painters, Moneychangers, Paper-makers, Workers on Lacker ware, Bell-founders, &c. Their Saws are most in frames. and drawn forwards and backwards by two men. Money changing is a great profession here. It is managed by Women, who are very dextrous and ripe in this employment. They hold their cabals in the night, and know how to raise their Cash as well as the cunningest Stock-iobber in London.

[Page] The Tonquinese make indifferent good Paper, of two sorts. One sort is made of Silk, the other of the rinds of Trees. This being pounded well with wooden Pestles in large Troughs, make the best writing Paper.

The vendible Commodities of this Kingdom are Gold, Musk, Silks, both wrought and raw, some Callicoes, Drugs of many sorts, Wood for Dying, Lacker Wares, Earthen-Wares, Salt, Anniseed, Wormseed, &c. There is much Gold in this Country: It is like the China Gold, as pure as that of Japan, and much finer. Eleven or twelve Tale of Silver brings one of Gold. A Tale is the name of a summ of About a Noble Engl. Besides, the raw Silk fetched from hence, here are several sorts of wrought Silks made for exportation, viz: Pelongs, Sues, Hawkins, Piniasco's, and Gaws The Pelongs and Gaws, are of each sort either plain or flower'd very neatly. They make several other sorts of Silk, but these are the principal that are bought by the English and Dutch.

The Lacker'd Ware that is made here, is not inferiour to any but that of Japan only, which is esteemed the best in the world; probably because the Japan wood is much better than this at Tonquin; for there seems not any considerable difference in the Paint or Varnish. The Lack of Tonquin is a sort of gummy juice, which drains out of the Bodies or limbs of Trees. It is gotten in such quantities by the Country people, that they daily bring it in great Tubs to the Markets at Cachao to sell, especially all the working season. The natural colour is white, and in substance thick like Cream: but the air will change its colour, and make it look blackish: and therefore the Country people that bring it to Town, cover it over with 2 or 3 sheets of paper, or leaves, to preserve it in its fresh native colour. The Cabinets, Desks, or any sort of [Page] Frames to be Lackered, are made of Fir, or Pone-tree: but the Joyners in this Country may not compare their work with that which the Europeans make: and in laying on the Lack upon good or fine joyned work they frequently spoil the joynts, edges, or corners of Drawers of Cabinets: Besides, our fashions of Utensils differ mightily from theirs, and for that reason Captain Poole, in his second Voyage to the Country, brought an ingenious Joyner with him, to make fashionable Commodities to be lackered here, as also Dealboards, which are much better than the Pone-wood of this Country.

The Work-houses where the Lacker is laid on, are accounted very unwholsom, by reason of a poisonous quality, said to be in the Lack, which fumes into the Brains through the Nostrils of those that work at it, making them break out in botches and biles; yet the scent is not strong, nor the smell unsavory. The Labourers at this Trade can work only in the dry season, or when the drying North Winds blow: for as they lay several Coats of Lack, one on another, so these must all have time to be throughly dry, before an outer Coat can be laid on the former. It grows blackish of itself, when exposed to the air; but the colour is heightned by Oyl, and other ingredients mixt with it. When the outside Coat is dry, they polish it to bring it to a gloss. This is done chiefly by often rubbing it with the ball or palm of their Hands. They can make the Lack of any colour, and temper it so as to make therewith good Glew, said to be the best in the world. It is also very cheap, and prohibited exportation. They make Varnish also with the Lack.

Here is also Turpentine in good plenty, and very cheap. Our Captain bought a considerable quantity for the Ships use: and of this the Carpenter [Page] made good Pitch, and used it for covering the Seams after they were caulk'd.

The Earthen-ware of this Country is course and of a grey colour, yet they make great quantities of small Earthen Dishes, that will hold half a pint or more. They are broader towards the brim than at the bottom, so that they may be stowed within one another. They have been sold by Europeans, in many of the Malayan Countries, and for that reason Captain Pool in his first Voyage, bought the best part of 100000, in hopes to sell them in his return homeward at Batavia; but not finding a market for them there, he carried them to Bencouli on the Island Sumatra, where he sold them at a great profit to Governor Bloom; and he also sold most of them at good advantage to the Native Malayans there: yet some thousands were still at the Fort when I came thither, the Country being glutted with them. Captain Weldon also bought 30 or 40000, and carried them to Fort St. George, but how he disposed of them I know not. The China wares which are much finer, have of late spoiled the sale of this Commodity in most places: yet at Rackan, in the Bay of Bengall, they are still esteem'd, and sell at a good rate.

The several sorts of Drugs bought and soldhere, are beyond my knowledge: but there is China root, Galingame, Rhubarb, Ginger, &c. Neither do I know whether any of these grow in this Country, for they are mostly imported from their Neighbours; tho as to the Ginger, I think it grows there. Here is also a sort of Fruit or Berry said to grow on small Bushes, called by the Dutch Annise, because its scent and taste is strong like that of the Anniseed. This Commodity is only exported hence by the Dutch, who carry it to Batavia, and there distil it among their Arack, to give it an Anniseed flavour. This sort of Arack is not fit to make [Page] Punch with, neither is it used that way, but for want of plain Arack. It is only used to take a Dram of by itself, by the Dutch chiefly, who instead of Brandy, will swallow large Doses of it, tho it be strong: but 'tis also much used and esteemed all over the East Indies.

There is one sort of Dying wood in this Country much like the Campeachy Log-wood, tho whether the same, or Wood of greater value, I know not. I have heard that 'tis called Sappan Wood; and that it comes from Siam. It was smaller than what we usually cut in the Bay of Campeachy; for the biggest stick that I saw here was no bigger than my Leg, and most of it much smaller, and crooked. They have other sorts of Dyes, but I can give no account of them. They dye several colours here, but I have been told they are not lasting. They have many sorts of good tall Timber-trees in this Country, fit for any sorts of building: but, by relation, none very durable. For Masting the Fir and Pone Trees are the best Here is much Wormseed, but it grows not in this Kingdom. It is brought from within the Land, from the Kingdom of Boutan, or from the Province of Yunam, bordering on this Kingdom, yet belonging to China. From thence comes the Musk and Rhubarb; and these 3 Commodities are said to be peculiar to Boutan and Yunam. The Musk grows in the Cods of Goats. The same Countries yield Gold also, and supply this Country with it: for whatever Gold Mines the Tonquinese are said to have in their own Mountains, yet they don't work upon them.

With all these rich Commodities, one would expect the people to be rich; but the generality are very poor, considering what a Trade is driven here. For they have little or no Trade by Sea themselves, except for eatables, as Rice, and Fish, [Page] which is spent in the Country: but the main Trade of the Country is maintained by the Chinese, English, Dutch, and other Merchant Strangers, who either reside here constantly, or make their annual returns hither. These export their Commodities, and import such as are vendible here. The Goods imported hither besides Silver, are Saltpeter, Sulphur, English Broad-cloath, Cloathrashes, some Callicoes, Pepper and other Spices, Lead, great Guns &c. but of Guns the long Saker is most esteemed. For these Commodities you receive Money or Goods, according to contract: but the Country is so very poor, that, as I formerly observed, the Merchant commonly stays 3 or 4 months for his Goods, after he has paid for them; because the poor are not employ'd till Ships arrive in the Country, and then they are set to work by the Money that is brought thither in them. The King buys great Guns, and some pieces of Broad cloath: but his pay is so bad, that Merchants care not to deal with him, could they avoid it. But the trading people, by all accounts, are honest and just: that I heard a man say, who had traded there ten years, in which time he dealt for many thousands of pounds, that he did not in all that time lose 10 l. by them all.

[Page]

CHAP IV.

Of the Government of Tonquin. The 2 Kings Boua and Choua; the Revolt of the Cochinchinese, and Original of the present constitution at Tonquin. Of the Boua's confinement, and the Choua's or ruling Kings Person and Government; and the Treasure, Elephants and Artillery. Their manner of making Gunpowder. Of the Soldiers, their Arms, Employment, &c. Of the Naval Force, their fine Gallies and Management of them. The Watch kept in their Towns, their Justice, and punishing of Debtors, and Criminals of all sorts. Of the Eunuch Mandarins: their promotion and Dispositions. Of their swearing upon a draught of Hens Blood: and the Trial by bitter Waters in Guinea. Of the Mandarins Entertainments: The Chop sticks used at Meals; and their kindness to Strangers.

THis Kingdom is an absolute Monarchy, but of such a kind as is not in the world again; for it has two Kings, and each supreme in his particular way: The one is called Boua, the other Choua; which last name I have been told signifies Master. The Boua and his Ancestors were the sole Monarchs of Tonquin; tho I know not whether as independent Soveraigns, or as Tributaries to China, of which they have been thought to have been a Frontier Province, if not a Colony: for there is a great affinity between them in their Language, [Page] Religion, and Customs. These a Kings they have at present, are not any way related in their Descent or Families: nor could I learn how long their Government has continued in the present form; but it appears to have been for some successions. The occasion is variously reported; but some give this account of it.

The Boua's, or antient Kings of Tonquin, were formerly Masters of Cochinchina, and kept that Nation in subjection by an Army of Tonquinese constantly kept there, under a General or Deputy, who ruled them. When Cochinchina threw off the Tonquinese Yoak, the King had two great Generals, one in Cochinchina, and another in Tonquin itself. These two Generals differing, he who was in Cochinchina revolted from his Soveraign of Tonquin, and by his power over the Army there, made himself King of Cochinchina: since which these two Nations have always been at Wars; yet each Nation of late is rather on the defensive part than on the offensive. But when the General who Commanded in Cochinchina had been thus successful in his revolt from under the Boua, the Tonquinese General took the Courage to do so too; and having gained the affections of his Army, deprived the King, his Master, of all the Regal power, and kept it with all the Revenues of the Crown in his own hands: yet leaving the other the Title of King; probably, because of the great zeal the people had for that Family. And thus the Kingdom came wholly into the power of this Tonquinese General, and his Heirs, who carry the Title of Choua; the Boua's of the antient Family having only the shadow of that Authority they were formerly Masters of. The Boua lives the life of a kind of a Prisoner of State, within the old Palace, with his Women and Children; and diverts himself in Boats among his Fish-ponds [Page] within the Palace Walls, but never stirs without those bounds. He is held in great veneration by all the Tonquinese, and seemingly by the Choua also; who never offers any violence to him, but treats him with all imaginable respect. The people say they have no King but Boua; and seem to have sad apprehensions of the loss they should have, if he should dye without an Heir: and whenever the Choua comes into his presence, which is 2 or 3 times in the year, he useth abundance of Compliments to him, and tells him that his very life is at his service, and that he governs and rules wholly to do him a kindness: and always gives him the upper hand. So also when any Ambassadors are sent from the Emperor of China, they will deliver their Message to none but the Boua, and have their Audience of him. Yet after all this pageantry, the Boua has only a few Servants to attend him, none of the Mandarins make their Court to him, nor is he allow'd any Guards: All the Magistracy and Soldiery, Treasure, and the ordering of all matters of Peace and War, are entirely at the Choua's disposal; all preferment is from him, and the very Servants who attend the Boua, are such only as the Choua places about him. Besides these Servants, none are ever suffer'd to see the Boua, much less Strangers: so that I could learn nothing as to his person. But as to the Choua, I have been informed that he is an angry, ill-natured, leprous person. He lives in the second Palace, where he has ten or twelve Wives; but what Children I know not. He governs with absolute authority over the Subjects, and with great tyranny: for their Lives, Goods, and Estates are at his command. The Province of Tenehoa is said to have belonged properly to his Ancestors, who were great Mandarins before the usurpation. So that he now seems to have a particular value [Page] for it, and keeps his Treasure there, which, by report, is very great. This Treasure is buried in great Cisterns full of Water, made purposely for that use: and to secure it, he keeps a great many Soldiers there; and commits the charge, both of them and the Treasure to the Governour of the Province, who is one of his principal Eunuchs.

The Choua has always a strong guard of Soldiers about his Palace, and many large Stables for his Horses and Elephants. The Horses are about 13 or 14 hands high, and are kept very fat: there are 2 or 300 of them. The Elephants are kept in long Stables by themselves, each having a peculiar room or partition, with a Keeper to dress and feed him. The number of the Kings Elephants are about 150 or 200. They are watered and washed every day in the River.

Some of the Elephants are very gentle and governable, others are more indocil and unruly. When these rude ones are to pass through the Streets, tho only to be watered, the Rider or Dresser orders a Gong or Drum to be beaten before him, to warn People that an unruly Elephant is coming; and they presently clear the Streets and give a passage for the Beast; who will do mischief to any that are in the way, and their Riders or Keepers cannot restrain him.

Before the Choua's Palace, there is a large parade, or square place for the Soldiers to be drawn up. On one side there is a place for the Mandarins to sit, and see the Soldiers exercise, on the other side there is a shed, wherein all the Cannon and heavy Guns are lodged. There may be 50 or 60 Iron Guns from Falcon to Demy-Culverin, 2 or 3 whole Culverin or Demi-Cannon, and some old Iron Mortars lying on logs. The Guns are mounted on their Carriages, but the Carriages of these Guns are old and very ill made. There is one [Page] great Brass Gun, much bigger than the rest, supposed to be 8 or 9000 pound weight. It is of a taper bore; of a foot diameter at the mouth, but much smaller at the britch. It is an ill shaped thing, yet much estemeed by them, probably because it was cast here, and the biggest that ever they made. It was cast about 12 or 13 years ago, and it being so heavy, they cou'd not contrive to mount it, but were beholding to the English, to put it into the Carriage; where it now stands more for a show than service. But tho this is but an ordinary piece of workmanship, yet the Tonquinese understand how to run Metals, and are very expert in tempering the Earth, where with they make their mould.

These are all the great Guns, that I saw or heard of in this Kingdom, neither are here any Forts, yet the King keeps always a great many Soldiers. 'Tis said that he has always 70 or 80000 constantly in pay. These are most Foot, they are arm'd with Curtans or Sword, and Hand Guns of 3 foot and an half or 4 foot in the Barrel. The bore is about the bigness of our Horse Pistols, they are all Matchlocks, and they are very thick and heavy. The Soldiers do all make their own Powder. They have little Engins for mixing the ingredients, and make as small a quantity as they please. They know not how to corn it, and therefore it is in unequal lumps, some as big as the top of a mans Thumb, and some no bigger than a white Pea: neither have I seen any Powder well corn'd, that has been made in any of these Eastern Nations.

The Soldiers have each a Cartage Box, covered with leather, after the manner of the West Indian Privateers: but instead of Paper Cartages, these are filled with small hollow Canes, each containing a load or charge of Powder; which they empty out of the Cane into the Gun; so that each Box has in it, as it were, so many Bandeleers. Their Arms are kept [Page] very bright and clean: for which purpose every one of them has a hollow Bambo to lay over the Barrel of his Gun; and to keep the dust from it, as it lies over the rack in his House. When they march also in rainy weather, they have another Bambo, to cover their Guns. This is large enough to cover the whole Barrel, and very well lacker'd: so that it is not only handsome, but also preserves the Gun dry.

The Soldiers when they march are led by an Officer, who is leader of the File: and every File consists of 10 men: but as I have been informed by one who has seen them march, they don't keep their ranks in marching. The Soldiers are most of them lusty strong well made men: for 'tis that chiefly recommends them to the Kings service. They must also have good Stomachs, for that is a greater recommendation then the former; neither can any man be entertain'd as a Soldier, that has not a greater stroke than ordinary at eating: for by this they judge of his strength and constitution. For which reason, when a Soldier comes to be listed, his Stomach is first proved with Rice, the common subsistence of the ordinary People in this Kingdom: and according as he acquits himself in this first tryal of his manhood, so he is either discharged or entertain'd in the service. 'Tis reported, that at these Tryals they commonly eat 8 or 9 cups of Rice, each containing a pint, and they are ever afterwards esteem'd and advanced, according to the first days service: and the greatest eaters are chiefly imploy'd as guards to the King, and commonly attend on his Person. The Province of Ngean breeds the lustiest men, and the best eaters: for that reason those of that Province are generally imploy'd as Soldiers. After 30 years service a Soldier may petition to be disbanded; and then the Village where he was born must send another man to serve in his room.

[Page] The Horsemen are but few, and armed with Bows, and long Spears or Lances, like the Moors and Turks. Both these and the Foot Soldiers are very dexterous in using their weapons, and shoot very well with either with Gun or Bow; for they are often exercised by shooting at Marks. The King orders a shooting match once a year, and rewards the best marks-man with a fine Coat, or about 1000 Cash, as tis called, which is a summ about the value of a Dollar. The mark is a white earthen Cup, placed against a Bank. The distance they stand to fire at it is about 80 yards. He who breaks the first Cup has the finest Coat; for there are others also of less worth and finery for the rest, that have the good fortune to break the other Cups, or Cash in lieu of them. This is all at the Kings charge, who incourages this exercise very much, as a means to make them good Marks-men; and they generally prove such. They will load and fire the quickest of any People. They draw the Rammer at one motion, and powring down the Powder and Bullet, they ram all down at one motion more. Then they withdraw the Rammer, and put it into its place, at 2 motions more. All the 4 motions are performed very dexterously and quick: and when they shoot at a mark, they level, and fire at first sight, yet very successfully.

Tho the King of Tonquin has no Forts, yet he keeps always a great many Souldiers in the Frontier Towns of his Kingdom; especially on the S. W. part thereof, to check the Cochinchinese, his implacable Enemies: and tho there seldom happens a pitch'd Battel between them, yet there are often Skirmishings, which keep the Souldiers on each side upon their guards: and sometimes there are considerable excursions made by one or other party into the Enemies Territories, where they [Page] kill, spoyl, and bring away what booty they can find. The King also has always about 30000 near his person, and quarter'd in or about Cachao, ready on all occasions. The Dry season is the time for his Armies to take the Field, or go against an Enemy: for in these Countries there is no marching in the Wet season. When he sends an Army by Land on any expedition, the General, and other great Officers are mounted on Elephants. These have neat little boarded Houses or Castles fastned on their backs, where the great men sit in state, secur'd from the Sun or Rain. They have no Field-pieces in their Armies, but instead thereof they carry on mens backs Guns that will carry a 4 ounce Shot. The barrels of these Guns are about 6 or 7 foot long: but tho one man carries one of them on his back, yet he cannot hold it out to fire, like small Guns, but rests it on its Carriage, which is another mans burden, and they two manage it between them. The Carriage is only a round piece of Wood, about 4 inches thick, and 6 or 7 foot long. One end of the Carriage is supported with two Legs, or a Fork of three foot high, the other rests on the ground. The Gun is placed on the top, where there is an Iron Socket for the Gun to rest in, and a Swivel to turn the Muzzel any way. From the britch of the Gun there is a short stock, for the man who fires the Gun to traverse it withal, and to rest it against his shoulder. The use of these Guns is to clear a Pass, or to fire over the Rivers, when the Enemy is so commodiously plac'd, that there is no other way to move him; and they are carry'd by these two men almost with as much ease as Muskets. In these Land-expeditions they carry but little baggage, besides their necessary Arms, Ammunition, and Provender: So that if they are routed they lightly scamper away; and generally [Page] in these Countries the Dispute is soon over, for they will not long sustain a smart Onset.

Besides the Souldiers on the Frontiers, and those who attend the King about Cachao, he has many others that keep guards in several parts of his Kingdom, especially in the great Roads, and on the Rivers. These search all exported goods, to see that no prohibited goods are sent out of the Kingdom, especially Arms: and no prohibited goods brought in. They also look after the Custome, and see that all goods have paid, before they may pass further. All Travellers are also search'd by them, and strictly examined; and if any persons are taken only on suspicion, they are used very severely, till they can clear themselves: So that no disaffected or rebellious person can stir, without being presently known; and this renders the King very safe in his Government.

The Kings Naval force consists only in a sort of flat bottom Gallies, and these seemingly designed more for State than service, except to transport Soldiers from one place to another. These Vessels are 50, 60, or 70 foot long, and about 10 or 12 foot broad in the waste; and the 2 ends near as many foot high out of the water, especially the hinderpart orStern: but the waste or middle of the Vessel is not above 2 foot and an half from the water, that being the place, by which all the men go in and out. From thence towards each end, it is gently and very artificially raised, to a considerable heighth, so that the whole fabrick appears very graceful and pleasant, as it moves on the water. The head or forepart is not altogether so high as the Stern, neither is there so much cost bestowed on it for ornament: for tho it wants neither carv'd work nor painting, yet 'tis not comparable to that of the Stern, which has great variety of carving, and is curiously lacker'd and gilded. The place [Page] where the Captain sits is in the Stern, and is neatly covered to keep off the Sun or the Rain: and it being higher than any other part of the Vessel, appears like a little throne, especially that of the Generals Galley. This is more magnificent than the rest, tho all are built much of one form. From the Stern to the waste, it is covered over with a slight covering, to shelter the Men and their Arms from the Rain in the wet season, and the scorching Sun in the dry. Before the waste there are places for the Oars on each side, and a plain even Deck for the Rowers to stand by their tackling. Each Galley carries a small brass Gun, either Minion or Saker, which is planted afore, and looks out through a port in the Bow. They have a small Mast and Matt Sail, and they are rowed with from 16 or 20 to 24 Oars.

The Soldiers are always the men that row, and they are all naked, except that they have a narrow piece of black Cloath like a Sash about their Wastes, which is brought between their Thighs, and tuckt again under their Waste. Every one stands upright behind his Oar, which lies in its notch on the Gunnal, and he thrusts or pushes it forward with a great strength; and they plunge their Oars all at one instant into the Water, keeping exact time with each other: and that they may the better do this, there is one that strikes on a small Gong, or a wooden Instrument, before every stroke of the Oar. Then the Rowers all at once answer with a sort of a hollow noise, through the Throat, and a stamp on the deck with one foot, and immediately plunge their Oars into the Water. Thus the Gong and the Rowers alternately answer each other, making a sound that seems very pleasant and warlike to those who are at a small distance on the Water or Shoar.

[Page] These Boats draw about 2 foot and a half water. They are only serviceable in Rivers, or at Sea near the Shoar, and that in very fair weather too. They are best in the broad Rivers near the Sea, where they may take the advantage of the Tides to help them: for tho they row pretty swift when they are light, yet when they have 60, 80, or 100 men aboard, as sometimes they have, they are heavy and row slowly against the stream. Nevertheless when there is occasion they must go against the stream a great way, tho they perform it with great labour.

The Soldiers in these Vessels are equipt with Bows, Swords, and Lances, and when many of them are sent on any expedition, they are divided into Squadrons. They are distinguished by their several Flags of different colours; as appeared by an expedition they made up the River, against some of their Northern Neighbours, while we were there. There were then about 60 of these Galleys sent out up the River; and they had from 16 to 40 Soldiers in each, all well armed. Their General was called Ungee Comei, who was a great Mandarin, and was the person appointed by the King to inspect into our English Traffick; being made director or protector of the English Factory, who used to speak of him as a generous man. There were two more great Officers under him, each in a Vessel by himself. These three had Flags of distinction: the first was yellow, the second blue, the third red or green. They went away from Cachao towards the Mountains, but did not return while we were there: but since we came from thence, I have been informed that the expedition prov'd fruitless, and that the General Ungee Comei was much disgraced.

[Page] When the Galleys are not in service, they are dragged ashoar, and placed in Houses built for that purpose; where they are set upright on their bottoms, made very clean, and kept neat and dry. These Galley-Houses are 50 or 60 paces from the River side; and when they bring the Galleys into them, there is a strong Rope brought round the stern of the Vessel, and both ends stretched along, one on each side: then 3 or 400 men, standing ready with the Rope in their hands, wait for the signal; which being given by the beat of a Gong, they begin to draw with all their strength, and making a great shricking noise, they run her up in a trice into her place. This also is their Soldiers work, who having thus Housed all their Galleys, return to their Landservice.

Some of the Souldiers are imploy'd also in keeping Watch and Ward, for the security of private men, as well as in the Kings business: and the Tonquinese are observ'd to keep good orders in the night in all Towns and Villages; but more particularly in the great Cities, amd especially at Caehao. There every Street is guarded with a strong watch, as well to keep silence, as to hinder any disorder. The Watch-men are armed with Staves, and stand in the Street by the Watch-houses, to examin every one that passeth by. There is also a Rope stretched cross the Street brest high, and no man may pass this place, till he is examin'd, unless he will venture to be soundly bang'd by the Watch. These men can handle their weapon so well, that if they design mischief, they will dextrously break a Leg or Thigh-bone, that being the place which they commonly strike at. There is a pair of Stocks by every Watch house, to secure night ramblers in: but for a small piece of Money a man may pass quiet enough, and for the [Page] most part only the poor are taken up. These Watch-men are Soldiers, but belong to the Governor or some other men of great power, who will hear no complaints against them, tho never so justly made: and therefore they often put men in the Stocks at their pleasure, and in the morning carry them before a Magistrate: who commonly fines the Prisoners to pay somewhat; and be it more or less, it falls part to the Magistrate. Neither dares any man complain of injustice upon such usage: in this case especially; tho his cause be never so just: and therefore patience is in this Country as necessary for poor people, as in any part of the World.

But notwithstanding these Abuses, they have one Custom in the administring Justice, that is pleasing enough. For if a difference or quarrel at any time happens between 2 mean men, and they are not to be reconciled without going before aMagistrate, he usually considering their Poverty, lays no heavy mulct on the offender, but injoyns him this as his penalty, that he shall treat the injur'd Person with a Jarr of Arack, and a Fowl, or a small Porker, that so feasting together, they may both drown all animosity in good liquor, and renew their Friendship.

But if it be a Controversy about a Debt, they take a very different Method. For the Debtors are many times order'd to be Prisoners in their Creditors houses where they are beaten, or kept with a log of wood made fast to their Legs, to hinder them from running away. These poor Prisoners eat nothing but Rice and drink Water, and are tyranically insulted over by their rigid Creditors, till the debt is satisfied. Their Corporal Punishments upon Malefactors, and sometimes upon others, are very severe. Some are loaden with Iron chains fastned to their Legs, with logs also like the Debtors, but now mention'd. Others have their Necks inclosed between 2 great [Page] heavy planks made like a Pillory, but moveable, for they carry it about with them where-ever they go, and even when they go to rest they are forced to lye down and sleep in it as they can.

There is another sort of punishing instrument not unlike this, called a Gongo. This also is made to wear about the neck, but is shaped like a Ladder. The sides of it are 2 large Bamboes, of about 10 or 12 foot long, with several such rounds or sticks as Ladders have to keep the sides asunder; but much shorter: for the 2 side Bamboes are no farther asunder, than to admit of a narrow room for the Neck; and the 2 rounds in the middle are much at the same distance from each other, on each side the Neck, forming a little Square: thro which the man looks as if he were carrying a Ladder on his Shoulders, with his head through the rounds. If either of these Yoke's were to be taken off in a short time, as in 6, 9, or 12 hours, it would be no great matter: but to wear one of them a month, 2, 3, or longer, as I have been informed they sometimes do, seems to be a very severe punishment. Yet 'tis some comfort to some, that they have the Liberty to walk abroad where they will: but others are both yoak'd and imprison'd: and the Prisoners in publick Prisons are used worse than a man would use a Dog, they being half starved and soundly beaten to boot.

They have a particular punishment, for such as are suspected to fire Houses, or who are thought to have occasioned the Fire through their neglect. The master of the House, where the Fire first breaks out, will hardly clear himself from suspicion, and the severity of the Law. The punishment in this case is to sit in a Chair of 12 or 14 foot high, bare-heade, d3 whole days successively in the hot scorching Sun: this Chair is set, for his greater disgrace, before the place where his House stood.

[Page] Other smaller Crimes are punished with blows; which we call Bambooing. The Criminal is laid flat on his belly on the ground, with his britches pluckt down over his hams: in which posture a lusty fellow bangs his bare britch with a split Bambo, about 4 fingers broad, and 5 foot long. The number of his blows are more or less, according to the nature of the crime, or the pleasure of the Magistrate; yet Money will buy favour of the Executioner, who knows how to moderate his strokes for a fee before-hand. Otherwise his blows usually fall so heavy, that the poor offender may be lamed a month or two. After a man has suffered any of these punishments, he can never obtain any publick favour or employment.

They have no Courts of Judicature, but any single Magistrate issues out his Warrants for the apprehending of Malefactors, and upon taking them immediately tries them: and as the Sentence is final, and without appeal, so 'tis no sooner past but 'tis executed also without more ado. Their punishment in capital crimes is usually beheading. The Criminal is carried immediately from the Magistrates house to his own: for there is no common place of Execution, but the Malefactor suffers near his own house, or where the fact was committed. There he is placed, sitting on the ground, with his body upright, and his legs stretched out: and the Executioner being provided with a large Curtane or Backsword, and striking a full back-blow on the neck, at one stroke he severs the head from the body; the head commonly tumbling down into the owners lap, and the trunk falling backward on the ground.

Theft is not thought worthy of Death, but is punished with cutting off some member, or part of a member, according to the degree of the offence. For sometimes only one joynt of a Finger [Page] is chopt off, for other crimes a whole finger, or more, and for some the whole hand.

The Magistrates and other great men of this Kingdom, are called Mandarins: Most of them in office about the King are Eunuchs, and not only gelded, but also their members cut quite off quite flat to their Bellies. These, as I have been informed, are all very learned men after their way, especially in the Laws of the Country. They rise gradually by their merit or favour, from one degree to another, as well they who are employ'd in Civil as in Military affairs: and scarce place of trust or profit goes beside them. No man is permitted to walk familiarly about the Kings Palace without the leave of the Eunuch Mandarins, and for this reason, having such free access to the King themselves, and excluding whom they will, they engross his favour. This is taken so much to heart by some, that through envy and discontent, they often pine away, as is commonly said, even to death: and I heard of such an one, who was called Ungee Thuan Ding: Ungee seems a title of honour among them. He was a man of great Learning in the Laws, extremely politick, and mighty high spirited. This man sought all the means imaginable to be preferred, but could not for want of being an Eunuch. He fretted to see his inferiours raised: but plainly seeing that there was no rising without removing that objection, he one day in a rage took up a sharp Knife, and qualify'd himself effectually. He had a Wife and 6 or 8 Children, who were all in great fear of his life: but he was not at all dismayed, tho in that condition; and the King advanced him. He was living when I was there, and was a great Mandarin. He had the care of the Armory and Artillery, being great Master of the King's Ordnance.

[Page] There was another Mandarin also, one Vngee Hane, who finding himself baffled by the Eunuchs, was forced to make himself one to be upon the level with them. This Gentleman, it seems, was Lord of a Village or two, where both he and his Tenants were often plagued with the domineering Eunuchs, and having born their malice for some time, and seeing no end of it, he agreed with an expert Gelder to castrate him: for here are many in this Country, who profess this Art, and are so expert at it, that they will undertake to cut a man of any Age, for so many thousand Cash as the man is years old. 'Tis reported, that they first put the Patient into a Sleep: but how long they are curing him after the Operation is over, I know not. I heard of but 3 Mandarins of any grandeur in the Government, who were not Eunuchs. One was the Governor of the East Province, whose Daughter was married to a Prince of the Royal Family. The other two, who were Governors of Cachao, were also married men, and had Children, and one of these married the Kings Daughter. All the Mandarins rule with absolute power and authority in their several precincts, yet in great obedience to the King, who is as absolute over them, as they are over the Common people.

These Eunuch Mandarins especially live in great state. Many of these have command of the Souldiery, and have Guards attending them at their own Houses: there being a certain number of Soldiers allowed to attend on each Mandarin, according to his Quality. They are generally covetous beyond measure, and very malicious. Some of them are Governors of Provinces, but all are raised to places of trust and profit.

Once every year the Mandarins receive an Oath of Allegiance to the King, from all the principal [Page] Officers under them. This is done with great Ceremony: they cut the Throat of a Hen, and let the Blood fall into a Bason of Arack. Of this Arack every man has a small draught given him to drink, after he has publickly declared his sincerity, and readiness to serve his Prince. 'Tis esteem'd the solemnest tye by whichany man can ingage himself. This way of giving solemn potions to drink, is used also in other Countries, on different occasions. As particularly, on the Gold Coast of Guinea; where when Men or Women are taxed for a Crime, be it of what nature it will, but especially Adultery, and the matter cannot be proved by Evidence, the Fetissero or Priest, decides the difference, by giving a Potion of bitter water, to the person accused: which if they refuse to take, they are supposed to be guilty without farther proof: but if they drink it off, the event is said to be, that if the persons be guilty, this water immediately swells their bodies till they burst; but if innocent, they are not hurt thereby. What tricks the Fetissero's may play in compounding this water, I know not: but this kind of Tryal is frequent among them, and seems to be a remainder of the old Jewish Tryal by the waters of jealousy, spoken of in the 5th Chapter of Numbers. I am not sufficiently inform'd whether the event of the Tryal, be such as it was among the Jews; but it seems they have a strong perswasion of it: and a guilty person does ordinarily so dread the being brought to this Trial, that for the most part he or she choose rather to suffer the punishment of the Country, which is to be sold to Europeans as Slaves. This potion is called Bitterwater, and 'tis given by way of Trial upon any light suspicion even of a small injury. This account I have had from several, who have been in Guinea. but especially from Mr. Canby.

But to return to the Eunuch Mandarins, tho they are bitter Enemies to those whom they take [Page] aversion against, yet on the other hand, they are as kind to their favorites, and as complacentto their visitants, whether Foreigners or others, feasting them often. They love mightily to be visited, esteeming themselves highly honoured thereby. When they treat any, they are best pleased with those who eat and drink heartily; for this they suppose proceeds from their Love and hearty affection to them: and indeed the Tonquineers in general are very free to their Visitants, treating them with the best cheer they are able to procure.

In their entertainments, and at their ordinary eating, instead of Forks and Spoons, they use two small round sticks about the length and bigness of a Tobacco-pipe. They hold them both in the right hand, one between the fore-finger and thumb; the other between the middle-finger and the fore-finger, as our Boys do their Snappers. They use them very dextrously, taking up the smallest grain of Rice with them; nor is it accounted mannerly to touch the food, after it is drest, with their hands: and tho it be difficult for strangers to use them, being unaccustom'd to them, yet a little use will overcome that difficulty; and persons that reside here ought to learn this, as well as other customs of the Country, that are innocent, that so their Company may be more acceptable. All the Tonquineses keep many of these Sticks in their Houses, as well for their own use, as to entertain Strangers at meals: they are as ordinarily placed at the Table here, as Knives, Forks, and Spoons are in England: and a man that cannot dextrously handle these instruments, makes but an odd figure at their Tables. The richer sort of people, especially the Mandarins, have them tipt with Silver. In China also these things are constantly used: they are called by the English Seamen [Page] Chopsticks. When the Eunuch Mandarins dye, all their riches fall to the King, who as Heir presently seizeth on their Estates, and by it gets vast Riches: for there is but little money in the Kingdom, but what falls into the clutches of these birds of prey. This probably may be one reason why the King is for preferring none but them; for they are excellent Spunges for him: and whatever some have said of their Love to Justice, I could never learn that they deserve that Character: but thro their oppression, and injurious dealings, trading is discouraged, and the Country is kept poor, which otherwise might bea flourishing Kingdom. After all, as very Eunuchs as these Mandarins are, yet they are as great admirers of the female Sex as any men, and not satisfied without them, but they all keep several handsome young Wenches to dally and spend their time withal. They also love to be courted by Strangers to favour them with a Miss of their procuring. Nothing will ingage them more than to petition them on this account; and the person thus sollicited will not fail to procure a young Damsel for his Friend, be it but for a night or two, or for 4 or 5 months. Ever afterwards he will take a more than ordinary care of the persons he has thus brought together, and their affairs; and this base sort of Office is here accounted very decent and honourable. Yet the common Baudy-houses, tho extremly rife here, are by all of them accounted [...]ateful and scandalous.

[Page]

CHAP V.

Some Vessels sent from Cachao to Tenan to fetch Rice. A Rencounter with some supp [...]d Robbers. Cash, a sort of Coin, and Pearl-Oysters. The Author's second Journey up to Cachao: Of the Pagoda's and Funeral Tower and Feast he met by the way. The French Bishops and Missionaries at Hean, their House, the Author's entertainment there, and discourse with one of their Priests. The state of thier Mission, and of Christianity, in these Idolatrous Countries. His making of Gun-powder. He goes on from Hean to Cachao, and after a short stay there, back again to the Ships. Of the improvements that might be made of our English Factory here. The Author's departure from Tonquin.

I Have already spoken of my first going up the River to Cachao, and my returning back again to our Ships after a few days. There I lay on board for a great while, and sickly for the most part; yet not so, but that I took a Boat and went ashoar one where or other almost every day: and by this means I took as particular notice as I could of the Country, and have supplied my own observations with those of our Merchants residing there, and other persons of judgment and integrity.

During this interval, Rice being dear at Cachao, as it had been for some time, both our Merchants and Natives were for making up a Fleet of small [Page] Vessels, to fetch Rice from the Neighbouring Provinces, both for their own use and to supply the Markets: and they never go in single Vessels, for fear of Pirates, who infest the Coasts with their Canoas, and shelter themselves among several little Islands, lying at the edge of the East-Province, and bordering upon the Province of Tenan, whither these Merchants were bound.

Captain Weldon was one who concern'd himself in this expedition, hiring a Vessel and Seamen of the Tonquinese, and sending some of his own men with them as a Guard, among whom I would very fain have gone, had I not been indisposed. Mr. Ludford, who had liv'd some time at Cachao before our arrival, was another Undertaker, and went himself on board the Bark he had hired; but Captain Weldon staid behind at the City, yet took care to get a Commission from the Governour of the East-Province for his Vessel. In the Commission 'twas exprest, that his Boat should be armed with Guns, or other Weapons, and that his men should resist any that came to oppose them, or any Vessels in their company; and that they might kill and destroy any Robbers that they met with. The passage to Tenan lay most within Land, thro Creeks and narrow Channels, among the Islands before-mentioned, which are so many, and lye on the East-side of the Bay so thick together, and so nigh the shoar, that at a small distance off at Sea they appear to be part of the main. This little Archipelago lies within the precincts of the Governour of the East-Province, from whom Captain Weldon had his Commission, and who was a very great man in the Court of Tonquin. When the Fleet came to this place, some who lay here came forth; and they concluded they must be the Pirates, come to seize their prey as at other times. These always choose rather to take the outward [Page] bound Vessels, because then they have all of them Cash or Money aboard to purchase their Ladings; but in their returns they would have only Rice, which these people don't so much regard. At this time Captain Weldon's Dutch Pilot, the chief man whom he sent in his Bark, was aboard Mr. Ludford's: and when the supposed Pirates came up, Mr. Ludford and he made the Seamen row the Bark to meet them, and in a short time got so near, that they fired at them. These Men not expecting to have met such a reception, for the Tonquinese have no Guns, but in the Kings Gallies, thought to save themselves by Flight: but were so eagerly pursued by Mr. Ludford, that at last they yielded to his mercy, after they had lost one man in fight. He joyful of this success secured the Prisoners, and made the best of his course to the next Town on the Coast in his way; there delivering up his Prisoners to the Magistrates, and giving a full relation of the Action. He expected a reward for his pains, or at least to be highly applauded for it; but found himself mistaken. For the Prisoners obstinately denying what was alledged against them by Mr. Ludford, saying they were poor Fishermen, they were immediately acquitted as very honest persons, and Mr. Ludford was accused for committing a Riot on men who were about their lawful occasions. Mr. Ludford brought many of the Natives, that were in his comp any, to justify what he had done, but to no purpose; for he was fined 100000 Cash, as our Merchants call it, for the man that was killed. Cash are a small kind of Copper Money: and 'tis the only Coin they have of their own, if it be their own, and not rather brought them from China. They rise and fall in value according to the want or plenty of them, or as the Women-exchangers can manage them: but at this time they were at [Page] the rate of a Doller a thousand; so that his fine was 100 Dollars. When Mr. Ludford saw how hard it was like to go with him, he thought to clear himself, or lessen his fine, by bringing Captain Weldon into the snare; saying that he had no Guns in his Bark, but made use of Captain Weldon's, and that Captain Weldon's Pilot was aboard his Vessel, and assisted in the Action. But neither did this help him: for upon trying the matter at Cachao, whither 'twas carried by Appeal, Captain Weldons Commission saved him: so that Mr. Ludford was forced to pay the Money, which was more than he got by the Voyage. This might be a warning to him, how he meddled with Tonquin Pirates again; for it was not enough for him to plead that they came with a intent to rob him. Indeed if he had been robb'd, he might have been pitied by the Magistrates on complaint of his misfortune: but yet it is very probable, that if he shou'd have taken them in the very fact, possest of his goods, these Vermin, would have had one hole or another to creep out at; so corrupt are the great men of this Kingdom. And indeed 'tis not improbable, that these fellows were Fishermen, and going about their business: for there is good Fishing in all the Bay of Tonquin clear round it, and there are many Boats that go out a fishing and the Fishermen are generally very honest and harmless men; except now and then, they attempt to make prize of some poor Vessel they meet, and can overcome by their numbers without fighting; for such an one they board, and strip all the men naked even to there Skin. Among these Islands also, by report, their are plenty of Pearl Oysters, that have good Pearls in them; but the Seamen are discouraged from fishing for them by the King, for he seizeth on all he finds. But this by their way; nor was any thing else observable in this Voyage to Tenan.

[Page] These Vessels were 5 or 6 weeks in their Voyage to and from Tenan: and at their return Captain Weldon's Bark went not up to Cachao with the Rice, but unladed it into our Ship to supply us. Soon after this I went a second time up to Cachao, not in a Boat as before, but on foot along the Country, being desirous to see as much of it as I could: and I hired a Tonquinese for about a Dollar to be my guide. This, tho but a small matter, was a great deal out of my Pocket, who had not above 2 Dollars in all, which I had gotten on board, by teaching some of our young Seamen Plain Sailing.

This was all I had to bear my own charges and my Guide's; and 'twas the worse with me, because I was forc'd to make short Journeys every day, by reason of my weakness: It was about the latter end of Nov. 1688, when we set out. We kept on the East-side of the River, where we found the Roads pretty dry, yet in some places dirty enough. We ferry'd over several Creeks and Brooks running into the great River, where are Ferry-boats always plying, which have a few Cash for their fare. The Fever and Ague which I brought with me from Achin was gone: yet the Fruits I eat here, especially the small Oranges, brought me into a Flux. However, tho I was but weak, yet was I not discouraged from this Journey, being weary of lying still, and impatient of seeing somewhat that might further gratify my curiosity.

We found no Houses of Entertainment on the Road, yet at every Village we came we got Houseroom, and a Barbacue of split Bambooes to sleep on. The people were very civil, lending us an earthen Pot to dress Rice, or any thing else. Usually after Supper, if the day was not shut in, I took a ramble about the Village, to see what was worth taking notice of, especially the Pagoda of [Page] the place. These had the image of either an Horse, an Elephant, or both, standing with the head looking out of the doors: The Pagodas themselves were but small and low. I still made it dark night before I returned to my lodging, and then I laid me down to sleep. My Guide carried my Sea-gown, which was my covering in the night, and my Pillow was a Log of Wood: but I slept very well, tho the weakness of my body did now require better accommodation.

The third day after my setting out, about 3 a Clock in the afternoon, I saw before me a small Tower; such as I mentioned before, as erected for a time in honour of some great person de ceased. But I knew not then the meaning of it, for I had not seen the like before in the Country. As I came nearer to it, I saw a multitude of people most of them Men and Boys; and coming nearer still, I saw a great deal of meat on the Stalls, that were plac'd at a small distance from the Tower. This made me conclude that it was some great Market, and that the Flesh I saw was for sale: therefore I went in among the Crowd, as well to see the Tower as to buy some of the Meat for my Supper, it being now between 4 and 5 a clock in the Afternoon. My Guide could not speak English, neither could I speak the Tonquinese Language: So I askt him no questions about it; and he too went readily in with me; it may be not knowing my intent was to buy. First I went round the Tower and viewed it: It was four-square, each side about 8 foot broad: at the ground the heighth of it was about 26 foot, but at the top somewhat narrower than at the bottom. I saw no door to enter into it: it seemed to be very slighty built, at least covered with thin boards, which were all joyned close together, and painted of a dark reddish colour. I then went on to the Stalls, which [Page] had Sheds built over them: and there I viewed the Fruits and Flesh, each of which was ranged in order apart. I past by abundance of Oranges packt up in Baskets, which I think were the fairest I ever saw, and for quantity more than I had seen gathered all the time I was at Tonquin. I past by these, and seeing no other Fruit, I came to the Flesh-Stalls, were was nothing but Pork, and this also was all cut into quarters and sides of Pork: I thought there might be 50 or 60 Hogs cut up thus, and all seem'd to be very good meat. When I saw that there was none of it in small pieces, fit for my use, I, as was customary in the Markets, took hold of a quarter, and made signs to the Master of it, as I thought, to cut me a piece of 2 or 3 pound. I was ignorant of any ceremony they were about, but the superstitious people soon made me sensible of my errour: for they assaulted me on all sides, buffeting me and renting my Cloaths, and one of them snatched away my Hat. My Guide did all he could to appease them, and dragg'd me out of the Crowd: Yet some surly fellows followed us, and seemed by their countenance and gestures to threaten me; but my Guide at last pacify'd them and fetched my Hat, and we marched away as fast as we could. I could not be informed of my Guide what this meant; but some time after when I was return'd to our Ship, the Guide's Brother, who spoke English told me, it was a Funeral Feast, and that the Tower was the Tomb which was to be burned; and some English men who lived there told me the same. This was the only Funeral Feast that ever I was at among them, and they gave me cause to remember it: but this was the worst usage I received from any of them all the time that I was in the Country. When I was out of this trouble, my Guide and I marched forwards. [Page] I was both weary and hungry, and I think my appetite was raised by seeing so much food: for indeed at first sight of it I concluded to have had a good Supper; but now I was likely to sup only on Rice, or a Yam roasted, and two Eggs, as I us'd to do. For tho there were Fowls to be bought at every house where I lay, yet my pocket would not reach them; and for other Flesh, there was none to be had, unless my way had lain thro the Town when it was Market day with them.

Two days after this I got with much ado to Hean, for my Flux encreased, and my strength decreased. I presently made towards the French Bishops, as the likeliest place for me both to rest at, and get larger Informations of the Country, from the European Missionaries, whose seat it is. The Bishops Palace is a pretty neat low house, standing at the North end of the Town, by the side of the River. 'Tis encompass'd with a pretty high Wall, and has a large Gate to enter at. The Gate stands fronting to the street, and runs up with houses on both sides, and ends at the Palace. Within the Wall there is a small yard, that goes round the Palace; and at the farther end of the yard there are small lodging-rooms for the Servants, and other necessary Offices. The house itself is not very large nor high; it stands not in the middle of the yard, but rather nearest the gate, which gate is open all day, but shut in the night. That part that fronts the Gate, has a pretty neat room, which seems to be designed for the reception of Strangers: for it has no communication with any other room in the House, tho joyned to it as one building: the door by which you enter it fronts to the Gate, and this door also stands open all the day.

[Page] When I came hither I entred the Gate, and seeing no body in the yard, I went into that Room. At the door thereof, I found a small Line hanging down, which I pull'd; and a Bell ringing within, gave notice of my being there: yet no body appearing presently, I went in and sat down. There was a Table in the middle of the Room, and handsome Chairs, and several European Pictures hung upon the Walls.

It was not long before one of the Priests came into the Room to me, and received me very civilly. With him I had a great deal of discourse: he was a French Man by Nation, but spoke Spanish and Portuguese very well. It was chiefly in Spanish that we entertained each other, which I understood much better, than I could speak: yet I ask'd him Questions, and made a shift to answer him to such questions as he asked me; and when I was at a loss in my Spanish, I had recourse to Latin, having still some smatterings of what I learnt of it at School in my youth. He was very free to talk with me, and first asked me my business thither? I told him that my business was to Cachao, where I had been once before: that then I went by Water, but now I was moved by my curiosity to travel by Land, and that I could not pass by any Europeans without a Visit, especially such a famous place as this. He asked me many other questions, and particularly if I was a Roman Catholick? I told him no, but falling then into discourse about Religion, he told me what Progress the Gospel was like to make in these Eastern Nations. First he began with the Nicobar Islands, and told me what I have related of that matter, in the 17 Chapter of my Voyage round the World, page 177, for this was the person I there quoted, and from whom I had that Relation; as he told me he had it from the Friar, who wrote to him from Fort St. George. But [Page] that Friar having been a Passenger in Captain Weldon's Ship, from one of the Nicobar Islands to Fort St. George, I askt the Captain's opinion of that relation, since my writing that Book, and he gave me a quite contrary account of the people of Nicobar; that they were a very perverse, false, thievish people, and did not deserve the good character the Friar gave of them.

But to proceed with the discourse I had with the French Priest at Hean. He told me, that in Siam the Gospel was in a very fair way to receive incouragement by the means of a French Bishop there, and several Ecclesiasticks he had with him there to assist him: that the great Minister of State, Constant Falcon, had embraced the Romish Faith; and that the King was very much inclined to it, the Courtiers also seeming well enough pleased with it. Insomuch that 'twas hop'd, that in a short time the whole Nation would be converted: and that tho the Country people in general were against it, yet by the example of the King and his Court, the rest might come over by degrees: especially because the Priests had free Toleration to use their endeavours. As for Tonquin, he told me that the people in general were inclined to embrace the Christian Faith, but that the Government was wholly averse to it: that the Missionaries who lived here did not openly profess to be Teachers of their doctrine, but that they lived here under the notion of Merchants, and not as Clergy-men; that this was a great obstacle to Christianity, yet nevertheless they found ways to draw the people from their Ignorance: that at present they had about 14000 Converts, and more coming in daily. He told me, that here were two Bishops, I think both French men; one of them was entitled the Bishop of Ascalon, the other of Auran; and that here were [Page] ten Priests of Europe, and three more of the Natives of Tonquin, who had been ordain'd Popish Priests. But since, I have been informed that these French Bishops were not suffer'd to live at Cachao; neither may they at any time go thither without Licence from the Governour; and such a Licence also must be procur'd by the favour of some Mandarin who lives at Cachao, for whom the Bishop or other Missionary is to perform some trivial work or other. For the Missioners living here are purposely skill'd in mending Clocks, Watches, or some Mathematical Instruments, of which the Country people are ignorant; and this gives them the opportunity of being often sent for to Cachao by the Mandarins: and when they are there, a small job that would not require above 5 or 6 hours to perform, they will be twice as many days about, pretending great difficulty in the work; by which means they take their liberty, privately to teach their Disciples that live there; and then also they enjoy themselves with the English and Dutch Merchants, to whom they are always welcome.

As to the Converts these people have made, I have been credibly informed that they are chiefly of the very poor people; and that in the scarce times, their Alms of Rice have converted more than their preaching: and as to those also who have been converted, as they call it, that is, to Beads and new Images, and belief in the Pope, they have fallen off again, as Rice grew plentiful, and would no longer be Christians than while the Priests administred food to them. Yet I cannot think but that these people, who have such notions of a supreme Deity, might by the industry and example of good men, be brought to embrace the Christian Faith. But as things stand at present, it seems very improbable that Christianity should fructify there: for as the English and [Page] Dutch in these parts of the world are too loose Livers to gain reputation to their Religion, so are the other Europeans, I mean the Missionary Priests, especially the Portuguese, but very blind Teachers. But indeed as the Romanists are the only men who compass Sea and Land to gain proselytes, so they may seem to have one advantage over Protestant Ministers in these Idolatrous Countries, that they present them with such a kind of Objects, for Religious Worship, as they have been used to already: for the exchange is not great from Pagan Idols to Images of Saints, which may serve altogether as well for the poor Souls they convert, who are guided only by sence. But then even here also, these people having been bred up in the belief of the goodness of their own Gods or Heroes, they will more hardly be brought over to change their own Idols for new ones, without some better Arguments to prove these to be more valuable, than the Missionaries ordinarily are able to afford them: and if I may freely speak my opinion, I am apt to think, that the gross Idolatry of the Papists is rather a prejudice, than advantage to their Missions: and that their first care should be to bring the people to be virtuous and considerate, and their next, to give them a plain History and Scheme of the fundamental Truths of Christianity, and shew them how agreeable they are to natural light, and how worthy of God.

But to return to the French Priest; he at length asked me, if any of our English Ships brought Powder to sell? I told him I thought not. Then he asked me if I knew the composition of Powder? I answer'd that I had receipts how to make either Cannon or fine Powder, and told him the manner of the Composition. Said he, I have the same receipts from France, and have tryed to make Powder but could not, and therefore I think the [Page] fault is in our Coals. Then he asked me many questions about the Coals, what were properto be used, but that I could not satisfie him in. He desired me to try to make a pound, and withal told me, that he had all the ingredients, and an engine to mix them. I was easily perswaded to try my skill, which I had never yet tried, not knowing what I might be put to before I got to England; and having drank a glass or two of Wine with him, I went to work; and it succeeded so well, that I pleased him extremely, and satisfied my own desire of trying the Receipt, and the Reader shall have the History of the Operation, if he pleases. He brought me Sulphur and Salt-Petre, and I weighed a portion of each of these, and of Coals I gathered up in the hearth, and beat to powder. While his man mixed these in a little Engine, I made a small Sieve of Parchment, which I pricked full of holes, with a small Iron made hot, and this was to corn it. I had 2 large Arek Nuts to roul in the Sieve, and work it thro the holes to corn it. When it was dry we proved it, and it answered our expectation. The receipt I had out of Captain Sturiney s Magazin of Arts.

The being so successful in this put me afterwards on the re [...]ewing of Powder at Bencouli, when I was there Gunner of that Fort. There being then about 30 Barrels damnified, which was like mud, they took it out of the Cask, and put it into earthen Jars, that held about 8 Barrels a piece. These they call Mortaban Jars, from a Town of that name in Pegu, whence they are brought and carried all over India. In these 'twas intended to send the Powder to Fort St. George, to be renewed there: But I desired the Governour to let me first try my skill on it, because we had but little Powder in the Fort, and might have, wanted before any, returns could [Page] be expected from thence. The Salt-petre was sunk to the bottom of the Jars, but I mixt it, and beat it altogether, and corned it with Sieves which I made of my own old Parchment draughts. I made thus 8 Barrels full of very good Powder before I went from thence. The French Priest told me in conclusion, that the Grandees made all their own Powder; and since I have been informed, that the Soldiers make Powder, as I have already said.

I spent the remainder of the day in the Palace with the Priest. He told me that the Bishop was well, otherwise I should haveseen him: and that because it was a Fish day, I could not expect such entertainment, as I might have had on another day; yet he ordered a Fowl to be broyled for my dinner, and I dined by my self. In the evening he sent me out of the Palace, desiring to be excused, that he could not entertain me all night: yet ordered his man to lodge me in a Tonquinese Christian House not far from thence. The people were civil, but very poor, and my Lodging such as I had met with on the Road. I have since been told, that the new Christans come to do their devotion in the Pallace at night, and for that reason probably, I was so soon dismist.

I was now again pretty well refreshed, and might have gone to Cachao City a foot: but fearing my strength, I chose to go by water. Therefore I sent back my Guide: yet before he departed back to our Ships, he bargained with a Tonquinese Waterman for my passage to Cachao.

The Tide not serving presently to imbark, I walked about the Town, and spent the day in viewing it: in the evening I embarked, and they choose an evening for coolness, rowing [Page] all night. The Boat was about the bigness of a Gravesend Wherry, and was used purposely to carry passengers, having a small covering over-head to keep them dry when it rained. There were 4 or 5 more of these Boats, that went up this Tide full of Passengers. In our Boat were about 20 Men and Women, besides 4 or 6 that rowed us. The Women chose their places, and sate by themselves, and they had much respect shewed them: but the men stowed close together, without shewing any respect more to one than to another, yet all very civil. I thrust in among the thickest of them at first, but my Flux would not suffer me to rest long in a place. About midnight we were set ashore to refresh our selves at a Baiting place, where there were a few Houses close by the Rivers side, and the people up, with Candles lighted, Arack and Tea, and little Spits of Meat, and other Provisions ready drest, to receive us. For these were all Houses of entertainment, and probably got their living by entertaining passengers. We stayed here about an hour, and then entred again on our Boat, and rowed forwards. The passengers spent the time in merry discourse, or Singing, after their way, tho to us it seems like crying; but I was mute for want of person I could converse with. About 8 or 9 a Clock the next day I was set ashore: the rest of the passengers remained in the Boat, but whither they were bound I know not, nor whether the Boat went quite up to Cachao. I was now 5 or 6 mile short of the City, but in a good path: for the Land here was pretty high, level and Sandy, and the Road plain and dry, and I reached Cachao by Noon. I presently went to one Mr. Bowyers House, who was a free Merchant with whom Captain Weldon lodged; and staid with them a few days: but so weak with my Flux, which daily encreased, that I was scarce able to [Page] go about; and so was forced to learn by others, a great measure, several particulars relating to this place. This my weakness, joyned with my disappointment, for I found that I was not like to be imployed in any Voyage to the Neighbouring Countries, as it had been proposed to me, made me very desirous of returning back again, as soon as might be: and it happened opportunely, that Captain Weldon had by this time done his business, and was preparing for his departure.

I went therefore down the River again to our Ships, in a Vessel our Merchants had hired, to carry their Goods aboard from Cachao. Among other freight, there were 2 Bells of about 500 weight each, which had been cast at Cachao by the Tonquinese, for my Lord Falcon, the King of Siam's chief Minister of State, and for the use of some of the Christian Churches in Siam. The person who bespoke them and was to carry them was Captain Brewster, who had not very long before come from Siam in a Ship of that Kings, and had been cast away on the Coast of Tonquin, but had saved most of his Goods. With these he traded at Cachao, and among other goods he had purchased to return with to Siam, were these 2 Bells, all which he sent down to be put on board Captain Weldon's Ship. But the Bark was no sooner come to Hean, in going down the River, but the Governor of Heans Officers come on board the Bark and seized the 2 Bells in behalf of the chief of the English Factory; who understanding they were designed for the King of Siam, which they were not so sure of as to the rest of the goods, and the English being then at War with the Siamers, he made this his pretence for seizing them, and got the Governor to assist him with his Authority: and the Bells were accordingly carried ashore, and kept at Hean. This was thought a very strange [Page] action of the chief of the Factory, to seize Goods as belonging to the King of Siam, while they were in a River of Tonquin: but he was a person but meanly qualified for the station he was in. Indeed had he been a man of Spirit, he might have been serviceable in getting a Trade with Japan, which is a very rich one, and much coveted by the Eastern people themselves, as well as Europeans. For while I was there, there were Merchants came every year from Japan to Tonquin; and by some of these our English Factory might probably have settled a Correspondence and Traffick. But he who was little qualified for the station he was in, was less fit for any new undertaking: and tho men ought not to run inconsideratly into new discoveries or undertakings, yet where there is a prospect of profit, I think it not amiss for Merchants to try for a Trade: for if our Ancestors had been as dull as we have been of late, 'tis probable we had never known the way so much as to the East Indies, but must have been beholden to our Neighbours, for all the Product of those Eastern Nations. What care was formerly taken to get us a Trade into the E. Indies, and other Countries? what pains particularly did some take to find out the Muscovites by doubling the North Cape, and a way thence by land Trade into Persia? but now as if we were cloyed with Trade, we sit still contented, saying with Cato, Non minor est virtus quam quaerere parta tueri. This was the saying of an eminent Merchant of the East India Company to me: but by his leave, our Neighbours have incroached on us, and that in our times too. However 'tis certainly for the interest of our Merchants, to imploy fit men in their Factories, since the reputation of the Company riseth or falls by the discreet management, or ill conduct, of the Agents. Nor is it enough for the chief of a Factory to be a good Merchant, and an honest [Page] man: for though these are necessary qualifications, yet the Governor, or chief of the Factory ought to know more than barely how to buy, sell, and keep accounts. Especially where other European Merchants reside among them, or Trade to the same places; for they keep a diligent Eye on the management of our affairs, and are always ready to take all advantages of our mis-improvements. Neither ought this care to be neglected where we have the Trade to our selves, for there ought to be a fair understanding between us and the Natives, and care taken that they should have no reason to complain of unjust dealings, as I could shew where there has been; but 'tis an invidious subject, and all that I aim at is to give a caution. But to the matter in hand, it seemed to me that our Factory at Tonquin might have got a Trade with Japan: and to China as much as they pleased. I confess the continual Wars, between Tonquin and Cochinchina, were enough to obstruct the designs of making a Voyage to this last: and those other places of Champa and Cambodia, as they are less known, so was it more unlikely still to make thither any profitable Voyages: yet possibly the difficulties here also are not so great, but resolution and industry would overcome them; and the profit would abundantly compensate the trouble.

But to proceed, we found there was no recovering the Bells: so we fell down from Hean to our Ships: and Captain Weldon coming to us in a few days and Captain Brewster with him, to go as a Passenger in his Ship, together with one or two more; and the 2 Ships who came with us being also ready for their departure, we all weighed anchor, and took leave of Tonquin.

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CHAP VI.

They set sail out of the Bay of Tonquin. Of the R. and Country of Cambodia: of Chinese Pirates settled there, and the Buggasses a sort of Soldiers under the King of Siam, both routed by the English in his service. They pass by Pulo Condore, are in fear of the King of Siam, and enter the Streights of Malacca by Brewers Streights. They arrive at Malacca. The Story of Captain Johnson: his buying a Vessel at Malacca, and going over to Bancalis, a Town on the opposite Coast of Sumatra, to buy Pepper. His Murder by the Malayans there, and the narrow escape of his Men and Vessel. The State of Trade in those parts, and the Restraint put upon it. Captain Johnson's Vessel brought to Malacca by Mr. Wells. The Authors departure from Malacea, and arrival at Achin.

IT was the beginning of February 168 8/9 when we left this Country. We went over the Bar 3 Ships in Company, the Rainbow Captain Pool Commander bound for London, and Captain Lacy in the Saphire bound for Fort St. George, and I was in Captain Weldons Ship the Curtane, bound thither also. We kept Company some time after our departure from Tonquin, and having an Easterly Wind we kept more to the middle of the Bay of Tonquin, or towards the Eastern side, than when we entred: by which means we had the opportunity of sounding as well in the middleof the Bay [Page] now, as we had on the West side of it, at our coming into the Bay.

Coming out of the Bay of Tonquin, we stood away Southward, having the Sholes of Pracel on our Larboard, and the Coasts of Cochinchina, Champa, and Cambodia on our Starboard. I have just mentioned these Kingdoms in my former Volume; and here I have but little to say of them, having only sailed by them. But not altogether to fail the Readers expectation, I shall give a brief account of one or two particulars relating to Cambodia: for as to Champa, I have nothing material to speak; and Cochinchina, I have already spoken of in this Volume, as I went to Tonquin.

The Kingdom of Cambodia seems to be much such a kind of Country within Land, as the lower parts of Tonquin: low Land, very woody, and little inhabited, lying on each side a great River, that comes from the North a great way, and falls into the Sea over against Pulo Condore. I know not the particular product of Cambodia, but in the Vessels mentioned in my former Vol. p. 399. as taken at Pulo Uby, and which came thither from Cambodia; there were besides Rice, Dragons Blood, Lack, in great Jars, but it lookt blackish and thick; and the yellow purging Gum, which we from thence call Cambodia, in great Cakes, but I know not whence they get it. This River and Kingdom (if it be one) is but little known to our Nation: yet some English men have been there; particularly Captain Williams and Captain Howel, the last of whom I came acquainted with some time after this at Fort St. George, and I had of him the following account, the particulars of which I have also had confirmed by the Seamen who were with them.

These two Captains, with many more English men, had been for some time in the service of the King of Siam, and each of them commanded a [Page] stout Frigot of his, mann'd chiefly with English, and some Portuguese born at Siam. These the King of Siam sent against some Pyrates, who made spoyl of his Subjects Trading in these Seas, and nested themselves in an Island up the River of Cambodia. Captain Howel told me, that they found this River very large, especially at its mouth; that 'tis deep and navigable for very great Vessels, 60 or 70 Leagues up, and that its depth and wideness extended much further up, for ought he knew: but so far they went up, at this time, with their Ships. The Course of the River is generally from North to South: and they found the Land low on each side, with many large creeks and branches, and in some places considerable Islands. They bended their Course up that branch which seem'd most considerable, having the Tyde of flood with them, and the River commonly so wide, as to give them room to turn, or make Angles, where the bending of the River was such, as to receive a contrary East, or South East Sea Wind. These reaches or bendings of the River East and West were very rare; at least so as to make their Course be against the Sea wind, which commonly blew in their Stern, and fo fresh, that with it they could stem the Tyde of Ebb. But in the night when the Land winds came, they anchored, and lay still till about 10 or 11 a Clock the next day, at which time the Sea-breeze usually sprang up again, and enabled them to continue their Course, till they came to the Island, where the Pirats inhabited. They presently began to fire at them, and landing their men, routed them, and burned their Houses and Fortifications, and taking many prisoners returned again.

These Piratical People were by Nation Chinese, who when the Tartars conquered their Country, fled from thence in their own Ships: as choosing [Page] rather to live any where free, than to submit to the Tartars. These it seems in their flight bent their Course towards this Country, and finding the River of Cambodia open before them, they made bold to enter, and settle on the Island before mentioned. There they built a Town, and fenced it round about with a kind of Wood-pile, or Wall of great Timber Trees laid along of the thickness of 3 or 4 of these Trees, and of about as many in heighth. They were provided with all sorts of Planters instruments, and the Land hereabouts was excellent good, as our English men told me, so that 'tis like they might have lived here happily enough, had their inclinations led them to a quiet Life: but they brought Arms along with them, and chose to use them, rather than their Instruments of Husbandry: and they lived therefore mostly by rapin, pillaging their Neighbours, who were more addicted to traffick than fighting. But the King of Siams Subjects having been long harrassed by them at Sea, he first sent some Forces by Land, to drive them out of their Fort: till not succeeding that way, he entirely Routed them by sending these 2 Ships up the River. The 2 English Captains having thus effected their business, returned out of the River with many Prisoners: but the South West Monsoon being already set in, they could not presently return to Siam, and therefore went to Macao in China; as well to wait for the N. East Monsoon; as to ingratiate themselves with the Tartars, who they thought would be pleased with the Conquest, which they had made over these Chinese Pyrates. They were well entertained there by the Tartarian Governor, and gave him their Prisoners: and upon the shifting of the Monsoon, they returned to Siam. There they were received with great applause. Nor was this the first successful expedition the English have [Page] made in the K. of Siams service. They once saved the Country, by suppressing an insurrection made by the Buggasses. The Buggasses are a sort of warlike Trading Malayans, and mercenary Soldiers of India: I know not well whence they come, unless from Macasser in the Island Celebes. Many of them had been entertained at Siam in the Kings service: but at last being disgusted at some ill usuage, they stood up in their own defence. Some hundreds of them got together, all well armed: and these struck a dread into the hearts of the Siamites none of whom were able to stand before them; till Constant Falcon the chief Minister, Commanded the English that were then in the Kings service to march against them, which they did with success, tho with some considerable loss. For these services the King gave every year to each of them, a great Silk Coat, on which were just 13 Buttons. Those of the chief Commanders were of Massy Gold, and those of the inferiour Officers were of Silver Plate. This Expedition against the Chinese Pirats was about the year 1687: the other broyl with the Buggasses was, as I take it, some time before.

But to proceed with our Voyage, we still kept our way Southward, and in company together, till we came about Pulo Condore: but then Captain Pool parted from us, standing more directly South, for the Streights of Sundy: and we steer'd more to the Westward, to go thro the Streights of Malacca thro which we came before. Captain Brewster and another of our Passengers began now to be in fear that the King of Siam would send Ships to lye at the Mouth of the Streights of Malacca, and intercept our passage, because there was a War broke out between the English East India Company and that Prince. This seemed the more likely, because the French at this time were imployed in that Kings service, by the means of a French Bishop [Page] and other Ecclesiasticks; who were striving to convert the King and people to Christianity, thro the Interest they had got in Constant Falcon. Particularly they were afraid, that the King of Siam would send the 2 Ships before mentioned, which Captain Williams and Capt Howel had commanded a little before, to lye at the west end of the Streights mouth; but probably mann'd with French Men and French Commanders, to take us. Now tho this made but little impression on the minds of our Commanders and Officers, yet it so happened that we had such thick dark weather, when we came near the first Entrance of the Streights of Malacca, which was that we came by, and by which we meant to return, that we thought it not safe to stand in at night,: and so lay by till morning. The next day we saw a Jonk to the Southward, and chased her; and having spoke with her we made sail, and stood to the Westward to pass the Streights; and making the Land, we found we were to the Southward of the Streights first mouth, and were gotten to the Southermost Entrance, near the Sumatra shore: but Captain Lacy, who chose to go the old way, made sail again to the Northward, and so passed nearer the Malacca shore by the Sincapore, the way we went before. His was also the best and nearest way: but Captain Weldon was willing to satisfie his curiosity, and try a new passage: which we got thro, tho we had but little depth of water: and this Entrance we past is called Brewers Streights.

Brewers Streights are sometimes passed by small Ships, that sail from Batavia to Malacca, because for them it is a nearer cut, than to run so far as Pulo Timaon, or the Streights of Sincapore. In this Channel, tho in some places we found but 14 or 15 foot water, yet the bottom was soft Oaze: and it lies so among Islands, that there cannot go a [Page] great Sea, Captain Weldon had also a Dutch man aboard who had been this way, and he professing to know the Channel, incouraged our Captain to try it, which we effected very well, tho sometimes we had but little more water than we drew. This made us make but an easy Sail, and therefore we were 7 or 8 days before we arrived at Malacca; but Captain Lacy was there 2 or 3 days before us.

Here we first heard of the Death of Constant Falcon, for whom Captain Brewster seemed to be much concerned. There also we found, besides several Dutch Sloops, and our Companion Captain Lacy, an English Vessel of 35 or 40 Tuns. This Vessel was bought by one Captain Johnson, who was sent by the Governor of Bencouli, in a small Sloop, to Trade about the Island of Sumatra for Pepper: but Captain Johnson being killed, the Sloop was brought hither by one Mr. Wells.

Being thus insensibly fallen into the mention of this Captain Johnson; and intending to defer what little I have to say of Malacca, till my coming thither again from Achin: I shall bestow the rest of this Chapter in speaking of this mans Tragedy, and other occurences relating to it, which tho of no great moment in themselves, yet the Circumstances I shall have occasion to relate with them, may be of use to the giving some small light into the state of the opposite Coast of Sumatra, which was the Scene of what I am going to speak of: for tho I shall have other occasion to speak of Achin and Bencouli, yet I shall not have opportunity to say any thing of this part oft hat Island, opposite to Malacca, unless I do it here. To go on therefore with his Story, it seems Captain Johnson was part owner of the small Bencooly Sloop: but thinking it too small for his turn, he came to Malacca, intending to buy a larger Sloop of the Dutch, if he could light on a bargain. He had the [Page] best part of a thousand Dollars in Spanish money aboard, for which one may purchase a good Sloop here: for the Dutch, as I have before observ'd, do often buy Proe-bottoms for a small matter, of the Malayans, especially of the people of Jihore, and convert them into Sloops, either for their own use, or to sell. Of these sort of Vessels therefore the Dutch men of Malacca have plenty, and can afford good pennyworths, and doubtless it was for this reason that Captain Johnson came hither to purchase a Sloop. Here he met with a bargain, not such a Proe-bottom reformed, but an old ill shaped thing, yet such a one as pleased him. The Dutch man who sold him this Vessel told him withal that the Government did not allow any such dealings with the English, tho they might wink at it: and that therefore the safest way for them both to keep out of trouble, would be to run over to the other side the Streights, to a Town called Bancalis on Sumatra; where they might safely buy and sell, or exchange without any notice taken of them. Captain Johnson accepting the offer, they sailed both together over to Bancalis, a Malayan Town on that Coast, commanding the Country about it. There they came to an anchor, and Captain Johnson paying the price agreed on for the Vessel, he had her delivered to him. The Dutchman immediately returned over to Malacca again, leaving Captain Johnson with 2 Vessels under his Command, viz. the Sloop that he brought from Bencooly, and this new bought Vessel. The Bencooly Sloop he sent into a large River hard by, to Trade with the Malayans for Pepper, under the Command of Mr. Wells. He was no Seaman, but a pretty intelligent person, that came first out of England as a Soldier, to serve the East India Company in the Island Santa Helena. He lived sometime very meanly in that Island: but having an aspiring mind, he left that poor, but [Page] healthy place, to serve the Company at Bencooly; which tho 'tis accounted the most unhealthy place of any that we Trade too, yet the hopes of preferment engaged him to remove thither. After some stay there, he was sent with Captain Johnson to assist him in this Pepper expedition; more because he could use his Pen, than his Hands in Sea service. He had 3 or 4 raw Seamen with him, to work the Sloop up into the River. Captain Johnson stayed near Bancalis to fit his new Vessel: for with other necessaries she wanted a new Boltsprit, which he intended to cut here, having a Carpenter with him for that purpose; as also to repair and fit her to his mind. He had also a few other raw Seamen, but such as would have made better Landmen, they having served the King of Siam as Soldiers: and they were but lately come from thence with the French, who were forced to leave that Country. But here in the Indies, our English are forced for want of better, to make use of any Seamen such as they can get, and indeed our Merchants are often put hard to it for want of Seamen. Here are indeed Lascars or Indian Seamen enough to be hired; and these they often make use of: yet they always covet an English man or 2 in a Vessel to assist them. Not but that these Lascars are some of them indifferent good Sailers, and might do well enough: but an English man will be accounted more faithful, to be employed on matters of moment; beside the more free Conversation that may be expected from them, during the term of the Voyage. So that tho oft times their English men are but ordinary Sailers, yet they are promoted to some charge of which they could not be so capable any where but in the East Indies. These Seamen would be in a manner wholly useless in Europe, where we meet with more frequent and hard storms, but here they serve indifferent well, [Page] especially to go and come with the Monsoons; but enough of that.

Mr. Wells being gone to purchase Pepper, Capt. Johnson went ashore about 5 or 6 leagues from Bancalis Town with his Carpenter, to cut a Boltsprit; there being there plenty of Timber Trees fit for his purpose. He soon chose one to his mind, and cut it down. He and his Carpenter wrought on it the first and second days without molestation. The 3d day they were both set upon by a band of armed Malayans, who killed them both. In the evening the Sailers who were left aboard, looke out for their Commander to come off: but night approached without seeing or hearing from him. This put them in some doubt of his safety; for they were sensible enough, that the Malayans that inhabited thereabouts were very treacherous: as indeed all of them are, especially those who have but little Commerce with Strangers: and therefore all people ought to be very careful in dealing with them, so as to give them no advantage; and then they may Trade safe enough.

There were but 4 Seamen aboard Captain Johnsons Sloop. These being terrified by the absence of their Commander, and suspecting the truth, were now very apprehensive of their own safeties. They charged their Guns, and kept themselves on their guards expecting to be assaulted by the Malayans. They had 2 Blunderbusses, and 3 or 4 Muskets: each man took one in his Hand, with a Caduce box at his waste, and looked out sharp for fear of an Enemy. While they were thus on their guard, the Malayans in 6 or 8 Canoes, came very silently to attack the Sloop. They were about 40 or 50 men, armed with Lances and Cresses. The darkness of the night favour'd their designs, and they were even aboard before the Seamen perceived them. Then these began to Fire, and the [Page] Enemy darted their Lanccs aboard, and boarding the Vessel, they entered her over the Prow. The Seamen resolutely defended her, and drove them overboard again. Of the 4 Seamen, 2 were desperately wounded in the first attack. The Malayans took fresh Courage and entered again; and the 2 Seamen who were not wounded, betook themselves to close quarters in the Steerage; and there being Loop-holes to fire out at, they repulsed the Malayans again, forcing them into their Canoas. Their bellies being now pretty full, they returned ashore without hopes of conquering the Sloop. The poor Seamen were still in fear, and kept watch all night; intending to sell their lives as dear as they could, if they had been attacked again. For they might not, neither did they expect quarter, from these Salvage Malayans: but they were no more assaulted. These two that were wounded, dyed in a short time.

The next day the 2 Seamen got up their anchor, and run as nigh the Town of Rancalis as they could, it may be within half a mile. There they anchor'd again, and made signs for the People to come aboard. It was not long before the Shabander or chief Magistrate of the Town came off: to him they told all their misfortunes, and desired him to protect them, because they were not of sufficient strength to hold out against another attack. The Shabander seemed very sorry for what had hapned, and told them withal, that he could not help what was past, for that the People that did it were wild unruly Men, not subject to Government, and that it was not in his power to suppress them: but that as long as they lay there some of his men should lye aboard to secure the Ship, and he, in the mean time, would send a Canoa to their consort Mr. Wells, to give him an account how things went. Accordingly he left 10 or 12 of his own [Page] Malayans aboard the Bark, and sent a Letter written by the Seamen to Mr. Wells; who was, as I have said, dealing with the Natives for Pepper, in a River at some distance.

It was 2 or 3 days before Mr. Wells came to them. He had not then received the Letter, and therefore they suspected the Shabander of falshood; tho his men were yet very kind, and serviceable to the 2 Seamen. Mr. Wells had heard nothing of their disasters, but returned for want of Trade; at least such a full Trade as he expected. For tho here is Pepper growing, yet not so much as might allure any one to seek after it: for the Dutch are so near, that none can come to Trade among them but by their permission. And tho the Natives themselves were never so willing to Trade with any Nation, as indeed they are, yet the Dutch could soon hinder it, even by destroying them, if in order to it they should set themselves to produce much Pepper. Such small quantities as they do at present raise up, or procure from other parts of the Island, is lickt by the Dutch, or by their friends of Bancalis for them: for the Town of Bancalis being the principal of these parts, and so nigh Malacca, as only parted by the narrow Sea or Streights, 'tis visited by the Dutch in their small Vessels, and seems wholly to depend on a Trade with that Nation, not daring to Trade with any besides: and I judge it is by the friendship of this Town, that the Dutch drive a small Trade for Pepper in these parts, and by it also vend many their own Commodities: and these also trading with their Neighbours into the Country, do bring their Commodities hither, where the Dutch come for them. The people of Bancalis therefore, tho they are Malayans, as the rest of the Country, yet they are civil enough, engaged thereto by Trade: for the more Trade, the more civility; and on the contrary, [Page] the less Trade the more barbarity and inhumanity. For Trade has a strong influence upon all people, who have found the sweet of it, bringing with it so many of the Conveniencies of Life as it does. And I believe that even the poor Americans, who have not yet tasted the sweetness of it, might be allured to it by an honest and just Commerce; even such of as them do yet seem to covet no more than a bare subsistance of meat and drink, and a clout to cover their nakedness. That large Continent hath yet Millions of inhabitants, both on the Mexican and Peruvian parts, who are still ignorant of Trade: and they would be fond of it, did they once experience it; tho at the present they live happy enough, by enjoying such fruits of the Earth, as nature hath bestowed on those places, where their Lot is fallen: and it may be they are happier now, than they may hereafter be, when more known to the Avaritious World. For with Trade they will be in danger of meeting with oppression: men not being content with a free Traffick, and a just and reasonable gain, especially in these remote Countries: but they must have the current run altogether in their own Channel, tho to the depriving the poor Natives they deal with, of their natural Liberty: as if all mankind were to be ruled by their Laws. The Islands of Sumatra and Java can sufficiently witness this; the Dutch, having in a manner ingrost all the Trade of those, and several of the Neighbouring Countries to themselves: not that they are able to supply the Natives with a quarter of what they want, but because they would have all the produce of them at their own disposal. Yet even in this they are short, and may be still more disappointed of the Pepper Trade, if other People would seek for it. For the greatest part of the Island of Sumatra propagates this Plant, and the Natives would readily comply with any, [Page] who would come to Trade with them, notwithstanding the great endeavours the Dutch make against it: for this Island is so large, populous, and productive of Pepper, that the Dutch are not able to draw all to themselves. Indeed this place about Bancalis, is in a manner at their devotion; and for ought I know, it was through a design of being revenged on the Dutch that Captain Johnson lost his life. I find the Malayans in general, are implacable Enemies to the Dutch; and all seems to spring from an earnest desire they have a free Trade, which is restrained by them, not only here, but in the Spice Islands, and in all other places, where they have any power. But 'tis freedom only must be the means to incourage any of these remote people to Trade; especially such of them as are industrious, and whose inclinations are bent this way; as most of the Malayans are, and the Major part of the people of the East Indies, even from the Cape of Good Hope Eastward to Japan, both Continent and Islands. For tho in many places, they are limited by the Dutch, English, Danes, &c. and restrain'd from a free Trade with other Nations, yet have they continually shewn what an uneasiness that is to them. And how dear has this Restraint cost the Dutch? when yet neither can they with all the Forts and Guard-Ships secure the Trade wholly to themselves, any more then the Barlaventa Fleet can secure the Trade of the West Indies to the Spaniards: but enough of this matter.

You have heard before, that Mr. Wells came with his Sloop to Bancalis, to the great joy of the 2 men, that were yet alive in Captain Johnson's Vessel. These 2 Seamen were so just, that they put all Captain Johnsons Papers and Money into one Chest, then lockt it, and put the Key of it into another Chest; and locking that, flung the Key of it into the Sea: and when Mr Wells [Page] came aboard, they offered him the Command of both Vessels. He seemingly refused it, saying that he was no Seaman, and could not manage either of them: yet by much importunity he accepted the Command of them, or at least undertook the account of what was in the Sloop, engaging to give a faithful account of it to Governor Bloom.

They were all now so weakned, that they were but just enough to sail one of the Vessels. Therefore they sent to the Shabander of Bancalis, to desire some of his Men, to help sail the Sloops over to Malacca, but he refused it. Then they offered to sell one of them for a small matter, but neither would he buy. Then they offered to give him the smallest: to that he answered, that he did not dare to accept of her, for fear of the Dutch. Then Mr. Wells and his crew concluded to take the Pepper and all the Stores out of the small Vessel, and burn her; and go away with the other to Malacca. This they put in execution, and presently went away, and opening Captain Johnson's Chest, they found 2 or 300 Dollars in Money. This with all his Writings, and what else they found of value, Mr. Wells took into his possession. In a very short time they got over to Malacca. There they stayed expecting the coming of some English Ship, to get a Pilot to Navigate the Sloop: for neither of them would undertake to Navigate her farther. Captain Lacy coming hither first, he spared Mr. Wells, his chief Mate, to Navigate her to Achin: when we came hither, they were ready to sail, and went away 2 or 3 days before us.

To return therefore to our own Voyage, Captain Weldon having finished his business at Malacca, we failed again, steering towards Achin, where he designed to touch in his way to Fort St. George. We overtook Mr Wells about 35 leagues short of Achin, against the River Passange Jonca: and shortly after [Page] we both arrived at Achin, and anchored in the Road, about the beginning of March 1689. Here I took my leave of Captain Weldon, and of my friend Mr. Hall, who went with us to Tonquin, and I went ashore, being very weak with my Flux, as I had been all the Voyage. Captain Weldon offered me any kindness that lay in his Power at Fort St. George, if I would go with him thither: but I chose rather to stay here, having some small acquaintance, than to go in that weak condition, to a place where I was wholly unknown. But Mr. Hall went with Captain Weldon to Fort St. George, and from thence in a short time returned to England in the Williamson of London.

[Page]

CHAP VII.

The Country of Achin described: its Situation and Extent. Golden Mount, and the Neighbouring Isles of Way and Gomez, &c. making several Channels and the Road of Achin. The Soil of the Continent; Trees and Fruits; particularly the Mangastan and Pumple-nose. Their Roots, Herbs, and Drugs, the Herb Ganga or Bang, and Camphire: the Pepper of Sumatra, and Gold of Achin. The Beasts, Fowl, and Fish. The People, their Temper, Habits, Buildings. City of Achin, and Trades. The Husbandry, Fishery, Carpenters, and Flying Proes. The Money-Changers, Coin and Weights. Of the Gold-Mines. The Merchants who come to Achin: and of the Chinese Camp or Fair. The washing used at Achin. A Chinese Renegado. Punishments for Theft and other Crimes. The Government of Achin; of the Queen, Oronkeys or Nobles; and of the Slavery of the People. The State kept by the Eastern Princes. A Civil War here upon the choice of a new Queen. The A. and the other English in a fright, upon a seizure made of a Moors Ship by an English Captain. The weather, floods, and heat at Achin.

BEing now arrived at Achin again, I think it not amiss to give the Reader some short account of what observations I made of that City and Country. [Page] This Kingdom is the largest and best peopled of many small ones, that are up and down the Isle of Sumatra; and it makes the North West end of that Island. It reaches Eastward from that N. W. point of the Island, a great way along the shore, towards the Streights of Malacca, for about 50 or 60 Leagues. But from Diamond point; which is about 40 Leagues from Achin, towards the borders of the Kingdom, the Inhabitants, tho belonging to Achin, are less in subjection to it. Of these I can say but little; neither do I know the bounds of this Kingdom, either within Land, or along the West Coast. That West side of the Kingdom, is high and mountainous: as is generally the rest of the West Coast of the whole Island. The point also of Achin, or extremity of the Island, is High Land: but Achin it self, and the Country to the Eastward, is lower, not altogether destitute of small Hills, and every where of a moderate heighth, and a Champion Country, naturally very fit for Cultivation.

There is one Hill more remarkable than ordinary, especially to Seamen. The English call it the Golden Mount: but whether this name is given it by the Natives, or only by the English, I know not, 'Tis near the N. W. end of the Island; and Achin stands but 5 or 6 mile from the bottom of it. 'Tis very large at the foot, and runs up smaller towards the head; which is raised so high, as to be seen at Sea 30 or 40 leagues. This was the first Land that we saw coming in our Proe from the Nicobar Islands, mentioned in my former Voyage. The rest of the Land, tho of a good heighth, was then undiscerned by us, so that this Mountain appeared like an Island in the Sea; which was the Reason why our Achin Malayans took it for Pulo Way. But that Island tho pretty high Champion Land, was invisible, when this Golden Mount appeared so plain, tho as far distant as that Island.

[Page] Besides what belongs to Achin upon the Continent, there are also several Islands under its Jurisdiction, most of them uninhabited; and these make the Road of Achin. Among them is this Pulo Way, which is the Easternmost of a Range of Islands, that lye off the N. W. end of Sumatra. It is also the largest of them, and it is inhabited by Malefactors, who are banisht thither from Achin. This, with the other Islands of this Range, lye in a semicircular form, of about 7 Leagues diameter. Pulo Gomez is another large Island about 20 mile West from Pulo Way, and about 3 Leagues from the N. W. point of Sumatra. Between Pulo Gomez, and the Main are 3 or 4 other small Islands; yet with Channels of a sufficient breadth between them, for Ships to pass through; and they have very deep water. All Ships bound from Achin to the Westward, or coming from thence to Achin, go in and out thro one or other of these Channels: and because shipping comes hither from the Coast of Surrat, one of these Channels, which is deeper than the rest, is called the Surrat Channel. Between Pulo Gomez and Pulo Way, in the bending of the Circle, there are other small Islands, the chief of which is called Pulo Rondo. This is a small round high Island, not a above 2 or 3 mile in circumference. It lyes almost in the extremity of the bending on the N. E. part of the Circle, but nearer Pulo Way than Pulo Gomez. There are large deep Channels on either side, but the most frequented is the Channel on the West side. Which is called the Bengal Channel, because it looks towards that Bay; and Ships coming from thence, from the Coast of Coromandel, pass in and out this way. Between Pulo Way and the Main of Sumatra is another Channel of 3 or 4 Leagues wide: which is the Channel for Ships, that go from Achin to the Streights of Malacca, or any Country to the East of those Streights, and vice versa. There is good riding [Page] in all this Semicircular Bay between the Islands and Sumatra: but the Road for all Ships that come to Achin is near the Sumatra Shore, within all the Islands. There they anchor at what distances they please, according to the Monsoons or Seasons of the Year. There is a small Navigable River comes out into the Sea, by which Ships transport their Commodities in smaller Vessels up to the City. The mouth of this River is 6 or 7 Leagues from Pulo Rondo, and 3 or 4 from Pulo Way, and near as many from Pulo Gomez. The Islands are pretty high Champion Land, the mould black or yellow, the Soyl deep and fat, producing large tall Trees, fit for any uses. There are brooks of water on the 2 great Islands of Way and Gomez, and several sorts of wild Animals; especially wild Hogs in abundance.

The Mold of this Continent is different according to the natural position of it. The Mountains are Rocky, especially those towards the West Coast; yet most that I have seen seems to have a superficial covering of Earth, naturally producing Shrubs, small Trees, or pretty good Grass. The small Hills are most of them cloathed with Woods, the Trees whereof seem by their growth to spring from a fruitful Soyl: the Champion Land, such as I have seen, is some black, some grey, some reddish, and all of a deep mold. But to be very particular in these things, especially in all my Travels, is more than Ican pretend to: tho it may be I took as much notice of the difference of Soil as I met with it, as most Travellers have done, having been bred in my youth in Somersetshire, at a place called East Coker near Yeovil or Evil: In which Parish there is as great variety of Soil, as I have ordinarily met with any where, viz. black, red, yellow, sandy, stony, clay, morass, or swampy, &c. I had the more reason to take notice of this, because this Village [Page] in a great measure is Let out in small Leases for Lives of 20, 30, 40, or 50 pound per Ann. under Coll. Helliar the Lord of the Mannor: and most, if not all these Tenants, had their own Land scattering in small pieces, up and down several sorts of Land in the Parish: so that every one had some piece of every sort of Land, his Black ground, his Sandy, Clay, &c. some of 20, 30, or 40 Shillings an Acre, for some uses, and other not worth 10 groats an Acre. My Mother being possest of one of these Leases, and having of all these sorts of Land, I came acquainted with them all, and knew what each sort would produce, (viz.) Wheat, Barley, Massin, Rice, Beans, Peas, Oats, Fetches, Flax, or Hemp: in all which I had a more than usual knowledge for one so young; taking a particular delight in observing it: but enough of this matter.

The Kingdom of Achin has in general a deep mould: It is very well watered with Brooks and small Rivers, but none navigable for Ships of burthen. This of Achin admits not of any but small Vessels. The Land is some part very woody, in other places Savannah; the Trees are of divers sorts, most unknown to me by name. The Cotton and Cabbage-trees grow here, but not in such plenty as in some part of America. These Trees commonly grow here, as indeed usually whereever they grow, in a champion dry ground, such at least as is not drowned or morassy; for here is some such Land as that by the Rivers; and there grow Mangrove Trees, and other Trees of that kind. Neither is this Kingdom destitute of Timber-trees fit for building.

The Fruits of this Country are Plantains, Bonanoes, Guava's, Oranges, Limes, Jacks, Durians, Coco-nuts, Pumple noses, Pomgranates, Mangoes, Mangastans, Citrons, Water melons, Muskmelons, [Page] Pine-apples, &c. Of all these sorts of Fruits, I think the Mangastan is without compare the most delicate. This Fruit is in shape much like the Pomgranate, but a great deal less. The outside rind or shell is a little thicker than that of the Pomgranate, but softer, yet more brittle; and and is of a dark red. The inside of the shell is of a deep crimson colour. Within this shell the Fruit appears in 3 or 4 Cloves, about the bigness of the top of a man's thumb. These will easily separate each from the other; they are as white as Milk, very soft, and juicy, inclosing a small black Stone or Kernel. The outside rind is said to be binding, and therefore many when they eat the Fruit, which is very delicious, do save the rind or shell, drying it and preserving it, to give to such as have Fluxes. In a small Book, entitled, A new Voyage to the East Indies, there is mention made of Mangastans, among the Fruits of Java: but the Author is mistaken, in that he compares it to a Sloe, in shape and taste: Yet I remember there is such a sort of Fruit at Achin; and believe by the description he gives of it, it may probably be the same that he calls the Mangastan, tho nothing like the true Mangastan.

The Pumple-nose is a large Fruit like a Citron, with a very thick tender uneven rind. The inside is full of Fruit: it grows all in cloves as big as a small Barly-corn, and these are all full of juice, as an Orange or a Lemon, tho not growing in such partitions. 'Tis of a pleasant taste, and tho there are of them in other parts of the East Indies, yet these at Achin are accounted the best. They are ripe commonly about Christmas, and they are so much esteemed, that English men carry them from hence to Fort St George, and make presents of them to their Friends there. The other Fruits mentioned here, are most of them described by me in my first Volume.

[Page] The eatable Roots of this Country are Yams and Potatoes, &c. but their chiefest, bread kind is Rice. The Natives have lately planted some quantities of this Grain, and might produce much more were they so disposed, the Land being so fruitful. They have here a sort of Herb or Plant called Ganga, or Bang. I never saw any but once, and that was at some distance from me. It appeared to me like Hemp, and I thought it had been Hemp, till I was told to the contrary. It is reported of this Plant, that if it is infused in any Liquor, it will stupify the brains of any person that drinks thereof; but it operates diversly, according to the constitution of the person. Some it makes sleepy, some merry, putting them into a Laughing fit, and others it makes mad: but after 2 or 3 hours they come to themselves again. I never saw the effects of it on any person, but have heard much discourse of it. What other use this Plant may serve for I know not: but I know it is much esteemed here, and in other places too whither it is transported.

This Country abounds also with Medicinal Drugs and Herbs, and with variety of Herbs for the Pot. The chief of their Drugs is Camphire, of which there are quantities found on this Island, but most of it either on the borders of this Kingdom to the Southward, or more remote still, without the precincts of it. This that is found on the Island Sumatra is commonly sent to Japan to be refined, and then brought from thence pure, and transported whither the Merchants please afterwards. I know that here are several sorts of Medicinal Herbs made use of by the Natives, who go often a simpling, seeming to understand their Virtues much, and making great use of them: but this being wholly out of my sphere, I can give no account of them; and tho here are plenty of Pot [Page] Herbs, yet I know the names of none, but Onions, of which they have great abundance, and of a very good sort, but small.

There are many other very profitable Commodities on this Island: but some of them are more peculiar to other parts of it than Achin, especially Pepper. All the Island abounds with that Spice, except only this North West end; at least so much of it, as is comprehended within the Kingdom of Achin. Whether this defect is through the negligence or laziness of these people, I know not.

Gold also is found, by report, in many parts of this Island: but the Kingdom of Achin is at present most plentifully stored with it. Neither does any place in the East Indies, that I know of, yield such quantities of it as this Kingdom. I have never been at Japan, and therefore can make no estimate of the great riches of that Kingdom: but here I am certain there is abundance of it.

The Land Animals of this Country are Deer, Hogs, Elephants, Goats, Bullocks, Buffaloes, Horses, Porcupines, Monkeys, Squirrils, Guanoes, Lizards, Snakes, &c. Here are also abundance of Ants of several sorts, and Woodlice, called by the English in the East Indies White Ants. The Elephants that I saw here were all tame: yet 'tis reported there are some wild: but I judge not many, if any at all. In some places there are plenty of Hogs; they are all wild, and commonly very poor. At some times of the year, when the wild Fruits fall from the Trees, they are indifferent fat, or at least fleshy: and then they are sweet and good: they are very numerous; and whether for that reason, or scarcity of food, it is very rare to find them fat. The Goats are not very many, neither are there many Bullocks: but the Savannahs swarm with Buffaloes, belonging to some or other of the Inhabitants, [Page] who milk them and eat them; but don't work them, so far as I saw. The Horses of this Country are but small, yet sprightly; and sometimes they are transported hence to the Coast of Coromandel. The Porcupines and Squirrels are accounted good food by the English; but how they are esteemed by the Natives I know not.

The Fowls of this Country are Dunghil Fowls and Ducks, but I know of no other tame Fowls they have. In the Woods there are many sorts of wild Fowls, viz. Maccaws, Parrots, Parakites, Pigeons, and Doves of 3 or 4 sorts. There are plenty of other small Birds; but I can say nothing of them.

The Rivers of this Country afford plenty of Fish. The Sea also supplys divers sorts of very good Fish, (viz.) Snooks, Mullets, Mudfish, Eels, Stingrays, which I shall describe in the Bay of Campeachy, Ten pounders, Old Wives, Cavallies, Crawfish, Shrimps, &c.

The Natives of this Country are Malayans. They are much the same people with those of Queda, Jihore, and other places on the Continent of Malacca, speaking the same Malayan Language, with very little difference: and they are of the same Mahometan Religion, and alike in their haughty humour and manner of living: so that they seem to have been originally the same people. They are people of a middle stature, straight and well shaped, and of a dark Indian copper colour. Their Hair is black and lank, their Faces generally pretty long, yet graceful enough. They have black Eyes, middling Noses, thin Lips, and black Teeth, by the frequent use of Betle. They are very lazy, and care not to work or take pains. The poorer sort are addicted to theft, and are often punished severely for it. They are otherwise good natured in general, and kind enough to strangers.

[Page] The better sort of them wear Caps fitted to their heads, of red or other coloured Woollen Cloath, like the Crown of a Hat without any brims: for none of the Eastern people use the Complement of uncovering their Heads when they meet, as we do. But the general wear for all sorts of people is a small Turban, such as the Mindanaians wear, described in the 12th Chapter of my former Volume, page 326. They have small Breeches, and the better sort will have a piece of Silk thrown loosely over their Shoulders; but the poor go naked from the waste upwards. Neither have they the use of Stockings and Shoes, but a sort of Sandals are worn by the better sort.

Their Houses are built on Posts, as those of Mindanao, and they live much after the same fashion: but by reason of, their Gold Mines, and the frequent resort of strangers, they are richer, and live in greater plenty. Their common food is Rice, and the better sort have Fowls and Fish, with which the Markets are plentifully stored, and sometimes Buffaloes flesh, all which is drest very savourily with Pepper, and Garlick, and tinctured yellow with Turmerick, to make it pleasant to the Eye, as the East Indians generally love to have their food look yellow: neither do they want good Achars or Sauces to give it a relish.

The City of Achin is the chief in all this Kingdom. It is seated on the Banks of a River, near the N. W. end of the Island, and about 2 miles from the Sea. This Town consists of 7 or 8000 Houses; and in it there are always a great many Merchantstrangers, viz English, Dutch, Danes, Portuguese, Chinese, Guzarats, &c. The Houses of this City are generally larger than those I saw at Mindanao, and better furnished with Houshold Goods. The City has no Walls, nor so much as a Ditch about it. It has a greater number of Mosques, generally square [Page] built, and covered with Pantile, but neither high nor large. Every morning a man madea great Noise from thence: but I saw no Turrets or Steeples, for them to climb up into for that purpose; as they have generally in Turkey. The Queen has a large Palace here, built handsomely with Stone: but I could not get into the inside of it. 'Tis said there are some great Guns about it, 4 of which are of Brass, and are said to have been sent hither as a present by our K. James the 1st.

The chief Trades at Achin are Carpenters, Blacksmiths, Goldsmiths, Fishermen, and Money-changers: but the Country people live either on breeding heads of Cattle, but most for their own use, or Fowls, especially they who live near the City, which they send weekly thither to sell: others plant Roots, Fruits, &c. and of late they have sown pretty large Fields of Rice. This thrives here well enough; but they are so proud, that it is against their Stomach to work: neither do they themselves much trouble their heads about it, but leave it to be managed by their Slaves: and they were the Slaves brought lately by the English and Danes from the Coast of Coromandel, in the time of a Famin there, I spoke of before, who first brought this sort of Husbandry into such request among the Achinese. Yet neither does the Rice they have this way supply one quarter of their occasions, but they have it brought to them from their Neighbouring Countreys.

The Fishermen are the richest working people: I mean such of them as can purchase a Net; for thereby they get great profit; and this sort of imployment is managed also by their Slaves. In fair weather you shall have 8 or 10 great Boats, each with a Sain or haling Net: and when they see a Shoal of Fish, they strive to incompass them with these Nets, and all the Boats that are near assist each other to drag them ashore. Sometimes they [Page] draw ashore this way 50, 60, or 100 large Fish, as big as a mans Leg, and as long: and then they rejoyce mightily, and scamper about, making a great shout. The Fish is presently sent to the Market in one of their Boats, the rest looking out again for more. Those who Fish with Hook and Line, go out in small Proes, with but 1 or 2 Slaves in each Proe. These also get good Fish of other sorts, which they carry home to their Masters.

The Carpenters use such hatchets as they have at Mindanao. They build good Houses after their fashion: and they are also ingenious enough in building Proes, making very pretty ones, especially of that sort which are Flying Proes; which are built long, deep, narrow, and sharp, with both sides alike, and outlagers on each side, the Head and Stern like other Boats. They carry a great Sail, and when the Wind blows hard, they send a man or two to sit at the extremity of the Windward outlager, to poise the Vessel. They build also some Vessels of 10 or 20 Tuns burthen, to Trade from one place to another: but I think their greatest ingenuity is in building their Flying Proes; which are made very smooth, kept neat and clean, and will sail very well: for which reason they had that name given them by the English.

There are but few Blacksmiths in this Town, neither are they very skilful at their Trade. The Goldsmiths are commonly strangers, yet some of the Achinese themselves know how to work Metals, tho not very well. The Money-changers are here, as at Tonquin, most Women. These sit in the Markets and at the corners of the Streets, with leaden Money called Cash, which is a name that is generally given to small money in all these Countreys: but the Cash here is neither of the same Metal, nor value with that at Tonquin; for that is Copper, and this is Lead, or Block Tin, such as will bend about [Page] the Finger. They have but two sorts of Coin of their own; the least sort is this Leaden money call'd Cash, and 'tis the same with what they call Petties at Bantam. Of these, 1500 make a Mess, which is their other sort of Coin, and is a small thin piece of Gold, stampt with Malayan Letters on each side. It is in value 15 pence English. 16 Mess, make a Tale, which here is 20 s. English, 5 Tale make a Bancal, a weight so called, and 20 Bancal make a Catty, another weight. But their Gold Coin seldom holds weight, for you shall sometimes have 5 Tale and 8 Mess over go to make a Pecul, and tho 1500 Cash; is the value of a Mess, yet these rise and fall at the discretion of the Money-changers: for sometimes you shall have 1000 Cash for a Mess: but they are kept usually between those 2 numbers; seldom less then 1000, and never more then 1500. But to proceed with these Weights, which they use either for Money or Goods, 100 Catty make a Pecul, which is 132 l. English weight Three hundred Catty is a Bahar, which is 396 l English weight; but in some places, as at Bencouli, a Bahar is near 500 English weight. Spanish pieces of Eight go here also, and they are valued according to the plenty or scarcity of them. Sometimes a Piece of Eight goes but for 4 Mess, sometimes for 4 and half, sometimes 5 Mess.

They Coin but a small quantity of their Gold; so much as may serve for their ordinary occasions in their Traffick one with another. But as the Merchant, when he receives large Summs, always takes it by weight, so they usually pay him unwrought Gold, and quantity for quantity: the Merchants chuse rather to receive this, than the coined Gold; and before their leaving the Country, will change their Messes for uncoined Gold: perhaps because of some deceits used by the Natives in their Coining.

[Page] This Gold they have from some Mountain a pretty way within Land from Achin, but within their Dominions, and rather near to the West Coast than the Streights of Malacca. I take Golden Mount, which I spoke of before, to lie at no great distance from that of the Mines; for there is very high Land all thereabouts. To go thither they set out Eastward, towards Passange Jonca, and thence strike up into the heart of the Country. I made some inquiry concerning their getting Gold, and was told, that none but Mahometans were permitted to go to the Mines: That it was both troublesom and dangerous to pass the Mountains, before they came thither; there being but one way, and that over such steep Mountains, that in some places they were forced to make use of Ropes, to climb up and down the Hills. That at the foot of these Precipices there was a Guard of Soldiers, to see that no uncircumcised person should pursue that design, and also to receive custom of those that past either forward or backward. That at the Mines it was so sickly, that not the half of those that went thither did ever return again; tho they went thither only to Traffick with the Miners, who live there, being seasoned: that these who go thither from the City stayed not usually above 4 months at the Mines, and were back again in about 6 Months from their going out. That some there made it their constant imployment to visit the Miners once every year: for after they are once seasoned, and have found the profit of that Trade, no thoughts of danger can deter them from it: for I was credibly told that these made 2000 per cent. of whatever they carreid with them, to sell to the Miners: but they could not carry much by reason of the badness of the ways. The rich men never go thither themselves but send their Slaves: and if 3 out of 6 returns, they think they make a very profitable iourney [Page] for their Master, for these 3 are able to bring home as much Gold as the Goods which all 6 carried out could purchase. The Goods that they carry thither are some sort of cloathing, and liquor. They carry their Goods from the City by Sea part of the way: Then they land somewhere about Passange-Jonca, and get Horses to carry their Cargo to the foot of the Mountains. There they draw it up with Ropes, and if they have much goods, one stays there with them, while the rest march to the Mines with their load; and return again for the rest. I had this relation from Captain Tiler, who lived at Achin, and spoke the Language of the Country very well. There was an English Renegado that used that trade, but was always at the Mines when I was here. At his Return to Achin he constantly frequented an English Punch-house, spending his Gold very freely, as I was told by the Master of the house. I was told also by all that I discoursed with about the Gold, that here they dig it out of the Ground; and that sometimes they find pretty large lumps.

It is the product of these Mines that draws so many Merchants hither, for the Road is seldom without 10 or 15 sail of Ships of several Nations. These bring all sort of vendible Commodities, as Silks, Chints, Muzlins, Callicoes, Rice, &c. and as to this last, a man would admire to see what great quantities of Rice are brought hither by the English, Dutch, Danes, and Chinese: when any arrives the Commanders hire each a House to put their goods in. The Silks, Muzlins, Callicoes, Opium, and such like rich Goods, they sell to the Guzurats, who are the chief men that keep Shops here: but the Rice, which is the bulk of the Cargo, they usually retail. I have heard a Merchant say, he has received 60, 70, and 80 l. a day for Rice, when it has been scarce; but when there are many sellers, [Page] then 40 or 50 s. worth in a day is a good sale: for then a Mess will buy 14 or 15 Bamboes of it: whereas when Rice is scarce, you will not have above 3 or 4 Bamboes for a Mess. A Bamboe is a small seal'd measure, containing, to the best of my remembrance, not much above half a Gallon. Thus it rises and falls as Ships come hither. Those who sell Rice keep one constantly attending to measure it out; and the very Grandees themselves never keep a stock before hand, but depend on the Market, and buy just when they have occasion. They send their Slaves for what they want, and the poorer sort, who have not a Slave of their own, will yet hire one to carry a Mess worth of Rice for them, tho not one hundred paces from their own homes, scorning to do it themselves. Besides one to measure the Rice, the Merchants hire a man to take the money; for here is some false Money, as Silver and Copper Mess gilt over: Besides, here are some true Mess much worn, and therefore not worth near their value in tale. The Merchants may also have occasion to receive 10 or 20 l. at a time for other Commodities; and this too, besides those little summs for Rice, he must receive by his Broker, if he will not be cheated; for 'tis work enough to examin every piece: and in receiving the value of 10 l. in Mess, they will ordinarily be forc'd to return half or more to be chang'd; for the Natives are for putting off bad Money, if possibly they can. But if the Broker takes any bad Money, 'tis to his own loss. These sort of Brokers are commonly Guzurats, and 'tis very necessary for a Merchant that comes hither, especially if he is a stranger, to have one of them, for fear of taking bad or light Money.

The English Merchants are very welcome here, and I have heard that they do not pay so much Custom as other Nations. The Dutch Free-men [Page] may trade hither, but the Company's Servants are deny'd that privilege. But of all the Merchants that trade to this City, the Chinese are the most remarkable. There are some of them live here all the year long; but others only make annual Voyages hither from China. These latter come hither some time in June, about 10 or 12 sail, and bring abundance of Rice, and several other Commodities. They take up Houses all by one another, at the end of the Town, next the Sea: and that end of the City is call'd the China Camp, because there they always quarter, and bring their goods ashore thither to sell. In this Fleet come several Mechanicks, (viz.) Carpenters, Joyners, Painters, &c. These set themselves immediately to work, making of Chests, Drawers, Cabinets, and all sorts of Chinese Toys: which are no sooner finish'd in their Working houses, but they are presently set up in Shops and at the Doors to sale. So that for two months or ten weeks this place is like a Fair, full of Shops stufft with all sort of vendible commodities, and people resorting hither to buy: and as their goods sell off, so they contract themselves, into less compass, and make use of fewer Houses. But as their business decreases, their Gaming among themselves increases; for a Chinese, if he is not at work, had as lieve be without Victuals as without Gaming; and they are very dexterous at it. If before their goods are all sold, they can light of Chapmen to buy their Ships, they will gladly sell them also, at least some of them: if any Merchant will buy, for a Chinese is for selling every thing: and they who are so happy as to get Chapmen for their own Ships, will return as passengers with their Neighbours, leaving their Camp, as tis called, poor and naked like other parts of the City, till the next year. They commonly go away about the latter end of September, and never fail to return again at the Season: [Page] and while they are here, they are so much followed, that there is but little business stirring for the Merchants of any other Nations; all the discourse then being of going down to the China Camp. Even the Europeans go thither for their diversion: the English, Dutch, and Danes, will go to drink their Hoc-ciu, at some China Merchants House who sells it; for they have no tippling Houses. The European Seamen return thence into the City drunk enough, but the Chinese are very sober themselves.

The Achinese seem not to be extraordinary good at Accounts, as the Banians or Guzurats are. They instruct their youth in the knowledge of Letters, Malayan principally, and I suppose in somewhat of Arabick, being all Mahometans. They are here, as at Mindanao, very superstitious in washing and cleansing themselves from defilements: and for that reason they delight to live near the Rivers or Streams of water. The River of Achin near the City is always full of People of both Sexes and all Ages. Some come in purposely to wash themselves, for the pleasure of being in the Water: which they so much delight in, that they can scarce leave the River without going first into it, if they have any business brings them near. Even the sick are brought to the River to wash. I know not whether it is accounted good to wash in all distempers, but I am certain from my own Experience, it is good for those that have Flux, especially Mornings and Evenings, for which reason you shall then see the Rivers fullest, and more especially in the Morning. But the most do it upon a Religious account: for therein consists the chief part of their Religion.

There are but few of them resort daily to their Mosques; yet they are all stiff in their Religion, and so zealous for it, that they greatly [...] in making a Proselyte. I was told, that while I was [Page] at Tonquin, a Chinese inhabiting here turn'd from his Paganism to Mahometanism, and being circumcised, he was thereupon carry'd in great state thro the City on an Elephant, with one crying before him, that he was turn'd Believer. This man was call'd the Captain of the China Camp; for, as I was informed, he was placed there by his Country-men as their chief Factor or Agent, to negotiate their affairs with the people of the Country. Whether he had dealt falsly, or was only envied by others, I know not: but his Countrymen had so entangled him in Law, that he had been ruined, if he had not made use of this way to disingage himself; and then his Religion protected him, and they could not meddle with him. On what score the two English Runagadoes turn d here, I know not.

The Laws of this Country are very strict, and offenders are punished with great severity. Neither are there any delays of Justice here; for as soon as the offender is taken, he is immediately brought before the Magistrate, who presently hears the matter, and according as he finds it, so he either acquits, or orders punishment to be inflicted on the Party immediately. Small offenders are only whipt on the back, which sort of punishment they call Chaubuck. A Thief for his first offence, has his right hand chopt off at the wrist: for the second offence off goes the other; and sometimes instead of one of their hands, one or both their feet are cut off; and sometimes (tho very rarely) both hands and feet. If after the loss of one or both hands or feet they still prove incorrigible, for they are many of them such very Rogues and so arch, that they will steal with their Toes, then they are banish'd to Pulo Way, during their Lives: and if they get thence to the City, as sometimes they do, they are commonly sent back again; tho sometimes they get a Licence to stay.

[Page] On Pulo VVay there are none but this sort of Cattle: and tho they all of them want one or both hands, yet they so order matters, that they can row very well, and do many things to admiration, whereby they are able to get a livelihood: for if they have no hands, they will get somebody or other to fasten Ropes or Withes about their Oars, so as to leave Loops wherein they may put the stumps of their Arms; and therewith they will pull an Oar lustily. They that have one hand can do well enough: and of these you shall see a great many, even in the City. This sort of punishment is inflicted for greater Robberies; but for small pilfering the first time Thieves are only whipt; but after this a Petty Larceny is look'd on as a great crime. Neither is this sort of punishment peculiar to the Archinese Government, but probably, used by the other Princes of this Island, and on the Island Java also, especially at Bantam. They formerly, when the King of Bantam was in his prosperity, depriv'd men of the right hand for Theft, and may still for ought I know. I knew a Dutch-man so serv'd: he was a Seaman belonging to one of the King of Bantam's Ships. Being thus punished, he was dismist from his service, and when I was this time at Achin he lived there. Here at Achin, when a member is thus cut off, they have a broad piece of Leather or Bladder ready to clap on the Wound. This is presently applied, and bound on so fast, that the Blood cannot issue forth. By this means the great Flux of Blood is stopt, which would else ensue; and I never heard of any one who died of it. How long this Leather is kept on the Wound I know not: but it is so long, till the blood is perfectly stanched; and when it is taken off, the clods of Blood which were prest in the Wound by the Leather, peel all off with it, leaving the Wound clean. Then, I judge, they use cleansing [Page] or healing Plaisters, as they see convenient, and cure the Wound with a great deal of ease.

I never heard of any that suffer'd Death for Theft. Criminals, who deserve death, are executed divers ways, according to the nature of the offence, or the quality of the offender. One way is by Impaling on a sharp Stake, which passeth upright from the Fundament through the Bowels, and comes out at the Neck. The Stake is about the bigness of a mans Thigh, placed upright, one end in the ground very firm; the upper sharp end is about 12 or 14 foot high. I saw one man spitted in this manner, and there he remain'd 2 or 3 days: but I could not learn his offence.

Noblemen have a more honourable death; they are allowed to fight for their lives: but the numbers of those with whom they are to engage, soon put a period to the Combat, by the death of the Malefactor. The manner of it is thus; the person condemned is brought bound to the place of execution. This is a large plain Field, spacious enough to contain thousands of people. Thither the Achinese, armed, as they usually go, with their Cresset, but then more especially resort in Troops, as well to be spectators, as actors in the Tragedy. These make a very large Ring, and in the midst of the multitude the Criminal is placed, and by him such Arms as are allow'd on such occasions; which are, a Sword, a Cresset, and a Lance. When the time is come to act, he is unbound, and left at his liberty to take up his fighting weapons. The spectators being all ready, with each man his Arms in his hand, stand still in their places, till the Malefactor advances. He commonly sets out with a shriek, and daringly faces the multitude: but he is soon brought to the ground, first by Lances thrown at him, and afterwards by their Swords and Cressets. One was thus executed while [Page] I was there: I had not the fortune to hear of it till it was ended: but had this relation the same evening it was done, from Mr. Dennis Driscal, who was then one of the Spectators.

This Country is governed by a Queen, under whom there are 12 Oronkeyes, or great Lords. These act in their several precincts with great power and authority. Under these there are other inferiour Officers, to keep the Peace in the several parts of the Queens dominions. The present Shabander of Achin is one of the Oronkeyes. He is a man of greater knowledge than any of the rest, and supposed to be very rich. I have heard say he had not less than 1000 Slaves, some of whom were topping Merchants, and had many Slaves under them. And even these, tho they are Slaves to Slaves, yet have their Slaves also; neither can a stranger easily know who is a Slave and who not among them: for they are all, in a manner, Slaves to one another: and all in general to the Queen and Oronkeyes; for their Government is very Arbitrary. Yet there is nothing of rigour used by the Master to his Slave, except it be the very meanest, such as do all sorts of servile work: but those who can turn their hands to any thing besides drudgery, live well enough by their industry. Nay, they are encouraged by their Masters, who often lend them Money to begin some trade or business withal: Whereby the Servant lives easie, and with great content follows what his inclination or capacity fits him for; and the Master also, who has a share in the gains, reaps the more profit, yet without trouble. When one of these Slaves dies, his Master is Heir to what he leaves; and his Children, if he has any, become his Slaves also: unless the Father out of his own clear gains has in his life time had wherewithal to purchase their Freedom. The Markets are kept by these people, and you scarce [Page] trade with any other. The Money-changers also are Slaves, and in general all the Women that you see in the streets; not one of them being free. So are the Fisher-men, and others, who fetch Firewood in Canoas from Pulo Gomez, for thence those of this City fetch most of their Wood, tho there is scarce any thing to be seen but Woods about the City. Yet tho all these are Slaves, they have habitations or houses to themselves in several parts of the City, far from their Masters houses, as if they were free people. But to return to the Shabander I was speaking of, all Merchant Strangers, at their first arrival, make their Entries with him, which is always done with a good present: and from him they take all their dispatches when they depart; and all matters of importance in general between Merchants are determined by him. It seems to have been by his Conversation and Acquaintance with strangers, that he became so knowing, beyond the rest of the Great men: and he is also said to be himself a great Merchant.

The Queen of Achin, as 'tis said, is always an old Maid, chosen out of the Royal Family. What Ceremonies are used at the choosing her I know not: Nor who are the Electors; but I suppose they are the Oronkeys.. After she is chosen, she is in a manner confin'd to her Palace; for by report, she seldom goes abroad, neither is she seen by any people of inferiour rank and quality; but only by some of her Domesticks: except that once a year she is drest all in white, and placed on a Elephant, and so Rides to the River in state to wash herself: but whether any of the meaner sort of people may see her in that progress I know not: for it is the custom of most Eastern Princes to skreen themselves from the sight of their Subjects: Or if they sometimes go abroad for their pleasure, yet the people are then ordered either to turn their backs [Page] towards them while they pass by, as formerly at Bantam, or to hold their hands before their eyes, as at Siam. At Mindanao, they may look on their Prince: but from the highest to the lowest they approach him with the greatest respect and veneration, creeping very low, and oft-times on their knees, with their eyes fixt on him: and when they withdraw, they return in the same manner, creeping backwards, and still keeping their eyes on him, till they are out of his sight.

But to return to the Queen of Achin, I think Mr Hackluit, or Purchas, makes mention of a King here in our King James I. time: But at least of later years there has always been a Queen only, and the English who reside there, have been of the opinion that these people have been governed by a Queen ab Origine; and from the antiquity of the present constitution, have formed notions, that the Queen of Sheba who came to Soloman was the Queen of this Country: and the Author of an old Map of the World which I have seen, was, it seems of this opinion, when writing the old Hebrew names of Nations, up and down the several parts anciently known of Europe, Asia, and Africa, he puts no other name in the Isle of Sumatra, but that of Sheba. But be that as it will, 'tis at present part of it under a Queen, tho she has little power or authority: for tho there is seemingly abundance of respect and reverence shewn her, yet she has little more than the title of a Soveraign, all the Government being wholly in the hands of the Oronkeys.

While I was on my Voyage to Tonquin, the old Queen died, and there was another Queen chosen in her room, but all the Oronkeys were not for that Election; many of them were for choosing a King. Four of the Oronkeys who lived more remote from the Court, took up Arms to oppose the new Queen [Page] and the rest of the Oronkeys, and brought 5 or 6000 men against the City: and thus stood the state of affairs, even when we arrived here, and a good while after. This Army was on the East side of the River, and had all the Country on that side, and so much of the City also, as is on that side the River, under their power. But the Queen's Palace and the main part of the City, which stands on the West side, held out stoutly. The River is wider, shallower, and more sandy at the City, than any where else near it: yet not fordable at low water. Therefore for the better communication from one side to the other, there are Ferry-boats to carry Passengers to and fro. In other places the Banks are steep, the River more rapid, and in most places very muddy: so that this place, just at the City itself, is the most convenient to transport Men or Goods from one side to the other.

It was not far from this place the Army lay, as if they designed to force their passage here. The Queens party, to oppose them, kept a small Guard of Souldiers just at the Landing-place. The Shabander of Achin had a Tent set up there, he being the chief manager of her Affairs: and for the more security, he had 2 or 3 small brass Guns of a Minion bore planted by his Tent all the day, with their Muzzels against the River. In the Evening there were 2 or 3 great Trees drawn by an Elephant, and placed by the side of the River, for a barricado against the Enemy: and then the Brass Guns were drawn from the Shabander's Tent, which stood not far from it, and planted just behind the Trees, on the rising Bank: So that they looked over the Trees, and they might Fire over, or into the River, if the Enemy approached. When the Barricado was thus made, and the Guns planted, the Ferry-boats passed no more from side to side, till the next morning. Then you should hear the Soldiers caling [Page] to each other, not in menacing Language, but as those who desired peace and quietness, asking why they would not agree, why they could not be of one mind, and why they should desire to kill one another. This was the Tone all night long; in the morning as soon as Snn was risen, the Guns were drawn again to the Shabanders Tent, and the Trees were drawn aside, to open the passage from one side to the other: and every man then went freely about his business, as if all had been as quiet as ever, only the Shabander and his Guard staid still in their stations. So that there was not any sign of Wars, but in the Night only, when all stood to their Arms: and then the Towns people seemed to be in fear, and sometimes we should have a Rumour, that the Enemy would certainly make an attempt to come over.

While these stirs lasted, the Shabander sent to all the Foreigners, and desired them to keep in their own Houses in the night, and told them, that whatever might happen in the City by their own civil broyls, yet no harm should come to them. Yet some of the Portuguese, fearing the worst, would every Night put their richest Goods into a Boat, ready to take their flight on the first Alarm. There were at this time not above 2 or 3 English Families in the Town, and 2 English Ships, and one Dutch Ship, besides 2 or 3 Moors Ships of the Moguls Subjects, in the Road. One of the English Ships was called the Nellegree; the name taken from Nellegree Hills in Bengal, as I have heard. She came from the Bay of Bengal, laden with Rice, Cotton, &c. the other was the Dorothy of London, Captain Thwait Commander, who came from Fort St George, and was bound to Bencouli with Souldiers, but touched here, as well to sell some goods, as to bring a present to the Queen from our East India Company. Captain Thwait, according to custom went with his present [Page] to the Queen, which she accepted; and complemented him with the usual Civilities of the Country; for to honour him he was set upon an Elephant of the Queens to ride to his Lodgings, drest in a Malayan habit which she gave him: and she sent also two Dancing Girls, to shew him some pastime there: and I saw them at his Lodgings that Evening, dancing the greatest part of the night, much after the same manner as the Dancing Women of Mindanao, rather writhing their Hands and Bodies with several Antick gestures, than moving much out of the place they were in. He had at this time about 20 great Jars of Bengal Butter, made of Buffaloes Milk, and this Butter is said also to have Lard or Hogs fat mixt with it, and rank enough in these hot Countries, tho much esteemed by all the Achinese, who give a good price for it; and our English also use it. Each of the Jars this came in, contained 20 or 30 Gallons; and they were set in Mr. Driscal's yard at Achin: what other goods the Captain brought I know not.

But not long after this, he being informed, that the Moors Merchants residing here had carryed off a great Treasure aboard their Ships, in order to return with it to Surrat, and our Company having now Wars with the Great Mogul, Captain Thwait in the Evening drew off all his Seamen, and seized on one of the Moors Ships, where he thought the Treasure was. The biggest he let alone: she was a Ship, that one Captain Constant took in the Road some time before, and having plundered her, he gave her to the Queen: of whom the Moors bought her again. The Moors Merchants had speedy notice of this action of Captain Thwait, and they presently made their Application to the Queen for satisfaction. But her affairs at this time, being in such posture as I mentioned, by reason of their intestine Broyls, she said she could do nothing for them.

[Page] It was 11 or 12 a Clock the next day, before we who lived ashore heard of Captain Thwaits proceedings: but seeing the Moors flock to Court, and not knowing what answer they had from the Queen, we posted off to the Ships, for fear of being imprisoned, as some English men had been while I was at Tonquin, on the like score. Indeed I had at this time great cause to be afraid of a Prison, being sick of a flux: So that a Prison would have gone near to have killed me: yet I think it fared not much better with me, for the Ships I fled to afforded me but little comfort. For I knew no man aboard the Dorothy, and could expect no comfort there. So I and the rest went aboard the Nelligree, where we could more reasonably expect relief, than in a Ship that came from England: for these which come so long a Voyage, are just victualled for the Service, and the Seamen have every one their stinted allowance, out of which they have little enough to spare to Strangers.

But tho there were Victuals enough aboard the Nellegree, yet so weak as I then was, I had more mind to rest my self than to eat: and the Ship was so pestered with Goods, that I could not find a place to hang up my Hammock in. Therefore it being fair weather, I made a shift to lye in the Boat that I came aboard in. My Flux was violent, and I sleept but little: so I had the opportunity of observing the Moon totally Eclipsed, had I been in a condition to observe any thing. As soon as I perceiv'd the Moon to be Eclipsed, I gazed at it indeed, as I lay, till it was totally obscured, which was a pretty while: but I was so little curious, that I remembred not so much as what day of the Month it was, and I kept no Journal of this Voyage, as I did of my other; but only kept an account of several particular Remarks and Observations as they occurred to me. I lay 3 or 4 days [Page] thus in this Boat, and the people of the Ship were so kind as to provide me with necessaries: and by this time the Moors had got a Pass from the Dutch Captain then in the Road, for 4 or 500 Dollars, as I was then told, and Captain Thwait delivered them their Ship again, but what terms he made with them, I know not. Thus that fray was over, and we came ashore again: recovered of the fright we had been in. In a short time also after this, the Achinese all agreed to own the new Queen, and so the War ended without any Bloodshed.

I was perswaded to wash in the River, Mornings and Evenings, for the recovery of my Health: and tho it seemed strange to me before I tryed it, yet I found so much comfort in the first trial, that I constantly applyed my self to it. I went into the River, till the water was as high as my waste, and then I stooped down and sound the water so cool and refreshing to my body, that I was always loth to go out again. Then I was sensible that my Bowels were very hot, for I found a great heat within me, which I found refresht by the cool water. My food was Salt fish broyled, and boyled Rice mixt with Tire. Tire is sold about the Streets there: 'tis thick sower Milk. It is very cooling, and the Salt-fish and Rice is binding: therefore this is thought there the proper food for the common People, when they have Fluxes. But the Richer sort will have Sago, which is brought to Achin from other Countries, and Milk of Almonds.

But to return to the state of Achin, before I go off from it I shall add this short account of the Seasons of year there, that their weather is much the same as in other Countries North of the Line, and their dry Seasons, Rains, and Land floods come much at the same time, as at Tonquin and other places of North Latitude. Only as Achin lies within a few Degrees of the Line, so upon the Suns crossing the [Page] Line in March, the Rains begin a little sooner there than in Countries nearer the Tropick of Cancer: and when they are once set in, they are as violent there as any where. I have seen it Rain there for 2 or 3 days without intermission; and the River running but a short course, its head not lying very far within Land, it soon overflows; and a great part of the Street of the City, shall on a sudden be all under water; at which time people row up and down the Streets in Canoas. That side of the City, towards the River especially, where the Fo eign Merchants live, and which is lower ground, is frequently under water in the Wet Season: a Ships Longboat has come up to the very Gate of our English Factory laden with Goods; which at other times is ground dry enough, at a good distance from the River, and moderately raised above it. I did not find the heat there any thing different from other places in that Latitude; tho I was there both in the wet and dry Season. 'Tis more supportable than at Tonquin; and they have constantly the Refreshment of Sea and Land Breezes every 24 hours.

[Page]

CHAP VIII.

The A. prepares to go for Pegu. Among others a Ship arrives here from Merga in Siam. Of the Massacre of the English there. His intended Cargo for Pegu. The Arrival of other English men from the City of Siam. The A. sets out for Malacca instead of Pegu. They are becalmed, and soon after in great danger of running aground. The Coast of Sumatra from Diamond point to the R. Dilly. They water there and at Pulo Verero; where they meet a Ship of Danes and Moors from Trangambar. Pulo Arii, and Pulo Parselore, a useful Sea-mark to avoid Sholes near Malacca Shore. The A. arrives at Malacca Town. The Town and its Forts described: the Conquest of it by the Dutch, from the Portuguese. Chinese and other Merchants residing here. The Sale of Flesh and Fish; the Fruits and Animals. The Shabander, State of the Trade, and Guardships. Opium, a good Commodity among the Malayans. Rattan-Cables. They prepare for their Return back to Achin.

AS soon as I was pretty well recovered, I was Shipt Mate of the Sloop that came from Malacca with us, which Mr Wells had sold to Captain Tyler, who lately come from Siam: and I was sent aboard to take possession of her, about the beginning of May, 1689. He who was designed to [Page] mand her came to Achin Mate of the Nellegree; and we were now to go to Pegu: but before the middle of June he left the employ, being sick, and loth to go at this dead time of the year to Pegu, because the Westerly wind was set in strong, and the Coast of Pegu is low Land, and we were both unacquainted on the Coast. I was then made Commander, and took in goods in order to depart for that Coast. In the mean time Mr. Coventry arrived in his Ship from the Coast of Coromandel laden with Rice, and a small Vessel belonging to Captain Tyler came also from Merga much about the same time.

This last Ship had been at Merga a considerable time, having been seized on by the Siamites, and all the men imprisoned, for some difference that happened between the English and them. Neither was a Prison then thought hard usage by them, for during the Havock was made of the English there, many of those who lived at Merga were massacred. Those who were imprisoned were kept there till all the English who lived at the City of Siam, on the other side of the Kingdom, withdrew from thence: and then these men had their liberty restored also, and their Ship given them, but no goods, nor satisfaction for their losses, nor so much as a Compass to bring with them, and but little Provision. Yet here they safely arrived, this being a better Ship that I was gone aboard of, Captain Tyler immediately fitted her up for the Sea, in order to send her to Pegu.

By this time my Vessel was loaden, and my Cargo was eleven thousand Coco-nuts, 5 or 600 wait of Sugar, and half a dozen Chests of Drawers of Japan work, 2 were very large, designed for a present to the King. Besides this, Captain Tyler, for so we used to call him, tho he was only a Merchant, said he intended to send a good quantity of Gold thither, by which he expected to gain 60 or 70 per [Page]Cent; for by report the King of Pegu had lately built a very magnificent Pagoda, and was gilding it very richly with Gold: besides he was making a large Image of Massy Gold for the chief Pagod of this Temple. By this means Gold was risen in its value here: and Achin being a place abounding in that [...], much of it had already been sent thither from hence, and more was going in other Vessels, belonging to the Moors of Achin, beside what Captain Tyler designed to send.

It was now about the middle of August; and tho I was ready to sail, yet I was ordered to stay for Captain Tyler's other Vessel, till she had taken in her lading, which was daily sent off. Her Cargo also was Coco-nuts, and she had about 8 or 9000 already aboard: when I received an order from Captain Tyler to hale aboard of her, and put all my Cargo into her; as also all my Water-cask and whatever else I could spare that they wanted; but withal he desired me to be satisfied, and told me I should in a short time be sent to Sea: but that Ship being the biggest, he thought it more convenient to dispatch her first. I presently did as I was ordered; and finding that I should not go this Voyage, I sold also, my small Cargo, which consisted only of some Coco-nuts, and about 100 Nutmegs, which had the Shells on as they grew on the Trees. I bought all that I could meet with in the Town, and paid abous 3 d. a piece, and expected to have had 12 d. a piece for them at Pegu, where they are much esteemed if the Shells be on, for else they don't value them.

About this time the George, a great English Ship belonging to one Mr. Dalton, arrived here from the City of Siam, coming thro the Streights of Malacca. He had been there some years, Trading to and fro, and had made very profitable Voyages: but the late Revolution that happened there by the death of the [Page] King, and the unhappy fate of my Lord Falcon, caused the English to withdraw from thence. The French were all sent away some Months before, being not suffered to stay in the Kingdom: but before this Ship came from thence, the broyls of State were over; for the new King being settled, all tumults, which commonly arise in these Countries at the death of the King, were appeased. The English were then desired to stay there, and those who had yielded up their places and offices, wereeven intreated to accept them again, for they owned that they had all served the Nation faithfully. But not long before the Revolution, the Governour of Fort St. George sent for all the English from thence particularly, and from the service of all other Indian Princes, to come and serve the East India Company at the Fort, or where else they should send them. For that reason they all came away with Mr Dalton, and he, in kindness to his Country-men, refused to take in Goods or Freight, because he would have room enough for their Passage, and their Houshold Goods: for here were some Families of Men, Women and Children.

They were a long time coming from Siam to Achin, because they came against the Monsoon; and in their passage they touched at Malacca, and when they arrived at Achin, Mr Dalton went ashoar and hired a House, as did also most of his Passengers: and among the rest Captain Minchin, who had formerly served the East India Company at Surrat, but on some disgust left that place and came to Siam. There he was made Gunner of a Fort, and maintained his Wife and Family very well in that employ, till the Revolution there, and the Companies orders came and called him from thence. He being now destitute of employment, the Merchants there thought of making him Commander of the Vessel that I was in, because Captain [Page] Tyler was minded to sell part of her. Accordingly they met about it, and the Vessel was divided into 4 parts, 3 of which was were purchased by Mr Dalton, Mr Coventry, and Captain Minchin, and Captain Tyler kept the 4th. The next day Captain Minchin came off, with an order to me, to deliver him the possession of the Ship, and told me, that that if I liked to go his Mate, I might still keep aboard till they had agreed on a Voyage. I was forced to submit, and accepted a Mates employ under Captain Minchin. It was not long before we were ordered for Malacca to buy Goods there. We carried no Goods with us, besides 3 or 400 pound of Opium.

It was about the middle of September, 1689. when we sailed from Achin. We were 4 white men in the Vessel, the Captain, and Mr Coventry, who went Supercargo, my self and the Boatswain. For common Seamen we had 7 or 8 Moors: and generally in these Country Ships the White men are all Officers. Two days after we left Achin, being becalmed under the Shore, we came to an Anchor. Not long after, a Ship coming in from the Seaward, came to an anchor about two mile a head of us. Mr Coventry knew her to be a Danish Ship belonging to Trangambar; and therefore we hoisted out our Boat, and thought to have spoken with her: but a small breeze springing up, they weighed their Anchors, and went away; neither would they speak with us, tho we made signs for them to stay. We weighed also and jogg'd on after them, but they sailed better than we. We met little winds and calms, so that 'twas 7 or 8 days before we got as far as Diamond-point, which is about 40 leagues from Achin.

Being about 4 leagues short off that point, Captain Minchin desired me to set the Land, and withal prick the Card, and see what course we ought to [Page] keep all night; for it was now about 6 a clock, and we had a fine gale at W. S. W. our course yet being E. S. E.

After I had set the Land, I went into the Cabbin to look over the Draught, to see what course we must steer after we came about the point. Mr Coventry followed me, and when I had satisfied my self, he asked me what course we must steer? I told him E. S. E. till 12 a clock, if the gale stood, and then we might hale more Southerly. He seemed to be startled at it, and told me, that the Captain and he had been pricking the Card, and thought that a S. E. or S. E. by S. course would do well at 8 a clock. I said it was a good course to run ashore; he argued a long time with me, but I persisted in my opinion, and when I told Captain Minchin of my opinion, he was well satisfied. Presently after this we had a pretty strong Tornado out of the S. W. which obliged us to hand our Topsail. When the stress of the Weather was over, we set our Sails again, and went in to Supper, and ordered the man at Helm not to come to the Southward of the E. S. E. We stayed in the Cabbin till about 8 a clock, and then we came out to set the Watch. It was now very dark, by reason of a Thunder cloud that hung rumbling over the Land: yet by the flashes of lightning we plainly saw the Land, right ahead of us. I was much surprized, and ran into the Steeridge to look on the Compass, and found that we were steering S. S. E. instead of E. S. E. I clapt the Helm a Starboard, and brought her to N. E. by E. and N. E. we very narrowly escap'd being cast away.

When we first went to Supper, we were 3 leagues off Land, and then E. S. E. was a good course, the Land lying E. S. E. parallel with our course.

[Page] But then the Man at Helm mistaking him Compass, steer'd S. S. E. which runs right in upon the Shore. I believe we had also some countercurrent, or Tide that help'd us in, for we were quickly got into a Bay within the points of Land. So that 'twas now absolutely necessary to steer Northerly to get out of the Bay; and by this time Mr Coventry was satisfied with what I told him in the Evening, and was convinced of his error. I undertook to direct the man at helm, and the wind continuing, I kept off till ten a Clock: then I steered E. S. E. till 12, and then haled up S. S. E. and in the morning we were about 4 leagues S. E. from Diamond point, and about 3 leagues to the North of an Island.

The Land from hence lying S. S. E. we steered so; but meeting with calms again, we anchored several times before we came to the River of Dilly, which is 28 leagues from Diamond-point. The Land between seems to be uneven, most of it pretty high, and very woody: and 'tis said that all this Country, as far as the River Dilly, is under the Queen of Achin.

About a League before we came to that River, being within 2 mile of the Shore, we saw the water of a muddy grey colour, and tasting it, found it to be sweet. Therefore we presently filled some of our Water Cask; and 'tis an ordinary thing in several places to take up fresh water at Sea, against the mouth of some River, where it floats above the Salt water: but we must dip but a little way down, for sometimes if the Bucket goes but a foot deep, it takes up Salt water with the fresh.

In the evening we had a fine Land Breeze, with with which we ran along the Shore, keeping on a wind, and sounding every now and then. At last we were got among the Sholes, at the mouth of that River, and puzzled to get our again. The River [Page] is in Lat. 3 d. 50 m. N. It seems to be very large, but it is not well known, but only to the Natives, who inhabit it; and they are not very sociable; but are, by report, a sort of Pirats living on rapin. In the Morning we saw a sail standing off to an Island called Pulo Verero, lying in Lat 3 d. 30 m. N. 7 Leagues from the Mouth of the River Dilly. We having a fair wind, stood after them, intending there to wood and water at Pulo Verero. For tho we took no fresh Water the evening before out of the Sea, yet at the R. of Dilly it was brackish: for tho the fresh water is born up by the Salt, and it might be intire without mixture, yet by plunging of the Bucket somewhat too low, we might probably take up some of the Salt water with it. They came to an Anchor, about 2 or 3 a clock in the Afternoon: but the Wind slackened, and it was 8 Clock at night before we came thither. We Anchored about a mile from them, and presently hoysed out our Boat to go aboard: for we judged that this was the Danish Ship, that we saw when we came first from Achin. I went in the Boat, because Mr Coventry told me, that Mr Coppenger was Surgeon of her, the same person who was with me in the Boat when I was set ashore at the Nicobar Isles, but was not suffered to stay with me. Mr Coventry was now in the Boat with me, and we went and haled the Ship, asking whence she came? and who was Commander? They answered they were Danes from Trangambar, for 'twas the Ship we took it to be. Then they askt who we were? I answered, English from Achin, and that Mr Coventry was in the Boat, but they would not believe it till Mr.Coventry spoke, and the Captain knew his Voice: neither did they till then believe we were Friends; for they had every man his Gun in his hand, ready to fire on us, if we had gone aboard without haling, as Mr. Coventry would have done, in confidence [Page] that they knew him, had not I disswaded him. For it seems they were extreamly afraid of us, insomuch that the Commander, seeing us follow them in the morning, would not have touched at these Islands, tho he was in great want of Water; and had not his black Merchants fallen before him on their Knees, and even prayed him to take pity on them, they had not anchored here. These Merchants were inhabitants of Trangambar on the Coast of Coromandel. They having no Ships of their own, when the Danes, fit out a Ship, on any Voyage that they are inclined to, these Moors are obliged to joyn Stock with them, and they first make an offer of it to them as a kindness: and the Moors being generally desirous to Trade, frequently accept of it almost on any terms: but should they be unwilling, yet dare they not refuse, for fear of disobliging the Danes, who are Lords of the place. In this Ship I found Mr Coppenger: and he was the first that I had seen of all the Company that left me at the Nicobar Islands. The next morning we filled our water and weigh'd again; the Dane being gone a little before. He was bound to Jihore, to load Pepper, but intended to touch at Malacca, as most Ships do that pass these Streights. He also sailed better than we, and therefore left us to follow him.

We stood on yet nearest to the Sumatra shore, till we came in sight of Pulo Arii, in Lat 3 d 2 m. N. These are several Islands lying S. E. by E. l Easterly from Pulo Verero, about 32 leagues distant. These Islands are good marks for Ships bound thro the Streights: for when they bear S. E. at 3 or 4 leagues distance, you may steer away E. by S. for the Malacca Shore, from whence you then may be about 20 leagues. The first Land you will see is Pulo Parselore, which is a high peeked Hill in the Country, on the Malacca Coast: which standing by it self amidst a low Country, it appears like an Island, [Page] tho I know not whether it is is really one; for it stands some miles within the shoar of the Continent of Malacca. It is a very remarkable Hill, and the only Sea mark for Seamen to guide themselves through certain Sands that lye near the Main; and if it is thick hazy Weather, and the hill is obscur'd, Pilots, unless they are very knowing in the Soundings, will hardly venture in: for the Channel is not above a league wide, and there are large shoals on each side. These shoals lye ten leagues from Pulo Arii, and continue till within 2 or 3 of the Malacca shoar. In the Channel there is 12 or 14 fathom water, but you may keep in 7 or 8 fathom on either side; and sounding all the way, you may pass on without danger.

We had a good gale at West, which brought us in sight of Pulo Parsalore: and so we kept sounding till we came within the shoar, and then we had the Town of Malacca about 18 leagues distant from us, to the S. E. and by E. Being shot over to the Malacca shore, there is good wide Channel to sail in, you having the shoals on one side, and the Land on the other; to which last you may come as nigh as you see convenient, for there is water enough, and good anchoring. The Tide runs pretty strong here; the Flood sets to the Eastward, and the Ebb to the West: and therefore when there is little wind, and Ships cannot stem the Tide, they commonly anchor. But we being in with the Malacca shoar, had a westerly Wind, which brought us before Malacca Town, about the middle of October; and here I first heard that King William and Queen Mary were Crowned King and Queen of England. The Dane that left us at Pulo Verero was not yet arrived: for, as we afterwards understood, they could not find the way through the Sands, but were forc'd to keep along without them, and fetch a great Compass about, which retarded their Passage.

[Page] Malacca is a pretty large Town, of about 2 or 300 Families of Dutch and Portuguese, many of which are a mixt breed between those Nations. There are also many of the Native Malayans inhabiting in small Cottages on the skirts of the Town. The Dutch Houses are built with Stone, and the Streets are wide and straight, but not paved. At the N. West of the Town, there is a Wall and Gate to pass in and out; and a small Fort always guarded with Soldiers. The Town stands on a level low ground, close by the Sea. The Land on the backside of the Town seems to be morassy, and on the West side, without the Wall, there are Gardens of Fruits and Herbs, and some fair Dutch Houses: but that quarter is chiefly the habitation of the Malayans. On the East side of the Town, there is a small River, which at a Spring Tide will admit small Barks to enter. About 100 paces from the Sea there is a Draw bridge, which leads from the midst of the Town to a strong Fort, built on the East side of the River.

This is the chief Fort, and is built on a low level ground, close by the Sea, at the foot of a little steep Hill. Its form is semicircular, according to the natural position of the adjacent Hill. It fronts chiefly to the Sea, and having its foundation on firm Rocks, the Walls are carried up to a good heighth, and of a considerable thickness. The lower part of is washed by the Sea every Tide. On the back of the Hill, the Land being naturally low, there is a very large Moat cut from the Sea to the River, which makes the whole an Island; and that back part is stockadoed round with great Trees, set up an end: so that there is no entring when once the Draw-bridge is haled up. On the Hill, within the Fort, stands a small Church, big enough to receive all Towns people, who come hither on Sundays to hear Divine service: and on the Main, [Page] beyond the Fort, the Malayans are also seated close by the Sea.

The first Europeans who settled here were the Portuguese. They also built the great Fort: but whether they moted round the Hill, and made an Island of that spot of ground, I know not, nor what charges have been bestowed on it since to make it defenceable; nor what other alterations have been made: but the whole building seems to be pretty antient, and that part of it which fronts to the Sea was, in all probability, built by the Portuguese; for there are still the marks of the Conquerors shot in the Walls. It is a place so naturally strong, that I even wonder how they could be beaten out: but when I consider what other places they then lost, and their mismanagements, I am the less surprized at it. The Portuguese were the first discoverers by Sea of the East Indies, and had thereby the Advantage of Trade with these [...] Eastern people, as also an opportunity, thro their weakness, to settle themselves where they pleased. Therefore they made Settlements and Forts among them in divers places of India, as here for one: and presuming upon the strength of their Forts, they insulted over the Natives; and being grown rich with Trade, they fell to all manner of looseness and debauchery; the usual concomitant of Wealth, and as commonly the fore runner of Ruin. The Portuguese at this place, by report, made use of the Native Women at their pleasure, whether Virgins or Married Women; luch as they liked they took without controle: and it is probable, they as little restrained their lust in other places; for the breed of them is scattered all over India; neither are there any people of more different Complexions than of that race, even from the cole black to a light tawney. These injuries exasperated the Native [Page] Malayans here, who joyning with the Dutch, as I have been informed, found means to betray to them their insolent masters the Portuguese: than whom there are not a more despicable people now in all the Eastern Nations: and of all they once possest, they have now only Goa left, of any place of consequence. The Dutch are now masters of most of the places they were once possest of; and ticularly this of Malacca.

Malacca is a place of no great Trade, yet there are several Moors Merchants always residing here. These have shops of wares, such as come from Surrat, and the Coast of Coromandel and Bengal. The Chinese also are seated here, who bring the Commodities of their Country hither, especially Tea, Sugarcandy, and other Sweetmeats. Some of them keep Tea-houses, where for a Stiver a man has near a pint of Tea, and a little Porrenger of Sugarcandy, or other Sweet meats, if he pleases. Others of them are Butchers: their chief flesh is Pork, which you may have very reasonably, either fresh or salted: Neither are you desired to take any particular piece, but they will cut a piece at one place, and the like at another, either fat or lean, as you would have it. Others among these Chinese are Trades people; and they are all in general very industrious, but withal extraordinary Gamesters: and if they can get any to play with them, all business must submit to that.

This Town is plentifully stored with Fish also. When the Fishermen come in, they all resort to a place built purposely for the sale of them. There are Soldiers waiting, who take the best for the Officers of the Fort. Whether they pay for it, or that 'tis a Toll or Custom belonging to the Governor I know not: but after they are served, the the rest are sold to any who will buy. The manner [Page] of selling is thus; the Fish which every man brings in is sorted, yet all sold by the lump at once in the manner of an Outcry or Auction, but not by raising but lowering the price: for there is one appointed for this Sale, who sets the first price higher than the value of the Fish, and falls by degrees, till the price seems reasonable: then one or other buys. But these first bargains are commonly bought by the Fishwives, who Retail them out again. Oysters are in great plenty here, and very good when they are Salt, but sometimes they are fresh and unsavoury.

As for other Provisions, their Rice is brought to them from abroad. Such Fruits as they have are much the same as I have already described and are proper to the Climate, as Plantains, Bonanoes, Pine-apples, Oranges, Water-melons, Pumplenoses, Mango's, &c. but these are only in their Gardens, in no great plenty; and the Country is all covered with Wood, like one Forest: and most of our walking Canes used in England, are brought from thence. They have also a few Cattle, Bullocks, and Horses, &c. having but little pasturage, but good store of tame Fowl, Ducks, and Poultrey. The principal person in the Town is the Shabander, a Dutch man, next in power to the Governor, who lives in the Fort, and meddles not with Trade, which is the Shabander's Province, who seems to be chiefly concerned about the customes of goods.

This Town has no great Trade, by what I could see, but it seems to be designedly built to Command the passage of shipping, going this way to the more Eastern Nations. Not but that Ships may pass far enough out of reach of their Canon; but Guardships belonging to the Town, and lying in the Road, may hinder others from passing. How the Portuguese managed their Affairs I know not; [Page] but the Dutch commonly keep a Guard-ship here; and I have been told they require a certain Duty of all Vessels that pass this way, the English only excepted: for all Ships touch at this place, especially for Wood, Water and refreshment.

Two days after our arrival here, the Danish Ship came also to an Anchor; but reporting that they were bound to Jihore, to lade Pepper, the Dutch told them it was but in vain for them to seek a Trade there; for that the King of Jihore had agreed with the Dutch to Trade only with them; and that to secure that Trade, they had a Guardship lying there. I had this account from the Surgeon, Mr Coppinger, who seemed a little concerned at it: because when he told me this, he could not tell whether they should proceed thither or no; but they did go thither, and found all this a sham, and Traded there to their own and the Natives satisfaction, as he told me the next time I met him. This of Jihore being but a small Kingdom on the same Malacca Coast, 'tis not of strength sufficient to resist the power of the Dutch: neither could it benefit the Dutch to take it, should they attempt it; for the people would probably forsake it, and it would be too great a charge for the Dutch to settle it themselves. And therefore they only endeavour to ingross the Pepper Trade; and it is probable enough that the Dutch might sometimes keep a Guardship there, as they do at other places, particularly at Queda Pulo Dindin, &c. For where there is any trade to be had, yet not sufficient to maintain a Factory; or where there may not be a convenient place to build a Fort, so as to secure the whole Trade to themselves, they send their Guardships, which lying at the mouths of the Rivers, deter strangers from coming thither, and keep the petty Princes in awe of them. They commonly make a [Page] shew as if they did this out of kindness to those people; yet most of them know otherwise, but dare not openly resent it. This probably causes so many petty Robberies and Piracies as are committed by the Malayans on this Coast. The Malayans, who inhabit on both sides the Streights of Malacca, are in general a bold people: and yet I do not find any of them addicted to Robbery, but only the pilfering poorer sort, and even these severely punished among the Trading Malayans, who love Trade and Property. But being thus provoked by the Dutch, and hindred of a free Trade by their Guard-ships, it is probable, they therefore commit Piracies themselves, or connive at and incourage those who do. So that the Pirates who lurk on this Coast, seem to do it as much to revenge themselves on the Dutch, for restraining their Trade, as to gain this way what they cannot obtain in way of Traffick.

But to retturn to our concerns here, I have said already, that we had only 3 or 400 l. of Opium in goods, the rest was in Money to the value of 2000 Dollars in the whole: but we did not pretend, that we came hither purposely to Trade, but that finding our Vessel unfit for the Sea, we put in here to mend and repair her. Leave was granted us for this; and I prepared to hale our Vessel ashore, at the west end of the Town, not far from the small Fort. It is there soft Oazy ground, near a mile off shore, and it deepens very leisurely, being shole water just by the shore; and when the Tide goes out, it leaves the Oaz dry a quarter of a mile from the shore: but a mile from shore, you have clean sand, and about 4 fathom at low Water. Our Vessel floated in close to the Fort, and lay not 20 yards from it; and at low water it sunk down into the mud: that we could not fit the after-part, as I would [Page] have done. Opium, which is much used by the Malayans in most places, was a great Commodity here at this time: but it is prohibited Goods, and therefore tho many asked for it, we were shy of having it too openly known that we had any. But in short, Mr. Coventry found a Customer, and they found means to get it ashore, while the Soldiers of the Fort were at dinner. The Customer was a Dutch man; and the price he was to pay for it was as much as he was worth: and finding it to be nought, he would have been off his bargain; and when Mr. Coventry would not release him, he absconded. But Mr Coventry having an interest in the Shabander, he compelled the Mans Wife to pay for the Opium, under the name of Gold; for so Mr Coventry called it. The Shabander chid Mr. Coventry for smuggling with an inferiour, when he might have done it better with him: but stood his friend in compelling the Woman, tho unjustly, to pay for the Opium. I saw this Dutch man on board his own Vessel, when he had bought the Opium, and he was very pensive and sad. He had a pretty fine House without the Gates, and a Garden, which maintained his Family with Pot-herbs, Sallading, and Fruits, besides some for the Market. This was managed by his Wife, and he himself had 2 Sloops; and either imployed them, in Trading among the Malayans for Pepper, carrying them such Commodities as they wanted, especially Opium, or by hiring himself and Sloop to the Dutch East India Company, to go whither they would send him. It was not long since he he had been at the Spice Islands with Rice, which he sold at a profitable rate: but he told me he was not suffered to bring any Spice from thence, except 8 or 10 pound for his own spending: neither was there so much profit that way for him, [Page] as by Trading at home among the Malayans, either on the Coast of Malacca or Sumarta. For tho he and other free Men are not suffered to Trade for themselves to any places where the Company have Factories, or Guardships, yet they could find Trade enough nearer home, and by this Trade the Freemen of Malacca pick up a good livelihood. It was on this home Trade that he was now bound, and the Opium had been very beneficial to him, had it been good: but he went away, and ordered his Wife not to pay for it, but left Mr Coventry to take it again; and upon the Shabander's compelling her to take it and pay for it, she complained they were utterly undone, for the Opium, when it came to be examined was really very bad, and worth little or nothing.

Here Mr Coventry bought Iron Bars, Arack, Canes, and Rattans, wherewith we loaded our Vessel, which was now set afloat again. The Dutch brought most of our goods aboard, and were more kind than I expected, for they had not used to Trade with us, and I believe the news of our Revolution in England had sweetned them; for they often drank the Konings health with us very heartily. While we were here we made 2 new Cables of Rattans, each of them 4 inches about. Our Captain bought the Rattans, and hired a Chinese to work them, who was very expert at making such wooden Cables. These Cables I found serviceable enough after, in mooring the Vessel with either of them; for when I carried out the Anchor, the Cable being thrown out after me, swam like Cork in the Sea; so that I could see when it was tight, which we cannot so well discern in our Hemp Cables, whose weight sinks them down: nor can we carry them out but by placing 2 or 3 Boats at some distance asunder, [Page] to buoy up the Cable, while the Long Boat rows out the Anchor. To conclude with Malacca, our goods being all aboard, we fill'd our water, and got all in a readiness for our departure back again.

[Page]

CHAP IX.

The A. departs from Malacca. They lose a yard and return to refit. They set out again, and run on a Shole, but get off with the flood. Pulo Sambilong. They lose their Mizen-yard, and put into Pulo Dinding. The Island and Fort described; the opposite Coast. Tutaneg, a sort of Tin. The Enmity between the Dutch here, and the Malayans on the Coast. A Rencounter with them. They leave P. Dinding and arrive at Achin. The escape of some English Prisoners out of Bengal. The A. sets out again from Achin, and arrives at Fort St George. Its pleasant Prospect. He goes thence to Bencouli in Sumatra. Its sight at Sea. Point of Sillabar. The Scituation of Bencouli, Houses, Weather, Soil, Fruits, Animals, and Inhabitants. The Pepper Trade here and elsewhere. The first settlement of the English here. The Fort; and usage of the Natives. The Conclusion of the Supplement.

WE departed from Malacca towards Achin about the middle of November 1689. Mr Coventry being weary of Captain Minchin's Company, had bought a small Vessel of 7 or 8 Tuns, and laded her also with the same kind of goods. This he commanded himself, having a Portuguese Pilot, and 3 or 4 Mariners under him, and we set out both Ships in Company together. We had now in Captain Minchin's Ship, but 2 white Men, the Captain and I, the Boat-swain being gone with Mr. [Page] Coventry: but we took in as a Passenger one Mr. Richards an Englishman, who having lately married a Dutch Woman at Malacca, came abroad us with her, to go as passengers to Achin with us.

We had a Land Wind in the morning, and about 11 a Clock had the Wind at N. W. a pretty strong gale: and at 12 our fore-yard broke in the middle. We made signs to Mr. Coventry to bear down to us; who weighing before us, was a mile to windward of us: but he kept on, fearing to return, as having bought his Ship there by stealth: and we therefore returned alone into Malacca Road. As soon as we anchored, Mr. Richards was sent ashore to buy a new yard; I gave him the length and bigness. It was Evening before he came aboard again, and he brought aboard an old yard much too big and too long for us. This piece I shortned and shaped to my mind, and by 12 a Clock at night, had it fixt and slung, rigg'd, and the sail bent to it.

Then we weighed again having a small land Wind; but the Tyde of flood was against us, and drove us to the Eastward. When the Ebb came we jogged on, and got about 3 leagues, anchoring when the Flood came, because the Winds were against us. Thus we continued plying with the Ebb, and anchoring every flood, till we came to Pulo Parsalore, where the Captain told me he would not go out the same way we came in, as I would have perswaded him, but kept the Malacca Shore aboard, and past within the Sholes. But in a few Hours after we ran upon a Shole, driven on it by the Tide of Flood, which here set to the Eastward, tho by our Reckoning it should have been half Ebb, and the Flood should have set Westward, as we had it all the rest of the way from Malacca: but the Sholes probably caused some whirling about of the Tide. However, the Sand we were struck upon was not above an 100 yards in circumference, and the flood being rising, we [Page] waited the time of high water, and then drove over it, having sent our Boat to discover how the Sholes lay, while our Ship was aground: Mr Richards all the while being in great fear, lest the Malayans should come off in their Boats and attack the Vessel.

We were now afloat again, and soon got without all the Sholes: yet we did not stand over towards Sumatra, but coasted along nearest the Malacca shore, it being now most proper for us so to do yet; for having the winds Westerly, we could not have beat under the other shore. 2 or 3 days after this we had sight of some Islands called Pulo Sambilong, which in the Malayan Language signifies nine Islands, there being so many of them, lying scattering at unequal distances from each other. It was near one of these Islands, that Captain Minchin in a former Voyage was like to lose his hand by a prick with a Cat fishes Fin, as I have said in my former Vol. p. 149. and tho his hand was cured, yet he has lost the use of it ever since; and is never likely to regain it more.

We stood in pretty near the shore, in hopes to gain a fresh Land Wind. About 10 a Clock the Land Wind came off, a gentle breez, and we coasted along shore. But a small Tornado coming off from the shore about midnight, we broke our Mizen yard, and being near a Dutch Island called Pulo Dinding, we made in for it, and anchored there the night ensuing, and found there a Dutch Sloop, mann'd with about 30 Soldiers at an anchor.

This is a small Island lying so nigh the main, that Ships passing by cannot know it to be an Island. It is pretty high Land and well watered with Brooks. The mold is blackish, deep and fat in the lower ground: but the Hills are somewhat Rocky, yet in general very woody. The Trees are of divers sorts, many of which are good Timber, and large enough for any use. Here are also some good for Masts and Yards; they being naturally [Page] light, yet tough and serviceable. There s good riding on the East side, between the Island and the Main. You may come in with the Sea breeze, and go out with a Land wind, there is water enough, and a secure Harbour.

The Dutch, who are the only Inhabitants, have a Fort on the East side, close by the Sea, in a bending of the Island, which makes a small Cove for Ships to anchor in. The Fort is built 4 square, without Flankers or Bastions, like a house: every square is about 10 or 12 yards. The Walls are of a good thickness, made of stone, and carried up to a good heighth, of about 30 foot, and covered over head like a dwelling House. There may be about 12 or 14 Gnns in it, some looking out at every square. These Guns are mounted on a strong Platform, made within the Walls, about 16 Foot high; and there are steps on the outside to ascend to the Door that opens to the Platform, there being no other way into the Fort. Here is a Governour and about 20 or 30 Souldiers, who all lodge in the Fort. The Soldiers have their lodging in the Platform among the Guns, but the Governour has a fair Chamber above it, where he lies, with some of the Officers. About a hundred yards from the Fort on the Bay by the Sea, there is a low timbered House, where the Governour abides all the day time. In this House there were two or three Rooms for their use, but the chiefest was the Governours Dining Room. This fronted to the Sea, and the end of it looked towards the Fort. There were two large Windows of about 7 or 8 foot square; the lower part of them about 4 or 5 foot from the ground. These Windows were wont to be left open all the day, to let in the refreshing breeze; but in the night, when the Governour withdrew to the Fort, they were closed with strong shutters, and the Doors made fast till [Page] the next day. The Continent of Malacca opposite to the Island, is pretty low champion Land, cloathed with lofty Woods; and right against the Bay where the Dutch Fort stands, there is a navigable River for small craft.

The product of the Country thereabouts, besides Rice and other eatables, is Tutaneg, a sort of Tin; I think courser than ours. The Natives are Malayans, who, as I have always observed, are bold and treacherous: yet the trading people are affable and courteous to Merchants.

These are in all respects, as to their Religion, Custom, and manner of Living, like other Malayans. Whether they are governed by a King or Raja, or what other manner of Government they live under I know not. They have Canoas and Boats of their own, and with these they fish and traffick among themselves: but the Tin Trade is that which has formerly drawn Merchant Strangers thither. But tho the Country might probably yield great quantities of this metal, and the Natives are not only inclinable, but very desirous to trade with Strangers, yet are they now restrained by the Dutch, who have monopoliz'd that Trade to themselves. It was probably for the lucre of this Trade that the Dutch built the Fort on the Island; but this not wholly answering their ends, by reason of the distance between it and the Rivers mouth, which is about 4 or 5 miles, they have also a Guardship commonly lying here, and a Sloop with 20 or 30 armed men, to hinder other Nations from this Trade. For this Tutaneg or Tin is a valuable Commodity in the Bay of Bengal, and here purchased reasonably, by giving other Commodities in exchange: neither is this Commodity peculiarly found hereabouts, but farther Northerly also on the Coast; and particularly in the Kingdom of Queda there is much of it: The Dutch also commonly keep a [Page] Guardship, and have made some fruitless essays to bring that Prince and his Subjects to trade only with them; but here, over against P. Dinding, no strangers dare approach to trade; neither may any Ship come in hither but with consent of the Dutch. Therefore as soon as we came to an Anchor at the East end of the Island, we sent our Boat ashore to the Governour, to desire leave to wood, water, and cut a new Mizen-yard. He granted our request, and the Boat returned again aboard, and brought word also that Mr Coventry touch'd here to water, and went out that morning. The next morning betimes Captain Minchin sent me ashore to cut a Yard. I applyed my self to the Governour, and desired one of his Souldiers might go with me, and shew me the best Timber for that use; but he excused himself, saying that his Souldiers were all busie at present, but that I might go and cut any Tree that I liked. So I went into the Woods, where I saw abundance of very fine strait Trees, and cut down such an one as I thought fit for my turn: and cutting it of a just length, and stripping off the Bark, I left it ready to be fetcht away, and return'd to the Fort, where I dined with the Governor. Presently after dinner, our Captain, with Mr Richards and his Wife came ashore, and I went aboard. The Governor met them at landing, and conducted them into the Dining Room I spoke of, where they treated the Governor with Punch, made of Brandy, Sugar, and Lime-juice, which they brought with them from aboard: for here is nothing, not so much as the Governors drink, but what is brought from Malacca: no Herbs or Fruit growing here: but all is either fetcht from Malacca, or is brought by the Malayans from the main. It is not through any sterility in the Soyl, for that is very fat, and fruitful: neither is it through laziness of the Dutch, for that is a Vice they are not guilty of: [Page] but it is from a continual fear of the Malayans, with whom tho they have a Commerce, yet dare they not trust them so far, as to be ranging about the Island in any work of Husbandry, or indeed to go far from the Fort, for there only they are safe. But to return to the Governour, he, to retalliate the Captains and Mr Richards's kindness, sent a Boat a fishing, to get some better entertaintainment for his Guests, than the Fort yielded at present. About 4 or 5 a Clock the Boat returned with a good dish of Fish. These were immediately drest for Supper, and the Boat was sent out again to get more, for Mr Richards and his Lady to carry aboard with them. In the mean time the Food was brought into the Dining Room, and placed on the Table. The Dishes and Plates were of Silver, and there was a Silver Punch Bowl full of Liquor. The Governour, his Guests, and some of his Officers were seated, but just as they began to fall to, one of the Souldiers cried out, Malayans, and spoil'd the entertainment: for immediately the Governor, without speaking one word, leapt out of one of the Windows, to get as soon as he could to the Fort. His Officers followed, and all the Servants that attended were soon in motion. Every one of them took the nearest way, some out of the Windows others out of the Doors, leaving the 3 guests by themselves, who soon followed with all the haste they could make, without knowing the meaning of this sudden consternation of the Governor and his people. But by that time the Capt. and Mr Richards and his Wife were got to the Fort, the Governour who was arrived before, stood at the door to receive them. As soon as they were entered the Fort, the door was shut, all the Souldiers and Servants being within already: nor was any man suffered to fetch away the Victuals, or any of the Plate: but they fired several Guns, to give notice [Page] to the Malayans that they were ready for them; but none of them came on. For this uproar was occasioned by a Malayan Canoa full of armed men, that lay skulking under the Island, close by the shore: and when the Dutch Boat went out the second time to fish, the Malayans set on them suddenly, and unexpected, with their Cressets and Lances, and killing one or two, the rest leapt overboard, and got away, for they were close by the shore; and they having no Arms were not able to have made any resistance. It was about a mile from the Fort: and being landed, every one of them made what haste he could to the Fort, and the first that arrived was he who cried in that manner, and frighted the Governour from Supper. Our Boat was at this time ashore for water, and was filling it, in a small brook by the Banquetting-house. I know not whether our Boats crew took notice of the Alarm, but the Dutch call'd to them; and bid them make haste aboard, which they did; and this made us keep good watch all night, having all our Guns loaden and primed for service. But it rained so hard all the night, that I did not much fear being attacked by any Malayans; being informed by one of our Sea-men whom we took in at Malacca, that the Malayans seldom or never make any attack when it rains. It is what I had before observed of other Indians, both East and West: and tho then they might make their attacks with the greatest advantage on men armed with Hand Guns, yet I never knew it practised; at which I have wondered, for 'tis then that we most fear them, and they might be then most successful, because their Arms, which are usually Lances and Cressets, which these Malayans had, could not be damaged by the rain, as our Guns would be. But they cannot endure to be in the rain: and 'twas in the evening, before the Rain fell, that they assaulted the [Page] Dutch Boat. The next morning the Dutch Sloop weighed, and went to look after the Malayans: but having sailed about the Island, and seeing no Enemies, they anchored again. I also sent men ashore in our Boat to bring off the Mizan-yard that I had cut the day before: but it was so heavy a kind of Timber, that they could not bring it out of the Woods. Captain Minchin was still ashore, and he being acquainted with it, desired the Governour to send a Souldier, to shew our men what Trees were best for our use: which he did, and they presently cut a small Tree, about the bigness and length of that which I cut, and brought it aboard. I immediately went to work, and having fitted it for use, bent my Sail, and hoysed it up in its place. In the Evening Captain Minchin and Mr Richards and his Wife came aboard, having staid one night at the Fort; and told me all that happened to them ashore.

We now waited only for a Land Wind to carry us out. The former part of the night we had much Rain, with Thunder and Lightning; but no Wind. At one a clock we had a small Land Wind, and got up our Anchors. We got out before day clear of the Island, and we steered along shore to the North ward intending to keep this shore aboard for 20 or 30 leagues farther, if the winds did not favour us; for the Sea Winds were now at N. W. This day we kept near the shore, and the night ensuing; but the next day the Wind coming at N. and N. N. E. we stood over for Sumatra, and the next evening we past by Diamond Point: and the wind coming at E. N. E. we got, in about two days more, to Achin, about the end of November 1689.

Here we found Mr Coventry, who had got hither 2 or 3 days before us. Captain Minchin went ashore with his Passengers, and was discharged of his Command. I kept aboard till all the goods were unladen, and then lay ashore, and was very sick for a [Page] sortnight of a kind of Fever. But after Christmas I was sent aboard again, by order of Mr Coventry, who had then bought out Mr Dalton's and Capt. Tiler's shares, to take charge of the Vessel, which he then laded with Pepper, Cubebs (which I think grow somewhere in Sumatra) and Tutanegg, which he bought of an English Vessel that came from Queda to Achin; and with these he had also some of our Malacca Cargo, which we kept on board, viz. Rattans and Walking-canes. With this Cargo we were bound for Fort St. George. We took in also two English Passengers, who had escap'd out of Prison in the Mogul's Country. The one belong'd to the Defence, Captain Heath's Ship, which I came home to England in afterwards; he was Purser of it: the other was Midship man in the Princess Anne, which return'd to England at the same time. But during our War with the Mogul these Ships had been in the Bay of Bengal, to fetch away our effects from the R. of Hugly. These 2 men, with 2 or 3 others, went ashore upon some occasion, and were taken Prisoners by the Mogul's Subjects; who sent them a great way up into the Country, where they were kept in close Custody, and often threatned with Death. The old Anabob, or Governour of the Province, being remov'd, and a new one coming thither, he released these men, and gave them leave to go to the Sea side, where finding a Dutch Ship bound to Batavia, these 2 and one more went aboard her, the rest getting other passage: but she meeting with that English Ship coming from Queda, which brought the Tutanegg I but now mention'd to Achin, they left the Dutch Ship, and went to Achin with the other English Vessel; and those 2 were now for going with us to Fort St George.

'Twas about New-years day, 1690. that we set out from Achin again: We steered away toward the Nicobar Islands, and came in sight of that, which I had formerly been set ashore upon. But leaving [Page] it on our Star-board, we stood more Northerly up into the Bay; for by Mr Coventry I had learnt there were Northerly and North Easterly Winds in the Bay at this time of year. We stood over therefore as high as Pallacat; and having then a fair North East Wind, we run along the Coast till we came before Fort St George, which was about the middle of January.

I was much pleased with the Beautiful prospect this place makes off at Sea. For it stands in a plain Sandy spot of Ground, close by the shore, the Sea sometimes washing its Walls; which are of Stone and high, with Half Moons and Flankers, and a great many Guns mounted on the Battlements: so that what with the Walls and fine Buildings within the Fort, the large Town of Maderas without it, the Pyramids of the English Tombs, Houses and Gardens adjacent, and the variety of fine Trees scatter'd up and down, it makes as agreeable a Landskip as I have any where seen.

But 'tis not my design to enter into a Description of a place so well known to my Country-men as this is. It may suffice to have mentioned it; and that after some months stay here, and meeting with Mr Moody and Jeoly the painted Prince, I prepared to go for Sumatra again; to Bencouli, as I have said in my former Vol. p. 512. I set out from Fort St George with Captain Howel in July, 1690. we steered a pretty way along the Coast of Coromandel, before we stood over for Sumatra; and then made the best of our way for Bencouli. I have in that Volume spoken of my Arrival there: but having given no account of the place, I shall do it briefly now, and so shut up this Supplement.

Bencouli lyes on the West Coast of the Island of Sumatra, in about 4 d. S. Lat. It is a place noted enough at Sea, by reason of a high slender Hill in the Country. It has a small Island before it within which Ships ride. The point of Sillabar lies 2 or 3 [Page] leagues to the Southward of it, and runs out farther than any part of the shore, making a small bay within it. Besides these marks, when you come within 2 or 3 Leagues of the shore, you'll see the English Fort fronting to the Sea, which makes a fine show: On the N. W. of the Fort is a small River, at the mouth of which is a large Store-house to put Pepper in. About a quarter of a mile from the Sea stands a small Indian Village, close by the River, on the same side that the Fort is on, and but a small distance from it. The Houses are small and low, all built on posts, after the Malayan manner, as at Mindanao and Achin; for 'tis a Swamp that the Town stands on: but the Malayans usually choose to build in such low places near Rivers, for the convenience of washing themselves, which they greatly delight in; as 'tis indeed a part of their Religion as Mahometans: and if they can, they will have their Houses stand on posts over the River.

The Weather here is none of the pleasantest. There are great Rains, chiefly in September, October, and November, and pretty great heats. But when the Wind blew hard, which 'twould often do, the Air would be chill: and the Sea-breezes in fair weather were generally pretty fresh and comfortable. The Land Winds coming over Swamps, usually brought a stink with them. 'Tis in general an unhealthy place; and the Soldiers of the Fort were sickly and died very fast. On the South side of the Fort is a fair champion Savannah, of a mile or 2 Square, called Greenhil. It produces long thick Grass: the N W. part of it fronts the Sea, and the S. E. is bounded with lofty Woods.

The Soil of this Country is very different, according to its different position: for within Land 'tis hilly, yet those hills are cloathed with Trees; which shews it to be fruitful enough. The low Land, near the River, especially near the Sea, is swampy, producing nothing but Reeds, or Bamboes: [Page] but the higher ground, which is of a reasonable heigth, is very fruitful. The mould is deep, and is either black or yellow: and in some places clay; or such mould as is very proper for making Bricks.

The Trees in the Woods are mostly large bodied, straight and tall: they are of divers sorts, some or other of them fit for any uses. The Fruits of the Country are much the same as at Achin and Malacca, viz. Limes, Oranges, Guava's, Plantains, Bonanoes, Coco-Nuts, Jacks, Durians, Mangoes, Mangastans, Pompkins, Pine-apples, and Pepper. The Roots are Yams, and Potatoes: Rice grows here pretty well also; but whether the Natives sow enough for their own spending or no, I know not. The Land Animals are Buffaloes, Bullocks, Deer, Wild Hogs, Porcupines, Guanoes, Lizards, &c. The tame Fowls are Ducks and Dung-hill Fowls, both in great plenty. The wild Fowl are Parrots, Parakites, Pidgeons, Turtle-Dowes, and many sorts of smaller Birds.

The Natives also are swarthy Indians like their Neighbours of Achin. They are slender, straight, active, and industrious. They are sociable and desirous of Trade: but if they are affronted, they are treacherous and revengeful. They live together in Towns; and speak the Malayan Language: conforming themselves in their habit, food, and customs to other Malayans; who are all, so far as I learnt, of the Mahometan Religion. There are some Mechanicks among them; a few Smiths: but most of them are Carpenters, and let themselves out to hire to the English at the Fort. The Hatchets they work with are such as they use at Mindanao, so contrived as to serve also for an Ads. Here are also Fishermen, who get a livelihood by Fishing; and there are several sorts of Fish on the Coast, besides plenty of Green Turtle: such of the Malayans as live near the English Fort are usually employed in the East India Companies service, to work for [Page] them: but the Country people are most Husband-men. They plant Roots, Rice, Pepper bushes, &c.

Pepper is the chief vendible Commodity in this Country. It thrives very well on all the Coast; but the greatest quantity of what is exported from hence, is either brought down this River out of the Country, or fetched from Sillabar, or other places bordering en the Sea, in small Vessels. Pepper grows plenty in other places of this Island; as at Indrapore, Pangasanam, Jamby, Bancalis, &c. It grows also on the Island Java, on the Coasts of Malacca, Malabar, Cochinchina, &c. The Coast of Malabar is said to produce the best; or at least there the Natives take most care to have the best, by letting it grow till it is full ripe; for which reason it is larger and fairer than here, where they gather it too soon, to avoid losing any: for as soon as it grows ripe, 'tis apt to shed and fall in waste to the ground.

It was the Pepper Trade that drew our English Merchants to settle here. For after Bantam was lost, our English who were wont to trade thither for this Spice, were at a great loss to regain the Pepper Trade, which now was in a manner fallen with the other sorts of Spice into the hands of the Dutch: Tho the Pepper which we were wont to fetch from Bantam did not all grow on ths Island Java, nor perhaps the tenth part of it; for as I have been informed it came most from Sumatra, particularly from Bencouli, and the adjacent parts. For this reason it behoved our Merchants to get an Interest here to prop up their declining Trade. Yet, as I have been told, the success was more owing to the Natives of this place than themselves; for that some of the Raja's of the Country sent Ambassadors to Fort St. George to invite the English hither to take possession, before the Dutch should get it; who are never slack to promote their Interest, and were now setting out on the same design. But however that were, the English had the good fortune to get hither first: [Page] though so narrowly, that the Dutch were within an ace of preventing them, their Ships being in sight before our Men got ashore. But the Dutch coming thus too late, were put by of their designs; for the English immediately got ashore some Guns, and stood ready to defend their interest. This might happen about the year 1685, as I was informed; for they told me it was 5 or 6 years before I came hither: and the English immediately fortified themselves. The Fort, as I said before, fronts to the Sea, and stands about 100 paces from the River. There has been a great deal of cost bestowed on it, but to little purpose; for 'tis the most irregular piece I ever saw. I told the Governor the best way was to new Model it, and face it with Stone or Brick, either of which might be easily had. He said he liked my Counsel, but being saving for the Company, he rather chose to repair it, by the making some Alterations: but still to as little purpose, for 'twas all made ground, and having no facing to keep it up, 'twould moulder away every Wet Season, and the Guns often fall down into the Ditches. What was possible to be done I endeavoured to do while I was there. I made the Bastions as regular as I could upon the Model they were made by: and whereas the Fort was designed to be a Pentagone, and there were but 4 of the Bastions made, I staked out ground for a 5th, and drew a Plan of it, which I gave the Government; and had I staid longer I should have made up the other Bastion: but the whole Plan is too big by half for so sorry a Garrison; and the best way of mending it, is to demolish all of it, and make a new one.

The Fort was but sorrily governed when I was there; nor was there that care taken to keep a fair Correspondence with the Natives in the Neighbourhood, as I think ought to be, in all Trading places especially. When I came thither there were 2 Neighbouring Raja's in the Stocks; for no other Reason, but [Page] because they had not brought down to the Fort such a quantity of Pepper, as the Governor had sent for. Yet these Raja's rule in the Countrey, and have a considerable number of Subjects: who were so exasperated at these insolences, that, as I have since been informed, they came down and assaulted the Fort, under the Conduct of one of these Raja's. But the Fort, as bad as it is, is Guard enough against such indifferent Souldiers as they are: who tho they have Courage enough, yet scarce any Arms besides Back-Swords, Cressets, and Lances, nor skill to use Artillery if they had it. At another time they made an attempt to surprize the Fort, under Pretence of a Cock match; to which they hoped the Garrison would come out, to share in the Sport, and so the Fort be left with small defence. For the Malayans here are great Lovers of Cock-fighting, and there were about 1000 of them got together about this Match, while their armed Men lay in ambush. But it so hapened that none of the Garrison went out to the Cockmatch, but one John Necklin, a Dane, who was a great Gamester himself: and he discovering the Ambush, gave notice of it to the Governor; who was in disorder enough upon their approach: but a few of the great Guns drove them away.

I have nothing more to add, but what concerns myself; which is not so material, that I should need to trouble the Reader with it I have said in my former Volume, p. 519. upon what motives I left Bencouli: and the particulars of my Voyage thence to England are also in that Volume: so that I may here conclude this Supplement to my Voyage round the World.

FINIS.

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A Map of the BAY OF CAMPECHY

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Mr. Dampier's Voyages TO THE Bay of Campeachy.
Vol. II. Part II. Containing an Account of the Bay of Campeachy in the West Indies, and Parts adjacent.

CHAP. I.

The Author's first going to Sea, to France, to Newfoundland, and after to the East Indies. His setting out for the West Indies. Of St. Lucia, the Caribbe-Indians, and Captain Warner. He arrives at Jamaica; His Aboad and Travels there, and first Voyage to Campeachy. The East and North of Jucatan described. Key-Mugere, Cape Catoch, and its Logwood-Cutting; The Mount and its Salt-Petre-Earth. The Indian Towns, the Tarpom-Fish, Fishermen, and Lookouts. Rio de la Gartos, Salt-Ponds, Selam, Sisal, and Cape Condecedo. His first Arrival at Island Trist, in the Bay of [Page] Campeachy. His anchoring at One-Bush Key, and Entertainment among the Logwood-Cutters. The escape of four English Prisoners from Mexico and Campeachy. He returns for Jamaica, and is chased by two Spanish Vessels. The difficulty of their Passage back, and his falling foul of the Alcranes Isles. The Boobies and Egg Birds there, &c. Sword-Fish, Nurses, Seals, &c. Of Captain Long and others Shipwrack'd here. The Soundings hereabout: He passes through the Colorado Shoals, and Anchors near Cape St. Antonio in Cuba; and coasting by the Island of Pines, Anchors at the Island of Grand Kayman. He goes back and Anchors at Island Pines, its Product, Racoons, Land-Crabs, fierce Crocodiles, Cattle, &c. He stands off to Sea again, and with the help of a seasonable North, after much difficulty, arrives at Jamaica.

AMong other things referr'd to in my former Volume, I mentioned an Account I intended to give of the Bay of Campeachy, where I lived first and last about 3 Years. I shall now discharge my self of that Promise; and because my Campeachy-Voyages were, in order of time, before that round the World, I shall upon this occasion go so far back as to speak briefly of my first going to Sea, and the Rambles I made till my setting out for Campeachy.

My Friends did not originally design me for the Sea, but bred me at School till I came to Years fit for a Trade. But upon the Death of my Father and Mother, they who had the disposal of me, took other Measures; and having remov'd me from the Latine School to learn Writing and [Page] Arithmetick, they soon after plac'd me with a Master of a Ship at Weymouth, complying with the Inclinations I had very early of seeing the World: VVith him I made a short Voyage to France; and returning thence, went to Newfoundland, being then about Eighteen Years of Age. In this Voyage I spent one Summer; but so pinched with the rigour of that cold Climate, that upon my return I was absolutely against going to those parts of the World; but went home again to my Friends. Yet going up, a while after to London, the offer of a warm Voyage and a long one, both which I always desired, soon carried me to Sea again. For hearing of an Outward-bound East India Man, the John and Martha of London, Capt. Earning Commander, I entred my self aboard, and was employed before the Mast, for which my two former Voyages had some way qualified me. VVe went directly for Bantam in the Isle of Java, and staying there about two Months, came home again in little more than a Year; touching at St. Jago of the Cape Verd Islands at our going out, and at Ascension in our return. In this Voyage I gain'd more experience in Navigation, but kept no Journal. VVe arrived at Plimouth about two Months before Sir Robert Holms went out to fall upon the Dutch Smyrna Fleet; and the second Dutch Wars breaking out upon this, I forbore going to Sea that Summer, retiring to my Brother in Somerset-shire. But growing weary of staying ashore, I listed my self on Board the Royal Prince, Commanded by Sir Edward Sprag, and served under him in the Year 1673. being the last of the Dutch War. VVe had three Engagements that Summer; I was in two of them, but falling very sick, I was put a Board an Hospital Ship, a day or two before the third Engagement, seeing it at a distance only; and in this Sir Edward Sprag was kill'd. Soon after I was sent to Harwich, with [Page] the rest of the Sick and wounded: And having languished a great while, I went home to my Brother to recover my health.

By this time the War with the Dutch was concluded; and with my health, I recovered my old Inclination for the Sea. A Neighbouring Gentleman, Collonel Hellier of East-Coker in Somersetshire, my Native Parish, made me a seasonable offer to go and manage a Plantation of his in Jamaica, under one Mr. Whalley: for which place I set out with Capt. Kent in the Content of London.

I was then about 22 Years old, and had never been in the West Indies; and therefore, lest I might be trapan'd and sold as a Servant after my arrival in Jamaica, I agreed with Capt. Kent to work as a Seaman for my Passage, and had it under his hand to be clear'd at our first arrival. We sailed out of the River Thames in the beginning of the Year. 1674. and meeting with favourable Winds in a short time got into the Trade-wind and went merrily along, steering for the Island Barbadoes. When we came in sight of it Captain Kent told his Passengers, if they would pay his Port-Charges he would anchor in the Road, and stop whilst they got refreshment: But the Merchants not caring to part with their Money, he bore away, directing his Course towards Jamaica,

The next Island that appeared in our view was St. Lucia. 'Tis distant from Barbadoes about 30 Leagues, and very wealthy in large Timber-Trees fit for all uses. For this Reason 'tis often visited by the English, who stock themselves here with Rollers, &c. They have endeavoured to settle an English Colony there, but hitherto unsuccessfully, because of the Caribbe-Indians.

The Caribbees are a sort of Warlike Indians, delighting to rove on the Sea in Periagoes or large Canoes. Their chiefest Habitations are on the main; [Page] but at certain Seasons of the Year they visit the Islands for their pleasure. Barbadoes was formerly much frequented by them; but since the English settled there they have been forced to abandon it, and content themselves in their Sea-Voyages, or with such Islands only as are not possess'd by the Europeans; except where they have hopes of conquering; as they have done at St. Lucia.

Near the Main where these Indians live, lies Tabago, which, when it was first settled by the Dutch, was much infested by them. These Indians, as I have heard, had formerly Plantations on most of the Caribbe Islands; and in their Sea Voyages did use to remain 3 Weeks or a Month at a time on an Island, and then remove to another; and so visit most of them before their return to the main.

St. Vincent is another of these Islands lying near St. Lucia: We passed between them; and seeing a smoke on St. Lucia, we sent our Boat ashore there. Our Men found some of the Caribee-Indians, and bought of them Plantains, Bonanos, Pine Apples, and Sugar Canes; and returning aboard again, there came with them a Canoa with 3 or 4 of the Indians. These often repeated the word Captain Warner, and seemed to be in some disquiet about him. We did not then understand the meaning of it; but since I have been informed that this Captain Warner, whom they mentioned, was born at Antego, one of our English Islands, and the Son of Governour Warner, by an Indian Woman, and bred up by his Father after the English manner; he learned the Indian Language also of his Mother; but being grown up, and finding himself despised by his English Kindred, he forsook his Fathers House, got away to St. Lucia, and there lived among the Caribbe Indians, his Relations by the Mother, [Page] side. Where conforming himself to their Customs he became one of their Captains, and roved from one Island to another, as they did. About this time the Caribbees had done some spoil on our English Plantations at Antego: and therefore Governour Warner's Son by his Wife, took a Party of Men and went to suppress those Indians; and came to the place where his Brother the Indian Warner lived. Great seeming Joy there was at their Meeting; but how far it was real the Event shewed; for the English Warner providing plenty of Liquor, and inviting his half Brother to be merry with him, in the midst of his Entertainment ordered his Men upon a signal given to murder him and all his Indians; which was accordingly performed. The Reason of this inhumane Action is diversly reported; Some say that this Indian-Warner committed all the spoil that was done to the English; and therefore for that Reason his Brother kill'd him and his Men. Others that he was a great Friend to the English, and would not suffer his Men to hurt them, but did all that lay in his power to draw them to an amicable Commerce; and that his Brother kill'd him, for that he was ashamed to be related to an Indian. But be it how it will, he was call'd in question for the Murder, and forced to come home to take his Tryal in England. Such perfidious Doings as these, beside the Baseness of them, are great hindrances of our gaining an Interest among the Indians.

Putting from these Islands we steered away further West, and falling in with the East end of Hispaniola, we ranged down along on the South side even to Cape Tiburon, which is the West-end of the Island. There we lay by, and sent our Boat ashore; for Captain Kent had been informed that there were great Groves of Orange-Trees near this Cape; But our Men not finding any, he then [Page] concluded there were none: But I have been since informed my self by several that have been there, that there are enough of them thereabouts. From hence we steered away for Jamaica, where we arrived in a short time, bringing with us the first News they had of the Peace with the Dutch.

Here according to my Contract, I was immediately discharged; and the next day I went to the Spanish Town, call'd Sant' Jago de la Vega; where meeting with Mr. Whalley, we went together to Coll. Hellier's Plantation in 16 Mile-walk. In our way thither we past through Sir Tho. Muddiford's Plantation, at the Angells, where at that time were Otta and Cacao-Trees growing; and fording a pretty large River, we past by the side of it 2 or 3 Miles up the stream, there being high Mountains on each side. The way to 16 Mile-walk was formerly a great deal about, round a large Mountain; till Mr. Cary Helliar, the Collonel's Brother, found out this way. For being desirous of making out a shorter cut, he and some others coasted along the River, till they found it run between a Rock that stood up perpendicularly steep on each side, and with much difficulty they climbed over it. But a Dog that belonged to them, finding a hole to creep through the Rock, suggested to them that there was a hollow Passage; and he clear'd it by blowing up the Rock with Gunpowder, till he had made a way through it broad enough for a Horse with a Pack, and high enough for a Man to Ride through. This is called the Hollow Rock Some other Places he levell'd and madeit an indifferent good Passage.

He was a very Ingenious Gentleman, and doubtless had he lived, might have propagated some advantagious Arts on that Island. He was once endeavouring to make Salt Petre at the Angells, but did not bring it to Perfection. Whether the [Page] Earth there was not right, I know not; but probably there may be Salt-Petre-Earth in other Places, especially about Passage-Fort, where, as I have been informed, the Canes will not make good Sugar, by Reason of the saltness of the Soil.

I liv'd with Mr. Whalley at 16 Mile-walk for almost six Months, and then entred my self into the Service of one Captain Heming, to manage his Plantation at St. Anns, on the Northside of the Island, and accordingly rode from St. Jago de la Vega toward St. Anns.

This Road has but sorry Accommodations for Travellers. The first Night I lay at a poor Hunters Hut, at the foot of Mount Diabolo on the South side of it, where for want of Cloaths to cover me in the Night I was very cold when the Land-wind sprang up.

This Mountain is part of the great Ridge that runs the length of the Island from East to West; to the East 'tis call'd the Blew Mountain, which is higher than this. The next Day crossing Mount Diabolo, I got a hard Lodging at the Foot of it on the North side; and the third day after arrived at Captain Heming's Plantation.

I was clearly out of my Element there, and therefore as soon as Captain Heming came thither, I disingaged my self from him, and took my passage on Board a Sloop to Port-Royal, with one Mr. Statham, who used to Trade round the Island, and touched there at that time.

From Port-Royal I sail'd with one Mr. Fishook, who traded to the North-side of the Island, and sometimes round it: And by those coasting Voyages I came acquainted with all the Ports and Bays about Jamaica, and with all their Manufactures; as also with the Benefit of the Land and Sea-winds. For our Business was to bring Goods [Page] to, or carry them from Planters to Port-Royal; and we were always entertained civilly by them, both in their Houses and Plantations, having Liberty to walk about and view them. They gave us also Plantains, Yams, Potatoes, &c. to carry aboard with us; on which we fed commonly all our Voyage.

But after six or seven Months, I left that employ also, and shipt my self aboard one Capt. Hudsel, who was bound to the Bay of Campeachy to load Logwood.

We sailed from Port-Royal about the beginning of August, in 1675. in Company with Capt. Wren in a small Jamaica Bark, and Capt. Johnson Commander of a Ketch belonging to New-England.

This Voyage is all the way before the Wind, and therefore Ships commonly sail it in 12 or 14 Days; Neither were we longer in our Passage; for we had very fair Weather, and touch'd no where till we came to Trist Island in the Bay of Campeachy, which is the only place they go to. In our way thither we first sailed by little Caimanes, leaving it on our Larboard side, and Key Monbrack, which are two small Islands, lying South of Cuba. The next Land we saw was the Isle of Pines; and steering still Westerly, we made Cape Corienes: And sailing on the South side of Cuba, till we came to Cape Antonio, which is the West end of it, we stretched over towards the Peninsula of Jucatan, and fell in with Cape Catoch, which is in the Extream part of that Promontory, towards the East.

The Land trends from this Cape one way South about 40 Leagues till you come to the Island Cozumel, and from thence it runs S. W. down into the Bay of Honduras. About 10 Leagues from Cape Catoch, between it and Cozumel lies a small Island called by the Spaniards Key-Muger, or Womens-Island; because 'tis reported that when they went first to settle in these [Page] parts they left their Wives there, while they went over on the main to find some better Habitation: Tho' now they have no settlement near it, whatever they have had formerly.

About 3 Leagues from Cape Catoch, and just against it is a small Island called Loggerhead-Key; probably because it is frequently visited by a sort of Turtle so called; near this Island we always find a great ripling which Seamen call the Rip-raps. This Cape, tho' it appears to be part of the Main, yet is divided from it by a small Creek, scarce wide enough for a Canoa to pass through, though by it 'tis made an Island. This I have been credibly informed of by some, who yet told me that they made a shift to pass it in a Canoa.

The Cape is very low Land by the Sea, but somewhat higher as you go further from the shore. It is all over-grown with Trees of divers sorts, especially Logwood; and therefore was formerly much frequented by the Jamaica Men, who came thither in Sloops to load with it, till all the Logwoodtrees near the Sea were cut down; but now 'tis wholly abandoned, because the Carriage of it to the shore requires more labour, than the cutting, logging and chipping. Besides they find better Wood now in the Bays of Campeachy and Honduras, and have but little way to carry it; not above 300 Paces, when I was there: whereas at Cape Catoch they were forc'd to carry it 1500 Paces before they left that Place.

From Cape Catoch we coasted along by the shore, on the North side of Jucatan towards Cape Condecedo. The Coast lies nearest West. The distance between these two Capes is about 80 Leagues. The shore lies pretty level without any visible Points or Bendings in the Land. It is woody by the shore, and full of sandy Bays and lofty Mangroves.

The first place of Note to the West of Cape Catoch, is a small Hill by the Sea, call'd the Mount; and [Page] is distant from it about 14 Leagues. It is very remarkable because there is no other High-Land on all this Coast. I was never ashore here, but have met with some well acquainted with the Place, who are all of opinion that this Mount was not natural, but the Work of Men: And indeed it is very probable this Place has been inhabited; for here are a great many large Cisterns, supposed to have been made for the receiving of Rain-water, for there are no fresh Springs to be found here, the Soil being all sandy and very salt. So that, as I have been credibly informed by an intelligent Person, the Spaniards do fetch of it to make Salt-Petre. He also told me, that being once there in a Privateer, and landing some Men on the Bay, they found about 100 Packs of this Earth bound up in Palmeto-leaves; and a Spanish Mulatto to guard it The Privateers at first sight of the Packs were in hopes there had been Maiz or Indian Corn in them, which they then wanted; but opening them they found nothing but Earth; and examining the Mulatto for what use it was, he said, to make Powder, and that he expected a Bark from Campeachy to fetch it away. He further told me, that tasting of it, he found it very salt; as all the Earth thereabouts was. So that 'tis not improbable that those Cisterns were made for the carrying on a Salt-Petre-Work. But whatever was the design at first, it is now wholly laid aside: for there is no use made of them; neither are there any Inhabitants near this Place.

Between the Mount and Cape Condecedo close by the Sea, are many little Spots of Mangrove-trees, which at a distance appear-like Islands: but coming nearer, when other lower Trees appear, it shews like ragged and broken Ground; but at last all the Land presents it self to your view very even.

[Page] The next Place of Note on this Coast is Rio de la Gartos, almost in the Mid-way between Cape Catoch and Cape Condecedo. This also is a very remarkable Place; for here are 2 Groves of High Magnroves, one on each side the River, by which it may be known very well. The River is but small, yet deep enough for Canoas. The Water is good, and I know not any other Brook or fresh River on all the Coast from Cape Catoch till within 3 or 4 Leagues of Campeachy Town.

A little to the East of this River is a Fish-Range, and a small Indian Hutt or two within the Woods; where the Indian Fishers, who are subject to the Spaniards, lye in the Fishing-Seasons, their Habitations and Familes being farther up in the Country. Here are Poles to hang their Nets on, and Barbecues to dry their Fish. When they go off to Sea, they fish with Hook and Line about 4 or 5 Leagues from the shore, for Snappers and Gropers, which I have already described in my Voyage round the VVorld. Chap. 4. Pag. 91.

Since the Privateers and Logwood-ships have sailed this way, these Fisher-men are very shy, having been often snap'd by them. So that now, when they are out at Sea, if they see a Sail, they presently sink their Canoas even with the edge of the Water; for the Canoas when they are full of Water, will sink no lower, and they themselves lye just with their heads above Water, till the Ship which they saw is pass'd by, or comes Night. I have seen them under sail, and they have thus vanished on a sudden. The Fish which they take near the shore with their Nets, are Snooks, Dog-fish and sometimes Tarpoms.

The Tarpom is a large scaly Fish, shaped much like a Salmon, but somewhat flatter. 'Tis of a dull Silver Colour, with Scales as big as a Half Crown. A large Tarpom will weigh 25 or 30 Pound. 'Tis good sweet wholsom Meat, and the Flesh solid and firm. [Page] In its Belly you shall find two large Scalops of Fat, weighing two or three Pound each. I never knew any taken with Hook and Line; but are either with Nets, or by striking them with Harpoons, at which the Moskito-Men are very expert. The Nets for this purpose are made with strong double Twine, the Meshes 5 or 6 Inches square. For if they are too small, so that the Fish be not intangled therein, he presently draws himself a little backward, and then springs over the Net: Yet I have seen them taken in a Sain made with small Meshes in this manner. After we have inclosed a great number, whilst the two ends of the Net were drawing ashore, 10 or 12 naked Men have followed; and when a Fish struck against the Net, the next Man to it grasped both Net and Fish in his Arms, and held all fast till others came to his assistance. Besides these we had three Men in a Canoa, in which they mov'd side ways after the Net; and many of the Fish in springing over the Net, would fall into the Canoa: And by these means we should take two or 3 at every Draught. These Fish are found plentifully all along that shore, from Cape Catoch to Trist, especially in clear Water, near sandy Bays; but no where in muddy or rocky Ground. They are also about Jamaica, and all the Coast of the Main; especially near Carthagena.

West from Rio de la Gartos, there is a Look-out or Watch-tower, called Selam. This is a Place close by the shore, contrived by the Spaniards for their Indians to watch in. There are many of them on this Coast: Some built from the Ground with Timber, others only little Cages placed on a Tree, big enough for one or two Men to sit in, with a Ladder to go up and down. These Watch-towers are never without an Indian or two all the day long; the Indians who live near any of them being obliged to take their turns.

[Page] About three or four Leagues Westward of Selam, is another Watch-Box on a High Tree, called Linchanchee Lookout, from a large Indian Town of that Name 4 Leagues up in the Country; and two Leagues farther within Land is another Town, called Chinchanchee. I have been ashore at these Look-outs, and have been either rowing in a Canoa, or walking ashore on all this Coast, even from Rio de la Gartos to Cape Condecedo: but did never see any Town by the shore, nor any Houses, besides Fishing-hutts, on all the Coast, except only at Sisal. Between Selam and Linchanchee are many small regular Salt Ponds, divided from each other by little Banks; the biggest Pond not above 10 Yards long and 6 broad.

The Inhabitants of these two Towns attend these Ponds in the Months of May, June, and July to gather the Salt, which supplies all the Inland Towns of these Parts; and there is a skirt of Wood between the Sea and the Ponds, that you can neither see them nor the People at Work till you come ashore.

From these Salt Ponds further West, about three or four Leagues, is the Look-out called Sisal. This is the highest and most remarkable on all the Coast; it stands close by the Sea, and it is built with Timber. This is the first Object that we make off at Sea; and sometimes we take it for a Sail, till running nearer, we discover the high Mangrove-trees appearing in small Tufts at several Distances from it.

Not far from hence there is a Fort with 40 or 50 Soldiers to Guard the Coast; and from this Place there is a Road through the Country to the City of Merida. This is the chiefest City in all the Province of Jucatan, it being inhabited mostly with Spaniards: Yet there are many Indian Families among them, who live in great subjection, as do the rest of the Indians of this Country. The Province of Jucatan, [Page] especially this Northern and the most Easterly Part of it, is but indifferently fruitful, in comparison of that rich Soil farther to the West; Yet is it pretty populous of Indians, who all live together in Towns; but none within five or six Miles of the Sea, except (as I said) at two or three Fishing Places; and even there the Indians resort to fish but at certain Seasons of the Year. Therefore when Privateers come on this Coast, they fear not to Land and ramble about, as if they were in their own Country, seeking for Game of any sort, either Fowl or Deer; of both which there are great plenty, especially of the latter, though sometimes they pay dear for it: A small Jamaica Privateer once Landed 6 or 7 Men at this Look-out of Sisal; who not suspecting any danger, ordered the Canoa with 3 or 4 Men to row along by the shore, to take them in upon their giving a sign or firing a Gun: But within half an hour they were attack'd by about 40 Spanish Soldiers, who had cut them off from the shore, to whom they surrendred themselves Prisoners. The Spaniards carried them in triumph to the Fort, and then demanded which was the Captain. Upon this they all stood mute, for the Captain was not among them; and they were afraid to tell the Spaniards so, for fear of being all hanged for Straglers; Neither did any one of them dare to assume that Title, because they had no Commission with them, nor the Copy of it; for the Captains don't usually go ashore without a Copy, at least, of their Commission, which is wont to secure both themselves and their Men.—At last one John Hullock cock'd up his little cropt Hat, and told them that he was the Captain; and the Spaniards demanding his Commission, he said it was aboard; for that he came ashore only to hunt, not thinking to have met any Enemy. The Spaniards were well satisfied with this Answer, and afterwards respected him as the Captain, and served him with [Page] better Provision and Lodging than the rest; and the next day when they were sent to the City of Merida, about 12 or 13 Leagues from thence, Captain Hullock had a Horse to ride on, while the rest went on Foot: And though they were all kept in close Prison, yet Hullock had the honour to be often sent for to be examined at the Governours House, and was frequently Regal'd with Chocolate, &c. From thence they were carried to Campeachy Town, where still Captain Hullock was better served than his Comrades: At last, I know not how, they all got their Liberties, and Hullock was ever after call'd Captain Jack.

It is about 8 Leagues from Sisal to Cape Condecedo; Twenty Leagues North of which lyes a small Island call'd by the Spaniards Isles des Arenas, but the English Seamen, as is usual with them, corrupt the Name strangely, and some call it the Desarts, others the Desarcusses; but of this Island, having never seen it, I can give no Account.

All this Coast from Cape Catoch to Cape Condecedo, is Low-Land, the Mount only excepted. It is most sandy Bay by the Sea; yet some of it is Mangrovy-Land; within which you have some spots of dry Savanah, and small scrubbed Trees, with short thick Bushes among them. The Sea deepens gradually from the shore, and Ships may Anchor in sandy Ground in any depth from 7 or 8 Foot to 10 or 12 Fathom Water.

In some Places on this Coast we reckon our distance from the shore by the depth of the Sea, allowing 4 Fathom for the first League, and for every Fathom afterward a League more.

But having got thus to Cape Condecedo, I shall defer the further description of these Parts, from this Cape Southward and Westward to the High-Land of St. Martin, which is properly the Bay of Campeachy; and from thence also further Westward, till my second [Page] coming on this Coast, when I made so long a stay here. To proceed therefore with my prefent Voyage, having past Cape Catoch, the Mount, Rio de la Gartos, Sisal, and Cape Condecedo, we stood Southward directly for Trist, the Haven of our Logwood-Cutters; at which Place being not above 60 Leagues distant, we soon arrived.

Trist is the Road only for big Ships. Smaller Vessels that draw but a little Water run 3 Leagues farther, by crossing over a great Lagune that runs from the Island up into the Main-Land; where they anchor at a Place called One Bush-Key. We stayed at Trist 3 days to fill our Water, and then with our 2 Consorts sailed thence with the Tide of Blood; and the same Tide arrived there. This Key is not above 40 Paces long, and 5 or 6 broad, having only a little crooked Tree growing on it, and for that reason it is called One-Bush-Key. It seems to be only a heap of Shells, for the Island is covered with them. The greatest part are Oyster-shells. There are a great many Oyster-banks in this Lagune, and the adjacent Creeks; but none afford better, either for largeness or taste, than the Bank about this Island. In the wet Season the Oysters as well of One-Bush-Key as other Places here, are made fresh by the Freshes running out of the Country: But in the dry Time they are salt enough. In the Creeks they are smaller, but more numerous; and the Mangrove-Roots that grow by the sides of the Creeks are loaden with them; and so are all the Branches that hang in the Water.

One-Bush-Key is about a Mile from the shore; and just against the Island is a small Creek that runs a Mile farther, and then opens into another wide Lagune; and through this Creek the Logwood is brought to the Ships riding at the Key. Between the Oyster-Banks that lye about the Island and the Main, there is good Riding in about 12 Foot Water. [Page] The bottom is very soft Oaz insomuch that we are forced to shoo our Anchors to make them hold. The Main by it is all Low Mangrovy-Land, which is over-flow'd every Tide; and in the Wet Season is covered with Water. Here we lay to take in our Lading.

Our Cargo to purchase Logwood was Rum and Sugar; a very good Commodity for the Logwood-Cutters, who were then about 250 Men, most English, that had settled themselves in several Places hereabouts: Neither was it long before we had these Merchants came aboard to visit us; we were but 6 Men and a Boy in the Ship, and all little enough to entertain them: for besides what Rum we sold by the Gallon or Ferkin, we sold it made into Punch, wherewith they grew Frolicksom. We had none but small Arms to fire at their drinking Healths, and therefore the noise was not very great at a distance; but on Board the Vessels we were loud enough till all our Liquor was spent: We took no Money for it, nor expected any; for Logwood was what we came hither for, and we had of that in lieu of our Commodities after the rate of 5 Pound per Tun, to be paid at the Place where they cut it; and we went with our Long-boat to fetch small Quanties. But because it would have taken up a long time to Load our Vessel with our own Boat only; we hired a Periago of the Logwood-Cutters to bring it on Board; and by that means made the quicker dispatch. I made two or three Trips to their Huts, where I and those with me were always very kindly entertained by them with Pork and Pease, or Beef and Dough-Boys. Their Beef they got by hunting in the Savanahs. As long as the Liquor lasted, which they bought of us, we were treated with it, either in Drams or Punch. But for a more particular Account of the Logwood-Cutters, I shall refer the Reader to my second Voyage hither, [Page] which I made shortly after my return to Jamaica, because I saw a great prospect of getting Money here, if Men would be but diligent and frugal.

But let's proceed with our Voyage; It was the latter end of September, 1675. when we sailed from One-Bush-Key with the Tide of Ebb; and anchored again at Trist that same Tide; where we watered our Vessel in order to sail. This we accomplished in two Days, and the third day sailed from Trist towards Jamaica. A Voyage which proved very tedious and hazardous to us, by reason of our ships being so sluggish a Sailer that She would not ply to Wind-ward, whereby we were necessarily driven upon several Shoals that otherwise we might have avoided, and forced to spend 13 Weeks in our Passage, is usually accomplished in half that time.

We had now a Passenger with us, one Will. Wooders a Jamaica Seaman, that with three others that were taken by the Spaniards, was sent to the City of Mexico, where they remained Prisoners 6 or 8 Months, but at last were remanded to La vera Cruz, and from thence by Sea to Campeachy: They were not imprisoned, but only kept to Work on Board the Ship that brought them, and soon found an opportunity to make their escapes, in this manner, They had been imployed ashore all the day, and being sent aboard at Night, they fell to contrive how to run away with the Boat, but considering that they wanted Necessaries for their Voyage they resolved first to go back and supply themselves, which they might then do the better, because they knew there were none but a few Indians on Board. Accordingly having seized and bound the Indians, taking with them a Compass with some Bread and Water, they put off to Sea, and arrivd at Trist a Week before our departure: And this Will. Wooders was the means under God of the Preservation of our Ship.

[Page] The third day after we left Trist, about 8 in the Morning, near 12 or 14 Leagues W. S. W. from Campeachy, we saw two sail about 3 Leagues to Wind-ward coming directly towards us, the Captain supposing that they had been Jamaica Vessels would have layn by to hear some News, and to get some Liquor from them; for we had now none on Board but a few Bottles in a small Case, that the Captain reserved for his own drinking. But Wooders withstood the Captains Proposal, and told him, that when he came from Campeachy there were two small Vessells ready to sail for Tobasco River, which is not above 11 or 12 Leagues to Leeward of Trist, and that it was more probable these were those two Vessells than any from Jamaica. Upon this we edged off more to Sea, and they also altered their Course steering away still directly with us; so that we were now assured they were Spaniards; and therefore we put away; Quartering, and steering N. W. and though they still fetch'd on us a-pace, yet to make the more speed they turned a Boat loose that was Tow, at one of their Sterns, and she being a good Sailer came within Gun-shot of us; when, as it pleased God, the Land-Wind dyed away of a sudden, and the Sea-Breez did not yet spring up.

While the Wind lasted we thought our selves but a degree from Prisoners; neither had we yet great hopes of escaping; for our Ketch, even when light, was but a dull Sailer, worse being deep loaden. However, we had now time to unbend the Foresail, and make a studding Sail of it to put right before the Sea-Breez when it should spring up. This was accordingly done in a trice, and in less than an hour after the Breez sprung up fresh, and we put right before the Wind. We had this advantage in it, that all the Sail we had did us Service: While on the contrary, those who chased us, being three [Page] Mast Vessels, could not bring all theirs to draw; for their after Sails becalmed their Head-sails, and we held them tack for two or three Hours, neither gaining nor loosing ground. At last the Wind freshing on by the coming of a Tornado, we gained considerably of them; so they fired a Gun and left their Chace, but we kept on crouding till Night; and then clap'd on a Wind again, and saw no more of them.

In about a Fortnight after this, we were got as far to the East as Rio de la Gartos, and there overtook us a small Barmudoes Boat belonging to Jamaica, which had not been above 10 Days come from Trist, but sailed much better than we did. Therefore our Merchant went on Board of Her, for he saw we were like to have a long Passage; and Provision began to be scarce already, which he could not so well brook as we. Our Course lay all along against the Trade-Wind.

All the hopes that we had was a good North, this being the only time of the Year for it: and soon after we saw a black Cloud in the N. W. (which is a sign of a North, but of this more in my Discourse of Winds) for two Days, Morning and Evening. The third day it rose a-pace and came away very swiftly. We presently provided to receive it by furling all but our Main-sail; intending with that to take the advantage of it. Yet this did us but little Service; for after an Hours time, in which it blew fresh at N. W. the Cloud went away, and the Wind came about again at E. N. E. the usual Trade in these Parts. We therefore made use of the Sea and Land-Breezes, as we had done before; and being now as high as the before-mentioned Fishing Banks on the North of Jucatan, we so ordered our Business that with the Land-Winds we run over to the Banks; and while it was calm between the Land-Winds and Sea-Breez we put out our Hooks and Lines and [Page] fished, and got plenty every Morning: One time our Captain after he had hal'd in a good fish, being eager at his sport and throwing out his Line too hastily, the Hook hitched in the Palm of his Hand, and the weight of the Lead that was thrown with a jerk, and hung about 6 Foot from the Hook, forced the beard quite through, that it appear'd at the back of his Hand.

Soon after this we got as high as the Mount, and then stood off about 30 Leagues from Land, in hopes to get better to Wind-ward there, than near the shore; because the Wind was at E. S. E. and S. E. by E. a fresh gale: continuing so 2 or 3 days. We steered off to the North expecting a Sea-Breez at E. N. E. and the third Day had our desire. Then we tack'd and steered in again S. E. for the shore of Jucatan. Our Ketch, as I said, was a heavy Sailer, especially on a Wind: for she was very short; and having great round Bows, when we met a Head-Sea, as now; she plunged and laboured, not going a Head, but tumbling like an Egg-shell in the Sea. It was my fortune to be at the Helm from 6 a Clock in the Evening till 8. The first 2 Glasses she steered very ill; for every Sea would strike her dead like a Log; then she would fall off 2 or 3 Points from the Wind, though the Helm was a-Lee; and as she recovered, and made a little way, she would come again to the Wind, till another Sea struck her off again. By that time 3 Glasses were out the Sea became more smooth; and then she steered very well, and made pretty fresh way through the Water. I was somewhat surprized at the sudden Change, from a rough Sea to a smooth; and therefore look'd over Board 2 or 3 times; for she steered open on the Deck, and it being very fair Weather, all our Men were layn down on the Deck and fallen asleep. My Captain was just behind me on the Quarter Deck fast asleep too, for neither he nor they dreaded any danger, we being [Page] about 30 Leagues from the Main-Land, at Noon, and as we thought not near any Island.

But while I was musing on the sudden alteration of the Sea, our Vessel struck on a Rock, with such force that the Whipstaff threw me down on my back: This frighted me so much that I cryed out, and bad them all turn out, for the Ship struck. The surge that the Ship made on the Rock, awakened most of our Men, and made them ask, What the matter was? But her striking a second time, soon answered the Question, and set us all to work for our Lives. By good fortune she did not stick, but kept on her way still, and to our great comfort, the Water was very smooth; otherwise we must certainly have been lost, for we very plainly saw the ground under us: so we let go our Anchor, in 2 Fathom Water, clean White Sand: When our Sails were furled and a sufficient scope of Cable veered out, our Captain being yet in amaze, went into his Cabin, and most of us with him to view his draught; and we soon found we were fallen foul of the Alcranes.

The Alcranes are 5 or 6 low sandy Islands, lying in the Lat. of about 23 d. North, and distant from the Coast of Jucatan about 25 Leagues; the biggest is not above a Mile or two in Circuit. They are distant from one another 2 or 3 Miles, not lying in a Line, but soattering here and there, with good Channels of 20 or 30 Fathom Water, for a Ship to pass between. All of them have good Anchoring on the West sides, where you may ride in what depths you please, from 10 to 2 Fathom Water, clean sandy Ground. On some there are a few low Bushes of Burton-Wood, but they are mostly Barren and Sandy, bearing nothing but only a little Chicken-Weed; neither have they any fresh Water. Their Land-Animals are only large Rats, which are in great Plenty; and of Fowls, Boobies in vast abundance, with Men of War and Egg-Birds. These inhabit [Page] only on some of the Northermost of them, not promiscuously one among another, but each sort within their own Precincts, (viz.) the Boobies and the other two sorts each a-part by themselves; and thus two or three of the Islands are wholly taken up. The Boobies, being most numerous, have the greatest portion of Land. The Egg-Birds, tho' they are many, yet being but small, take up but little room to the rest: Yet in that little part which they inhabit, they are sole Masters, and not disturbed by their Neighbours. All three sorts are very tame, especially the Boobies, and so thick settled, that a Man cannot pass through their Quarters, without coming within reach of their Bills, with which they continually peck't at us. I took notice that they sate in Pairs; and therefore at first thought them to be Cock and Hen; but upon striking at them, one flew away from each place, and that which was left behind seemed as malicious as the other that was gone. I admired at the boldness of those that did not fly away, and used some sort of violence to force them, but in vain; for indeed these were young Ones, and had not yet learned the use of their Wings, tho' they were as big and as well feathered as their Dams, only their Feathers were something whiter and fresher. I took notice that an old one, either the Cock or Hen, always sat with the Young, to secure them; for otherwise these Fowls would prey on each other, the Strong on the Weak, at least those of a different Kind would make bold with their Neighbours: The Men-of-War-Birds as well as the Boobies left Guardians to the Young, when they went off to Sea, lest they should be starved by their Neighbours, for there were a great many old and lame Men of War Birds that could not fly off to Sea, to seek their own Food. These did not inhabit among their Consorts, but were either expelled the Community, or else chose to lye out at some distance [Page] from the rest, and that not altogether; but scattering here and there, where they could rob securest: I saw near 20 of them on one of the Islands, which sometimes would sally into the Camp to seek for Booty, but presently retreated again, whether they got any thing or nothing. If one of these lame Birds found a Young Booby not guarded, it presently gave him a good poult on the back, with his Bill to make him disgorge, which they will do with one stroak, and it may be cast up a Fish or two as big as a Mans Wrist; this they swallow in a trice, and march off, and look out for another Prize. The sound Menof-War will sometimes serve the old Boobies so off at Sea. I have seen a Man-of-War fly directly at a Booby and give it one blow, which has caused it to cast up a large Fish, and the Man of War flying directly down after it, has taken it in the Air, before it reach'd the Water.

There are abundance of Fish at some distance from these Islands, by which the Fowls inhabiting here, are daily supplied.

The Fish near the Island are Sharks, Sword Fishes and Nurses; all three sorts delighting to be near sandy Bays; those that I saw here were but of a small size, the Sword-Fish not above a Foot and a half, or two Foot long; neither were the Sharks much longer, and the Nurses about the same length. The Nurse is just like a Shark, only its skin is rougher, and is used for making the finest Rasps. Here are many Seals: they come up to sun themselves only on two or three of the Islands, I don't know whether exactly of the same kind with those in colder Climates; but, as I have noted in my former Book, they always live where there is plenty of Fish.

To the North of these Islands lyes a long ledge of Rocks bending like a Bow; it seems to be 10 or 12 Yards wide, and about 4 Leagues long: and 3 Leagues distant from the Island. They are above Water, [Page] all joyning very close to one another, except at one or two Places, where are small Passages about nine or ten Yards Wide; 'twas through one of these that Providence directed us in the Night; for the next Morning we saw the Riff about half a Mile to the North of us, and right against us was a small Gap, by which we came in hither, but coming to view it more nearly with our Boat, we did not dare to venture out that way again. One Reason why we would have gone out to the Northward, was, because from our Main-top we saw the Islands to the Southward of us, and being unacquainted, knew not whether we might find among them a Channel to pass through; our second reason was the hopes of making a better slant in for the shore, if we could weather the East end of the Riff. In order to this we weighed Anchor, keeping down by the side of the Riff till we were at the West end of it, which was about a League from where we Anchored: then we stood off to the North, and there kept plying off and on to Weather the East end of the Riff, three Days; but not being able to effect it, by reason of a strong Current, setting to the N. W. we ran back again to the West end of the Riff, and steered away for the Islands. There we Anchored and lay three or four days, and visited most of them, and found plenty of such Creatures, as I have already described.

Though here was great store of such good Food, and we like to want, yet we did neither salt any, nor spend of it fresh to save our Stock. I found them all but one Man averse to it, but I did heartily wish them of another mind, because I dreaded wanting before the end of the Voyage; a hazard which we needed not to run, there being here such plenty of Fowls and Seals, (especially of the latter) that the Spaniards do often come hither, to make Oyl of their Fat; upon which account it has been visited by English [Page] men from Jamaica, particularly by Capt. Long: who having the command of a small Bark, came hither purposely to make Seal-Oyl, and anchored on the North side of one of the sandy Islands, the most convenient Place, for his design:—Having got ashore his Cask to put his Oyl in, and set up a Tent for lodging himself and his Goods, he began to kill the Seal, and had not wrought above three or four Days before a fierce North-wind blew his Bark ashore. By good fortune she was not damnified: but his company being but small, and so despairing of setting her afloat again, they fell, to contriving how to get away; a very difficult Task to accomplish, for it was 24 or 25 Leagues to the nearest Place of the Main, and above 100 Leagues to Trist, which was the next English settlement. But contrary to their expectation, instead of that, Captain Long bid them follow their Work of Seal-killing and making Oyl; assuring them that he would undertake at his own peril to carry them safe to Trist. This though it went much against the grain, yet at last he so far prevailed by fair Words, that they were contented to go on with their Seal-killing, till they had filled all their Cask. But their greatest work was yet to do, viz. how they should get over to the Main, and then Coast down before the Wind to Trist. Their Boat was not big enough to transport them, so they concluded to cut down the Barks Masts and rip up her Deck to make a float for that purpose.

This being agreed on the next Morning betimes, pursuant to their Resolution, they were going to break up their Vessel; but it happened that very Night, that two New-England Ketches going down to Trist ran on the backside of the Riff where they struck on the Rocks, and were bulged; And Captain Long and his Crew seeing them in Distress, presently took their Boat, and went off to help them unlade their Goods, and bring them ashore; and [Page] in requital, they furnished the Captain with such tackle and other Necessaries, as he wanted and assisted him in the launching his Vessel, and lading his Oyl, and so they went merrily away for Trist; This lucky accident was much talk'd of amongst the C's Crew; and so exasperated the New-England Men, when they heard the whole story, that they were thinking, if their Commanders would have suffered them, to have thrown him into the Sea to prevent his doing more mischief. For they were sure that he by his Art had caused them to run aground. The whole of this Relation I had from Captain Long himself.

From the main to these Islands, the Sea deepens gradually till you come to about 30 Fathom Water, and when you are 25 or 26 Leagues off shore to the Eastward of them, if you steer away West, keeping in that depth, you cannot miss them: The same Rule is to be observed to find any other Island; as the Triangles, the Isles Des Arenas, &c. for the Bank runs all along the shore, on which are Soundings of equal depth, and the Sea appears of a muddy palish Colour, but when past the Bank on the North side of it, it resumes its natural greeness, and is too deep for any Sounding till you are within 30 Leagues of the North side of the Bay of Mexico, where by relation there is such another Bank, (abounding with Oysters) running all along the shore: But to return to our Voyage.

Having spent 2 or 3 days among the Alcranes Islands we set sail again, and steering in Southerly for the Main, having the Wind at E. N. E. we fell in with it a little to Leeward of Cape Catoch, plying under the shore till we reach'd the Cape; from thence we continued our Course Northerly, the Wind at E. by S. The next Land we designed for was Cape Antonio, which is the Westermost Point [Page] of the Island Cuba, and distant from Cape Catoch about 40 Leagues.

Some when they sail out of the Bay, keep along by the Land of Jucatan, till they come as far as the Island Cozumel, and from thence stretch over towards Cuba, and if the Wind favours them any thing, they will get as high as Cape Corientes before they fall in with Cuba; for in their Passage from thence they are not in so much danger of being hurried away to the North by the Current between the two Capes, or to the North of them, as we were. For taking our Course Northward till the Lat. of 22 d. 30 m. we tack'd again; and the Wind at E. steered away S. S. E. 24 hours, and having taken an Observation of the Sun, as we did the day before, found our selves in 23 d. being driven backwards in 24 hours 30 Miles. We had then the Channel open between the two Capes, but to the North of either: Yet at last we got over to the Cuba shore, and fell in with the North of the Island, about 7 or 8 Leagues from Cape Antonio. Now we both saw and ran thro' some of the Colorado Sholes, but found a very good Channel among a great many Rocks that appeared above Water. Being thus got within the Sholes; between them and Cuba we found a pretty wide clear Channel and good Anchoring; and advancing further, within a League of the Cape, we Anchored and went ashore to get Water, but found none. In the Evening when the Land-wind sprung up, we weighed again, and doubling the Cape coasted along on the South side of the Island, taking the Advantages both of Sea and Land-winds: For though we had now been about two Months from Trist, and this the time of the Year for Norths, yet to our great trouble they had hitherto failed us, and besides, as I said before, our Ketch was such a Leewardly Vessel that we did not yet expect we could possibly reach Jamaica meerly by turning, [Page] though sometimes assisted by Sea and Land-Winds. In about a Week after this, we got up with, and coasted along, the Isle of Pines for 7 or 8 Leagues, and then stood off to Sea, and the third Morning fell in with the West end of grand Caymanes.

This Island is about 40 Leagues South from Pines, and about 15 to the West of little Caymanes, we anchored at the West end, about half a Mile from the shore. We found no Water nor any Provision, but saw many Crocodiles on the Bay, some of which would scarce stir out of the way for us. We kill'd none of them (which we might easily have done) though Food began to be short withus; indeed had it been in the Months of June or July we might probably have gotten Turtle, for they frequent this Island some Years as much as they do little Caymanes. We stayed here but 3 or 4 hours, and steered back for Pines, intending there to hunt for Beef or Hog, of both which there is in great plenty. The second day in the Morning we fell in with the West end of Pines, and running about 4 or 5 Miles Northward, we anchored in 4 Fathom Water clean Sand, about two Mile, from the shore, and rightagainst a small Creek through the Mangroves into a wide Lagune.

The Isle of Pines lyes on the South side, towards the West end of Cuba, and is distant from it 3 or 4 Leagues. Cape Corientes on Cuba is five or six Leagues to the Westward of the Isle of Pines. Between Pines and Cuba are many small woody Islands scattered here and there, with Channels for Ships to pass between; and by report there is good anchoring near any of them. Jamaica Sloops do sometimes pass through between Cuba and Pines, when they are bound to Wind-ward, because there the Sea is always smooth: They are also certain to meet good Land-winds; besides they can Anchor [Page] when they please, and thereby take the benefit of the Tides, and when they are got past the East end of Pines, they may either stand out to Sea again, or if they are acquainted among the small Islands to the East of it, (which are called the South Keys of Cuba) they may range amongst them to the Eastward, still taking the greater benefit of Landwinds and Anchoring; Besides, if Provision is scarce they will meet Jamaica Turtlers, or else may get Turtle themselves, at which many of them are expert. There is also plenty of Fish of many sorts, but if they are not provided with Hooks, Lines or Harpoons or any other Fishing-Craft, nor meet with any Turtlers, Cuba will afford them Sustenance of Hog or Beef. The great Inconvenience of going in the inside of Pines between it and Cuba, proceeds from a Spanish Garrison of about 40 Soldiers at Cape Corientes, who have a large Periago, well fitted with Oars and Sails, and are ready to launch out, and seize any small Vessel, and seldom spare the Lives as well as the Goods of those that fall into their Hands, for fear of telling Tales. Such Villanies are frequently practised, not only here, but also in several other Places of the West Indies, and that too with such as came to Trade with their Country-men. The Merchants and Gentry indeed are no way guilty of such Actions, only the Soldiers and Rascality of the People; and these do commonly consist of Mulatoes or some other sort of Copper Colour Indians, who are accounted very Barbarous and Cruel.

The Isle of Pines is about 11 or 12 Leagues long, and 3 or 4 broad. The West end of it is low Mangrovy Land; and within which is a Lagune of about 3 or 4 Miles wide, running to the Eastward, but how far I know not, with a small Creek of 2 or 3 Foot Water, reaching to the Sea. The Lagune it self is so shallow, especially near the Island, that [Page] you cannot bring a Canoa within 20 or 30 Paces of the shore. The South side of the Island is low, flat and rocky; the Rocks are perpendicularly steep towards the Sea, so that there is no Anchoring on that side; but at the West end very good in sandy Ground. The body of the Island is high Land, with many little Hills incompassing a high Pike or Mountain standing in the middle. The Trees that grow here are of divers sorts, most of them unknown to me. Red Mangroves grow in the low swampy Land against the Sea, but on the firm hilly part Pine-Trees are most plentiful, of these here are great Groves of a good height and bigness, streight and large enough to make Topmasts, or standing Masts for small Vessels; at the West end there is a pretty big River of fresh Water, but no coming at it near the Sea for red Mangroves, which grow so thick on both sides of it, that there is no getting in among them.

The Land-Animals are Bullocks, Hogs, Dear, &c. here are small Savannahs for the Bullocks and Deer to feed in, as well as Fruit in the Woods for the Hogs: Here are also a sort of Racoons or Indian Conies, and in some Places plenty of Land-Turtle, and Land-Crabs of two sorts, white and black. Both of them make holes in the Ground like Conies, where they shelter themselves all day, and in the Night come out to feed; they will eat Grass, Herbs or such Fruit as they find under the Trees; The Manchaniel Fruit, which neither Bird nor Beast will taste, is greedily devoured by them, without doing them any harm. Yet these very Crabs that feed on Manchaneel are venomous, both to Man and Beast that feeds on them, though the others are very good Meat. The white Crabs are the largest sort; some of them are as big as a Mans two Fists joyned together; they are shaped like Sea-Crabs, having one large Claw, wherewith they will pinch very [Page] hard, neither will they let go their hold, though you bruise them in pieces, unless you break the Claw too; but if they chance to catch your Fingers, the way is to lay your Hand, Crab and all, flat on the Ground, and he will immediately loose his hold and scamper away. These white ones build in wet swampy dirty Ground near the Sea, so that the Tide washes into their Holes; but the black Crab is more cleanly, delighting to live in dry Places, and makes its House in sandy Earth: Black Crabs are commonly fat and full of Eggs; they are also accounted the better Meat, tho' both sorts are very good.

Here are also a great many Alligators and Crocodiles, that haunt about this Island, and are said to be the most daring in all the West Indies. I have heard of many of their Tricks; as that they have followed a Canoa, and put their Noses in over the Gunnal, with their Jaws wide open, as if ready to devour the Men in it: And that when they have been ashore in the Night near the Sea, the Crocodiles have boldly come in among them, and made them run from their Fire, and taken away their Meat from them. Therefore when Privateers are hunting on this Island, they always keep Sentinels out to watch for these ravenous Creatures, as duly as they do in other Places for fear of Enemies, especially in the Night, for fear of being devoured in their sleep.

The Spaniards of Cuba have here some Craules, i. e. Herds of Hogs, with a few Indians or Mulatoes to look after them: Here are also Hunters that gain a livelihood by killing wild Hog and Beef.

This Island is reported to be very wet. I have heard many say, that it rains here more or less every day in the Year; but this I suppose is a mistake, for there fell no Rain about us, so long as we stayed [Page] here, neither did I see any appearance of it in other Places of the Island.

We were no sooner at an Anchor, but five of us went ashore, leaving only the Cook and Cabbin-Boy aboard: We had but two bad fowling Pieces in the Ship; those we took with us, with a design to Kill Beef and Hog. We went into the Lagune, where we found Water enough for our Canoa, and in some Places not much to spare; when we were got almost over it, we saw 8 or 10 Bulls and Cows feeding on the shore close by the Sea. This gave us great hopes of good success. We therefore rowed away aside off the Cattle, and landed on a sandy Bay, about half a Mile from them; there we saw much footing of Men and Boys; the Impressions seemed to be about 8 or 10 days old, we supposed them to be the track of Spanish Hunters. This troubled us a little, but it being now their Christmas, we concluded that they were gone over to Cuba to keep it there, so we went after our Game; the Boatswain and our Passenger Will. Wooders having one Gun, and presuming on their skill in shooting, were permitted to try their fortune with the Cattle that we saw before we landed, while the Captain and my self with our other Gun, struck up directly into the Woods. The fifth Man whose genius led him rather to fish than hunt, stayed in the Canoa: And had he been furnished with a Harpoon, he might have gotten more Fish than we did Flesh, for the Cattle smelling our two Men before they came nigh them, ran away; after that our Men rambled up into the Country to seek for some other Game.

The Captain and I had not gone half a Mile before we came among a Drove of near 40 great and small wild Hogs. The Captain firing, wounded one of them, but they all ran away; and though we followed the Blood a good way, yet did not come up with him, nor with any other to get a second shot; [Page] however because there was such great track of Hogs in the Woods, we kept beating about, being still in hopes to meet with more Game before Night, but to no purpose, for we saw not one more that day. In the Evening we returned to our Boat weary and vext at our ill success. The Boatswain and his Consort were not yet returned, therefore we stayed till 'twas dark, and then went a board without them: the next Morning betimes we went ashore again, as well to try our fortune at Hunting, as to recover our 2 Men, which we thought might now be returned to the place where they landed; but not seeing them, the Captain and I went again out to hunt, but came back at Night with no better success than before; neither did we see one Beef or Hog, though much track all the day. This day he that look'd to the Boat kill'd a young Sword-fish with the Boat-hook; there were a great many of them, as also Nurses and Dogfish, playing in shole Water; he had also discovered a stream of fresh Water, but so inclosed with thick red Mangroves, that 'twas impossible to fill any in cask; we could scarce get a little to drink. Our two Men that went out the day before, were not yet returned; therefore when 'twas dark we went aboard again, being much perplex'd for fear of their falling into the hands of the Spanish Hunters; if we had been certain of it, we would have sailed presently, for we could not expect to redeem them again, but might have been taken our selves, either by them or by the Cape-Soldiers before-mentioned. Indeed these Thoughts about their danger and our own, kept me waking all Night. However the next Morning betimes we went ashore again, and before we got into the Lagune we heard a Gun fired, by which we knew that our Men were arrived; so we fired another in answer, and rowed away as fast as we could to fetch them, designing to sail as soon as we came aboard; for by the fiattering South and S. W. [Page] Winds together with the clearness of the Sky, we supposed we should have a North: The Land intercepted our prospect near the Horizon in the N. W. therefore we did not see the black Cloud there, which is a sure Prognostick of a North; when we came ashore we found our two Men. They kill'd a Hog the first day, but losing their way, were forced to march like Tygres all the next day to get to us, and threw away most of their Meat to lighten themselves, yet 'twas Night before they got to the side of the Lagune; and then being 3 or 4 Miles still from us, they made a fire and roasted their Meat, and having fill'd their Bellies; lay down to sleep, yet had still a small Pittance left for us. We presently returned aboard and feasted on the Remains of the Roastmeat, and being now pretty full, got up our Anchor and stood away to the South, coasting along by the Island: And doubling the S. W. Point, we steered away East S. E. we had the Wind, when we weighed, at West a moderate Gale, but veering about to the North got at N. W. By that time we got to the South West Point of Pines, and it now blew a fierce Gale, and held thus two days, and then came to the N. N. W. blowing hard still, and from thence to the North: then we edg'd away S. E. for it blew hard, and we could not bring her nearer the Wind. From the N. it came about to the N. N. E. then we knew that the heart of it was broke, however it blew hard still: Then it came about to the N. E. and blew about 4 hours, and so by degrees dyed away and edg'd more Easterly, till it came to the E. by N. and there it stood. We were in good hopes while the North continued, to have gotten to Jamaica before it ceased, and were sorry to find our selves thus disappointed; for we could not see the Island, though we judged we could not be far from it; at Noon we had a good observation, and found our selves in the Lat. of the Island.

We now had not one bit of any kind of Food [Page] aboard; therefore the Captain desired to know our Opinions what to do, and which way we might soonest get to some shore, either to beat for Jamaica, or to bear away before the Wind, for the South Keys. All the Seamen but my self, were for going to the South Keys, alledging that our Ship being such a dull Sailer, would never get to Wind-ward without the help of Sea and Land-Breezes, which we could not expect at such a distance as we were, being out of the sight of any Land: and that it was probable that in three or four days time we might be among the South Keys, if we would put for it; and there we should find Provision enough, either Fish or Flesh. I told them that the craft was in catching it, and it was as probable that we might get as little Food in the South Keys, as we did at Pines, where, though there was plenty of Beefs and Hogs, yet we could not tell how to get any: besides we might be six or seven days in getting to the Keys; all which time we must of necessity fast, which if 'twere but two or three days, would bring us so low, that we should be in a weak condition to hunt. On the contrary, if they would agree to beat a day or two longer for the Island Jamaica, we might in all probability see, and come so near it, that we might send in our Boat and get Provision from thence, though we could not get in to Anchor: for by all likelihood we were not so far from the Island but that we might have seen it, had it been clear; and that the hanging of the Clouds seemed to indicate to us that the Land was obscured by them. Some of them did acquiesce with me in my Opinion; however, 'twas agreed to put away for the South Keys, and accordingly we veered out our Sheets, trimm'd our Sails, and steered away N. N. W. I was so much dis-satisfied, that I turned into my Cabbin, and told them we should be all starved.

[Page] I could not sleep, tho' I lay down; for I was very much troubled to think of Fasting 3 or 4 Days, or a Week; having fared very hard already. Indeed 'twas by meer accident that our Food lasted so long; for we carried two Barrels of Beef out with us to sell, but 'twas so bad that none would buy it; which proved well for us: for after our own Stock was spent, this supplied us. We boyled every day two Pieces of it; and because our Pease were all eaten, and our Flower almost spent, we cut our Beef in small bits after 'twas boiled, and boiled it again in Water, thickned with a little Flower, and so eat it all together with Spoons. The little Pieces of Beef were like Plums in our Hodg-podg. Indeed 'twas not fit to be eaten any other way; for tho' it did not stink, yet it was very unsavory and black, without the least sign of Fat in it: Bread and Flower being scarce with us, we could not make Dough-boys to eat with it. But to proceed, I had not layn in my Cabbin above three Glasses, before one on the Deck cryed out, Land! Land! I was very glad at the News, and we all immediately discerned it very plain. The first that we saw was High-land, which we knew to be Blewfields-Hill, by a Bending or Saddle on the Top, with two small Heads on each Side. It bore N. E. by E. and we had the Wind at E. therefore we presently clap'd on a Wind, and steered in N. N. E. and soon after we saw all the Coast, being not above five or six Leagues from it. We kept jogging in, all the Afternoon, not striving to get in to any particular place; but where we could fetch, there we were resolved to Anchor: The next day being pretty near the shore, between Blewfields-Point and Point Nigril, and having the Wind large enough to fetch the latter, we steered away directly thither; and seeing a small Vessel about two Leagues N. W. of us, making signs to speak with us by hoysing and lowring her Topsails, [Page] we were afraid of her, and edged in nearer the shore; and about three a Clock in the Afternoon, to our great joy, we anchored at Nigrill, having been 13 Weeks on our Passage. I think never any Vessel before nor since, made such Traverses in coming out of the Bay, as we did; having first blundred over the Alcrany Riff, and then visited those Islands; from thence fell in among the Colorado Shoals, afterward made a trip to Grand Caymanes; and lastly visited Pines, tho' to no purpose. In all these Rambles we got as much experience as if we had been sent out on a design.

As soon as we came to Anchor, we sent our Boat ashore to buy Provisions to regale our selves, after our long fatigue and fasting, and were very busie going to drink a Bowl of Punch: when unexpectedly Capt. Rawlins, Commander of a small New-England Vessel, that we left at Trist; and one Mr. John Hooker, who had been in the Bay a twelve Month cutting Logwood, and was now coming up to Jamaica to sell it, came aboard, and were invited into the Cabbin to drink with us; the Bowl had not yet been touch'd, (I think there might be six Quarts in it) but Mr. Hooker being drunk to by Captain Rawlins, who pledg'd Capt. Hudswell, and having the Bowl in his hand, said, That he was under an Oath to drink but three Draughts of strong Liquor a Day, and putting the Bowl to his Head, turn'd it off at one Draught, and so making himself drunk, disappointed us of our Expectations, till we made another Bowl. The next day having a brisk N. W. Wind, which was a kind of a Chocolatta North, we arrived at Port-Royal; and so ended this troublesom Voyage.

[Page]

CHAP. II.

The Author's second Voyage to the Bay of Campeachy. His arrival at the Isle of Trist, and setling with the Logwood-Cutters. A Description of the Coast from Cape Condecedo to Trist. Salinas or Salt Ponds. Salt gathered for the Spaniards by the Indians. Hina, a remarkable Hill. Horse-hoof-fish. The Triangle Islands. Campeachy Town twice taken. Its chief Trade, Cotton. Champeton River; and its Logwood, a rich Commodity. Port-Royal Harbour and Island. Prickly-Grass. Sapadillo Trees. Trist Island described. Coco-Plum-bushes. The Grape-Tree. Its Animals, Lizards. Laguna Termina and its strong Tides. Summasenta-River, and Chucquebull Town. Serles his Key. Captain Serles his Adventure. The East and West Lagunes, with their Branches inhabited by Logwood-Cutters. Oaks growing there, and no where else within the Tropicks. The Original of the Logwood-Trade. The Rainy Season, and great Floods occasioned by Norths. The dry Season. Wild Pine-Plant. The Logwood-Tree. Blood-Wood, Stock Fish-Wood and Camwood. A Description of some Animals, Squashes, large long-tail'd Monkies, Ant-bears, Sloths, Armadillos, Tigre Catts, Snakes of three sorts. Calliwasps, Huge Spiders, Great Ants and[Page]their Nests, Rambling Ants, Humming Birds, Black-Birds, Turtle Doves, Quams, Corresos, Carrion Crows, Subtle Jacks, Bill-Birds, Cockrecos, Ducks of several sorts, Curlews, Herons, Crabcatchers, Pelicans, Cormorants, Fishing Hawks. Several sorts of Fish, Tenpounders, Parricootas, Garr-Fish, Spanish Mackril: The Ray, Alligators, Crocodiles, how they differ from Alligators. A narrow escape of an Irish-man from an Alligator.

IT was not long after our Arrival at Port-Royal, before we were pay'd off, and discharged. Now Captain Johnson of New-England, being bound again into the Bay of Campeachy, I took the opportunity of going a Passenger with him, being resolved to spend some time at the Logwood-Trade; and accordingly provided such Necessaries as were required about it (viz.) Hatchets, Axes, Macheats, (i. e. Long Knives) Saws, Wedges, &c. a Pavillion to sleep in, a Gun with Powder and shot, &c. and leaving a Letter of Attorney with Mr. Fleming, a Merchant of Port-Royal, as well to dispose of any thing that I should send up to him, as to remit to me what I should order, I took leave of my Friends, and Imbarked.

About the middle of Feb. 75,—6. We sailed from Jamaica, and with a fair Wind and Weather, soon got as far as Cape Catoch; and there met a pretty strong North, which lasted two days. After that the Trade settled again at E. N. E. which speedily carryed us to Trist Island. In a little time I setled my self in the West Creek of the West Lagune with some old Logwood-Cutters, to follow the Employment with them. But I shall proceed no farther with the Relation of my own Affairs, till I have [Page] given a description of the Country, and its Product, with some particulars of the Logwood-Cutters; their hunting for Beef, and making Hides, &c.

I have in my former Voyage described the Coast from Cape Catoch to Cape Cendecedo. Therefore I shall now begin where I then left off, and following the same Method proceed to give some Account of the Sea-Coast of the Bay of Campeachy; being competently qualified for it by many little Excursions that I made from Trist during my abode in these Parts.

The Bay of Campeachy is a deep bending of the Land, contained between Cape Condecedo on the East, and a Point shooting forth from the High-Land of St. Martins on the West. The distance between these two Places is about 120 Leagues, in which are many Large and Navigable Rivers, Wide Lagunes, &c. Of all which I shall treat in their order, as also of the Land on the Coast; its Soil, Product, &c. Together with some Observations concerning the Trees, Plants, Vegetables, Animals and Natives of the Country.

From Cape Condecedo to the Salinas is 14 or 15 Leagues; the Coast runs in South: It is all a Sandy Bay between, and the Land also within is dry and sandy, producing only some scrubbed Trees. Half way between these two Places you may dig in the Sand above High-Water-Mark, and find very good fresh Water.

The Salina is a fine small Harbour for Barks; but there is not above 6 or 7 Foot Water; and close by the Sea, a little within the Land, there is a large Salt Pond, belonging to Campeachy-Town, which yields abundance of Salt. At the time when the Salt Kerns, which is in May or June, the Indians of the Country are ordered by the Spaniards to give their attendance, to rake it ashore and gather it into a great Pyramidal Heap, broad below and sharp at the top, [Page] like the Ridg of a House; then covering it all over with dry Grass and Reeds, they set fire to it; and this burns the out-side Salt to a hard black Crust: The hard Crust is afterwards a defence against the Rains that are now settled in, and preserves the Heap dry, even in the wettest Season. The Indians whose business, I have told you, is to gather the Salt thus into Heaps, wait here by turns all the Kerning Season, not less than 40 or 50 Families at a time; yet here are no Houses for them to lie in, neither do they at all regard it; for they are relieved by a fresh supply of Indians every Week; and they all sleep in the open Air, some on the Ground, but most in very poor Hammacks fastned to Trees or Posts, stuck into the Ground for that purpose. Their Fare is no better than their Lodging; for they have no other Food, while they are here, but Tartilloes and Posole. Tartilloes are small Cakes made of the Flower of Indian Corn; and Posole is also Indian Corn boiled, of which they make their Drink. But of this more hereafter, when I treat of the Natives and their Manner of Living. When the Kerning Season is over, the Indians march home to their settled Habitations, taking no more care of the Salt. But the Spaniards of Campeachy, who are Owners of the Ponds, do frequently send their Barks hither for Salt, to load Ships that lye in Campeachy Road; and afterwards transport it to all the Ports in the Bay of Mexico, especially to Aluarado and Tompeck, two great Fishing Towns; and I think that all the Inland Towns thereabouts, are supplied with it; for I know of no other Salt Ponds on all the Coast, besides this and those before-mentioned. This Salina Harbour was often visited by the English Logwood-Cutters, in their way from Jamaica to Trist. And if they found any Barks here, either light or laden, they made bold to take and sell both the Ships and the Indian Sailers that belonged to them. This they [Page] would tell you was by way of reprizal, for some former injuries received of the Spaniards; though indeed 'twas but a pretence: for the Governours of Jamaica knew nothing of it, neither durst the Spaniards complain; for at that time they used to take all the English Ships they met with in these Parts, not sparing even such as came laden with Sugar from Jamaica, and were bound for England; especially if they had Logwood aboard. This was done openly, for the Ships were carried into the Havanna, there sold and the Men imprisoned without any Redress.

From the Salinas to Campeachy Town, is about 20 Leagues; the Coast runs S. by W. The first 4 Leagues of it along the Coast, is drowned Mangrove-Land, yet about two Mile South of the Salina about 200 Yards from the Sea, there is a fresh Spring, which is visited by all the Indians that pass this way either in Bark or Canoa; there being no Water beside near it; and there is a small dirty path leads to it thro' the Mangroves; after you are past these Mangroves, the Coast riseth higher with many sandy Bays, where Boats may conveniently land, but no fresh Water till you come to a River near Campeachy Town. The Land further along the Coast is partly Mangrovy, but most of it dry Ground, and not very fruitful; producing only a few scrubed Bushes: And there is no Logwood growing on all this Coast, even from Cape Catoch to Campeachy Town.

About six Leagues before you come to Campeachy, there is a small Hill called Hina, where Privateers do commonly Anchor and keep Sentinels on the Hill, to look out for Ships bound to the Town: There is plenty of good Fire-wood, but no Water; and in the surf of the Sea, close by the shore, you find abundance of Shell-fish, called by the English, Horse-hoofs, because the under part or belly of the Fish is flat, and somewhat resembling that Figure in Shape and Magnitude; but the back is round like a Turtles; [Page] the Shell is thin and brittle, like a Lobsters; with many small Claws: and by report they are very good Meat, but I never tasted any of them my self.

There are three small low sandy Islands, about 25 or 26 Leagues from Hina, bearing North from it, and 30 Leagues from Campeachy. On the South side of these Islands there is good Anchorage; but neither Wood nor Water: And as for Animals, we saw none, but only great numbers of large Rats and plenty of Boobies, and Men-of-War-Birds. These Islands are call'd the Triangles, from the Figure they make in their Position. There are no other at any distance from the shore, but these and the Alcranies, mentioned in the former Chapter, in all this Coast that I have seen.

From Hina to Campeachy, as I said before, is about 6 Leagues. Campeachy is a fair Town, standing on the shore in a small bending of the Land; and is the only Town on all this Coast, even from Cape Catoch to La Vera Cruz, that stands open to the Sea. It makes a fine shew, being built all with good Stone. The Houses are not high, but the Walls very strong; the Roofs flatish, after the Spanish Fashion, and covered with Pantile. There is a strong Citadel or Fort at one end, planted with many Guns; where the Governour resides with a small Garrison to defend it. Though this Port Commands the Town and Harbour, yet it hath been twice taken. First by Sir Christopher Mims; who about the Year 1659. having summoned the Governour, and afterwards stayed 3 days for an Answer before he Landed his Men, yet then took it by Storm, and that only with small Arms. I have been told that when he was advised by the Jamaica Privateers, to take it by Stratagem in the Night: he replied, that he scorned to steal a Victory; therefore when he went against it, he gave them warning of his Approach, by his [Page] Drums and Trumpets; yet he took the Fort at the first onset and immediately became Master of the Place.

It was taken a second time by English and French Privateers, about the Year 1678. by surprize. They Landed in the Night about 2 Leagues from the Town, and marching into the Country, lighted on a Path that brought them thither. The next Morning near Sun-rising, they entred the Town, when many of the Inhabitants were now stirring in their Houses; who hearing a noise in the Street, look'd out to know the occasion; and seeing Armed Men marching towards the Fort, supposed them to be some Soldiers of their own Garrison, that were returned out of the Country; for about a Fortnight or 3 VVeeks before, they had sent out a Party to suppress some Indians, then in Rebellion; a thing very Common in this Country. Under favour of this Supposition, the Privateers marched through the Streets, even to the Fort, without the least Opposition. Nay, the Towns-People bad them, Good Morrow; and Congratulated their safe return; not discovering them to be Enemies, till they fired at the Sentinels on the Fort-wall, and presently after began a furious Attack; and turning two small Guns, which they found in the Parade against the Gates of the Fort, they soon made themselves Masters of it. The Town is not very rich, though, as I said before, the only Sea-Port on all this Coast. The chiefest Manufacture of the Country is Cotton-Cloath; this serves for cloathing the Indians, and even the poorer sort of Spaniards wear nothing else. It is used also for making Sails for Ships, and remitted to other parts for the same purpose.

Besides Cotton-Cloath, and Salt fetch'd from the Salinas, I know of no other vendible Commodity exported hence. Indeed formerly this place was the Scale of the whole Logwood-Trade; which is therefore [Page] still called Palo (i. e. VVood) de Campeachy; tho' it did not grow nearer than at 12 or 14 Leagues distance from the Town.

The place where the Spaniards did then cut it, was at a River, called Champeton, about 10 or 12 Leagues to Leeward of Campeachy Town; the Coast from thence South, the Land pretty high and rocky. The Native Indians that lived hereabouts, were hired to cut it for a Ryal a Day, it then being worth 90, 100 01 110 l. per Tun.

After the English had taken Jamaica, and began to cruise in this Bay, they found many Barks laden with it; but not knowing its value then, they either set them adrift or burned them, saving only the Nails and Iron work; a thing now usual among the Privateers; taking no notice at all of the Cargo; till Cap. James, having taken a great Ship laden with it, and brought her home to England, to fit her for a Privateer; beyond his Expectation, sold his VVood at a great rate; tho' before he valued it so little that he burned of it all his Passage home. After his return to Jamaica, the English visiting this Bay, found out the Place where it grew, and if they [...] Prize at Sea, they would go to Champeton [...], where they were certain to find large Piles cut to their Hand, and brought to the Sea-side ready to be ship'd off. This was their Common Practice; till at last the Spaniards sent Soldiers thither to prevent their Depredations.

But by this time the English knew the Trees, as growing; and understanding their value, began to rummage other Coasts of the Main, in search of it, till, according to their desire, they found large Groves of it. first at Cape Catoch; (which, as I have said before, was the first Place where they setled to Logwood-Cutting) and loaded many Vessels from thence to Jamaica, and other Places. But it growing scarce there, they found out the Lagune of Trist in the [Page] Bay of Campeachy; where they followed the same Trade, and have ever since continued it, even to the time of my being here: But to proceed,

From the River Champeton to Port-Royal, is about 18 Leagues; the Coast S. S. VV. or S. VV. by S. Low-land with a sandy Bay, against the Sea, and some Trees by the shore, with small Savanahs, mixt with small shrubby VVoods within Land all the way. There is only one River between Champeton and Port-Royal, called Port Escondedo.

Port-Royal is a broad Entrance into a Salt Lagune, of 9 or 10 Leagues long, and 3 or 4 wide with 2 Mouths, one at each end. This Mouth of Port-Royal hath a Barr, whereon there is 9 or 10 Foot VVater. VVithin the Bar it is deep enough, and there is good Anchoring on either side. The entrance is about a Mile over, and two Miles in length; it hath fair sandy Bays on each side, with smooth Landing.

Ships commonly Anchor on the VVeather or East side next Champeton, both for the convenience of some VVells there dug on the Bays by the Privateers and Logwood-Cutters, as also to ride more out of the Tide, which here runs very strong. This Place is remarkable enough, because from hence the Land trends away VVest, and runs so for about 65 or 70 Leagues farther.

On the VVest side of this Harbour is a low Island, called by Us Port-Royal-Island; which makes one side of the Mouth, as the Main does the other: It is about 2 Miles wide and 3 Leagues long, running East and VVest. The East end of this Island is sandy and pretty clear of VVoods, with some Grass, bearing a small prickly Bur, no bigger than a Grey Pea, which renders it very troublesom to those that walk bare-foot, as the Bay-Men often do. There are some Bushes of Burton-wood: And a little further to the VVest grow large Sapadillo-Trees, whose Fruit is [Page] long and very pleasant. The rest of the Island is more woody, especially the North side, which is full of white Mangrove close to the shore.

On the VVest side of this Island, is another small low Island, called Trist, separated from the former by a small Salt Creek, scarce broad enough for a Canoa to padle through.

The Island Trist is in some Places three Mile wide, and about 4 Leagues in Length; running E. and W. The East end is swampy and full of white Mangroves; and the South side much the same: The VVest part is dry and sandy, bearing a sort of long Grass, growing in Tufts very thin. This is a sort of Savannah, with some large Palmeto-Trees growing in it. The North side of the VVest end is full of Coco-Plum-Bushes, and some Grapes.

The Coco-Plum-Bush is about 8 or 9 Foot high, spreading out into many Branches. Its Rind black and smooth; the Leaves oval and pretty large and of a dark Green. The Fruit is about the bigness of a Horse-Plum, but round; some are black, some white, others redish: The Skin of the Plum is very thin and smooth; the inside white, soft and woolly, rather fit to suck than bite, inclosing in the middle a large soft Stone. This Fruit grows commonly in tho Sand near the Sea; and I have tasted some that have been saltish; but they are commonly sweet and pleasant enough, and accounted very wholsom.

The Body of the Grape-Tree is about two or three Foot in Circumference, growing 7 or 8 Foot high, then sends forth many Branches, whose Twigs are thick and gross; the Leaves are shaped much like an Ivy Leaf, but broader and more hard; the Fruit is as big as an ordinary Grape growing in Bunches or Clusters among the Twigs all over the Tree; it is black when ripe, and the inside redish, with a large hard Stone in the middle. This Fruit is very pleasant and wholsom, but of little substance, the Stones [Page] being so large: The Body and Limbs of the Tree are good Fewel, making a clear strong fire, therefore often used by the Privateers to harden the Steels of their Guns when faulty.

The Animals of this Island are, Lizards, Guanoes, Snakes and Dear: Beside the Common small Lizard, there is another sort of a large kind, called a Lyon-Lizard: This Creature is shaped much like the other, but almost as big as a Man's Arm, and it has a large Comb on its head; when it is assaulted it sets its Comb up an end; but otherways it lyes down flat: Here are two or three sorts of Snakes; some very large, as I have been told.

At the West end of the Island close by the Sea, you may dig in the Sand 5 or 6 Foot deep, and find good fresh Water: There are commonly VVells ready made by Seamen to water their Ships; but they soon fill up if not cleared; and if you dig too deep, your VVater will be salt. This Island was seldom clear of Inhabitants when the English visited the Bay for Logwood; for the biggest Ships did always ride here in 6 or 7 Fathom Water close by the Shore; but smaller Vessels ran up 3 Leagues farther to One-Bush-Key, of which in my former Chapter.

The second Mouth or Entrance into this Lagune is between Trist and Beef-Island, and is about 3 Mile wide. It is shoal without, and only two Channels to come in: The deepest Channel on a Spring Tide, has 12 Foot Water. It lyes near the middle of the Mouth; hard Sand on the Barr; the West Channel is about 10 Foot Water; and lies pretty near Beef-Island: You run in with the Sea-Breez, and sound all the way; taking your Sounding from Beef-Island shore. The bottom is soft Oaz, and it shoots gradually. Being shot in within Beef-Island Point, you will have three fathom; then you may stand over towards Trist, till you come near the Shore, and [Page] there Anchor as you please; There is good Anchoring any where within the Bar between Trist and Beef-Island, but the Tide is much stronger than at Port-Royal. This is the other Mouth or opening to the Salt Lagune before-mentioned. This Lagune is call'd by the Spaniards, Laguna Termina, or the Lagune of Tides, because they run very strong here. Small Vessels, as Barks, Periagoes or Canoas may sail thro' this Lagune, from one Mouth to the other, or into such Creeks, Rivers or smaller Lagunes, as empty themselves into this, of which here are many: The first of Note on the East part of this Lagune, as you come in at Port-Royal, is the River Summasenta.

This River, though but small, yet it is big enough for Pereagoes to enter. It disembogues on the South side near the middle of the Lagune. There was formerly an Indian Village named Summasenta, near the Mouth of the River; and another large Indian Town, called Chucquebul, 7 or 8 Leagues up in the Country. This latter was once taken by the Privateers; by whom I have been informed, that there were about 2000 Families of Indians in it, and two or three Churches, and as many Spanish Friers, though no white Men beside. The Land near this River yields plenty of Logwood.

From Summasenta River to One-Bush-Key is 4 or 5 Leagues, the shore running West. I have described One-Bush-Key, and the Creek against it, which as I said, is very narrow, and not above a Mile long before it opens into another wide Lake, lying nearest N. and S. called the East Lagune. It is about a League and half wide, and 3 Leagues long, encompassed with Mangrove-Trees. At the S. E. corner of it there is another Creek about a Mile wide at the Mouth, running 6 or 7 Mile into the Country; on both sides of it grows plenty of Logwood, therefore it was inhabited by Englishmen who lived in [Page] small Companies, from three to ten in a Company; and settled themselves at their best Convenience for Cutting. At the Head of the Creek they made a path, leading into a large Savanah full of black Cattle, Horses and Deer; which was often visited by them upon occasion.

At the North end, and about the middle of the East Lagune, there is another small Creek like that which comes out against One-Bush-Key, but less and shallower, which dischargeth it self into Laguna Termina, against a small sandy Key, called by the English Serles's Key, from one Captain Serles, who first carried his Vessel here, and was afterwards killed in the Western Lagune, by one of his company as they were cutting Logwood together. This Captain Serles was one of Sir Henry Morgans Commanders, at the Sacking of Panama; who being sent out to cruise in a small Vessel in the South Seas, happened to surprize at Toboca, the Boatswain and most of the Crew belonging to the Trinity, a Spanish Ship, on Board which were the Friers and Nuns, with all the old Gentlemen and Matrons of the Town, to the number of 1500 Souls, besides an immense Treasure in Silver and Gold, as I was informed by Captain Peralta, who then Commanded her, as he did afterwards, when she was taken by Captain Sharp; all which he might have taken in the Ship, had he pursued her.

On the West side of the East Lagune, there is a small Skirt of Mangroves, that separates it from another running Parallel with it, called the East Lagune, which is about the bigness of the former.

Towards the North end of this Laguue runs a small Creek, coming out of the East Lagune, deep enough for small Barks to pass through.

At the South end of this Lagune, there is a Creek about a Mile wide at its Mouth; and half a Mile from thence it divides into two Branches; one called [Page] the East the other the West Branch; both deep enough for small Barks 7 or 8 Mile up. The Water is fresh 10 Months; but in the midst of the dry Season, 'tis brackish. Four Mile from the Mouth, the Land on both sides these two Branches is wet and swampy, affording only Mangroves by the Creeks sides: only at the Heads of them, there are many large Oaks, besides which I did never see any growing within the Tropicks: but 20 Paces within that grows plenty of Logwood, therefore the Cutters settled themselves here also.

On the West side of the West Branch lyes a large Pasture for Cattle about 3 Miles from the Creek; to which the Logwood-Cutters had made paths from their Huts to hunt Cattle, which are always there in great numbers; and commonly fatter than those in the Neighbouring Savannahs and therefore was called the fat Savannah; and this West Creek was always most inhabited by Logwood-Cutters.

The Logwood-Trade was grown very common before I came hither, here being, as I said before, about 260 or 270 Men living in all the Lagune and at Beef-Island, of which Isle I shall speak hereafter: This Trade had its Rise from the decay of Privateering; for after Jamaica was well settled by the English, and a Peace established with Spain, the Privateers who had hitherto lived upon plundering the Spaniards, were put to their shifts; for they had prodigally spent whatever they got, and now wanting subsistence, were forced either to go to Petit Guavas, where the Privateer-Trade still continued, or into the Bay for Logwood.— The more Industrious sort of them came hither, yet even these, though they could work well enough if they pleased; yet thought it a dry business to toil at Cutting Wood. They were good Marks-Men, and so took more delight in Hunting; but neither of those Employments affected them so [Page] much as Privateering; therefore they often made Sallies out in small Parties among the nearest Indian Towns; where they plundred, and brought away the Indian Women to serve them at their Huts, and sent their Husbands to be sold at Jamaica; besides they had not their old Drinking-bouts forgot, and would still spend 30 or 40 l. at a sitting aboard the Ships that came hither from Jamaica; carousing and firing off Guns 3 or 4 days together. And tho' afterwards many sober Men came into the Bay to cut Wood, yet by degrees the old Standers so debauched them that they could never settle themselves under any Civil Government, but continued in their Wickedness till the Spaniards, encouraged by their careless Rioting, fell upon them, and took most of them singly at their own Huts; and carried them away Prisoners to Campeachy or La Vera Cruz; from whence they were sent to Mexico, and sold to several Tradesmen in that City; and from thence, after two or three Years, when they could speak Spanish, many of them made their Escapes, and marched in by-Paths back to La Vera Cruz, and by the Flota conveyed to Spain, and so to England. I have spoke with many of them since, who told me that none of them were sent to the Silver Mines to Work, but kept in or near the City, and never suffered to go with their Caravans to New Mexico or that way. I relate this, because it is generally suggested that the Spaniards commonly send their Prisoners thither, and use them very barbarously, but I could never learn that any European has been thus served; whether for fear of discovering their Weakness, or for any other Reason, I know not. But to proceed, It is most certain that the Logwood-Cutters, that were in the Bay when I was there, were all routed or taken; a thing I ever feared, and that was the reason that moved me at last to come away, [Page] although a Place where a Man might have gotten an Estate.

Having thus given an Account of the first settling of this Place by my Country-men, I shall next say something concerning the Seasons of the Year, some particulars of the Country, its Animals, of the Logwood-Trade, and their manner of Hunting, and several remarkable Passages that happened during my stay there.

This part of the Bay of Campeachy lyes in about 18d of North Lat. The Sea-Breezes here in fair weather, are at N. N. E. or N. The Land-winds are at S. S. E. and S. but in bad Weather at E. S. E. a hard gale for two or three days together. The dry Season begins in September, and holds till April or May; then comes in the wet Season, which begins with Tornadoes; first one in a day, and by degrees increasing till June; and then you have set Rains till the latter end of August. This swells the Rivers so that they over-flow, and the Savannahs begin to be covered with Water; and although there may be some Intermissions of dry Weather, yet there are still plentiful showers of Rain; so that as the water does not increase; neither does it decrease; but continues thus till the North Winds are set in strong; and then all the Savannahs, for many Miles, seems to be but part of the Sea. The Norths do commonly set in about the beginning of October, and continue by intervals till March. But of these I shall speak more in my Chapter of Winds. These Winds blowing right in on the Land, drive in the Sea, and keep the Tides from their constant Course as long as they last, which is sometimes two or three Days; by this means the Freshes are pent up, and overflow much more than before, tho' there be less Rain. They blow most fiercely in December and January; but afterwards they decrease in strength; and are neither so frequent nor lasting: and then the Freshes begin to drain from off the low [Page] Ground. By the middle of Feb. the Land is all dry; and in the next Month perhaps you will scarce get Water to drink, even in those Savannahs that but 6 Weeks before were like a Sea. By the beginning of April, the Ponds also in the Savannahs are all dryed up, and one that knows not how to get Water otherways may perish for thirst; but those that are acquainted here, in their Necessity make to the Woods, and refresh themselves with Water that they find in wild Pines.

The wild Pine is a plant so called, because it somewhat resembles the Bush that bears the Pine: they are commonly supported, or grow from some Bunch, Knot or Excrescence of the Tree, where they take root, and grow upright. The root is short and thick, from whence the Leaves rise up in folds one within another, spreading off at the top: They are of a good thick Substance, and about 10 or 12 Inches long. The out side Leaves are so compact as to contain the Rain-water as it falls. They will hold a Pint and a half or a Quart; and this Water refreshes the Leaves and nourishes the Root. When we find these Pines, we stick our Knives into the Leaves just above the Root, and that lets out the Water, which we catch in our Hats, as I have done many times to my great relief.

The Land near the Sea or the Lagunes is Mangrovy, and always wet, but at a little distance from it, it is fast and firm, and never over-flowed, but in the wet Season. The Soil is a strong yellowish Clay; But yet the upper Coat or surface is a black mould, tho' not deep. Here grow divers sorts of Trees of no great bulk nor height. Among these the Logwood-Trees thrive best, and are very plentiful; this being the most proper Soil for them: for they do not thrive in dry Ground; neither shall you see any growing in rich black mould. They are much like our white Thorns in England; but generally a great deal bigger: [Page] the Rind of the young growing Branches is white and smooth; with some prickles shooting forth here and there: So that an English-man not knowing the difference would take them for White-Thorns; but the Body and the old Branches are blackish; the Rind rougher; with few or no prickles. The Leaves are small and shaped like the Common White-Thorn-Leaf, of a palish Green. We always chuse to cut the old black-rinded Trees; for these have less sap, and require but little pains to chip or cut it. The sap is white, and the heart red: The heart is used much for dying; therefore we chip off all the white sap, till we come to the heart; and then it is fit to be transported to Europe. After it has been chip'd a little while, it turns black; and if it lyes in the VVater it dyes it like Ink; and sometimes it has been used to write with. Some Trees are 5 or 6 Foot in Circumference: and these we can scarce cut into Logs small enough for a Man's Burthen, without great Labour; and therefore are forced to blow them up. It is a very ponderous sort of wood, and burns very well, making a clear strong fire, and very lasting. VVe always harden the Steels of our Fire-Arms, when they are faulty, in a Logwood-fire if we can get it, but otherways, as I said before, with Burton-wood or the Grape-tree. The true Logwood, I think, grows only in this Country of Jucatan; and even there but only in some Places near the Sea. The chiefest places for it are either here or at Cape Catoch, and on the South side of Jucatan in the Bay of Honduras. There are other sorts of VVood much like it in colour, and used for dying also: Some more esteemed, others of lesser value. Of these sorts Bloodwood and Stock-fish-wood are of the natural growth of America.

The Gulph of Nicaragua, which opens against the Isle of Providence, is the only Place that I know in the North Seas, that produces the Bloodwood: [Page] And the Land on the other side of the Country against it in the South Seas, produceth the same sorts.

This Wood is of a brighter red than the Logwood. It was sold for 30 l. per Tun, when Logwood was but at 14 or 15; and at the same time Stock-Fish-Wood went at 7 or 8. This last sort grows in the Country near Rio la Hacha, to the East of St. Martha, by the sides of Rivers in the Low-Land It is a smaller sort of Wood than the former. I have seen a Tree much like the Logwood, in the River of Conception in the Sambaloes; and I know it will dye; but whether it be either of these two sorts, I know not: Besides here and in the places before-mentioned; I have not met with any such Wood in America.

At Cherburg near Sierra-Leone in Africa, there is Camwood; which is much like Blood-wood if not the same. And at Tunqueen, in the East Indies, there is also such another sort: I have not heard of any more in any part of the World. But to proceed.

The Land as you go farther from the Sea riseth still somewhat higher; and becomes of a more plantable Mould: There the Trees are generally of another sort; growing higher and taller than the Logwood-trees, or any near them: Beyond this, you still enter into large Savannahs of long Grass, two or three Miles wide; in some Places much more.

The Mould of the Savannahs is generally black and deep; producing a course sort of sedgy Grass: In the latter end of the dry time, we set fire to it, which runs like Wild-fire, and keeps burning as long as there is any Fewel; unless some good shower of Rain puts it out: Then presently springs up a new green Crop, which thrives beyond all belief. The Savannahs are bounded on each side with Ridges of higher Land, of a light-brown Colour; deep and very fruitful: producing extraordinary great high [Page] Trees. The Land for 10 or 20 Miles from the Sea, is generally compos'd of many Ridges of delicate Wood-land, and large Furrows of pleasant grassy Savannahs, alternately intermixed with each other.

The Animals of this Country are, Horses, Bullocks, Deer, Warree, Pecary, Squashes, Possums, Monkies, Ant-Bears, Sloths, Armadilloes, Porcupines, Land-turtle, Guanoes, and Lizards of all kinds.

The Squash is a four-footed Beast, bigger than a Cat: It's Head is much like a Foxes; with short Ears and a long Nose. It has pretty short Legs, and sharp Claws; by which it will run up Trees like a Cat. The Skin is coverd with short fine yellowish Hair. The flesh of it is good, sweet, wholesom Meat. We commonly skin and roast it; and then we call it Pig; and I think it eats as well. It feeds on nothing but good Fruit; therefore we find them most among the Sapadillo-Trees; This Creature never rambles very far: and being taken young, will become as tame as a Dog; and be as roguish as a Monkey.

The Monkies that are in these Parts are the ugliest I ever saw. They are much bigger than a Hare, and have great Tails about two foot and half long. The under-side of their Tails is all bare, with a black hard skin; but the upper side, and all the Body is covered with course, long, black, staring Hair. These Creatures keep together 20 or 30 in a Company, and ramble over the Woods; leaping from Tree to Tree. If they meet with a single Person, they will threaten to devour him. When I have been alone I have been afraid to shoot them, especially the first time I met them. They were a great Company dancing from Tree to Tree, over my Head; chattering and making a terrible Noise, and a great many grim Faces, and shewing Antick Gestures. Some broke down dry Sticks and threw at me; others scattered [Page] their Urine and Dung about my Ears; at last one bigger than the rest, came to a small Limb just over my Head; and leaping directly at me, made me start back; but the Monkey caught hold of the Bough with the tip of his Tail; and there continued swinging to and fro, and making Mouths at me.—At last I past on, they still keeping me Company, with the like menacing Postures, till I came to our Huts. The Tails of these Monkies are as good to them as one of their Hands; and they will hold as fast by them. If two or more of us were together they would hasten from us. The Females with their young Ones, are much troubled to leap after the Males; for they have commonly two: one she carries under one of her Arms; the other sits on her Back, and clasps her two fore Paws about her Neck. These Monkies are the most sullen I ever met with; for all the Art that we could use, would never tame them. It is a hard matter to shoot one of them, so as to take it; for if it gets hold with its Claws or Tail, it will not fall as long as one breath of Life remains. After I have shot at one, and broke a Leg or an Arm, I have pittied the poor Creature to see it look on and handle the wounded Limb; and turn it about from side to side. These Monkies are very rarely, or (as some say) never on the Ground.

The Ant-Bear is a four-footed Beast, as big as a pretty large Dog; with rough black-brown Hair: It has short Legs; a long Nose and little Eyes; a very little Mouth, and a slender Tongue like an Earthworm about 5 or 6 Inches long. This Creature feeds on Ants; therefore you always find them near an Ants Nest or Path. It takes its Food thus: It lays its Nose down flat on the Ground, close by the Path that the Ants travel in, (whereof here are many in this Country) and then puts out its Tongue athwart the Path: the Ants passing forwards and [Page] backwards continually, when they come to the Tongue, make a stop, and in two or three Minutes time it will be covered all over with Ants; which she perceiving, draws in her Tongue, and then eats them; and after puts it out again to trapan more. They smell very strong of Ants, and taste much stronger; for I have eaten of them. I have met with these Creatures in several Places of America, as well as here; (i. e. in the Sambaloes) and in the South Seas, on the Mexican Continent.

The Sloth is a four-footed, hairy, sad-coloured Animal; somewhat less than the Ant-Bear, & not so rough: its Head is round, its Eyes small; it has a short Nose, and very sharp Teeth; short Legs, but extraordinary long sharp Claws. This Creature feeds on Leaves, whether indifferently of all sorts, or only on some particular kinds, I know not. They are very mischievous to the Trees where they come; and are so slow in motion, that when they have eaten all the Leaves on one Tree, before they can get down from that and climb another, and settle themselves to their fresh Banquet (which takes them up 5 or 6 days, though the Trees stand near:) They are nothing but skin and bones, altho' they came down plump and fat from the last Tree. They never descend till they have stript every Limb and Bough, and made them as bare as Winter. It takes them up 8 or 9 Minutes to move one of their feet 3 Inches forward; and they move all their four feet one after another, at the same slow Rate; neither will stripes make them mend their pace; which I have tryed to do, by whipping them; but they seem insensible, and can neither be frighted, or provoked to move faster.

The Armadillo (so called from its Suit of Armour) is as big as a small sucking Pig: the body of it pretty long. This Creature is inclosed in a thick Shell, [Page] which guards all its back, and comes down on both sides, and meets under the belly, leaving room for the four Legs; the Head is small, with a Nose like a Pig, a pretty long Neck, and can put out its Head before its Body when it walks; but on any danger she puts it in under the shell; and drawing in her Feet, she lies stock still like a Land-Turtle: And though you toss her about, yet she will not move her self. The Shell is joynted in the middle of the back; so that she can turn the fore-part of her body about which way she pleases. The Feet are like those of a Land-Turtle, and it has strong Claws, wherewith it digs holes in the ground like a Cony. The flesh is very sweet, and tasts much like a Land-Turtle.

The Porcupin being a Creature well known, I'll pass it in silence.

The Beasts of Prey that are bred in this Country, are Tigre-Cats, and (as is reported by our Men) Lions. The Tigre-Cat is about the bigness of a Bull-Dog, with short Legs, and a truss Body, shaped much like a Mastiff, but in all things else. (viz. its Head, the colour of its Hair, and the manner of its Preying, much resembling the Tigre, only somewhat less. Here are great numbers of them: They prey on young Calves or other Game; whereof here is plenty. And because they do not want Food, they are the less to be feared. But I have wisht them farther off, when I have met them in the Woods; because their Aspect appears so very stately and fierce. I never did see any Lion in this Country; but I have been informed by two or three persons that they did see Lions here: But I am assured, that they are not numerous.

Here are a great many poisonous Creatures in this Country; more particularly Snakes, of divers sorts, some yellow, some green, and others of a dun Colour, with black and yellowish spots. The yellow [Page] Snake is commonly as big as the small of a Man's Leg; and 6 or 7 seven foot long. These are a lazy sort of Creatures; for they lye still and prey on Lizards, Guanoes, or other small Animals that come in their way.

It is reported, That sometimes they lurk in Trees; and that they are so mighty in strength, as to hold a Bullock fast by one of his Horns, when they happen to come so near as that she can twist her self about the Limb of the Tree and the Horn at once. These are accounted very good Meat by some, and are eaten frequently: I my self have tryed it for curiosity, but cannot commend it. I have heard some Bay-men report, that they have seen some of this kind here as big as an ordinary Man's Wast; but I never saw any such.

The green Snakes are no bigger about than a Man's Thumb, yet 4 or 5 foot long: The Backs are of a very lively green Colour, but their Bellies inclining to yellow. These are commonly in Bushes among the green Leaves, and prey upon small Birds. This I have often seen, and was once in danger to be bit by one before I saw it: For I was going to take hold of a Bird that fluttered and cryed out just by me, yet did not fly away, neither could I imagin the reason, till reaching out my hand, I perceived the head of a Snake close by it; and looking more narrowly, I saw the upper part of the Snake, about two or three Inches from his head, twisted about the poor Bird.

What they feed on besides Birds I know not, but they are said to be very venemous.

The dun coloured Snake is a little bigger than the green Snake, but not above a foot and a half, or two foot long; these we should often see in and about our Huts; but did not kill them, because they destroyed the Mice, and are very nimble in chacing those Creatures. Besides Snakes, here are Scorpions [Page] and Centapes in abundance. Here are also Galliwasps. These are Creatures somewhat resembling Lizards, but larger; their bodies about the thickness of a Man's Arm, having four short Legs, and small short Tails; their colour a dark brown. These Creatures live in old hollow Trunks of Trees, and are commonly found in wet swampy ground, and are said to be very poisonous.

Here are also a sort of Spiders of a prodigious size, some near as big as a Man's Fist, with long small Legs like the Spiders in England: they have two Teeth, or rather Horns an Inch and a half, or two Inches long, and of a proportionable bigness, which are black as Jett, smooth as Glass, and their small end sharp as a Thorn; they are not strait, but bending. These Teeth we often preserve. Some wear them in their Tobacco-pouches to pick their Pipes. Others preserve them for Tooth-Pickers, especially such as were troubled with the Tooth-ach; for by report they will expel that pain, tho' I cannot justifie it of my own knowledge. The backs of these Spiders are covered with a dark yellowish Down, as soft as Velvet. Some say these Spiders are venemous; others not; whether is true I cannot determine.

Tho' this Country be so often over-flown with Water; yet it swarms with Ants, of several sorts; viz. great, small, black, yellow, &c. The great black Ant stings or bites almost as bad as a Scorpion; and next to this the small yellow Ants bite is most painful; for their Sting is like a spark of fire; and they are so thick among the boughs in some places, that one shall be covered with them before he is aware. These Creatures have Nests on great Trees placed on the body between the Limbs: some of their Nests are as big as a Hogshead; this is their Winter Habitation; for in the wet Season they all repair to these their Cities: [Page] Here they preserve their Eggs. Ants-Eggs are as much esteemed by the Planters in the West-Indies for seeding their Chickens, as Great Oat-meal with us in England. In the dry Season when they leave their Nests, they swarm over all the Woodland; for they never trouble the Savannahs: You may then see great Paths made by them in the Woods of three or four Inches broad beaten as plain as the Roads in England. They go out light, but bring home heavy Loads on their backs, all of the same substance, and equal in bigness: I never observed any thing besides pieces of green Leaves, so big that I could scarce see the Insect for his Burthen; yet they would march stoutly, and so many still pressing after, that it was a very pretty sight, for the Path lookt perfectly green with them. There was one sort of Ants of a black Colour, pretty large, with long Legs; these would march in Troops, as if they were busie in seeking somewhat; they were always in hast, and followed their Leaders exactly let them go whither they would; these had no beaten Paths to walk in, but rambled about like Hunters: Sometimes a Band of these Ants would happen to march through our Huts, over our Beds, or into our Pavilions, nay, sometimes into our Chests; and there ransack every part; and where-ever the foremost went, the rest all came after: We never disturbed them, but gave them free liberty to search where they pleased; and they would all march off before night. These Companies were so great, that they would be two or three hours in passing by, though they went very fast.

The Fowls of this Country are Humming Birds, Black Birds, Turtle Doves, Pigeons, Parrots, Parakites, Quames, Corresoes, Turkies, Carrion Crows, Subtle Jacks, Bill Birds, Cockrecoes, &c. The Humming Bird is a pretty little feather'd Creature, no bigger than a great over-grown Wasp, with a black Bill no bigger than a small Needle, and his Legs and [Page] Feet in proportion to his body. This Creature does not wave his Wings like other Birds when it flies, but keeps them in a continued quick motion like Bees or other Insects, and like them makes a continual humming Noise as it flies. It is very quick in motion, and haunts about Flowers and Fruit like a Bee gathering Hony, making many near addresses to its delightful Objects, by visiting them on all sides, and yet still keeps in motion, sometimes on one side, sometime on the other; as often rebounding a foot or two back on a sudden, and as quickly returns again, keeping thus about one Flower five or six minutes, or more. There are two or three sorts of them, some bigger than others, but all very small, neither are they coloured alike; the largest are of a blackish colour.

The Black Bird is somewhat bigger than ours in England; it has a longer Tail, but like them in Colour: They are sometimes called Chattering Crows, because they chatter like a Magpy.

There are three sorts of Turtle Doves (viz.) white breasted Doves, dun coloured Doves, and ground Doves. The white breasts are the biggest; they are of a blewish grey Colour with white breasts; these are fine, round and plump, and almost as big as a Pigeon. The next sort are all over of a dun, lesser than the former, and not so round. The ground Dove much bigger than a Sky-Lark, of a dull grey, very round and plump, and commonly run in pairs on the ground, and probably thence have their name. The other two sorts flie in pairs, and feed on Berries, which they commonly gather themselves from the Trees where they grow; and all three sorts are very good Meat.

Pigeons are not very common here; they are less than our Wood Quests, and as good food.

The Quam is as big as an ordinary Hen Turkey, of a blackish dun Colour; its Bill like a Turkeys; [Page] it flies about among the Woods; feeds on Berries, and is very good meat.

The Correso is a larger Fowl than the Quam: The Cock is black, the Hen is of a dark brown. The Cock has a Crown of black Feathers on his Head, and appears very stately. These live also on Berries, and are very good to eat; but their Bones are said to be poisonous; therefore we do either burn or bury them, or throw them into the Water for fear our Dogs should eat them.

Carrion Crows are blackish Fowls, about the bigness of Ravens; they have bald Heads, and redish bald Necks like Turkeys; and therefore by Strangers that come newly from Europe, are often mistaken for such. These live wholly on flesh, (and are therefore called Carrion Crows:) There are great numbers of them; They are heavy, dull Creatures, and by their pearching long at one place they seem to be very lazy: yet they are quick enough to find out their Prey; for when we hunt in the Woods or Savannahs, as soon as we have killed a Beast, they will immediately flock about us from all parts, and in less than an hours time there will be two or three hundred, though at first there was not one to be seen. I have sometimes admired from whence so many came so suddenly; for we never see above two or three at a place, before they come to feast on a Carkass.

Some of the Carrion Crows are all over white, but their Feathers look as if they were sullied: They have bald Heads and Necks like the rest; they are of the same bigness and make; without any difference but in Colour; and we never see above one or two of these white ones at a time; and 'tis seldom also that we see a great number of the black ones, but we see one white one amongst them.

1. The Logwood-Cutters call the white ones King Carrion Crows, and say, that they are much bigger [Page] than the others; and that when a great number are assembled about a Carkass, if a King Carrion Crow be among them, he falls on first, and none of the others will tast the least Morsel, till he has filled his belly and is withdrawn; nay, that they will sit pearching on the Trees about him, without approaching the Carkass, till he flies away; and then in an instant they fall on all together. I have seen of the King Carrion Crows, but could not perceive them to be bigger than the rest; neither were the black ones, their Companions, so unmannerly as to let them eat without company: They are very voracious, and will dispatch a Carkass in a trice: For that reason the Spaniards never kill them, but fine any one that shall: And I think there is also an Act in Jamaica that prohibits their destruction; and the Logwood-Cutters, tho' under no such obligation, yet are so zealously superstitious, that none will hurt them for fear of receiving some damage afterwards.

Subtle Jacks are Birds as big as Pigeons; they are mostly blackish; the tips of their Wing Feathers are yellowish, as are also their Bills. They have a peculiar and wonderful cunning way of building different from any others: Their Nests hang down from the boughs of lofty Trees, whose bodies are clean without limbs for a considerable height: The branches to which they fasten them, are those that spread farthest out from the body; and the very extremities of those boughs are only used by them. On Trees that grow single by themselves at some distance from others; they build clear round: but if they joyn to others, they make choice of such only as are bordering upon a Savannah, Pond or Creek, and hang down their Nests from those limbs that spread over those Savannahs, &c. neglecting such as are near other Trees: Their Nests hang down two or three foot from the twigs to which they are [Page] fastned, and look just like Cabbage-Nets stuft with Hey. The Thread that fastens the Nest to the twig is made of long Grass (as is also the Nest it self) very ingeniously twisted together: It is but small at the twig; but near the Nest grows thicker. The Nest has a hole in the side for the Bird to enter at, and 'tis very pretty to see twenty or thirty of them hanging round a Tree. They are called by the English Subtle Jacks, because of this uncommon way of building.

There are two or three sorts of Bill-Birds, so called by the English, because their Bills are almost as big as themselves. The largest I ever saw are about the size of English Wood-peckers, and much like them: There are others of a smaller sort; but they are not often met with, and I never saw many of them.

Cockrecoes are short winged Birds, coloured like Partridges, but somewhat lesser; neither are they so plump and round. They have long Legs, delighting to run on the Ground among Woods, in swampy Places or near Creeks. They make a loud Noise Mornings and Evenings, and Answer one another very prettily; and they are extraordinary sweet Meat.

The Water-Fowls are Duck and Mallard; Curlews, Herons, Crabcatchers, Pelicans, Cormorants, Fishing-Hawks, Men-of-War-Birds, Boobies, &c.

There are three sorts of Ducks, viz. The Muscovy, the Whistling and the Common Duck. Muscovy Ducks are less than ours, but otherwise exactly alike. They pearch on old dry Trees, or such as have no Leaves on them, and seldom light on the Ground but to feed. Whistling Ducks are somewhat less than our Common Duck, but not differing from them in shape or Colour: In flying, their Wings make a pretty sort of loud whistling Noise. These also pearch on Trees as the former. The [Page] other sort are like our Common Ducks, both in bigness and colour, and I have never observed them to pitch upon Trees. All three sorts are very good Meat.

Here are two sorts of Curlews different in bigness and colour; the greater are as big as Turkeys, with long Legs and long crooked Bills, like a Snipes, in length and bigness proportionable to the Bulk of their Bodies: They are of a dark colour; their Wings black and white; their Flesh black but very sweet and wholesom: They are call'd by the English double Curlews, because they are twice as big as the other sort.

The small Curlews are of a dusky brown, with long Legs and Bills like the former: their Flesh is most esteemed as being the sweetest.

Herons are like ours in England in bigness, shape and colour.

Crabcatchers are shaped and coloured like Herons, but they are smaller: They feed on small Crabs no bigger than ones Thumb, of which there is great plenty.

Pelicans are large flat-footed Fowls, almost as big as Geese, and their Feathers in colour like them: They have short Legs, long Necks, and their Bills are about two Inches broad and 17 or 18 long; the sore-part of their Necks or Breasts is bare, and covered with a soft, smooth, yet loose Skin, like that about the Necks of Turkies: This Skin is of the colour of their Feathers mixt with a dark and light grey, so exactly interwoven that it appears very beautiful. They are a very heavy Bird, and seldom fly far, or very high from the Water: They commonly sit on Rocks at some distance from the shore, where they may look about them. They seem to be very melancholly Fowls, by their perching all alone: They sit as if they were sleeping, holding their Heads upright, and resting the ends of their [Page] Bills on their Breasts; they are better Meat than Boobies or Men-of-War-Birds.

Cormorants are just like young Ducks in shape, having such Feet and Bills; They are black with white Breasts, and live on small Fish which they take near the shore, or on Worms which they get out of the Mud at low Water. They taste very fishy, yet are indifferent good Meat, they being very fat.

Fishing Hawks are like our smallest sort of Hawks in colour and shape, with such Bills and Talons: They pearch upon stumps of Trees or dry Limbs that hang over the Water about Creeks, Rivers or against the Sea: and upon sight of any small Fish near them, they skim along just over them, and snatching up the prey with their Talons, presently rise again without touching the VVater with their Wings. They don't swallow the Fish whole as all other fishing Fowls, that ever I saw do, but tear it with their Bills and eat it Piece-Meal.

The Lagunes, Creeks and Rivers are plentifully stored with great variety of Fish (viz. Mullets, Snooks, Tenpounders, Tarpoms, Cavallies, Parricootas, Garr-fish, Stingrays, Spanish Mackril, with many others.

Tenpounders are shaped like Mullets, but are so full of very small stiff Bones, intermixt with the Flesh, that you can hardly eat them.

Parricootas are long Fish, with round Bodies like Mackril: They have very long Mouths and sharp Teeth; they are about 8 or 10 Inches round, and three Foot and half long. They commonly haunt in Lagunes among Islands, or in the Sea near the shore. They are a floating Fish, and greedily take the Hook, and will snap at Men too in the Water. We commonly take them when we are under sail, with a Hook towing after our Stern. They are firm well-tasted Fish; but 'tis dangerous [Page] eating them, for some Men have been poisoned with them.

Divers Persons are of Opinion that these Creatures are poysonous in some Places only, and that but at some times of the Year. I know that in many Parts of the West-Indies, some have been injured by eating them, and that at different Seasons of the Year; therefore Seamen commonly taste the Liver before they venture any further; and if that has a biting taste like Pepper, they esteem the fish unwholsom, but if not, they eat it: and yet I have found even this Rule fail too. I judge the Head and the Parts near it, to be chiefly venomous.

Garr-fish are round, but neither so big nor long as the former; but what is more peculiar, they have long bony Snouts, like the Sword-fish, only as the Sword-fishes Snout is flat, and indented like a Saw on each side; so on the contrary these have their Snouts like a spear, round, smooth and sharp at the end, and about a foot long. These are a sort of floaty or Flying Fish: for they skip along a Foot or two above the Water, for the length of twenty or thirty Yards: then they just touch the edge of the Water, and spring forward so much farther, and then touch the Water, and spring forward again, a great many times before they cease. They dart themselves with such a force, that they strike their Snout through the sides of a Cotton-Tree Canoa; and we often fear that they will strike quite through our very Bodies.—They are extraordinary sweet Fish.

Spanish Mackril are in shape and colour like our Mackril, but larger: They are three Foot or three and half long, and nine or ten Inches about, and they also are generally esteeemed very excellent Fish.

[Page] The Ray is a flat Fish, like Skate, and I have seen three sorts of them; viz. the Stingray, the Raspray and the Whipray. The Stingray and Raspray are much alike in shape; but the former has three or four strong sharp Prickles, near two Inches long, at the Root of its Tail, which are said to be very venomous, but the rest of his Skin is smooth. The Raspray has a rough knotty Skin wherewith Rasps are made: the Skins of the largest are so rough, that the Spaniards in some Places grate their Cassavy with them, which is a Root very common all over the West Indies; and of which the Spaniards and English frequently make their Bread; but the fairest Skins are useds to cover Surgeons Instrument Cases, and other uch fine Things; but of late they are counterfeited. I have been told that in Turkey Asses Skins are stamped with small hard Seeds, which gives them Impressions like Raspray.

The Whipray differs from the other two sorts, having a small, but longer Tail, and ending with a Knob, shaped like a Harpoon. All these three sorts are much about a Foot and half broad. There is yet another sort of these flat Fish of the Whipray kind, but of a prodigious bigness; viz. three or four Yards square, and their Tails as long: these we call Sea-Devils; they are very strong Fish, and are sometimes Gamesom; but they make an odd Figure when they leap out of the Water, tumbling over and over.

Neither are Turtle and Manatee wanting in this Lagune. Here are some Hawks-bill-Turtle, but the green Turtle is most plentiful. They are of a middle size; yet here was once a very large one taken, as I have mentioned in my Voyages round the World.

Here are abundance of Manatee, which are both large and sweet.

[Page] Alligators are also in great numbers in all the Creeks, Rivers and Lagunes in the Bay of Campeachy; and I think that no part of the Universe is better stock'd with them.

The Alligator is a Creature so well known every where, that I should not describe it, were it not to give an Account of the difference between it and the Crocodile; for they resemble each other so nearly in their shape and bulk, as also in their Natures, that the yare generally mistaken for the same Species; only the one supposed to be the Male, the other the Female: Whether they are so or not, the World may judge by the following Observations. As to their bulk and length, I never saw any so large as some I have heard and read of; but according to my best Judgment, though I have seen Thousands, I never met with any above sixteen or seventeen Foot long, and as thick as a large Colt. He is shaped like a Lizard, of a dark-brown colour, with a large head and very long Jaws, with great strong Teeth, especially two of a Remarkable Length, that grow out of, and at the very end of the under Jaw in the smallest part, on each side one, there are two holes in the upper Jaw to receive these, otherways he could not shut his Mouth. It has 4 short Legs and Broad Claws, with a long Tail. The Head, Back and Tail is fenced with pretty hard Scales, joyned together with a very thick tough Skin: Over its Eyes there are two hard scally Knobs, as big as a Mans Fist, and from the Head to the Tail, along the Ridge of his Back 'tis full of such knotty hard Scales, not like Fish-Scales, which are loose, but so united to the Skin, that it is all one with it, and can't be taken asunder, but with a sharp Knife. From the Ridge of the Back down on the Ribs towards the Belly, (which is of a dusky yellow colour like a Frog) there are many of these Scales, but not so substantial nor so thick placed as the other. [Page] These Scales are no hindrance to him in turning; for he will turn very quick, considering his length. When he goes on Land his Tail drags on the Ground.

The Flesh smells very strong of Musk; especially four Kernels or Cods that are always found about them, two of which grow in the Groin, near each Thigh; the other two at the Breast, one under each fore Leg, and about the bigness of a Pullets Egg; therefore when we kill an Alligator, we take out these, and having dried them wear them in our Hats for a perfume. The Flesh is seldom eaten but in case of Necessity, because of its strong scent.

Now the Crocodile hath none of these Kernels, neither doth his Flesh taste at all Musky, therefore esteemed better Food. He is of a yellow colour, neither hath he such long Teeth in his under Jaw. The Crocodile's Legs also are longer, and when it runs on Land, it bears its Tail above the Ground, and turns up the tip of it in a round bow, and the Knots on the back are much thicker, higher and firmer than those of the Alligator: And differ also as to the Places where they are found. For in some Parts, as here in the Bay of Campeachy, are abundance of Alligators, where yet I never saw nor heard of any Crocodiles. At the Isle Grand Caymanes, there are Crocodiles, but no Alligators. At Pines by Cuba, there are abundance of Crocodiles, but I cannot say there are no Alligators, tho' I never saw any there. Both Kinds are called Caymanes by the Spaniards; therefore probably they may reckon them for the same. And I know of no other difference, for they both lay Eggs alike, which are not distinguishable to the Eye: They are as big as a Goose-Egg, but much longer, and good Meat; yet the Alligators Eggs taste very musky: They prey both alike in either Element, [Page] for they love Flesh as well as Fish, and will live in either fresh or salt Water. Beside, these Creatures I know none that can live any where, or upon any sort of Food, like them. 'Tis reported, that they love Dogs Flesh better than any other Flesh whatsoever. This I have seen with my own Eyes, that our Dogs were so much afraid of them, that they would not very willingly drink at any great River or Creek where those Creatures might lurk and hide themselves, unless they were (through Necessity) constrained to it; and then they would stand five or six Foot from the brink of the Creek or River, and bark a considerable time before they would Adventure nearer; and then even at the sight of their own Shadows in the Water, they would again retire to the Place from whence they came, and bark vehemently a long time; so that in the dry Season, when there was no fresh Water but in Ponds and Creeks, we used to fetch it our selves and give it our Dogs; and many times in our Hunting, when we came to a large Creek that we were to pass through, our Dogs would not follow us; so that we often took them in our Arms, and carried them over.

Besides the fore-mentioned difference between the Alligator and Crocodile; the latter is accounted more fierce and daring than the Alligator: Therefore when we go to the Isles of Pines or Grand Caymanes to hunt, we are often molested by them, especially in the Night. But in the Bay of Campeachy, where there are only Alligators, I did never know any Mischief done by them, except by accident Men run themselves into their Jaws. I remember one Instance of this Nature, which is as follows,

[Page] In the very height of the dry time seven or eight Men (English and Irish) went to a Place called Pies Pond, on Beef-Island, to hunt. This Pond was never dry, so that the Cattle drew hither in swarms, but after two or three days hunting they were shy; and would not come to the Pong till Night, and then if an Army of Men had lain to oppose them, they would not have been debarr'd of Water. The Hunters, knowing their Custom, lay still all Day, and in the Night visited this Pond, and killed as many Beefs as they could. This Trade they had driven a Week, and made great profit. At length an Irish-man going to the Pond in the Night, stumbled over an Alligator that lay in the Path: The Alligator seized him by the Knee; at which the Man cries out, Help! help! His Consorts not knowing what the matter was, ran all away from their Huts, supposing that he was fallen into the clutches of some Spaniards, of whom they were afraid every dry Season. But poor Daniel not finding any assistance, waited till the Beast opened his Jaw to take better hold, because it is usual for the Alligator to do so; and then snatch'd away his Knee, and slipt the But-end of his Gun in the room of it, which the Alligator griped so hard, that he pull'd it out of his Hand and so went away. The Man being near a small Tree, climb'd up out of his reach; and then cryed out to his Consorts to come and assist him; who being still within Call, and watching to hear the Issue of the Alarum, made haste to him with Fire-brands in their Hands, and brought him away in their Arms to his Hut; for he was in a deplorable condition, and not able to stand on his Feet, his Knee was so torn with the Alligators Teeth.

His Gun was found the next day ten or twelve Paces from the Place where he was seized, with [Page] two large Holes made in the But-end of it, one on each side, near an Inch deep; for I saw the Gun afterwards. This spoiled their sport for a time, they being forc'd to carry the Man to the Island Trist, where their Ships were, which was six or seven Leagues distant.

This Irish-man went afterwards to New-England, to be cured, in a Ship belonging to Boston, and nine or ten Months after returned to the Bay again, being recovered of his wound, but went limping ever after.

This was all the mischief that ever I heard was done, in the Bay of Campeachy, by the Creatures call'd Alligators.

[Page]

CHAP. III.

Logwood Mens way of Living. Their Hunting for Beefs in Canoas. Alligators. The Author's setling with Logwood-Men. He is lost in Hunting. Captain Hall and his Mens disaster. The way of preserving Bullocks Hides. Two hairy Worms growing in the Author's Leg. Dangerous Leg-worms in the West Indies. The Author strangely cured of one. A violent Storm. A Description of Beef-Island: Its Fruits and Animals. The Spaniards way of hocksing Cattle. Their care of preserving their Cattle. The wasteful destruction made of them by the English and French Privateers. The Author's narrow Escape from an Alligator.

THE Logwood-Cutters (as I said before) inhabit the Creeks of the East and West Lagunes, in small Companies, building their Huts close by the Creeks sides for the benefit of the Sea-Breezes, as near the Logwood Groves as they can, removing often to be near their Business: Yet when they are settled in a good open Place, they chuse rather to go half a Mile in their Canoas to Work, than lose that convenience. Tho' they build their Huts but slightly, yet they take care to thatch them very well with Palm or Palmeto Leaves, to prevent the Rains, which are there very violent from soaking in.

[Page] For their Bedding they raise a Barbicue, or wooden Frame 3 Foot and half above Ground on one side of the House; and stick up four Stakes, at each corner one, to fasten their Pavillions; out of which here is no sleeping for Muskitoes.

Another Frame they raise covered with Earth for a Hearth to dress their Victuals: And a third to sit at, when they eat it.

During the wet Season, the Land where the Logwood grows is so over-flow'd, that they step from their Beds into the Water perhaps two Foot deep, and continue standing in the Wet all Day, till they go to Bed again; but nevertheless account it the best Season in the Year for doing a good Days Labour in.

Some fell the Trees, others saw and cut them into convenient Logs, and one chips off the Sap, and he is commonly the principal Man; and when a Tree is so thick, that after it is log'd, it remains still too great a Burthen for one Man, we blow it up with Gunpowder.

The Logwood-Cutters are generally sturdy strong Fellows, and will carry Burthens of three or four hundred Weight; but every Man is left to his choice to carry what he pleaseth, and commonly they agree very well about it: For they are contented to labour very hard.

But when Ships come from Jamaica with Rum and Sugar, they are too apt to mis-spend both their Time and Money. If the Commanders of these Ships are Free, and treat all that come the first Day with Punch, they will be much respected, and every Man will pay honestly for what he drinks afterwards; but if he be niggardly, they will pay him with their worst Wood, and commonly they have a stock of such lay'd by for that purpose; nay, they will cheat them with hollow Wood fill'd with dirt in the middle and both ends plug'd up [Page] with a piece of the same drove in hard, and then sawed off so neatly, that it's hard to find out the deceit; but, if any Man come to purchase with Bills payable at Jamaica, they will be sure to give him the best Wood.

In some Places, especially in the West Creek of the West Lagune, they go a Hunting every Saturday to provide themselves with Beef for the Week following.

The Cattle in this Country are large and fat in February, March and April; At other times of the Year they are fleshy, but not fat, yet sweet enough. When they have kill'd a Beef, they cut it into four Quarters, and taking out all the Bones, each Man makes a hole in the middle of his Quarter, just big enough for his Head to go through, then puts it on like a Frock and trudgeth home; and if he chances to tire, he cuts off some of it, and flings it away.

It is a Diversion pleasant enough, though not without some danger to hunt in a Canoa; for then the Cattle having no other feeding Places than the sides of the Savannahs, which are somewhat higher Ground than the middle, they are forced sometimes to swim; so that we easily come to shoot them, when they are thus in the Water.

The Beast, when she is so hard pursued that she cannot escape, turns about and comes full tilt at the Canoa, and striking her Head against the Prow, drives her back 20 or 30 Paces; then she scampers away again: But if she has received a wound, she commonly pursues us till she is knock'd down. Our chiefest care is to keep the Head of the Canoa towards her; for if she should strike against the broad side, it would indanger over-setting it, and consequently wetting our Arms and Ammunition. Besides, the Savannahs at this time swarm with Alligators, and therefore are the more dangerous on that account.

[Page] These Creatures in the Wet Season forsake the Rivers, and inhabit the Drownd-Savannahs to meet with Purchase, and no Flesh comes amiss to them, whether alive or dead. Their chief Subsistence then is on young Cattle, or such Carkasses as we leave behind us, which in the Dry Season feed the Carrion-Crows; but now are a Prey to the Alligators. They remain here till the Water drains off from the Land; and then confine themselves to the Stagnant Ponds; and when they are dry, they ramble away to some Creek or River.

The Alligators in this Bay are not so fierce as they are reported to be in other Places; for I never knew them pursue any Man, although we do frequently meet them; nay, they will flee from us: and I have drank out of a Pond in the dry time, that hath been full of them, and the Water not deep enough to cover their Backs, and the compass of the Pond so small that I could get no Water, but by coming within two Yards of the Alligators Nose; they lying with their Heads towards mine as I was drinking, and looking on me all the while. Neither did I ever hear of any bit in the Water by them, tho' probably should a Man happen in their way, they would seize upon him.

Having thus given some Description of the Country, I shall next give an Account of my Living with the Logwood-Men, and of several Occurrences that happened during my stay here.

Tho' I was a Stranger to their Employment and manner of Living, as being known but to those few only of whom we bought our Wood, in my former Voyage hither; yet that little Acquaintance I then got, encouraged me to visit them after my second arrival here; being in hopes to strike in to work with them. There were six in Company, who had a Hundred Tuns ready cut, log'd and chip'd, but not brought to the Creeks side, and they [Page] expected a Ship from New-England in a Month or two to fetch it away.

When I came thither they were beginning to bring it to the Creek. And because the Carriage is the hardest Work, they hired me to help them at the rate of a Tun of Wood per Month: promising me that after this Carriage was over, I should strike in to work with them, for they were all obliged in Bonds to procure this 100 Tuns joyntly together, but for no more.

This Wood lay all in the Circumference of 5 or 600 Yards, and about 300 from the Creek side, in the middle of a very thick Wood, unpassable with Burthens. The first thing we did was to bring it all to one Place in the middle; and from thence we cut a very large Path to carry it to the Creeks side. We laboured hard at this Work 5 Days in the Week; and on Saturdays went into the Savannahs and kill'd Bieves.

When we kill'd a Beef, if there were more than 4 of us, the overplus went to seek fresh Game, whilst the rest dress'd it.

I went out the first Saturday, and complyed very well with my Masters Orders, which was only to help drive the Cattle out of the Savannahs into the Woods, where two or three Men lay to shoot them: And having kill'd our Game, we marched home with our Burthens. The next Saturday after, I went with a design to kill a Beef my self, thinking it more honour to try my own skill in Shooting, than only to drive the Game for others to shoot at. We went now to a place call'd the Upper Savannah, going 4 Miles in our Canoas, and then Landing walk'd one Mile through the Woods, before we came into the Savannah, and marched about 2 Miles in it, before we came up with any Game. Here I gave my Companions the slip, and wandred so far into the Woods that I lost my self; neither could I find the [Page] way into the open Savannah, but instead of that ran directly from it, through small Spots of Savannahs and Skirts of Woods. This was sometime in May, and it was between ten a Clock and one when I began to find that I was (as we call it, [...] suppose from the Spaniards) Morooned, or Lost, and quite out of the Hearing of my Comrades Guns I was somewhat surprized at this; but however, [...] knew I should find my way out, as soon as the Su [...] was a little lower. So I sat down to rest my self resolving however to run no farther out of my way; for the Sun being so near the Zenith, I could not distinguish how to direct my Course. Being wear [...] and almost faint for want of Water, I was forced to have recourse to the wild Pines, and was by them supplied, or else I must have perish'd with Thirst. About three a Clock I went due North, a [...] near as I could judge, for the Savannah lay East and West, and I was on the South side of it.

At Sun-set I got out into the clear open Savannah being about two Leagues wide in most Places, but how long I know not. It is well stored with Bullocks, but by frequent Hunting, they grow shy, and remove farther up into the Country. Here [...] found my self four or five Mile to the West [...] the Place where I stragled from my Companions. I made homewards with all the speed I could, but being overtaken by the Night, I lay down on the Grass a good distance from the Woods, for the benefit of the Wind, to keep the Muskitoes from me; but in vain: for in less than an Hours time I was so persecuted, that though I endeavoured to keep them off by Fanning my self with Boughs and shifting my Quarters 3 or 4 times; yet still they haunted me so that I could get no sleep. A Day break I got up and directed my Course to th [...] Creek where we landed, from which I was the [...] about two Leagues. I did not see one Beast of any [Page] sort whatever in all the way; though the day before I saw several Young Calves that could not follow their Dams, but even these were now gone away, to my great Vexation and Disappointment, for I was very hungry. But about a Mile farther, I spied ten or twelve Quams perching on the Boughs of a Cotton-Tree. These were not shy, therefore I got well enough under them; and having a single Bullet (but no Shot) about me, fired at one of them, but miss'd it, though I had before often kill'd them so. Then I came up with and fired at 5 or 6 Turkies, but with no better success. So that I was forced to march forward still in the Savannah, toward the Creek; and when I came to the Path that led to it through the Woods, I found (to my great Joy) a Hat stuck upon a Pole: and when I came to the Creek I found another. These were set up by my Consorts, who were gone home in the Evening, as Signals that they would come and fetch me. Therefore I sat down and waited for them; for although I had then not above three Leagues home by Water, yet it would have been very difficult, if not impossible for me to have got thither over Land, by reason of those vast unpassable Thickets, abounding every where along the Creeks side; wherein I have known some puzzled for two or three days, and have not advanced half a Mile, though they laboured extreamly every day. Neither was I disappointed of my hopes; for within half an Hour after my arrival at the Creek, my Consorts came, bringing every Man his Bottle of Water, and his Gun, both to hunt for Game and to give me notice by Firing, that I might hear them; for I have known several Men lost in the like manner, and never heard of afterwards.

Such an Accident befel one Captain Hall of New-England, who came hither in a Boston Ship, to take in Logwood, and was fraighted by two Scotch-men, [Page] and one Mr. W. Cane, an Irish-man who designing to go with Goods from Jamaica to New-England; for that reason when his Logwood was aboard, tarried at Trist with the Ship, and hunted once in 2 or three Days for Beef to lengthen out his Salt-Provision. One Morning the Captain designing to Hunt, took five of his Men, with his Mate, as also his Merchant Mr. Cane along with him. They Landed at the East end of the Island, which is low Mangrove-land; the Savannah is a considerable distance from the Sea, and therefore troublesom to get to it. However, unless they would row four or five Leagues farther, they could not find a more convenient place; beside, they doubted not of Mr. Canes skill to conduct them. After they had followed him a Mile or two into the Woods, the Captain seeing him to make a Halt (as being in some doubt) to consider of the way, told him in derision, that he was but a sorry Woodsman, and that he would swing him but twice round, and he should not guess the way out again; and saying no more to him, went forwards, and bid his Seamen follow him, which they did accordingly. Mr. Cane, after he had recollected himself, struck off another way, and desired them to go with him: But instead of that, they were all for following the Captain. In a short time Mr. Cane got out of the Woods into the Savannah, and there kill'd a good fat Cow, and quartering it, made it fit for Carriage, supposing the Captain and Crew would soon be with him. But after waiting 3 or 4 hours, and firing his Gun several times, without hearing any Answer, took up his Burden and returned towards the Sea-side; and upon giving a Signal a Boat came and brought him aboard. In the mean time the Captain and his Men after 4 or 5 Hours ranging the Woods, began to grow fired, & then his Mate hastily trusting more to his own Judgment, left him and the four Seamen, and about [Page] four or five a Clock being almost spent with Thirst, got out of the Woods to the Sea shore, and as weak as he was, fired his Gun for the Boat to fetch him, which was immediately done.

When he came Aboard he gave an Account whereabout, and in what a condition he left the Captain and his Men; but it being then too late to seek him, the next Morning very early Mr. Cane and two Seamen taking Directions from the Mate (who was so fatigued that he could not stir) where he had left the Captain, went ashore, and at length came within call of him, and at last found him layd down in a Thicket, having just sense to call out sometimes, but not strength enough to stand; so they were forced to carry him to the Sea-side. When they had a little refresh'd him with Brandy and Water, he told them how his Company had fainted for Thirst, and drop'd down one after another, though he still incouraged them to be chearful and rest themselves a while, till he got some supplies of Water for them, that they were very patient, and that two of his Men held out till five a Clock in the Afternoon, and then they fainted also; but he himself proceeded in quest of his way till Night; and then fell down in the place where they then found him.

The two Seamen carried the Captain Aboard, while Mr. Cane searched about for the rest, but to no purpose; for he returned without them, and could neve hear of them afterwards.

This was a warning to me never to straggle from my Consorts in our Hunting. But to proceed.

When my Months Service was up, in which time we brought down all the Wood to the Creeks side, I was presently pay'd my Tun of Logwood; with which, and some more that I borrow'd, I bought a little Provision, and was afterwards entertained as a [Page] Companion at Work with some of my former Masters; for they presently broke up Consort-ships, letting the Wood lye till either Mr. West came to fetch it, according to his Contract, or else till they should otherwise dispose of it. Some of them immediately went to Beef-Island to kill Bullocks for their Hides, which they preserve by pegging them out very tite on the Ground. First they turn the fleshy side, and after the hair upwards, letting them lye so till they are very dry. 32 strong Pegs as big as a Man's Arm, are required to stretch the Flide as it ought to be. When they are dry they fold them in the middle from Head to Tail, with the Hair outward; and then hang them cross a strong Pole so high that the ends may not touch the Ground, 40 or 50 one upon another, and once in 3 Weeks or a Month they beat them with great Sticks, to strike off the Worms that breed in the Hair, and eat it off, which spoils the Hide When they are to be ship'd off, they soak them in salt Water to kill the remaining Worms: and while they are yet wet they fold them in 4 folds, and afterwards spread them Abroad again to dry. When they are fully dry, they fold them up again, and so send them Aboard. I was yet a Stranger to this Work, therefore remained with 3 of the old Crew to cut more Logwood. My Consorts were all three Scotch-men; one of them named Price Morrice had lived there some Years, and was Master of a pretty large Periago; for without some sort of Boat, here is no stirring from one place to another. The other two were young Men that had been bred Merchants, viz. Mr. Duncan Campbell; and Mr. George—These two not liking either the Place or Employment, waited an opportunity of going away by the first Ship that came hither to take in Logwood. Accordingly not long after the above-mentioned Capt. Hall of Boston, came hither on that design, and was [Page] fraighted by them with 40 Tun. It was agreed that George should stay behind to cut Logwood; but Campbell should go to New-England to sell this Cargo, and bring back Flower, and such other Commodities that were proper to purchase Hides and Logwood in the Bay. This retarded our business; for I did not find Price Morrice very intent at Work: for 'tis like he thought he had Logwood enough. And I have particularly observed there, and in other Places, that such as had been well-bred, were generally most careful to improve their Time, and would be very industrious and frugal, when there was any probability of considerable Gain. But on the contrary, such as had been inur'd to hard Labour, and got their Living by the sweat of their Brows; when they came to have plenty, would extravagantly squander away their Time and Money in Drinking and making a Bluster.

To be short, I kept to my Work by my self, till I was hindred by a hard, red and angry Swelling like a Boyl, in my right Leg; so painful that I was scarce able to stand on it: but I was directed to roast and apply the Roots of White Lillies (of which here is great plenty, growing by the Creek sides) to draw it to a head. This I did three or four Days, without any benefit. At last I perceived two White Specks in the middle of the Boil; and squeezing it, two small white Worms spurted out. I took them both up in my Hand, and perceived each of them to be invested with three Rows of black, short, stiff Hair, running clear round them; one Row near each end; the other in the middle: each Row distinct from other; and all very regular and uniform. The Worms were about the bigness of a Hens Quill, and about three fourths of an Inch long.

I never saw Worms of this sort breed in any Man's Flesh. Indeed Guinea Worms are very frequent in some Places of the West Indies, especially at Curasao; [Page] They breed as well in Whites as Negroes: And because that Island was formerly a Magazin of Negroes, while the Dutch drove that Trade with the Spaniards, and the Negroes were most subject to them; 'twas therefore believed that other People took them by Infection from them. I rather judge that they are generated by drinking bad Water; and 'tis as likely that the Water of the other Island of Aruba and Bonairy may produce the same Effects; for many of those that went with me from thence to Virginia (mentioned in my former Volume) were troubled with them after our arrival there: particularly I my self had one broke out in my Ancle, after I had been there five or six Months.

These Worms are no bigger than a large brown Thread, but (as I have heard) five or six Yards long; and if it breaks in drawing out, that part which remains in the Flesh will putrifie, and be very painful, and indanger the Patients Life; or at least the use of that Limb: and I have known some that have been scarified and cut strangely, to take out the Worm. I was in great torment before it came out: my Leg and Ancle swell'd and look'd very red and angry; and I kept a Plaister to it, to bring it to a Head. At last drawing off my Plaister, out came about three Inches of the Worm; and my pain abated presently. Till then I was ignorant of my Malady; and the Gentlewoman, at whose House I was, took it for a Nerve; but I knew well enough what it was, and presently roll'd it up on a small Stick. After that I opened it every Morning and Evening; and strained it out gently, about two Inches at a time, not without some pain, till at length I had got out about two Foot.

Riding with one Mr. Richardson, who was going to a Negro to have his Horse cured of a gall'd Back, I ask'd the Negro if he could undertake my Leg: which he did very readily; and in the mean [Page] time I observed his Method in curing the Horse; which was this. First he strok'd the sore Place, then applying to it a little rough Powder, which looked like Tobacco Leaves dryed and crumbled small, & mumbling some Words to himself, he blew upon the part three times; and waving his Hands as often over it said, it would be well speedily. His Fee for the Cure was a White Cock.

Then coming to me, and looking on the Worm in my Ancle, he promised to cure it in three Days, demanding also a White Cock for his pains, and using exactly the same Method with me, as he did with the Horse, He bad me not open it in three Days; but I did not stay so long; for the next Morning the Cloath being rubb'd off, I unbound it, and found the Worm broken off, and the Hole quite healed up. I was afraid the remaining part would have given some trouble, but have not felt any pain there from that day to this.

To return. I told you how I was interrupted in following my Work, by the Worms breeding in my Leg. And to compleat my misfortune, presently after we had the most violent Storm, for above 24 Hours, that ever was known in these Parts. An Account of which I shall give more particularly in my Discourse of Winds; and shall now only mention some Passages.

I have already said, we were four of us in Company at this Place cutting Logwood: and by this Storm were reduced to great Inconveniencies; for while that lasted we could dress no Victuals, nor even now it was over, unless we had done it in the Canoa; for the highest Land near us was almost 3 Foot under Water; besides, our Provision too was most of it spoiled, except the Beef and Pork, which was but little the worse.

We had a good Canoa large enough to carry us all; and seeing it in vain to stay here any longer, we [Page] all embarked and rowed away to One-Bush-Key, about 4 Leagues from our Huts. There were 4 Ships riding here, when the Storm began: but at our arrival we found only one, and hoped to have got some Refreshment from it, but found very cold entertainment: For we could neither get Bread nor Punch, nor so much as a Dram of Rum, though we offered them Money for it. The Reason was, they were already over-charged with such as being distressed by the Storm, had been forced to take Sanctuary with them. seeing we could not be supplied here, we asked which way the other three Ships were driven? they told us that Capt. Prout of New-England was driven towards Trist; and 'twas probable he was carried out to Sea, unless he stuck on a Sand, called the Middle Ground; that Capt. Skinner of New-England was driven towards Beef-Island; and Captain Chandler of London, drove away towards Man-of-War Lagune.

Beef-Island lies North from One-Bush-Key; but the other two Places lie a little on each side: One to the East; the other to the West. So away we went for Beef-Island: and coming within a League of it, we saw a Flag in the Woods, made fast to a Pole, and placed on the Top of a high Tree. And coming still nearer, we at last saw a Ship in the Woods, about 200 Yards from the Sea. We rowed directly towards her; and when we came to the Woods side, found a pretty clear Passage made by the Ship, through the Woods, the Trees being all broke down; And about three Foot Water Home to the Ship. We rowed in with our Canoa, and went Aboard, and were kindly Entertained by the Seamen: but the Captain was gone Aboard Captain Prout, who stuck fast on the middle Ground before-mentioned. Captain Prout's Ship was afterwards got off again; but the Stumps of the Trees ran clear through the bottom of Captain [Page] Skinner's, therefore there was no hope of saving her. Here we got Victuals and Punch, and stayed about two Hours, in which time the Captain came Aboard, and invited us to stay all Night. But hearing some Guns fired in Man-of-War Lagune, we concluded that Captain Chandler was there, and wanted assistance. Therefore we presently rowed away thither; for we could do no Service here: and before Night found him also stuck fast on a Point of Sand. The Head of his Ketch was dry, and at the Stern, there was above 4 Foot Water. Our coming was very seasonable to Captain Chandler, with whom we stayed two Days: in which time we got out all his Goods, carried off his Anchor, &c. and so not being able as yet to do him more Service, we left him for the present, and went away to hunt at Beef-Island.

At Trist were four Vessels riding before this Storm; one of them was driven off to Sea, and never heard of afterwards. Another was cast dry upon the shore, where she lay and was never got off again: But the third rode it out. Another was riding without the Bar of Trist, and she put to Sea, and got to New-England; but much shattered. About three days before this Storm began, a small Vessel, Commanded by Captain Vally, went hence, bound to Jamaica. This Vessel was given for lost by all the Logwood-Cutters: but about 4 Months after she returned thither again; and the Captain said he felt nothing of the Storm, but when he was about 30 Leagues to Wind-ward of Trist, he had a fresh Summasenta-Wind that carried him as high as Cape Condecedo; but all the time he saw very black Clouds to the Westward.

Beef-Island is about 7 Leagues long, and 3 or 4 broad. It lies in length East and West. The East end looks toward the Island Trist; and is low drowned Land: and near the Sea produceth nothing but [Page] white and black Mangrove-Trees. The North side lies open to the Main Sea, running straight from East to West. The Eastermost part for about three Leagues from Trist is Low and Mangrovy; at the end of which there is a small salt Creek, deep enough at high Water for Boats to pass.

From this Creek to the West end, is 4 Leagues all sandy Bay, closed on the backside with a low Sandbank, abounding with thick prickly Bushes, like a White-thorn; bearing a whitish hard Shell-Fruit, as big as a Sloe, much like a Calla-bash. The West end is washed with the River St. Peter St. Paul. This end is over-grown with red Mangroves. About 3 Leagues up from the Mouth of this River shoots forth a small Branch, running to the Eastward, and dividing Beef-Island form the Main on the South, and afterwards makes a great Lake of fresh Water, called Fresh Water Lagune. This afterward falls into a Salt Lake, called Man-of-War Lagune; which emptys it self into Laguna Termina, about 2 Leagues from the S. E. Point of the Island.

The inside or middle of this Island is a Savannah, bordered all round with Trees, most Mangrovy; either black, white or red, with some Logwood.

The South side, between the Savannahs and the Mangroves, is very rich. Sometimes this Land lyes in Ridges higher than the Savannahs.

The Savannahs produce plenty of long Grass, and the Ridges curious high flourishing Trees of divers sorts.

The Fruits of this Island are, Penguins, both red and yellow, Guavers, Sapadilloes, Limes, Oranges, &c. These last but lately planted here by a Colony of Indians; who revolted from the Spaniards and settled here.

It is no new thing for the Indians in these Woody Parts of America, to fly away whole Towns at once, and settle themselves in the unfrequented [Page] Woods, to enjoy their Freedom; and if they are accidentally discovered, they will remove again; which they can easily do; their Houshold-Goods being little else but their Cotton Hammacks, and their Callabashes. They build every Man his own House, and tye up their Hammacks between two Trees; wherein they sleep till their Houses are made. The Woods afford them some Subsistence, as Pecary and Warree; but they that are thus stroling (or morooning, as the Spaniards call it) have Plantain-Walks that no Man knows, but themselves; and from thence they have their Food, till they have raised Plantation-Provision near their New-built Town. They clear no more Ground than what they actually employ for their Subsistence. They make no Paths: but when they go far from Home; they break now and then a Bough; letting it hang down; which serves as a Mark to guide them in their return. If they happen to be discovered by other Indians, inhabiting still among the Spaniards, or do but mistrust it, they immediately shift their Quarters to another Place. This large Country affording them good fat Land enough, and very Woody, and therefore a proper Sanctuary for them.

It was some of these fugitive Indians that came to live at Beef-Island; where, besides gaining their Freedom from the Spaniards, they might see their Friends and Acquaintances, that had been taken some time before by the Privateers, and sold to the Logwood-Cutters, with whom some of the Women lived still; though others of them had been conducted by them to their own Habitations.—It was these Women after their return made known the kind Entertainment that they met with from the English; and perswaded their Friends to leave their Dwellings near the Spaniards, and settle on this Island; and they had been here almost a Year before they were discovered by the English: and even then were accidentally [Page] found out by the Hunters, as they followed their Game. They were not very shy all the time I lived there; but I know that upon the least disgust they would have been gone.

The Animals of this Island are, Squashes in abundance, Porcupines, Guanoes, Possomes, Pecary, Deer, Horses and Horn Cattle.

This Island does properly belong to John d'Acosta, a Spaniard of Campeachy Town, who possess'd it when the English first came hither to cut Logwood. His Habitation was then at the Town of Campeachy; but in the dry Season he used to come hither in a Bark, with six or seven Servants, and spend two or three Months in Hocksing and killing Cattle, only for their Hides and Tallow.

The English Logwood-Cutters happened once to come hither, whilst John d'Acosta was there; and he hearing their Guns, made towards them, and desired them to forbear firing; because it would make the Cattle wild; but told them that at any time when they wanted Beef, if they sent to him he would hox as many as they pleased, and bring the Meat to their Canoas. The English thankfully accepted his Offer; and did never after shoot his Cattle; but sent to him, when they wanted: and he (according to his Promise) supplied them. This created him so much Friendship, that they intended when they returned to Jamaica, to bring him a Present, and Goods also to Trade with him; which would have been very Advantagious to both Parties: but some of his Servants acquainted the Townsmen of it, at his return to Campeachy. And they being jealous of the English, and envying him, complained to the Governour; who presently cast him into Prison, where he remained many Years: This happened about the Year 71 or 72. Thus the Project of Trading with the English miscarried here; and John d'Acosta was forced to relinquish his Right of this [Page] sant and profitable Island, leaving it wholly to the English; for neither he nor any other Spaniard ever came hither afterward to hocks Cattle.

This way of Hocksing Bullocks seems peculiar to the Spaniards; especially to those that live hereabouts, who are very dextrous at it. For this Reason some of them are constantly employed in it all the Year; and so become very expert. The Hockser is mounted on a good Horse, bred up to the Sport; who knows so well when to advance or retreat upon occasion, that the Rider has no trouble to manage him. His Arms is a Hocksing Iron, which is made in the shape of a Half Moon, and from one corner to the other is about 6 or 7 Inches; with a very sharp Edge.

This Iron is fastned by a Socket to a Pole about 14 or 15 Foot long. When the Hockser is mounted, he lays the Pole over the Head of his Horse, with the Iron forward, and then Rides after his Game; and having overtaken it, strikes his Iron just above the Hock, and Hamstrings it. The Horse presently wheels off to the left; for the wounded Beast makes at him presently with all his force; but he scampers away a good distance before he comes about again. If the Hamstring is not quite cut asunder with the stroke, yet the Bullocks by continual springing out his Leg, certainly breaks it; and then can go but on three Legs, yet still limps forward to be revenged on his Enemy. Then the Hockser Rides up softly to him, and strikes his Iron into the Knee of one of his fore Legs; and then he immediately tumbles down. He gets off his Horse, and taking a sharp-pointed strong Knife, strikes it into his Pole, a little behind the Horns, so dextrously that at one blow he cuts the string of his Neck; and down falls his Head. This they call Poling. Then the Hockser immediately Mounts, and Rides after more Game, leaving the other to the [Page] Skinners, who are at hand, and ready to take off his Hide.

The right Ear of the Hocksing-Horse, by the weight of the Pole lay'd constantly over it when on Duty, hangs down always, by which you may know it from other Horses.

The Spaniards pick and chuse only the Bulls and old Cows, and leave the young Cattle to breed; by which means they always preserve their Stock entire. On the contrary, the English and French kill without distinction; yea, the young rather than the old; without regard of keeping up their Stock. Jamaica is a remarkable Instance of this our Folly, in this Particular. For when it was first taken by the English, the Savannahs were well stock'd with Cattle; but were soon all destroyed by our Soldiers, who suffered great Hardships afterwards for it: and it was never stock'd again till Sir Thomas Linch was Governour. He sent to Cuba for a supply of Cattle, which are now grown very plentiful, because every Man knows his own proper Goods. Whereas before, when there was no Property, each Man destroyed as fast as he could. The French (I think) are greater Destroyers than the English.

Had it not been for the great care of the Spaniards, in Stocking the West Indies with Hogs and Bullocks, the Privateers must have starved. But now the Main, as well as the Islands, is plentifully provided; particularly the Bay of Campeachy, the Islands of Cuba, Pines, Hispaniola, Portarica, &c. Where, besides wild Hogs, there are abundance of Crawls or Hog-farms; in some of which, I have heard, there are no less than 1500. This was the main Subsistence of the Privateers.

But to return again to Beef-Island. Our English Hunters have much lessened the numbers of the Cattle there. And those that are left, by constant shooting, are now grown so wild and desperate, that it [Page] is dangerous for a single Man to fire at them, or to venture through the Savannahs. For the old Bulls that have been formerly shot, will make at him: and they will all draw up in Battalia to defend themselves upon our approach; the old Bulls in the Front; behind them the Cows, in the same manner; and behind them the young Cattle. And if we strive to wheel about to get in the Reer, the Balls will certainly face about that way, and still present a Front to us. Therefore we seldom strive to shoot any out of a great Herd; but walk about in the Woods, close by the Savannah; and there we light of our Game. The Beast makes directly at the Hunter, if it be desperately wounded, (as I have experienced my self) but if but slightly, they commonly run away. The old Hunters tell us, that a Cow is more dangerous of the two; because, they say, she runs at her Enemy with her Eyes open; but the Bull shuts his, so that you may easily avoid him. But this I cannot affirm upon my own knowledge, and rather doubt the truth of it; for I knew one shrewdly gor'd by a Bull. He was a Consort with Mr. Barker, in the West Lagune; where having tir'd themselves with cutting Logwood, they took an occasion to go in their Canoa to Beef-Island, to refresh themselves there a Fortnight or three Weeks; because here were several sorts of Fruits, and plenty of Cabbage to eat with their fresh Beef, which they could not fail to meet with. They came to a Place call'd the Salt Creek; and there built them a Hut. About 4 a Clock while Mr. Barker lay down to sleep, his Consort march'd out into the Savannah, about a Mile from their Huts; and there coming within shot of a Bull, wounded him desperately; but yet the Bull had still so much strength left as to pursue and overtake his Adversary, trampling on him; and goring his Thigh, so that he was not able [Page] to rise. The Bull by this time was spent, and fell down dead by him: And there the Man had also perished, if Mr. Barker had not come the next Morning to seek him; who finding him by the dead Beast, took him on his Back, and lug'd him home to their Hut. The next day he put him in his Canoa, and delivered him aboard a Ship, into the hands of a Surgeon, who cured him in a little time.

I told you we left Capt. Chandler, with a design of going to Beef-Island, to spend some time in Hunting at Pies Pond, before mentioned. But before we came thither we went ashore to kill a Beef for Supper; where I was surprized with an odd accident. Passing through a small Savannah, about 2 or 3 Foot deep, we smell'd a strong scent of an Alligator; and presently after I stumbled over one, and fell down immediately. I cry'd out for help: but my Consorts, instead of assisting me, ran away towards the Wood. I had no sooner got up to follow them, but I stumbled on him a second time; and a third time also: expecting still when I fell down to be devoured. Yet at last I got out safe; but so frighted that I never cared for going through the Water again as long as I was in the Bay.

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CHAP. IV.

The River St. Peter St. Paul. The Mountain-Cow and Hippopotamus. Tobasco Island. Guavers. Tobasco River. Manatee. Villa de Mosa. Estapo. Halapo. Tacatalpo de Sierra. Small Bees. Indians. Tartillos. Posole. Cotton Garments. Early Marriages. Towns. Festivals. Shape and Features.

THE River St. Peter St. Paul springs from the high Mountains of Chiapo, about 20 Leagues within the Country, which are so called from a City not far distant. Its first Course is Easterly for a considerable length, till it meets with Mountains on that side: then it turns short about Northward, till within 12 Leagues of the Sea. And lastly, it divides its self into two Branches. The Western Branch falls into the River Tobasco; the other keeps its Course till within 4 Leagues of the Sea; then divides it self again. The Eastermost of these Branches separates Beef-Island from the Main; and falls into Man-of-War Lagune, as is before related. The other keeps it Course and Name, till it falls into the Sea, between Beef-Island and Tobasco-Island; where it is no broader than the Thames at Gravesend. There is a Bar at its Entrance, but of what depth I know not; over which small Vessels may pass well enough by the Benefit of the Tide. It is both deeper and broader after you are in; for there it is 15 or 16 Foot Water, and very good Riding. By Report of the Privateers who have been up this River, it is very broad before it [Page] parts; & beyond that farther in the Country, has divers large Indian Towns built on its Banks: the chief of which is called Summasenta; and many large Cacao and Plantain-walks: the Soil on each side being very Fruitful. The unmanur'd Land is overgrown with lofty Trees of many sorts, especially the Cotton or Cabbage; of the latter there are whole Groves; and in some Places (especially a little way from the Rivers side) great Savannahs full of Bullocks, Horses, and other Animals; amongst which the Mountain Cow (called by the Spaniards Ante) is most remarkable.

This Beast is as big as a Bullock of two Years old. It is shaped like a Cow in Body; but her Head much bigger. Her Nose is short, and the Head more compact and round. She has no Horns. Her Eyes are round, full, and of a prodigious size. She has great Lips, but not so thick as the Cows Lips. Her Ears, are in proportion to the Head, rather broader than those of the Common Cow. Her Neck is thick and short. Her Legs also shorter than ordinary. She has a pretty long Tail; thin of Hairs, and no Bob at the end. She has course thin Hair all over her Body. Her Hide is near two Inches thick. Her Flesh is red: The Grain of it very fine. The Fat is white, and altogether it is sweet wholsom Meat. One of them will Weigh 5 or 600 Weight.

This Creature is always found in the Woods near some large River; and feeds on a sort of long thin Grass, or Moss, which grows plentifully on the Banks of Rivers: but never feeds in Savannahs, or Pastures of good Grass, as all other Bullocks do. When her Belly is full, she lyes down to sleep by the brink of the River; and at the least Noise slips into the Water: where sinking down to the bottom, tho' very deep, she walks as on dry Ground. She cannot run fast, therefore never rambles far from the River; for there she always takes Sanctuary, in case [Page] of danger. There is no shooting of her, but when she is asleep.

They are found, besides this Place, in the Rivers in the Bay of Honduras; and on all the Main from thence as high as the River of Darien. Several of my Consorts have kill'd them there, and knew their Track, which I my self saw in the Isthmus of Darien; but should not have known it, but as I was told by them. For I never did see one, nor the Track of any but once. The Impression in the Sand, seemed much like the Track of a Cow, but I was well assured that none of our common Cows could live in that Place: neither are there any near it by many Miles.

My Consorts then gave me this Relation, and since I have had the same from other English-men as well as Spaniards.

Having shew'd the fore-going Description to a Person of Honour, he was pleased to send it to a Learned Friend in Holland; from whom he received this Answer.

SIR,

THE Account I have of this Paper from the English Minister at Leyden is this. The Description of your Sea-Cow, agrees with the Hippopotamus kept here so exactly, that I take them to be Creatures of the same kind. Only this here at Leyden is bigger than any Ox. For the Eyes, Ears and Hair, nothing can be said, seeing this Skin wants all these. The Teeth are worth noticing, which are very large, and firm, and fine as any Ivory.

I have spoke with a very Intelligent Person, Kinsman to the Burgomaster of Leyden, who having had that Hippopotamus (as they call it) presented to him, made a Present thereof to the University: who having viewed that Skin very well, saith, It's much bigger than [Page]you make yours, and cannot weigh less than one Thousand Weight.

Let me add of mine own, that perhaps they are greater, about the Cape of Good Hope; whence that of Leyden came. And seeing there are no Horns, perhaps it may as well be called a River-Horse, as a River-Cow: But for that, it must bear the denomination given it by the People of the Place where they are; which may be different in Africa and America.

But what he says of her sinking to the bottom in deep Rivers, and walking there, if he adds, what I think he supposes, that she rises again, and comes on the Land; I much question. For that such a huge Body should raise it self up again (though I know Whales and great Fishes can and do) transcends the Faith of I. H.

I readily acknowledge, there is some resemblance between this Mountain-Cow of America, and the African Hippopotamus; but yet am of Opinion that they must needs be of a different Species: for the Mountain-Cow is never known to swim out to Sea, nor to be found near it; and is not above half so big; and has no long Teeth. But for further satisfaction, I have here inserted two Accounts of the African Hippopotamus, as they were sent; the one to the Honourable Person before-mentioned, from Captain Covent of Porbury, near Bristol, a Gentleman of great Ability and Experience, as well as known Integrity, who used to Trade to Angola: The other to my self, from my worthy Friend Captain Rogers, as he has seen them in the River Natal, in the Latitude of 30 on the East side of the Cape of Good Hope.

The Sea-Horse's Head, Ears and Nostrils are like our Horses; with a short Tail and Legs. And his Footsteps in the Sand like a Horses; but the Body above [Page] twice as big. He grases on the shore, and dungs like a Horse. Is of a dark-brown, but glistering in the Water. His pace is but slow on the shore; in the Water more swift. He there feeds on small Fish and what he can get; and will go down to the bottom in 3 Fathom Water. For I have watch'd him; and he hath staid above half an hour before he arose. He is very mischievous to white Men. I have known him open his Mouth and set one Tooth on the Gunnel of a Boat, and another on the second Strake from the Keel (which was more than 4 Foot distant) and there bit a hole through the Plank, and sunk the Boat; and after he had done, he wentaway shaking his Ears. His strength is incredibly great; for I have seen him in the Wash of the shore, when the Sea has tossed in a Dutch-man's Boat, with 14 Hogsheads of Water in her, upon the said Beast; and left it dry on his Back: and another Sea came and setch'd the Boat off, and the Beast was not hurt, as far as I could perceive. How his Teeth grow in his Mouth I could not see; only that they were round like a Bow; and about 16 Inches long; and in the higgest part more than 6 Inches about. We made several shot at him; but to no purpose; for they would glance from him as from a Wall. The Natives call him a Kittimpungo, and say he is Fetisso, which is a kind of a God; for nothing, they say can kill him: And if they should do to him, as the White Men do, he would soon destroy their Canoas and Fishing-Nets. Their Custom is when he comes near their Canoas, to throw him Fish; and then he passeth away, and will not meddle with their Fishing-Craft. He doth most mischief when he can stand on the Ground; but when a-float, hath only power to bite. As our Boat once lay near the shore, I saw him go under her, and with his Back lift her out of the Water; and over-set her with 6 Men aboard: but, as it happened, did them no harm. [Page] Whilst we lay in the Road we had three of them, which did trouble this Bay every Full and Change. and two or three Days after, the Natives say, they go together, two Males and one Female. Their Noise is much like the bellowing of a large Calf.

This Remark was made of a Sea-Horse at Loango, in the Year 1695.

Captain Roger's Letter.

SIR,

THE Hippopotamus or Sea-Horse, lives as well on Land as in the Sea or in Rivers. It is shaped much like an Ox, but bigger; weighing 1500 or 1600 l. This Creature is very full bodied, and covered with Hair of a Mouse Colour; thick, short and of a very beautiful sleekness, when he first comes out of the Water. The Head is flattish on the top. It has no Horns: but large Lips, a wide Mouth and strong Teeth; four of which are longer than the rest, (viz.) two in the upper Jaw; one on each side: and two more in the under: These last are four or five Inches long, the other two are shorter. It has large broad Ears; great goggle Eyes; and is very quick sighted. It has a thick Neck; and strong Legs, but weak Footlocks. The Hoofs of his Feet are Cloven in the middle: And it has two small Hoofs above the Footlock, which bending to the Ground when it goes, make an Impression on the Sand like four Claws. His Tail is short and tapering, like a Swines; without any Bob at the end. This Beast is commonly fat and very good Meat. It graseth ashore in wet swampy Ground near Rivers or Ponds; but retires to the Water, if pursued. When they are in the Water, they will sink down to the bottom; and there walk as on dry Ground. They will run almost as fast as a Man: but if chased hard, they will turn about and look very fierce, like a Boar; and fight if put to it. The Natives [Page] of the Country have no Wars with these Creatures; but we had many Conflicts with them, both on Shore and in the Rivers: and though we commonly got the better by killing some, and routing the rest; yet in the Water we durst not molest them, after one Bout; which had like to have proved fatal to 3 Men that went in a small Canoa to kill a single Sea-Horse, in a River where was 8 or 10 Foot Water. The Horse, according to his Custom, was marching in the bottom of the River; and being espied by these Men, they wounded him with a long Lance; which so enraged the Beast, that he rose up immediately, and giving a fierce look, he opened his Jaws and bit a great piece of the Gunnal or upper edge of the Canoa, and was like to over-set it, but presently sunk down again to the bottom: and the Men made away as fast as they could, for fear he should come again.

The West Branch of the River St. Peter St. Paul, after it has run 8 or 9 Leagues N. W, loseth it self in Tobasco River, about 4 Leagues from the Sea, and so makes the Island Tobasco, which is 12 Leagues long, and 4 broad at the North end: for from the River St. Peter St. Paul, to the mouth of Tobasco River, is accounted 4 Leagues; and the Shore lies East and West.

The first League on the East is Mangrove-Land, with some Sandy Bay, where Turtle come ashore to lay their Eggs.

The West part of it is Sandy Bay quite to the River Tobasco. But because here is constantly a great Sea, you have no good Landing till within the River. The N. W. part of it is full of Guaver Trees, of the greatest variety, and their fruit the largest and best tasted I have met with; and 'tis really a very delicious place. There are also some Coco-Plums and Grapes, but not many. The Savannahs here are naturally fenced with Groves of Guavers, and produce [Page] good Grass for Pasture, and are pretty well stock'd with fat Bullocks: and I do believe it is from their eating the Guaver Fruit that these Trees are so thick. For this fruit is full of small seeds; which being swallowed whole by the Cattle, are voided whole by them again; and then taking root in their Dung, spring up abundantly.

Here are also Deer in great numbers; these we constantly find feeding in the Savannahs Mornings and Evenings. And I remember an unlucky Accident whilst I was there. Two or three Men went out one Evening purposely to hunt; when they were in the spots of Savannahs, they separated to find their Game, and at last it so happened, that one of them fired at a Deer and killed it, and while he was skinning it, he was shot stark dead by one of his Consorts, who fired at him, mistaking him for a Deer. The poor Man was very sorry for so sad a mischance; and for fear of the dead Man's Friends, durst never go back again to Jamaica.

The River of Tobasco is the most noted in all the Bay of Campeachy, and springs also from the high Mountains of Chiapo; but much more to the Westward than that of St. Peter St. Paul. From thence it runs N. E. till within 4 Leagues of the Sea, where it receives the fore-mentioned Branch of St. Peter St. Paul, and then runs North till it falls into the Sea. Its Mouth is about two Miles wide, and there is a Bar of Sand lying off it, with not above 11 or 12 foot Water; but a Mile or two within the Mouth, at a nook or bending of the River on the East-side there is three Fathom, and good Riding, without any danger from the strength of the Current. The Tide flows up about four Leagues in the dry Season, but in the Rains not so far; for then the Freshes make the Ebb run very strong.

During the Norths it over-flows all the low Land [Page] for 14 or 15 Leagues up the River, and you may then take up fresh Water without the Bar.

This River, near its Mouth, abounds with Catfish, with some Snooks; and Manatee in great plenty; there being good feeding for them in many of its Creeks, especially in one place on the Starbord side about 2 Leagues from the Sea, which runs into the Land 2 or 300 paces, and then opens very wide, and is so shoal that you may see their backs above Water as they feed; a thing so rare, that I have heard our Musketo-men say, they never saw it any where else: On the least noise they will all scamper out into the River: yet the Musketo-men seldom miss of striking them. These are a sort of Fresh-water Manatee, not altogether so big as the Sea kind, but otherwise exactly alike in shape and tast, and I think rather fatter. The Land by the Rivers, especially on tne Starbord side, is swampy, and over-grown with Trees.

Here are also abundance of Land-Turtle, the largest that I ever saw, till I came to the Gallapagos Islands in the S. Seas; viz. Mangroves, Macaws, and other sorts that I know not. In some places near the River side, further up the Country, are Ridges of dry Land, full of lofty Cabbage and Cotton Trees, which make a very pleasant Landskip. There is no Settlement within 8 Leagues of the River's Mouth, and then you come to a small Breast-work, where there is commonly a Spaniard with 8 or 9 Indians posted on each side the River, to watch for Boats coming that way: And because there are divers Greeks running in from the Savannahs; some of these Sentinels are so placed in the Woods, that they may look into the Savannahs; for fear of being surprized on the back side: Yet for all their caution, these Sentinels were snap'd by Captain Nevil, Commander of a small Brigantine, in a second Expedition that he made to take the Town called Villa de Mose. His [Page] first Attempt miscarried by his being discovered. But the second time he got into a Creek, a League below these Sentinels, and there dragging his Canoas over some Trees that were laid cross it, purposely to hinder his passage, he came in the night upon their backs in their several Posts; so that the Town, having no notice of his coming by their firing as they should have done, was taken without any resistance.

Villa de Mose is a small Town standing on the Starbord side of the River, four Leagues beyond this Breast-work. 'Tis inhabited chiefly by Indians, with some Spaniards: there is a Church in the middle, and a Fort at the West end, which commands the River. Thus far Ships come to bring goods, especially European Commodities; viz. Broad-cloth, Serges, Perpetuana's, Kersies, Thred-Stockings, Hats, Ozenbrigs, white and blew, Ghentins, Platilloes, Britannias, Hollandilloes, Iron-work, &c. They arrive here in November or December, and stay till June or July, selling their Commodities; and then load chiefly with Cacao, and some Sylvester. All the Merchants and petty Traders of the Country Towns come hither about Christmas to Traffick, which makes this Town the chiefest in all these parts, Campeachy excepted; yet there are but few Rich Men that live here. Sometimes Ships that come hither load Hides and Tallow, if they cannot fraight with Cacao. But the chiefest place for Hides is a Town lying on a Branch of this River, that comes out a League below the Breast-work, where Spanish Barks usually lade once a year; but I can give no further account of it. Four Leagues beyond Villa de Mose, further up the River, lies Estapo, inhabited partly with Spaniards, but most Indians, as generally the Towns in this Country are: it's said to be pretty rich; stands close by the River, on the South side, and is so built between two Creeks, that there is but one Avenue leading to it; and so well guarded [Page] with a Breast-work, that Captain Hewet a Privateer, who had under him near 200 Men, was there repulsed, losing many of them, and himself wounded in the Leg. In his way thither he took Villa de Mose, and left a Party there to secure his Retreat. If he had taken Estapo, he designed to pass on to Halpo, a Rich Town, three Leagues farther up the River, and from thence to visit Tacatalpo, lying 3 or 4 Leagues beyond, which is accounted the wealthiest of the three: the Spaniards call it Tacatalpo de Sierra: whether to distinguish it from another Town of that name, or to denote its nearness to the Mountains, I know not. 'Tis the best Town on this River, having three Churches, and several Rich Merchants; and between it and Villa de Mose are many large Cacao Walks on each side the River.

I have seen a sort of white Cacao brought from hence, which I never met with any where else. It is of the same bigness and colour on the outside, and with such a thin husky Coat as the other; but the inner substance is white, like fine Flower; and when the outward Coat is broken, it crumbles as a lump of Flower doth. Those that frequent the Bay call it Spuma, and affirm that it is much used by the Spaniards of those parts, to make their Chocolate froth, who therefore set a great value on it. But I never yet met with any in England that knew it, except the Right Honourable the Earl of Carbery, who was pleased to tell me he had seen of it.

The Land on the South side of the River is low Savannahs or Pasture: The side where the Town of Villa de Mose stands, is a sort of grey sandy Earth; and the whole Country, the Up-land I mean, seems to be much the same: But the Low-land is of a black deep Mould, and in some places very strong Clay; and there is not a Stone to be found in all the Country. The healthy dry Land is very Woody, except where inhabited or planted. It is pretty thick settled [Page] with Indian Towns, who have all a Padre or two among them, and a Cacique or Governour to keep the Peace. The Cacao Tree thrives here very well; but the Nuts are smaller than the Caraccus Nuts; yet Oyly and Fat whilst New. They are not planted near the Sea, as they are on the Coast of Caraccus, but at least 8 or 10 Miles up in the Country. The Cacao-walks belong chiefly to the Spaniards; and are only planted and dress'd by Indians, hired for that purpose; yet the Indians have of their own, Plantain-walks, Plantations of Maiz, and some small Cacao-walks: about which they spend the chiefest of their time. Some Employ themselves to search in the Woods for Bees that build in hollow Trees: and get a good livelihood by their Honey and Wax. These are of two sorts: One pretty large; the other no bigger, but longer, than an ordinary black Fly: in other respects, just like our common Bees; only of a darker colour. Their Stings are not strong enough to enter a Man's Skin; but if disturbed, they will fly at one as furiously as the great Bees; and will tickle, but cannot hurt you. Their Honey is white and clear; and they make a great deal of it. The Indians keep of them tame, and cut hollow Trunks for them to make their Combs in. They place one end of the Log (which is saw'd very even) on a Board, leaving a hole for the Bees to creep in at: and the upper end is covered with a Board put close over it. The young and lusty Indians (such as want Employment) hire themselves to the Spaniards. They Work cheap, and are commonly paid in such Goods as the Spaniards do not value. And I have been told, that they are obliged to Work for their Masters, one day in a Week, gratis: But whether this Priviledge belongs only to the Padres, or to the Laity also, I know not. The Indians inhabiting these Villages, live like Gentlemen in Comparison [Page] of those that are near any great Town, such as Campeachy or Merida: for there even the Poorer and Rascally sort of People, that are not able to hire one of these poor Creatures, will by violence drag them to do their Drudgery for nothing, after they have work'd all day for their Masters: nay, they often take them out of the Market from their Business; or at least enjoyn them to come to their Houses when their Market is ended: and they dare not refuse to do it.

This Country is very fruitful; yielding plentiful Crops of Maiz; which is their chiefest Subsistence. After it is boil'd they bruise it on such a Rubbing-stone as Chocolate is grownd on. Some of it they make into small thin Cakes, called Tartilloes. The rest they put into a Jar till it grows sowr; and when they are thirsty, mix a handful of it in a Callabash of Water, which gives it a sharp pleasant taste, then streining it through a large Callabash prick'd full of small Holes to keep out the Husks, they drink it off. If they treat a Friend with this Drink, they mix a little Honey with it; for their Ability reaches no higher: And this is as acceptable to them as a Glass of Wine to us. If they travel for two or three Days from Home, they carry some of this Grown'd Maiz in a Plantain Leaf, and a Callabash at their Girdles to make their drink, and take no farther care for Victuals, till they come Home again. This is called Posole: And by the English Poorsoul. It is so much esteemed by the Indians, that they are never without some of it in their Houses.

Another way of Preparing their Drink, is to parch the Maiz, and then grind it to Powder on the Rubbing-stone, putting a little Anatta to it; which grows in their Plantations; and is used by them for no other purpose. They mix it all [Page] with Water, and presently drink it off without straining.

In long Journeys they prefer this Drink before Posole.

They feed abundance of Turkies, Ducks and Dunghill Fowls, of which the Padre has an exact Account; and is very strict in gathering his Tithe: and they dare not kill any except they have his Leave for it.

They plant Cotton also for their Cloathing. The Men wear only a short Jacket and Breeches. These with a Palmeto Leaf Hat is their Sundays Dress; for they have neither Stockings nor Shoes; neither do they wear these Jackets on Week Days. The Women have a Cotton-Peticoat, and a large Frock down to their Knees: the Sleeves to their Wrists, but not gathered. The Bosom is open to the Breast, and Imbroidered with black or red Silk, or Grogram Yarn, two Inches broad on each side the Breast, and clear round the Neck. In this Garb, with their Hair ty'd up in a Knot behind, they think themselves extream fine.

The Men are obliged by the Padres (as I have been inform'd) to Marry when they are Fourteen Years old, and the Women when Twelve: And if at that Age they are not provided, the Priest will chuse a Virgin for the Man (or a Man for the Virgin) of equal Birth and Fortune; and joyn them together.

The Spaniards give several Reasons for this Imposition, Viz. That it preserves them from Debauchery, and makes them Industrious.—That it brings them to pay Taxes, both to the King and Church; for as soon as they are Married they pay to both.—And that it keeps them from rambling out of their own Parish, and settling in another, which would by so much lessen the Padres [Page] Profit. They love each other very well; and live comfortably by the sweat of their Brows. They build good large Houses, and inhabit altogether in Towns. The side Walls are Mud or Watling, plaister'd on the inside; and thatch'd with Palm or Palmeto Leaves.

The Churches are large, built much higher than the Common Houses, and covered with Pantile: and within adorned with Coarse Pictures and Images of Saints; which are all painted tauny like the Indians themselves. Besides these Ornaments, there are kept in the Churches Pipes, Hautboys, Drums, Vizards and Perruques for their Recreation at solemn Times; for they have little or no Sport or Pastime but in Common, and that only upon Saints Days, and the Nights ensuing.

The Padres that serve here, must learn the Indian Language before they can have a Benefice. As for their Tithes and other Incoms, Mr. Gage, (an English Man) hath given a large Account of them in his Survey of the West Indies. But however, this I will add of my own knowledge, that they are very dutiful to their Priests; observing punctually their Orders: and behave themselves very circumspectly and reverently in their Presence.

They are generally well shaped, of a middle size; streight and clean Limb'd. The Men more spare, the Women plump and fat, their Faces are round and flat, their Foreheads low, their Eyes little, their Noses of a mid'dle size, somewhat flattish: full Lips; pretty full but little Mouths: white Teeth, and their Colour of a dark tauny, like other Indians. They sleep in Hammacks made with small Cords like a Net, fastned at each end to a Post. Their Furniture is but mean, Viz. Earthen Pots to boil their Maiz in, and abundance of Callabashes. They are a very harmless sort of People; kind to [Page] any Strangers; and even to the Spaniards, by whom they are so much kept under, that they are worse than Slaves: nay, the very Negroes will domineer over them; and are countenanced to do so by the Spaniards. This makes them very melancholly and thoughtful: however they are very quiet, and seem contented with their Condition, if they can tolerably subsist: But sometimes when they are imposed on beyond their Ability, they will march off whole Towns, Men, Women and Children together, as is before related.

[Page]

CHAP. VI.

The River of Checapeque. The River of Dos Boccas. The Towns up the Country. Halpo. Their Trade. Old Hats, a good Commodity. A sad Accident in Hunting. Tondelo River. Musketos troublesom on this Coast. Guasickwalp River. Teguantapeque River. Few Gold Mines on all this part of the Sea-Coast. Teguantapeque Town. Keyhooca and its Cacao-Trade. Vinellos. Alvarado River; and its Branches. Its Fort, Town and Trade. Cod Pepper. La Vera Cruz. The Fort of St. John d'Ulloa: The Barra la Venta Fleet; and their Navigation about the West India Coast. The Town of Tispo. Panuk River and Town. Lagune and Town of Tompeque. Huniago Island. Its Trade in Shrimps. The Author's return to Logwood-Cutting at Trist. Captain Gibbs kill'd there by some Indians he brought from New-England. The Author's setting out to Jamaica and return for England.

HAving given the Reader an Account of the Indians inhabiting about the River of Tobasco; I come next to describe the Western Coast of this Bay, with its Rivers and other most remarkable Particulars. From Tobasco River to the [Page] River Checapeque is 7 Leagues. The Coast lies East and West; all woody low Ground, sandy Bay; and good Anchoring; but there falls in a pretty high Sea on the shore, therefore but bad Landing; yet Canoas may with care run in, if the Men are ready to leap out, as soon as she touches the Ground; and then she must immediately be drag'd up out of the Surf. And the same caution and dexterity is to be used when they go off again. There is no fresh Water between Tobasco River and Checapeque. This latter is rather a salt Creek than a River; for the Mouth of it is not above 20 Paces wide, and about 8 or 9 Foot Water on the Bar; but within there is 12 or 13 Foot at low Water, and good Riding for Barks, half a Mile within the Mouth.

This Creek runs in E. S. E. about two Miles, and then strikes away South up into the Country. At its Mouth between it and the Sea is a bare sandy Point of Land. Where, on the side next the River, close by the Brink of it (and no where else) you may scrape up the Sand (which is course and brown) with your Hands, and get fresh Water; but if you dig lower the Water will be salt. Half a Mile within the Mouth, when you are past the sandy Point, the Land is wet and swampy, bearing only Mangroves on each side for 4 or 5 Leagues up; and after that firm Land: where you will find a Run of fresh Water, it being all salt till you come thither. A League beyond this is a Beef Estantion or Farm of Cattle, belonging to an Indian Village. In the Woods on each side this River there are plenty of Guanoes, Land-Turtle, and abundance of Quams and Corresos, with some Parrots; and there is no Settlement nearer than the Beef Estantion: nor any thing else remarkable in this River that I know.

A League West from Checapeque there is another small River called Dos Boccas, 'tis only fit for Canoas [Page] to enter: It has a Bar at its Mouth, and therefore is somewhat dangerous. Yet the Privateers make light of it; for they will govern a Canoa very ingeniously. However Captain Rives and Captain Hewet, two Privateers, lost several Men here in coming out; for there had been a North, which had raised the Bar, and in going out most of their Canoas were over-set, and some Men drowned.

This River wlll not float a Canoa above a League within its Mouth, and so far is salt: but there you meet with a fine clear Stream of fresh Water, about a League up in the Country: and beyond this are fair Savannahs of long Grass, fenced in with Ridges of as rich Land as any in the World. The Mold such as is formerly described; all plain and level, even to the Hills of Chiapo.

There are no Indian Towns within 4 or 5 Leagues of the Sea; but further off they are pretty thick; lying within a League, 2 or 3 one of another: Halpo is the chiefest.

The Indians make use of no more Land than serves to maintain their Families in Maiz; and to pay their Taxes: And therefore between the Towns it lies uncultivated.

In all this Country they rear abundance of Poultry, Viz. Turkies, Ducks and Dunghil Fowls: but some of them have Cacao-Walks. The Cacao of these Parts is most of it sent to Villa de Mose, and ship'd off there. Some of it is sold to Carriers that travail with Mules, coming hither commonly in Nov. or Dec. and staying till Febr. or March. They lye a Fortnight at a time in a Village to dispose of their Goods; which are commonly Hatchets, Macheats, Axes, Hoes, Knives, Cizars, Needles, Thread, Silk for sowing, Womens Frocks; small Lookingglasses, Beads, Silver or Copper Rings wash'd with Gold, set with Glass instead of Stones, small Pictures of Saints, and such like Toys for the Indians: [Page] And for the Spaniards, Linnen and Woollen Cloaths, Silks, Stockings, and old Hats new dress'd, which are here very valuable, and worn by those of the best Quality; so that an old English Beaver thus ordered, would be worth 20 Dollars; so much is Trade wanted here in this Country. When he has sold off his Goods, he is generally paid in Cacao, which he carries to La Vera Cruz.

From Dos Boccas to the River Palmas is 4 Leagues, low Land and sandy Bay between.

From Palmas to the Halover is 2 Leagues.

The Halover is a small Neck of Land, parting the Sea from a large Lagune. It is so call'd by the Privateers, because they use to drag their Canoas in and out there.

From the Halover to St. Anns is 6 Leagues.

St. Anns is a Mouth that opens the Lagune before mentioned: there is not above 6 or 7 Foot Water, yet Barks often go in there to Careen.

From St. Anns to Tondelo is 5 Leagues. The Coast still West: the Land low, and sandy Bay against the Sea: a little within which are pretty high Sand-Banks, cloathed with prickly Bushes, such as I have already described at Beef-Island.

Against the Sea near the West end, within the Sand Bank, the Land is lower again; the Woods not very high, and some spots of Savannahs, with plenty of fat Bullocks; In Hunting of which a Frenchman unhappily lost his Life. For his Company being stragled from him to find Game, he unluckily met a Drove of Cattle flying from them in the Woods, which were so thick that there was no passing but in these very narrow Paths that the Cattle themselves had made; so that not being able to get out of their way; the foremost of the Drove thrust his Horns into his Back and carried him a 100 Paces into the Savannah, where he fell down with his Guts trailing on the Ground.

[Page] The River Tondeloe is but narrow, yet capable to receive Barks of 50 or 60 Tuns: there is a Bar at the Entrance, and the Channel crooked. On the West side of the Bar there is a spit of Sand shoots out; therefore to avoid it at your coming in, you must keep the East side aboard; but when once entred, you may run up for two or three Leagues; on the East side a quarter of a Mile within the Mouth, you may lie secure: but all this Coast, and especially this River, intolerably swarms with Musketoes, that there is no sleeping for them.

About 4 or 5 Leagues from the Mouth this River is fordable, and there the Road crosses it; where two French Canoas that lay in this River intercepted the Caravan of Mules laden with Cacao, that was returning to La Vera Cruz; taking away as much as they could carry with them.

From Tondeloe River, to the River of Guasickwalp, is 8 Leagues more, the Coast still West; all along sandy Bay and sand-Hills, as between St. Anns and Tondeloe; only towards the West part the Bank is lower, and the Trees higher. This is one of the Principal Rivers of this Coast: 'tis not half the breadth of the Tobasco River, but deeper. Its Bar is less dangerous than any on this Coast, having 14 foot Water on it, and but little Sea. Within the Bar there is much more, and soft Oasie ground. The Banks on both sides are low. The East side is woody, and the West side Savannah. Here are some Cattle; but since it has been frequented by Privateers, the Spaniards have driven most of their Bullocks from hence farther into the Country. This River hath its rise near the South Sea, and is Navigable a great way into Land; especially with Boats or small Barks.

The River Teguantapeque, that falls into the South Seas, hath its Origine near the Head of Guasickwalp; and it is reported that the first Naval Stores for the [Page] Manila Ships were sent through the Country from the North to the South Seas, by the conveniency of these two Rivers, whose Heads are not above 10 or 12 Leagues asunder. I heard this discoursed by the Privateers long before I visited the South Seas; and they seemed sometimes minded to try their Fortunes this way: supposing (as many do still) that the South Sea shore is nothing but Gold and Silver. But how grosly they are mistaken, I have satisfied the World already. And for this part of the Country, though it is rich in Land, yet it has not the least appearance of any Mine, neither is it thick inhabited with Spaniards: And if I am not deceived, the very Indians in the heart of the Country, are scarce their Friends.

The Town of note on the S. Sea, is Teguantapeque; and on the N. Seas Keyhooca is the chiefest near this River. Besides these two, the Country is only inhabited by Indians; therefore it is wholly unfrequented by Shipping.

Keyhooca is a large rich Town of good Trade, about 4 Leagues from the River Guasickwalp, on the West side. It is inhabited with some few Spaniards and abundance of Mulatoes. These keep many Mules, they being most Carriers, and frequently visit the Cacao Coast for Nuts; and travel the Country between Villa de Mose and La Vera Cruz.

This Country is pleasant enough in the dry Season; but when the furious North Winds rage on the Coast, and violently drive in the Sea, it suffers extreamly, being so much overflown, that there is no travelling. It was in the wet Season when Capt. Rives and Capt. Hewet made an Expedition in Canoas from the Island Trist to the River Guasickwalp, and there Landed their Men, designing to attack Keyhooca; but the Country was so wet that there was no Marching; neither was the Water high [Page] enough for a Canoa. Here are great plenty of Vinellos.

From the River Guasickwalp the Land runs West 2 or 3 Leagues, all low Land with sandy Bay to the Sea, and very woody in the Country. About three Leagues to the West of it the Land trends away to the North for about 16 Leagues; rising higher also even from the very shore, as you go up within Land; making a very high Promontory called St. Martins Land; but ending in a pretty bluff Point; which is the West Bounds of the Bay of Campeachy.

From this blunt Point to Alvarado is about 20 Leagues; the first four of it a high rocky shore, with steep Cliffs to the Sea; and the Land somewhat woody. Afterwards you pass by very high Sand-hills by the Sea; and an extraordinary great Sea falls in on the shore, which hinders any Boats from Landing. Within the Sand-hills again the Land is lower, pretty plain and fruitful enough in large Trees.

The River of Alvarado is above a Mile over at the Mouth, yet the entrance is but shole, there being Sands for near two Mile off the shore, clear from side to side, nevertheless there are two Channels through these Sands. The best, which is in the middle, has 12 or 14 Foot Water. The Land on each side of the Mouth is high Sand-banks, above 200 Foot high.

This River comes out of the Country in three Branches, meeting altogether just within the Mouth, where it is very wide and deep. One of these Branches comes from the Eastward: Another from the Westward. And the third, which is the true River of Alvarado and the biggest, comes directly out of the Country, opposite to the Sand-hills, about a Mile West of the Rivers Mouth. This last springs a great way from the Sea, passing through a very fertile Country, thick settled with Towns of Spaniards [Page] and Indians. On the West side; and just against the Mouth of the River, the Spaniards have a small Fort of 6 Guns, on the declivity of the Sand-bank, a great heighth above the River; which commands a small Spanish Town on the Back of it, built in a Plain close by the River. It is a great Fishery, chiefly for Snooks, which they catch in the Lake; and when they are salted and dryed, drive a great Trade in Exchanging them for Salt and other Commodities. Besides salt Fish, they export from hence abundance of dry Cod-Pepper, and some pickled and put in Jars. This Pepper is known by the Name of Guinea Pepper. Yet for all this Trade, 'tis but a poor Place, and yet has been often taken by the Privateers, chiefly to secure their Ships while they should go up in their Canoas to the rich Towns within Land, which notwithstanding they never yet attempted, by reason that La Vera Cruz bordering so near, they were still afraid of being attacqued both by Sea and Land from thence, and so never durst prosecute their designs on the Country Towns.

Six Leagues West from Alvarado there is another large Opening out into the Sea; and it is reported to have a Communication by a small Creek with this River of Alvarado; and that Canoas may pass through it from one River to the other. And at this Opening is a small Fishing Village. The Land by the Sea is a continued high Sand-bank, and so violent a Sea, that it is impossible to Land with Boat or Canoa.

From this River to La Vera Cruz is 6 Leagues more, the Coast still West. There is a Riff of Rocks runs along the shore from Alvarado to Vera Cruz, yet a good Channel for small Vessels to pass between it and the shore. And about two Leagues to the East of Vera Cruz are two Islands called Sacrifice Islands. I have set down the distance between [Page] Alvarado and La Vera Cruz, according to the Common Account of 12 Leagues, which I take to be truer, but our Draughts make it 24. The Land by the Sea is much the same.

La Vera Cruz is a fair Town seated in the very bottom of the Bay of Mexico, at the S. W. Point or Corner of the Bay; for so far the Land runs West; and there it turns about to the North. There is a good Harbour before it, made by a small Island, or Rock rather, just in its Mouth; which makes it very Commodious. Here the Spaniards have built a strong Fort, which commands the Harbour; and there are great Iron Rings fix'd in the Fort-Wall against the Harbour for Ships to fasten their Cables. For the North Winds blow so violently here in their Seasons that Ships are not safe at Anchors.

This Fort is called St. John d'Ulloa; and the Spaniards do frequently call the Town of Vera Cruz by this Name.

The Town is a Place of great Trade; being the Sea-Port to the City of Mexico, and most of the great Towns and Cities in this Kingdom. So that all the European Commodities, spent in these Parts, are Landed here, and their Goods brought hither and Exported from hence. Add to this, that all the Treasure brought from Manila, in the East Indies comes hither through the Country from Accapulca.

The Flota comes hither every three Years from Old Spain; and besides Goods of the Product of the Country; and what is brought from the East Indies and ship'd aboard them: The King's Plate that is gathered in this Kingdom; together with what belongs to the Merchants, amounts to a vast Summ. Here also comes every Year the Barralaventa Fleet in October or November, and stays till March. This is a small Squadron, consisting of 6 [Page] or 7 Sail of stout Ships, from 20 to 50 Guns. These are ordered to visit all the Spanish Sea-Port Towns once every Year; chiefly to hinder Foreigners from Trading; and to suppress Privateers. From this Port they go to the Havana on the North side of Cuba to sell their Commodities.—From hence they pass through the Gulph of Florida; standing so far to the North as to be out of the Trade-Winds, which are commonly between 30 d. and 40 d. of Lat. and being in a variable Winds-way they stretch away to the Eastwards till they may fetch Portarica, if they have Business there; if not, they keep still to the Eastward till they come to Trinidado, an Island near the Main, inhabited by the Spaniards, and the most Eastern part of any Consequence in the North Seas. The Barralaventa Fleet touches there first, and from thence sails to the Margarita, a considerable Spanish Island near the Main. From thence they Coast down to Comana and La Guiary, and passing by the Coast of Carraccus, they sail towards the Gulph of Mericaia; from thence they double Cape La Vell, and so down to Rio La Hacha, St. Martha and Carthagena. If they meet with any English or Dutch Trading-sloops, they chase and take them, if they are not too nimble for them: the Privateers keep out of their way, having always Intelligence where they are.

From Carthagena they sail to Portobelo; and from thence to Campeachy: and lastly, to La Vera Cruz; And this is their Annual Navigation about the West Indian Coast.

La Vera Cruz was taken by the Privateers, about the Year 85. under the conduct of one John Russel, an old Logwood-Cutter that had formerly been taken by the Spaniards and sent to Mexico; where learning Spanish, he by that means escaped to La Vera Cruz; and being released from thence, he afterwards managed this Expedition.

[Page] From hence to Old Vera Cruz is 5 Leagues. This was the first Town of that Name; but wanting a good Harbour there, it was removed to the place where it now stands.

From Old Vera Cruz to Tispo is about 15 Leagues; the Coast lies N. and S. Tispo is a pretty handsom small Town, built close by the Sea, and watered with a little Rivulet; but wanting a Harbour, 'tis destitute of any Maritime-Trade.

From Tispo to the River Panuk is about 20 Leagues; The Coast lies N. and S. nearest; 'tis a large River descending out of the very Bowels of the Country, and running East, falls into the Gulph of Mexico, in Lat. about 21—50 m. It has 10 or 11 Foot Water on the Bar, and is often visited with Barks that sail up it, as far as the City Panuk; lying distant from the Sea about 20 Leagues; and is the principal of this Country, being a Bishops See. There are two Churches, one Convent and a Chapel; and about 500 Families of Spaniards, Mulatoes and Indians. The Houses are large and strong; with Stone VValls; and they are thatched with Palmeto Leaves.

One Branch of this River comes out of the Lagune of Tompeque, and mixes with this, three Leagues before it falls into the Sea. Therefore 'tis sometimes called the River of Tompeque. The Lagune of Tompeque lies on the South side of the River; and breeds abundance of Fish, especially Shrimps. There is a Town of the same Name, built on its Banks, whose Inhabitants are most Fishermen. Beyond this Lagune there is another large one, wherein is an Island and Town, named Haniago; its Inhabitants most Fishermen, whose chief employment is to take Shrimps. These they boil with VVater and Salt, in great Coppers for the purpose; and having dryed them afterwards in the Sun, they are made up in Packs and [Page] sent to all the chief Towns in the Country, especially to Mexico, where; tho' but a hungry sort of Food, they are mightily esteemed.

The Account I have given of the Campeachy Rivers, &c. was the result of the particular Observations I made in crusing about that Coast, in which I spent 11 or 12 Months. For when the violent Storm, before-mentioned took us, I was but just settling to VVork, and not having a stock of VVood to purchase such Provision as was sent from Jamaica, as the old Standards had; I with many more in my circumstances, was forced to range about to seek a subsistance in Company of some Privateers then in the Bay. In which rambles we visited all the Rivers, from Trist to Alvarado; and made many Descents into the Country among the Villages there, where we got Indian Corn to eat with the Beef, and other Flesh that we got by the way, or Manatee and Turtle, which was also a great support to us.

Alvarado was the VVestermost place I was at. Thither we went in two Barks with 30 Men in each, and had 10 or 11 Men kill'd and desperately wounded in taking the Fort; being four or five Hours engag'd in that Service, in which time the Inhabitants having plenty of Boats and Canoas, carried all their Riches and best Moveables away. It was after Sun-set before the Fort yielded; and growing dark, we could not pursue them, but rested quietly that Night; the next Day we kill'd, salted and sent aboard 20 or 30 Beefs, and a good quantity of salt-fish, and Indian Corn, as much as we could stow away. Here were but few Hogs, and those eat very fishy; therefore we did not much esteem them: but of Cocks, Hens and Ducks were sent aboard in abundance. The tame Parrots we found here were the largest and fairest Birds of their kind that I ever saw in the West Indies. Their colour was yellow [Page] and red, very coursly mixt; and they would prate very prettily; and there was scarce a Man but what sent aboard one or two of them. So that with Provision, Chests, Hencoops and Parrot-Cages, our Ships were full of Lumber, with which we intended to sail: but the second day after we took the Fort, having had a Westerly Wind all the Morning, with Rain, 7 Armadilloes that were sent from La Vera Cruz appeared in sight, within a Mile of the Bars, coming in with full sail; but they could scarce stem the Current of the River; which was very well for us: for we were not a little surprized. Yet we got under sail, in order to meet them; and clearing our Decks by heaving all the Lumber over board, we drove out over the Bar, before they reach'd it: but they being to Wind-ward, forced us to exchange a few shot with them. Their Admiral was called the Toro. She had 10 Guns and 100 Men; another had 4 Guns and 80 Men: the rest having no great Guns, had only 60 or 70 Men a-piece, armed with Muskets, and the Vessels barricadoed round with Bull-hides Breast-high. We had not above 50 Men in both Ships; 6 Guns in one and two in the other. Assoon as we were over the Bar, we got our Larboard-Tacks aboard and stood to the Eastward, as nigh the Wind as we could lye. The Spaniards came away quartering on us; and our Ship being the Head-most, the Toro came directly towards us, designing to Board us. We kept firing at her, in hopes to have lamed either Mast or Yard; but failing, just as she was shearing aboard, we gave her a good Volley, and presently clap'd the Helm a Weather, wore our Ship, and got our Starboard Tacks aboard, and stood to the Westward: and so left the Toro, but were saluted by all the small Ctraft as we past by them, who stood to the Eastward, after the Toro, that was now in pursuit and close by our Consort. We stood to the Westward [Page] till we were against the Rivers Mouth; then we tackt and by the help of the Current that came out of the River, we were neer a mile to Wind-ward of them all: then we made Sail to assist our Consort who was hard put to it; but on our approach the Toro edged away toward the shore, as did all the rest, and stood away for Alvarado; and we, glad of the Deliverance, went away to the Eastward, and visited all the Rivers in our return again to Trist; And searched the Bays for Munjack to carry with us for the Ships use, as we had done before for the use both of Ships and Canoa's.

Munjack is a sort of Pitch or Bitumen which we find in lumps, from three or four pounds to thirty pounds in a lump; washed up by the Sea, and left dry on all the Sandy-Bays on all this Coast: It is in substance like Pitch, but Blacker; it melts by the heat of the Sun, and runs abroad as Pitch would do if exposed, as this is, on the the Bays: The smell of it is not so pleasant as Pitch, neither does it stick so firmly as Pitch, but is apt to peel off from the Seams or Ships Bottom; however we find it very useful here where we want Pitch; and because it is commonly mixed with Sand by lying on the Bayes, we melt it and refine it very well before we use it; and commonly temper it with Oyl or Tallow to correct it; for though it melts by the heat of the Sun, yet it is of a harsher nature than Pitch. I did never find the like in any other part of the World, neither can I tell from whence it comes.

And now the effects of the lateStorm being almost forgot, the Lagune Men settled again to their Imployments; and I among the rest fell to Work in the East Lagune, where I remained till my Departure for Jamaica.

[Page] I will only add as to this Logwood-Trade in general, that I take it to be one of the most profitable to England, and it nearest resembles that of Newfoundland; since what arises from both, is the product of bare Labour; and that the Persons imployed herein are supported by the produce of their Native Country.

It is not my Business to determine how far we might have a right of cutting Wood there, but this I can say, that the Spaniards never receive less Damage from the Persons who generally follow that Trade, than when they are imployed upon that Work.

While I was here the last time, Capt. Gibbs arriv'd in a Ship of about 100 Tuns, and brought with him 20 stout New-England Indians that were taken in the Wars there, designing to have sold them at Jamaica, but not finding a good Market, brought them hither to cut Logwood, and hired one Mr. Richard Dawkins to be their Overseer; who carried them to work at Summasenta: But it so happened that about a Week after, the Captain came thither in his Boat from One-Bush-Key where his Ship lay, and the Overseer having some Business, desired leave to be absent for two or three days: But as soon as he and the Seamen were gone, the Indians taking their opportunity, killed the Capt. and marched off, designing to return to their own Country by Land: they were seen about a Month afterward, and one of them was taken near the River Tondelo.

After I had spent about ten or twelve Months at the Logwood Trade, and was grown pretty well acquainted with the way of Traffick here; I left the Imployment, yet with a design to return higher after I had been in England; and accordingly went from hence with Captain Chambers of London, bound to Jamaica. We sailed from Trist the beginning [Page] of April 1678. and arrived at Jamaica in May, where I remained a small time, and then returned for England with Captain Loader of London. I arrived there the beginning of August the same Year; and at the beginning of the following year, I set out again for Jamaica, in order to have gone thence to Campeachy; but it proved to be a Voyage round the World; of which the Publick has already had an Account, in my former Volume, and the First Part of this.

FINIS

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Capt. Dampier HIS DISCOURSE OF THE Trade-Winds, Breezes, Storms, Seasons of the Year, Tides and Currents of the TORRID ZONE throughout the World.

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A Scheme of the following Treatise.

In or near the Torrid Zone,

Trade-winds, p. 1.

True, or General at Sea. 2.

Coasting

Constant. 12

Shifting to

Oblique points. 17.

Opposite points; Monsoons in the E. Indies. 21.

Breezes

Sea. 26.

Land

General. 28.

Peculiar to some Coasts

Summasenta-Winds. 43.

Cartagena-Breezes. 44.

Popogaios. 46.

Producing particular Effects;

Terrenos, or hot Winds of

Coromandel. 47.

Malabar. 48

The Persian Gulf. 48

Harmatans, or cold Terrenos of Guinea. 49

Storms and their Presages

In the West Indies

Norths. 60 and Chocolatta North 62.

Souths, of

Jamaica. 65

Campeachy. 66

Hurricans of the Carribbe Islands. 68

In the East Indies

Tuffoons. 71, 72.

Stormy Monsoons. 72 and Elephanta. 74

Seasons of the Year, Dry, Wet, Tornadoes, &c. 76.

Tides. 90.

Currents. 100.

An Account of the Countrey of Natal. 108.

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A View of the General & Coasting TRADE-Winds in the ATLANTICK & INDIAN OCEANS.

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Mr. Dampier's Voyages.
Vol. II. Part III. A Discourse of Winds, Breezes, Storms, Tides and Currents.

CHAP. I. Of the General Trade-Wind.

The Introduction.

Of the General Trade-Wind at Sea. Of the best time of the Year to cross the Equinoctial. The Winds near the Line commonly uncertain, and attended with Calms and Tornadoes. A Reason of the Winds blowing South near the Line, in the Atlantick Sea. How Ships homeward-bound from the Bite of Guinea, should cross the Line. Of the Trade-Wind in the South Sea; and in the East Indian Ocean.

I Shall reduce what I have to sayon this Subject, to some general Heads; beginning with the Trade-Winds, as being the most remarkable.

Trade-Winds are such as do blow constantly from one Point or Quarter of the Compass, and [Page] the Region of the World most peculiar to them, is from about 30 d. North, to 30 d. South of the Equator.

There are divers sorts of these Winds; some blowing from East to West, some from South to North, others from West to East, &c. Some are constant in one Quarter all the Year; some blow one half the Year one way, and the other six Months quite contrary; and others blow six Months one way, and then shifting only eight or ten Points, continue there six Months more, and then return again to their former Stations, as all these shifting Trade-Winds do; and so as the Year comes about, they alternately succeed each other in their proper Seasons.

There are other sorts, call'd Sea-Winds and Land-Winds, differing much from any of the former, the one blowing by Day, the other by Night, constantly and regularly succeeding each other.

Within the torrid Zone also are violent Storms, as fierce, if not fiercer than any are in other Parts of the World: And as to the Seasons of the Year, I can distinguish them there, no other way than by Wet and Dry; and these wet and dry Seasons do as successively follow each other, as Winter and Summer do with us.

Here are also strong Currents, sometimes setting one way, sometimes another; which though it is hard to describe, with that Accuracy which is desirable, yet I shall give as particular an Account of them, as also of the several sorts of Winds, as my own Observations, and the Judicious Informations from others, will afford me Matter to do.

Of the General Trade-Wind.

Of all Winds before-mentioned, I shall endeavour to treat distinctly; beginning with the True Trade-Wind [Page]

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A View of the General & Coasting TRADE-Winds in the great SOUTH OCEAN.

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[Page] first, which I call the General Trade-Wind at Sea; because all other Trade-Winds, whether constant or shifting, seem to have their dependance on some accidental Cause; whereas the Cause of these, be it what it will, seems uniform and constant.

These general Trade-Winds are only in the Atlantick Ocean which parts Africa from America, in the East Indian Ocean, and in the Great South-Sea.

In all these Seas, except just under or near the Line, they constantly blow without Intermission, as well to the South, as to the North of the Equator, but not with equal force at all Times, nor in all Latitudes; Neither do these constant Trade-Winds usually blow near the shoar, but only in the Ocean, at least 30 or 40 Leagues off at Sea, clear from any Land; especially on the West Coast, or side of any Continent: For indeed on the East side, the Easterly Wind being the true Trade-Wind, blows almost home to the shore; so near as to receive a check from the Land-Wind; and oft-times to admit of the Sea-Breez, by which it is drawn from its Course frequently 4 or 5 Points of the Compass: But of the Sea-Breez I shall speak in its place. In some Places, and particularly the South Seas, in South Lat. the true Eastern Trade is not found to blow within 150 or near 200 Leagues of the Coast, but in North Lat. in those Seas, it comes within 30 or 40 Leagues distance of the Shore: And this I shall give as a general Rule, That in North Lat. these Winds are commonly at E. N. E. in South Lat. at E. S. E.

When we go from England, and are bound to the East or West Indies, or to Guinea, we commonly find these Winds in the Lat. of 30 d. sometimes sooner, as in the Latitudes of 32 or 35. And it may so happen that we may meet with an Easterly [Page] Wind in 40 d. or go out of our own Channel with a North East Wind; which sometimes also fails us not till we come into a true Trade-Wind; but this is only accidental, therefore is not the Wind that I speak of; but between 32 and 28 I did never know nor hear, that the true Trade-Wind failed.

If in coming from England, we have a North Easterly Wind that brings us hither (i. e. into the true Trade-Wind) it sometimes stays at North East, especially if we keep near the African Shore, as Guinea Ships do, till we are near the Tropick of Cancer, and then comes to the E. N. E. where it settles; but commonly it settles there in 28 d. if we are so far off Shore as to receive the true Trade. When the Wind is thus settled, we have commonly fair Weather, and a clear Sky, especially if the Sun is in any Southern Sign; but if in a Northern Sign, the Weather is usually cloudy.

On the contrary, when we are in South Lat. in the Atlantick, if the Sun is in Northern Signs, the Sky is clear, but if in Southern Signs the Sky is cloudy. This I once experienced to my sorrow, in my return from Bantam, in the Year 1671. We had cloudy Weather and brisk Winds, while we were crossing the East Indian Ocean; and had a very good Passage also about the Cape of good Hope; where we had fair clear Weather: And steering from thence, for the Island St. Hellena, where we thought to Water and Refresh, as all our English East India Ships do, we mist it for want of an Observation. For before we came to the Tropick of Capricorn, the Sky was again clouded, so that we seldom saw the Sun or Stars, till we were quite past the Island. However, we found the Isle of Ascention, where we struck two Turtle, (for this was not the laying time, but the beginning of the [Page] Cooting or Ingendring Season; therefore some few only were drawn hither.) This was the latter end of November. From the time that we thought our selves to the West of St. Hellena, we had our VVater measured out to us, 2 Pints a Man per day, till we came into our Channel. This was the first time that I began to know the value of fresh VVater; for we took in none in all our way home from Bantam. But so much for this Digression.

The VVinds, as I said before, as we run to the Southward from England, do first settle in the E. N. E. about the Lat. of 28 d. or be sure between that and 24 d. especially when the Sun is to the Southward of the Line; but in May, June and July you will find the VVinds at E. by S. or E. S. E.

These VVinds, whether we meet them to the North of the East, or to the South of it, we find blowing a moderate Gale from our first meeting them in 30 or 28 d. till we come to the Tropick, there we find the Trade stronger: It commonly blows a good Topsail-gale, as we sail large: And if we were to sail on a VVind, our lower Sails would be enough.

These brisk Gales blow in the Atlantick Ocean, and North of the Equator, from the Lat. of 23 to 12 or 14 constantly, between the E. N. E. and the E. But between 10 or 12 degrees and the Line, they are not so fresh nor constant to that Point; for in the Months of July and August, the South VVinds do oft times blow even to 11 d. or 12 d. of North Lat. keeping between the S. S. E. and the S. S. VV. or S. VV. but in December and January the true Trade blows within 3 d. or 4 d. of the Equator. And as the Sun returns again to the Northward, so the Southerly VVinds do increase and draw more to the Northward of the Line, till July, and then gradually withdraw back again towards the Line: VVhen the Sun is in Southern Signs, 'tis the best time of the Year to cross the Line, if bound to the Southward; [Page] for besides the benefit of the true Trade, to bring a Ship near the Line, the VVind is then more constant and fresh, the VVeather clearer, and the VVinds which at other times are between the S. S. E. and S. S. VV. are now at S. E. or S. E. and by E. but in our Summer Months we find nothing but Calms and Tornadoes; and tho' Tornadoes do usually rise against the settled VVind; yet but few Commanders will endeavour to take the Advantage of the VVinds that come from them, but rather furl their Topsails, hall up their Corses, and lye still till the gust of Wind is past, except necessity requires haste; for these sudden Tornadoes do not continue long; and besides often very violent and fierce, so that a Ship with her sails loose, would be in danger to be over-set by them, or at least lose Masts or Yards, or have the Sails split; besides the Consternation that all Men must needs be in at such a time, especially if the Ship, by any unforeseen accident, should prove unruly, as by the mistake of the Man at Helm, or he that Conns, or by her broaching too against all endeavours, which often happens when a fierce gust comes; which though it does not last long, yet would do much damage in a short time; and tho' all things should fall out well, yet the benefit of it would not compensate the danger: For 'tis much if a Ship sails a Mile before either the VVind dyes wholly away, or at least shifts about again to the South. Nor are we sure that these VVinds will continue 3 Minutes before they shift; and sometimes they fly round faster than the Ship will, tho' the Helm lies for it; and all Seamen know the danger of being taken a back in such VVeather.

But what has been spoken of the Southerly VVinds, Calms, and Tornadoes is to be understood of the East side of the Atlantick to as far VVest as the Longitude of 359 d. or thereabouts; for farther VVesterly we find the VVinds commonly at S. E. [Page] even in crossing the Line, and a very brisk gale; 'tis for that reason our experienced Guinea Commanders do keep to the Southward of the Line, till they are about that Longitude. Some run over nearer the American Shore before they cross the Line; Our East India Commanders do also cross the Line, coming from India near the American Coast, and find brisk Gales at S. E. all the times of the Year; but going to the Indies, they steer away South, from the Island St. Jago, where they commonly VVater and meet the Winds in that Longitude. But of this enough.

The Winds near the Line in the Indian Ocean and South Sea are different from this, yet there the Winds are also Southerly and therefore different from what they are farther off, for 2 d. or 3 d. on each side the Line, the Winds are commonly very uncertain, and oftentimes there are perfect Calms, or at least very small Winds and some Tornadoes in the East Indian Sea. In the South Seas, near and under the Line, the Winds are at South 130 Leagues off from the Shoar, but how farther off I know not; there the Winds are but small, yet constant, and the Weather clear from March till September; but about Christmas there are Tornadoes; yet in both the East Indian Sea, and the South Sea; the VVinds near or under the Line, are often at South; yet these Winds do not blow above 2 or 3 d. to the North or South of the Line, except near some Land; but in the Atlantick Sea, as I have said before, the South and South West Winds do sometimes blow even to 10 or 12 d. North of the Line. And for the South Winds to blow constantly near the Line in the Atlantick, between Cape Verd in Africa, and C. Blunco in Brazil, is no wonderful thing, if a Man will but consider those Promontories that shoot out from the Continents on each side the Sea; one on the North, the other on the South side of the Equafor, [Page] leaving but a small space clear, for the VVinds to blow in; where there is always a pretty brisk Gale, especially on the American side. And as within 2 or 3 d. of the Equator, it is most subject to Calms and Tornadoes and small faint Breezes in other Seas not pend up as this is. So this Sea, except just in the very opening between both Promontories, is much more subject to it than any other, especially on the East side: that is from the Bite or the Inland corner of the Coast of Guinea to 28 or 30 d. distance VVest: But this seems not to be altogether the effects of the Line, but owing partly to the nearness of the Land to the Line, which shoots out from the Bite of Guinea, even to Cape St. Anns, almost in a parrallel with the Equator (allowing for the Bays a bendings) and this is 23 or 24 d. of Longitude, and not above 80 Leagues from the Line in some Places: So that this part of the Sea, between the Coast of Guinea, and the Line or 2 d. South of it lying, as it were, between the Land and the Line, is seldom free from bad VVeather; especially from April to September; but when the Sun is withdrawn towards the Tropick of Capricorn, then there is something better VVeather there.

And in the Sea under the Line between the African Promontory and the American, it is freer from Tornadoes and Calms, and more subject to fair VVeather and fresh Breezes. Therefore both our English and Dutch East India Ships, when outwardbound, endeavour to Cross the Line as near as they can in the mid Channel, between both Promontories; and although they meet the VVinds sometimes at S. S. E. or at S. S. W. or farther Easterly or Westerly; yet will they not run above a degree to the East, or a degree to the West of the mid Channel, before they tack again, for fear of meeting with the soaking Current on the West, or Calms on the East side; either of which would be alike prejudicial to their Course.

[Page] The Portuguise in their Voyages to Brazil, take the same method, and get to the South of the Line before they fall in with the Land, for fear of falling to leward of Cape St. Augustine, for there are so many things which make that a difficult Cape to pass, that hardly any Man would try to do it, but at a distance.

But our Guinea Ships do generally pass on to their Ports on the Coast of Guinea, at any time of the Year, without using such methods; because their Business lyes mostly on the North of the Line, where they always find a fair Westerly Wind. But in their returns from thence, they cross the Line, and run 3 or 4 d. to the Southward of it, where they meet the Wind between the S. S. E. and the S. S. W. and a brisk gale; with this Wind, they run away in the same parrallel 35 or 36 d. before they cross the Line again to the Northward, which is about midway between the Extreams of both Promontories; there they find a brisk gale, which carries them to the West Indies, or where they please. Some run West 40 d. before they cross the Line, and find strong Gales, whereas should they come from. Old Callabar, or any other Place in the Bite, on the North of the Line, and steer away West, thinking to gain their Passage the sooner, because it is the nearest way, they would doubtless be mistaken, as many Men have been: For if they keep near the Line, they meet with great Calms; and if they keep near the Land, they meet with Westerly Winds; and if they keep in the middle between both, they must of necessity meet with both Inconveniencies, as also with Tornadoes, especially in May, June, July and August.

By which means some Ships, if they go any of these three ways now cautioned against, spend more time in going from the Bite to Cape Verd, than another Ship will do if it cross the Line in the right [Page] Places before mentioned, in going to the Barbadoes.

Sometimes unexperienced Guinea Masters in their return from thence, after they have cross'd the Line, from N. to S. and are in a fair way to gain a speedy Passage, will be so obstinate in their Opinions, after they have run 26, 28 or 30 d. West from Old Callabar (with a fair Wind) to steer away W. by N. or W. N. W. it being the directest Course they can steer for Barbadoes, then they must of necessity keep within a degree of the Line, while they are running 2 or 300 Leagues, which may prove to be a long time in doing, because of the uncertainty of the Winds near the Equator; therefore they that cross it near the middle, between both Promontories, or near the American Coast, when they are minded to fall away to the Northward, steer away N. W. or N. W. by N. and so depress or raise a degree in running 28 Leagues at most; therefore (which is best) they are but a short time near the Equator: And besides, in thus crossing it in the middle between both Promontories, they seldom miss of a Wind: for the Wind in these Seas has no other Passage, but between these two Promontories.

What I have said already on this Head, has been chiefly of the Atlantick, and of that too mostly about the Line, because it is the most difficult Place to pass in going to the Southward. In other Seas, as in the East Indian Sea, and the Great South Sea there is no such difficulty to pass any way, because there is Sea-room enough, without coming into such Inconveniencies, as we meet with in the Atlantick; and as to the Winds between the Line and the Tropicks, in the East Indian Sea and the South Sea, they are in their Latitudes, as I said before, viz. in South Latitude, at E. S. E. and in North Lat. at E. N. E. blowing constantly fresh Breezes, especially in the South Seas, even from within a degree or two of the Line, on each side to the Tropick, or to 30 [Page] degrees of Lat. And this I may truly say, That neither the Atlantick nor the East Indian Seas have the true Trade-Winds so constant nor brisk at all times of the Year, and in all Latitudes, as they are here. For being once got into the Trade, I mean without the verge of the coasting Trade-Wind, it blows a very brisk gale all over the Ocean. Capt. Eaton experienced this in sailing from the Gallapagos Islands to the Ladrones, In the latter end of the Year 1685. VVe had the like experience, sailing from Cape Corientes to Guam the Year after (as appears by my Journal of that Run, in my Voyage round the World. Chap. 10. Pag. 185.) And as for the Wind to the Southward of the Line, I had great Experience of it in my ramble there with Capt. Shearp; and since that Capt. Davis, in his return out of the South Sea, had greater experience; because he took his departure from the Gallapagos Islands also, and steering W. S. W. from thence, till he met the True Trade at E. S. E. he steered directly South, clear from the Line, till he got to the Southward of the Tropick of Capricorn, and so quite without the Trade.

In the East Indian Sea, between the Lat. of 30 d. and 4 degrees South of the Equator, the true Breez is at E. S. E. or S. E. by E. yet not so constant nor brisk as in the South Seas; besides that part of it which lyes to the Northward of the Line, has not such a constant steady Breez, but is more subject to Calms, and near the shoar to shifting Winds, according to the Seasons of the Year.

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CHAP. II. Of the constant coasting Trade-Winds.

A Parallel of the South Part of Africa and Peru. The Trade-Winds blow with an acute Angle on any Coast. The Winds about Angola and in the South Seas alike; as also at Mexico and Guinea. The Winds shift not in some Places. Sand blown from the Shoar about Cape Blanco in Guinea. An Account of the Trade-Winds from thence to Cape Lopos.

THE Trade-Winds which blow on any Coast, are either Constant or Shifting.

The Coasts that are subject to constant Trade-Winds, are, the South Coast of Africa and Peru, and part of the Coast of Mexico, and part of Guinea.

The South part of Africa and Peru, are in one Lat. both Coasts trending North and South; both on the West side of their Continents; both in South Lat. and tho' they do not lye exactly parallel, by Reason of some Capes or Bendings in the Land, yet are the Winds much alike on both Coasts, all the Year long.

On the Coast of Angola the Winds are between the S. W. and S. And on the Coast of Peru, we reckon them between the S. S. W. and S. S. E. But this the Reader must take notice of, That the Trade-Winds that blow on any Coast, except the North Coast of Africa, whether they are constant, and [Page] blow all the Year, or whether they are shifting Winds, do never blow right in on the Shoar, nor right along Shoar; but go slanting, making an accute Angle of about 22 degrees. Therefore as the Lands trends more Easterly or Westerly from the North or South on these Coasts, so the Winds do alter accordingly; as for example, Where the Land lies N. and S. the Wind would be at S. S. W. but where the Land lies S. S. W. the Trade would be at S. W. But if the Land lyes S. S. E. then the Wind would be at South. This is supposed of Coasts lying on the West side of any Continent, and on the South side of the Equator, as the two Coasts of Africa and Peru are; but the North part of Africa has the Trade blowing off from the shoar, two or three Points.

These Southerly Winds do blow constantly all the Year long, on both the Coasts of Peru and Africa; they are brisk, and blow farther off from the Coasts than any shifting Winds.

On the Coast of Peru, these Winds blow 140 or 150 Leagues off Shore, before you can perceive them to alter; But then as you run farther off, so the Wind will come about more Easterly, and at about 200 Leagues distance it settles at E. S. E. which is the true Trade.

Between Angola and Brazil the Winds are much as they are in the South Seas, on the West side of the Peruvian Coast; only near the Line, within 4 degrees of it, in South Lat. the Wind holds in the S. S. W. or S. W. for 28 or 30 d. of Longitude, and so it may in the same Lat. in the South Seas, for ought I know; for it was at South, as far as any of us were, which was near 200 Leagues.

As the Coasts of Peru and Angola have their constant Trade-Winds, so has the Coast of Mexico and Guinea. And as the Coast of Peru lies North and South, so those lye nearest East and West. [Page] According to the Course of the general Trade the Winds should be Easterly on these Coasts; but here we meet with the quite contrary; for from the Lat. of 10 d. North to 20 d. North on the Coast of Mexico, the Winds are constantly near the West on all the Coast, except check'd sometimes with Tornadoes, which do commonly rise against the Wind, the same is observed on the Coast of Angola; where there are Tornadoes also; But the Coast of Peru is not subject to any, yet on that Coast there are sometimes Calms two or three days together off of the Bay of Arica, between the Lat. of 16 and 23. In the Lat. of 19 you shall have Calms 30 or 40 Leagues off Shore, but not so far on either side the Bay, neither are such Calms usual on the Coasts of Angola and Mexico only after a Tornado, as is common in other Places.

As the Coasts of Angola and Peru, do in most things run parallel each with other; so do the Coasts of Mexico and Guinea: And if I am not mistaken, the Winds on both these Coasts are much alike; Both these Coasts do begin at the Bite or Bending of the Land, where the other two Parallel Lands do end; for as the Mexican Continent begins at or near Panama, which is 8 or 9 degrees North of the Equator; so that part of Guinea, which I speak of, begins about Old Callabar, in about 4 or 5 degrees of North Lat.

The Land trends away Westerly from both these Places some hundreds of Leagues; and though not on one Point of the Compass, because of the small Points, Bays and Bending in the Land, yet the Winds that on more regular Shores, keep their constant Course, and blow in upon the Shore, about two Points from the Sea, do also here on the Guinea Coast, blow on the Shore from the West Quarter, and as the Land lies Pointing in on the Shore, even from Cape Mount to Old Callabar, which is [Page] above 400 Leagues; and that with such constancy that the East part of that Coast is called the Leeward Coast; and the West part the Wind-ward Coast; And yet this is so contrary to the general Opinion of Seamen, concerning the Course of the Winds, that nothing but their own experience will convince them of the Truth of it; for thus they generally reason; Barbardoes is the Easter-most of the Carribe Islands, therefore the rest are said to be to Leeward of it, and so of any other Island; as indeed it usually holds true, because the Winds there are commonly at East; but this Counter Wind on the Coast of Guinea astonishes most Seamen that have seen nothing like what they meet with here. There are other Coasts where the Winds shift very little as on the Coast of Carraccos, and the South side of the Bay of Mexico, i. e. in the Bay of Compechy, and all the Carribe Islands. Indeed there may be sometimes some small flurts of a Westerly Wind on these Coasts, but neither constant, certain nor lasting.

And indeed this was the great stumbling Block that we met with in running from the Gallapagos Islands for the Island Cocos, mentioned in my former Book, Chap. 5. Pag. 111.

But that part of Africa, which lies between Cape Verd in 14 d. North, and Cape Bayedore in 27. has commonly Northerly Winds; or between the N. and N. E. very fresh gales; therefore our Guinea Ships, bound to Guinea, strive to keep near that Shore, and oft times make the Capes: And being to the Southward of Cape Blanco, which lyes in Lat. about 21. they are sometimes so troubled with the Sand, which the Wind brings off Shore, that they are scarce able to see one another: Their Decks are all strewed with it, and their Sails all red, as if they were tann'd, with the Sand that sticks to them, it being of a reddish colour.

[Page] From Cape Verd to Cape St. Anns, which is about 6 degrees North, the Trade is between the E. and S. E. from Cape St. Anns to Cape Palmas, in about 4 d. North, the Trade is at S. W. from Cape Palmas to the Bite of Guinea, which is at the bending of the Coast, the Wind is at W. S. W. from this bending the Land begins to turn about to the South; and from thence to Cape Lopos, which is to the South of the Line, the Trade is at S. S. W. as it is on all that Coast, even to 30 degrees South.

This last Account I had from Mr. Canby, who has made many Voyages to Guinea.

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CHAP. III. Of the coasting Trade-Winds that shift.

The Coasts where the Winds shift. Of the Winds between Gratia de Dios, and Cape La Vela. Of those on the Coast of Brazil: At Panama: About Natal: And Cape Corientes; And the Red-Sea: From the Gulph of Persia to Cape Comorin. Of the Monsoons in India: Their Benefit for sailing from Place to Place. Sea and Land Breezes serviceable for the same purpose. By what helps long Voyages are made in an open Sea.

THE Coasts where the Winds do usually shift, are some in the West Indies, as that part of the Coast between Cape Gratia de Dios, and Cape La Vela chiefly: The Coast of Brazil; the Bay of Panama in the South Seas, and all the Coast of the East Indies, even from the River Natal, which is in the Lat. of 30 d. South, on the East side of Africa, beyond the Cape of good Hope, to the North East Parts of China, comprehending all the Bays between. The Islands also have their Annual changes; Of all these I shall treat in their order, beginning first with that Coast which lyes between Cape Gratia de Dios, and Cape La Vela: And I the rather begin with this part first, because this part of the West Indies is all that is subject to change; neither is the change altogether [Page] so orderly, or certain as the Monsoones in the East Indies, or the shifting Winds on the Coast of Brazil.

The Common Trade-Wind on this Coast is between the N. E. and the East; This Trade blows constantly from March till November, but is often check'd with Tornadoes in the Months of May, June, July and August, especially between the River of Darien and Costarica; but to Wind-ward there is a more serene Air, and a brisker Wind: From October till March there are Westerly Winds, not constant, norviolent, but blowing moderately sometimes 2 or 3 Days or a Week; and then the Breez may blow again as long. These Winds are most in December and January; before and after these two Months the Trade-Wind is only check'd a Day or two near the full or change of the Moon; and when the Westerly Winds blow longest and strongest on the Coast, the Easterly Trade-Wind blows off at Sea, as at other times. Near Cape La Vela, the true Trade blows within 8 or 10 Leagues off the Shore, when the Westerly Winds blow on the Coast, except in a strong North, which turns the Trade-Wind back, and on the Costarica, and between it and the River Darien the Westerly Winds, as they are more frequent and lasting, than towards Cape La Vela, so also they blow farther off at Sea, as sometimes as far as to 20 or 30 Leagues from the Shore.

Therefore Ships bound to Windward, if they have far to go, either take the opportunity of the Westerly Wind-Season, or else go through the Gulph of Florida, and stretch away to the North, till they get into a variable Winds way, and then run to the Eastward as far as they think convenient before they stretch to the Southward again. All that are bound from the West Indies to Guinea must take this course, if they sail from Jamaica (because they must pass [Page] thro' the Gulph of Florida) but from other Islands they may stretch away directly to the North, and use the same method.

But if Ships have only a small way to Sail to Wind-ward, they make use of the Sea and Land Breezes, making no account of the time of the Year.

The Winds on the Coast of Brazil, are from September till March at E. N. E. and from March till September again they are at South.

The Winds in the Bay of Panama are from September till March Easterly, and from March till September again they are at S. and S. S. W.

From the Cape of good Hope Eastwards, as far as the River Natal, which lies in 30d. South Latitude, and Cape Corientes in Lat. of 24 degrees South, the Winds from May to October are constantly from the West to the North West, within 30 Leagues of the Shore: They blow hardest at North West. When the Wind comes to the North West, it is commonly stormy and tempestous Weather, attended with much Rain, and then the Weather is cold and chilly. From October till March the Winds are Easterly; from the E. N. E. to the E. S. E. you have then very fair Weather: The E. N. E. Winds are pretty fresh, but the Winds at E. S. E. are small and faint, sometimes affording some drops of Rain.

From Cape Corientes to the Red-Sea, from October till the middle of January the Winds are variable, but most times Northerly, and oft shifting round the Compass: The strongest Winds are at North; these are often very violent and stormy, and accompanied with much Rain, and thus it blows about the Island of Madagascar and the adjacent Islands.

These storms are commonly preceded by a great Sea out of the North. From January till May the Winds are at N. E. or N. N. E. fine fresh gales and [Page] sair Weather. From May till October the Winds are Southerly, in July, August and September there are great Calms in the Bay of Pate and Melende, and a strong Current setting into the Bay: Therefore Ships that have occasion to pass this way in those three Months, ought to keep at least 100 Leagues from the Coast to avoid being driven by the Current into the Bay; for these Calms do sometimes last 6 Weeks, yet off at Sea, at the distance of 100 Leagues the Winds are fresh at South. At the entrance into the Red-Sea near Cape Guardefuer there are commonly very hard gales and turbulent Weather, even when the Calms are so great in the Bay of Melende, and not above 10 or 12 Leagues at Sea from the said Cape, there is also very fair Weather, and pretty fresh Gales.

In the Red-Sea from May till October, the Winds are strong at S. W. and the Current setting out strong, so that there is no entring into that Sea in those Months, except you keep close to the South Shore, there you have Land-Winds, and an eddy Current. In the Months of September or October, the Wind shuffles about to the North, and at last settles at N. E. then comes fair Weather on this Coast; and so continues till the Monsoon shifts, which is in April or May; then it first takes one flurry at North, and from thence veers to the East, and so about to the South, and there it settles.

The Account of this Coast from the Cape of good Hope hither, I had from Capt. Rogers.

And as this hither-most part of the East Indies, even from the Cape of good Hope to the Red-Sea, which Coast lies nearest N. E. and S. W. hath its shifting Seasons, so the other Parts of India, from the Gulph of Persia to Cape Comorin, has its constant Annual change, and from Comorin, clear round the Bay of Bengal, the change is no less; and even from thence, through the Streights of Malacca, [Page] and Eastwards as far as Japan, the shifting Trade-Winds do alternately succeed each other as duly as the Year comes about.

It cannot be supposed that the Trade Wind in all these Places, should be exactly on one Point of the Compass: For I have already shown, that these Trade-Winds on any Coast do commonly blow slanting in on the Shore about 2 or 3 Points; therefore in Bays where the Land lies on several Rombs, the Winds must alter accordingly. Though that Rule does not hold altogether true in Bays that are deep, but is chiefly meant for a pretty streight Coast, which lyes near alike; allowing for Points of Land and small Coves, which make no alteration: But on the sides and in the bottom of large Bays, such as the Bay of Bengall, the Bay of Siam, &c. the Wind differs much on one side of the Bay from what it does on the other; and both sides differ from the constant Trade on the open Coast; yet all shift in the shifting Seasons, which are April and September at one and the same time, to their opposite Points: I mean on the open Coast, for in some Bays there is a little alteration from that general Rule.

These shifting Winds in the East Indies, are called Monsoons; one is called the East Monsoon, the other the West Monsoon. The East Monsoon sets in about September and blows till April; then ceaseth, and the West Monsoon takes place and blows till Septerber again.

And both the East and West Monsoons blow in their Seasons slanting in on the Coast, as is before described: The East Monsoon brings fair Weather; the West brings Tornadoes and Rain. For, (as I said before in the first Chap. of the General Trade-Wind at Sea) when the Sun comes to the North of the Line then all Places North of the Equator, within the Tropicks, are troubled with Clouds and Rain, but when the Sun is in Southern Signs then the Sky is [Page] clear. And as most of the Trading Countries in the East Indies, especially those on the main Continent, do lye between the Line and the Tropick of Cancer: So these Countries are all subject to the Changes and Seasons already described. But the Islands lying under the Line, and to the South between the Line and the Tropick of Capricorn, have contrary Seasons to these. Yet do they change at the self-same time.

The difference between the Monsoons on the North of the Line, and the Monsoons on the South of the Line is that in April, when the West Monsoon sets in to the North of the Line, the S. S. W. Winds sets in to the South of the Line, and is called the S. S. W. Monsoon. And in September when the East Monsoon sets in to the North of the Line, the N. N. E. Wind blows in South Lat. and is called the N. N. E. Monsoon. And whereas the West Monsoon is accompanied with Tornadoes and Rain in North Lat. the S. S. W. Monsoon, which blows at the same time in South Lat. is accompanied with fair Weather. And as the East Monsoon is attended with fair Weather in North Lat. the N. N. E. Monsoon, which blows at the same time in South Lat. is attended with Tornadoes and very bad Weather. And though these Winds do not shift exactly at one time in all Years; yet Sept. and Apr. are always accounted the turning Months, and do commonly participate of both sorts of Winds. For these Monsoons do as constantly shift by turns, as the Year comes about. And by means of this change of Wind, Ships have the benefit to sail from one part of India, with one Wind, and return with the contrary: So that most of the Navigation in India depends on the Monsoons. And Ships do constantly wait for these Changes; and the Merchants fit out to any Place according as the Season of the Year draws on: And wheresoever they go they certainly dispatch their business so as to return back again with the next or contrary Monsoon: For [Page] here is no sailing to and from any Place, but with the Monsoon; One carries them out, the other brings them back. Neither do I know how it were possible for Merchants in these Parts to Trade by Sea from one Country to another, were it not for these shifting Monsoons. For, as I have said before, most of the Trading Kingdoms in India do lye between the Line, and the Tropick of Cancer. And the Land lies so to the North, that Ships cannot go to the North of the Tropick, and by that means get into a variable Winds way; as they may and do in the West Indies, when they are bound far to the Eastward. Neither could it be any advantage to stand off to Sea, as they may in the South Sea; for that would be of little moment, because they would then come so near the Line, that they would be always lyable to Tornadoes and Calms: And should they cross the Line and run to the Southward of it, thinking that way to gain their Passage, it is likely they might succeed no better there: For that part of the Sea which lies to the Southward of the Line is open and free to the true Trade, which seldom fails: But indeed that VVind would carry them to the Southward quite beyond the Trade into a variable Winds-way. But the Sea is not open there, for Ships to pass so far to the Eastward as to gain their Ports.

For our East India Ships that are bound to Siam, Tunqueen, China, &c. cannot get thither but in the Season of the West Monsoon, though they go directly from England; and though, after they are past the Cape, they have the convenience to stretch to the Eastward, as far as the Land will permit, yet they cannot go so far as is convenient before they will be obliged to steer down within the Course of the Trade-Winds, which would obstruct their Passage, if they were as constant here as in other Places. And therefore if these Anniversary [Page] Monsoons did not constantly succeed each other; Ships could not pass but one way; they might sail to the Westward, but there they must lye up or be 3 or 4 Years in their return from a place which may be sailed in 6 Weeks, yet I say that to Places near each other Ships may and do very often sail against the Monsoon, and that with success: For here are Sea and Land Breezes under the shore, and in many Places good Anchoring, by which means Ships may stop when they find the Current against them: But Voyages of a great distance cannot be made only with Land and Sea-Winds without some other helps.

In the W. Indies we have these helps of Land-Winds and Sea-Breezes by which we sail from one place to another, provided they are no great distance a sunder, and perform our Voyages well enough; but when we are to sail a great way to the Eastward against the Trade-Wind, then we are forced, as is said before, either to pass thro' the Gulph of Florida, if we are far to Leeward, or else to pass between the Islands, and so stretch away to the Northward, till we are clear out of the Trade, and so get our Longitude that way. So in the South Seas also, and on the Coasts of Guinea, the Coast of Brazil, and the Coast of Africa, between the Cape of good Hope and the Red-Sea, there are Sea and Land Breezes, which may be made use of to sail against the Trade, if the Voyages be short: But when we are to sail a great way against the Trade-Wind, we must not wholly depend on the Sea and Land Breezes; for then we should be a long time in accomplishing such Voyages. In such Cases we have recourse to other helps, such as Providence has supplied these Seas with, which seems to be wanting in the East Indies; as for example, in the South Seas & on the Coast of Peru where the Southerly Winds blow constantly all the Year, there Ships that are bound to the Southward stretch off to the Westward till they are out of the Coasting [Page] Trade-Wind, and there meet with the true Trade at E. S. E. with which they sail as far as they please to the Southward, and then steer in for their Port. So on the Coast of Mexico, where the Coasting Trade is Westerly, there they run off to Sea, till they meet the true E. N. E. Trade; and then stretch away to the Northward, as far as their Port; and Ships that come from the Philipines, bound for the Coast of Mexico, stretch away to the North, as far as 40 degrees to get a Wind to bring them on the Coast.

Thus also all Ships bound to the East Indies, after they are past the Line in the Atlantick Ocean, stretch away to the Southward beyond the Trade, and then stand over to the Eastward, towards the Cape; so in returning home, after they have crost the Line to the Northward, they steer away North, with the Wind at E. N. E. till they are to the Northward of the Trade-Wind, and then direct their Course Easterly. All Guinea Ships and West India Ships do the same in their returns: And this is the Benefit of an open Sea. But to return.

The Monsoones among the East India Islands that lye to the Southward of the Line, as I said before, are either at N. N. E. or S. S. W. These also keep time, and shift, as the Monsoones do to the North of the Line, in the Months of April and September, but near the Line, as a degree or two on each side, the Winds are not so constant. Indeed there they are so very uncertain, that I cannot be particular so as to give any true Account of them: Only this I know, that Calms are very frequent there, as also Tornadoes and sudden Gusts; in which the Winds fly in a moment quite round the Compass.

[Page]

CHAP. IV. Of Sea and Land-Breezes.

How Sea-Breezes differ from Common Trade-Winds. The time and manner of their Rise; And particularly at Jamaica. Of the Land-Breezes. The time and manner of their Rise; As on the Isthmus of Darien and at Jamaica. The places where these Winds blow strongest or slackest; as at Gapes and Head Lands, deep Bays, Lagunes and Islands. Seals-Skin Bladders used instead of Bark Loggs.

SEA-Breezes, generally speaking, are no other than the Common Trade-Wind of the Coasts on which they blow, with this difference, that whereas all Trade-Winds, whether they are those that I call the general Trade-Winds at Sea, or coasting Trade-Winds, either constant or shifting, do blow as well by Night as by Day, with an equal briskness, except when Tornadoes happen: So contrarily Sea-Winds are only in the Day, and cease in the Night; and as all Trade-Winds blow constantly near to one Point of the Compass, both where the constant Trade-Winds are, or where they shift; on the contrary these Sea-Winds do differ from them in this, that in the Morning when they first spring up, they blow commonly as the Trade-Winds on the Coast do, [Page] at or near the same Point of the Compass; but about Mid-Day they fly off 2, 3 or 4 Points further from the Land, and so blow almost right in on the Coast, especially in fair Weather; for then the Sea-Breezes are truest; as for instance, on the Coast of Angola the Land lies almost North and South, there the Trade-Wind is from the S. S. W. to the S. W. the true Sea Breezes near the shore are at W. by S. or W. S. W. and so of any other Coast.

These Sea-Breezes do commonly rise in the Morning about Nine a Clock, sometimes sooner, sometimes later; they first approach the shore so gently, as if they were afraid to come near it, and ofttimes they make some faint breathings, and as if not willing to offend, they make a halt, and seem ready to retire. I have waited many a time both ashore to receive the pleasure, and at Sea to take the benefit of it.

It comes in a fine, small, black Curle upon the Water, whenas all the Sea between it, and the shore not yet reach'd by it, is as smooth and even as Glass in Comparison; in half an Hour's time after it has reached the shore it fans pretty briskly, and so increaseth gradually till 12 a Clock, then it is commonly strongest, and lasts so till 2 or 3 a very brisk gale; about 12 at Noon it also veres off to Sea 2 or 3 Points, or more in very fair Weather. After 3 a Clock it begins to dye away again, and gradually withdraws its force till all is spent, and about 5 a Clock, sooner or later, according as the Weather is, it is lull'd asleep, and comes no more till the next Morning.

These Winds are as constantly expected as the day in their proper Latitudes, and seldom fail but in the wet Season. On all Coasts of the main, whether in the East or West Indies, or Guinea, they rise in the Morning, and withdraw towards the Evening, yet [Page] Capes and Head Lands have the greatest benefit of them, where they are highest, rise earlier, and blow later.

Bays contrarily have the disadvantage, for there they blow but faintly at best, and their continuance is but short. Islands that lye nearest East and West, have the benefit of these Winds on both sides equally; for if the Wind is at S. W. or S. W. & by S. on the South side of any Island, then on the North side it would be at N. W. or N. W. by N. i. e. in fair Weather; but if turbulent Weather it would be E. S. E. on the Southside, and E. N. E. on the other: But this true Sea-Breeze does not veer so far out except only near the shore, as about 3 or 4. Leagues distant; for farther than that, you will find only the right Coasting Trade-Wind. This I have experienced in several Parts of the World, particularly at Jamaica; about which I have made many Voyages, both on the North and the South side, where I have experienced the Sea-Breezes very much to differ; for on the South side I have found the true Sea-Wind after 12 a Clock, and in very fair Weather at S. or S. S. E. though it sprung up in the Morning at E. S. E. or S. E. And on the North side I have found the Sea-Breez at N. or N. N. E. though it rose in the Morning at E. N. E. but whether there may be the like difference about smaller Islands, as at Barbadoes, &c. I cannot determine, tho' I am apt to believe there is not. So much for the Sea-Winds; next of the Land-Breezes.

Land-Breezes are as remarkable as any Winds that I have yet treated of; they are quite contrary to the Sea-Breezes; for those blow right from the shore, but the Sea-Breez right in upon the shore; And as the Sea-Breezes do blow in the Day and rest in the Night; so on the contrary, these do blow in the Night and rest in the Day, and so they do alternately [Page] succeed each other. For when the Sea-Breezes have performed their Offices of the Day, by breathing on their respective Coasts, they in the Evening do either withdraw from the Coast, or lye down to rest; Then the Land-Winds whose Office it is to breathe in the Night moved by the same order of Divine Impulse, do rouze out of their private recesses and gently fan the Air till the next Morning; and then their task ends and they leave the Stage.

There can be no proper time set when they do begin in the Evening, or when they retire in the Morning, for they do not keep to an hour; but they commonly spring up between 6 and 12 in the Evening, and last till 6, 8, or 10 in the Morning. They both come and go away again earlier or later, according to the Weather, the Season of the Year, or some accidental Cause from the Land: For on some Coasts they do rise earlier, blow fresher, and remain later than on other Coasts, as I shall shew hereafter.

They are called Land-Winds, because they blow off shore contrary to the Sea-Breez, which way soever the Coast lies: Yet I would not so be understood, as if these Winds are only found to breathe near the shores of any Land, and not in the Inland Parts of such Countries remote from the Sea; for in my Travells I have found them in the very heart of the Countries that I have passed through; as particularly on the Isthmus of Darien, and the Island of Jamaica: Both which places I have travelled over from Sea to Sea; yet because these are but small Tracts of Land in comparison with the two main Bodies of Land of Mexico and Peru, and those vast Regions in Asia and Africa lying within the Tropicks, I cannot determine whether the Land-Winds are there, as I have found them in my small Travels: therefore I shall only confine this particular Discourse [Page] to these and other Places within my own Observations. I shall begin first with the Isthmus of Darien; there I have found the Land-Winds in the middle of the Country blowing all Night, and till 10 or 11 a Clock in the Morning, before I could perceive the Sea-Breeze to arise, and that not discernable many times, but by the flying of the Clouds, especially if I was in a Valley; and it was in Vallies that I did chiefly perceive the Land-Winds, which blew in some places one way, in others contrary, or side ways to that, according as the Vallies lay pend up between the Mountains; and that without any respect to either the North or the South Seas, but indeed near either side of the Land, they always bent their course towards the nearest Sea, unless there was any Hill between them and the Sea, and then they took their Course along in the Vallies; but from both shores, as well from the North as the South they blow right forth into the Sea.

In the Island of Jamaica these Land-Winds are in the middle of the Country, also I have found them so, as I travelled from one side of the Island to the other, having lain 2 Nights by the way, as I had before observed them, when I liv'd at 16 Miles Walk, where I continued about 6 Months; but there and in other Islands the Land-Winds do blow towards the nearest shores, and so from thence off to Sea, whether the shore's lye East, West, North or South.

These Winds blow off to Sea, a greater or less distance according as the Coast lies more or less exposed to the Sea-Winds: For in some Places we find them brisk 3 or 4 Leagues off shore, in other Places not so many Miles, and in some Places they scarce peep without the Rocks, or if they do sometimes in very fair Weather make a sally out a Mile or 2 they are not lasting, but suddenly vanish away, [Page] though yet there are every Night as fresh Land-Winds ashore at those Places as in any other part of the World.

Places most remarkable for the fewest or faintest Land-Winds, are those that lye most open to the Common Trade-Winds, as the East ends of any Islands where the Trade-Winds do blow in upon the Shore, or the Head-Lands on Islands or Continents that are open to the Sea-Breez, especially where the Trade-Wind blows down side-ways, by the Coast; for there such Head-Lands as stretch farthest out to Sea are most exposed to Winds from the Sea; and have the less benefit of the Land-Breezes.

I shall give a few Instances of either. And first of all begin with the N. E. and S. E. Points of the Island of Jamaica; These Points are at the East end of the Island, one is at the very Extreme of the North side towards the East, the other on the South Extreme towards the same Point; at these two Places we seldom light of a Land-Wind; nor very often at the end of the Island between them, except near the shore. For that Reason the Sloop-men of Jamaica that Trade round the Island are commonly put to their Trumps, when they come there in their Voyages: For if they meet no Land-Wind they are obliged to beat about by turning to wind-ward against the Sea-Breez in the Day time; they then curse these Points of Land, and are foolishly apt to believe that some Daemon haunts there.

And if they are 2 or 3 Days in beating about (as sometimes they are) when they return to Port Royal, they will talk as much of their Fatigues, as if they had been beating a Month to double the Cape of good Hope, though indeed the Men are brisk enough, and manage their sloops very well; which also are generally very good Boats to sail on a Wind. I think they are the best small Trading-Boats in the King's Dominions.

[Page] Point Pedro on the South-side of the Island, is another very bad Point to double, if a Ship come from the West-end of the Island; This Point runs out far into the Sea, and is not only destitute of the Common Land-Winds. But if there is any Current setting to Leeward, here the Sloop-men meet it. Therefore they are many times longer beating about it, then about the two former Points of the South East and the North East, and not without bestowing some Curses upon it. Nay, some Captains of Privateers, when they have been beating about it, have stood close in to the Point, and fired their Guns to kill the old Daemon that they say inhabits there to disturb poor Seamen. I have related these odd Passages to shew how ignorant Men are that cannot see the Reason of it. And because I am not willing to leave my Reader in the dark, I shall give a few Instances more on this subject. The North side of Jucatan, at the entrance into the Bay of Campeachy, gives us another Instance of bad Land-Winds; and commonly where the Land-Winds are scanty, the Sea-Breezes are but indifferent neither. This will partly appear by what I have observed of them on this Coast between Cape Catoach; and Cape Condeseado at the entrance of the Bay of Campeachey, which two places are about Eighty Leagues distant; for there the Land trends East and West. It is a streight Coast and lies all of it equally exposed to the Trade-VVind, which is commonly there at E. N. E. To the W. of these Places the Sea and Land-VVinds do as duly succeed each other, as on any other Coast, but here they are each of them of a Bastard kind; for the Sea-Breezes are at N. E. by E. which is no better than a Coast Trade-VVind, and the Land-VVind is at E. S. E. or S. E. by E. whereas if the VVinds were as true there as on other Coasts, the Sea-Breez would be at N. N. E. [Page] sometimes at N. and the Land-VVinds would be at S. S. E. and S. as they are indeed close under the shore; which if they do at any time come off from, they are very faint. The Land on this Coast is low and even, and the Land-VVinds ashore are pretty brisk.

The Capes on the Peruvian Coast in the South Seas, will more fully make it appear, that Head-Lands do seldom afford any Land-VVinds. I shall only Instance in Cape Passao, in Lat. 8 Minutes South, Cape St. Laurence, in Lat. 1 d.—South, and Cape Blanco, in 3 d.—South. I have pass'd by them all several times and at different Seasons; yet did never find any Land-winds there, though between these Places there are very good Land-winds. Therefore Ships that sail to the Southward against the Breez, must beat it about by hard Labour, especially about Cape Blanco, for that lyes more exposed than the other 2: and if there is any Current, as commonly, the Spaniards are a long time getting about, sometimes a Fortnight or 3 VVeeks; and when they have split their Sails, which are seldom very good, they run back to Guiaquill to mend them again. We found it hard getting about, tho' our Sails were good; and I think we could work our Ships better than the Spaniards are ever able to do in those Seas.

I have already given several Instances of such Places, as have no Land-VVinds, or at least but very ordinary ones; I shall next proceed in order to shew where the strongest or best Land-VVinds are met with; and then I shall speak of those Places where there blows a moderate and indifferent Gale between both Extreams: That so any one may judge by the Lying of the Land, whether it may afford a good Land-wind or no.

[Page] The briskest Land-winds are commonly in deep Bays, in great Lakes within Land, and among great Ranges of Islands or small Keys that lye near the shore: I shall give Instances of all these. And as for Bays, I shall first pitch on the Bay of Campeachy, which lies between Cape Condecedo and the High-Land of St. Martin; between both these Places the Land-winds are as brisk 2 or 3 Leagues off at Sea, as in any Place that I know. In the Cod or Middle of the Bay, the Land trends from East to VVest, there the Sea-Breezes are at North, and the Land-winds at South; they commonly begin to blow at 7 or 8 a Clock in the Evening, and continue till 8 or 9 the next Morning, in the dry Season especially. In that Bay there is an Island, call'd by the English Beef-Island from the multitude of Bulls and Cows that inhabit it. The smell of these wild Cattle is driven off to Sea, by the Land-winds so fresh, that by it Masters of Ships sailing in the Night on this Coast have known where they were, and have presently anchored that Night, and come into the Island of Trist the next Day; whereas they would otherwise have past farther to the VVestward quite out of their way, if they had not smell'd the strong scent of these Cattle.

So all the bottom of the Bay of Mexico, even from the High-Land of St. Martin down to Lavera Cruz, and from thence Northerly towards the River Meschasipi affords good Land-winds and Sea-breezes. The Bay of Honduras also, and almost all the Coast between it and Cape la Vela, affords the like, allowing for the Capes and Points of Land, which lye between; where it fails more or less, as the Points do lye more or less exposed to the Sea-Breezes.

So in the South Seas, the Bays of Panama, Guiaquil, Paita, &c. have their fresh Land-winds and Sea-breezes. But in some Places, as particularly at Paita, the Land-winds do not spring up till 12 a Clock in [Page] the Night, but then are always very fresh, and last till 7 or 8 the next Morning; and they are constant all the Year long: VVhereas in the Bay of Panama, and also in all the Bays and Coasts of the other, or North side of America already described, they are not so constant in the wet Season as they are in the dry.

The Bay of Campeachy will also afford us Instances of the Land-winds that blow in Lagunes: As for instance, the Lagune of Trist, which is about 9 or 10 Leagues long and 3 broad, is barricadoed from the Sea by the Island of Trist. There the Land-winds blow in the dry Season from 5 or 6 a Clock in the Evening, till 9 or 10 in the Morning. There are two other Lagunes lying within that, and parted from it by low Mangrove-Land: there the Land-winds are fresher and the Sea-Breeze duller, and of a less continuance, than in the Lagune of Trist. Nay, sometimes the Land-wind blows all Day; so in the Lagune of Maracaybo to VVind-ward of Cape Alta Vela, the Land-winds are very fresh and lasting. The like may be said of the Lagune of Venizuella or Comana.

Sometimes in the fore-mentioned Lagunes, the Land-winds do blow for 3 or 4 Days and Nights together, scarce suffering the Sea-Breez to breath there; though at the same time the Sea-Breez may blow fresh out at Sea: and if the Sea-Breez at such times should make a bold Sally into these Lagunes, it would be but of a short continuance. On the other hand at Capes and Head-Lands more exposed to Sea-Breezes, the Land-winds are shier of coming there, than the Sea-winds are into Lagunes. Neither may we forget the Harbour of Jamaica, for there are very good Land-winds. It is compassed in on one side with a long Neck of Sand, and many small Islands at the mouth of it, and within there is a [Page] pretty deep Lake, in which are constant Sea and Land-winds, by which the VVherry-men run with full sail, both to Legamy or Passage-Fort, from the Town and back again. They go away with the Sea-Breez, and return with the Land-wind. There fore Passengers that have occasion to go either way, wait for the coming of these VVinds, except their Business requires hast; for then they are rowed against the Breez; and though the Land-winds do sometimes fail or come very late, yet the VVherries seldom stay beyond their constant Hours of 7 or 8 a Clock, and sometimes the Land-winds do come by 3 or 4, but when they come so early it is commonly after a Tornado from the Land. This may suffice as to the Land-winds in Lakes or Bays.

As to what may be spoken concerning the Land-winds among Islands, I shall only mention 2 Places, both of them in the West Indies; the first are the Keys of Cuba, which are abundance of small Islands bordering on the South side of Cuba, reaching in length from East to VVest, or near those Points, as the Island lies, about 70 Leagues; and in some Places reaching near 20 Leagues from the said Island. Among these Islands, even from the outermost of them, quite home to Cuba, there are very brisk Land-winds. They spring up early in the Evening, and blow late in the Morning. The Jamaica Turtlers visit these Keys with good success for Turtle all the Year long, and from thence bring most of their Turtle wherewith the Market of Port-Royal is served. The other Islands I shall mention are the Sambaloe Islands betwixt Cape Samblass and Golden Island, though they are not so large a Range as the Keys of Cuba, yet do they afford very good Land-winds; near as good as the Keys of Cuba do, And thus much for the Places where the best as well as where the scantiest or faintest Land-winds are [Page] found. I shall next give some Instances of the Medium between both Extreams.

I have already shewn that Capes and such Head-Lands as lye out farthest from the rest of the shore, are thereby most exposed to the Sea-winds, and consequently the Land-winds are there much fainter than in other Places, especially in deep Bays or Lagunes within Land, or among Islands and small Keys near the Land; All which is no more than my own Experience has taught me. I shall now shew how the Land-winds blow on Coasts that do lye more level. As all Coasts have their Points and bendings, so accordingly the Land-winds are fresher or fainter, as you come either towards these bendings or towards intermitting Points or Head-Lands.

I shall give an Instance of this by shewing how the VVinds are on the Coast of Caraccos. It is as streight a Shore as I can pitch on, yet full of small Bays, divided from each other by a like number of Ridges of High-Land, that shoot forth their Heads a little way without the Bays on each side. There in the Night or Morning, while the Land-wind blows, we find fresh Gales out of the Bays: but when we come abreast of the Head-Lands, we find it Calm; yet see the Breez curling on the VVater on both sides of us, and sometimes get a spurt of it to help us forward: and having recovered the VVind out of the next Bay, we pass by the Mouth of it presently, till we come to the next Head; and there we lye becalmed as before.

These Bays are not above half a Mile or a Mile wide; neither are the Heads much wider: but these Heads of the Ridges lying in between the Bays, have steep Cliffs against the Sea; and where-ever I have met the like steep Cliffs against the Sea, I have seldom found any Land-VVinds, But in all other Places where the Bays strike deeper into the Land, there we find the Land-winds more [Page] lasting and strong; and where the Points are farther out, there are still the less Land-winds, and the brisker Sea-Breezes. For the Capes and smaller Points on all shores seem to be so many Barricadoes to break off the violence of the Sea-Breezes; for this we always find when we are turning to VVind-ward being to Leeward of a Cape, that the Breez is moderate, especially if we keep very near the shore; but when once we come within a Mile, more or less of the Cape and stand off to Sea, as soon as we get without it, we find such a hussing Breez, that sometimes we are not able to ply against it, but in the Night we find a fresh Land-wind to Leeward; tho' when we come to the Cape we find it Calm; or perhaps sometimes meet with a Sea-wind. The Land-Breezes on the Coast of Guinea between Cape St. Anns and Cape Palmas, (mentioned in the second Chapter of this Discourse,) are at E. blowing brisk 4 Leagues off shore: the Sea-winds there are at S. VV. The Land-winds on the Coast of Angola are at E. N. E the Sea-winds at VV. S. VV. these are very true VVinds of both kinds.

The Land-winds on the Coast of Peru and Mexico in the South Seas, are in most Places right off from the shore, else the Fisher-men could never go out to Sea, as they do, on Bark Loggs. And as the Land-winds are true there, so are the Sea-Breezes also; for with the Land-wind they go out to Fish, and return in again with the Sea-winds. In some Places they use Seals Skins instead of Bark Loggs; they are made so tight that no Bladder is tighter. To these they have long Necks, like the Neck of a Bladder, into which they put a Pipe and blow them up, as we do Bladders; two of these being fastned together, a Man sets a-stride them, having one before and the other behind him; and so sits firmer than in a Troopers Saddle. His Padle is like a [Page] Quarter-staff, with a broad Blade at each end; with this he strikes the Sea back, first on one side, and then on the other, with each end of his Paddle, and so gives himself fresh way through the VVater.

In the East Indies also there are true Sea-Breezes, as well on the Islands, as on the main. On Islands, as at Bantam in the Island Java, and at Achin in the Island Sumatra, and in many Places on the Island Mindanao: And on the main also, as particularly at Fort St. George on the Coast Coromandel. There the Land-winds blow right off from the shore, and the Sea-winds right in; but sometimes they come slanting in; and about Christmas they blow from the N. E. or N. N. E. I found them so when I came on the Coast, and being advised of it by Mr. Coventry in whose Sloop I then was, I fell in with the Land 10 or 12 Leagues to the Northward of the Fort, and had a brisk Northerly Sea-wind to bring me into the Road.

I think these Instances are enough to shew how these Land-winds do usually blow in most parts of the VVorld; should I be very particular, 'tis not a larger Treatise than I intend this to be, would hold a quarter-part of it. But I have been more particular in the West Indies and South Seas, because these Land-winds are of more use there than in the East Indies: For though sometimes Men in the East Indies do turn against the Monsoones, yet they do generally tarry for them before they budge.

Indeed these VVinds are an extraordinary blessing to those that use the Sea in any part of the VVorld, within the Tropicks; for as the constant Trade-winds do blow, there could be no sailing in these Seas: But by the help of the Sea and Land-Breezes, Ships will sail 2 or 3 hundred Leagues; as particularly from Jamaica, to the Lagune of Trist, in [Page] the Bay of Campeachy; and then back again, all against the Trade-wind: And I think this is one of the longest Voyages that is used of this kind. If any of our Jamaica Sloops do go to Trist, and design to carry their VVood to Curasao, then they put through the Gulph of Florida.

The Spaniards also that come from any part of the Bay of Mexico, and are bound to any Place to VVind-ward of the Island Cuba, are wont to put through the Gulph, and 10 stretch away to the Northward, till they come clear of the Trade, and then stand away as far as they please to the Eastward; This is also the usual way from Jamaica to Barbadoes, though sometimes they turn up by the Carribbee Islands, only taking the Benefit of these Sea and Land-winds. So also Ships may and do pass from Portobello to Carthagena, or to St. Martha, or to any other Place, by the help of these Breezes, if the distance is not too far. So by taking the Advantage of these VVinds, Sloops in the West Indies sail clear round the Islands, or to any part of them, in a short time.

In the South Seas also the Spaniards in their Voyages from Panama to Lima, by taking the Advantage of these VVinds, do sail as high as Cape Blanco; but in all their Voyages to the Southward of that Cape, they stand quite off to Sea into the Trade. Thus you see the use and advantage of them.

The Seamen that sail in Sloops or other small Vessels in the West Indies, do know very well when they shall meet a brisk Land-VVind, by the Foggs that hang over the Land before Night; for it is a certain sign of a good Land-VVind, to see a thick Fogg lye still and quiet like Smoak over the Land, not stirring any way; and we look out for such Signs when we [Page] are plying to VVind-ward. For if we see no Fog over the Land, the Land-wind will be but faint and short that Night. These signs are to be observed chiefly in fair VVeather; for in the wet Season Foggs do hang over the Land all the Day, and it may be neither Land-wind nor Sea-Breeze stirring. If in the Afternoon also in fair VVeather, we see a Tornado over the Land, it commonly sends us forth a fresh Land-VVind.

These Land-winds are very cold, and though the Sea-Breezes are always much stronger, yet these are colder by far. The Sea-Breezes indeed are very comfortable and refreshing; for the hottest time in all the Day is about 9, 10 or 11 a Clock in he Morning, in the interval between both Breezes: For then it is commonly Calm, and then People pant for breath, especially if it is late before the Sea-Breez comes, but afterwards the Breez alays the heat. However, in the Evening again after the Sea-breez is spent, it is very hot till the Land-wind springs up, which is sometimes not till Twelve a Clock or after.

For this Reason Men when they go to Bed uncloath themselves and lye without any thing over them; Nay, the ordinary sort of People spread Mats at their Doors, or else in their Yards, in Jamaica, and lye down to sleep in the open Air.

In the East Indies at Fort St. George also, Men take their Cotts or little Field-Beds, and put them in the Yards, and go to sleep in the Air: And Seamen aboard Ships in these hot Countries lye on the Deck, till the Land-wind comes.

The Inhabitants of Jamaica or Fort St. George, have somewhat to cover themselves when the Land-wind comes, besides a Pillow on their [Page] Breast, or between their Arms. But Seamen who have wrought hard all Day, lye naked and exposed to the Air, it may be all Night long, before they awake, without any covering, especially if they have had their dose of Punch. But next Morning they are scarce able to budge, being stiff with cold, that brings them to Fluxes, and that to their Graves; and this is the fate of many stout and brave Seamen: and it is a great pitty that Masters of Ships have so little regard for their Men, as not by some good Orders, to prohibit this dangerous Custom of lying abroad and naked in the Nights.

[Page]

CHAP. V. Of Land-winds and Sea-Breezes peculiar to some Coasts at some particular seasons of the Year; as also of some Winds that produce strange Effects.

Of the Summasenta-Winds in the Bay of Campeachy. Of the Winds peculiar to the Coasts of Carthagena. Winds on the Mexican Coasts, call'd Popogaios. Others on the Coast of Coromandel, call'd Terrenos: The same about Malabar, but at a different Season: As also in the Persian Gulph. And of the Hermatans on the Coast of Guinea.

I Shall begin with the Summasenta-Winds, as they are called, which blow in the Bay of Campeachy. These are VVinds that come in the Months of Feb. March and April, and they blow only in that Bay between the High-Land of St. Martin and Cape Condecedo; which Places are about 120 Leagues asunder. They are, properly speaking, neither Sea-Breezes nor true Land-winds, yet in respect of their blowing in some measure from the shore, they are in that somewhat of kin to the Land-winds. These VVinds are commonly at E. S. E. in the Cod or Middle of the Bay where the Land lies E. and VV. and the true Land-winds there are at S. S. E. but from thence toward Cape Condecedo, the Land trends away N. E. N. N. E. and N. So that they become Land-winds there respecting the Land from [Page] whence they blow; but then they differ both from Sea and Land-Breezes in respect to their duration: For these Summasenta-Winds blow 3 or 4 Days, sometimes a VVeek, both Night and Day before they cease. They are commonly dry VVinds and blow very fresh, and Ships that go from Trist with Logwood at the time when these VVinds blow, will be at Cape Condecedo in 3 or 4 Days; whereas if they go at any other time, it will take up 8 or 10 Days, tho' seldom more than that: For here are good Land-winds and Sea-Breezes at other times.

These VVinds are commonly colder than the Sea-winds, though not so cold as the Land-winds, yet stronger than either. I never could perceive that these VVinds did make any alteration on our Bodies different from other VVinds. But the Tides when these VVinds blow on that Coast, are very small, especially in the Lagunes of Trist; so that the Log-wood-Barks that bring the VVood Aboard of the Ships, are then forc'd to lye still for want of VVater to float them over some flats in the Lagunes.

On the Coast of Carthagena there are a peculiar sort of VVinds that blow in the Months of April, May and June so very fierce that Ships are not able to ply to VVind-ward on that Coast while these VVinds last. These VVinds blow about 40 or 50 Leagues to Wind-ward of Carthagena Town, and about 10 to Leeward of it. They are very fierce from the middle of the Channel between it and Hispaniola, and so continue almost to the Coast of Carthagena. Tho' they are sometimes a little fainter within 2 or 3 Leagues of the shore, especially Mornings and Evenings. They commonly rise in the Morning before day, sometimes at 3 or 4 a Clock, and so continue till 9, 10 or 11 at Night, and thus they will blow 10 or 11 Days together very siercely. At this time the Land-winds besides their short continuance are very faint and blow but a little way off shore: So that from 10 or 11 at [Page] Night till 3 in the Morning 'tis quite Calm and not one breath of VVind from a League distant off the shore; tho' 3 or 4 further off you'l find the Breez, and nearer a small Land-wind. These VVinds are at E. N. E. as the Common Trade is; whereas the Sea-Breezes are at N. E. by N. or N. N. E.

While these fierce VVinds stay, the Sky is commonly clear without any Cloud to be seen; tho' doubtless 'tis imperceptibly hazy, for then the Sun does not give a true black shade on the Ground, but very faint and dusky. The Horizon too looks very dusky, thick and hazy, and while the Sun is near the Horizon, either in the Morning or Evening, it looks very red. Sometimes, though but seldom, when these VVinds blow the Sky is over-cast with small Clouds, which afford some drizling small Rain. But though these VVinds are so fierce on the Coast of Carthagena, yet both to VVind-ward and to Leeward at the distances before-mentioned, the Breezes blow moderate as at other times. For the Sea and Land-winds do there keep their constant and regular Courses. Neither are the Coasts of Hispaniola or Jamaica troubled with these fierce VVinds, any nearer than half Channel over, as was said before.

It has not been my fortune to have been on this Coast when these VVinds have blown, yet I have had the Relation of it so often, and from so many Persons that I am very well satisfied of the truth of it: Nay, it is so generally known among the Jamaica Seamen and Privateers, that they call a Talkative Person in derision, a Carthagena-Breeze. I remember 2 or 3 Men that went by that Name, and I knew them by no other, tho' I was in the same Ship with them several Months.

Some of our English Frigots that have been sent to Jamaica have experienced these Breezes, when the Governour has sent them upon business to that Coast: For plying between Portobello and Carthagena, when they have been within 10 Leagues of Carthagena, they [Page] have met with the Sea Breez so strong that they have been forced to riff their Topsail, which even then they could not maintain, but have been obliged to furle it quite up; and so with only their lower Sails, which sometimes they have been forced to riff too, have been beating 8 or 10 Days, to get only so many Leagues; which tho' at last they have done, yet has it been with much trouble, and not without damage to their Sails and Rigging. Neither can I forget a Squadron of French Frigots, Commanded by the Count de Estrees, that came to Jamaica, and demanded leave of the Governour to VVood and VVater there; which because it seemed strange that they should want in coming only from Petit Guavas; it was demanded of them why they came from thence so ill provided? They said they went from Petit Guavas over to the Coast of Carthagena, with a design to have plyed to VVind-ward under that shore, but met the Breezes so hard on the Coast, that they were not able to hold up their sides against it, and for that Reason stood back again towards Petit Guavas; but not being able to setch it, therefore they came to VVood and VVater at Jamaica, designing to go from thence thro' the Gulph: And tho' the Pilots of Jamaica did all conclude that the Breezetime was past by more than a Month, yet the Governour gave them leave to VVood and VVater at Blewfields Bay, and sent one Mr. Stone to be their Pilot thither. This was in 1679. and in one of our Summer Months, but I can't tell which, tho' I was there.

In the South Seas on the Mexican Coast, between Cape Blanco in the Lat. of 9D. 56M. North, and Realeja, in Lat. 11 North, which two Places are about 80 Leagues distance, there are VVinds which blow only in the Months of May, June and July, call'd by the Spaniards Popogaios. They blow Night and Day without intermission, sometimes 3 or 4 Days or a VVeek together. They are very brisk VVinds, but not violent: I have been in one of them when we [Page] went from Caldera Bay, bound to Realeja mentioned in my Voyage round the VVorld, Chap. 5. Pag. 118. which blew at North.

In the East Indies on the Coast of Coromandel, there are VVinds call'd by the Portuguise Terrenos, because they blow from the Land. These are not those Land-Winds that I have already treated of; for these blow only in June, July and Aug. and are in several respects quite contrary to them. For whereas the true Land-Winds blow only in the Night, including Evenings and Mornings; on the contrary, these blow 3 or 4 Days without intermission; nay, sometimes a VVeek or 10 Days together: and as the true Nocturnal Land-winds are very cold, on the contrary these are the hottest of all VVinds I ever heard of: They come with hot Blooms, such as I have mentioned in my Voyage round the Word, Chap. 20. Pag. 530. These Winds are at West, and they blow only in the Months of June, July and August, which is the West Monsoon-Season, tho' the proper Monsoon then on this Coast is S. VV. When these hot VVinds come the better sort of People at Fort St. George keep close: They also shut up their VVindows and Doors to keep them out; and I have heard Gentlemen that lived there say, that when they have been thus shut up within Doors, they have been sensible when the VVind shifted by the Change they have felt in their Bodies. And notwithstanding that these VVinds are so hot, yet the Inhabitants don't sweat while they last, for their Skins are hard and rough, as if they had been parched by the Fire, especially their Faces and Hands, yet does it not make them sick. The Sands which are raised by these VVinds are a great annoyance to those whose business lyes abroad, and who can't keep their Houses. For many times they wheel about and raise the Sands so thick, that it flies like smoak in Peoples Eyes; and the Ships also [Page] that lie in the road at that time have their Decks covered with this Sand.

On the Coast of Malabar they have of these sorts of VVinds also, but not at the same time of the Year. For as these on the Coast of Coromandel blow in the Months of June, July and August, when the West Monsoon Reigns; on the contrary on the Malabar Coast, they blow in the Months of December, January and February, when the East or North East Monsoon blows: for then the Easterly VVind, which is then the true Monsoon comes over from the Land of this Coast; This being the West-side, as the Coast of Coromandel is the East-side of this long East Indian Promontory.

The Persian Gulph is as remarkable for these hot VVinds as either of the former; they come there in the Months of June, July and August in the West Monsoon time; and the heat there by all Accounts does by far exceed that on the other two Coasts.

The European Merchants that are employed in the Ports within the King of Persia his Dominions, do leave their Coast, Habitations and Business there, during these hot Months, and spend their time at Ispahan till the Air is more agreeable to their Bodies; but their Servants must indure it. And if any Ships are there, then the Seamen also must do as well as they can. 'Tis reported the Commanders do keep Bathing-Troughs full of VVater to lye and wallow in, and hide their Bodies from the noisom hot Blooms. I was never in any of these hot Winds, for I went from Fort St. George before they came on the Coast.

[Page] On the Coast of Guinea there are a particular sort of Land-winds, which are very remarkable; not for their Heat, as those last-mentioned, but for their exceeding Cold and Searching Nature. They are called Harmatans. I have had an Acce [...] of them from several who have Traded to Guinea; but more especially from a very Sensible and Experienced Gentleman, Mr. Greenhill, Commissioner of His Majesties Navy at Portsmouth; who upon my Request, was pleased to send me the following [...] count: which the Reader cannot have better than in his own Words. Where, together with the Harmatans, he gives an Account also of all the Winds on that Coast.

Mr. Greenhill's Letter.

SIR,

I Have been very ill since my return Home with the Gout; so that I have not been capable of answering your Expectation: But being a little be [...] recovered, I shall make as good a return to your Enqu [...] of the Harmatans on the Coast of Guinea, as [...] Circumstances will permit. The usual Time of [...] blowing is between the latter part of December, [...] the beginning of February; before and [...] Seasons, they never exceed. They [...] of [...] cold, sharp and piercing a Nature, that the [...] of the Floors of our Chambers and the [...] Decks of our Ships (as far as they are abo [...] [...] will open so wide, as that with facility you may [...] a Caulking Iron a considerable way into th [...] [...] which condition they continue so long as the [...] tan blows, (which is sometimes two or three [...] very rarely five Days, which is the very [...] observed or heard of) and when they are [...] close again and are as tight, as if it never [...] The Natives themselves and all Person [...] [Page] those parts (during that short Season) to prevent their pernicious Effects, are obliged to confine themselves within Doors; where they endeavour their own security, by rendring their Habitations as close and impenetrable as possible: Neither will they once stir abroad, unless induced thereto by a more than ordinary Occasion. It is as destructive to the Cattle also; whose safe Guard consists in their Proprietors Care, who against this Season ought to provide some such like place for them: Otherwise they must expect but a pittiful Account when the Season is over; for it most certainly destroys them, and that in a very short time.

This I accidentally experimented by exposing a couple of Goats to the Asperity thereof; which in four hours space or thereabouts, were depriv'd of Life. Nay, we our selves (unless assisted by the like Conveniency, and the benefit of some sweet Oyls to correct the Air) cannot fetch our Breath so freely as at other times; but are almost suffocated with too frequent and Acid Respirations. They generally blow between the E. and E. N. E. to the Northward of which they never exceed, being the most settled and steddy (but fresh) Gale, I ever observ'd; coming without Thunder, Lightning or Rain; but close gloomy Weather; the Sun not shining all the time: And when they expire, the Trade-wind (which constantly blows on that Coast at W. S. W. and S. W.) returns with the accustomary seasonableness of Weather.

The Coast of Africa from Cape Palmas to Cape Formosa, lies E. and E. by N. and near those Points the Land Breezes blow on that Coast, which commonly begin about seven in the Evening, and continue all Night, till near that time the next Morning: During which interval, we are troubled with stinking Fogs and Mists off Shore, which by return of the Sea-Breezes upon the opposite Points are all driven away; [Page] and we have the benefit of them, in a curious fresh Gale, till obout 5 in the Afternoon.

And here let me Note it for a general Observation, That in these and all other Places within the Tropicks (as far as ever I took notice) the Wind is drawn by the Land. For if an Island or Head-Land, were inclining to a circular Form, the Sea and Land-Breezes fall in Diametrically opposite to that part where you are. So that if you are on the South side, the Sea-Breez shall be at South, and the Land-Breez (when it comes in its Season) at North.

In getting on the Coast, we endeavour to fall in with Cape Mount or Cape Miserada, which is about 18 Leagues to the E. S. Eastward thereof; and after that we double Cape Palmas (whence as asoresaid, the Land trends away E. by N.) the Current near the shore sets upon that Point down into the Bite. But in getting off, we as much attempt (if possible) to lay hold of St. Thomas; and thence to run to the Southward of the Line, perhaps 3 or 4 Degrees; for the further Southerly we go, the stronger we find the Gales, and more beneficial for getting off the African Coast; but those who keep to the Northward thereof, generally meet with more Calms; and consequently longer Voyages ensue. In or about those Latitudes we continue, till we are got between 25 and 30 Degrees to the Westward of Cape Lopez de Gonsalvo, and then we cross again to go either for England or the West Indies. But by the way let me observe to you, that when once we are to the West-ward of the [...] Cape, and in South Latitude, the Current sets [...]therly, and the Wind to 20 Degrees of Latitude, [...] E. S. E. as (to the like number of Degrees) on the North side of the Line it blows at [...] Neither did I ever observe any Mutation of the [...] unless in the Tornado-Season, when during their blowing, they commonly set to Wind-ward; tho' perhaps the Moon upon Full and Change, may [Page] have the like influence there, as in other Places; but I never took any particular notice thereof.

The said Tornadoes usually come in the beginning of Apr. and seldom relinquish the Gold Coast till July commences, and with frequent visits make us sensible of their Qualities. We have sometimes three or four in a day; but then their continuance is but short; perhaps not above two hours, and the strength or fury (it may be) about a quarter or half an Hour; but accompanied with prodigious Thunder, Lightning and Rain; and the violence of the Wind so extraordinary, as that it has sometimes rolled up the Lead wherewith the Houses are cover'd, as close and compactly, as possible it could be done by the Art of Man. The Name implys a variety of Winds: But the strength of them is generally at S. E. and by Ships that are bound off the Coast, they are made use of to get to Windward.

I shall conclude with that most worthy Observation of the Season wherein the Rains begin, which on the Gold Coast is about the 10th of April: And this may be generally remarked, from 15 d. N. to 15 d. South Latitude, that they follow the Sun within 5 or 6 d. And so proceed with him till he has touched the Tropick, and returns to the like Station again. This I shall illustrate by the following Example, Viz. Cape Corso Castle lies in 4 d. 55 North. About the 10th of April the Sun has near 12 degrees N. Declination. At that time the Rains begin, and continue with the Inhabitants of that Place, until he has performed his Course to the greatest obliquity from off the Equator, and returned to the like Position South. The same I suppose may be observed, and understood of other places within the Tropicks.

[Page] The Variation (of which in the Year 1680. I made frequent Observations) was 2 d. 14 m. Westerly: And it generally flows at the aforesaid place S. S. E. and N. N. W. upon the Full and Change. The Water rising upon Spring Tides about 6 or 7 Foot up and down. I remain,

SIR,

Your humble Servant, Henry Greenhill.

From His Majesties Yard, near Portsmouth, the 5th June 1698.

Upon my Receipt of this from the Gentleman aforesaid, I wrote to him again, to have his Opinion about what I have said concerning the particular Longitude, in which 'tis best to ross the Line, in going from Guinea to the West Indies: And so much of his Answer as concerns this Matter was in these Words.

Mr. Greenhill's second Letter.

SIR,

I Do not dissent from Crossing the Line at 35 or 36 d. Longitude, Westward of Cape Lopes, and it may as well be done at 30. provided the Breezes continue fresh. But if we have but little Winds, we generally run on the South side of the Line till we reach the distance West: and then Crossing we steer away West North West and West by North for Barbadoes.

And this you may observe, (as I have already hinted to you, that the further we keep to the Southward [Page] of the Line, the fresher and consequently more advantageous the Breezes are.

I remain,

SIR,

Your obliged Friend, And most humble Servant, Henry Greenhill.

And here I judge it will not be unacceptable to the Reader to insert two other Letters from an Experienced Captain of a Ship, because they have a general Relation to the Subject I am now upon, as well as to the Coast of Guinea in particular.

Part of two Letters from Captain John Covant of Portbury, to a Gentleman in London. LETTER I.

Honoured Sir,

I Have sent Mr. Dampier's Book, which you were pleased to send me, to Captain S—I have gone through it, and find it very well worth my time, being very delight some, and I believe true.

I have made some Remarks on it, as having found the like of what he asserts, in other places. As p. 65. mention is made of the Sucking-Fish, or Remora (as Mr. Dampier calls it.) These are mighty plenty on the Coast of Angola and at Madagascar, and between Cape Lopes de Gonsalvas and the River Gabon. They are shaped as he describes them.

As to what he saith p. 73. I have found the Indians in the Gulph of Florida, offering false Ambergriece to sale, and particularly in Lat. 25 d. where in the Year 1693. several of our Men were cheated with it.

[Page] What Mr. Dampier saith of the Laziness of the People of Mindanao, p. 326. the very same may be said of the People of Loango on the Coast of Guinea exactly.

Their manner of Worship, mentioned p. 338. is the very same with what I have seen at Algier, on the Coast of Barbary.

The Nocturnal Dancings used by the Hottantotts at the Cape of Good Hope every Full and New Moon, p. 541. are also practised by the Inhabitants of Loango, Molinbo and Cabendo.

I shall give you the trouble of a small Relation of a Passage to Loango in the Year 1693. When we came so far to the Southward as 2 d. 40 m. N. Lat. and 8 d. 25 m. Longi. Westward from the Meridian of Lundy, it being 31st of March we had small Wind at S. S. W. and S. W. with showers of Rain. There we met with prodigious shoals of Fish, consisting chiefly of Albicores and Bonetoes. There were also great numbers of Sharks; some 10 or 12 Foot long. For diversion we catch'd above an 100 of them at times. The other Fish we took as we had occasion fresh and fresh: and one day we caught a Barrel of them with empty Hooks. These shoals of Fish kept us Company till we were under the Equator in Long. 4 d. 3 m. Eastward of the Meridian of Lundy. This was April 27. we had the Winds at S. E. and S. E. by E. fresh Gales and clear Weather; but a mighty Leeward Current. At the Fishes parting with us that day, I caught an Albicore that weighed 75 l. It is a mighty strong Fish, so that the Fishing-Craft must be very strong to take them.

The City of Loango I find to lye in Lat. 4 d. 30 m. S. and Longi. 18 d. 8 m. Eastward from the Meridian of Lundy: from whence I took my departure, bound for Jamaica, Oct. 7. 1693.

When we find the Winds South, S. by W. and S. S. W. fresh Gales; veerable to S. W. and back to South, we [Page] stand off to the Westward with Larboard Tacks on board, till we get 14 d. Long. to the Westward of Loango. And there we find the Winds veerable from S. S. E. to S. E. fresh Gales. When we get 34 d. to the Westward of Loango, we are then 16 d. Westward from the Meridian of Lundy: And there we find the Winds veerable from S. E. by E. to E. by S. and East; and so they continue blowing fresh as we still run to the Westward between the Lat. of 3 and 4 d. South, till we make the Island Fernando de Noronho, which I find to lye in Lat. 3 d. 54 m. 30 s. South. And by the Experience of two Voyages have found its Longi. 40 d. 59 m. Westward from Loango, and 22 d. 51 m. from the Meridian of Lundy. This Island appears with a very high Pyramid. And when we come close to it, the Pyramid looks like a large Cathedral. On the N. W. side is a small Bay to anchor in. But ships must come pretty near the shore, because it is deep Water. Here is plenty of Fish. And on the Island is some fresh Water, and low shrubs of Trees. We could see no living Creature on it but Dogs. It was formerly inhabited by the Portuguese; but the Dutch having then War with them, took it, and carried the Portuguese all away. The Body of the Island I judge to be about 4 Miles long, lying N. E. and S. W. near on the North side are some Rocks, pretty high above Water; and many Birds, as Sea-Gulls and Man-of-War-Birds (which are something like our Kites in England) I find the Current sets strong to the N. W. The variation very little. From thence I steered N. W. with fresh Gales S. E. and at E. S. E. in order to cross the Equator, and designing to make the Island Tobago: Which by my Run from the aforesaid Island, I find to lye in Lat. 11 d. 33 m. North. Longi. Westward of Fernando, 28 d. 19 m. 2/10. The Meridian distance from Fernando 1721 Miles 6/10 And by my reckoning or Journal Tobago is West from the Meridian of the Isle of Lundy 51 d. 10 m. 2/10. [Page] In this Passage between the said Islands we find strange Rippling and Cockling Seas, ready to leap in upon the Ships Deck; which makes us think the Current to be strong: And it seems to be occasioned by the great River on the main Land; which is not far from us in this Passage. Tobago is an high Island with a brave sandy Bay on the S. W. side, where the Dutch had formerly a great Fort, till molested by the English in the last Dutch War. From this Island I shaped my Course for Jamaica, and found the N. E. Corner to lye in Lat. 18 d. North; and in Longi. West from Tobago 13 d. The Meridian distance from Tobago is 749 Miles VVest. In our passage we saw no Land or Island, till we made the N. E. end of Jamaica: which lyeth in Longi. VVest from the Meridian of Lundy 64 d. 10 m. and VVest from the City of Loango 82 d. 18 m. I shall only add that I am of Opinion that the Gallopagos Islands do lye a great deal further to the VVestward than our Hydrographers do place them, according as Mr. Dampier hints, p. 100 of his Voyage round the World. I am,

Portbury, Octob. 20. 1698.

SIR,

Your most humble Servant, John Covant.

Part of a second Letter from Captain Covant; dated from Bristol, Decemb. 10. 1697. LETTER II.

SIR,

YOurs of the 6th Instant came to my Hands, with the enclosed Queries, which I shall endeavour to answer in part, as far as my memory will assist me, being now from home, and at a distance from my Journals, &c.

[Page] 1. The Common Trade-Winds on the Coast of Angola, blow from the S. VV. to South, till about 12 d. Long. from the Meridian of the Isle of Lundy.

2. I have found them always in the same Quarter, and not subject to shift in all the time I have used this Coast; except that at a small distance off the shore, they are sometimes a Point more to the VVestward.

3. The Dry Season on this Coast I observed to be from the latter end of April to September; tho' sometimes intermix'd with some pleasant showers of Rain. I cannot be so punctual as to the time of the Wet Seasons.

4. The true Sea-Breez I have commonly found here to be from W. S. W. to VV. by S. if it be fair Weather: and the Land Breez is at E. by N. But if a Tornado happens, it causes the Winds to shift all round the Compass, and at last it settles at S. VV. which is the former true Trade Wind.

I am yours John Covant.

[Page]

CHAP. VI. Of Storms.

Storms less frequent, but more fierce between the Tropicks. Presages of their coming. Of Norths, the Times and Places where they blow: Signs of their approach: N. Banks. A Chocolatta North. A North beneficial to Ships going from Campeachy to Jamaica. A very uncommon way of wearing a Ship in a North. Of Souths, the Times and Places where they Blow. A Description of a South at Jamaica, and at the Bay of Campeachy: Much Fish kill'd by that Storm. Of Hurricanes. A Description of a terrible one at Antegoe, where abundance of Fish and Sea Fowles were destroyed by it. The difference between North Banks, and the Clouds before an Hurricane: the latter adorned with radiant Colours. Tuffoons in the East-Indies the same with Hurricanes in the West. Of Monsoons in the East-Indies. A Storm, called by the Portuguese, the Elephanta, which is the violentest Monsoon of that Season.

STorms within the Tropicks are generally known to us by some Name or other, to distinguish them from other common Winds: and though Storms are not so frequent there, as they are in Latitudes nearer the Poles; yet are they nevertheless expected yearly in their proper Months; and when they do come, they blow exceeding fierce, [Page] though indeed some years they do not come at all, or at least do not blow with that fierceness as at other times. And as these Winds are commonly very fierce, so are they but of a short continuance, in comparison with Storms that we meet with in higher Latitudes.

In the West Indies there are three sorts, viz. Norths, Souths, and Hurricanes: In the East-Indies there are only two sorts, viz. Monsoones and Tuffoones.

All these sorts of violent Storms, except the Norths, are expected near one time of the year: and this is taken notice of by those that have been in any of them; that they give certain Presages of their being at hand, several hours before they come.

Norths are violent Winds, that frequently blow in the Bay of Mexico from October till March: They are chiefly expected near the full or change of the Moon, all that time of the year, but they are most violent in December and January. These Winds are not confined to the Bay of Mexico only, but there they are most frequent, and rage with the greatest Violence. They blow on the North side of Cuba very fierce too, and in the Gulph of Florida; as also about Hispaniola, Jamaica, &c. and in the Channel between Jamaica and Portabel; and in all the West Indian Sea between the Islands and the Main, as high as the Island Trinidado. But from Jamaica Eastward, except on the North side of the Island Hispaniola, they blow no harder than a pretty brisk Sea Wind. They are here at W. N. W. or N. W. though in the Bay of Mexico they blow strongest at N. N. W. and this is the Season of Westerly Winds in these East parts of the West-Indies, as I have before noted in the third Chapter of this Discourse. I shall be most particular of them that blow in the Bay of Mexico, and what Signs they give us before hand.

[Page] Commonly before a North the Weather is vety serene and fair, the Sky clear; and but little Wind; and that too veering from its proper Point, or the common Trade Wind of the Coast: and breathing gently at S. at S. W. and West a Day or two before the North comes. The Sea also gives notice of a Storm, by an extraordinary and long Ebb. For a Day or two before a North, there will be hardly any discernable Flood, but a constant ebbing of the Sea. And the Sea Fowls also before a Storm, do commonly hover over the Land, which they do not at other times use to do, in such great flights and numbers. All these Signs concurring, may give any Man notice of an approaching Storm, but the greatest and most remarkable Sign of a North, is a very black Cloud in the N. W. rising above the Horizon to about 10 or 12 degrees: the upper edge of the Cloud appears very even and smooth, and when once the upper part of the Cloud is 6, 8, 10 or 12 degrees high, there it remains in that even form parallel to the Horizon without any motion; and this sometimes 2 or 3 Days before the Storm comes: At other times not above 12 or 14 hours, but never less.

This Cloud lying so near the Horizon, is not seen but in the Mornings or Evenings, at least it does not appear so black as then; this is called by English Seamen a North Bank, and when ever we see such a Cloud in that part of the World, and in the Months before mentioned, we certainly provide for a Storm; and though sometimes it may happen that such a Cloud may appear several Mornings and Evenings, and we may not feel the effects of it, or but very little; yet we always provide against it; for a North never comes without such a foreboding Cloud. But if the VVinds also whiffle about to the South, with fair flattering VVeather, it never fails. VVhile the VVind remains at S. S. W. or any thing to the South of the West it blows very faint; but [Page] when once it comes to the North of the West, it begins to be brisk and veers about presently to the North West, where it blows hard; yet does it not stay there long before it veers to the N. N. W. and there it blows strongest and longest. Sometimes it continues 24 or even 48 hours, and sometimes longer. When the Wind first comes to the N. W. if the black Cloud rises and comes away, it may chance to give but one flurry, like that of a Tornado; and then the Sky grows clear again; and either the Wind continues at N. W. blowing only a brisk Gale, which the Jamaica Seamen call a Chocolate North, or else it veers about again to the East, and settles there. But if when the Wind comes to the N. W. the Cloud still remains settled, the Wind then continues blowing very fierce, even so long as the black Bank continues near the Horizon. It is commonly pretty dry and clear, but sometimes much Rain falls with a North: and tho' the Clouds which bring Rain, come from the N. W. & N. N. W. yet the black Bank near the Horizon seems not to move till the Heart of the Storm is broke. When the Wind starts from the N. N. VV. to the N. 'tis a sign that the violence of the Storm is past, especially if it veers to the East of the North; for then it soon flys about to the East, and there settles at its usual Point and brings fair VVeather: But if it goes back from the N. to the N. VV. it will last a day or two longer, as fierce as before; and not without a great deal of Rain.

VVhen our Jamaica Logwood-ships are coming loaden out of the Bay of Campeachy in the North Season, they are glad to have a North. For a good North will bring them almost to Jamaica; neither have any of our Vessels miscarried in one of these Storms that I did ever hear of, though sometimes much shattered; but the Spaniards do commonly suffer by them, and there is seldom a Year but one [Page] or more of them are cast away in the Bay of Campeachy in this Season: for they don't work their ships as we do ours. They always bring their ships too under a Foresail and Mizan, but never under a Mainsail and Mizan, nor yet under the Mizan alone; but we generally bring to under Mainsail and Mizan; and if the VVind grows too fierce we bring her under a Mizan only; and if we cannot maintain that, then we balast our Mizan: which is by riffing and taking up great part of the Sail. If after all this, the VVinds and Seas are too high for us, then we put before it, but not before we have tryed our utmost, especially if we are near a Leeshore. On the contrary, the Spaniards in the West Indies, (as I said before) lye under a Foresail and Mizan: But this must needs be an extraordinary strain to a Ship, especially if she be long. Indeed there is this convenience in it, when they are minded to put away before it, 'tis but halling up the Mizan, and the Foresail veers the Ship presently: and I judge it is for that Reason they do it. For when the Wind comes on so fierce that they can no longer keep on a Wind, they put right afore it, and so continue till the Storm ceaseth, or the Land takes them up (i. e. till they are run ashore.) I knew two Spaniards did so, while I was in the Bay. One was a Kings ship, called the Piscadore. She run ashore on a sandy Bay, a Mile to the Westward of the River Tobasco. The other was come within 4 or 5 Leagues of the shore, and the storm ceasing, she escaped shipwreck, but was taken by Captain Hewet, Commander of a Privateer, who was then in the Bay. Her Mainmast and Mizan were cut down in the storm. Both these Ships came from La Vera Cruz, and were in the North side of the Bay when first the storms took them. And tho' we don't use this method, yet we find means to wear our ships as well as they; for if after the Mizan is hall'd up [Page] and furled, if then the ship will not wear, we must do it with some Headsail, which yet sometimes puts us to our shifts. As I was once in a very violent storm, sailing from Virginia, mentioned in my Voyage round the World, we scudded before the Wind and Sea some time, with only our bare Poles; and the ship by the mistake of him that con'd, broched too, and lay in the Trough of the Sea; which then went so high that every Wave threatned to overwhelm us. And indeed if any one of them had broke in upon our Deck, it might have foundred us. The Master whose fault this was, rav'd like a mad Man, & called for an Axe to cut the Mizan Shrouds, & turn the Mizan Mast over Board: which indeed might have been an Expedient to bring her to her course again. Cap. Davis was then Quarter-master and a more experienced Seaman than the Master. He bid him hold his hand a little in hoes to bring her some other way to her course: The Captain also was of his Mind. Now our Main-yard and Fore-yard were lowered down a Port last, as we call it, that is down pretty nigh the Deck, and the Wind blew so fierce that we did not dare to loose any Head-sail, for they must have blown away if we had, neither could all the Men in the ship have furled them again; therefore we had no hopes of doing it that way. I was at this time on the Deck with some others of our Men; and among the rest one Mr. John Smallbone, who was the main Instrument at that time of saving us all. Come! said he to me, let us go a little way up the Fore-shrouds, it may be that may make the Ship wear; for I have been doing it before now. He never tarried for an Answer, but run forward presently, and I followed him. We went up the Shrouds Half-mast up, and there we spread abroad the Flaps of our Coasts, and presently the Ship wore. I think we did not stay there above 3 Minutes before we grain'd our Point and came down [Page] gain, but in this time the Wind was got into our Mainsail, and had blown it loose; and tho' the Mainyard was down a Port-last and our Men were got on the Yard as many as could lye one by another, besides the Deck full of Men, and all striving to furl that Sail, yet could we not do it, but were forced to cut it all along by the Head-rope, and so let it fall down on the Deck.

Having largely treated of Norths, I shall next give some account of Souths.

South Winds are also very violent Winds. I have not heard any thing of these sorts of Storms, but at Jamaica or by Jamaica Sailers. The time when they blow at Jamaica is about June, July or August, Months that Norths never blow in. The greatest stress of Wind in these storms is at South, from whence its probable they are named Souths. In what they differ from the Hurricanes that rage among the Carribee Islands, I know not, unless in this, that they are more Constant to one Point of the Compass, or that they come sooner in the Year than Hurricanes do; but those Storms call'd Hurricanes, had never been known at Jamaica when I was there. Yet since I have heard that they have felt the fury of them several times. But I was at Jamaica when there happened a violent South. It made great havock in the Woods; and blew down many great Trees; but there was no great damage done by it. Port Royal was in great danger then of being washed away, for the Sea made a breach clear through the Town; and if the violence of the Weather had continued but a few hours longer, many of the Houses had been washed away. For the Point of Land on which that Town stands, is Sand; which began to wash away apace: but the Storm ceasing, there was no further damage. This was in July or August in the Year 1674.

[Page] I was afterwards in the Bay of Campeachy, when we had a much more violent Storm than this, called also by the Logwood-Cutters a South. It happened some time in June, 1676.

I was then cutting Logwood in the Western Creek of the West Lagune. Two days before this storm began, the Wind whiffled about to the South, and back again to the East, and blew very faintly. The Weather also was very fair, and the Men-of-War-Birds came hovering over the Land in great numbers; which is very unusual for them to do. This made some of our Logwood-Cutters say; that we should have some Ships come hither in a short time; for they believed it was a certain token of the arrival of Ships, when these Birds came thus hovering over the Land. And some of them said they had lived at Barbadoes, where it was generally taken notice of: and that as many of these Birds as they saw hovering over the Town, so many ships there were coming thither. And according to that Rule they foolishly guest that here were a great many Ships coming hither at that time: Though 'tis impossible that they could imagine there could be the hundredth part of the Ships arrive, that they saw Birds fly over their Heads. But that which I did most admire was, to see the Water keep ebbing for two Days together, without any flood, till the Creek, where we lived, was almost dry. There was commonly at low Water 7 or 8 foot Water; but now not above 3, even in the middle of the Creek.

About 4 a Clock the 2d day after this unusual Ebb, the Sky looked very black, & the Wind sprung up fresh at S. E. and increasing. In less than 2 hours time it blew down all our Huts, but one; and that with much labour we propt up with Posts, and with Ropes cast over the Ridge, and fastning both ends to stumps of Trees, we secured the Roof from flying away. In it we huddled altogether till the storm ceased. It [Page] rained very hard the greatest part of the storm, and about two hours after the Wind first sprang up, the Waters flowed very fast in. The next Morning it was as high as the Banks of the Creek: which was higher than I had ever seen it before.

The Flood still inereased, and run faster up the Creek than ever I saw it do in the greatest Spring-Tide; which was somewhat strange, because the Wind was at South, which is right off the shore on this Coast. Neither did the Rain any thing abate, and by 10 a Clock in the Morning the Banks of the Creek were all overflown. About 12 at Noon we brought our Canoa to the side of our Hut, and fastned it to the stump of a Tree that stood by it; that being the only refuge that we could now expect; for the Land a little way within the Banks of the Creek is much lower than where we were: So that there was no walking through the Woods because of the Water. Besides, the Trees were torn up by the Roots, and tumbled down so strangely a-cross each other, that it was almost impossible to pass through them.

The storm continued all this Day and the Night following till 10 a Clock: then it began to abate, and by 2 in the Morning it was quite calm.

This storm made very strange work in the Woods by tearing up the Trees by the Roots: The ships also riding at Trist and at One-Bush-Key, felt the fury of it to their sorrow; for of four that were riding at One-Bush-Key, three were driven away from their Anchors, one of which was blown into the Woods of Beef-Island. And of the four ships that were at Trist, three also were driven from their Anchors, one of which was cast up about 20 Paces beyond high Water-Mark on the Island of Trist. The other two were driven off to Sea; and one of them was never heard of since.

[Page] The poor Fish also suffered extreamly by this storm, for we saw multitudes of them either cast on the shore, or floating dead on the Lagunes. Yet this storm did not reach 30 Leagues to Wind-ward of Trist, for Captain Vally of Jamaica, went hence but 3 days before the storm began, and was not past 30 Leagues off when we had it so fierce, yet he felt none of it: But only saw very black dismal Clouds to the Westward, as he reported at his return from Jamaica to Trist 4 Months after.

I shall speak next of Hurricanes.

These are violent storms, raging chiefly among the Caribee Islands; though, by Relation, Jamaica has of late been much annoyed by them; but it has been since the time of my being there. They are expected in July, August or September.

These storms also as well as the Norths or Souths, give some signs of their approach before they come on. I have not been in any one of them my self, but have made enquiry of many Men that have, and they all agree that either they are preceded by flattering unusual small Winds and very fair Weather, or by a great glut of Rain, or else by both Rains and Calms together.

I shall give an Instance of one that gave such warning. It happened at Antego in August 1681. I had the Relation of it from Mr. John Smallbone, before mentioned, who was Gunner of a Ship of 120 Tuns and 10 Guns, Commanded by Capt. Gadbury.

Before this storm it rained two days excessively, then it held up two or three days more: but the Sky was clouded and appear'd to be much troubled, yet but little Wind. The Planters by this, were certain of a Hurricane, and warned the Ship-Commanders to provide for it, especially Capt. Gadbury; who had careen'd his ship in Muskito Cove in St. John's Harbour, but a little before, and by this warning given him by the Planters, had gotten his Goods or [Page] Board again, which though all he had, yet was but about half his lading of Sugar, Molossoes and Rum. He also moored his ship as secure as he could, with all his Cables and Anchors, besides some Cables which he had made fast ashore to great Trees. And about 7 a Clock that evening that the storm came, he dreading it, went ashore with all his Men, and retired into a poor Planters House about half a Mile from the shore. By that time he and his Men were arrived at the House, which was before 8 a Clock; the Wind came on very fierce at N. E. and veering about to the N. and N. VV. settled there, bringing with it very violent Rains. Thus it continued about 4 hours, and then fell flat calm, and the Rain ceased.

In this Calm he sent 3 or 4 of his Men down to the Cove to see what condition the ship was in, and they found her driven ashore dry on the Sand, lying on one side, with the Head of her Mast sticking into the Sand; after they had walked round her and view'd her a while, they returned again to the Capt. to give him an Account of the Disaster, and made as much haste as they could, because the Wind began to blow hard at S. VV. and it blew so violently before they recovered the House, that the Boughs of the Trees whipt them sufficiently before they got thither; and it rained as hard as before. The little House could scarce shelter them from the wet; for there was little beside the VValls standing: For the first Northerly Gust blew away great part of the Ridg and most of the Thatch. Yet there they stayed till the next Morning, and then coming to the Ship found her almost upright; but all the Goods that were in the Hold were wash'd out, and the Sugar was wash'd out of the Cask. Some of the Rum they found; a Cask in one place and a Cask in another: some on the shore, and some half a Mile in the VVoods; and some staved against the Trees and leeked out; for it seems there had been a violent Motion in the Sea, as well [Page] as in the Air. For in the beginning of the Night when the N. E. Gust raged, the Sea ebb'd so prodigiously, or else was driven off the shore by the violence of the VVind so far, that some ships riding in the Harbour in 3 or 4 Fathom VVater, were a-ground; and lay so till the S. VV. Gust came, and then the Sea came rowling in again with such prodigious fury, that it not only set them a-float, but dash'd many of them on the shore. One of them was carried up a great way into the Woods: another was strangely hurl'd on two Rocks that stood close by one another; with her head resting on one Rock, and her stern on the other: And thus she lay like a Bridge between the two Rocks, about 10 or 11 Foot above the Sea, even in the highest Tides; for the Tides do usually rise here but little, not above 2 or 3 Foot, but in these Hurricanes it always ebbs and flows again prodigiously.

It was not the Ships only that felt the fury of this storm, but the whole Island suffered by it; for the Houses were blown down, the Tree store up by the Roots, or had their Heads and Limbs sadly shattered, neither was there any Leaves, Herbs or green Thing left on the Island, but all look'd like Winter. Insomuch that a ship coming thither a little after, that used that Trade, could scarce believe it to be the same Island. Neither did the fury of this storm light only here, for Nevis and St. Christophers had their shares also; but Mountsurat felt little of it, tho' not above a Fortnight after there happened another storm, as violent as this, and raged extreamly there, but did little damage at Nevis and St. Christophers. Antego had a great share of this too. Capt. Gadbury's ship, that lay a-ground before it came, was by it hurled over to the opposite part of the Harbour, and there thrown dry on the Sand.

The day after the storm, the shore was strew'd with fish of divers sorts, as well great as small; [Page] such as Porpoises, Sharks, &c. and abundance of Sea-Fowls also were destroyed by it.

I would not have any Man think that these Hurricanes, or any other Storms, do always give warning of their coming exactly alike: For there may be some difference in those signs, though all of them be plain enough if well observed. Besides sometimes they are duplicated, sometimes only single signs, and sometimes the signs may be more visible and plain than at other times: when by some accidental cause those signs may be less visible by Reason of some high Hill or Mountain that may be interpos'd between you and the Horizon, especially if any Hill lyes N. E. from you, which is the Quarter that Hurricanes do commonly rise in.

The Clouds that precede a Hurricane are different from the North Banks in this, that whereas the Clouds preceding Norths are uniform and regular, of an exact blackness even from the Horizon to the upper edg of it, and that as streight and even as a Line stretched out. On the contrary, the Hurricane-Clouds tower up their Heads, pressing forwards as if they all strove for precedency; yet so linked one within another, that all move alike. Besides, the edges of these Clouds are guilded with various and afrighting Colours, the very edg of all seems to be of a pale fire colour, next that of a dull yallow, and nearer the Body of the Cloud of a Copper Colour and the Body of the Cloud which is very thick appears extraordinary Black: and altogether it looks very terrible and amazing even beyond expression. Though I have never been in any Hurricane in the West Indies, yet I have seen the very Image of them in the East Indies, & the effects have been the very same; and for my part I know no difference between a Hurricane among the Carribee Islands in the West Indies, and a Tuffoon on the Coast of China in the [Page] East Indies, but only the Name: And I am apt to believe that both Words have one signification, which is a violent Storm.

I have given a large Account of one of these in my Voyage round the World: Chapter XV. Page 414. That gave warning by flattering Weather before hand, and a very dismal Cloud, set out with such colours as I have before described, rising in the N. E. from whence the violence of the first Gust came, which was wonderful fierce and accompanied with extraordinary hard Rain; then it afterwards fell calm about an hour, and then the Wind came about at S. W. and blew as fierce as it did before at N. E. which is much like the Hurricane before-mentioned at Antego, but of a longer continuance than that: Besides, in both places they blow at one time of the Year, which is in July, August or September; and commonly near the Full or Change of the Moon.

Another thing that we must also take notice of is, that both Places are North of the Equator, though not exactly in one Latitude.

But of these Tuffoons I shall say no more now, having described them particularly in my Voyage to Tonquin, Chap. II. Pag. 36.

The Monsoons in the East Indies are the next to be treated of; by which I do not mean the Coasting Trade-wind, so called, which I have already described in Page 21. of this Discourse; for tho' [Monsoon] is a general word for the Wind there, distinguished by East or West, according to the Points from whence they blow; yet it sometimes also signifies a Storm, as I now take it. And it is easie to be understood, when it is used in reference to the Trade-wind, or when spoken of a Storm; for if applyed to a Storm, 'tis express'd by some Epethite going before: As Violent, Terrible, [Page] &c. without any distinction of East or West, which is commonly used in speaking of the Trade-Wind.

These Monsoons or Storms on the Coast of Coromandel are expected either about April or September, which are accounted the two shifting Months. For in these two Months the Winds begin to shift and turn from that Point, on which they have blown several Months before, to the contrary Points of the Compass; as from East to West, or the contrary: but commonly this shift is attended with a turbulent Sky, which ends in a violent storm of Wind, or excessive Rains, or both: And this is called also the breaking up of the Monsoon. It was in one of these that I past from Nicobar Island to Sumatra, men tioned in my Voyage round the World, Chap. XVIII. Page 496. This was the April Monsoon.

The Septemb. Monsoons are generally more violenr than these last: yet by the Account I have lately had from Fort St. George, they have suffered very much by one of the April Monsoons (if it may be so called) for it came before its usual time, even before it could be expected.

As for the September Monsoons, though the time of the Year is so well known, and the warnings of their approach almost certain; yet our East India Merchants have had very considerable losses there; for the stress of the Winds blows right in upon the shore, and often hurries the ships from their Anchors, and tosses them in a moment on the sandy Bay.

Indeed the want of a secure Place to Ride in, is the greatest Inconvenience of that Factory, a Place doubtless designed by the English from its Original to be the Center of the Trade of these Parts. For all our Factories, and the Trade in general, East from Cape Comorin, are now subordinate to this.

[Page] The Dutch had once a place of Consequence, called Pallacat on this Coast, about 20 Leagues to the North of it; but they withdrew most of their Families and Effects from thence in the Year 1691, mentioned in my Voyage round the World, Chap. XX. Page 522. And it is very probable that these raging Winds might be one cause of this their deserting it: whatever was the Motive of settling here; for they have secure Harbours, and Roads enough in India, which we to our great disadvantage very much want.

But to return to the Monsoons.

These (as I have told you) blow fiercest in September, and, as I have been informed, blow on several Points of the Compass.

The stormy Monsoons on the Mallabar Coast differ from these on the Coast of Coromandel, in that they are more common, and last even from April to September, which is as long as the common West Monsoon lasts, though not so frequent and lasting in the beginning of the Monsoon, as towards the latter end.

The Months of July and August afford very bad Weather, for then there is hardly any intermission, but a continued troubled Sky full of black Clouds which pour down excessive Rains, and often very fierce Winds. But towards the breaking up of the Monsoon, they have one very terrible Storm called by the Portuguese the Eliphanta, which concludes the bad Weather. For after that they put to Sea without fear of any more Storms that Season.

These violent Winds blow directly in upon the shore; and they damn up the Harbours on this Coast, especially that of Goa, so that no Ships can go in or come out then; but after the violent Winds are past, the Channel opens again, and so continues till the next Season.

[Page] This Relation I had from a very ingenious Gentleman who was at Goa during the bad Weather.

I shall only take notice that these Storms are also at the same time of the Year, when the Hurricanes Souths are in the VVest Indies, and the Tuffoons on the Coasts of China, Tunqueen, Cochinchina and Cambodia in the Eastern Parts of the East Indies, and that all these places are to the North of the Equator.

[Page]

CHAP. VII. Of the Seasons of the Year.

The Wet and Dry Seasons on the North side of the Equator; and on the South of it. Places famous for much dry Weather; as part of Peru, and Africa. A Comparison between those Coasts. Of raining Coasts; as Guinea. Why Guinea more subject to Rains than the opposite Coast of Brazil. The time of Sugar-making. Of the Seasons at Suranam. Bays more subject to Rain than Head-Lands. Several instances of this, as at Campeachy, Panama, Tunqueen, Bengala, &c. Mountains more subject to Rains than Low Lands; An instance of this at Jamaica. The Isle of Pines near Cuba, a wet Place. So is also Gorgonia in the South Seas. The manner how Tornadoes arise.

AS Summer and Winter are the two most different Seasons in our Climate; so the Dry and the Wet are within the torrid Zone; and are always opposite to each other. They are often called by Europians VVinter and Summer, but more generally, Dry and VVet.

These Seasons on each side of the Equator, are as different as the Seasons of Summer and Winter are in temperate Climates, or near each Pole. For as 'tis Summer near the North Pole, when 'tis Winter near the South Pole, and the contrary: so when 'tis fait and [Page] dry Weather North of the Equator, 'tis blustering and rainy Weather South of it, and the contrary; except within a few degrees of the Line, and that in some places only.

There is also this difference between the Torrid and Temperate Zones, either North or South of the Equator; that when it is fair and dry Weather in the one, it is Winter in the other: and when it is wet in the one, it is Summer in the other. I speak now of Places lying on the same side of the Equator: For as the Sun when it passes the Equinox, and draws towards either of the Tropicks, begins to warm their respective Poles, and by how much the nearer he approaches, by so much is the Air without the Tropicks clear, dry and hot. On the contrary, within the Torrid Zone (though on the same side of the Line) the farther the Sun is off, the dryer is the Weather. And as the Sun comes nearer, the sky grows more cloudy and the Weather more moist: for the Rains follow the Sun, and begin on either side of the Equator, within a little while after the Sun has crost the Equinox, and so continue till after his return back again.

The wet Season on the North side of the Equator in the torrid Zone, begins in April or May, and so continues till September or October.

The dry Weather comes in November or December, and continues till April or May.

In South Latitudes the Weather changes at the same times, but with this difference, that the dry Months in South Latitude, are wet Months in North Latitude, and the contrary, as I have said before. Yet neither doe the wet or dry Seasons set in or go out exactly at one time, in all Years; neither are all places subject to wet or dry VVeather alike. For in some places it rains less than in others; and consequently there is more dry VVeather. But generally [Page] Places that lye under the Line, or near it, have their greatest Rains in March and September.

Head-Lands or Coasts that lye most exposed to the Trade-winds have commonly the best share of dry Weather. On the contrary, deep Bays or bendings of the Land, especially such as lye near the Line, are most subject to Rains. Yet even among Bays or Bendings, there is a great deal of difference in the Weather as to dry or wet; for the VVeather, as well as the Winds seem to be much influenced by accidental Causes; and those Causes themselves, whatever they are, seem to be subject to great variation.

But to proceed with Matter of Fact; I shall begin with the dryest Coasts; and first with that of Peru, from 3 d. South to 30 d. South. There it never Rains, neither at Sea for a good distance off shore, as for 250 or 300 Leagues; no nor on the shore for a considerable way within Land; though exactly how far I know not; yet there are small Mists, sometimes in a Morning for two or three Hours; but seldom continuing after 10 a Clock; and there are Dews also in the Night.

This Coast lyes N. and S. it has the Sea open to the VVest, and a chain of very high Mountains running a long shore on the East, & the VVinds constantly Southerly, as I said before in the second Chapter of VVinds.

In which Head I have made a Comparison as well of the VVinds on the Coast of Africa in the same Latitude, as of the lying of the Coasts. Only there is this difference, that the coasting Trade-winds on the American side do blow further from the Land than those on the African side. VVhich difference may probably arise from the disproportion of the Mountains that are in the two Continents; for 'tis known that the Andes in America are some of the highest Mountains in the VVorld, but whether there [Page] are any on the Continent of Africa in those Latitudes so high, I know not. I have not heard of any, at least none such are visible to Seamen.

I come now to speak of the Weather on the African Coast, which though 'tis not so dry as the Coast of Peru, yet is it the next to it. The Weather there is very dry from March till October, which is the dry Season.

The rainy Season, which is from October till March, is moderate, without that excess that is in most other Places in those Latitudes; so that the wettest Season can only be called so from some gentle showers of Rain.

There are some Tornadoes, but not so many as are in any other Places both of the East or West Indies, the Peruvian Coast excepted. And if the height of the Andes are the cause that the true East Breez does not take place in the Pacifick Sea, within 200 Leagues distance from the shore, when yet the Trade blows within 40 Leagues of the African Coast; that Coast may perphaps be supposed to want such high Mountains. And if those American Mountains do stop the VVinds from their Career, why may they not as well break the Clouds before they reach near the shore, and be the cause of the dry VVeather there? And seeing both Coasts do lye alike, and the VVind is alike; why should not the VVeather be the same; were it not for the disproportion between the Mountains of these Coasts? For the East side of those Mountains are supplied with Rain enough, as may be known by the great Rivers that disembogue from thence into the Atlantick Sea; whereas the Rivers on the South Sea-Coast are but very few and small; some of which do wholly dry away for a good part of the Year; But yet they constantly break-out again in their Seasons, when the Rains in the Country do come, which always fall on [Page] VVest side of those Mountains, and this is about February.

As I have spoken before of dry Coasts, so now I shall speak of rainy ones. I shall begin with the Coast of Guinea, from Cape Lopos, which lies one degree South, taking in the Bite or Bending of the Land, and all the Coast VVest from thence, as far as Cape Palmas.

This is a very wet Coast, subject to violent Tornadoes and excessive Rains, especially in July and August: In those Months there is scarce any fait Day. This Coast lies all of it very near the Equator, and no where above 6 or 7 degrees distance; so that from its nearness to the Equator only, we might probably conjecture that it is a rainy Coast; for most places lying near the Line are very subject to Rains: yet some more than others; and Guinea may be reckoned among the wettest Places in the World. There may be Places where the Rains continue longer, but none are more violent while they last.

And as its nearness to the Line may be a great cause of its moisture; so by its situation also one would guess that it should be subject to a great deal of Rain; because there is a great Bite or Bending in of the Land, a little to the North of the Line; and from thence the Land stretcheth West parallel with the Line. And these Circumstances singly taken, according to my observations do seldom fail, but more especially where they both meet. Yet there may be other causes that may hinder those Effects, or at least serve to allay the violence of them, as they do on some other Coasts. I shall only instance in the opposite Coast of America between the North Cape, which lies North of the Equator, and Cape Blanco on Brazil, in South Latitude. Now this Land lyes much after the Form of the Coast of Guinea, with this difference, that one Coast lies in [Page] South Lat. the other lies North of the Equator, both of these Promontories lay paralel with the Equator, & there's not much difference in their distance from it; but that which makes the difference is, that one juts out Westward the other Eastward; and so one is the very Westermost Land of the Continent of Africa, the other is the Eastermost Land of the Continent of America: The one has only an eddy Wind, which seems to me to be the Effect of two contrary Winds: The other Coast lies open to the Trade, and never wants a Breez. And the former is troubled with Tornadoes and violent Rains during the wet Season, which is May, June, July, August and September: but the extreamest wet Months are July and August; when it rains in a manner continually. April and October also sometimes are wet Months.

The other Coast on the American Continent, which lyes open to the E. and N. E. or S. E. and which enjoys the freer Trade-Wind, is less subject to Rain; only as it lyes near the Line, it has its part, but not to excess, nor in any comparison with Guinea. And as the Line is to the N. of it, so its wet Months are from October till April, and the dry Season from April to October. And these Seasons reach even to 6 or 7 degrees North of the Line: which I do not know to be so in any other part of the World again. Indeed Cape Lopes in Guinea, is in one degree South, yet participates of the same Weather that the rest of Guinea has, which lies to the North of the Line.

Now the Reason why Europeans do account the dry Season Summer, and the wet Season Winter; is because the dry Season is their Harvest time, especially in our Plantations, where we chiefly make Sugar; for then the Canes are as yellow as Gold. They have then indeed less juce, but that little there is, is very sweet. Whereas in the wet Season, tho' [Page] the Canes are ripe, and come to their Maturity; yet do they not yield such quantities of Sugar, neither is it so good, though the pains in boiling it be also greater. Therefore in Northern Climates, as all our Plantations are in, they commonly begin to work about making of Sugar at Christmas; after the dry Season has brought the Canes to a good perfection. But in South Climates, as on the Coast of Brazil, they begin to work in July. Some Places there are in North Latitudes also near the Line, where the Weather bears time with the Seasons in South Lat. as at Suranam, which tho' it is in North Latitude, yet are the Seasons there the same as in South Latitudes; but I know not such another instance any where. And though the dry Season is the time to gather in the Canes, and the wet Season to plant; yet are they not so limited as to make use only of these Seasons for either; but do it chiefly for their best convenience; for they may plant at any time of the Year, and that with good success: especially after a moderate shower of Rain, which often happens even in the dry Seasons.

But I must proceed.

I have said before that Bays have greater Quantities of Rain than Head-Lands.

The Bay of Campeachy is a good Instance of this; for the Rains are very great there, especially in the Months of July and August. On the contrary, the Coast from Cape Catoch, to Cape Condecedo, which lies more exposed to the Trade, has not near the Rains as the Bay of Campeachy hath.

The Bay of Honduras also is very wet, and all that bending Coast from Cape Gratia de Dios, even to Carthagena. But on the Coast of Carraccos, and about Cape La Vela, where the Breezes are more brisk, the Weather is more moderate. Whereas in those little Bays between, there is still a difference: For in the Bay of Mericaya, which lies a little to [Page] the East of Cape La Vela, there is much more Rain than at or near the Cape.

The Bay of Panama also will furnish us with a proof of this, by its immoderate Rains; especially the South side of it, even from the Gulph of St. Michael, to Cape St. Francis; the Rains there are from April till November; but in June, July and August, they are most violent.

There are many small Bays also West from the Bay of Panama, which have their shares of these wet Seasons, as the Gulph of Dulce, Caldera Bay, Amapala, &c. but to the West of that, where the Coast runs more plain and even, there are not such wet Seasons; yet many times very violent Tornadoes.

The East Indies also has many Bays that are subject to very violent Rains, as the Bay of Tonqueen, that of Siam, the bottom and the East side of the Bay of Bengall. But on the Coast of Coromandel, which is the West side of that Bay, the Weather is more moderate: that being an even, plain, low Coast. But on the Coast of Mallabar, which is on the West side of that Promontory, the Land is high and mountainous, & there are violent Rains. Indeed the West sides of any Continents are wetter than the East sides, the Coast of Peru and Africa only excepted; in the former of which the dryness may be occasioned (as is said before) by the height of the Andes. And 'tis probable that the violence of the Rains near those Mountains falls chiefly on the East sides of them, and seldom reaches to their Tops: which yet if the Rains do they may there be broke in pieces, and reach no further. For, among other Observations, I have taken notice that Mountains are supplied with more Rains than low Lands. I mean the low Land bordering on the Sea. As for instance, the South side of Jamaica beginning at Leganea, and from thence away to the Westward, as far as Black River, including all the plain Land and Savannahs [Page] about St. Jago de la Vega, Old Harbour and Withy wood Savannahs. This is a plain level Country for many Miles lying near East and West, having the Sea on the South, and bounded with Mountains on the North.

Those Mountains are commonly supplied with Rain before the low Lands. I have known the Rains to have begun there three Weeks before any has fallen in the plain Country, bordering on the Sea; yet every day I have observed very black Clouds over the Mountains and have heard it thunder there. And those very Clouds have seemed by their Motion to draw towards the Sea, but have been check'd in their Course, and have either returned towards the Mountains again or else have spent themselves before they came from thence, and so have vanished away again to the great grief of the Planters, whose Plantations and Cattle have sufferd for want of a little Moisture. Nay, these Tornadoes have been so nigh that the Sea Breez has dyed away and we have had the Wind fresh out of the Clouds, yet they have vanished, and yielded no Rain to the low parch'd Lands.

And I think that the want of seasonable Showrs is one of the greatest Inconveniencies that this part of the Country suffers, for I have known in some very dry Years, that the Grass in the Savannahs has been burned and withered for want of Rain, and the Cattle have perished thereby for want of Food. The Plantations also have suffered very much by it, but such dry Seasons have not been known on the North side of the Island where the Mountains are bordering on the Sea, or at least but a little distance off it. For there they are supplied with seasonable Showers almost all the Year, and even in the dry time it self, near the Full and Change of the Moon. But in the wet Season, the Rains are more violent, which is their Inconvenience.

[Page] As for the Valleys in the Country, they are not subject to such Droughts as the plain Land by the Sea, at least I have not observed it my self, nor have I heard it mentioned by others.

The Isle of Pines near Cuba is so noted a place for Rain that the Spaniards inhabiting near it on Cuba, say that it rains more or less every day in the Year, at one place or another. It is generally spoken also & believ'd by Privateers, for it has been oft visited by them. I have been there my self, but cannot confirm that report. However, it is well known to be a very wet and rainy place.

It is but a small Island of about 9 or 10 Leagues long and 3 or 4 broad; and in the midst is a high pecked Mountain, which is commonly clouded; and the Privateers say that this Hill draws all the Clouds to it; for if there is not another Cloud to be seen any where else, yet this Hill is seldom or never clear.

Gorgonia in the South Seas also has the same report. It is much smaller than Pines. I have mentioned it in my Voyage round the World. Chap. VII. Page 172.

This Isle lies about 4 Leagues from the Main: but the Isle of Pines not above 2, and is a great deal bigger than it. The Main against Gorgonia is very low Land; but Cuba near Pines is pretty high, and the Mountain of Pines is much bigger and higher than the Hill of Gorgonia, which yet is of a good height, so that it may be seen 16 or 18 Leagues off; And tho' I cannot say that it rains every day there, yet I know that it rains very much and extraordinary hard.

I have been at this Isle three times; and always found it very rainy, and the Rains very violent. I remember when we touch'd there in our return from Captain Sharp, we boiled a Kettle of Chocolate before we clean'd our Bark; and having every Man [Page] his Callabash full, we began to sup it off, standing all the time in the Rain; but I am confident not a Man among us all did clear his Dish, for it rained so fast and such great drops into our Callabashes, that after we had sup'd off as much Chocolate and Rain-Water together as suffised us, our Callabashes were still above half full; and I heard some of the Men swear that they could not sup it up so fast as it rained in; at last I grew tir'd with what I had left, and threw it away: and most of the rest did so likewise.

As Clouds do usually hover over Hills and Mountains, so do they also keep near the Land. I have mentioned something of this in my Voyage round the World. Chap. X. Page 283. where I have said, that in making Land we commonly find it Cloudy over the Land, tho' 'tis clear every where beside: And this may still confirm what I have said in the foregoing Discourse, that Hills are commonly clouded; for High Land is the first discerned by us, and that, as I said before, is commonly clouded. But now I shall speak how we find the Clouds, when we are but a little way from Land, either coasting along the shore, or at an Anchor by it. I hope the Reader will not imagine that I am going to prove that it never Rains at Sea, or but very little there; for the contrary is known to every Body, and I have already said in this Discourse of Winds in my first Chapter, That there are very frequent Tornadoes in several Seas especially near the Equator, and more particularly in the Atlantick Sea. Other Seas are not so much troubled with them; neither is the Atlantick so to the North or South of the Line: especially at any considerable distance from the shore, but yet 'tis very probable however, that the Sea has not so great a portion of Tornadoes as the Land hath. For when we are near the shore within the torrid Zone, we often see it rain on the Land, and perceive it to be [Page] very cloudy there, when it is fair at Sea and scarce a Cloud to be seen that way. And though we have the Wind from the shore, & the Clouds seeming to be drawing off, yet they often wheel about again to the Land, as if they were Magnetically drawn that way: Sometimes indeed they do come off a little; but then they usually either return again or else insensibly vanish; and that's the Reason that Seamen when they are sailing near the shore and see a Tornado coming off, they don't much mind it, but cry, the Land will devour it: But however, sometimes they fly off to Sea; And 'tis very rare that Tornadoes arise from thence; for they generally rise first over the Land, and that in a very strange manner; for even from a very small Cloud arising over the top of a Hill, I have often seen it increase to such a bulk, that I have known it rain for 2 or 3 days successively. This I have observed both in the East and VVest Indies, and in the South and North Seas. And 'tis impossible for me to forget how oft I have been disturbed by such small Clouds that appeared in the Night. 'Tis usual with Seamen in those parts to sleep on the Deck; especially for Privateers; among whom I made these Observations. In Privateers, especially when we are at an Anchor, the Deck is spread with Mats to lye on each Night. Every Man has one, some two; and this with a Pillow for the Head and a Rug for a Covering, is all the Bedding that is necessary for Men of that Employ.

I have many times spread my Lodging, when the Evening has promised well, yet have been forced to withdraw before Day; and yet it was not a little Rain that would afright me then; neither at its first coming could I have thought that such a small Cloud could afford so much Rain: And oftentimes both my self and others have been so deceived by the appearance of so small a Cloud, that thinking the Rain would soon be over, we have lain till we were [Page] dropping wet, and then have been forced to move at last. But to proceed.

I have constantly observed, that in the wet Season we had more Rain in the Night than in the day; for though it was fair in the Day, yet we seldom escaped having a Tornado or two in the Night. If we had one in the Day, it rose and came away presently, and it may be we had an Hours Rain, more or less; but when it came in the Night, though there was little appearance of Rain, yet we should have it 3 or 4 Hours together; but this has commonly been nigh the shore; and we have seen thick Clouds over the Land and much Thunder and Lightning, and to our appearance, there was more Rain there than we had; and probably out farther off at Sea, there might be still less: for it was commonly pretty clear that way.

[Page]

CHAP. VIII. Of Tides and Currents.

The difference between Tides and Currents. No place in the Ocean without Tides. Where the Tides are greatest, and where smallest. Of the Tides in the Harbour and Lagunes of Trist; in the Bay of Campeachy. Of those between the Capes of Virginia. The Tides in the Gulph of St. Michael; and the River of Guiaquil, in the South Sea. A mistaken Opinion of a Subterranean Communication between the North and South Seas, under the Isthmus of Darien. Of the Tides at the Gallapagos Islands; at Guam, one of the Ladrones; About Panama; In the Gulph of Dulce and Necoya River; on the Coast of Peru; in the West Indies; and at Tonqueen; where, and at New Holland, they are very irregular. A guess at the Reason of so great an irregularity. Of the Tides between the Cape of Good Hope and the Red Sea. Of Currents. They are influenced by the Trade-Wind. Instances of them at Berbadoes, &c. at Cape La Vela; and Gratia de Dios. Cape Roman. Isle Trinidado; Surinam; Cape Blanco; between Africa and Brazil. Of Counter Currents. Of Currents in the Bay of Campeachy; and of Mexico; in the Gulph of Florida. Of the Cacuses. No strange thing [Page]for the surface of the Water to run Counter to its lower Parts. Of the Currents on the Coast of Angola; Eastward of the Cape of Good Hope: On the Coast of India, North of the Line: And in the South Sea.

HAving treated of the Winds and Seasons of the Year in the torrid Zone, I now come to speak of the Tides and Currents there. And by the way Note. That,

By Tides I mean Flowings and Ebbings of the Sea, on or off from any Coast. Which property of the Sea seems to be Universal; though not regularly alike on all Coasts, neither as to Time nor the height of the Water.

By Currents I mean another Motion of the Sea, which is different from Tides in several Respects; both as to its Duration, and also as to its Course.

Tides may be compar'd to the Sea & Land-Breezes, in respect to their keeping near the shore; though indeed they alternately flow and ebb twice in 24 Hours. Contrarily the Sea-Breezes blow on the shore by Day, and the Land-Winds off from it in the Night; yet they keep this Course as duly in a manner as the Tides do. Neither are the Tides nor those Breezes far from the Land.

Currents may be compar'd to the Coasting Trade-Winds, as keeping at some farther distance from the shore, as the Trade-winds do; and 'tis probable they are much influenced by them.

'Tis a general belief, especially among Seamen, That the Tides are governed by the Moon: That their Increase and Decrease, as well as their diurnal Motions, are influenced by that Planet; though sometimes accidental Causes in the Winds may hinder the true regularity thereof.

[Page] We are taught, as the first Rudiments of Navigation, to shift our Tides; i. e. to know the time of full Sea in any Place; which indeed is very necessary to be known by all English Sailers, because the Tides are more regular in our Channel, than in other parts of the World.

But my subject being to speak of the Tides within or near the Tropick, I leave those in places nearer England, to be discoursed on by Coasters, who are the only knowing Men in this Mystery: They having by experience gained more knowledge in it than others; and that is always the best Master.

I have not been on any Coast in the World, but where the Tides have ebb'd and flow'd, either more or less; and this I have commonly observed, that the greatest Indraughts of Rivers or Lagunes, have commonly the strongest Tides. Contrarily such Coasts as are least supplied with Rivers or Lakes have the weakest Tides; at least they are not so perceptible. Where there are great Indraughts either of Rivers or Lagunes, and those Rivers or Lagunes are wide, though the Tide runs very strong into the Mouths of such Rivers or Lagunes, yet it does not flow so high, as in such Places where the Rivers or Lakes are bounded in a narrow Room, though the Tides do run of an equal strength at the Mouths or Entrances of either. Neither do the Tides flow so much on or about Islands remote from the Main Land, as they do on the Coasts of it.

I shall first give some Instances of these general Observations, and then proceed to Particulars.

The Places that I shall mention shall be such as I have been in my self, and where I have made the Observations before-mentioned; I shall begin with the Lagune of Trist, in the Bay of Campeachy.

This Place is very remarkable, in that it has two Mouths of a considerable bigness; the one is about a Mile and half Wide, and about two Mile through, [Page] before you come to a Lagune, which is seven or eight Leagues long and three wide. The other Mouth is 7 Leagues from it, and is about 2 Miles and half, or 3 Miles wide, and about 2 Miles long, before it opens into the Lagune. Besides, farther within Land there are 3 or 4 more Lagunes less than the former.

The Tides that flow or ebb in all the Lagunes pass in or out at the two Mouths before-mentioned, which makes them run very swift, insomuch that the Spaniards have named that Great Lagune Laguna Termina, or, the Lake of Tides; because the Tides are so very strong in those two Mouths. Yet, though the Tides do run so swift at the Mouths of the Lagune, they do not rise in height proportionable to that swiftness; for the greatest Tides here do not rise and fall above 6 or 7 Foot, except forced by extraordinary Causes, as Storms, or the like; Of which I have spoken before.

I could also instance in the Channel, between the 2 Capes of Virginia, where the Tides do run very swift; yet the Floods and Ebbs are not proportionable to the swiftness of the Tide between the Capes. There are not indeed such Lagunes as at Trist, in the Bay of Campeachy; but there are many wide Rivers, and abundance of smaller Creeks. Besides, in some places there is low Land, which is over-flown by the Tides; so that all the Water that runs in with such swiftness within the Capes is insensibly swallowed up there.

These are instances of strong Tides, occasioned by great Indraughts; yet where there is but little rising and falling of the Water in comparison with the strength of the Tides at the Mouths of those Indraughts. I shall next give some Instances of the great Indraughts, where the Tides flow and ebb much more more than in the former Places; though the Tide at the Mouths of those Indraughts does not run swifter than in those Places before-mentioned.

[Page] I shall only mention two Rivers in the South Sea, that I have taken notice of in my Voyage round the World, (viz.) the Gulph of St. Michael; and the River of Guiaquill.

In the Gulph of St. Michael there are many large Rivers, which all disembogue into a Lagune of 2 or 3 Leagues wide. This Lagune is barricadoed from the Sea with some small low Mangrovy Islands, and between them are Creeks and Channels, through which the Tides make their daily passes into the Lagune; and from thence into the Rivers, and so back again; many times over-flowing the said Islands, and leaving the tops of the lower Trees above Water.

The Rivers that run into this Lagune are pretty narrow and bounded on each side with steep Banks, as high as the Floods use to rise, and but very little higher. For at High-water, and on a Spring-tide, the Water is almost, or altogether even with the Land.

The Lagune at the Mouth of the Rivers is but small, neither is there any other way for the Water to force it self into, beside the Lagune and Rivers; and therefore the Tides do rise and fall here 18 or 20 Foot.

The River of Guiaquil, in this respect, is much the same with the Gulph of St. Michael; but the Lagunes near it are larger. Here the Tide rises and falls 16 Foot perpendicular.

I don't know of any other such Places in all the South Seas; yet there are other large Rivers on the Coast, between these Places; but none so remarkable for high Tides. The great Tides in the Gulph of St. Michael have doubtless been the occasion of that Opinion, which some hold, that there's a Subterreanean Communication between the North and the South Seas; and that the Isthmus of Darien is like an Arched Bridge, under which the Tides make their constant Courses, as duly as they do under London-Bridge. [Page] And more to confirm this Opinion some have said, that there are continual and strange Noises made by those Subterranean Fluxes and Refluxes; and that they are heard by the Inhabitants of the Isthmus; and also that Ships sailing in the Bay of Panama are toss'd to and fro at a prodigious rate: Sometimes (say they) they are by the boiling of the Water, dash'd against Islands; and in a moment left dry there, or staved in pieces; at othertimes they are drawen or suck'd up, as 'twere, in a Whirl-Pool and ready to be carried under Ground into the North Seas, with all Sails standing. They have said also, that when the Tide flows, especially on a Spring, the Islands in the Bay are all over-flown; nay, and even the Country for a great way together: and then nothing is to be seen, but the tops of Trees. But if this were so, 'tis much that I and those that I was with, should not have heard or seen something of it: For I pass'd the Isthmus twice, and was 23 days in the last Trip that I made over it; but yet did I never hear of any Noises under Ground there. I sailed also in the South Seas (taking in both times that I was there) near 3 Years: & several Months of it, I was in the Bay of Panama. And after I went away those of our Crew that remained there, spent a great deal more time in that Bay. Yet did they never meet with such strange Whirl-Pooles, but found as pleasant sailing there, as any where in the World. Neither did I ever hear any of the Spaniards or Indians make mention of any such thing in all my Converse with them; which certainly they would have done, if they had ever experienced it; had it been only to terrifie us, and scare us away from their Coasts.

I remember indeed our Country-man Mr. Gage, gives some hints of these strange Currents in this Bay, in his Book, called, A New Survey of the West Indies, from P. 538 to 440. but I am afraid he took [Page] most of it upon trust from others; or else he was Sea-sick all that little Voyage: for he gives a very imperfect and lame Account of that Business, as if he understood not what he wrote. I should dislike his whole Book for that one stories sake, if I did not know that he has written candidly upon other Matters; but I think I have said enough of this: To proceed then,

As to the great Tides, which are reported to be in these Seas, I have given instances of them, but they are not so great as is reported; neither do they ebb and flow so much any where as in the Gulph of St. Michael only: where indeed they flow over those small low Mangrove Islands, at the Mouth of the Lagune, and leave only the tops of the low Trees above Water; for those Islands are very low, neither do they afford any high Trees. But however, the Islands at the Mouth of the Gulph, before you come to these low ones, are near over-flown; yet are they very small and low, in comparison with other Islands in the Bay of Panama. And indeed should the Islands in that Bay be over-flown, the City of Panama would soon be many Yards under Water. But so far is this from being true, that the Pearl Islands which are very flat and low, are yet never over-flown. For there the Tide riseth and falls not above 10 or 11 Foot on a Spring, at the Southermost end of them, which is almost opposite to the Gulph of St. Michael, and not above 12 or 14 Leagues distant from it. And yet there it flows more than it does at or near Panama, or any other Place in the Bay (except just at the Mouths of Rivers) by 2 or 3 Foot. Therefore all that report is wholly grounless.

But to go on.

I have also observed, that Islands lying far off at Sea, have seldom such high Tides as those that are near the Main, or as any Places on the Main it self; [Page] as for example, at the Gallapagos Islands, which lye about 100 Leagues from the Main; The Tides don't rise and fall above a Foot and half, or two Foot, which is less than they do on the Coast of the Main. For on most Places of the Main it rises and falls 2 or 3 Foot, more or less, according as the Coast is more or less exposed to Indraughts or Rivers.

Guam, one of the Ladrone Islands, is also another instance of this. There the Tide riseth not above 2 or 3 Foot at most. In the Bay of Panama the Tides do keep a more constant and regular Course than on other Places on the Coasts of Peru and Mexico, it was for that reason I called them Currents in some Places (mentioned in my Voyage round the VVorld, as particularly near Guatulca, on the Mexican Continent, in Chap. IX. Page 238.) but it was truly a Tide (which there I called a Current) and it sets to the Eastward as the ebb doth to the West. The Tides there do rise and fall about 5 Foot, as they do on most parts of that Coast.

At Ria Leja they rise and fall about 8 or 9 Foot.

At Amapala they also rise and fall about 8 or 9 foot, and the Flood there runs to the East, and the Ebb to the West.

In the Gulph of Dulce and Neicoya River, they rise to 10 or 11 Foot; but on the Coast of Peru they don't rise so high, especially on all the Coast, between Cape St. Francis and the River Guiaquil; there the Flood runs to the South, and the Ebb to the North.

At the Island Plata the Tide rises and falls 3 or 4 Foot; but from Cape Blanco, in about 3 d. South, to 30 d. South, the Tides are smaller; there they rise and fall not above a Foot and a half or 2 Foot. The Flood on this Coast sets to the South and the Ebb to the North.

[Page] In all my Crusings among the Privateers, I took notice of the risings of the Tides; because by knowing it, I always knew where we might best hall ashore and clean our ships: which is also greatly observed by all Privateers.

In most Places of the West Indies, the Tide flows but little over what it does in our Channel.

In the East Indies also the Tides are but small on most Coasts, neither are they so regular as with us.

The most irregular Tides that I did ever meet with, are at Tonqueen in about 20d. North Latitude, and on the Coast of New Holland, in about 17 d. South. In both these places, the neap Tides are scarce discernable. Those of Tonqueen are described at large by Mr. Davenport, who was imployed by Mr. James when he was chief of the English Factors there, to observe them: And the whole Discourse is published in The Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society: whither I refer you.

At New Holland I had two Months time to observe the Tides. There the Flood runs E. by N. and the Ebb W. by S. And they rise and fall about five Fathom.

In all the Springs that we lay here, the highest were 3 Days after the Full or Change, and that without any perceptible Cause in the Winds or Weather. I must confess we were startled at it; and though some of us had observed it in the Springs, that happened while we lay on the Sand to clean our Ship, (as I have mentioned in my former Volume, Entituled, A New Voyage round the World. Ch. XVI. [Page] Page 471.) yet in that Spring that we designed to hall off, in order to be gone from thence, we did all take more particular notice of it than in the preceding Springs; for many had not taken notice of it before: And therefore the Major part of the Company, supposing that it was a mistake in us who made those former Observations, expected to hall off the Ship the third Tide after the Change; but our Ship did not float then, nor the next Tide neither, which put them all into an amazment, and a great Consternation too: For many thought we should never have got her off at all, but by dig-ging away the Sand; and so clearing a Passage for her into the Sea. But the sixth Tide cleared all those doubts; for the Tide then rose so high, as to float her quite up; when being all of us ready to work, we hall'd her off; and yet the next Tide was higher than that, by which we were now all throughly satisfied, that the Tides here do not keep the same time as they do in England.

This I must also observe, That here was no River, nor Lagune, nor any other Indraught on the Land near us, that might occasion these great Tides; tho 'tis very probable that the great Bending between New Holland and New Guinea, may have both Rivers and Lagunes, which may cause these great Tides; or else there may be a Passage of the Sea between both Places; as it is laid down in some Draughts: Or if neither of these, there may be at least a large and deep Sound.

This is the more probable, because of the extraordinary Flood that sets to the East-ward in all that Sea, between New Holland, and the Islands lying North of it; which we most sensibly perceived, when we were near New Holland: And such a Tide as this must of necessity have a greater Indraught than barely a River or Lagune; and 'tis the more [Page] likely still, that this Tide should have a Passage through between New Holland and New Guinea, or at least a deep Sound there; because it keeps along by the Main, and doth not run in among the Islands to the North of it. And besides, the Northermost Promontory of New Holland shoots down almost to the Line, which seems to be a Barrier to it on that side; therefore it may in reason be supposed to have its Passage some other way; but of this guess, I have said enough.

In the Streights of Malacca the Flood sets to the East, and the Ebb to the West.

I have found the Tides at Malacca Town, to rise and fall about six Foot on a Spring. I had the Experience of two Spring-Tides, when I was Captain Minchins Mate, as is before-mentioned in my Voyage from Achin to Malacca.

On the East-side of the African Coast, between the Cape of Good Hope and the Red-Sea; the Tide keeps its constant Course. The Flood runs to the South-ward; the Ebb to the North-ward. And at a Spring-tide in the Rivers on that Coast, the Tide rises and falls six Foot, especially in the River of Natal, in Lat. 30 d. South.

I have this Relation from Capt. Rogers, who is a very ingenious Person, and well experienced on that Coast; and is now gone Commander of a small Vessel thither to Trade.

Having already largely treated of Tides, I come now to speak somewhat of Currents.

[Page] CUrrents and Tides differ many ways; for Tides run forward, and back again, twice every 24 Hours: on the contrary, Currents run a Day, a Week, nay, sometimes more, one way; and then it may be, run another way.

In some particular Places they run six Months one way, and six Months another.

In other Places they constantly run one way only a day or two, about Full Moon, and then they run strong against the former Course; and after that, return the same way again.

In some Places they run constantly one way, and never shift at all.

The force of Tides is generally felt near the shore; whereas Currents are at a remote distance; neither are the Effects of them sensibly decerned by the rising or falling away of the Water, as those of the Tides are; for these commonly set along shore.

'Tis generally observed by Seamen, that in all Places where Trade-winds blow, the Current is influenced by them, and moves the same way with the Winds; but 'tis not with a like swiftness in all Places; neither is it always so discernable by us in the wide Ocean, as it is near to some Coast; and yet it is not so discernable neither, very near any Coast, except at Capes and Promontories, that shoot far forth out into the Sea; and about Islands also the Effects of them are felt more or less, as they lye in the way of the Trade Winds.

I shall instance Barbadoes for one, and all the Carribbes may as well be included.

[Page] The greater Islands as Hispaniola, Jamaica and Cuba have only some particular Capes or Head-Lands, exposed to Currents, as Cape Tiberoon on Hispaniola, Point Pedro, and the N. E. Point of Jamaica, Cape de Cruz, Cape Corientes, and Cape Antonios on Cuba: But of all the Islands in the West Indies there are none more sensible of Currents than Corrisao & Aruba, nor any Capes on the Continent so remarkable for Currents as Cape Roman, which shoots out against the Sea, betweenthose two Places, as also Cape Coquibaco and Cape La Vela to Leeward, all three on the same Head-Land: which shoots forth far, without any other Land on the Coast.

There is no such Head-Land till you come to Cape Gratia de Dios, which is about 260 Leagues to Leeward. Indeed to the East-ward there is Land that trends out almost so far, within 150 Leagues of it: (Viz.) The Island Trinidado and the Land against it; and there also are great Currents. But I shall first speak of the Currents between Cape La Vela and Cape Gratia de Dios.

The Currents at Cape La Vela do seldom shift, therefore Ships that ply to Wind-ward to get about it, do not ply near the shore, but stand off to Sea, till they come in sight of Hispaniola, and then back again, till within about 6 or 8 Leagues of the Cape, but not nearer. But in the Westerly Wind-Season, which is from October till March, Ships often meet Westerly Winds that last two or three Days, with which they may run to the Eastward, without any trouble.

Between Cape La Vela and Cape Gratia de Dios, the Currents are much different from what they are against the Cape: and this seems to proceed from the make of the Land; for the shore between the [Page] two Capes, runs into the Southward, making a great Bay: And this Bay affords more varieties of Winds and Currents, than any one part of the West Indies besides.

Here, in the Westerly Wind-Season, the Current sets to the Westwards constantly; but sometimes stronger than at other times. At about four Leagues off shore, you find it, and so it continues till you are 20,—25,—or 30 Leagues off. Beyond that you meet with an Easterly Wind; and if there is any Current it runs also to the Westward: therefore Ships that are bound to the Westward, must run off to Sea Thirty or Forty Leagues to get a Wind, or else if they have but a little way to go, they must ply close under the shore, that so they may Anchor when they please: Otherwise they will be carried away to the Eastward, Fourteen or Sixteen Leagues in a Nights time; and that too, though they have a faint Easterly Wind, as frequently they meet with, though 'tis the Westerly Wind-Season.

To the East of Cape Roman, as high as the Island Trinidado, you meet only a soaking faint Current, setting to the Westward, except only near such places as shoot out farthest into the Sea, as about the Testegos, which are small Islands lying to Wind-ward of the Island Margarita. Between those Islands and the Main, you meet with a pretty strong Current: therefore it is hard getting to the East-ward there; but on all the Coast, between Cape Roman and the Head-Land, shooting out towards the Testegos, you may ply up with the Land and Sea-Breezes.

From thence, till you come as high as the Eastend of Trinidado Isle, you meet with an extraordinary strong Current.

[Page] From the East-end of Trinidado, till you come to Surinam, though you meet an Easterly Current, yet 'tis possible to beat it up with the Land and Sea-Breezes.

From Surianam also to Cape Blanco, you may turn it up, though to be sure you'l meet with Currents setting to the West; except near the Full of the Moon; and then on all the Coasts before-mentioned, we commonly meet with Currents, setting to the Eastward; at least then it slackens and stands still, if it doth not run to the East-ward. But when you are come as far to the East as Cape Blanco, on the North of Brazil, you meet with a Current always against you; and so from thence Southerly, as far as Cape St. Augustine.

There is no dealing with this Promontory; for it shoots out so far into the Sea, and thereby lies so exposed to the Sea-Breezes and the Currents, that soak down between Africa and Brazil, that it is quite contrary to reason to think there should not always be a strong Current setting to the N. W.

I have before hinted, That in all places where the Trade blows, we find a Current setting with the Wind, which is not so perceptible in the wide Sea as nearer the Shores; yet even there the force of the Winds constantly blowing one way, may and probably does move the surface of the Water along with it.

From hence it may be inferred, that the Southerly Winds on the Coast of Africa, and the true Trade between it and Brazil, gently move the surface of the Sea with it, and the Trade being mostly at S. E. drives the Sea to the Northward, slanting in on the Coast of Brazil; which, being there stop'd [Page] by the Land, bends its Course Northerly towards Cape St. Augustine: And after it has doubled that great Promontory, it falls away more gently towards the Coast of Suranam; and from thence towards the West Indies. For after it has doubled that Promontory, it has more room to spread it self, and thereby becomes weaker in motion, being agitated by the Trade-winds, which to the North of the Line, we find commonly blowing at E. N. E. and this still bears the Sea slanting down along the Coast to the Westward. And probably 'tis for this Reason, that we find the Current setting strongest near those Head-Lands before-mentioned. Whereas at Barbadoes, and other of the Caribee Islands, we find only a soaking Current, such as seems to arise only from the constancy of the Trade-winds blowing there, and not from an original Current, from the South part of the Atlantick: which, as I said before, doubles about Cape St. Augustine, and so Coasts along pretty nigh the shore.

The Currents about the Island Trinidado, and at Currisao and Aruba, as also between them and Cape Roman seem to indicate as much. The Currents also between Cape Roman, and Cape La Vela indicate the same.

From Cape La Vela the Currents set still to the Westward, towards Cape Gratia de Dios; but in a direct Line, and not borrowing or slanting in towards the shore. For, as I said before, it is a large Bay, and Currents commonly set from one Head-Land to another; so that Bays have seldom any: or if they have, they are only Counter Currents. And these Counter Currents too do set from one Point to another, without interfering with the little Bays between. And 'tis also very probable that these Counter Currents, such as we meet with in this Bay, [Page] in their Seasons, after they have surrounded the Bay, and are got as far to the East as Cape La Vela, wheel off there, and turn about again with the Stream to the Westward, like an Eddy in a River.

From Cape Gratia de Dios the Current sets away N. W. towards Cape Catoch, and so passes away to the Northward, between Cape Catoch on Jucatan, and Cape Antonio on Cuba.

In the Channel between those two Capes, we commonly find a strong Current setting to the Northward: And here I have found them extraordinary strong.

On the North side of Jucatan, as you pass into the Bay of Campeachy, you meet with a small soaking Current to the Westward, even down to the bottom of the Bay of Mexico; but on the North side of the Bay of Mexico the Current sets to the Eastward: And 'tis probable that is the reason, that the Spaniards, coming from La Vera Cruz, keep that shore aboard. And 'tis as probable, that the Current, which sets to Leeward, on all the Coast from Cape St. Agustine to Cape Catoch, never enters the Bay of Mexico; but bends still to the Northward, till 'tis check'd by the Florida shore; and then wheels about to the East, till it comes nearer the Gulphs Mouth, and there joyning with the soaking Current that draws down on the North sides of Hispaniola and Cuba, passes altogether with great strength through the Gulph of Florida, which is the most remarkable Gulph in the World for its Currents; because it always sets very strong to the North. Yet near the shores on each side this Gulph, there are Tides, especially on the Florida shore; and Ships may pass which way they please, if they are acquainted.

It has formerly been accounted very dangerous to meet with a North in this Gulph; and for that Reason our Jamaica Ships to avoid them, have rather [Page] chosen to go to the Eastward, and pass through the Cacuses in the Season that the Norths do blow. The Cacuses are Sands that lye off the N. W. end of Hispaniola. Those that went from Port Royal in Jamaica had good reason for this; for if a North took them at their going out, it would help them forward in their way, which, should they have been going towards the Gulph, it would obstruct them. Then besides, if a North take a Ship in the Gulph, the Wind blowing against the Current makes an extraordinary Sea, and so thick come the Waves one after another that a ship can't possibly live in it; yet of late they go through at all times of the Year, and if a North takes them in the Gulph, they put away right before the Wind & Sea, with a small head Sail; yet the Current is then as strong or stronger than at other times; and forces them back, stern formost against both Wind and Sea: For tho' the surface of the Sea is raised in Waves and driven violently with the Winds to the Southward, yet the Current underneath runs still to the Northward; neither is it any strange thing to see two different Currents at one place and time, the superficial Water running one way, and that underneath running a quite contrary: For sometimes at an Anchor, I have seen the Cable carryed thus by two different Streams, the under part having been doubled one way, and the upper part the contrary. But 'tis certain, in all other parts of the World, the Current shifts at certain times of the Year; As in the East Indies they run from East to West one part of the Year, and from West to East the other part: Or as in the West Indies and Guinea, where they shift only near a Full Moon. This is meant of parts of the Sea near any Coast; yet there are strong Currents in the wide Ocean also, setting contrary to the Rules beforegoing: I mean against the Trade; but 'tis not common.

On the Coast of Guinea the Current sets East, [Page] except at or near a Full Moon; but to the South of the Line from Loango, to 25 or 30 d. the Current sets with the Wind from S. to N. except near the Full.

To the Eastward of the Cape of Good Hope, from 30 d. South, to 24 d. South, the Currents from May till Oct. set E. N. E. and the Winds then are at W. S. W. or S. W. but from Oct. till May, when the Winds are between the E. N. E. and E. S. E. the Currents run to the West. These Currents are thus found from 5 or 6 Leagues off the shore to about 50. Within 5 Leagues off the shore you have the Tide, and not a Current; and being past 50 Leagues off shore, the Current either ceaseth quite or is imperceptible.

On the Coast of India, North of the Line, the Current sets with the Monsoon, but does not shift altogether so soon, sometimes not by 3 Weeks or more, and then never shifts again till after the Moonsoon is settled in the contrary way. As for Example, the West Monsoon sets in the middle of April, but the Current does not shift till the beginning of May: So when the East Monsoon sets in about the middle of September, the Current does not shift till October.

In the South Seas on the Coast of Peru, the Current sets from South to North, even from 30 d. to the Line, and to 3 or 4 d. North of it.

At the Gallapagos Islands we found a soaking Current, not very strong, but so strong that a ship could get very little by turning; and 'tis probable that nearer the Main, they are stronger because of the constant Southerly Winds.

The most remarkable Places for Currents in the South Seas; are, Cape St. Francis, Cape Passao, Cape St. Laurence and Cape Blanco. This last has commonly very strong Currents setting to the N. W. which hinders ships mightily; and the more because it is a very windy place; so that many times ships are not able to carry their Top-sails; and then it is but bad plying to Wind-ward against a Current. I [Page] had not so much Experience of the Mexican Coast, because we commonly kept within the Verge of the Tides. But on the Coast of Guatamala, in the Lat. of 12 d. 50 m. and 13 d. we had a Current setting S. W. and it is probable that here also the Current sets with the Winds. For, as it is before noted, the Currents on all Coasts sets as the coasting Trade does.

And thus have I finished what my own Experience, or Relations from my Friends, have furnished me with on this useful Subject of Winds, Tides, Currents, &c. which I humbly offer, not as a compleat and perfect Accouut, but as a rude and imperfect Beginning or Specimen of what may better be done by abler Hands hereafter. And I hope this may be useful so far as to give a few hints to direct the more accurate Observations of others.

The following Paper, containing a short Description of a part of Africk that is not well known to Europeans, I thought would not be unacceptable to the curious Reader. I have therefore annexed it, as I received it from my ingenious Friend Capt. Rogers, who is lately gone to that Place: and hath been there several times before.

THE Country of Natal takes up about 3 d. and half of Lat. from N. to S. lying between the lat. of 31 d. 30 m. South and 28 S. 'Tis bounded on the S. by a Country inhabited by a small Nation of Savage People, called by our English Wild-bush-Men; that live in Caves and in holes of Rocks, and have no other Houses, but such as are formed by Nature; They are of a low stature, tauny colour'd, with crisped Hair; They are accounted very cruel to their Enemies. Their Weapons are Bows and poisoned Arrows. These People have for their Neighbours on the S. the Hottantots. Dellagoa is a Navigable River in Lat. 28 S. that bounds Natal on the N. The Inhabitants of this River have a Commerce with the Portuguese of Mozambique, who oft visit them in small Barks, and trade there for Elephants Teeth; of which they have great plenty. Some English too have lately been there to purchase Teeth, particularly Capt. Freak, just mentioned in my former Volume, Ch. 23. P. 510. who after he had been in the [Page] River of Dellagoa, and purchased 8 or 10 Tun of Teeth, lost his Ship on a Rock near Madagascar. The Country of Natal lies open to the Indian Sea on the East, but how far back it runs to the Westward is not yet known.

That part of the Country which respects the Sea is plain Champion and Woody; but within Land it appears more uneven, by Reason of many Hills which rise in unequal Heights above each other. Yet is it interlaced with pleasant Valleys and large Plains, and 'tis checker'd with Natural Groves and Savannahs. Neither is there any want of Water; for every Hill affords little Brooks, which glide down several ways; some of which, after several turnings and windings, meet by degrees and make up the River of Natal, which dischargeth it self into the East Indian Ocean in the lat. of 30 d. South. There it opens pretty wide, and is deep enough for small Vessels. But at the Mouth of the River is a Bar which has not above 10 or 11 foot Water on it in a Spring-Tide; Though within there is Water enough. This River is the principal of the Country of Natal, and has been lately frequented by some of our English Ships: particularly by a small Vessel that Capt. Rogers, formerly mentioned, commanded.

There are also other Streams and Rivers, which bend their Courses Northerly, especially one of a considerable bigness about a [...]00 Mile within Land, and which runs due North.

The Woods are composed of divers sorts of Trees; many of which are very good Timber, and fit for any uses, they being tall and large. The Savannahs also are cloathed with kindly thick Grass.

The Land-Animals of this Country are Lyons, Tigers, Elephants, Buffaloes, Bullocks, Deer, Hogs, Conies, &c. Here are also abundance of Sea-Horses.

Buffaloes and Bullocks only are kept tame, but the rest are all wild.

Elephants are so plenty here that they feed together in great Troops; 1000 or 1500 in a Company; Mornings and Evenings they are seen grazing in the Savannahs, but in the heat of the day, they retire into the Woods, and they are very peaceable if not molested.

Deer are very numerous here also. They feed quietly in the Savannahs among the tame Cattle, for they are seldom disturbed by the Natives.

Here are Fowls of divers sorts, some such as we have in England, viz. Duck and Teal, both tame and wild: and plenty of Cocks and Hens. Besides abundance of will Birds, wholly unknown to us.

Here are a sort of large Fowls as big as a Peacock, which have many fine coloured Feathers. They are very rare and shy.

[Page] There are other like Curlews, but bigger. The flesh of these is black, yet sweet and wholesom Meat.

The Sea and Rivers also do abound in Fish of divers sorts; yet the Natives do but seldom endeavour to take any, except Tortoises; and that is chiefly when they come ashore in the Night to lay their Eggs. Though they have also another very odd way, which they sometimes make use of to catch Turtle or Tortoises. They take a living sucking Fish or Remora, and fastning a couple of strings to it, (one at the head and the other at the tail.) they let the sucking Fish down into the Water on the Turtle Ground, among the half-grown or young Turtle: and when they find that the Fish hath fastned himself to the back of a Turtle, as he will soon do, they then draw him and the Turtle up together. This way of Fishing (as I have heard) is also used at Madagascar.

The Natives of this Covntry are but of a middle Stature, yet have very good Limbs: The Colour of their Skins is black; their Hair crisped: they are oval visaged: their Noses neither flat nor high, but very well proportioned: their Teeth are white, and their Aspect is altogether graceful.

They are nimble People, but very lazy: which probably is for want of Commerce. Their chief Employment is Husbandry. They have a great many Bulls and Cows, which they carefully look after; for every Man knows his own, though they run all promisucously together in their Savannahs; yet they have Pens near their own Houses, where they make them gentle, and bring them to the Pail. They also plant Corn and fence in their Fields to keep out all Cattle as well tame as wild. They have Guinea Corn, which is their Bread; and a small sort of Grain no bigger than Mustard-seed, with which they make their drink.

Here are no Arts nor Trades profess'd among them, but every one makes for himself such necessaries, as Need or Ornament requires, the Men keeping to their Employment and the Women to theirs.

The Men build Houses, Hunt, Plant, and do what is to be done abroad. And the Women milk the Cows, dress the Victuals, &c. and manage all Matters within Doors. Their Houses are not great nor richly furuished; but they are made close and well thatched, that neither Winds nor Weather can hurt them.

They wear but few Cloaths and those extraordinary mean. The Men go in a manner naked, their common Garb being only a square piece of Cloath made with Silk Grass or Moho Rind, and wrought in form of a short Apron. At the upper corners it has two straps to tye round their Wastes; and the lower end being finely fringed with the same, hangs down to their Knees.

[Page] They have Caps made with Beef Tallow of about 9 or 10 Inches high. They are a great while a making these Caps: for the Tallow must be made very pure, before 'tis fit for this use. Besides they lay on but a little at a time and mixt it finely among the Hair; and so it never afterwards comes off their heads. When they go a Hunting, which is but seldom, they pare off 3 or 4 Inches from the top of it, that so it may sit the snugger, but the next day they begin to build it up again; and so they every day till 'tis of a decent and fashionable height.

It would be a most ridiculous thing for a Man here to be seen without a Tallow Cap. But Boys are not suffered to wear any, till they come to Maturity; and then they begin to build upon their Heads. The Women have only short Petticoates which reach from the VVaste to the Knee. VVhen it Rains they cover their Bodies with a simple Cows-hide, thrown over their Shoulders like a Blanket.

The common Subsistence of these People is Bread made of Guinea Corn, Beef, Fish, Milk, Ducks, Hens, Eggs, &c. They also drink Milk often to quench their Thirst: and this sometimes when it is sweet, but commonly they let it be sower first.

Besides Milk, which is the common Drink, they make a better sort of the same Grain before mentioned, purposely to be merry with. And when they meet on such occasions, the Men make themselves extraordinary fine, with Feathers stuck into their Caps very thick. They make use of the long Feathers of Cocks Tails, and none else.

Besides these Head Ornaments they wear a piece of Cow-hide, made like a Tail, and 'tis fastned behind them as a Tail, reaching from their VVaste to the Ground. This piece of Hide is about 6 Inches broad, and each side of it is adorned with little Iron Rings of their own making.

VVhen they are thus attired, their Heads a little intoxicated and the Musick playing, they'l skip about merrily, and shake their Tails to some purpose; but are very innocent in their Mirth.

Every Man may have as many VVives as he can purchase and maintain: And without buying here are none to be had; neither is there any other Commodity to be bought or sold but VVomen.

Young Virgins are disposed of by their Fathers, Brothers or nearest Male Relations. The price is according to the Beauty of the Damsel.

They have no Money in this Country, but give Cows in exchange for VVives: And therefore he is the richest Man that has most Daughters or Sisters; for to be sure he will get Cattle enough.

[Page] They make merry when they take their VVives; but the Bride cries all her VVedding-day. They live together in small Villages, and the oldest Man governs the rest; for all that live together in one Village are a kin, and therefore willingly submit to his Government.

They are very just and extraordinary civil to Strangers; This was remarkably experienced by two English Seamen that lived among them 5 Years; their Ship was cast away on the Coast, and the rest of their Consorts marched to the River of Delagoa; but they stayed here till Captain Rogers accidentally came hither and took them away with him: They had gained the Language of the Country: And the Natives freely gave them VVives and Cows too. They were beloved by all the People; and so much reverenced that their VVords were taken as Laws. And when they came away, many of the Boys cryed because they would not take them with them.

FINIS.

[Page]

A General INDEX To both Volumes of DAMPIER'S VOYAGES.

Note, that in this Index the several Parts of the Work are thus distinguish'd.

O. refers to Voyage round the World; or Vol. I.

S. to the Supplement of the Voyage round the World; or Vol. II Part 1.

C. to the Campeachy Voayges; or Vol. II. Part 2.

W. to the Discourse of the Winds, &c. or Vol. II. Part 3.

Any Figure that has not one of these Capital Letters immediately prefix'd, is to be taken as referring to that which goes nearest before it.

d. signifies Describes, whether wholly, or in part.

Note also, That the Sheet K. Vol. II. Part 1. having several Pages false mark'd, the Reader is desired to correct them; the Index referring not to the false figures, but those which ought to have been there.

A.

ACapulco, its remarkable Land d. O. 244. the T. Port and Castle d. 244, 6, 7. its Trade and Course of it, C. 125. O. 244, 5, 6. 277.

Acapulco-Ship, its Course, O. 245, 6. 255. 260. 283. 290, 1. 351. 387, 8, 9. and why, 280. aim d at by the Privateers, 244. 255, 7. 389. but mist, 260. 303. 384. like to be lost on a Shole, 303. 384. taken by Cavendish, 260.

Accomptants, bad and good, S. 137.

Achar's. Pickles, what and where, O. 391. S. 129.

Ac [...], Kingdom, d. S. 120, &c. its Rains and Floods, 148, 9. and Winds, W. 39. the Road, and Islands, and Channel lying off it S. 121, 2, 3. O. 476. the Soil and Vegetables, S. 123. 126. [Page] 181. O. 392. Animals S. 127, 8. O. 321. Malayan Inhabitants, d. S. 128, 9. their features, habit, &c. ib. Arts and Trades, 130, 1. Proc's, O. 475; and Coire-Cables, 295. their Coins, Sums and Weights, S. 131, 2. Mahometan Learning and Religion, O. 490. 343. S, 137, 8. 148. 180. Laws and Punishments, 138, 9. 140. Government by a Queen and Oromkey's, 141. her Election, 142, 3. a War upon it, 143. 4, 5, 8. the Orombey's have have the real power, S. 141, 2, 3. the Commons most Slaves, and how, 141. City of Achin, and Buildings. 129. Merchantstrangers there, 129, 132, 4, 5, 6. 146. Guzurat Brokers, 135. Siammers. O. 504. China Camp. Chinese and their Trade there, S. 136, 7, 8. O. 420. Price of Nutmegs there. S. 152. Plenty of Gold, O. 510. 152. and Gold Mines, d. S 133. 4.

J. d' Acosta's Imprisonment, and why, C. 06, 7.

Adds, Tools, where us'd, O. 332. S. 181.

Aethiopick Sea, what so call'd by the A; Pref. Vol. 2. See Atlantick. Indian.

Africa, its Coasting-Trade-W W. 12. 13. 15. 16. 19. 20. 103 not so broad a course as the Pervvian, and why? 78. 79 its Breezes (S and L. [...] W. 24 29. 50, &c. its West Coast where and when Dry, 78. 9. 83. Tides on its East Coast, 99. and Currents, 107. and Ambergriese, O. 74. and Seals, 90. See Angola, C. Blanco, Guinea, R. Sherboro, C. Verd. Harmatan's. Hippopotamus.

Aguala-wood, what and whence, S. 8

Ague, the A. taken with one, O. 255. where frequent, 334.

Air good, where and when, O. 63. 108. 186. 218. 297. 321. 542, 4, 8. S 21. bad, where and when, O. 153. 186. 221. 297, 8. S. 180. bad where there are Gold Miaes, O. 153, 195. Sulphureous, when, 131. Sick men die coming from Sea to Land-Air, 113.

Albicore, Fish, where, W. 55.

Alerane's, Island, d. their Bushes, Rats, and Birds, C. 24, 5, 6. 45. Scals, O. 90.

Alforec's, Mindanian's, d. O. 325. their Wars, 325. 337. 444.

Algatrane, a sort of Tar, d. O. 134.

Algatross, a Bird, where, O. 531.

Algatross, a Rock, d. O. 242.

Alligator, d. C. 33. 74, 5, 6, 7, 8. 81, 2. where found, 75, 6. O. 256. their flesh and Eggs musky, C. 75. yet eaten, ib. O. 274. but seldom, C. 75. their Musk Cods, ib. good for Dropsies, O. 256. Dogs coveted by them, and fearful of them, C. 76. aH Irish man indauger'd by one, 77. (see Dampier also) the Campeachy ones less fierce than some are said to be, 82. and in general than the Crocodile, 76. how they and the Crocodile differ, 75, 6.

Almanack of Mexieo, a Receipt in it, O. 256. of Tonquin and China, S. 60.

[Page] Almond-milk, where us'd, S. 148.

Alms of Missionaries make and keep up their Proselites, S. 96.

Lignum Aloes, whence, S. 8.

C. Alta Vela, its Winds, W. 35.

Altars of Idols, where and what, O. 396. 412. S. 43.

Alvarado R, T. Fort, Fishery, Trade, and Commodities, d. C. 43. 123, 4. 6, 8. 130. taken by Privateers, 124, 8. its fine Parrots, 128, 9.

Amapalla Gulph, d. O. 121, 2, 4, 5, 8. its Tides, W. 96. Towns, O. 122, 3, 6.

Amapalla, J. d. O. 122, 4, 5, 8.

Ambergriese, where found, O. 72, 3, 4. 477. where a profitable Trade to be driven for it, 480, 1. a large piece of it, d. 73, 4. found above High-water-mark, ib. and with Beetles in it, ib. Counterfeit, where and what, 72, 3. 477. W. 54.

America, its Breezes, W. 35. and Savannahs, O. 87. its distance from Asia reckon'd too great, 288. from Africa too little, 289. Plantains, how esteem'd there, and where found, 313, 4, 5. Plantains and Bonano's us'd there as Bread, S. 23. Blood-wood and Stock wood, its natural growth, C. 57. Tobacco of the Philippines probably from thence, O. 333. its Savages less so than reported, 485. defirous of Trade, S. 116. paint themselves, O. 537. and wear skins nastily, 539. see Atlantick Sea, South Sea.

North America, Seals there, O. 90. and where none, ib. see California, New-England, West-Indies, Isthmus, Mexico Virginia.

South America, its West Course generally rocky, O. 90. its Fish and Seals, ib. its Rock-fish, 91. and Snappers, ib. its Coasting Trade-wind broader than the African in the same Latitude, and why, W. 78, 9. where the Coast makes like that of Guinea, and what the effects of it, 80, 1. Blooms or hot Blasts thence, O. 529. see Andes, Brazil, Chili, T. del Fuego, West Indies, Peru.

Amoy (Anhay) in China, its Trade great, O. 417. and free, 418.

Anatta (Otta) a Dye, where and what, O. 226, 7. C. 7. 113. how us'd by Indians, ib. more valuable than Indico, O. 227, 8. price of it, 227. an advantage in it slipt, 227, 8.

Anchorings, where and what, O. 46, 8. 55, 7. 77, 8. 81, 4. 91, 6. 100, 9. 110, 3, 9. 125, 8. 132, 3, 4, 6. 144, 5, 6, 9. 151, 2. 163, 4, 9. 172, 3, 5, 7, 8. 188. 196, 8, 9. 202, 4, 7, 8. 212, 3. 232, 3. 8, 9. 242, 7, 8, 9. 250, 4, 7, 9. 262, 6, 7. 275, 6, 7. 291. 309. 346, 7, 8. 378, 9. 382, 4, 5, 9. 399: 401, 6. 417. 421, 2, 3, 4, 5. 436. 448. 454, 8. 463. 475, 8. S. 4, 9. 10. 12. 13. 123. 154, 7, 9. 171, 4. C. 16. 18. 19. 23, 6, 9. 30, 2. 44, 5. 50, 1. 101. 118. 125. W. 24. 34. 56. good on Shoal Coasts, O. 422, 3, 4, 5. bad on bold Coasts, or where Cliffs and Rocks, ib. See, Harbours, Roads.

Anchovy, a pickled Fish like it, where, S. 27.

Andeman's, Islands, O. 476.

[Page] Andes, Ms. of Chili, Peru (Sierra Nuveada des Andes) the highest in the world, O. 94, 5. cause deep Sea's, 423. and the greatest breach in the True General Trade-w. W. 78, 9. and catch the Rains, 83.

St. Andrea's, J. its Cedars, O. 29. no provision there, 31.

Port Angels, d. O. 239.

Angola, its Coast, d. W. 27. and Winds, 12. 13. 14. 38. 58. sucking-fish there, 54.

Anhay, see Amoy.

Animals, see Beasts, Birds, Fish, Insects.

St. Anns in Campeachy, C. 120.

C. St. Anns in Guinea, its Winds, W. 16. 38. Coast, 8.

Anniseed, where, S. 6. a Berry call'd so by the Dutch, 63. who steep it in their Arack, 64.

Ants of several sorts, d. their Nests, Travelling, Labour, Oeconomy, &c. C. 60, 1, 4, 5. Ants-Eggs, where and why esteem'd, ib.

White Ants, or Wood Lice, where, S. 127.

Ant-Bears, d. C. 59, 60, 1.

Ante, or Mountain-Cow, where found, and d. C. 102, 3, 4.

Antego harrass'd by the Caribbee Indians, C. 6. its Currents, VV. 101, 105. a Hurriane there, d. 68, 9, 72. another, 70.

Anthropophagi or Man-Eàters, see Canibals.

C. Antonio in Cuba, C. 9. 28, 9. its Currents, VV. 101, 5.

Anvil, what us'd instead of it, O. 332.

Apples, where, O. 532.

Pine-Apples, fruit, see Pine.

Arabick, where us'd in prayers, &c. O. 331. and studied, S. 137.

Aracan, China Earthen ware a Commodity there, S. 63.

Arack, what and where, O. 371. 420. S. 53. 78. 167. drank with Hens blood, 83. a Drug like Annise insus'd in it, 63, 4. and Snakes and Scorpions, 167.

Arek-tree and Nut (miscall'd Betle) d. O. 318, 9. where and how us'd 311, 8, 9. 328. 336. 355, 9. 457. S. 54.

Punta Arena, O. 149.

Arica Bay, Calms, VV. 14. Arica Town, O. Intr. iv. v.

Pulo Arii, d. S. 158, 9.

Arms, Silver Hoops worn on them, where, O. 365.

Arms kept neat, S. 70, 1. see VVeapons.

Armour of Buffalo's hide, d. O. 432.

Armada (Spanish) its Arrival at Portobel, O. 171, 9. 180. its general Course, 179. 180, 4, 5.

Armadillo (animal) d. C. 59. 61, 2.

Arrows headed with Flint, O. 85, 6. poison'd, VV. 108.

Art of Indians, see Indians.

Arts Liberal, what and where studied, S. 59, 60.—Mechaniek, see

[Page] Artificers, O. 331, 2. S. 60, &c. 136. 181.

Aruba, J. d. O. 47. its Currenrs, VV. 101, 4. water there breeding worms in the body, C. 90.

Ascention, J. deep Sea about it, O. 393. laying and breeding place for Turtle, 107. 393. VV. 4, 5. but no food for them there, O. 393.

Ash, J. (Vacca) a Ship like to be lost there, O. Intr. II.

Asia, reckon'd too broad, and too far to the East, O. 288, 9. see China, Indies (East) Persia.

Asses, where, O. 74. see Mules. Asses Skins how grain'd in Turkey, C. 7. VVild Ass finely strip'd, O. 533.

Atlantick Sea, what so call'd by the A. see Vol. 2. Preface reckon'd too broad, O. 289. its True Trade-winds, VV. 3, 5, 11. O. 549, 550. Calms and Tornado's on the East side of it, VV. 6. and near the Line, 86. where least, and what winds at the Line, and why, 7, 8. Shy Turtle, O. 449.

Aves, I. d. O. 49, 50. D'Estres shipwreck there, ib.

C. St. Augustin of Brazil, why hard to double, VV. 9. 103, 4, 5.

C. St. Augustin of Florida, its Pearl-Oysters, O. 173.

C. St. Augustin of Madagascar, the Cygnet sunk there, O. 511.

Avogato-pear, d. O. 203.

Terra Australis, incognita, Discoveries how to be made there, O. 351, 2. an Island of it (as suppos'd) seen by Captain Davis, ib. see N. Holland.

The Anthor, see Dampier.

Axes, what and where us'd, O. 332. much valu'd by Indians, O. 483, 6. C. 41. 119. see Hatchet.

Aynam, I. its Situation, S. 8. 20, 1. and Pearl-Oysters, O. 178. the Chinese Inhabitants and their Jonks, S. 8, 9.

Azimuth-Compasses, most us'd by English, O. 533.

B.

BAcalao, see Rock-fish.

Bahama I. Ambergriese there, O. 74.

Bahar, what, S. 132.

Balachaun, a Pickle, d. S. 27, 8. 30.

Balderas, see Valderas.

Baldivia, O. 83, 192.

Bamboe's, and Hollow Bamboes, where and how us'd, O. 16. 299. 330, 5, 6. 367. 398. 480. 490. S. 71, 9. 180. Bambo-Achar or Pickle, O. 391. Bamboing, what, S. 80. Bambo, a Measure so call'd, S. 135.

Bancal, a weight, S. 132.

Bancalis, its Pepper-trade, S. 182. aw'd by the Dutch, 111, 4, 5, 7, 8.

Bancouli, see Bencouli.

[Page] Banda I. its Nutmegs, O. 447. Cloves near it, 317.

Banditti, maim'd, and arch, S. 138, 9.

Bang (Ganga) intoxicating, S. 136.

North-Bank (a Cloud) see North.

Fishing-Banks, C. 21, 2. of Oysters, 17. 28.

Sand-Bank, high, d. C. 123, 4.

Banks about Villages, where, S. 44.

Bantam, its Breezes, VV. 39. and Pepper, whence, S. 182. Petties there, what, 132. Theft how punish'd, 139. reverence done to the King, 142, 3.

Bao or Boutan, Kingdom, where, S. 61. its Commodities and Trade, 64.

Barbadoes ravag'd by Caribbe-Indians, O. 485. C. 5. Course thither from Jamaica, VV. 40. from Guinea, 10. 53. its Currents, 100, 4.

Barbecu, what and where, O. 20. S. 90. C. 12. 80.

Sancta Barbara, Harbour, O. 46.

Bark-Logs for Fishing, O. 134. d. 141, 3, 5. 153, 4. for carrying goods, d. 141, 2. where us d, ib. and for what, 143. 214. for single men, and where us'd, 143. 189. d. W. 38. see Catanarans.

Barks, see Shipping.

Bark for Tanning, O. 54.

Barlaventa Fleet, its progress, d. C. 125, 6. ineffectual, S. 117.

Barly at the C. of Good-Hope, O. 532.

Bashee-Drink, O. 422. d. 431, 4, 5.

Bashee, or the Five Islands, O. 385. d. 420, 1, 2, 5, 6. 431, 6. its Product, 426, 7, 8, 9. 430, 4, 5, 6. Houses and T. on Precipices, 4-8, 9. Boats, 429. Inhabitants, their Habit, 427. Food, 426, 9. 430 3. Employments, 429, 433. Trade, Government, &c. 431, 2, 4, 5, 6, 7. Oeconomicks and Manners, 432, 3, 4. see Bullawan. see Goat I. Grafton I. Monmouth I. Orange I. and

Bashee I. properly so call'd, d. O. 385. 422, 5, 8. 431, 6.

Baskéts of Palmeto, O. 150.

Bastinadoing, what and where, O. 367. see Bamboing, Punishments.

Batavia, its Trade, &c. O. 317. 445. S. 12. 63. Course to Malacca, 109.

Bathing in Rivers, where much us'd, and why, O. 330. S. 148.

Bats, great, d. and where found, O. 321. 381.

I. of Bats, d. O. 380, 1, 2.

Batsha, its Pilots, S. 11. 29.

C. Bayedore, its VVinds, VV. 15.

Bay's, how caus'd, O. 422, 3, 4, 5. have most Rain, VV. 78. 80, 1, 2, 3. and Heat, S. 32. Sea-Breezes scarce there, ib. VV. 28. 38. but good Land-Br. 34. seldom my but Counter-Currents, 104.

Beacons set on Shoals, O. 450.

Beads vasu'd by Indians, O. 13. 23, 4. C. 119.

[Page] Ant-Bears, see Ant.

Beards of the Chinese, O. 407. where none, 464. of Tortoiseshell, 32.

Beasts, where none, O. 31. none of prey, 320. track of one at N. Holland, 463. in the VVoods of Nicobar, 483. Venemous one like a Guano, 321. 392. see Alligators, d. Ante (Mountain-Cow,) d. Ant-Bears, d. Armadillo's, d. Beeves, Buffalo's, Cats, Conies, Crocodiles, d. Deer, Dogs, Elephants, Goats, Guano, d. Hippopotamus (River-horse, or Sea-horse) d. Hogs, Horses, Jaccals, Lions, Lizards, Mice, Monkies, Pecary, Porcupines, Possums (O-possum) Racoons (Indian Conies) Rats, Sheep, Sloths, d. Squashes, d. Squirrels, Tigers, Tiger-Cats, d. Land-Tortoise, d. VVatree. Beaver-hats, old, a Commodity, C. 120.

Beef, how cut and order'd, C. 81. S. 30. Irish, a Commodity, O. 48. see Beeves.

Bees, a large and small sort, d. C. 112. their Honey and Trunkhives, ib. see Honey, VVax.

Beetles found in Ambergriese, O. 73.

Beeves, in the VV. Indies, whence, C. 98. impatient of thirst, 77. where, O. 44, 6, 8. 62. 75. 115. 124, 8. 157. 176. 186. 211, 8. 221, 3. 239. 240. 250, 8, 9. 260, 4, 5, 9. 320. 364, 9. 378, 9. 382, 7. 406. 419. 540, 6. S. 25. 30. 127. 163. 181. VV. 34. smelt off at Sea, ib. bad where, S. 31. eaten raw, 30. sing'd like Hogs, ib. Hides how drest, C. 88. Beeve-hunting, d. C. 81, 3, 4, 5, 6. in a Canoa, 81. dangerous, 99. 120. see Hocksing.

Beef. I. d. C. 50, 1, 3. 77. 88. 92 to 101. 120. VV. 34. 67. sugitive Indians there, d. C. 94, 5, 6.

Begging people, O. 327, 8. 358, 9. 365. 9. 370. 433. S. 13.

Bells, where made, S. 60. 101. Musical, struck upon, O. 342. with claws, worshipt, 411, 2.

Bellows, a particular sort, d. O. 332. 429.

Benches for Rowing, moveable, O. 480, 1.

Bencouli, d. S. 179, &c. sickly, 112, 180. bad VVater, O. 524. yet a good Spring there, 525. Product and Native Malayans. S. 180, 1. Idolatrous Sacrifice there, O. 397, S. 59. The Fort, d. S. 180, 3. ill govern'd. O. 518. 519. 520. S. 183, 4. the A. Gunner of it, O. 512. 518. S. 183. its Trade, O. 420. S. 63. 110, 1. 182.

Bengal Bay, low Shores, O. 425. its VVinds, S. 179. VV. 20, 1. Commodities, S. 145. 173. Butter, d. 146. a Venemous Beast there, O. 321.

Bengal-Channel by Achin, S. 122.

Bermudas, I. dangerous Coasts, O. 40 [...]. Gedars, 29. Palmetoworks, 150. Ambergriese, 74.

Berries us'd in Drink, see Atack, Bashee-Drink.

Betle-tree a leaf, d. (miscall'd Arek) O. 319. S. 24. how us'd, 54. whence, 8. 25. blacks the Teeth, 128. see Arek. Chinam.

[Page] Bill birds, d. C. 65, 9.

Birds (and Fowls) where none, O. 31. 282. many or few as there is Grain, 426. at Sea, a sign of Land near, 282. 531. kill'd by a Hurricane, VV. 71. small, of several sorts, O. 321. 406. 426. S. 26. see Algatross, d. Bats, large, d. Bill birds, d. Black small Birds, d. Black-birds, or chattering Crows, d. Boobies, d. Cockrecoo's, Cormotants, d. Corroso's, d. Crab-catchers, d. Crockadores, d. Carrion-Crows, d. Curlews, d. Ducks, VVild-Duck and Mallard, d. Egg-birds, d. Fishing Hawks, d. Flamingoes, d. Geese, Sea-Gulls, Herons, d. Humming-birds, d. Maccawes. Man of VVar-bird, d. Mango-Volucres, d. Natal-bird, d. Noddies, d. Parrakites. Parrots, d. Partridges. Pelicans, d. Penguins, d. Poultry (Dunghill-fowl, Cocks and Hens) d. Quams, d. Subtle-Jacks, d. Teal. Tropick-birds, d. Turkies. Turtle-Doves.

Black small Bird, d. O. 97.

Black bird, a sort, call'd Chattering-Crows, d. C. 65, 6.

C. Blanco of Africa, its Sands blown off to Sea, VV. 15.

C. Blanco of Brazil, its Coast, d. VV. 80, 1. VVeather, ib. VVinds, 7. Currents, 103.

C. Blanco of Mexico, d. O. 111, 2. its Popogaio's, VV. 46.

C. Blanco of Peru, lies N. of the Pacifick-Sea, O. 153. d. 138, 9. 147. why hard to double, W. 33. 40. its Tides, 96. and Currents, 107.

I. Blanco, d. O. 57, 8. its large Green-Turtle, 105.

Blew Mountain in Jamaica, C. 8.

Blewfields R. d. O. 33. its Manatee and Indians, ib. their stonehatchets, ib. 85.

Blewfields in Jamaica, C. 38. W. 46. its Lance-wood, O. 118.

Blood-wood, d. O. 115. C. 57, 8. see Cam-wood.

Blooms or Hot-Blasts, where, O. 529. W. 47.

Boats, what, where, and how us'd, O. 2. 292, 8, 9. d. 429. d. 480. 492. W. 31. S. 8. 13. 14. 45, 8. none, where, O. 464, 8. see Canoa's, Oars, Proes, Tholes, Shipping.

Bob-wood, O. 35.

R. des Bocca's, d. C. 118, 9. 120.

Bocca del Drago, its Manatee, O. 33. and Savages, 486.

Bocca-Toro, its fite, and Careening, O. 38. Green Turtle, ib. 105. Manatee, 33. Vinello's, plenty, 235. Savages, 38. 486.

Bodies of people, see Complexion, Countenance, Features, Hair, Limbs, Shape, Stature.

Bonairy (Bonayre) I. d. its Road, People, Product, O. 48. Saltpond, 49. Water breeding Leg-worms, C. 90. how its Indians get Fire, O. 466.

Bonano's, a sort of Plantains, d. O. 316. drink made of them, ib. where found, O. 175. 183, 7. 198. 311. 426. 546. S. 23. 124. 163. 181. C. 5. see Plantains, Plantations.

Boneto's, Fish, where, O. 321.

[Page] Bonzies, Heathen Priests, O. 396.

Boobies, d. O. 49. where found, 52. 97. 132. 146. (their Eggs) 159. 282. 473. C. 23, 4, 5, 6. 45. 69. course food, 146.

Boots limber, O. 419. of Guts, and eaten, 538.

Borneo, I. a Letter from English there, O. 370. 504. low Anchoring Coasts, 425. Malayan spoken there, 394, 5.

Boua, or Pageant King of Tonquin, his Palace, &c. S. 48. 66, 7, 8.

Boutan Kingdom by China, see Bao.

Bouton I. and Kingdom, and City, d. O. 453, 4. its Product, 455, King and People, d. 454, 5, 6, 7, 8. inslave and sell the Inlanders. 456. Boy with double rows of Teeth, 457, 8. shy Turtle, 453 see Callasusung.

Bows and Arrows, where us'd, S. 72. W. 108.

Boxes, lacker'd for Chinam, S. 54, 5. leathern for Cartages, 70.

Brazil, approach'd in E. India Voyages, O. 531. Course thither, W. 9. its Winds, 13. 18. 19. 24. Coast and Weaaher, d. 80, 1. Currents, 103. see C. St. Augustin. C. Blanco.

Bread, fine Càkes of it, O. 418, 9. Plantains, &c. where us'd as bread, O. 12. where not, S. 23. none of any sort, where, O. 464, 8. see Corn, Fruits, Roots: see Melory, Sago, and

Bread-fruit and tree, d. where, and how made, O. 296, 7.

Breeches, where and what, O. 326. 408. 419. 456. S. 129. C. 114.

Breezes, see among Winds.

Bremes, where, O. 321.

Brewers streights, a. S. 109. 110.

Bricks dried in the Sun, O. 139. 140. Brick, where us'd, ib. 411. S. 45, 8.

Brokers of Guzurat, d. 134, 5, 7.

Brooms of Palmeto Leaves, O. 150.

Buccaniers, see Privateers.

Hist. of Buccaniers refer'd to, O. Intr. III. IV. 60. 252. 272.

Buffadore, Rock and Spout, d. O. 232, 3.

Buff-Jacket, a Plantain-Pudding, O. 314.

Buffalo's, where, O. 320. 359. 365: 378. 387. 406. 410. 458. S. 25. 30. 127, 9. 181. draw the Plow and tread cut Rice, O. 410, 1. their Hides bought, 431. Coat-Armour thereof, 432. Butter of their Milk, d. S. 146.

Buggasses, who, S. 108.

Bullawan, a name for Gold, where, O. 431. 513. a Metal like Gold, so call'd, where and what, 426, 7. 431, 4, 9. Mines of it, 426. and Ear-rings, 427. 431, 2, 9. how burnish'd, 427, 8. 439.

Bumkins, Water-Vessels, O. 2.

Burrs, troublesome, where, C. 48.

Burton-wood, d. O. 101. where found, ib. C. 23. 48. 57. makes good Coals, ib.

Burying, alive, where and why, O. 432. see Funeral.

[Page] Bushes (Shrubs) C. 44. a prickly sort, 94. see Burton. Dildo.

One Bush Key, d. C. 17. 50, 1, 2. 92. 77. W. 67.

Wild-Bush. men, d. and where, W. 108.

Butchers, Chinese, at Malacca, S. 162.

Butter (of Buffalo's Milk and Lard, d.) S. 146. where little made, O. 115.

Buttons, presented at Siam, S. 108.

C.

CAbbage-tree and fruit, d. O. 165, 6, 7. 318. where found, 166. C. 102, 9. S. 124.

Cabbinets (Combs, &c.) what Tortoise-shell us'd for them, O. 103. see, Lacquer-ware.

Cables, see Coire; and of Rattans.

Cacao-tree and fruit, d. kinds, Husbandry of it, and where found, O. 59. 60, 1, 2. 152. C. 7. 102. 110, 1, 2, 9. Trade of it, O. 64. 152. 245. C. 110, 9. goes for Money where, O. 62. C. 119. 120. carriage of it, 119. 121, 2. White-Cacao (Spuma) what, and where, C. 111. see Chocoatte.

Cachao City and Prov. S. 13. 15. 16. 19. 20. 21. d. 45, &c. 57. 61. 73, 7. 86, 7, 9. 90, 6, 9. 100, 1.

Cacuses (Caycos) what and where, W. 106.

Caihooca, d. C. 122. its Vinello's, 123. O. 235.

Caimanes, both Alligators and Crocodiles call'd so, C. 75.

I. Caimanes, Great, d. C. 30. its Crocodiles, ib. Breeding-place for Green Turtle, O. 107.

I. Caimanes, Little, d. C. 9. 30.

Calabashes and Gourd shells, their use, O. 153. 293. 434. C. 115. W. 86.

Caldera, Bay, d. O. 112. its distanee from the L. of Nicaragua, 113. and Trade with it, 115. its Lance-wood, 118. its Popogaio's, W. 46, 7. Rains and Tornado's, 83.

California, not known to be an Island, O. 272. its W. Coast only known to the Spaniards, ib. its Lake or Sea why purposely unknown by them, ib. Coast low towards Guatimala, 425. Communication with Mexico by Boats, 244. 264. Pearl-Fishery and Trade, 173. 244. 264. Trade. Wind, 245. its Indians Enemies to the Spaniards, 204. 272. a Root eaten by them, 275.

Callabar, Old, W. 9. 10. 14.

Callasusung, d. O. 454, 7, 8. see Bouton, I.

Callico's, Chints &c. where and how a Commodity, O. 245. 333. 379. S. 61. 134.

Calms, a presage of storms, O. 413. 451. W. 61, 6, 8, 9: 72. Calm between S. and L. Breezes, VV. 27. 41. C. 21. Calms where and when usual, VV. 6. 8. 9. 11. 14. 20, 3, 5, 7. met by the A. O. 2. 79. 82. 120. 135. 400. 413, 5. 448. 451. S. 154. C. 20, 1.

[Page] Cambodia, Kingdom, VVomen prostituted there, O. 395. its Idols, 397. Product and Trade, 399. 400, 1. S. 105. a profitable one to be had there, 3. and how, 102, 3. Coast and Point, O. 399. Islands lying off it, 389. 390. see P. Condore. P. Uby. River, d. S. 105, 6, 7. Pirates routed thence, ib.

Cam-chain, and Cam-quit, Oranges, d. S. 23, 4.

Campeachy (Campeache) Bay and Countrey, Coast, Lagunes, Rivers, Towns, &c. d. O. 87. 424. C. 16, 7. 41 to 53, 5, 6, 8. 79. 83, 6. 92, 3, 4. 101, 7, 8. 110, 1, 7 to 122. its Bounds, 16. 42. 123. VV. 32. 4. Soil, C. 42, 56, 8, 9. VVeather, S. 32. VV. 82. C. 55. Land-floods, S. 35. C. 55. 80, 1, 2, 91, 2, 3. 108, 9. 122. VV. 67. Storms, 66, 7. C. 80, 1, 2. Fish kill'd by them, O. 524. VV. 68. VVinds, 15. 32; 4, 5. Tides, 92. its Vegetables, O. 59. 62. 101. 123. 152. 166. 203. 235. 263. C. 43, 6, 8, 9. 50, 6, 7, 8. 79. 85. 94, 5. 102. 7, 9. 111, 2, 3. see Logwood, Mangroves, Beasts, Insects, 44. 50, 2, 3: d. 59 to 64. 74. to 78. 80, 4. 96, 8. d. 102, 7, 9. 111 to 115, 8, 121. O. 87. Beef-hunting, 81, &c. 97, &c. Birds, d. 650 to 71. 114, 8, 9. Fish, 17. 44. 70. d. 71, 2, 3. 109. O. 33. 90. 105. Commodities, Manufactures, and Trade, O. 62. C. 17, 8. 42, 3, 6, 7, 8. 50, 1, 3, 4, 6, 7. 80, 8. 96, 7, 8. 110 to 115, 8, 9. 120, 1, 2. 125, 6. Ship-worms, O. 363. Carriers there, 119. 121, 2. Privateers, 43, 5, 6, 7. 50, 1, 3, 4. make Slaves of the Indian Inhabitants, 43. These insulted by the Spaniards, 42. 113. and even their Negro's, 116. yet the Villagers live comfortably, O. 124. C. 112, 3. 5. till no more Land than barely for their subfistence, 119. most of the Towns consist of them, 110. their food and drink, 43. d. 113. Cloathing, 46. 114. Government, Employment, Marriages, Churches, Manners, 112, 3, 4, 5, 6. 42, 3, 7. see Logwood-cutters, Spaniards, (for particular places) the Map, C. 1.

Campeachy-T. Fort, Buildings, Trade, and Spaniards, C. 12, 9. 20. 42, 3, 4. d. 45, 6. 113. taken by Privateers, 45, 6. 96. 110. Log-wood call'd thence Palo de Campeachy, 46, 7.

Camphire, whence, S. 128.

Cam-wood, for Dying Red, O. 78. C. 58.

Canales, I. d. O. 213.

Caneo, I. O. 215.

Canes, how us'd, S. 29. for walking, where, 178. and how growing, O. 380. a Commodity, where, S. 167. 178. see Bambo's, Rattans.

Canibals, whether any in the VVorld? O. 485. Stories of them refuted, ib. Inhabitants of the Isles of Canibals (Caribbe's) Trade with Europeans, ib. hurt done by them, but why, 485, 6.

Canoa's, what, where and how us'd, O. 2. 35. 515. S. 4. 118. how made, O. 214, 5. by wild Indians, 85. floating full of water, C. 12. hunting in Canoa's, where and how, C. 81. see Boats made with Outlayers, d. O. 480, 1. 492, 5, 6, 9. see Pro's. [Page] best Canoa's made of Cedar, 29. few Canoa's, where, 117.

Cantarras I. d. O. 213.

Canton, City and Prov. of China, its great Trade, O. 405, 6. Houses, 410. China-ware made of a Clay there, 409. Course from Manilla thither, 405. Tea call'd there, Chau, 410. see China, St. Johns, d. China, Macao.

Pulo Canton, its Chochinchinese, S. 6.

R. Capalita, of O. 233.

Capes, are driest, VV. 78. have most Sea-Breezes, 28. and break them, 38. have seldom Land-Br. 33, 5, 7.

Cape R. that of C. Gratia Dio, so call'd, O. 128. Privateers go up it into the S. Sea, 129. it Cataracts, ib.

Caps, what and where, O. 418, 9. S. 42. 129. of Tallow, VV. 111.

Caraccos Coast, its singular make, and product, d. W. 37. O. 58, 9. 203. 423, 4. its Boundary and Trade, 63, 4. its Cacao (best of any) d. 59 to 62. C. 112. never blighted, O. 62. Fish, 249. Winds, W. 15. 37. dry and scabby. O. 63. Weather, ib. W. 82. the Barlaventa-Fleet sails by it yearly, C. 126. Low Coast thence to Sancta Martha, O 424, 5. Caraccos City and Countrey, d. O. 62, 3, 4.

Careening and cleaning, places fit for it, &c. O. 33, 8. 46. 52, 5. 97. 110. 121. 138. 147. 169. 171, 6. 249. 272, 6. 362. 380. 395, 7. 436. 443. 469. 481. C. 120. W. 68. 97. where and why to be done often, O. 363.

Caribbe, why call'd Lee-ward Islands, W. 15. Winds there, ib. 41. Hurricanes there, d. 65, 7 to 71. Indico there growing, O. 227. see Antego, Barbados, Sancta Lucia, Tabago, St. Vincent.

Caribbe-Indians of the Continent, their Roving at Sea, at Sancta Lucia, &c. C. 4. 5. 6. less Savage than thought to be, O. 485, 6.

Carpenters R. its Cacao, O. 59. a rich T. there, 28, 9.

Carriers, in America, O. 185. 249. 250. 269. d. C. 119. 120, 1, 2.

Carrion-Crows, black, white, and King-carrion-crows, d. C. 65, 7, 8. 82. not kill'd, where and why, ib.

Cartagena Coast, low, O. 424. wet, W. 42. its VVesterly VVinds, O. 44. and Breezes, VV. 40. see Cartagena-Breeze. its Product, O. 203. 213, Fish, C. 13. Trade, O. 45. Correspondence with Lima by Land, 180, 4. Course of the Armada and Barlaventa-Fleet there, 185. C. 126. A fair City open to the Sea, O. 41.

Cartagena-Breeze, d. VV. 44, 5, 6. a Prater so call'd, ib.

Carving, the Chinese cnrious at it, O. 409.

Cash (a Coin) of Tonquin, S. 60. 131. value of it, 72. 88. of China, ib. of Achin, 131, 2.

Casica (Cacique) the chief of an Indian Village, O. 124, 8. C. 112.

Point Casivina, d. O. 122.

Cassavy Root common in the VV. Indies, C. 73.

Catamarans, Bark-Logs, what and where, O. 143.

Cataracts, where, O. 129.

[Page] Cats, where, O. 122. S. 25. eaten, 30, 1.

Tigre-Cat, see Tigre.

Cat-fish, d. O. 148, 9. venemous fins, and where found, 129. 262, 4. S. 171. C. 109.

C. Catoch in Jucatan, d. C. 9. 10. 28, 3. 45, 7. its VVinds, VV. 32. VVeather, 82. Currents, 105. Logwood, 10, 57. Fish, 12, 13.

Cattel, where, O. 218. 231. 406. 416. kill'd by VVinds, VV. 50.

Catty, a weight, S. 132.

Caput-Cavalli Hill, d. O. 266.

Cavallies, Fish, where, O. 321. S. 128. C. 71.

Sir T. Cavendish, his taking the Acapulco-Ship, O. 260. his Course over the S. Sea, 280.

Cedars, where and what, O. 29. 275. best for Canoa's, 29.

Celebes, I. d. O. 446, 7, 8. low Anchoring Coasts, 425. Inlets, Bays and Lakes, 447. Islands and Sholes near it, 447, 8. 450, 1. see I. Bouton. Beacons set on the Shoals, 450. Tornado's and Spouts, 450, 1. vast Trees, 448, 9. 450. wild Vine good for Ulcers, 449. Shy Turtle and vast Cockles, ib. Land-crab found by Sir Fr. Drake on an Island near it, 473. see Macasser.

Centipee, a venemous VVorm, d. O. 320, 1. where found, ib. S. 25. C. 64.

Centiquipaque (falsly Santa Pecaque) d. O. 268, 9. pillag'd, 270, 1, its Silver-Mines, 269.

Ceylon, I. its Cinamon, O. 447.

Chagre R. goods sent down it, O. 26, 7. 185.

Chairs, none us'd, where, O. 329.

Chambongo T. and H. d. O. 378.

Chametly, Isles near C. Corientes, d. 275.

Chametly Isles near the Trop. of Cancer, d. O. 262, 3, 4.

Champa, Kingdom, its Trade and Commodities, O. 400. likelihood of a good Trade there, S. 3. Means of it, 102, 3. Idolatrous Inhabitants, O. 400. their character, 401. their Arms, Vessels, and skill in Shipping, 400, 1.

Pulo Champello de la Mar, S. 6, 7.

Pulo Champello de la Terra, S. 7.

Champeton R. and T. d. C. 47, 8.

Chandy, Point, O. 147.

Channels, what and where, O. 38. 48. 55, 7. 82. 97. 110, 9. 124, 5. 130. 146. 151. 169. 175, 6, 7. 188. 193, 4. 206. 213, 5. 242, 6. 262. 346. 378, 9. 390. 406. 436. 459. 460. S. 9. 10. 11. 109. 110. 122. 158. C. 23, 9. 30. 50. 123. W. 91, 2, 3. English Channel, g [...]eat Tides, 97. and most Regular, 91, 7.

Chau, Tea where so call'd, O. 409. S. 31. 41. see Tea.

Chaubuck, a Punishment, S: 138.

Cheapo T. in the Isthmus, attempted by Privateers, O. 180, 3. 202, 5. Cheapo R. 21, 3. 202, 5. d. 204, 5.

Cheapo in Mexico (Chiapa) its Cochineel, O. 229. Mountains, C. 100, 8, 119.

[Page] Checapeqne R. d. C. 118.

Cheese, where, O. 250. where little of it made, 115.

Chepelio, I. d. O. 202.

Chequetan, d. O. 249.

Cherburg, see Sherboro.

Children, how Educated and Employ'd, O. 7. 8. 330, 1. 432, 3. Dutiful to Parents, 432. civil to Strangers, 433. W. 112. held out to move Strangers Bounty, O. 433. sold by Parents, S. 37, 8, 50. and gam'd away, 42. a witty and active one of Mostesa, O. 249. 250, 1.

Chick-weed, where, C. 23.

Chili, its High Land, O. 94, 5. 423. see Andes. No Rains, ib. nor Rivers of note, ib. nor any perennial, but caus'd by Rains within Land, 95, 6. ib. S. 35. W. 79. 80. its quiet Sea, O. 94. deep, and why, 423. its Rock-fish, 91. See Peru. See Baldivia, John Fernando's I. Guasco, Coquimbo, and

Chiloe J. its Timber, a Commodity, O. 140.

Chins of People, short, where, O. 32.

China, its S. Borders, S. 18. 20. 1. 64, 6. low Anchoring Coast, O. 425. S. 10. its Winds, W. 17. 23. and Storms, 71, 5. See Tuffoons. Good Stages thither, O. 394. S. 103. Chinese subject to the Tartars, O. 406. 7. 417. 421. who force them to cut their Hair, 407. whîch they dote upon, ib. S. 42. and Rebel upon it, O. 407. 421. and flee their Country, S. 7. 42. of these, Pirates, where, 106, 7. Manilla threatned by the Chinese, O. 331. their Jonks, where, and what, 396. 401. 417. S. 16. d. O. 401. 412, 3. parted like Well-boats, 412. their Sails at and Masts, 412, 3. Custom of Measuring strange Ships, O. 354. Wrecks at J. Prata, 405, 6. Their Merchants and Trade, how, and where, 308. 383, 7, 8. 417. S. 8. 10. 15. 16. 36. 65. 134, 6, 7, 8. 162. bent upon it, 15, 136, 7. 162. Cash or Coin, 88. China Camp or Fair, where, and what, 136, 7, 8. Accomptants, where, O. 360. Mechanicks, S. 136. 167. Manufactures and Employments, &c. O. 408, 9. China Dishes, &c. made of what, ib. a Commodity, where, S. 63. their Chop-sticks, 84. Drinks, see Tea, Sam-shu, Hoc-shu. Fans and Umbrello's, O. 407, 8. their Personages, d. Hair of Head and Beard, small Eyes, and Habit, 406, 7, 8. 426. Ingeny, 409, 10. Customs, 407, 8, 9. are sober, S. 137. but love Gaming unmeasurably, 42. 136. 162. O. 409, 10. and hang themselves whén all is lost, ib. their Religion, hideous Idols, &c. 396, 7. 411, 12. S. 59. Renegado where, 138. Chinese Language how spoken, O. 43 and written, S. 59. 60. the Fokien Dialect of it, the Cour Tongue at Tonquin, 59. the Womens tying their Hair, O. 407. little Feet and Shoes, 408. China Gold, see Gold. China Silk, see Silk. See Amoy, Aynam, Canton, Fokien, St. John's 1. Macao, Yunam.

China, Root, where found, O. 409. S. 63.

[Page] Chinam, and Chinam-Box, d. S. 54, 5.

Chinchanchee, T. C. 14.

Chir apee Bay, d. Bad for Ships, O. 144.

Chocolatte, O. 2. 250. W. 85. why much dried by the Spaniards, O. 60. See Cacoa, Spuma.

Chocolatta-North (a VVind) d. VV. 60. C. 39.

Chop or Pass requisite at Tonquin, S. 16.

Choua, or Governing King of Tonquin, see Tonquin.

Christianity, state of it in Tonquin, &c. S. 95, 6, 7. Obstacles to it, ib.

Monte Christo, d. O. 136.

Chuche, I. d. O. 211.

Chucquebul, T. d. C. 51. taken by Privateers, ib.

Churches, where, and what, and how adorned, O. 42. 122, 3. 135, 9. 140, 1. 152. 179. 188. 218. 223. 233. 242. 266, 9. 387. C. 51. 110, 1. 115. 127. S. 160. Business transacted there, and Pastimes, O. 127. C. 115.

Cinamon, whence, O. 447.

Circumcision, where and how used, O. 339. See Mahometanism. Solemnities at it, 339. 340, 1, 2. 369. 370.

Citrons, where, S. 124.

Clam, a sort of Oyster, d. O. 176, 7.

St. Clara. I. d. O. 147.

Cloaths, worn neat and tight, O. 454. fine, give a Reputation, where, 361, 2. none from abroad, where, 431. Old, a Commodity, where, 13, 72, 6. 489. C. 120. where little or none worn, see Naked. Of Skins, where used, 464. 538, 9. VVhat Cloaths, and where worn, 327. 407, 8. 419. 427. S. 42, 3. 129. C. 46. 115. see Armour, Breeches, Caps, Coats, Frocks, Hats, Jackets, Ornaments, Petticoats, Sash, Scarf, Shoes, Slippers, Stockins, Turbans.

Cloth, long, O. 327. Cotton, 427. S. 42. C. 46. 114. Plantain, d. O. 315. Coco, d. 224, 5. 327. 427. Indian, S. 61, 5. Cloth (Linnen and VVoolen) what and where a Commodity, O. 74. 115. 142, 3. 152, 4, 245. 333. S. 42. 65. 129. 134. C. 110. 120. see Callico's, Muslin's, Silks.

Clouds, how a sign of Land near, O. 283. hover about it, 282. about Mountains, VV. 79. 83, 4, 5, 6. their motion when Spouts come, O. 451. how they presage the Monsoons shifting, 490. and Storms, 322. 413, 5. See North banks, Hurricanes, Tuffoons. looking dismally, VV. 71.

Cloves, where, 311. 447. 512. store to be had, 317. 350. 447. how they grow, 316. trick to swell them, 318.

Clove-Bark, where, O. 316. 350. 511.

Coals, of what VVood best to harden Steel, C. 50, 7.

Coasts, no where of a continued height, O. 423. high and low cause what Seas and Anchoring, 422, 3, 4, 5. how they make [Page] Bays, 423, see Bays. Convenience of bold Coasts, 424. remarkable, see Caracco's, Chili, Mexico, Peru, see Marks, (at Sea) the VVest-Coast, what so call'd, 476.

Coats short, O. 419. Coat-Armour of Buff; see Armour.

Cochinchina, Islands off it, S. 9. has Tuffoons, VV. 75. Shipwreck'd-men detain'd there, S. 7. Chinese Refugees there, ib. VVomen Prostitues, O. 395. its Tea, 409. and Pepper, S. 181. VVars with Tonquin, 21. 67. 72. once under it, 67. Cochinchinese of Pulo Canton, 6. of Pulo Condore, and what they bring thence, O. 395. S. 8. their Boats, ib. this a sit place to introduce a Trade with Cochinchina O. 394. probably a good one, S. 3. further means of it, 102, 3.

Cochineel, Tree, Fruit, Insect, where found, and management of it, O. 124. 225, 228, 9.

Cockles, where, O. 153. few 465. vast ones, 449.

Cock, white, requir'd as a Fee for a strange Cure, C. 91. Cook-fighting, where us'd, S. 184. Cocks and Hens (Dunghil Fowl) See Poultry.

Cockreco's, Birds, d. C. 65, 9.

Coco-Trees and Nuts, where, O. 76, 7. 111, 187. 291, 4, 5. 311. 378. 454, 7. 472, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9. 480, 8. S. 4. 23, 4. 124. 181. d. 291 to 296. 318. usefullness of this Tree, 295. of the Sap, 293. 4. 479. 480, 6, 8. See Toddy, Arack. of the VVater or Milk of the Nuts, 292, 474, of the Nuts, 292, 4. 474, 6, 7, 8. 537, 8. of the Shell, 294. 490. of the Husk, 294, 5. see Coire. how neglected in the W. Indies, ib. the Guam-Nuts, 295, 6. those of Sumatra, 296. of an Island drown'd every Tide, 474. floating at Sea, ib. Groves at Nicobar, 478, 9. what Soil and Air best for them, 295, 6. where a Commodity, S. 151, 2.

Cocos, I. in the S. Sea, d. O. 111. 131. why mist by the A, W. 15. Bacos I. in the E. Indies, d. O 470, 2.

Coco-plum, Bush and Fruit, d. and where found, C. 49. 107.

Cod-Pepper, see Guinea-Pepper.

Coins, see Cash, Fanam, Mess, Petti.

Coire-cables of Coco-nut Husks, O. 294, 5. of Strings hang ing from a Tree, 295. 460.

East-Coker in Sommersetshire, its Variety of Soil, S. 123, 4. the Author born and bred there, ib. C. 2. 3.

Colan, its Water, and Indian Fishermen, O. 141.

Colanche, R. O. 134.

Coldest Winds what, O. 529. 530. see Harmatans.

Colima, T. and rich Valley, O. 251, 2, 3. its Volcan always burniug, ib. its Cacoa, ib. 60.

Colorado Sholes, d. C. 29. 39.

Colour of Face and Skin, Naetural, see Complexion; by Pigments, O. 514. 538. see Dammer, Jeoly. Colours, see Dyes.

Comana, in vain attempted by Privateers, O. 63. The Barlaventa Fleet touches there, C. 126.

[Page] Commodities, Spanish, American, E. Indian, how mutually exchanged, O. 244, 5, 6. Commodities what, and where, see Cacao and Chocalatte, Corn and Flower, Drugs, Dyes, Pieces of Eight, Fruits, Gold, Hides, Iron in Bars and wrought, Lack, Leather, Marmalade, Molosso's, Negro's, Oil, Pitch, Quick-silver, Silver, Soap, Spice, Tallow, Tea, Timber, Tin, Wine. See Manufactures.

C. Comerin, its Winds, W. 20.

Company, E. India, see Dutch, English.

Compass (see Azimuth) Winds flying round it, W. 58. see Tornado's.

Complexion of People, Coal-black, face and body, O. 464. dark Copper-Colour, 7. 32. 170. 297. S. 128. 181. C. 31. 115. Indians generally so, ib. O. 297. very dark, 427, 537. VV. 110. Ashy, O. 407. dark Tawny, 395. C. 115. W. 108. light Tawny or Yellow, O. 326. 454. S. 40. the VVomen of a brighter Yellow than the Men, O. 326. 454.

Compostella in Mexico, d. O. 269. its Gold and Silver Mines, 266, 9. its Merchants, and Silver refin'd there, ib.

Comrade, who so call'd at Mindanao, O. 327, 8. 358. 365. see Pagally.

Conception R. O. 22. a Wood there dying like Logwood, C. 58.

Conch-shells said to make China-Ware, O. 409.

C. Condecedo, d. C. 10, 1, 2, 4. 6. 42. its Winds, W. 32, 4. 43, 4. and VVeather, 82.

Pulo Condore, its Commodious Scituation, O. 394. Course by it, S. 6. the Harbour, Channel, Trees, Fruits, Tar, and Animals, d. 385, 9. to 394. Cochinchinese Inhabitants, 394, 8. their Persons, 395. VVomen Prostitutes, ib. Trade, ib. S. 8. Language, O. 394. Religion, 396. an old Pilot there, 398. 400.

Congo, R. O. 7. 15. d. 193.

Conies, where, VV. 109. Indian Coneys, see Racoons.

Cookery, what and where, O. 79. 294. 313, 4. 329. 357, 9. 429. 430. 473, 4. 488, 9. 490. S. 27, 8. 30, 1. 129. C. 18.

Coolecan R. (Cullacan) O. 264. A rich T. by it trading for Pearl, ib.

Cooting or engendring time of Turtle, see Turtle.

Copper-rings, a Commodity, where, C. 119.

C. Coquibocoa, its Currents, VV. 101.

Coquimbo, whence its Timber, O. 140.

Coral-bank, where, O. 50.

Cordage, what and where, O. 223. 294, 5.

Cordial, of Snakes and Scorpions, where us'd, S. 53.

C. Corrientes in Mexico, its VVinds, and how and when to be made, O. 245. 257. d. 256 to 261. its Longitude 256.

C. Corrientes in Peru, d. O. 174.

[Page] C. Corrientes of Cuba, C. 9. 29. 30, 1. its Currents VV. 101.

C. Corrientes of Africa, its VVinds, VV. 19.

Cormorants, d. and where, C. 69. 71.

Corn, where, O. 75. 99. 114. 253. See Barley, Guinea-Corn, Maiz, Millet, Rice, VVheat.

Corn Islands, and their Indians, d. O. 31, 2.

Coromandel, its low Anchoring Coasts, O. 425. VVinds, VV. 48. Storms, 73, 4. VVeather, 83. Famines, and Sale of VVives and Children, S. 37, 8. 50. 130. see Catamarans. See Cunnimere, Fort St. George, Pallacat, Ponticherri, Trangambar.

Coronada Mount, or Crown-land, d. O. 256.

Corpus Sant, a Meteor, and what a sign of, O. 414, 5.

Corroso, a Bird, where, O. 39. C. 65. 118. d. C. 67. Bones poiscnous, ib.

C. Corso, its Rains, VV. 52. Variation and Tides, 53.

Corunna (the Groin) bad Beef there, why, S. 31.

Costa Rica, its Cacao, O. 59.

Cotton Shrub, Cotton and Cloath, where, O. 165. 384. 426, 7. S. 42. C. 46. 115. where a Commodity, S. 145.

Cotton-tree (vast and soft) where found, and its kinds, d. O. 85. 154, 5. its Down of little use, ib.

Capt. covant's Letters to the A. VV. 54, 7.

Countenance of People, where stern and hard-favoured, O. 7. 44. 170. 297. 464. Graceful, 326. 470, 8. S. 128. See Face, Feature.

Courses steer'd, or to be steer'd, what, where and why, O. 4. 77, 8, 9. 119. 135, 8, 9. 147. 167. 171. 184, 5. 193. 201. 211. 245. 281, 3, 5, 6, 7, 9. 351, 2. 378, 9. 421. 439, 440, 2; 3, 6, 8. 450, 1, 3, 8, 9. 460, 1, 2. 527. 531. 549. S. 6. 10. 109. C. 28, 9. 30, 1. 125, 6. VV. 7. 8. 18. 23, 5. 33, 9. 40. 51, 3, 5, 6. 101, 2, 5, 6.

Courtiers all Learned, how and where, S. 39.

Courts of Judicature, where none, S. 80.

Cows, see Beeves.

Mountain-Cow, see Ante.

Sea Cows, see Manatee.

Cozumel I. C. 9. 29.

Crabs, (Sea) where, S. 27. C. 70.

Crabs (Land) where, O. 473. S. 27. d. C. 32, 3. when poisonous, 32.

Crabcatchers, Birds, where, S. 26. d. C. 69. 70.

Craw-fish, where, S. 27. 128.

Crawls, what and where, O. 168, 9. C. 33. 98. see Hogs.

Creeks, how caus'd, O. 422, 3, 4, 5. see Harbours.

Cressets, what and where us'd, O. 337. 400, 1. S. 140. 176.

Criole's, who so call'd, O. 68.

[Page] Crockadore, Bird like a Parrot, where, O. 458.

Crocodiles, where, C. 30, 3. 74, 5. d. and how they differ from Alligators, 74, 5, 6. and their Eggs, 75. their boldness, 33. 76. greedy of Dogs, and terrible to them, ib.

Carrion-Crows, see Carrion. Chattering-Crows, see Black-Birds.

La Vera Cruz (and St. John d' Ulloa) C. 45. 120, 1. d. 124, 5. Course thence, VV. 105. its Communication and Trade, C. 120, 1, 5. O. 180, 5. 244. 261. 277. taken by Privateers, C. 126. Hawks-bill Turtle, O. 104. Old Vera Cruz, d. C. 127.

C. de Cruz in Cuba, its Currents, W. 101.

Venta de Cruzes, O. 185.

Cuba I. C. 9. 29. 30, 1, 3, 4. its Savannahs, O. 87. its Beeves and Hog-Crawls, 168. C. 33. 98. Commodities, O. 45. 227. Weather, W. 85. Currents, 105. see C. Antonio, C. de Cruz, C. Corrientes, I. of Pines, and

S. Keys of Cuba, C. 31. d. W. 36. Winds, ib. stor'd with Fish and flesh, C. 37. O. 33. 106, 7.

Cubebs, where, S. 138.

Cudda (Queda) good Trade, O. 495. Use of Oil there, 537.

Cunnimere, an English Factory in Coromandel, O. 509.

Cups of Coco-Nut, O. 294. see Calabash.

Cure, of Amputations, 138, 9. of Leg-worms, a strange one, C. 90, 1. of Diseases, see Alligators Cods, Bathing, Cam-chain, Herbs, Mangastan, Sago, Sands hot, Vine-wild.

Curlews, great and small, d. C. 69. 70.

Currasao, or Querisao, a Dutch I. O. 45. d. 46. W. 40. its Currents, 101, 4. desir'd but mist by the French, O. 47. 50.

Currents, their kinds, courses, &c. d. W. 100 to 108. soaking and Counter-Currents, what, 104. influenc'd by Trade-Winds, 90. 100, 3. strengthen'd by a contrary Wind, O. 401. forward or retard the Log, 290. how they differ from Tides, W. 90. 100. what and where, 4. 20. 32, 3. 51, 5, 6, 7. O. 57. 139. 290. 401, 5. 462. 494. S. 156. C. 26, 9.

Curtana's, what and where us'd, O. 400. S. 70. 80.

Customs, O. 327. see Arts and Artificers, Begging, Children, Cloaths, Cookery, Cure, Dancing, Drink, Entertainments, Feasts, Fighting, Fishing, Food, Funeral, Gaming, Government, Hunting, Houses, Husbandry, Learning, Manners, Marriage, Ornaments, Religion, Shipping, Singing, Slaves, Trades, VVashing, Women, VVriting.

D.

Dammer a sort of Pitch and Pigment, where, O. 514.

Dampier, his Education, and first Voyages to France, Newfoundland, and Bantam, and back to England, C. 1. 2. 3. S. 123, 4. W. 4. 5. to Jamaica, C. 4. 7. 8. and Campeachy, 9 to 17. he [Page] returns, 19. is in danger of the Spaniards, 20. 34, 5. of shipwreck, 22, 3, 6. and starving at Sea, 36, 7, 8. but recovers Jamaica. 38, 9. His second Voyage to Campeachy, and cutting of Logwood, 41. 82, 3, 7, 8, 9. 91. 128. 130, 1. his danger from a Snake, 63. Alligators, 82. 100. a Leg-worm (strangely cur'd) 89. 90, 1, lofing in the VVoods, 83, 4, 5. a violent Storm and Flood, 91, 2, 3. VV. 66, 7. and return to Jamaica and England, C. 131, 2. He goes again to Jamaica, ib. O. Intr. I. II. crosses the Isthmus of America, ranges in the S. Sea, and returns, III. IV. 11 to 24. care of his Journal, 16. hardships, 14, 6, 8. 23, 7. cruises about the VV. Indies, 26, &c. goes to Virginia, 65. sets out again, 66, 9. great Storm, 70. VV. 64. touches at C. Verd Isles, ib. R. Sherboro, 78. re-enters the S. Sea, 83. his Traverses there, and dangers, (see Privateers) ib. to 279. Sickness, 255. and Cure, 276. 282. Hazardous Voyage cross the S. Sea, 279. 281, 3, 4. he arrives at Guam, 284. the Philippines, 306. Mindanao, 309. P. Condore, 389. Coast of China, 406. (a Typho, 413, 4, 5, 6. S. 35, 6,) the Piscadores, 416, 7. Bashee-Isles, 421. I. Bouton, 453. N. Holland, 462. he plots to leave the Privateers, 402. 440. 470, 2, 4, 6. is left to shi [...]tat Nicobar I. 481, 2, 3. puts to Sea in an open Boat, 486, 7. 490. his Danger, Fatigue, and sad Reflections, 492, &c. long Sickness upon it, 501. S. 2. 3. 90. 101. 111, 9. 147, 8. 177. arrival at Achin, O. 502. and harsh Physick, 503. He goes to Malacca and Tonquin, 505. S. 2. 3. 8. 11, 2, 6. 90, 4, 9. 100. Occurrences, 90 to 101. returns, 101, 3, 4, 5. to Malacca, 110. and Achin, 119. goes again to Malacca, 154, 9. and back to Achin, 177. dangers, 92. 145, 6, 7, 8. O. 526, 7. He goes to Fort St. George, 505. 511. S. 178, 9. and (with Jeoly) to Bencouli, ib. O. 505. 512. to C. Good Hope, 520, 1, 8. St. Hellena, 544. and England, 550.

Dancing and Singing, what and where, O. 127, 337. d. 361, 7. (when none, 359. 360, 1.) C. 115. VV. 111. in the Night, O. 127. 459. at N. and F. Moon. 541. I. Thackers, O. 361, 2. Dancing VVomen, &c. d. 340. 1, 2. S. 146.

Danes of St. Thomas, I. O. 46. of Trangambar, 505. S. 130. 154, 7, 8.

Darien Isthmus, see Isthmus.

Darien R. d. O. 40. Spaniards there, 41. its Savages, their Trunks and poisonous Arrows, ib. Enemies to the Isthmus Indians, ib. Manatee there, 33. 41. and Ante, C. 103. Trade-VVinds and Tornadoes to the VV. of it, VV. 18.

Davenport's Account of the Tides of Tonquin, referr'd to VV. 97.

Capt. Davis's Discovery, O. 352.

Davis's Streight, see N. West Passages.

A Day lost or got in compassing the VVorld, O. 376, 7.

Debtors, how used at Tonquin, S. 78, 9.

Declination, care to be had of it in compassing the VVorld, O. 377, 8.

[Page] Decoys of Hogs, where, O. 168.

Deer, where, O. 9. 39. 212. 320. 347, 8. 369. S. 25. 127. 181. C. 32. 52, 9. 108. VV. 109.

A Degree of the Eq. how much, O. 288, 9. 290.

Degrees taken, and Examinations for them, where, S. 60.

Dellagoa R. d. its Negro's and Elephants Teeth, VV. 108, 9. 112.

Desarts Isles, Desarcusses, Seals there, O. 90. See des Arena's.

Devil, where fear'd, and how call'd, O. 9.

Dews at Night where it never rains, VV. 78.

Monte-Diabolo in Jamaica, C. 8.

Diamond-point, d. O. 499. S. 121. 154, 6. 177.

Dice made of Sea-Lions Teeth, O. 90.

Dildo-bushes, where, O. 81. d. 101.

Dilly R. d. and its Pirates, S. 156, 7.

Pulo Dinding, Dutch Fort, &c. S. 164. d. 171 to 177.

Gratia Dios, Nombre de Dios; see Gratia, Nombre.

Directions for sailing, see Course.

Discoveries (see Davis's) what and how to be made, O. 272. 3, 4. 351, 2.

Diseases, see Ague, Dropsie, Feavour, Flux, Gripes, Headach, Leprosy, Scurvy, Small-pox, VVorms. Itching in the Anus, see Penguin-fruit.

Dishes of Coco-nut-shell, O. 294.

Ditches and Drains, what and where, S. 26. 38. 44, 5.

Dogs where, O. 122. S. 25. C. 67. 76. VV. 56. where none, O. 369. where eaten, S. 30, 1. coveted by Alligators and Crocodiles, and fearful of them, C. 76. not suffer'd to eat what bones, 67. English one where valued, O. 302.

Dog-fish, where, C. 12. 35.

Domea R. and Bar (a branch of Tonquin-R.) and T. d. S. 10, 6, 9. 21, 9. 90.

Doves of three or four sorts, where, S. 128. see Turtle-Doves, Pigeons.

Doughboys or Dumplins, C. 18.

Dragon-tree, and Gum (Tragacanth) d. and where, O. 463.

Sir Fr. Drake's Bowels where buried, O. 39. I. Plata nam'd from him, 132. his taking Guatulco, 233. Course over the S. Sea, 280. Land-Crab found by him at an Isle near Celebes, 473.

Draughts or Carts Erroneous, see Mistakes.

Drift-wood, what, and where, O. 230.

Drink long abstain'd from, yet Urine voided, O. 282. Water the common Drink of Indians, 431. where Corn-drink of Maiz (Posole) O. 12. d. C. 43. 113. with Honey, ib. Rice-drink, O. 368, 9. Samshu, 419. of Wheat, see Hocshu. Of Millet, W. 110, 1. of Sugar Canes and a Berry, see Bashee-drink. Water sweeten'd and spic'd, O. 359. Pine-drink, a Canoa of it, 10. [Page] Plantain-drink, 314, 5. Bonano-drink, 316. Milk, sour, W. 111. see Tire. See Arack, Toddy, Tea, Water, VVine. Drinking to one another, where us'd, 434. set and hard, 10. 369. 419. W. 111. see Drunken.

Dropsies, where frequent and mortal, and how cur'd, O. 255, 6. 276.

Drugs, where a Commodity, O. 152. where several, S. 61, 3. 126. see Aguala-wood, d. Alligators-Cords, d. Aloes, Ambergriese, d. Annise, d. Arek-nut, d. Bang, d. Betle, d. Cambodia (Gum-booge) Camphire, China-Roots, Cubebs, Gum-Dragon, d. Galinga, Lack, d. Musk, d. Rhubarb, Sago, d. Sarsaparilla, Scorpions, Tea, Vine wild, d. Vinello's, d. see Dyes, Fruits, Herbs, Roots, Spice.

Drums us'd, C. 115. heard in the night, O. 458. where a Terrour, 469.

Drunken men lost at Sea, O. 51.

Dry, see Season, Weather.

Ducks, tame, where, O. 321, 9. 406. 533. 546. S. 25. 30. 128. 163. 181. W. 109. 111. C. 69. Duck-houses, S. 25, 6. Wild-Ducks, where, S. 26. (caught with Nets, ib.) 30. W. 109. Duck and Mallard, their kinds, d. C. 69. 70.

Dulce, Gulph, O. 215. its Weather, W. 83. Tides, 96.

Dunghill fowl (Cocks and Hens) see Poultry.

Durian tree and fruit, d. and where, O. 319. 320. S. 124. 181.

Dutch, and Dutch East-India Company, diligent, S. 174. 182. Sea-men thievish and close, 318. their tricks to swell Cloves, ib. Jealous of the English, 331. Possessions and Trade in the W. Indies, 45, 6, 7, 8. 63, 4. C. 90. 126. see Aruba, Bonairy, Currasao, Tabago. In the E. Indies, O. 318. 333. 456. S. 145, 8. Vessels bought and new fitted, 5. 110, 1. they engross the Spice-Trade, O. 316. 350. S. 164, 6. destroy the Spice, O. 316, 7. inslave or awe the people, 316. 331. 366. S. 115, 6, 8. 164, 5. with Guard-ships, 163, 4. 173, 4. therefore hated and dreaded, O. 316. 331. 350, 9. 366. 456. S. 117. Free Merchants of them excluded the Spice-Islands by the Company, O. 317. yet allow'd to Trade where the Company not, ib. S. 135, 6. other Spice-Islands yet free, O. 350. 513. Their Factory and Trade at Tonquin, S. 10, 1, 2, 3, 6. 26. 41. (their house, d) 49. 51, 2. 61, 3, 4, 5. intrigue with Women-Brokers, 51. Places got by them, 162. W. 56. O. 545. and lost again, ib. narrowly mist by them, S. 182, 3. Dutch Ship surpriz'd, O 51, 2. eaten with Worms, 362. see Batavia, P. Dinding, C. Good Hope, Macasser, Spice-Islands.

Dyes, what and where, S. 61, 4. poisonous us'd for dying the Teeth black, 41. see Anatta or Otta, d. Blood-wood, d. (or Redwood of Nicoya, or Nicaragua-wood) Cam-wood, Cochineel, d. Indico, d. Logwood, d. Sappan-wood, d. Silvester, d. Stockfish-wood, d. The Skin dy'd or stain'd by Indians, O. 538. see Dammer, Painting.

E.

[Page]EArs bor'd with wood in them, O. 32. Ear-rings, 427. 514.

Earth yielding Salt-petre, where, C. 11. see Soil.

Earthen-ware, what and where, O. 250. S. 61, 3. C. 115. see China-ware, Jars.

Eating, how, O. 329. 430. a Probation for Souldiers, S. 61.

Ebb, long, a presage of a Storm, W. 66. 70. see Tide.

Eels, where, S. 128.

Eggs, found, eaten, traded for, O. 14. 22. 54. 76. 500. S. 30. W. 111. of Boobies and Penguins eaten, O. 159. of Estriges, 464. 533. of Land-Crabs, C. 33. of Alligators (musky) 79. of Crocodiles, ib. Ants-Eggs, see Ants. See Birds.

Egg birds, d. and where, O. 54. C. 23, 4, 6.

Pieces of Eight traded with, how and where, O. 245.

Elephants, where and what, and how order'd, S. 22, 5. 47. 69. 73. 142, 4, 6.

Elephant-Idols, where, S. 56, 7. 91.

Elephant-Mountain, at Tonquin, 11. 19.

Elephanta, a Storm, d. W. 74, 5.

Empaling where us'd, S. 140.

Employments, what and where, O. 395. see Artificers, Fishing, Trades.

England, English Channel, most Regular Tides, W. 91. great, 97. see E. Coker.

English, Possessions, and Trade in the W. Indies, O. 64. 227. 485. C. 4. 5. 98. 126. see Caribbe-Islands, Jamaica, Logwood-Cutters, Privateers. In Africa, O. 78. see Guinea, Sancta Hellena, Natal. In the E. Indies, Factories and Trade, and English E. India Company, S. 101, 2, 3, 8, 9. O. 355, 8. 401. 476. 509. 512. ill managed where, S. 101, 2, 3. 183, 4. 146, 8. at Tonquin, 10, 1, 2, 3, 6. 41. (their house, d.) 48, 9. 61, 3, 5. 86 to 90. 101, 5. at Achin, O. 502, 3, 4, 5. S. 130. 145. (present to the Queen, 145, 6.) &c. at Malacca by stealth, 111. 166. able men to be imployed in Factories, 102. Trade to be improv'd, S. 102. how and where, ib. 103. O. 64. 316, 7. 331. C. 131. where desir'd to settle, O. 316, 7. 331. 349. 359. 438, 9. W. 112. and Trade, S. 5. welcome to it, 135. well spoken of, O. 455, 6. thought less incroaching than the Dutch or Spaniards, 331. 359. once traded to Formosa, 421. how they got Bencouli, S. 182, 3. and Sancta Hellena, O. 545. English Women there, d. 548. Exploits under the K. of Siam, S. 105. 6, 7. reward, 108. some Massacred there, others leave it, 150, 1, 2, 3. War with Siam, O. 504. and with the Mogul, S. 146. 178. English summon'd to Fort St. George, 153. Renegado s, 138. English at Borneo, O. 370. 504. See Bencouli, Cunnimere, Fort St. George, Jndrapore-English Sea-men scarce and valuable in [Page] the E. Indies, S. 112. careless of their health, W. 42. serve the Mogul, O. 507. use Azimuth-Compasses, 531. seldom touch at the C. Good Hope; and their Course to double it, ib. see Barbado's, Course, Guinea, Jamaica, India.

Entertainments, how and where made, O. 328. 355, 9. 434 to 439. 457. 486. S. 53, 4, 5. 78. C. 113. W. 110, 1. enjoyn'd as a Mulct to end Quarrels, S. 78. see, under Manners good, Hospitable.

Equator or Equinoctial, (the Line) not so hot as near the Tropicks, and why, S. 32, 3. what Winds and Weather there, and near it, ib. O. 2. 100, 8. 110. 549. W. 6. 7. 8. 9. 11. 53, 4. 80, 2. why S. VVinds there, 6. 7. when and where best to cross it, VV. 5. 6. 51, 3, 6. and how to be done, 6. 7. 9. from St. Hellena: O. 549.

Escondedo R. and Port, C. 48.

Estantions or Beef-farms, see Beeves where.

Estapa in the S. Sea, d. and its Muscles, O. 250.

Estapo in Campeachy, d. C. 110, 1. in vain attempted, ib.

Count d' Estre's Expedition, VV. 46. O. 47. Shipwreck, ib. 50, 1.

Estridges, (Ostridges) and their Eggs (eaten) where, O. 464. 533.

Ethicks, (Moral Philosophy) studied at Tonquin, S. 60.

Eunuchs, where the almost only preferr'd, S. 69. 81, 2. and why, 85. their qualities, 83, 4, 5. Voluntary Eunuchs, 81, 2.

Europe, plenty of Seals in the N. of it, O. 90. see Gallicia, England.

Europeans, lik'd by the VVomen, where, O. 327. Children born of them in the W. Indies, call'd Crioles, 68. Prisoners sent to Mexico, C. 54. see Danes, Dutch, English, French, Portuguese, Spaniards.

Eyes (see sight) small, O. 32. 170. 395. 407. 427. meanly proportion'd, 297. black, 32. 395. 478. 537. S. 128. hazel, 426, 7.

Eye-brows, hanging over the Eyes, O. 32. thick, 426. great, 464. 537. VVomen with none, 479.

Eye-lids, half clos'd to avoid Flies, O. 464.

F.

FAces, where people of Round, O. 32. 426. Oval, 325, 537. S. 40. (Negro-make) VV. 110 flattish, O. 537. S. 40. long, O. 7. 44. 170. 297. 395. 407. 464. 478. S. 128. full, O. 32. thin, 170. VVomen rounder Visag'd than Men, where, 326. well featur'd, ib. see Complexion, Countenance, Features.

Factory, what Men best for settling one, O. 352, 3. S. 102, 3.

Constant Falcon's power at Siam, S. 95. 108, 9. 110. 152.

Famines, where and how occasion'd, S. 37, 8. 130.

Fanam, of Coromandel, how much, O. 508.

Fans of Palmeto-leaves, to blow the Fire, O. 150, 1.

Feasts, at VVeddings, O. 334. at a Circumcision, 339. 342. Idolatrous, 397. Annual, 53, 5. Funeral, d. S. 52. 91, 2. see Entertainments.

[Page] Feathers wore in Caps, O. 418, 9. W. 111.

Features, see Chin, Eyes, Face, Fore-head. Limbs, Lips, Mouth, Nose, Shape. People of not one graceful Feature, O. 464.

Feet, small, O. 32. Womens, very, and why, and what the consequence, 327. 408. going bare foot, O. 32. 326. 408. 456. S. 43.

I. John Fernando, d. O. 87, 8. 423. discovery of it, 88. its stocking with Goats, ib. fertility, 87, 6. fish, 89. 90, 1. strength, ib. Herbage, 92. a black Fowl there, 97. History of a Moskito-man left there, 84, 5, 6.

I. Fernando de Noronho, d. W. 56, 7.

Fetissero's, or Negro-Priests, S. 83.

Feavours, Men taken with them, O. 79. where frequent, 153. 297. 334. a malignant one, 224. 230. what bad for them, S. 23. good, ib.

Fighting, manner of it, where, O. 337, 8. where none, 516. short and hasty, S. 74. fighting to death, a punishment, 141. Indians loth to fight in the Rain, 176. Mock-fight, O. 339. 340. see Cock-fighting.

Fir-tree, where and how us'd, S. 62, 4.

Fire, how got by Indians, O. 466. of what wood, strong, C. 50, 7. Fires seen in the night, where, O. 459. 382. a Spanish signal, ib. and Privateers, 252. Laws and Provision against Fires, S. 45, 6, 7. and Punishment, 79.

Fish and Fisher-men, what and where, O. 2. 9. 110. 134. 141, 9. 159. 181. 241, 2, 3. 257. 276. 283. 297. 321. 348. 358. 395, 7, 9. 400. 429. 448. 463. 474. 480, 5, 9. 514, 5. 533. S. 6. 8. 11. 20, 1, 7, 8, 9. 30. 43. 64. 89. 128. 130, 1. 142. 162, 3. 175, 6. 181. C. 12, 3, 5. 21, 2, 5, 6. 31, 4. 71, 2, 3. 124, 7. W. 110, 1. see Boneto, Breme, Cat-fish, d. Cavally, Dog-fish, Eel, Flying-fish, Gar-fish, d. Jew-fish, d. Limpit, Sea-Lion, d. Manatee, d. Spanish Mackril, d. Mud-fish, Mullet, Nurse, d. Parricoota, d. Porpus-Ray (Sting, Rasp, Whip-Ray) d. Remora or Sucking-fish, d. Rock-fish (Grooper, Baccalao) d. Shark, Snapper, d. Snook, d. Sword-fish, d. Tarpom, d. Tenpounder, Turtle, d. Old-Wives. see Shell-fish. where none, O. 31. 282. 381. scarce, 117. 302. 429. 463, 9. most on Rocky Coasts, 90. 264. 283. Fish and Shoals where a sign of Land near, ib. Fish unwholesome from their food, where, 103, 4. kill'd by Storms and Floods, O. 524. W. 68. 70, 1. Wild Indians love fish, O. 514. and Privateers always seek for it, 117, 8. where the main subsistence, and how caught, 465, 6. way of Fishing at Tonquin, and Fish-ponds, S. 26, 7, 8, 9, 48. Fishing-Instruments, and how us'd, O. 2. 7. 8. 9. 10 d. 35, 6, 7. 395, 7. S. 27, 8, 9. 130, 1. C. 13. see Harpoons Hooks and Lines, Nets, Pegs. see Manatee, Turtle, Moskito-men, Strikers. none found, 283. Fishing Towns, C. 43. 124, 7. and Banks, 17. 21, 2, 8. Pearl-fishing, see Pearl. Salt-fish, where, 124, 8. O. 269. Pickled Fish, 303. C. 124. a small sort less than a Herring, O. 533. like Anchovy, S. 27. Composition, [Page] 28. see Balachaun, Nuke-mum, Soy. Fish eaten raw, with Goats maw drest, O. 430.

Fishers I. by Tonquin, d. S. 10.

Fishing-Hawks, Birds, where, C. 69. d. 71.

The Five Islands, see Bashee Islands.

Flags us'd, where, S. 76. with Devices, O. 455.

Flamingo, where, d. O. 70, 1, 2. its Tongue, and singular Nest, 71.

Fleet, Plate, from Lima, and its Course, O. 171, 7, 9. 184, 5. 207. Sailing Orders, 200, 1. strength, 207. fight, 209. Mexican-Fleet, see Armada, Barlaventa Flota.

Flesh eaten raw, S. 30. how drest, see Cookery.

Flies troublesome, where, O. 404. see Moskitos or Gnats.

Flint heads to Arrows, see Arrows.

Floats in the Sea, see Bark logs.

Flood, Flowing water, see Tide.

Floods, Land, how, when and where, O. 16, 7. 20. 96. 195. 322. 360. C. 80, 1, 2. 91, 2, 3. 108, 9. 122. [...]. 34, 5. stated in the Torrid Zone, and whence, ib. cause of Nile's, ib. Rivers made by them only, ib. and Harvest depending on them, 37, 8, 9. Mole to keep them off, d. 49. and Banks, 44. Havock made by them, 49. 50. C. 92, 3. W. 67, 8, &c. Water then unwholesome, O. 524. Houses standing as in Ponds, 329. 360. S. 180.

Floors, how laid, covered, &c. O. 151. 328, 9. 330. 411. 457.

Florida, Gulph, its Storms, W. 60. Currents, 105. Course thro' it, 18, 9. 24. 40. of the Barlaventa-Fleet, C. 126. its Ambergriese, VV. 54. O. 73. Indians less savage than reported, 485.

Flower, a Commodity, where found, O. 99. 142, 3, 5. 172. 194, 6. 223. 249. 250. 260. 418, 9. see Corn.

Fluxes, where ordinary, O. 153. 334. S. 148. how caught, VV. 42. and cur'd, O. 311, 6. 330. S. 125. 137. 148. see Dampier's long illness.

Flying-fish, where, O. 80.

Flying-Proes, d. and where, S. 131.

Fogs and Mists, where and when, O. 94, 5. 153. 322, 3. VV. 50, 1. chiefly in fair weather, 41. turn to wind, 40. 51. none in Peru, O. 186.

Fogo I. of the C. Verds, d. its Volcan and Fire, O. 77. Ambergriese, 73.

Fokien, Prov. of China, its Shipping and Trade, O. 417, 8. its Dialect the Court Language at Tonquin, S. 59.

Food, what and where, O. 8. 9. 14. 39. 329. 357. 464, 5, 6. 473, 4. 540. S. 22. 30, 1. 55. 129. C. 33. 59. 61, 2, 3, 7. 9. 70, 2, 5. 113. VV. 110, 1. see Beasts, Birds, Cookery, Corn, Flower, Fruits, Insects, Roots, Poison.

Fore-heads, people of high, O. 407, low, 32. 426. round, 464. C. 115. flat, ib. O. 325. (VVomens) 326, 7.

[Page] I. Formosa, d. past and present State, English excluded, &c. O. 421.

C. Formosa in Africa, its Fogs and Breezes, W. 50, 1.

Fortifications and Forts, what and where, O. 46. 63. 119. 141, 4. 179. 217. 221. 242, 6, 7. 300. 331, 7, 8, 9. 378, 9. 387, 8. 416, 7. 447. 454. 518, 9. 522. 533. 546. S. 106, 7. (of Trees) 145. d. 160, 5. d. 173, 4, 5, 6, 9. 180, 1, 3. C. 8. 14. 31. 45. 110. 124, 8, 9. VV. 57. Places advantageous to be Fortified, O. 91. 119. 120. 394.

Fourty-legs, insect, see Centipees.

Fowl, see Birds.

C. St. Francisco, d. O. 131. 162. its Rains, VV. 83. Tides, 96. Currents, 107.

French, Factory at Tonquin, S. 15. and Missionaries, 93 to 99. their Interest at Siam, 108, 9. dismiss, d thence, 112. 153. fight before F. St. George, O. 522, 3. Refugees, where, 532. 547. Civility to the A. 52. bad Husbands of the W. India Cattel, C. 98. one kill'd by a Bullock, 120. see D'Estrees, Petit-Guavres, Privateers.

Fresh-water Lagune in Campeachy, d. C. 94. see VVater.

Friers, see Priests.

Friday, the Mahometan Sabbath, O. 338. 377. the same day at Mindanao, as in Europe, ib.

Frocks, what and where worn, d. O. 327. 408. d. C. 114. sold, 119.

Frogs eaten, where, S. 25, 7. 31. 55.

Fruits which Birds have peck'd, wholesome, O. 39. but few Birds where Fruits and Roots only, and no Grain, 426. what juice unripe fruits have in both India's, 222. A small shell-fruit and bush, d. C. 94. 120. one like a Sloe, S. 125. Fruits growing wild, O. 258. none in N. Holland, 464. see Annise-berry or fruit, Apple, Arek-nut, d. Avogato-pear, d. Betle leaf, see Trees, Bonano, d. Bread-fruit, d. Cacao, d. Cam-chain, d. Cam-quit, d. Citron, d. Coco, d. Coco-plum, d. Durian, d. Grape-tree of Campeachy, d. of P. Condore, d. Guava, d. Hog-plum, d. Jaca, d. Lichea, d. Lime, d. Maccaw, Mammee, d. wild Mammee, d. Mammee-sappota, d. Manchineel, d. Mangastan, d. Mango, d. Melon, (Musk, and VVater-melon) d. Melory, d. Mulberry, d. Orange, d. Penguin, d. Pine-Apple, Plantain, d. Pomegranate, Prickle-pear, d. Pumkin, Pumplenose, Sapadillo, d. Star-Apple, d. Vinello, d. see Spice.

Funeral Feast, d. S. 52. 91, 2. Goods buried with the dead, O. 517.

G.

GAbon R. Remora or Sucking-fish near it, VV. 54.

Gage's Survey of the W. Indies noted, VV. 94, 5.

Gallapago's Isles, d. O. 99. 100, 1, 9. 110. laid in Charts too [Page] near America, O. 100. W. 57. Trade-wind brisk thence to Guam, 11. Current there, 107. Weather, O. 108. Soil, 109. the Trees, Guano's, Turtle (Land and Sea) and Turtle grass and feed, 101, 2, 3, 6, 7, 9. their Turtle found at Plata, 160. A good Stage, whither, 352.

Galleo [...]is (Spanish) see Armada, Barlaventa-Fleet, Flota.

Gallera, I. d. O. 174, 5.

Gallicia in Spain, its Course and Seas, O. 423. hot Blooms there, 530. its bad Beef, and why, S. 31. see Corunna.

Gallingal, where, S. 63.

Gallio, I. Timber thence, O. 3. 140. Rains there, ib. good Anchorage, 163, 4. d. 169.

Galliwasp, a poisonous Insect, d. C. 64.

Gallies and Gally-house, what and where, S. 76, 7. see Boats, Proe's.

Gaming, where much us'd, S. 42. Wives and Children gam'd away, ib. see Chinese, Tonquinese.

Ganga, see Bang.

Garachina, point, d. O. 174. 193. misnam'd in Maps, ib. strong Flood there, 4. 5. its Oysters, 177.

Gardens, where and what, O. 118. 221. 296. d. 534, 5. S. 44, 5. 160.

Garlick, where and how us'd, S. 129.

Garr-fish, d. C. 71, 2. the Snout dangerous, ib.

Garrisons at Tonquin without Forts, S. 72, 4. See Forts.

R. de la Gartos, d. C. 12, 3. 21.

Geese, where, O. 546. S. 26.

Gentou's, who and where, O. 507, 8.

F. St. George or Maderas, Course thither, its fine Prospect, &c. S. 178, 9. its Breezes, VV. 39. sleeping there in the open Air, why, 41, 2. its Terreno's, 47. and stormy Monsoons, 37. it wants a good Road, ib. A Fight before it, d. O. 522, 3. Idolatrous Proeession there, 397. Lascars, thence, S. 51. its Mango's, O. 391, 2. Hoc-shu sold there, 420. Trade for Manilla Tobacco, 307. 333.

P. George's I. O. 276. see Maria's Isles.

Giddiness caus'd by what, O. 319. and Dilirium, S. 126.

Gilded-Rings a Commodity, where, C. 119. see Bullawan, Gold.

Gilolo I. its low Coasts, O. 425. 447. Clove-Islands near it, ib. see Ternate and Tidore.

Ginger, where, S. 63.

Glass-Jewels, and Looking-Glasses valued by Indians, C. 119. O. 23, 4.

Globe of the Earth, its Circuit, O. 288, 9. 290. Breadth of its Oceans and Continents misreckon'd, ib. A day lost by the A. in compassing it, 376, 7. daily increase of Suns Declination to be allow'd for, 377, 8.

Goa, almost all that remains to the Portuguese in India, S. 162. [Page] stormy Monsoons there, W. 74, 5. Goa-Arack, what, O. 293.

Goats, where, O. 48. 56. 70, 4, 5, 6, 7. 84, 6, 7, 8. 132, 7. 320. 387. 406. 416. 419. 422, 6. 435, 6. 458. 532. 545. S. 25. 30. 127. W. 50. kill'd by Winds, ib. not kill'd by the Owners, O. 429. yet their Skins and Maws eaten, ib. 430. Skins drest, a Commodity, where, 142, 3. 214.

Goat I. of the Bashees, d. O. 385. 422, 5.

Gold, traded for, O. 169. 170, 1. 333. S. 61, 4. 129. 151, 2. taken by weight and little coin'd where, 132. of China and Japan, S. 61, 4. Rate of it, what and where, 61. 132. O. 356. Gold Mines, Mountains and Rivers, and Gold gather'd, where, 41. 124. 153, 8, 9. 163. 171, 5, 8. 193, 4, 5. 211. 260, 1, 6, 9. 273. 307, 8. 310. 333. 350, 1. 387. 513. 8. 22. 61, 4 127, 9. 133, 4. and perkaps, O. 426, &c. [...] Bullawan. how gather'd, 153. 195. Lumps of it, and so Dug, where, ib. S. 133, 4. Indians and their Padres inrich'd by it, O. 124. 195. 308. Gold Countreys all unhealthy, 153. S. 133, 4. Rings, &c. worn, O. 365. 514. see Bullawan. Gold-Image, and [...] Pagoda, S. 152. Gold-smiths, working, where, 130, 1. O. 331.

Gold [...] of Guinea, Trials there by Bitter Waters, S. 8. 83. its Weather Tides, and Variation, W. 52, 3. see C. Corso.

Golden [...] of the Samballo's, its Turtle, O. 182. Breezes, L. W. 3 [...].

Golden Mountain in Sumatra, d. O. 199. S. 121. 133.

Pulo Gomez. d. S. 122, 3. 142.

Gong, what and where us'd, O. 338. S. 69. 75, 7.

Gongo, a punishing Instrument, d. S. 79.

C. Lopez de Gonsalvo, see C. Lopez.

C. of Good Hope, see Hope.

Capt. Goodlud's Trading in the E. India and to China, O. 308. 349.

Gorgonia, I. d. O. 172. very wet, why, W. 85, 6.

Government, where Arbitrary (damping Industry) O. 326. 334, 5. (at Tonquin the Choua and Pageant Boua) S. 42. 66, 8, &c. (at Achin, under Oromkeys, and a Pageant Queen) 141. where no Form of it, but domestick only, O. 432. 465. 479. W. 112. see Mandarin, Prince, Punishment, Shabander.

Grafton-I. of the Bashees, d. O. 385. 422, 5, 6, 8, 9. 436.

Grain, see Corn. Small, in Africa, see Millet.

Gramadael, an Herb, O. 111.

R. Grande, rapid, O. 42. its Mouth, 43.

R. Grande de Darien, see Darien, R.

Grapes, where and what, O. 532. Grape-tree of P. Condore, d. O. 392. of Campeachy, d. C. 49. makes strong Coals, ib.

Grass, what and where, O. 54, 6, 7. 87. 112, 3. 121. 132. 218. 231. 240. 265. 347. 406. 416. 426. 463. 532. S. 24. C. 48. 58. 94. 108. 119. W. 109. set on fire to burn Enemies, 265. to manure Ground, C. 58. none in deep Seas, O. 393. Silk-grass, where and how us'd, VV. 110.

[Page] C. Gratia Dios, its Trade-w. VV. 17. weather, 82. Currents, 101, 2, 4, 5. its River, see Cape-R.

Greasing the Body, where us'd, O. 537.

Capt. Greenhills Letters to the A. VV. 49. 53.

Gripes, where frequent, O. 153. 334.

Grooper, see Rock-fish.

Groves, what and where, O, 62. 258. S. 24. 44. C. 6. 107. see VVoods. Idol-Grove, where, O. 411.

Guam (Guahon) 1. of the Ladrones, its Tides, VV. 96. brisk Trade-W. thither, 11. O. 285, 6. its Distance from Mexico, variously reckon'd, and how found, 279. 280, 2, 3, 5 to 8. 290. what from Mindanao, 288. 306. the Stage of the Acapulco-ship, going out, 245. 283. 290, 1. Guam. d. 290, &c. its fruits, 291. fish and Indians, 297. their Proe's, d. 298, 9. 300. Hogs, 302. Fort and Spaniards, 300, &c. Time reckon'd there as in Europe, 377.

Guanchaquo, Port to Truxillo, O. 98.

Guano, d. and where, O. 57. 101. 177. 212. 263. 320. 392. C. 50, 9. 63. 96. 118. Venemous Beast like it, O. 321. 392.

Guards of Princes, what and where, O. 335. 455, 7. S. 69. 82. Guard-ships (Dutch) where and why kept, 163, 4. 173, 4.

C. Gardafuer (de Guardafuy) its winds and weather, VV. 20.

Guasco, whence its Timber, O. 140.

Guasickwalp (Guazacoalco) R. d. C. 121, 2, 3.

Guatimala City and Volcan, d. O. 225. 230. product, 225, 7, 9. Coast high, 425. low thence to California, ib. Current, VV. 108.

Guatulco (Aguatulco) Port, d. its Buffadore, O. 232, 3, 9. its Tides, 238. VV. 96. T. here once, taken by Sir. Fr. Drake, O. 233.

Guava, d. and where, O. 222. 258. 311. S. 23, 4. 124. 181. C. 94. 107, 8.

Petit Guavre (French Tortuga) O. 30, 1. 45. 54, 5. 192. C. 53. VV. 46.

Guaxaca, its Cochineel, O. 329.

Guiaquil or VVyakil, Bay, R. and T. d. O. 147, 9. 150, 1, 2, 6. in vain attempted, 153, &c. when taken, 157. Port to Quito, 152. its Commodities, ib. 60. 96. 140. 152. Rains, 140. unhealthy, 153.

La Guiare, (Porto de Guayra) d. O. 63. 185. C. 126.

Guinea, Coast, d. VV. 8. 14. 80, 1. why divided into Lee- and VVindward, 15. low and good Anchoring, O. 425. spout there, d. 452, 3. VVinds, VVeatner and Course thither and thence, &c. VV. 3. 4. 7. 8. 9. 10, 2, 3, 5, 6, 8. 24. 5, 7. 38. 51, 2, 3, 5, 6. 80. its Harmatans, d. 49. Currents, what, 51. and when they shift, 106, 7. Hawks-bill Turtle, O. 105. Hippopotamus, d. C. 104, 5, 6. Palm-wine, O. 78. 248. Plantains, 315. its Negro's Coal-black, 464. grease themselves, 537. Trade for Slaves, 510. VVomen, (even the Kings) prostituted, 395, 6. see C. St. Ann, old Callabar, R. Gabon, Gold-Coast, Loango, C. Lopez de Gonsalvo, C. [Page] Mount or Miserada, C. Palmas, Sherhoro R. and

Bite of Guinea, d. winds and weather, VV. 8. 16, 8. Current, 51.

Guinea-Corn, where, O. 48. VV. 110, 1.

Guinea- or Cod-pepper, Sauce and Pickle of it, O. 296. C. 124.

Guinea-worms, where, a disease, and how cur'd, C. 89. 90, 1.

Sea-Gulls, where, VV. 56.

Gum, see Cambodia, Dragon, Lack.

Gums cleans'd, by what, O. 319.

Guns, great and small, where and what, O. 329. 331. 343. S. 69. 70. a Commodity, 65. C. 41. when discharg'd, O. 343, 9. 354. turning on a Swivel, 400. rests and Covering, S. 71, 3. Sticks, O. 118. Gun-powder, made where and how, S. 70 97. 8, 9. see Forts.

Guts eaten, where, O. 538. See Maws.

Guzurats, Brokers at Achin, S. 129. 134, 5, 7.

H.

R. de la Hacha. d. O. 43. its Stock-fish-wood, C. 58. the Galleons touch there, O. 185. and Barlaventa-Fleet, C. 126.

Hair of the head, where black, O. 7. 32. 44. 170. 297, 325, 6. 395. 407. 427. 464. 478. S. 40. 128. Lank or streight, O. 7. 325, 6. 395. 427. 464. 478. S. 40. Long, O. 297. 326. 407. 464. S. 40. 128. Thick, O. 427. S. 40. Short, curl'd or crisp'd, O. 464. 537. W. 108. 110. shortned to the Ears, O. 427. 438. Chinese fashion of it, 407. S. 15. and fondness for it, 32. see Chinese-Most cut off, or shav'd, see Tartars. Cut off to prevent Feavours, O. 186. how tied by Women, 326. 407. C. 114. stuck with shells, O. 538. with Tallow and Feathers, W. 111. shewn, to express a Multitude, O. 514. Of the Beard, see Beard. Of the Brows, see Eye-brows. Horse-hair red worn in Caps, 419.

Half-moon-Proes, d. where, S. 5.

Hallover in Campeachy, d. C. 120.

Halpo, d. C. 111, 9.

Hammocks of Indians, C. 65. 115.

Haniago, its Shrimp-trade, C. 127, 8.

Harbours, what and where, O. 46. 50, 6. 76. 99. 111, 8, 9. 120, 5. 151, 2. 176. 185. 193, 8. 215, 7. 221. 232, 3, 9. 243, to 7, 9. 254, 6. 321. 378. 383, 5, 7, 8. 390, 4. 417. 421. 454, 8. 533, 5. S. 173. C. 42, 3, 4, 8. 125, 6, 7. W. 35. 74. on what Coasts best, O. 309. and how made, 422, 3, 4, 5.

Harmatans, VVinds, d. VV. 49. 50.

Harpoons or Fisgigs, O. 2. 7. 8. 9. 10. d. 35, 6, 7. C. 13.

Harvest in the Torrid-Zone is in the Dry season, VV. 81. Two in a year, S. 25. depends on the Annual Rains and Floods, 37, 8. see Rice.

Hats, what and where, made, O. 150. worn, C. 114. S. 43. a Commodity, O. 76. 115. C. 110. 120.

[Page] Hatchets, what and where, S. 131, 181. a Commodity, where, C. 41. 119. Stone-hatchets, d. and where, O. 85. 466. see Axe.

Havanna in Cuba, its Plantains, O. 313. touch'd at, 185. C. 126.

Havens, see Harbours.

Hautboys us'd in Churches, C. 115.

Heads. people of Little, O. 325. Great, 464. us'd to be bare, 407. 427. S. 43. a punishment, 79. see Caps, Hair, Hats, Turbans, Head-ach, frequent, where, O. 153.

Healthy places and Unhealthy, O. 153. 297. 8. see Air, Diseases. wet season, unhealthy, 297, 8. VVet places to people of Dry, 186.

Hean T. Province, Trade, &c. d. S, 14, 5, 6, 9. 20, 1, 5. 49. 93. Passage-boat to Cachao, 99. 100.

Heat, what and where, S. 32, 3, 4. 149. how Indians live in Hot Climates, O. 542.

Hedges, what and where, O. 296. 534. S. 45.

Sancta Hellena, I. a baiting-place, VV. 4. healthy but poor, S. 111, 2. deep Sea, and high Coast, O. 423. d. 544, 5. its change of Masters, Product, Inhabitants, English VVomen, &c. 545, 6, 7, 8.

Point Sancta Hellena, and Village, d. O. 133, 4. its Product, 159.

Hemp, where, O. 218, 9. 223.

Hens, (Dunghill fowl) see Poultry.

Herbs, where, O. 532. Sallade, S. 12. 22, 3, 30. 45. 126. Medicinal, O. 92. 334. S. 22, 3. 126. devour'd by Locusts, O. 430. see Bur, Gramadael, Grass, Moss, Purslain, Thistles.

Herons, d and where, C. 69. 70. S. 26.

Hides, how drest, C. 88. a Commodity, 110. O. 115. 152. worn, VV. 111. see Skins, Leather, Bark.

Hilanoons, Mindanaians, their Proe's, Mines, &c. O. 325. 333.

Hills ragged, O. 251. see Mark, Mountain, Soil and

Hina-hill, d. C. 44.

Hippopotamus, River, or Sea-horse, of Loango, d. C. 104, 5, 6. of of Natal. d. 104, 6, 7. VV. 109. of C. Good Hope, d. C. 103, 4.

Hispaniola, its Storms, VV. 44, 5. 60. Currents, 101. Savannahs, O. 87. Anatta and Indico, 227. Orange-groves, C. 6. divided between French and Spaniards, O. 192. see C. Alta Vela, Petit-Guavres.

Hives for Bees, what and where, C. 112.

Hocksing of Beeves, d. and where, C. 96, 7, 8. Hocksing-Iron, d. 97.

Hoc-shu, its Jars, &c. where sold, O. 419. 420. S. 137.

Hoe's, a Commodity, where, C. 119. see Plantations.

Hogs, what and where, O. 9. 62. 76. 141. 166, 7, 8. 176. 186. 200. 240. 302. 320, 343, 4. 379. 382, 7. 392, 7. 406. 410, 1, 9. 426. 435, 6, 7. 480, 9. 532. 545, 6. S. 25. 123, 7. 181. C. 30, 1, 2, 3, 4, 6, 7. 98. 128. (eating fishy, ib.) VV. 109. food for them, O. 166. and Decoys of them, 168. the VV. Indies how stock'd [Page] with them, C. 98. not kill'd, nor the Guts medled with, where, O. 429. eaten raw, S. 30. Hog-farms, see Crauls. China-hogs, d. O. 436. much meazled, ib. how abhorred by Mahometans, 343, 4. 490. 515. see Pecary, Warree.

Hog-Isle, d. O. 475. others near it, ib.

Hog-plum-tree a fruit, d. and where, O. 123.

New-Holland, reckon'd too far to the E. O. 289. and to the N. 462. its Lat. to be kept, by what Ships, 289. how to be coasted, 351. Discoveries to be made, 352. Dangerous Shoal near it, 461, 2. Coast, d. 462, 3. Tides, 462, 9. W. 99. Manatee and Turtle, shy, O. 33. 449. 463, 4. Vegetables and Animals, 462. 3. troublesome Flies, 464. The sorry Inhabitants, d. 464, &c. 485. subfistence, 465. weapons, 466. fear of Strangers, 467. disesteem, of Cloaths, &c. 468. awkardness at work, greediness, incuriosity, ib. fear of Guns, 469. greasing themselves, 537. penury, 464, 5, 6. 485. greater than the Hottentots, 464.

Honduras, Bay, low Coast thence to Sancta Martha, O. 424. wet, 230. Breezes, W. 34. Hawks-bill Turtle, O. 104 and Green, 105. Ambergriese found, 73. China-Roots, 409. Mountain-Cow, C. 103. Logwood and Logwood-cutting, 10. 53. O. 449. 450. first Trading of English there, 227.

Honey, where, O. 78. 371. C. 112, 3. see Bees.

Hooks and Lines, fishing, S. 28. 131. C. 12. 31, 4.

Hoops, or Wrist-bands of Silver, O. 365. of Gold, 514.

C. of Good Hope, season of doubling it, O. 527. and course to do it, 531. cold Winds there, why, 529. 530. Trade-winds, W. 19. Breezes, 24. not the nearest way to the Eastern Indies, O. 331. touching there, 531. signs of being near it, ib. Coast and Prospect, 530, 1. Table-land and Harbour, ib. 535. Dutch Settlements and French Refugees, 531, 2. Product, 532, 3. Dutch Fort, T. and Garden, d. 533, 4, 5. Provision and Taxes, ib. Hippopotamus, d. C. 103, 4. Negro's, see Hottentots.

Horizon, Clouds there, how and of what a sign, see Clouds. The Dawn high or low, presages such Winds, O. 498.

Horns of Spiders, Pickers for Teeth, and Tobacco-pipes, C. 64.

Horses, where, O. 48. 115. 253, 4, 5, 8, 9. 269, 9. 270, 1. 320, 387. 532. S. 25. 47. d. 69. 127. 134. C. 52, 9. 102. None, O. 223. eaten, 259. S. 30, 1. Horse-Idols, 56, 7. 91. O. 396.

Horse-hoof, a Shell-fish, d. C. 44, 5.

Hospital, where, O. 221.

Hottentots, or Hodmadods, of Monomatapa, d. O. 536 to 542. their Make and Habit, 537, 8. Houses, 464. 539. food, bartering, and way of Living, 464. 540, 1, 2. Dancing at N. and Full Moon, 541. W. 55. their Neighbours, 108, &c.

Houses, what and where, O. 139. 140. 300. 322, 8, 9. 330, 5, 6, 7. 365. 387. 410. 417. 428. 457. 479. 539. S. 12, 3. 43, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8. 93, 4. C. 115. 127. 110. None, O. 464, 5, 7. W. 108. Duck-houses, [Page] S. 25, 6. Galley-houses, d. 77. see Floors, Posts, Roofs, Walls, Windows, Housholdstuff, S. 43. 93. 129. 131. W. 110.

Hudsons Bay, not best way to seek a N. W. Passage, O. 273.

Humming-Bird, d. C. 65, 6.

Hunting, where and how, O. 364, 6, 7, 8, 9. C. 33, 4, 5. (in a Canoa, d.) 81, 3, 4, 5, 6. W. 110, 1. little, S. 25. see Beeves, Deer, Hogs.

Hurricans, what and where, W. 60, 5. d. 68, 9. 70, 1, 2. Clouds presaging them, d. 71.

Husband-men, and Husbandry, where and what, O. 269. 410 S. 130. 182. W. 110. by burning of Grass, C. 58. of Cattel, 98. see Harvest, Plantations, Plowing, Rice.

J.

JAca (Jack) tree and fruit, d. and where, O. 320. S. 124. 181

Jaccals, where, O. 240.

Jackets, what and where, O. 427. S. 43. C. 114.

Subtle-Jacks, Birds, d and their Nests, C. 65, 8, 9.

St. Jago, I. of the C. Verds, d. O. 76. 7.

St. Jago R. in Mexico, d. O. 267, 8. the T. 270.

St. Jago R. in Peru, d. O. 163, 4.

Jamaica, Coasts, d. W. 31, 2, 5, 6. 83, 4, 101. Savannahs and Mountains, 83, 4. O. 87. C. 7. 8. 98. its Breezes, 28 to 32. 45. Weather, 83, 4. Storms, 60, 5, 8. Currents, 101. Course to or from it, 18, 9. 39. 40. 62. 106. best Boats, 31. Trading about it, C. 8. 9. Salt-petre Earth, 7. 8. Cattle whence and how manag'd, 98. and what it owes to the Spaniards, ib. O. 60. 203, 4. 224. Centipee's, 320. Vegetables, Trade, &c. 60, 4. 118. 123. 203, 4. 222, 6, 7, 8. 296. 314. 409. C. 7. 8. 9. neglected, O. 204. 227. Fish, 33. 104. 249. Nets for Turtle, d. 395. where taken, W. 36. price of Slaves, 184. sleeping in open Air, W. 41, 2. French Squadron there, 46. see Blewfields, Blew Mountain, Monte Diabolo, Legamy, Point Negril, Point Pedro, Port-Royal.

Jamby, its Pepper, S. 182.

Japan, store of good Tea there, O. 409. Soy thence, S. 28. its Gold pure, 61. 127. Lacquer-ware, 61. 151. Camphire refin'd there, 126. Trade thither, what, 15. rich, and how to be setled, 102, 3. 117. O. 394. Monsoons, W. 21.

Jars, d. O, 196, 7. 419. 420. 434, 5. S. 98, 9. 105. 146.

Java, I. high Coast, O. 425. an [...]. off it, d. 472, 3. anointing us'd there, 537. Maiming, S. 139. Trade, 5. Pepper, 182. engrost by the Dutch. 116. Fruit like a Sloe, 125. Malayan spoken there, O. 394. Couoter-winds in Streights to the E. of it, 351. Streights of Sunda, 394. see Bantam, Batavia.

Idolatry, see Altars, Feasts, Groves, Images, Incense, Lamps, Paper, Processions, Sacrifices, Temples, Torches, and

Idols, where and what, O. 396, 7. 400. 411, 2. S. 56, 7, 8. 152.

[Page] Jeoly the Painted Prince, &c. O. 350. 511, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7. 529. 549.

Jew-fish, d. and where, O. 249. 259. 277. salted, 277, 9.

Jihore (Ihor) R. and Kingdom, d. S. 4. its Half-Moon-Proes, d. and Trade, 5. 158. 164. Malayan Natives, 128.

Images, see V. Mary, Saints.

Incense, where us d in Sacrifice, S. 58.

Indies and Indians, General Observations of them, O. 222. 244, 5, 6. 296. 433, 4. 466. 514. 542. S. 46. 116, 7. 128. 176. C. 6. W. 41, 2. 74.

East-India, Coasts, O. 425. Product, 174. 315. 387. 391. 518. Indians, E. Habit, Usages, State, &c. 295, 6, 7. 309. 328. 348. 380, 3, 7. 391, 4, 5. 433, 4. 455, 6, 9. 537. S. 13. 24. 37, 8. 40, 2. 64. 112. 129. 130. 142, 3. 153. 164.

East-Indian Ocean, its breadth, O. 289. discovered by Sea, 530. S. 161. how to be further discover'd, O. 331, 2. Course to and from, 531. 549. W. 3. 7. 8. 18, 9. 22, 3, 4, 5. Baiting-places, 4. O. 527. 531. Winds and Weather, 306. W. 3. 4. 7. 11, 7, 9. 20 to 7. 39. 47, 8. Storms, 60. Tides, 97. Currents, 107. Fish O. 90. 105. 174. 449. see Aracan, Bao or Boutan, Bashee Islands, Bengal, Bouton, I. Cambodia, Champa, Celebes, Ceylon, China, Cochinchina, P. Condore, Coromandel, Formosa, Japan, Java, Ladrones, Malabar, Malacca and Malayan, Meangis, Nicobar, Omba, Pentare, Pegu, Philippine Isles, Piscadores, Pracel, Prata, Siam, Spice-Islands, Sumatra, Timor, Tonquin, P. Uby. E. India Voyage (Glanius's) noted, S. 125.

West-Indies, Course to or from it, W. 9. 18. 24, 5. 39. 40. 53. VVinds and VVeather, 17, 24, 7. 102. Season of Sugar-making, 81, 2. Storms, 60. O. 451. Tides, VV. 97. Currents, 101, 2, 4, 5, 6. Change there, O. 58. Productions, 34. 87. 91. 101, 2, 3, 4. 204. 213. 222, 7. 313, 4, 5. 320. 426. 453, 4. S. 24. C. 89. Indians, VV. their Habit, Stage, Management, Usages, &c. O. 7, &c. 12, 3, 8, 9. 20, 1, 3, 4. 31, 2, 8. 41, 3, 4. 113, 4. 123, 4, 7, 8. 134. 141 4, 5, 8, 9. 153, 4, 7. 163, 7, 8, 9. 170. 181, 2, 3, 4. 191, 4, 5, 8. 218. 229. 233, 4, 5. 249. 250, 1, 7, 8, 9. 264, 5, 6. 272, 3. 309. 484, 5, 6. 538, 9. C 31. 42, 3. 6. 94, 5. 110 to 124, 7, 8. 131. see America, Atlantick Sea. See St. Andreas, Aruba, Aves, Blanco, Bocca del Drago, Bocca-Toro, Bonairy, Campeachy, Caraccos, Caribbe, Cartagena, Comana, Coquibocoa, Corn, I. Cuba, Currasao (Querisao) Darien, Grande R. Guiare, (Guayra) Florida, R. la Hacha, Hispaniola, Honduras, Jamaica, Isthmus, Jucatan, Maracaybo, Margarita, Sancta Martha, Mexico Gulph, Moskito's, Nicaragua, Pearl-Isles, Madre de Popa, Costa Rica, Porto Rico, Providence, C Roman, Sambalo's, Scuda, Tortuga, Trinidada, C. la Vela, Venezuela, Verina.

Indian-Corn, see Maiz.

Indieo, d. where, and how made, O. 225, 6. (price of it) 227.

Indrapore in Sumatra, O. 511, 2, 3. its Peppor, S. 182.

[Page] Indraught-Land, what the Dutch call so, O. 289.

Insects, a poisonous one, d. O. 321. see Ants, Bees, Beetles, Centipees, Cochinecl, Land-Crabs, Flie's, Frogs, Galliwasps, Guano's, Lizards, Locusts, Maggots, Moskito's or Gnats, Scorpious, Snakes, Soldiers, Spiders, Toads, Wood-Lice or White-Ants.

Instrument-Cases, coverings for them, C. 73.

St. Johns I. by China, d. its Animals, Rice, Inhabitants, Houses, Husbandry, O. 406 to 410. Bell Idoll and Temple, 411, 2. Shipping, 412, 3.

St. John I. of the Philippine's, d. O. 306, 8, 9. 384. 442, 3.

Capt. Johnson s Murder, S. 110, &c.

Jonks, of Aynam, d. S. 8. 9. of the Chinese, 136. see Chinese.

Irish Beef, a Commodity, O. 53. Men, 388. C. 77, 8.

Iron, how wrought by the Moskito's, O. 48, 5. where none, 464, 6. wild Indians have not the use of it, 85. its value among them, and how and where a Commodity, 12, 3, 8. 23. 356. 360, 3. 371. 431, 4, 5, 8, 9. S. 167. O. 110, 9. understood & wrought where, O. 429. 432. Iron Rings made, W. 111. see Axes, Guns, Hatchets, Hocksing-Iron, Hoes, Knives, Macheats, Needles, Saws, Scissars, Wedges.

Islands, ranges of them have best Land-Breezes, W. 34, 6. remote from the Continent have small Tides, 91, 5, 6. Islands Anonymous, in the B. of Panama, O. 175, 6, 7, 8. 188. 198. of Spice, 317. see Spice. near Sebo, with Canes, d. 379. 380. The Five-Islands, see Bashee.

Ispanan, Merchants spend the Hot Season there, W. 48.

Isthmus of America or Darien, its Breezes on the N. W. 29. Cedars, O. 29. Mountain Cow, C. 103. its Indians, O. 12, 3, 4, 5, 8. to 24. 40. 182. Enemies to those of the R. Darien, 41. a Receipt of theirs, 449. Intercourse with the English, and how began, 22. 180 to 4. 261. and Privateers crossing the Isthmus, Intr. III. 11, to 24. 191, 6, 7. shortest Passage, 23. Soil, 18. Crosses, ib. Main Ridge, 22. for particular places, d. see the Map, O. 1.

Jucatan (Yucatan) Coasts, Rivers, Towns, &c. d. C. 9. to 16, 21, 2. and VVinds, VV. 32, 3. VVeather, 82. Currents, 105. Lookouts, C. 13, 4, 5. Soil, 14, 5. Salt-petre, 11. Salt-ponds, 14. Trade, 10, 1. Vegetables, 10, 1, 2, 4, 6. 57. Fowl and Deer, 15. Indians Watchmen, 13, 4. Fishermen, Fish, Fishing-Banks and Towns, 12, 3, 4, 5. go in sunk Canoas, 12. Spaniards, 11, 5. Privateers there, 11, 2, 5. For particular places, d. see the Map, C. 1.

Port St. Julian, its Oysters, O. 177.

Justice, by agreement, O. 432. corrupt, S. 78. amicable, ib. no Courts of it, Appeal, nor Delay, 80. Just Sea-men, 117.

K.

KEYS or Islands, see of Cuba, Quibo.

Keyhooca, see Caihooca.

[Page] Kings, see Princes. Kings-Islands, see Pearl-Islands.

Kittimpungo, the Hippopotamus so call'd, C. 105.

Knives, a Commodity, C. 41. 119. valued by Indians, O. 13. 23.

L.

LAck, (Lacque) for Japaning, what, and where, S. 22, 4, 5. d. 61. 2. 105. a Commodity, ib. O. 400. Lacker-ware, what. and where made, 400. S. 24. 41. 54. 60. d. 61, 2. 71, 4.

Ladders, how and where us'd, O. 151. 428, 9. see Gongo.

Ladles made of Coco-nut shell, O. 294.

Ladrone Isles, Situation and Winds, O. 297, 8, 9. 300. see Guam

Lagunes or Salt-water Lakes, O. 241, 2. 262, 4. most fish, 241, 3. 264, 5. and L. Breezes, W. 34, 5, 6. and Tides, 91, 2, 3. see Termina.

Lamps burning, before Idols, O. 396, 7. 412.

Lances, where us'd, O. 117. 337. 400. 432, 466, 7, 9. S. 72, 6. 113. 176. Lance-wood, d. where found, and uses of it, O. 118.

Land, how known to be nigh, see Clouds. See Bays, Capes, Coasts, Marks, Mountains, Rocks, Soil. Landing, bad, O. 75. 231, 2, 9. 247. 251, 3, 4. 262, 4, 7. 422, 3, 4, 5. C. 107. 118. 123. good, 48. O. 133. 169. 233. 258. 264. 422, 3, 4, 5, Land discover'd by Capt. Davis, 352.

Languages, what and where spoken, O. 330, 1. 431. see Arabick, Chinese, Malayan, Meangian, Philippine, Spanish, Tonquinese. Words of several, see Words.

Laos, Kingdom, S. 18. 21.

Lascar's, poor E. Indian Sea-men, S. 112.

Latitudes, by Observation, O. 82, 3. 110. 281, 5, 6, 7. 421. 453 474. 494. by Reckoning, erroneous, 288, 9. 290. the A. in 60. S. Lat. 83.

Lavelia, d. O. 176. 211. Commodities, 186. Lima Fleet shelter there, 200, 1, 8.

Raja Laut, who, 336. his Character, Family, Expeditions, &c. 336, 7, 8, 9. 344. 356, 7. 366, 7, 8. Intercourse between him and the English, 316. 349. 353, 4, 6, 7, 8, 9. 361, 2, 4, 6, 7, 8, 9. 370. 444, 5, 6.

Laws, studied, S. 38. strict, 138. see Fire, Government, Justice, Punishment.

Lead, a Commodity, where, O. 360, 3. 435. S. 65.

Learning, what and where, O. 330, 1. S. 59. 60. 81. 137.

Leather, see Goats-skins.

Leeward Islands, the Caribbe, why call'd so, W. 15. see Guinea.

Legs, how swath'd, and why, O. 32. how broken, S. 77. clog'd, 78. people going bare-leg'd, 43. O. 326. 480. 456. sitting crossleg'd, 329.

Legamy, Leganea, in Jamaica, W. 36. 83.

Lempa R. Boundary of the Spanish Trade, &c. O. 225.

Leon, O. 213. Port, 215. see Realeja. Creek, 217. City [Page] and Countrey, d. 218. taken, 217, 8. and burnt, 219.

Leprosy, where and what, O. 297. 334. S. 14. 68. Antidote, 53, 4.

Letters, Spanish, intercepted, O. 171. 180. 200, 1. English, 355, 6. 370. Communicated to the Author, C. 103, 6. W. 49. 53, 4, 7.

Leyden, Skin of an Hippopotamus there, C. 103, 4.

Libby tree, and its Sago, d. and where, O. 110, 1.

Lice, Negro's and Indians subject to them, O, 538, 9. Woodlice, S. 127.

Lichea tree and fruit, S. 23. d. 24.

Lightning frightful, O. 131. 225. 322. 414. 459. S. 145. W. 52. 88. see Thunder, Tornadoe's. A Light in Storms, see Corpus Sant.

Lignum Aloe's, and Aguala wood, where, S. 8.

Lima, its Trade, Fleet, Course to and fro, &c. O. 136, 8. 142, 3. 171, 9. 180, 4, 5. 200, 1, 6, 7, 8, 9. W. 40. Ship and Cargo to and from Acapulco, O. 243 to 7.

Limbs, people of good, W. 110. O. 7. 170. 478. strong and large, 32. 297. long, 464. clean, S. 40. C. 115. small, 325, 7. 464. (and thin bodies) 537. see Feet, Heads, Legs. See Shape, Stature.

Lime or Plaistering on Walls, where, O. 140. made, ib. 398. other use of it, ib.

Lime, chew'd, O. 318, 9. S. 54, 5. see Arek, Betle, Chinam.

Lime-tree and fruit, C. 94. S. 23. d. 24. 43. 124. d. 181. O. 258. 291, 6. hedges of it, ib. Lime-juice, ib. 313.

Limpits, d. and where, O. 64. 176. 393.

Linchanche, T. and Look-out, C. 14.

Lines for Fishing, see Hooks.

The Line, see Equator.

Lions, where, W. 109.

Sea-Lions, d. and where, O. 90, 1. 547.

Lion-Lizard, d. C. 50.

Lips, full and thick, where, O. 32. 537. thin and red, 325. S. 128. how died so, O. 319. well proportion'd and graceful, S. 40. with Tortoise-shell hanging in them, O. 32. made scabby by a Wind, 63.

Liver, how affected by Poison, O. 398.

Lizards, where, O. 320. 392. S. 127. 181. C. 50, 9. Lion-Liz, d. 50.

Loango, Coast and City, W. 55. Course to and from it, ib. 56, 7. Current, 107. its Hippopotamus, d. C. 104, 5, 6.

I. Lobos de la Mar, d. O. 96, 7. its Provision, ib. 146. 159.

I. Lobos de la Terra, O. 96 d. 145, 6. its Birds and Eggs, 159.

Locusts, d. and where, and how eaten, O. 430. d. S. 26, 7, 30.

The Log forwarded or retarded by Currents, O. 290.

Logwood, how it grows, C. 56, 7. and where, 10. 47. 51, 3, 7. 79. 83. 94. none, 44. how order'd, 17, 8. 57. 80. makes good [Page] Coals, 57. Tree like it, where, 58. see Blood-wood, Cam-wood, Sappan-wood. Its Trade and Rates, VV. 40. C. 17, 8. 46, 7. 82, 3, 7. 8, 9. 80, 1, 2. (profitable to England) 131. Logwood-Cutters, where and who, way of Living, VVorking, Trade, &c. O. Intr. II. 449. 450. C. 10, 2, 7, 8. 41. 3, 5 to 8. 51 to 4. 65, 80 to 3, 5 to 9. 91. 5, 6. 128, 9.

Loggerhead Key, in Campeachy, C. 10.

Capt. Longs Shipwreck, C. 27, 8.

Longitudes, computed, O. 28. 256. 285, 6, 8. 472. amiss, 288, 9. 290. 377.

Look-outs, or VVatch kept, where, O. 28. 63. 149. 150, 4. C. 13, 4, 5.

C. Lopez de Gonsalvo, wet, VV. 80, 1. VVinds, 16. 51, 3. fish, 54.

Port of Martin Lopez, O. 125.

C. St. Lorenzo, (St. Laurence,) O. 7. 135. d. (miscall'd in Maps) 193. its Current, VV. 107. no Land-Breezes, 33.

C. St. Lucas in California, O. 245. 272, 5. see California.

I. Sancta Lucia, ravag'd by the Caribbe-Indians, C. 4. 5. O. 485.

Luconia, I. Spanish Trade, &c. d. O. 307. 383, 4, 7. Prospect, 385. VVinds, 383, 9. Gold, 387. Iron, 431. Indians, 383, 4, 7. see Acapulco-Ship, Manilla, Pangasanam. Islands N. of it, 442.

M.

MAcao in China, free Port, Government, &c. d. O. 418. S. 107.

Macasser in Celebes, d. O. 447. Slave-Trade, 456. Buggasses, S. 108.

Macaw tree and berry, where, O. 20. C. 109.

Maccaw Bird, where S. 128.

Macheats or Long-knives, where valued, O. 13. C. 41. 119.

Spanish Mackril, d. C. 71, 2.

Madagascar I (St. Laurenee) its Land-Tortoise, O. 102. quarrelling Negro's, and sale of them, 501. Shipwrecks, 511. W. 109. Winds, 19. Sucking-fish, 54. us'd for catching other fish, 110.

Maderass, its fine Prospect, S. 179. see F. St. George.

Magellan kill'd at Luconia, O. 307.

Str. of Magellan, O. 80, 4. Seals there, 90.

Maggots in Fruit, O. 123.

Maguella Valley, d. O. 251.

Maho tree and bark, Cordage of it, O. 37. and Cloth, W. 110.

Mahometanism, where and how, O. 325. 331, 8. 454. 490. S. 4. 128. 137, 8. 180, 1. W. 55. see Circumcision, Hogs, Mosque, Prayers, Ramdam, Sabbath, Washings.

Le Mair's Streights, d. O. 81, 2.

Maiz or Indian-Corn, where, O. 12, 9. 48. 59. 122, 3. 141, 151, 9. 167. 176. 240, 4. 259. 260, 5, 6, 8, 9. 270, 1, 9. 281, 2. C. 113, 9. 128. none, O. 426. 433. the Grain of the W. Indies, [Page] and support of Birds there, 426. where a Commodity, 134. Cakes and Drink of it, d. C. 43. 113, 4.

Malabar, Famines there, and selling Children, S. 37, 8. 50. best Pepper, 182. its Storms, W. 48. 74. Weather, 83.

Malabrigo, O. 201.

Malacca, Streights, a great Thorough-fair, O. 394. 401. S. 3. 4. dangerous for Islands and Sholes, O. 439. S. 4. 5. 108, 9. 170, 1. its Winds, O. 351. W. 20, 1. Tides, 99. Dutch Guard-Ships there, S. 163, 4, 5. 173, 4. Cat-fish, 171. O. 149. see P. Arii, Brewers Streights, P. Dinding, P. Nuttee, P. Oro, Sincapore Streights, P. Timaon, P. Verero. See Sumatra, and

Malacca Coast and Prom. S. 4. low, 158, 9. 170, 1. its fruits, &c. 163. 181, 2. use of Oil, O. 537. see Jihore, P. Parsalore, Queda, and

Malacca Town, touch'd at, S. 4. 158. 163, 4. Harbour, 165, 170. Tides, W. 99. Pilots, S. 4. Forts, change of Masters, Markets, Trade, &c. d. 111, 5. 159 to 168. 174. O. 400. Sloops, d. S. 5. 110, 1. see Dutch, its Tongue, O. 394. see

Malayan Language, how and where spoken, O. 330. (the Lingua Franca of the East) 394, 5. 444. 484. 513, 4, 5. S. 128. 132. 171. a smooth Tongue, 59. where learnt for Trade, &c. O. 395, 8. 513, 5. not, S. 59. where the Vulgar Tongue, O. 394. 454. 513, 5. S. 128. 181. the Bashean unlike it, O. 431. and Nicobarian, 479. yet a few words of it, ib. 482. see

Malayans (of Malacca, Sumatra, &c.) their Vessels full of men, O. 401, 2. their Arms, 401. S. 176. 184. sight not in the Rain, 176. bold and desperate, O. 400, 1. S. 108. 114. 165. 171, 3, 5, 6, 7. 181. haughty, 128. Treacherous, 113. 181. O. 402. Frays with them, 400, 1. 518, 9. S. 110 to 115. 175, 6, 184. their Raja's abus'd, ib. love Trade, 117. 165, 6, 7. civiliz'd by it, but aw'd by the Dutch, 115, 7, 8. 163, 4, 5. 173, 4, 5. 181. see Dutch, Indians. Their Employments, 181, 2. love Opium, 166. and Cock-sighting, 184. have Houses on Posts, 180. see Houses, Floors.

Maldive Isles, Coco-Cordage there, O. 294, 5.

Mammee-tree and fruit, d. and where, O. 187, 8. 101. 110. 187. 202.

VVild Mammee, d. O. 202.

Mammee-sappota, d. and where, O. 203, 4.

Man of VVar, Bird, d. and where, O. 49. 132. 473. C. 23, 4. (their Policy) 5, 6. 45. 69. 109.

Man of VVar Lagune, in Campeachy, C. 92, 3, 4. 101.

Manatee, d. and where, O. 2. 9. d. 33, 4. 5, (how taken) 6, 7. 41. (small) 381. (shy) 463, 9. 547. C. 73. 109. 128. thongs of the skin, 35. quick of hearing, 37. but not of sight 454. Manateegrass, d. 34. C. 109. a smaller fresh-water Manatee, d. ib. the Mindanaian less than the VV. Indian, O. 321. see Moskito's.

Manchineel, tree and fruit poisonous, d. and where, O. 39. 40. C. 32, 3.

[Page] Mandarins or Nobility of Tonquin, their Power, State, Manners, &c. S. 16. 29. 42. 50, 1, 2. (91, 2.) 58. 69, 76. 80. Eunuchs, 81, 2, 3, 4, 5. 96. Of Achin, see Oromkey's.

Mangera I. and T. d. O. 122, 5.

Mangastan tree and fruit, d. and where, S. 124, 5. 181.

Mango tree and fruit, d. and where, O. 391, 2. S. 23. 124. 163. 181. Mango-Achar or Pickle, O. 303. 391

Mango-volucre, Bird, where and what, O. 531.

Mangrove trees and their kinds, (white, black, red,) and Mangrove-land, d. and where, O. 52. d. 54, 5. 112. 119. 150, 1, 5, 6. 194. 217. 221. 264. S. 124. C. 11, 2, 4, 6, 7, 8. 30, 1, 2. 49. 51, 2, 3, 6. 94. 107. 118. W. 35. 93, 5. Oysters growing to their Roots, C. 17.

Manilla T. Harbour, Shipping there, and Trade, d. O. 245, 6. 331, 2, 3. 383, 7, 8. (P. Condore, a good Stage to it, see Guam) 394. 405, 6. C. 121, 2, 5. see Acapulco Ship. Prospect of the Coast, Manilla threatned by the Chinese, O. 331. their Factors there and Gaming, 410. an Irish man settled there, 388. see Spaniards. Manilla. Tobacco, see Tobacco.

Manners of People, Moral Qualities, &c. what and where,—Good,—Brisk and Couragious, O. 8. 44. 400. 8. 50. Patient, O. 432, 3. C. 116. Obedient, ib. S. 42. O. 454. Quiet and Peaceable, and Chearful, &c. 433. (said to be, 477. not, S. 95.) C. 115, 6. Just and true, O. 433, 5. (said to be 477. not, S. 95.) S. 166. see Justice, Punishment. Contented in Poverty, C. 116. O. 123. begging modestly, 433. Cleanly, neat and tight, ib. 454. Laborious and Diligent, S. 41, 2. 174. 181. Good-Natur'd, 128. Affable, Courteous and Civil, O. 297. 395. 434, 5. 486. 490. S. 50. 181. Hospitable, Civil to Strangers, and easily acquainted with them, O. 12. 19. 20, 1. 78. 326, 7, 8. 400. 433, to 9. 482, 6. 490. S. 84. 128. W. 112. Natural Affection, O. 250. 432.—Bad,—Lazy and Idle, Proud and Haughty, Ambitious, Insolent, O. 326. S. 30. 128. 138. W. 55. 110. sullen or stubborn, O. 8. 44. Implacable and Cruel, 326. S. 83. W. 108. Revengeful, O. 8. 326. 358. 374. (see Poisoning) S. 181. Sly and Treacherous, ib. O. 38. 362, 4. 370. [...] see R. Laut) 401, 2. Oppressive, S. 85. false and perverse, said to be, 95. contrary to O. 477. Thievish, ib. S. 50. 128. 138, 9. O. 76. 318. 326. 356. Overreaching, 365, 9. 370. VVheedling and Dissembling, 358, 9. 362, 7. Begging, 327, 8. 365, 9. 370. (but modestly) 433. Lowspirited, S. 42. Gaming, ib. see Gaming. Nasty in Diet, see Cookery; in Habit, O. 537, 8, 9. Drinking hard, 10. 369. 433. VVanton and Pimps, S. 85 Prostituting of VVomen, see VVomen. Unnatural, see Parents, Children, VVives.—Mixt—Melancholy and thoughtful, O. 127. C. 116. Injurious, O. 9. 11. 46, 7, 8, 9. subtle, S. 60. 138, 9. in awe of Princes severity, O. 326. Fierce, bold and Savage, O. 38. 41. 167. 401, 2. less than reported, [Page] 484, 5, 6. easily amus'd, 484. Loving Trade, see Indians, Malayans. Fearful of Europeans, and soon frighted, 309. 435. 467, 9. 488. not liking the same House with Strangers, 482, 6. nor to drink after them, 501. see Mahometans. Allowing them a general Conversation with their Women, 327, 8. 367, 8. yet jealous, 367. 374. loving to be visited, S. 84. living in Common, O. 465. from hand to mouth, ib. 326. ignorant of working, 468. Natural Qualities, see Qualifications.

Manta, d. O. 135. touch'd at by Panama Ships, ib.

Manufactures, see Callico's, Cloth, Earthen-ware, Lacker-ware, Fans, Leather, Molosso's, Muslins, Palmeto-works, Pitch, Salt, Silks, Soap, Stockings, Sugar, VVine. See Commodities.

Maracaybo, Gulph, its Breezes. VV. 3. VVeather, 82, 3. The Galleons and Barlaventa-Fleet touch there, O. 185. C. 126.

Marble Rocks, where, S. 19. 20.

Margarita, I. its Currents, VV. 102. Pearl-Oysters, O. 173. The Armada and Barlaventa-Fleet touch there, 185. C. 126.

Maria's Isles d. O. 274, 5, 6.

Maria I. of the Ladrones, see Guam.

Sancta Maria R. T. and Gold Mines, d. O. 158, 9. 175. 193, 4, 5. taken by Privateers, Intr. III. quitted to them, 191, 5.

V. Mary's Image, a celebrated one, O. 42. one taken 99. see Saints.

Marks and Makings of Land off at Sea, O. 42. 59. 77. 82. 94, 5. 111, 2, 8, 9. 120, 2. 131, 3, 6. 147. 172, 4. 216. 225. 230, 1, 2, 3, 9. 242, 4, 8. 251, 2, 5, 6, 7. 261, 2, 3, 6, 7. 275, 9. 291. 309. 379. 382, 4, 5, 9. 390. 416. 447, 8. 454, 9. 460. 530, 1. S. 9. 10, 1. 121. 158, 9. 179. 180. C. 16. VV. 56. 85.

Markets and Provision, what and where, S. 30. 129. 136. 162, 3.

Marmalade, a Commodity, where, O. 44. 99. 174.

Port Marquis, d. O. 247.

Marriages, early, C. 114, 5. Feasts, O. 334. VV. 111, 2.

Sancta Martha, and its High-land, d. O. 42. low Coasts to the E. and VV. 424. Rains, 44. Breezes and Course, VV. 40. Stockfish wood, C. 58. the Galleons and Barlaventa-Fleet touch there. 126. O. 185.

St. Martin's High-land, d. C. 16. 42. 123. Breezes, VV. 34. 43.

Don Mascarin's I. or English Forrest, its Land-Tortoise, O. 102.

Masking us'd in Churches, where, O. 127. C. 115.

Massaclan, d. O. 265.

Masts of Ships, O. 394. 412, 3. S. 64. 171, 2. see Timber, Trees.

Mathematicks, learnt, where, S. 60.

Matique Gulph, O. 225, 7.

Maws of Goats eaten, how and where, O. 429. 430.

Maxentelbo, Rock, d. O. 267.

Mayo I. of the C. Verd's, d. and its Governour trepan'd, O. 75.

Meangis Isles, O. 347. Commodities, 350. 512, 3, 4. the Inhabitants, their Painting, Ornaments, Food, &c. 514, 5, 6, 7. see Jeoly.

[Page] Mechanicks, S. 41. 60. 130, 6. 181. see Artificers.

Melinde Bay, Calms there, VV. 20.

Melons, where, O. 222. S. 23. Musk-Melons, 124. O. 302. 311. VVater-Melons, 134. 302. 311. 418. 420. S. 124. 163.

Melory tree, fruit, and Bread, O. 478. 480, 8, 9. 490.

Men, see Bodies, Customs, Government, Manners, Ornaments, Religion, VVomen.

Merchants at Tonquin, S. 39. 51. 65. Achin, 122, 3. 134, 5. Malacca, 162, 4. Free, who so call'd, O. 317. S. 135, 6.

Merga in Siam, a Massacre of the English there, S. 151.

Merida in Jucatan, d. C. 14. 113.

Meschasipi R. Breezes near it, VV. 34.

Mess, a Gold Coin, what and where, O. 504. S. 132.

Mexico Kingdom, and VV. Coast of it, where low, O. 425. its Trade-winds, VV. 12. 25. Breezes, 38. VVeather, 83. Currents, 108. small Green Turtle, O. 107. Oysters, 177. fishing, 243. little Shipping or Trade at Sea, 243, 4. 251. 267. most within Land, and by Land-Carriage, 260, 1. 277. Silver, 269. People thin at the Coast, and poor, 250, 1, 5, 7, 8. 261. see Indians VV. Rich and pleasant parts of it, see Colima, Guatimala, Valderas. For other places, d. see the Map, O. 24. and

New Mexico, mutinous Indians, and rich Mines conceal'd, O. 272, 3. C. 54. Spanish Trade, how far, O. 225. see the Map, 24.

Mexico, Bay, and its Coast, Trade-winds, VV. 15. Breezes, 34. 40. Storms, d. 60 to 5. Currents, 105. Oyster-bank near it, C. 28. its Main Port, 125. Course of its Plate and Barlaventa-Fleet, ib. O. 180. see Alvarado, La Vera Cruz, Guaxaca, Haniago, Meschasipi, Panuk, Sacrificios, Tompeque. See Campeachy, Jucatan, Florida. its Indians no great Friends to the Spaniards, C. 122.

Mexico City, Passengers and Ports to it, O. 185. 244, 5. 255. Salted Shrimps a Commodity there, C. 127, 8.

Mice, where, C. 63.

St. Michaels Gulph, O. 5. d. 193. VVeather, VV. 83. Tides, 93, 5.

St. Michaels Mount, and T. d. O. 122, 3.

Milk four (Tire) for Fluxes, S. 148. (of Almonds, ib.) drank ordinarily, where, VV. III.

Mindanao, d. Coasts, Towns, Rivers, Harbours, Soil, &c. O. 309. 310. 346, 7, 8, 9. 357, 8. 362, 7. 9. 378, 9. 384. VVeather and VVinds, 321, 2, 3. 346, 7, 8. 353, 4, 7. 360. 370. VV. 39. Floods, O. 360. City, R. and Houses on Posts, &c. 328, 9. 330. 346, 8, 9. 357, 8. 360, 2, 5. 479. S. 180. Plenty, O. 305. Vegetables 310, 1. 315, 6. 320. 347, 8. 511. Animals, 33. 320, 1. 346, 7, 8. 358. 364, 5, 8, 9. 378, 9. 381. 515. Ship-worms, 362, 3. Arts, Manufactures and Utensils, 315. 327. 331, 2. 360. 515. S. 131. 181. Shipping and Trade, O. 325. 332 to 6. 354, 6. 360, 3. seemingly desir'd with the English, 349. 359. Spaniards hated, Dutch [Page] fear'd, ib. 331. once had a Commerce with Manilla Spaniards, 305. subject to them, 331. Advantage of settling at Mindanao, and way thither, 349. 350, 1, 2. Opportunity the A. had for it, 316, 7. 331. 349. 350. 2, 3. Mindanaians (see Alforees, Hilanoons, Sologues) and Mindanaians peculiarly so call'd, d. their Persons, Cloaths, Qualities, &c. 324 to 8. 334 to 8. 340, 1, 2, 6, 8. 356 to 9. 361, 2, 4 to 9. 370, 4, 8. S. 129. Eating and Entertainments, O. 311, 9. 329. 355 to 9. 365, 8, 9. what Betle best liked, S. 24. Marriages and Diseases, O. 334. Weapons and way of Fighting, 337, 8, 9. Sports, Ornaments, Musick and Dancing Women, ib. to 342. 361. Comrades and Pagallies, 327, 8. 358, 9. 364, 5. 373. Wives and Concubines, 328. 334 to 8. 366, 7, 8. 374. Languages and Learning, 327. 330, 1. 431. Religion, Mosques, 338. Circumcision, &c. 337, 9. 340, 1, 2, 3. 369. 370. Ramdam, 343. 359. 361. Washings and Hogs hated, 330. 343, 4. some Baptiz'd, 516. Government and Sultan, d. his Person, Qualities, &c. 326. 331, 4, 5. Wives and Children, 325. 335, 6. 341, 2, 9. 353. Brother, see R. Laut. Wars, 325. 337. 444. State, S. 143. Presents, &c. O. 354, 5, 7. Punishments, 356, 7. 367. English Letters at Mindanao, 349. 355, 6. 370. Seamen revelling, 373. See Comrade and Pagally. See Chambongo. Islands near, 331. 346. 443. See Meangis.

Mindora I. O. 307. d. 382. Streights, 384.

Mines, See Silver, Gold, Bullawan; where none, C. 122.

Mishlaw of Plantains, what and where, O. 314.

Missionaries and Missions in the E. Indies, O. 477. S. 93 to 7, 9.

Mists and Fogs, where, O. 94, 5. W. 50, 1. where no Rain, 78.

Mistakes or Errours, Geographical, &c. as to Point Garachina, and C. St. Lorenzo, O. 193. the breadth of the Oceans and great Continents, 288, 9. 290. Sun's Declination, 377, 8. Mindanao City and Harbour, 309. 310. N. Holland Coast and Shole near it, 461, 2. Gallapago's, 100. W. 57. 96. Isthmus of America, 93, 4, 5. Tides in the South Sea, ib. Trade-Winds, 15. Cold Land Breezes, 42. Omissions in Sea-charts, O. 382. 443. Defects, 416. 444. 454. As to the Clove Countries, 447. Jeoly, 517. Du-Quesne's Fight, 522. Cold at the Cape of good Hope and S. Wind, 529. Manatee at St. Hellena, 547. Canibals, 484, 5, 6. Mangastan, S. 125. Malayan at Tonquin, 59. in confounding Alligator and Crocodile, C. 74, 5, 6. Mountain-Cow and Hippopotamus, 102 to 7. Arek and Betle, S. 54. as to Cedars never being Wormeaten, O. 29. the Acapulco-Trade, O. 246.

Mogul, English serve him, O. 507, 9. War with him, S. 146, 7, 8.

Mole to keep off Floods, d. and where, S. 49.

Molinbo, Cabenbo, &c. Negro's dance at N. and F. Moon, W. 55.

Molosso's, where, O. 186.

[Page] Monastery, Spanish, where, O. 42. of Nuns, 124.

Money brought from Japan, S. 15. of Achin, 132. Trade hindred through want of it, 41, 2. 51. where none, W. 111. Cacao goes instead of it, O. 62. C. 120. Money-Changers, Women, S. 60. 130, 1. 142. see Coin, pieces of Eight.

Monkeys, eaten and where found, O. 14. 20, 1. 39. (black and little) 172, 3. 212. 320. S. 124. (d. and their tricks) C. 59. 60.

Monmouth I. d. O. 385. 422, 5, 6, 8, 9. 436.

Monsoons, see among Winds.

Moon, influencing Tides, where, W. 90, 7, 8. Currents, 100, 3, 6, 7. not, 51, 2. Trade-winds, 18, 9. Storms, 60. 72. S. 36. Lunar year, 53. Ecclipse, 147. Dancing at N. and Full, O. 541. W. 55. 111.

Half-moon Proes, d. and where, S. 5.

Moors, who in E. India, O. 507, 8, 9. S. 146. 158. 162.

Moro de Porcos, d. O. 211.

Moroon'd where and when men said to be, C. 84.

Villa de Mose, taken, C. 109. 110. d. and Trade, 110, 1, 9.

Moskito (Mosquito) Indians, their Qualifications, Country, Habit of Body, way of Living, Ingeny, &c. d. O. 7. 8. 9. 10, 1. 85. Dextrous striking of Fish, and management of Canoas, 1. 2. 35, 6, 7. 160. 234. 277. 453. C. 13. 109. Hist. of one left at J. Fernando's, O. 84, 5, 6. love English and English Names, 86, 7. breed up I. Gret, 181.

Moskito's or Gnats, where, O. 356, 7. C. 80. 120.—Cove, W. 68.

Mosques, where, O. 338. S. 129. d. 130, 7.

Moss, Turtle feeding on it, O. 104. long on Trees, 132.

Mould, see Soil.

Mountains interrupt the Atmosphere, W. 78, 9. gather Clouds and Rain. 83, 4, 5, 6. Burning, see Volcans. Yielding Gold, see Bullawan, Gold. Mountains what and where, O. 22. 42. 59. 94, 5. 118, 9. 131, 6. 153. 162. 174. 216. 224. 231, 9. 242. 251, 2, 6. 262. 310. 347. 378. 380, 2, 4, 5, 7. 442, 7. 460. 531, 3. 545, 6. S. 11, 9. 20, 2. 164. 121, 3. 133. C. 7. 8. 32, 8. 101, 8. 111, 9, 123. W. 78. 83, 4, 5. See

Blew Mountain, and Monte Diabolo, in Jamaica, C. 8. and

The Mount in Jucatan, d. C. 10, 1, 6. 22. and

C. Mount or Miserada in Guinea, its Winds, W. 14, 5. 51.

Mountain-Cow, see Ante.

Mountserat, I. Storm there, W. 70.

Mouths, people of large and wide, O. 325. 464. middle siz'd, 427. little, 395. (yet pretty full) C. 115.

Mozambique, Ambergriese, O. 74. Trade, W. 108.

Mud-fish, where, S. 128.

Muger-Key, or Womens I. C. 8. 9.

Mullatto's and Mosteso's, who & where, O. 186. 249. 250, 1. C. 122.

Mulberry tree and fruit, what, where, and how us'd, S. 23, 4.

[Page] Mules, where, O. 99. 249. 250. 277. C. 122.

Mullets, where, O. 321. S. 128. C. 71.

Munjack, Pitch, d. where, and its use, C. 130.

Muscles, where, O. 153. 173, 4, 7. 393. (scarce) 465.

Musick, where us'd, W. 111. see Bells, Drums, Gongs, Hautboys, Pipes, Strumstrums. That of the W. Indians doleful, O. 127.

Musk, where a Commodity, S. 61. whence and how got, 64. Musk-kernels, Musky flesh and Eggs of the Alligator, C. 75. O. 256.

Muslins, a Commodity, where, O. 137. 245. see Cloth.

N.

NAil of the left Thumb kept long, where, O. 326.

Naked, People going so, all but a Cloath about the middle, a Sash, or short Petticoat, O. 11. 31, 2. 40. 427. 479. 516. or Thong with Grass or Leaves, 464, 5. or Apron of Silk-grass Cloath, W. 110.

Sir I. Narborougb misinformed, in what, O. 246.

Nassau I. d. and an I. of Coco-trees near it, O. 475.

Nata, d. O. 176. 211.

Natal VVinds, VV. 19. Tides, 99. R. and Country, Product, Negro's, &c. d. 108, &c. R. and Hippopotamus, d. C. 104, 6, 7.

Natural Philosophy learnt, where, S. 60.

Needles, a Commodity, where, C. 119.

Negro's, where and what, O. 175. 195. 200. 534. see N. Hollanders, Hottentots, Natal, VVild-bush Men; a Bark full of them, 154. taken, 158. advantage might have been made of them, 158, 9. Trade for them, C. 90. O. 46, 7. 154. VVars and sale of one another, 510. Spanish, arm'd, 64. 270. incourag'd in domineering over the Indians, C. 116. Subject to Leg-worms, 90. Negro's Hair and Guinea Negro's Coal black, O. 464. Trial by bitter VVaters, S. 83. those of Sherbore R. Hospitable, O. 78.

Nellegree Hills in Bengal, S. 145.

Nets for Fishing what and where, O. 395. S. 28, 9. 130. 1. C. 12, 3.

Nevis, I. a Hurricane there, VV. 70.

New Year, see Year; new Moon, see Moon; new Holland, &c. see Holland. See

New England Indians, exploit of some of them, C. 131.

Newfoundland, a cold Country, C. 2. its Trade profitable to England, 131. Penguins, O. 97. High Coasts and deep Seas, 423.

Ngean, Prov. of Tonquin, S. 21. Iusty Men and good Eaters, 71.

Nicaragua, L. Trade by it, and its VVood, O. 115. See Blood-wood.

[Page] Nicobar Isles, d. O. 476. Commodities and different Characters of the Inhabitants, 477. with S. 94, 5. Ambergriese, True and Counterfeit, O. 72, 3. 477. 481, 2. Canoas, 480, 1. See

Nicobar I. properly so call'd, d. O. 477, 8. its Fruits, Animals, Plantations, 478, 9. 480. See Melory. The Inhabitants, their Habit, Language, Houses, way of Life, Disposition, &c. 478, 9. 482, 6, 8, 9. 490. Proes or Canoa's, d. 480, 1, 6, 7, 8, 9. 492.

Night, then most Rain in the VVet Season, VV. 88. Singing and Dancing then usual, where, O. 127. 459. 541. Fires then seen, 382. 459. Drum heard, 458.

Nigril Point in Jamaica, C. 38, 9.

Noddy, Bird, d. O. 53.

Nombre de Dios, now a Ruine, O. 58.

Fernando de Noronho's, I. d. VV. 56.

Norths, Storms; and North-Banks, Clouds presaging them, d. VV. 60, 1, 2. 71. 105, 6. C. 21. Chocolatta-North, 39. d. VV. 60.

North-Seas, store of Seals, O. 90. North-Sea, See Atlantick.

North-West and North-East Passages, how to be tried, O. 273, 4.

Noses, where People of short and low, O. 32. 325, 6. 427. thick, 32. and flat, ib. 326. 537. high or Aquiline, 44. 297. 395. 407. large, 407. small, 170. 326. mean bigness and well proportioned, 395. 478, S. 40. 128. C. 115. VV. 110.

Nuke mum a Pickle, what and where, C. 28. 30.

Nurse, Fish, d and where, C. 25. 35.

Nutmegs, where, O. 316. 447. 513. a Commodity, and Price, S. 152. VVild or Bastard Nutmegs, without smell or taste, O. 391, 2.

Pulo Nuttee, VVater and Provisions, S. 4.

O.

OAkam for calking Ships, O. 295.

Oaks, the only ones seen by the Author, in the Torrid Zone, C. 53.

Oarrha, d. O. 255.

Oars, what, where, and how us'd, O. 429. 490. S. 5. 13, 4. 75. best Looms or Handles, of what wood, O. 54. 118.

Oath of Allegiance, where and how taken, S. 82, 3.

Observations taken of the Sun, O. 82. 281. see Latitudes by Ob.

Offerings to Idols, flesh, O. 411. burnt sticks, 412. see Paper.

Oil, a Commodity, where, O. 142, 3. 196. 214. of Coco-nuts, how made, 294. where us'd (and Palm-Oil) for anointing the Body, 537, 8. Train-Oil of Seals, where to be had, 90. C. 26, 7, 8. of Sea-Turtle, O. 109. 110. 395, (and of Porpusses) S. 6. 8. sweet Oils us'd against Harmatans, VV. 50.

[Page] Old VVives, fish, where, S. 128.

Oleta R. d. O. 267.

Omba, I. d. and Isles and Sholes near it, O. 459.

One-bush Key, see Bush.

Onions, where, S. 23. 127.

Opium, a valuable Commodity, where, S. 154. 165, 6.

Oranges, what and where, O. 258. 291. 311. (Cam-chain and Cam-quit) S. 23, 4. 45. 90, 2. 124. 163. 181. C. 6. 94.

Orange I. d. O. 385. 421, 2, 9.

Ornament, of Dancing Women, O. 340. Princesses, 342. of several people, 32. 326, 7. 407, 8. 418, 9. 427. 456. 464. 479. 514, 5. 537, 8. S. 40, 1. C. 114. W. 111.

Pulo Oro, S. 5.

Oromkeys of Achin, O. 500. S. 141, 2, 3. 4.

Ostridges, see Estriges.

Otoque I. d. O. 200.

Otta, see Anatta.

Oven made in Sand, O. 275. a fence from Fire, S. 45, 6.

Out-cry of Fish at Malacca, manner of it, S. 163.

Outlagers of Boats, what, O. 299. 480. how serviceable, 487. 492, 5, 7. see Proes.

Oysters, Oyster-banks, and Pearl-Oysters, what and where, O. 43. 153. 173, 4, 6, 7. S. 9. 89. 163. C. 17. 28.

P.

PAcheca I. O. d. 175. 196, 9. 206.

Pacifick Sea, what properly so, O. 94. and how made so, W. 78, 9. 83. Dews and Mists tho' no Rain, 78. O. 94. and great Waves, ib. healthy Coast, 153.

Paddles, how and where us'd, O. 299. W. 38, 9.

Padres, see Priests (Spanish.)

Pagally, what and where, O. 327, 8. 358. 364, 5. 377. S. 52.

Pageants, O. 340, 1. Pageant Princes, see Boua, Q. of Achin.

Pagoda's Idol Temples, what and where, S. 56, 7. 90, 1, 2. 152.

Pagoda, Coin, how much, O. 509.

Paita, see Payta.

Painters, where, S. 60. 136. O. 409. Painting the Body, where and how, 514. 537. the Teeth black, S. 41.

Palaces, d. S. 47, 8. 130. see Houses.

Palankin, of the Sultan of Mindanao, O. 341.

Palimbam in Sumatra, its Pepper-Trade, O. 401.

Pallacat in Coromandel, O. 522. why deserted, W. 74.

Palm-Tree, and Dwarf-Palm or Palme to Royal, d. O. 248. 318. and thatch, 328. d. S. 46, 7. C. 79. 115.

Palm-wine, O. 78. whence, 248.

Palm-Oil, where used for anointing the Body, O. 537.

[Page] Palma-Mariae, d. and where, O. 212, 3.

Palmeto, and works and Thatch of it, d. and where, O. 150, 1. 300. 328 335. 412. 479. S. 46, 7. C. 11. 49. 79. 114, 5. 127.

C. Palmas, Coast and Winds, W. 16. 38. 50, 1. Weather, 80.

R. Palmas, C. 1 [...]0.

Palo de Campeche, Logwood, why so call'd, C. 47.

Panama Bay, its Coast, O 186. low, 34. 425. Bounds, 164. Rivers, 178. Ship-werms, 363. Rains, Air, &c. 186. W. 83. Winds, 17, 9. 34, 5. 40. O. 186. Tides, W. 95, 6. Islands, 95. d. O. 174, 5. 193, 9. 200, 2, 6. 211 see the Map, O. 1.

Panama City, d. O. 178, 9, 186. its strength, 205. whence its provision, 176. its Commerce with Portobel, 179. 184, 5. Course towards Lima, 4. 135. 167. and from Lima thither, 200, 1. Old Panama burnt. 178.

Panay, a Spanish I. unfrequented, O. 382. Fires in the night, ib.

Pangasanam (Pongasfinay) of Luconia, d. O. 383.

Pangasinam in Sumatra, its Pepper, S. 182.

Pan-tile, see Roofs.

Panuk, R. and City, d. C. 127.

Paper what and where made, S. 60, 1. burnt in Sacrisice to Idols, 58. 9. O. 396.

Parades in Spanish Towns, O. 219. 269. 387. C. 46.

Parakites, where, O. 321. 392. 426. 458. S. 26. 128. 181. C. 65.

Parents, play away Children, where, S. 42. sell them, 37, 8, 9. 50. their Daughters to Husbands, ib. see Children.

Pulo Parselor, d. S. 158, 9.

Parracota, Fish, d. (sometimes poisonous) C. 71, 2.

Parrots, where and what, O 39. 321. 392. S. 26. 128. 181. C. 65. 118. (a fine sort, d.) 128, 9.

Partriges, where, S. 26.

C. Passao, d. O. 162. No L. Breezes, W. 33. its Currents, 107.

Passage-Fort in Jamaica, Salt-Earth, C. 18. Breezes, W. 36.

Passages North-West and North East, how to be attempted, O. 273, 4.

Passange-Jonca, O. 499. 500, 1, 2. S. 118. 133, 4.

Pastla R. see Coolecan.

Pastures, where, O. 218. 231. S. 14. 21. see Savannahs.

Patagonia, a Stage to East India. Arrow-heads of Flint, O. 85, 6.

Pate Bay, great Calms there, W. 20.

Pattache, a Spanish Galleon, its Course, O 185.

Pavillions to sleep in, a Commodity, C. 42. necessary, 80.

Paving of Streets, S. 47. see Floors.

St. Paul's I. O. 175. 206.

[Page] Paunches of Goats, how dressed and eaten, O. 429. 430.

Pea's where growing, O. 532.

Peacock, a Bird like it, where and what, W. 109.

Pears, where growing, O. 532.

Pearl, Pearl-Oysters and Fishery, where and what, O. 43. 173, 4, 5. 244. 264. S. 8. 89. Mother of Pearl, where good, O. 173.

Pearl-Islands by Tonquin, S. 11.

Pearl-Islands in the W. Indies, see Corn-Islands.

Pearl-Islands, or Kings-Islands by Panama, O. 171. d. 175, 6, 7, 8. W. 95. see the Map, O. 1.

Santa Pecaque, see Centiquipaque.

Pecary, where, O. 9. 12, 8. 39. 169. C. 59. 96.

Pecul, how much, S. 132.

Pedro Point in Jamaica, hard to double, W. 32. Currents, 101.

Pegu, its Achar, O. 391. VVomen Prostituted there, 395. Shipwrack'd Men kept there, S. 8. its Jars, 98. low Coast, rich Pagoda and Image, and Commodities Imported, 151, 2.

Pelicans, d. and where, C. 69. 70, 1. S. 26.

Penguin, Bird, d. and where, O. 97. 146. (Eggs) 159.

Penguin Fruit, yellow and red, d. and where, O. 263. C. 94.

Pentare, I. d. and Smoaks and Fires seen on it, O. 459.

People all less Savage than thought to be, O. 484, 5, 6. Country populous and poor, S. 40, 1. see Poor, Manners, Customs, &c.

Pepper, where growing, and Trade, S. 8. 65. 110, 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7. 127. 158. 164, 6. 178. 180, 1. d. 182, 4. O. 400. heats Water in Ships holds, 525. Meat seasoned with it, S. 129. Guinea or Cod-pepper, Sawce, d. O. 296. 313. Fish-pickle, C. 124. Indian-pepper where, O. 10.

Periago's, see Canoa's.

Perica I. Road for Panama Shipping, O. 184. d. 186.

Perewinkles, Shell-fish, where, O. 174. scarce, 465.

Persia, Winds, W. 20. hot, 48. O. 504, 5. Pearl-Oysters, 174.

Peru, Coast, Soil, Winds and Weather, O. 94, 5, 6. 140, 1, 3. W. 12, 3, 4. 33, 8. 78, 9. 83. Tides, 96. Currents, 107. Rivers not perennial, 79. 80. S. 35. O. 95, 6. how far dry, and whence their Timber, 140. Cacao and Woollen whence, 152. E. India Commodities whence, 245. its Silver, see Pieces of Eight, Potosi. Buildings, see Churches, Houses. Rock-fish, 91. see Andes, Chili, Pacifick Sea, Gallapago's Isles. For particular Places, see the Globe-Map, O. Title; and the Map, O. 24.

Petaplan Hill, d O. 248.

St. Peter St. Paul, R. d. C. 94. 101, 7, 8.

[Page] Petit Guavre, see Guavre.

Petticoat an acceptable present to an Indian, O. 13. of several Nations, d. 327. 4 [...]7. 479. C. 114.

Petties, Bantam Coin, S. 132.

Peuns, who and where, O. 507, 8.

Philippine Islands, d. O. 306, 7, 8. Spanish Isles, ib. and Trade there, 185. (see Acapulco-Ship, Manilla,) how managed, 244, 5, 6. Smuggling, 307. Gold there, ib. 308. 350, 1. how named, 431. 513. Malayan learnt there, 395. People anoint themselves, 537. Course thence, W. 25. Anonymous I. by Sebo, and its Canes, d. 379. 380. other Isles, 382, 4. see Bashee Isles, Bat I. St. Johns, I. Luconia, Meangis Isles, Mindanao, Mindora, Panay, Sebo.

Philosophy, Natural and Moral, where studied, S. 60.

Phrensy, Laughing, &c. caused by a Plant, S. 126.

Pickers for Teeth and Tobacco of Spiders Teeth, C. 64.

Pickles, see Achar, Pepper-Sawce. Pickled Fish, what and where, O. 303. 533. S. 27, 8. 30. C. 124, 7.

Pictures in Houses. O. 140. S. 94. of Saints in Churches, C. 115. painted like Indians, ib. O. 123. where a Commodity, C. 119. see Painting, Images, Idols.

Pies Pond in Beef-Island in Campeachy, C. 77.

Pigeons, where, O. 39. 177. 276. 321. 392. S. 128. 181. C. 65. d. 66. see Doves, Turtle-doves.

Pillory, what and where, S. 78, 9.

Pilots, where to be taken in, S. 4. 11. O. 149. 155. where unacquainted, 163. 224, 5.

Pilot-Book, a Spanish Manuscript, quoted, O. 163. 198. 232, 9. 240. 251, 3, 5. 267. 272. 425. see Preface, Vol. II.

Pine-Trees, where, O. 198. see

Pinas Port, O. 198. and

I. of Pines by Cuba, d. C. 30, to 7. Beasts, Fish, Hunting, ib. 75. 98. Mangroves, 32. Violences of the Spanish Garrison there, 31. Land Tortoise, O. 102. Wet Weather, W. 85.

Pine-apple, Fruit where, O. 10. 291. 418. 420, 6. S. 125. 163. 181. C. 5. Pine-drink, O. 10.

Wild Pine, Shrub, d. and its keeping Water, C. 56.

Pipes, Musical, where used, C. 115. see Hautboys.

Pirates, Chinese, routed, S. 106, 7. Malayans, 157. 165. falsly supposed, 87, 8, 9. see Privateers, Buggasses.

Piscadore Isles, Harbour, T. Fort, Tartar Garrison and Shipping, O. 416, 7. Fruits, &c. 418. Liquors and Jars, 419. Cloaths, 418, 9.

Pisco, its Wine, O. 196.

Pitch what and where, O. 223. 394. (see Tar) 393. (how ordered for coating Ships, ib.) 509. S. 8. Munjack, d. C. 130.

Pinra, d. O. 143, 4.

[Page] Planets, their Motions where studied, S. 60.

Plank not sawn but split, O. 332. see Timber.

Plantains, where, O. 9. 12, 9. 20, 1. 59. (set to shelter Cacao) 62. 74, 5, 7, 8. 122, 3. 141. 167, 8. 175. 183, 7. 198, 9. 200, 2, 6. 253. 311, 3, 4 5, 6. 426. 455. 480. 546. S. 4. 23. 124. 163. 181. C. 5. 9. 112. Tree and Fruit, d. O. 311, to 6. how raised, 311, 2. in what Soil, 313. where valued, 313, 4, 5. how eaten, 313, 4. 426. Plantain-drink, 314, 5. Cloth, and where worn, ib. 3. [...]. 4. 7 A peculiar sort at Mindanao, with Seeds good for Fluxe. 315, 6. see [...].

Plantations, what and where, O. 9. 12, 4, 5, 8, 9. 22. 114. 175. 348. 4 [...]. 432, 3. 540. 8 130. of Cacao, O. 60, 1, 2. Coco nuts, 479. 480. Maiz, 123 C. 112, 3. Cotton, 114. see of Plantains, Tobacco, Yams, Sugar Canes. When the Harvest in these Plantations, W. 81, 2. suffering for want of Rain, 84. where managed by Women, O. 9. 429. 432, 3. Plantations where usually begun with Plantains, 313.

Plata I. O. Intr. IV. V. d. 132, 3 Tides, VV. 69.

Plate of Mexico C. 125. see Silver. Plate-Fleet, see Lima, Armada, Bar [...]-Fleet.

Plow and Plowing, how and where O. 410.

Plum-Trees and Fruit, see Coco plum, Hog plum.

Poisonous, Dye or Paint, S. 41. Food, see Manchancel, Paracooda. Bones, see Corroso. Fins, see Cat-fish. Poisoning what and where used, O. 32 [...]. 374. how the Liver affected with it, 398. Darts poisoned, 41. Arrows, VV. 108.

Poles for several uses, S. 26, 9. 47.

Polar, VVinds cold, O. 530. S. Pole, VVinds thenee, 544.

Polygamy, where, O. 334. (the Sultan) 455. S. 50. VV. 111.

Pomgranates, where and what, O. 532, 4. S. 124. see Mangastan.

Ponds, Medicinal Herbs floating on them, S. 22, 3. Duck-ponds, 26. Fish-ponds, 27, 9. 48. 55.

Pone tree, d. and its use, S. 24. 62, 4.

Ponti [...]herri, French Fort, taken by the Dutch, O. 522.

Pontique Point, d. O. 258. 261.

Poor people thro want of Trade, O. 334. 395. S. 39. 41, 2. 51. and with it, 64, 5. begging, 14. thievish, 50. sell Wives and Children, 37, 8, 9.

Madre, or Nuestra Sennora, de Popa, rich Monastery, O. 4 [...].

[...], Mexican Breezes, d. VV. 46, 7.

Por [...], China VVare, made where and of what, O. 409.

Moro de Porcos, d. O. 211.

Porcupines, where, C. 59. 62. S. 127. eaten 128.

[Page] Pork, how eaten and young Piggs, S. 30, 1. 92. abhorred, see Hogs.

Porpusses, and Oil of them, S. 6. killed by a Storm, VV. 71.

Porta Nova in Coromandel O. 388.

Portobel, low Coasts on each side, O. 424. VVinds and Tornado's, 44. Breezes and Course, VV. 40. stormy Norths, 60. unwholesom Turtle to the East of it, O. 103. Plantains there, 313. Commerce with Panama, 27. 184. 5. Goods taken, and Air sickly, ib. Barlaventa. Fleet touches there, C. 126.

Portorico Island, Trade, O. 227. Hog-Crauls, C. 98. touch'd at, 126.

Port-Royal in Campeachy, Harbour and Island, d. C. 48. 51. a vast green Turtle there, d. O. 105, 6.

Port-Royal in Jamaica, its Turtle, whence, O. 106. W. 36. indangered by a Storm, 65. otherwise useful, 107.

Ports, see Harbours. Free, O. 418.

Portugal, high Coasts and deep Seas, O. 423. Portuguese of Cape Verd Isles poor, 70, 2, 4, 5. Trade and Shipping, where, 307. 383, 7, 8. 460. S. 145. VV. 108. see Goa, Macao. places lost by them, 400 545. (and why) S. 161, 2. VV. 56. Discoveries of the E. Indies by Sea, O. 530. S. 161. their Course to Brazil, VV. 9. Portuguese words where spoken, O. 479.

Posole (poor Soul) an Indian Drink, d. C. 43. 113.

Possum (Opossum) Beast, where, C. 59. 96.

Posts, Houses built on them, how and where, O. 151. 328, 9. 454, 7. 479. S. 129. 145, 6. 180.

Potato's, where, O. 9. 12, 4, 8, 9. 46, 8. 75. 141. 151. 311. 426. 433, 5, 7. 454. 458. the Leaves devoured by Locusts, 430. where no Potato's, 480. 464, 6.

Potosi, its Silver inferiour to the Mexican, O. 269.

Potters, where, S. 60. see Earthen VVare, Jars.

Poultrey, (Dunghil Fowl, Cocks and Hens) where, O. 122. 240. 321. (how kept) 329. 406. 426. 464. (like ours) 480, 9. 509. 533. 546. S. 25. 30. 163. 184. (Cock-fighting, ib.) C. 118. 128. VV. 111. a wild sort, d. O. 392, 3.

Powder (Gun) a Commodity, where, C. 41. ill-corn'd, and made by every one for his own use, S. 70. 99. how by the Author, 97, 8, 9.

Small-Pox, see small.

Pracel Sholes, dangerous, O. 389. 405. S. 7. 9. 105.

Prata, I. and dangerous Rocks, d. O. 405, 6.

Prawns, where, S. 27.

Prayers, how and where made, O. 338. 343. S. 57, 8.

Precipices, Towns built on them, O. 425, 8, 9.

Presents expected, O. 328, 9. what and where made, 354, 5. 301, 2, 3, 4. 354, 5. 418, 9. 420. 457, 8. 500, S. 108.

Prices of Goods, what and where, O. 227. 333. 356. 365. 427. 487. 9. S. 61. 132. 4. 5. 152. C. 47.

[Page] Priests, Spanish Padre's among Indians, O. 44. 123, 5, 6, 7. 131. 300, 1, 3, 4, 8. 383, 7. C. 112, 4. power and wealth, O. 124. 308. C. 114, 5. learn the Languages of the Indians, ib. see Missionaries. Heathen Priests, where and what, O. 396. S. 52, 7, 8. 83.

Princes, Eastern, their State, &c. S. 142, 3. (abus'd, 184.) O. 329. 335, 6, 7. 340, 1, 2. 354, 5. Devices in Flags, 455. see Mindanaian and Bouton Sultans, R. Laut, Tonquinese ruling King or Choua, Government, Guards, Presents, Soldiers, VVomen. Painted Pr. see Jeoly. Pageant Princes (without real power) see Boua, and Q. of Achin. A Prince of a Spice-I. invites the English to Trade, 350. 366. 444, 6.

Privateers, Buccaneers, always seek for Fish, O. 117, 8. and take Moskito-men with them, 1. 2. soon mutinous if in want, 146. venturous, 242. Signals to find each other, 252. their knowledge of the W. India Coasts, 27. Queries put to Prisoners, 27, 8. Commissions taken from Petit-Guavres, ib. 39. 68. 192. burn Vessels they take, and save the Nails, C. 47. Manage Canoas well, 119. sleep on Deck, VV. 87. observe Tides much, 9. Their Ravages in Jucatan, Campeachy, New Spain, and B. of Mexico, C. 12, 5. 33. 47. 53, 4. 95, 8. 109. 110, 1. 121, 2, 4, 6. Cruisings among the W. India Coasts and Islands, O. 26 to 66. Revelling, 50. Exploits, &c. 50, 6, 8. 63, 8, 9. Repulse, 63. French, Ordinary Seamen, 30. Their Entring the S. Sea's by the Cape. R. 129. by crossing the Isthmus (and Return) Intr. III. 7. 11 to 24. 191, 6, 7. and first occasion of it, 180, 1, 2, 3. entring by Sea, 83, 4. Cruising, Occurrences, &c. in the S. Sea, 93 to 278. several particulars relating to them, 116, 7. 153 to 8. 171. 187, 8, 9. 191, 6, 7. 202, 5, 8, 9. 213. 5, 9. 220, 1, 3, 4. 241, 2, 3, 7. 254, 5, 8, 9. 260, 1, 6, 7, 8. 270, 1, 7, 8. In the E. Indies, 358, 9. 364, 5. 371, 2, 3, 4, 6. 439. 470. 481, 2. 506 to 511. see Pirates.

Procession at a Circumcision, O. 340, 1, 2. of Idolaters, 397.

Proe's, what and where, their make, Outlayers, &c. d. O. 298, 9. 300. d. 335, 6. 397. 448. 455, 8. 475, 7. 480. d. S. 5. d. 131. Procbottoms built upon, 111. see Boats, Outlayers, Paddles.

Prophesie or presage of the stirs in America, O. 180, 1.

Prospects pleasant, O. 42. 58, 9. 87. 111, 2. 135. 152, 7. 163. 177, 8, 9. 186, 7. 202. 231, 3. 251, 2, 3, 8. 309. 384. 417. 478. 530, 1. S. 14. 24. 179. C. 109. VV. 109.

Prostituting of VVomen, see VVomen.

Providence I. C. 57. by whom setled, O. 33.

Puebla Nova attempted, O. Intr. III. taken, 213.

Pulo signifies Island, O. 389. see Condore, Uby, &c.

Pumce-stones, where and whence, O. 230.

Pumkins, where, O. 311. 426. S. 23. 45. 181.

Pumps (Spanish) for Ships, how made, O. 443, 4.

Pumple-Nose, fruit, d. S. 124, 5. 163.

Puna I. T. and Pilots, d. O. 149. Oysters, 177.

[Page] Punishments, what and where us'd, O. 356, 7. 367. 432. S. 77 to 81, 3. 138, 9. 140.

Purification, City, d. O. 257.

Purslain wild, and benefit of it, where, S. 22.

Q

QUalifications of People, Docil and Apprehensive, Ingenious, of good natural Wit, Active, Dexterous, &c. O. 78. 9. 10. 35, 6, 7, 8. 298. 300. 326. 400, 1. 429. S. 41, 2. 181. VV. 110. see Artificers, Mechanicks, Proes, Jonks, &c. Learning, Customs, &c.

Qualities of People, see Manners.

Quam, a Bird, d. and where, O. 19. 39. C. 65. d. 66, 7. 85.

Quantung, Province of China, see Canton.

Queda, Cudda, Oil used, O. 537. Trade, 501. S. 173, 8.

Queen of Achin, her Election, State, &c. S. 141. to 8.

Querisao, see Currasao.

Du Quesne's Voyage, a Fight related in it, O. 522, 3.

Quibo (Cobaya) I. and its other Keys or Islands, O. Intr. IV. d. 212, 3. 5. Cantarras I. 213. see Canales I. Rancheria I. and,

Quicaro, I. d. O. 212, 5.

Quick-Silver, whence, and a Commodity, O. 245.

Quinam, Metropolis of Cochinchina, S. 7.

Quinces, where growing, O. 532.

Quito, its Cloth a Commodity, where, O. 142, 3. 152. City and Gold Mines, d. 152, 3. Rains, sickly Air, and rich Rivers, 164, 9.

R

RAccoons, or Indian Conies, and Rats, O. 172, 276. C. 6. 32.

Rack, see Arack.

Rafts, see Bark-Logs.

Rags, a Commodity, where, O. 489.

Raja's, Princes, abus'd, S. 184. see R. Laut.

Rain, what, when and where met by the Author, &c. O. 4. 14, 6, to 21. 79. 83. 199. 360. 414, 5. 438. 459. 461. W. 55. where and when much usual, O. 44. 108. 153. 167. 173. 195. 230. 322. 360. S. 34, 6. 149. C. 33. 79. W. 19. 52. 62, 8, 9. 72, 8. 80, 2, to 6. pleasant, 58. Season of Rains in particular Places, when and how, O. 186. 207. 297. 321, 2, 3. 360. 394. S. 34. 148, 9. 180, 1. W. 52. see Season, Weather. Bays most subject to Rain, 78. 80, 2, 3. and Mountains, 83, 4, 5, 6. much from a small Cloud, 87, 8. hurt [Page] done by them, S. 37, 8. Floods caused, see Floods. Rivers made by them, 35. O. 95, 6. whose overflow fattens the Land, S. 37, 8. Rain where a sign of Land nigh, O. 283. No Rain, where, 94. 139. 140. 186. and why, W. 78, 9.

Ramdam, or Mahometan Lent, how kept, O. 343, 359, 361.

Rancheria, its Pearl-Fishery, &c. d. O. 43, 4.

Rancheria I. in the S. Sea, d. O. 212.

Rashbouts, who and where, O. 507, 8.

Rates of Goods, see Price.

Rattan Caues, use, O. 496. S. 46. Rattan-Cables, d. 167.

Rats, many, where, C. 23. 45. in Ships, O. 279.

Raw Fish eaten, O. 430. Flesh, S. 30.

Realeja, Ria Lexa, Port to Leon City, O. 215. the Habour and Island, d. 118 to 121. the T. d. taken and burnt, 119. 221, 3. bad Air, 221, 4. 230, 6.

Recreations, S. 53. see Gaming.

Red Sea, Ambergriese, O. 74. Pirates fond of cruising there, 439. when bad going thither, 510. Weather and Winds, W. 20, 4. Tide, 99.

Red wood, see Blood-w. Gam-w. Log-wood.

Reeds, Hats made of them, where, S. 43.

Refugees, French, where, O. 532. 547.

Religious Belief, Prayers, &c. where, S. 56, 7, 8. O. 338. none visible, 432. 466. 479. 541. state of it in the E. S. 95, 6, 7. see Christianity, Idolatry, Mahometanism, and

Renegado's, Chinese and English, S. 138.

Revolution at Siam, S. 151, 2, 3.

Rhubarb, whence, S. 63.

Ria Lexa, see Realeja.

Rice, where growing, and a Commodity, O. 78. 175. 291, 7. 303. 329. 333. 353. 384. 397, 9. 400. S. 14. 21, 2, 4, 5. 30. 64. 87, 8. 105 130, 4, 5, 6. 145. 151. 183, 6. 181. 2. in wet Soil, 25. O. 297. 406. 410. S. 25. yet hurt by much Ram, 37. depends on the Rains, where, 37, 8. dear bought, 50. Harvest, when and how ordered, 25. O. 353. tred out with Buffalo's, 410, 1.. how dress'd and eaten, see Cookery; with Tamarinds, good for sick People, 520. the Grain and main Sustenance of the E. Indians, 399. 426. S. 22. 30, 8. 50, 5, 126. 148. where none, O. 426. 433. 480. 464, 6. Rice Drink, see Drink.

Mr. Ringrose, kill'd, O. 271, 2. referred to, see H. of Buccaniers.

Rings, what and where worn, O. 365. 514, 5. C. 119. VV. 111.

Ripling or Cockling Sea, O. 133. VV. 57. see Sea.

Rivers nor perenbical, where, O. 95, 6. S. 35. all in the Torrid Zone overflow in the wet Season, 34. brackish in the dry Season, O. 258. how us'd for Bathing, 330. [Page] S. 180. see Bathing, Washing. Fit for building Ships, O. 114. unfrequented, 163. stor'd with Fish, S. 27. 128. how caught 28, 9. Ripling or Cockling Sea caus'd by Rivers, W. 57. and what Tides, 91. For particular Rivers, see the Maps. Gold-Rivers, see Gold. River-Frigats, d. and where, S. 16. 74, 5, 6, 7. River-Horse, see Hippopotamus.

Roads and Riding for Ships, what and where, O. 48. 55, 6, 8. 63. 74. 97. 125. 144. 151, 2. 164, 9. 170, 9. 184. 204. 238, 9. 257. 321. 380. S. 122, 3. 165. C. 17. 108. W. 73. 4. See Anchorings, Harbours.

Roca's Isles, d O. 52, 5.

Sky-Rockets fir'd at Mindanao, O. 342.

Rocks, what and where, O. 50, 1, 2, 6. 74. 81. 97. 101, 9. 112, 6. 122. 132, 3, 6, 9. 145, 6. 174. 186. 198. 212: 232, 5, 8, 9. 240, 1, 2, 8. 256, 7. 261, 2, 3, 7. 275. 282, 3. 291. 381, 2. 405. 422, 6. 458. 461, 3. 475. 545, 7. S. 19. 122. 160. 171. C. 23, 5, 6. 47. 124, 5. W. 56. (people dwelling in them, 108.) 109. Rocky Coasts have deep Seas, and where so, O. 422, 3, 4, 5. abound in Fish, 91. 264. see

Rock-fish (Grooper, Bacalao) d. and where, O. 91. 257.

Rokbo, a Branch of Tonquin R. d. S. 9. 10, 5, 6, 9. 21.

C. Roman, its Currents, W. 101, 2, 4.

Pulo Rondo, d. S. 122.

Roofs of Buildings, what and where, O. 139. 218. 387. 479. 539. S. 43, 5. 57. 130. C. 45. 115, 8. see Thatch.

Roots, eatable, where little need of them, S. 22. sold, 30. planted, 182. see Cassavy, Onions, Potato's, Yams.

Rosario, R. T. and Gold. Mines, d. O. 266.

Rowing, how, see Proes. To the sound of a Gong, in exact cadence, S. 75. without hands, 139. see Oars, Paddles.

Port-Royal, Porto-Rico, see Porto.

Rudder, a Paddle us'd for it, O. 299. S. 5.

Rum, a Commodity, where, C. 18. 92.

Rushes burnt on Idol-Altars, S. 43. 58.

Rusk, a sort of wheaten Bisket, O. 303.

S.

SAbbath of the Mahometans, Friday, O. 338. 377.

Sacrificio I. in the S. Sea, d. O. 238.

Sacrificio Isles in the G. of Mexico, their true Site, C. 124, 5.

Sacrifices to Idols, what and where, O. 396, 7. S. 43. 58, 9.

Saggen, Plantain, and Plantain-Cloth, O. 327.

Sago, where, what, how made, and us'd, O. 310, 1. 329. S. 148.

Sails, and Sail-cloth, d. O. 295. 384. 413. S. 13. C. 46. bad, W. 33. Sailing swift, O. 281, 5, 6. 300. in E. India, depends on the Monsoons, W. 22, 3, 4. see Course, shipping.

Saints, painted like Indians, O. 123. C. 115. sold, 119, see V. Mary.

Saker, of great Guns, where the most valued, S. 65.

Sale or Out-cry at Malaoca, manner of it, S. 163.

[Page] Sal I. of the C. Verds, and its Salt, &c. d. O. 70, 2.

Rio de Sal, d. O. 264.

Salina Harbour and Salt in Campeachy, d. C. 42, 3. see Salt.

Sallagua T. O. 245. 253. Harbour, d. 254.

Salt, and Salina's or Salt-ponds, where, O. 49. 56. 70, 5. 110. 240. 3. 265, 9. 430. (making, d. and time of kerning, 56.) C. 42, 3. Wells dug in Sand, Salt if deep, where, 50. 118. Salt-water under Fresh, S. 156, 7. O. 42. Salt-Lakes stor'd with Fish, 241, 2, 3. see Lagunes.

Salt-Creek in Campeachy, C. 99.

Salt-Petre, imported, S. 65. (us'd) 98. Earth, C. 7. 8.

Sambaloe's Isles, and Point Samblass, Rendezvous of Privateers, Vegetables and Animals, O. 22, 3, 6. 39. 40. 101, 3. C. 58. 61. Breezes, W. 36. see Golden I.

Pulo Sambilong. and their Cat-fish, S. 171.

Sambo, R. d. O. 193, 8.

Sam shu, a sort of Arack, d. O. 419.

Sands, hot, a Cure, O. 276. a Punishment, 357. rais'd by Winds, W. 15. 47, 8. Wells, C. 50. 118. Banks, 120. high, 123, 4. see Anchorings, Bays, Sholes, Soil.

Santa Pecaque, see Centiquipaque.

Sapadilly, fruit, where, O. 39. d. 202, 3. C. 48, 9. 94.

Sarsaparilla, grows in water, and where, O. 152.

Sash worn instead of other Cloaths, O. 479. see Naked.

Savages, misreported, and easily amus'd, O. 484, 5, 6.

Savannahs, Champian, or Pasture, what and where, O. 44. 50. 62. d. 87, 8. 112, 4, 5. 121. 150. 205. 211, 8. 231, 2. 240. 250, 3, 8, 9. 264, 5, 9. 347, 8. 369. 384, 7. 406. 442. S. 19. 22. 124. C. 32, 48, 9. 52, 3, 8, 9. (drown'd, 55, 6. 80, 1, 2.) 84, 5, 6. d. 94, 102, 7, 8. 120, 1.

Sauces, Pepper-sauce, O. 396. see Achars, Pickle, Cookery.

Sausages of raw Pork eaten, where, S. 30.

Sawyers, and Saws, S. 60. C. 41. O. 357. none, 332.

Scabby Lips caus'd by a Wind, O. 63.

Scales, not us'd, where, O. 434.

Scarf, what and where worn, O. 456. S. 129.

Scholars, where the only Courtiers, S. 59. Schools, O. 330, 1.

Scuchadero, d. O. 195.

Scissars, a Commodity, where, C. 119. O. 23.

Scorpions, O. 320. C. 63. S. 25. an Antidote, 53, 4.

Scuda, I. Sir Fr. Drake's Bowels buried there, O. 39.

Scurvey cur'd, O. 92. 548.

Sea, where, high, great, rough, swelling, O. 55. 134. 198. 231, 2, 3, 9. 241. 7. 253. 262, 4, 7. 543, 4. C. 123, 4. increas'd by contrary Winds. W. 106, 7. O. 421. see Tornado's, Storms. No Grass or Weeds in deep Seas, 393. where deep or shallow, and deepening gradually; ib. 422, 5, 4, 5. C. 16. 48. Head-Sea, 22. Cockling or Ripling, [Page] O. 82. 133. 415. W. 57. sparkling & working Waves, in Storms, 69. O. 414. always smooth, C. 30. long Ebb presaging Storms, W. 61, 6. 70. Change of Colour, O. 80. usually a sign of Sholes, or Land near, C. 28. Sea and Wind rise and fall together, O. 217. At Sea, Land-Breezes faintest, W. 31, 2, 3. fewest Tornado's, 86, 7, 8. Far at Sea, weakest Currents, 104. and Birds not seen, O. 282. 531. Seawinds warmest, 529. see Weather, Winds. Fresh Water taken up at Sea, 42. S. 156. warily, 157. Sea-Marks, see Marks, see Atlantick, Indian, Red Sea, G. of Mexico, and South-Sea.

Sea men, good, S. 4. 5. bad, see Spaniards. Ignorance, O. 276, 7, 8. 507. VV. 15. Superstition, 31. lost by carelesness, 41, 2. Proverb, 45. hardship, 48. tricks, O. 318. thievish, ib. 528, 9. just, S. 117, 8. scarce, 112. see Lascars.

Sea-Devils, fish, d. C. 73. Sea-Cow, see Manatee. Sea-or River Horse, see Hippopotamus. Sea-Lion, see Lion. Sea-Dog, see

Seals d. and where (where plenty of Fish) O. 89. 90. 146. salted. 263, 4. 276. 533. C. 25, 6. Seal-skin Floats, d. VV. 38, 9.

Seasons of the Year, VVet and Dry, what and where, d. VV. 76 to 88. S. 148, 9. (divide the Year, as Summer and VVinter) 31, 2. Wet, when, 34, 5. 180. O. 277. 322. C. 55. VV. 52. see Rains, Floods. Host Rain then at night, 88. incommodious, S. 45. 73. Oysters then fresh. C. 17. Dry, when and where, O. 197. 258. 297. 323. 361. 394. S. 36. 90. C. 55. VV. 58. the Harvest-time of Plantations, VV. 81, 2. pleasant, C. 122. VVater how preserv'd then, 56. 76, 7. Rivers brackish, O. 258. 277. Season of VVinds, what and where, 38, 9. 44. 280. 298. 303, 6. 322. 346, 7. 353, 4, 7. 401, 5. 413. 437, 9. (and sign) 490. 544. 5. 179. VV. 4. 8. 9. 11, 2, 3. 22, 7. 30, 5. 43, 4, 6. 101, 2. for sailing, bad, O. 354. 416. 439. 461. 504, 5. 510. 524. for Tornado's, 458. VV. 51. Tuffoons, S. 36. Norths, 60. C. 29. Souths, VV. 65. Hurricanes, 68. stormy Monsoons, 73. Currents, 106, 7. crossing the Line, see Equator, Making Salt, &c. see Salt, Sugar. Fishing, C. 15. Periodical Seasons of Travelling kept by Fish and Fowl, O. 394. see Turtle.

Sebo, I. and one of Canes by it, d. O. 379. 380.

Segovia, in Mexico, visited by Privateers, O. 129.

Selam Look-out, C. 13, 4.

Serle (Captain) and Serles Key, C. 52.

Serpents, see Snakes.

Settlements, Provision and Persons necessary for them, O. 352, 3. (and where to be made,) 158, 9. 349. 350, 1. 394. S. 101, 2, 3. see Factories, Trade.

Shabander of Achin, O. 502. S. 141, 2, 4, 5. of Malacca, 163, 6, 7.

Shackles and VVrist-bands of Gold, where worn, O 514, 5.

Shallow places, O. 33. 125. 169. see Sholes.

Shape of People, where streight, well-made, or shap'd, O. 7. 170 297. 395. 406. 454. 464. 478. C. 115. (and slender) S. 181. rawbon'd, O. 406. squat, 426. thin, 537. see Limbs.

harks, where, O. 65. 79. 110. 472. C. 25. 35. VV. 55. kill'd by Storms, 81. howdrest to eat, O. 78.

[Page] Sheathing of Ships, how necessary, O. 360, 2, 3.

Sheep, where, O. 387. 464. 532. 540. (a few for the King) S. 25. their Skins worn, and Guts eaten, O. 538, 9. 540.

Shell-fish, where, and what, S. 27. C. 17. O. 449. 540. scarce, 465. a sort red like boil'd Shrimps, 81. see Clams, d. Cockles, Conchs, Crabs, d. Craw-fish, Horse-hoofs, d. Muscles, Oysters, d. Periwinkles, Prawns, Shrimps. Shells stuck in the Hair, 538.

Sherboro, Cherburg R. near Sierra Leona, English Factory and Trade of Cam-wood, O. 78. C. 58.

Ships and Shipping, where built, O 114. whither sent, see Trade. Little us'd where, 117. 243. 267. C. 122. suppress'd, S. 118. E. Indian, what and where, O. 332. S. 5. 8. 9. 74, 5, 6, 7. 88. 110. 1. Houses built to attend them, 12, 3. measur'd, O. 354. see Champa, Chinese Jonks, Proc's. Spanish, see Acapulco-ship, Armada, Barlaventa-fleet, Flota, Lima. Eaten with VVorms, see sheathing. Quarter-deck cut down, 380. how made to wear, VV. 64. cast on Land by Storms, C. 92, 3. VV. 67, 9. 73. see VVrecks. Seams opening in Harmatans, 49. Hold hot with Pepper, O. 525. see Anchoring, Bark-logs, Boats, Cables, Canoa's, Careening, Masts, Oakam, Oars, Outlagers, Paddles, Pitch, Pumps, Rudder, Sails, Tar, VVell-boat.

Shirts, none worn, S. 43. see Cloaths.

Shoes, none worn, O. 326. 408. 456. S. 43. 129. like Slippers, and small ones of Chinese VVomen, O. 408. see Feet.

Shooting of Birds, newly learnt, where, S. 26. Shooting-matches, solema, 72. Shot, a Commodity, C. 41.

Sholes and shallow places, Bars, Flats, &c. where, O. 75, 8. 119. 133, 6. 144, 7, 9. 164. 193. 212. 242. 253. (a sign of Land near) 283. 297. 303. 378. (very dangerous) 382, 9. 425. 447, 8. 450, 8, 9. 460, 1. (ill plac'd in Charts) 462. S. 5. 9. 10, 1, 2. 105. 156, 9. 170, 1. C. 28, 9. 35. 123. usually near low Land, O. 422, 3, 4, 5. discover'd by change of Colour in the VVater, 80. Beacons set on them, 450. proper to Fish on, 297. see Fishing Banks. See Anchorings.

Shrimps, and Trade of them, S. 27, 8. 128, C. 127, 8.

Shrubs, see Bushes, Fruits, Trees.

Siam Bay, d. Isles and Fishermen there, O. 398, 9. 400, 1. 425. VVinds, VV. 21. Course, 23. 399. VVeather, 82. Aguala wood, S. 8. Kingdom of Siam, their Trade at Tonquin, 10. 16. at Achin, O. 504. VVar with the English, Bells bought for the King, and English in his service, ib. S. 101, 2, 3, 5 to 9. Massacred at Merga, 151. Revolution, and English from Siam City, 152, 3. VVomen prostitutes, O. 395. Achars, 391.

Sibbel de Wards, Sebald de Waerdts) Isles, d. O. 80, 1.

Sick men refresh'd with Herbs and Fruits, O. 92. 526. 542. S. 23. see Diseases, Cures. Sick place, 180. O. 524, 5. see Air bad.

Sight, good, O. 8. bad, 464, 5. see Eyes.

[Page] Signs of VVinds, VVeather, &c. see Clouds, Fogs, Land, Sky, Storms, Sun.

Silks, a Commodity, where, O. 137. 245. 379. S. 15. (and raw Silk,) 61. C. 120. for sowing, 119. Silk-worms, and Silks made, where, O. 409. S. 21, 2, 5. d. 61. VVorm, 42. (presented) 108. 129. O. 419. China-silk, 333. 409. S. 15. Silk-Countreys poor, 39. Silkpaper, 61. Silk-grass Aprons, VV. 110.

Sillabar, O. 401. S. 179. 180. its Pepper, 182.

Silver, Mines, where, O. 260, 1. 9. European Prisoners not sent thither, C. 54. out of a VVreck, O. 148. imported, S. 61, 5. Buttons, 108. Rings, a Commodity, C. 119. see pieces of Eight, Plate-fleet. Quick-silver, see Quick.

Silvester, tree, fruit, dye, d. O. 124. 225, 9.

Sincapore Streights, S. 4. 109.

Singing, Songs, what and where, O. 127. 337. 342. 459. 541.

Sisal, Look out, d. C. 14.

Sitting cross-leg'd, where us'd, O. 329.

Situation pleasant, &c. O. 218, see Air, Prospect.

Skins worn, lousy, O. 539. 540. for Instrument-Cases, C. 73. eaten, O. 429. 430. see Asses, Goats, Manatee, Seals, Leather

Sky clear, when, W. 4. 45. black, 66. see Clouds, Weather.

Slaves working, where, O. 266, 9. 534. see Negro's. made Slaves, 184. 456. 510, 1, 5, 6. S. 7. 8. (by Parents and Husbands) 37, 8. (see Children, Wives. the usual Punishment, where) 83. 130. slavish State, 132, 4, 5. d. 141, 2.

Slippers, Sandals, worn, O. 408. S. 129.

Sloth, Beast, where, C. 59. d. 61.

Small-Pox, where, O. 334.

Smiths (Black, Gold) &c. d. O. 331, 2. S. 60. 130, 1, 6. 181.

Smoaks and Fires seen, O. 82. 459. a signal, 252.

Snakes and Serpents, what and where, O. 103. 172. 212. 320, 1. (in houses, &c.) 373. S. 25. (an Antidote) 53, 4. 127. C. 50. 62. (yellow, green, dun) d. 62, 3.

Snapper, fish, d. and where, O. 91. C. 12. 109.

Snook, fish, d. and where, O. 243. C. 12. 71. 124.

Soap, a Commodity, where, O. 142, 3. 214.

Soil, what and where, O. 11, 5, 8. 21, 9. 44. 59. 70, 4, 6. 95, 7. 101, 9. 112. 122. 132, 4, 5, 9. 140, 3. 164. 172, 5. 187. 196. 202. 218. 222, 5. 240. 250, 3, 5, 6. 261. 275, 291, 7. 309. 310. 333. 351. 380, 4. 390. 406. 425, 6. 447. 457. 463. 473, 8. 532. S. 14, 9. 20, 1, 2, 5. (variety of it) 123, 4. 171, 4. 181. C. 11. 23. 56, 8. 94, 5. 102. 111, 3, 9. 122, 3. W. 109. see Savannahs, Rocks, Sands, Trees, Rice.

Soldiers, what and where, S. 60. Exercises, 69, 72. rowing, 75, 7. Arms, 70, 1, 6. trial by eating, and how rais'd, ib. Fights and Expeditions, 70, 4. Watch, 77, 8. hir'd, 108. see Guards, Arms, Fighting.

Soldier-Insect, d. eaten, but sometimes poisonous, O. 39.

Sologues of Mindanao, d. O. 325. Proe's and Trade, 379.

[Page] Soundings, O. 232, 3. see Anchorings.

La Sounds Key in the Samballo's, O. 22, 3, 6.

South Keys or Islands, see of Cuba.

South Sea, Bold Shore, and great and deep Seas, O. 423. 34. no Manatee, ib. not Hawks-bill Turtle, 105. its Pearl-Oysters, 173. Jewfish, 249. Red-wood, C. 58. see Blood-wood. Ant-bears, 61. Oakam, O. 295. see Bark Logs, Cat-fish. Far in it, no Rocks, Fish or Fowl, where, 282. Course across it, see Course. Breadth, under-reckon'd, O. 288. 290. VVinds, VV. 3. 10, 1. 24. 40. VVeather, 78, 9. Tides, 93, 5, 6. Currents, 107, 8. what part free from Storms and Rain, see Pacifick Sea. Better Landing about Peru than Mexico, see Landing bad. See VVeather, VVinds, Bark-logs, Chili, Peru, Panama Bay, Mexico, California. Commerce with the Atlantick by the Cape-R. O. 129. by the Isthmus, see Isthmus.

Souths, Storms, where, O. VV. d. 65 to 8.

Soy, whence and how made, S. 28.

Spain, presage of the stirs in America, O. 180, 1. Cargo thence, C. 125. see

Spaniards, particulars relating to them, in America, O. 2. 3. 4. 6. 12, 3, 4, 8. 27, 8. 30, 3, 8. 41 to 6. 56 to 60, 3, 8. 75. 83, 4, 8. 91, 4, 6, 7, 0. 100, 2. 113 to 7. 120, 2, to 8. 131, 4, 5, 6, 9. 140, 3, 4, 7, 8, 9. 152, 3, 5, to 8. 163, 6, to 173, 5, 7, to 182, 4, to 209. 211, 3, 4, 7, to 221. 3, 5, to 235, 9, to 261, 4, to 273, 5, 7, 9. 280, 2, 3. S. 117. C. 13, 9. 20. 34, 5. 42 to 7. 51, 2, 3, 4. 73. 90, 5, to 8. 109, to 116. 120, to 7, 9. 130, 1. (their sailing) W. 40. 105. (bad Sea-men) 33. 62, 3. (O. 190, 1.) at Guam, O. 290, 1, 300, &c. at the Philippines. 328. 331, 3, 4. 377, 9. 382, 3, 4, 7, 8. 515, 6. Trade, &c. 184, 5. 243 to 6. 333, 4. C. 42, 3. 90. 110, 1. 120 to 7. 131. see Armada, Acapulco-ship, Barlaventa-fleet, Flota, Lima-fleet, Carriers, Commodities, Trade. Fighting, Intelligence, &c. Stratagems, O. 99. 114, 7. 120, 1. 135, 6. 144, 7. 188, 9. 208, 9. 225, 7, 8. 243. 259. 265. 382. Government, Policy, Severity, &c. 43, 4. C. 19. 31. 44. 54. 94, 5, 6. 109. 112, 3, 4, 6. 272, 3. O. 43, 4. 331. 359. 372, 3. Superstition, 42. Gaming, 410. Honour, 221, 3 C. 96. Buildings, see Churches, Houses, Parades. Ship-Pumps, d. O. 443, 4. Husbandry, 235. 313. C. 98. Spanish spoken, O. 331. 349. 355. 515, 6.

New Spain, Coasts and places of it, d. C. 123, &c.

Spanish Makril, where, C. 71. d. 72.

Spears us'd, what and where, S. 72.

Spice, a Commodity, S. 65. O. 245. ingross'd and suppress'd, 316, 7. 350. 366. see Dutch. Where to be had, ib. 317. 350, 1, 3. see Cinamon, Cloves, Clove-bark, Ginger, Nutmegs, Pepper. Spic'd-water, 359. fee the

Spice. Islands, Malayan learnt there, O. 395. Libby-tree and Sago, 311. anointing us'd, 537. Trade monopoliz'd, S. 117. 166. see Spice, Dutch. See Amboina, Banda, Ceylon, Gilolo, Meangis, Sumatra, Ternate, Tidore. See Prince.

[Page] Spiders large, and use of their Teeth or Horns, C. 64.

Spittle provok'd by Betle, O. 319.

Spoons of Coco-nut, O. 294. none used, 329. 430.

Sports at Tonquin, S. 53. of others, see Dancing, Gaming.

Spouts, d. (follow a Calm) and where, O. 451. 2, 3.

Spuma, a white frothing Cacao, d. and where, C. 111.

Squashes, Beasts, d. and where, C. 59. 96.

Squirrels, where, S. 127. eaten, 128.

Star-apple, d. and where, O. 204.

State of East-Indian Princes, O. 335. S. 142, 3. see Princes.

States I. d. O. 82. 424.

Stature of People, low, O. 395. 426. 454. W. 108. mean, O. 31, 2. 170. 325. 537. S. 40. C. 115. tall, O. 7. 406. 464. 478.

Stealing with the Toe's, S. 138. see Thieves.

Steel, what Coals best to harden it, C. 50, 7.

Sticks burnt on Altars, O. 412. Chop-sticks, d. S. 84.

Sting-ray's, Fish, see Rays.

Stocks, an usual Punishment, where, S. 77.

Stock-fish wood, d. where, and price, C. 57, 8.

Stockings, a Commodity, C. 120. O. 137. none worn, 326. 408. 456. S. 43. 129. see Legs, Naked.

Stomach, what good for it, O. 319.

Stone, Friable, O. 140. scarce, ib. none, C. 111. see Rocks, Soil. Stone-Hatchets, see Hatchets.

Storms, what and where usual, or met by the Author, &c. and their Presages, O. 70. 83, 4. 401. 413, 4, 5, 6. 437, 8, 9. 495, &c. 504. S. 35, 6. C. 91, 2, 3. 128. d. W. 2. 19. 59 to 64. 75. most at the N. and F. Moon, O. 416. see Moon. Turning then dangerous, 414. how effected, W. 64. see Clouds, Corpus Sant, Elephanta, Hurriricanes, Monsoons, stormy Norths, Souths, Spouts, Tornadoes, Tuffoons. None where, O. 94. see Pacifick Sea.

Strangers, carriage towards them, O. 327, 8. S. 50, 1. 34, 5. see Entertainments, Comrades and Pagallies, Manners, (good, hospitable, &c.) Women prostitutes.

Straw-hats worn at Tonquin, S. 43.

Streets, what and where, O. 387. inaccessible, 428. ill pav'd, S. 47. guarded, 77. hot Tea sold there, 31.

Strumstrum, a Musical Instrument, d. O. 127.

Subtle-Jacks, and their Nests, d. and where, C. 65, 8, 9.

Sucking-fish or Remora, d. and where, O. 64, 5. W. 54. us'd for catching Turtle, 110.

Sugar, where a Commodity, O. 45. 142, 3. 196. 214. 269. S. 151. C. 18. Canes growing, and Works, O. 22. 46. 78. 143. 199. 218. 223. 409. 429. C. 5. hindred by Salt-Earth, 8. season, W. 80, 1.

Sulphur imported, S. 65. (us'd, 68.) smell, O. 131.

Sumatra I. Coasts, O. 425. 472, 3, 6. call'd Sheba in an old Map, S. 143. anointing us'd there, 537. Malayan spoken, 394. Breezes, [Page] W. 39. Commodities and Trade, O. 401. S. 5. 110, 1. (monopoliz'd) 116, 7. (see Dutch) 182. see Pepper. See Achin, P. Arii, Bancalis, Bencouli, Diamond Point, R. Dilly, Golden M. P. Gomez, Hog-I. Indrapore, Palimbam, Pangasinam, Passange-Jonca, P. Rondo, Sillabar, Trist-I. P. Verero, P. Way, Malacca and Sunda Streights.

Summasenta R. and T. d. C. 51. 102. 131. Summasenta-W or Breeze, 93. d. W. 43, 4.

Sun, in what signs, what Weather, W. 4. 6. 21, 2. often Clouded about Noon, O. 494. Halo round it presages Storms, 495. see Clouds, Sky. Its Amplitude sail'd by, 531. exposing to it, a Punishment, 357. S. 79. see Declination, Latitude by Obs.

Sunda Streights, much us'd, O. 394. Counter-winds, 351.

Superstition, O. 9. 42. 127. 415. 541. W. 31, 2. 104. C. 91. see Idolatry, Makometanism.

Suranam Seasons there, W. 82. Currents, 104. low Land, and Manatee, O. 33. 425.

Surrat-Merchants at Achin, S. 146. Surrat-Channel, 122.

Swampy and flooded Waters, why unwholsome, O. 524.

Capt. Swan, particulars concerning him, O. 137. 278. 280, 1, 2, 3, 4. 302, 3, 6. 340, 1, 2, 8, 9. 350, 3, to 7. 362, 4, 6 to 374. his Murder, 445, 6. Ship, the Cygnet, 506, 7. 510. 1.

Swearing, manner of it, where, S. 83.

Sweating in Hot Sands, Cure of a Dropsy, O. 276.

Swimming of one only in a fright, O. 402.

Swines-flesh abhorr'd, see Hogs, Mahometans.

Swings at Tonquin, d. S. 53.

Swivels us'd for Guns, where, O. 400. S. 73.

Swords, what and where us'd, O. 337. (wooden) 466, 9, 5. S. 70, 6. (Back-swords) 184. see Cressets, Curtana's.

Sword-fish, d. and where, C. 25. 35.

T.

TAbagilla I. O. 188.

Tabago I. and T. by Panama, d. O. 187, 8.

Tabago I. of the Caribbes, wasted, O. 485. C. 5. d. W. 56, 7.

Tabasco R. and I. C 20. d. 131, 7, 8. 117, 8. 121. W. 63.

Table-Mount at the C. G. Hope, d. O. 531.

Tacatalpo de Sierra, d. C. 111.

Tail of Cows Hide, worn and trimm'd, W. 111. of Cocks, ib.

Tale, a summe, what and where, S. 61. 132.

Tallow, a Commodity, O. 152. C. 110. Tallow-Caps, d. VV. 111.

Tamarinds, their benefit with Rice, O. 526.

Tangola, I. d. O. 232.

Tanning, see Bark, Leather.

Tar, where found or made, and how order'd, (Algatrane) O. 223. (Tartree, d.) 390, 1, (a Commodity) 4, 5, 7, 8. S. 8.

Tarpom, fish, d. and where, C. 12, 3. 71.

[Page] Tartars, Trade, inslaving the Chinese, Habit, d. &c. O. 406, 7. 417, 8, 9. 421. S. 15. 4. 107. see China.

Tartillo's, Cakes, d. and where, C. 43. 113.

Tea, Chau, whence, and where, O. 409. S. 31. 41. [...]3.

Teal, where, S. 26. VV. 109.

Teguantapeque (Tecoantepeque) R. and T. d. O. 232. C. 121, 2.

Teeth, where white, S. 115. W. 111. O. 297. 395. 427. Black, yet sound, 325. by chewing Betle, 319. S. 128. blacken'd with a Dye, for Beauty, 41, 2. Pickers for them of Spiders Teeth, C. 63. Elephants Teeth, plenty, W. 111. see Elephants.

Idol-Temples, Pagoda's, where and what, O. 396. 411, 2. S. 56, 7. 152. Mahometan, see Mosque; Christian, see Church.

Tenan,

Tenehoa,

Prov. of Tonquin, d. S. 20, 1.

87.

68, 9.

Teneriffe, not so high as Santa Martha, O. 42. see Andes.

Tenpounders, fish, d. and where, C. 71. S. 128.

Laguna Termina, or of Tides, C. 51, 2. 94. W. 92.

Ternate, I. its Product and Trade, O. 311. 333. 447. see Spice-I.

Terreno's, hot Winds, d. 47, 8. Cold ones, see Harmatans.

Testigo'e Isles and Currents, d. W. 102.

Thatching of Houses, O. 254. C. 79. 127. W. 110. S. 45. moveable, in panes, 46. see Palm, Palmeto, Roofs.

Thelupan, d. O. 251.

Thieves, where, and what, S. 128, 9. O. 318. 528, 9. and how punish'd, 356, 7. 432. S. 80, 1. 138, 9. 140. 165.

Thistles, great, where, O. 133.

St. Thomas, a Danish I. O. 45, 6. St. Th. under the Line, W. 51.

Thongs and Tholes for Boats, of Manatee-hide, O. 35.

Thread of what, O. 37. 294, 5. 315. a Commodity, where, C. 119.

Thumb Nail (the lest) kept long, where, O. 326.

Thunder and Lightening, where, O. 16. 79. (sulphureous smell) 131. 199. 225. 322. 414. 459. S. 155. 177. W. 52. 88. see Lightening, Tornado's.

C. Tiburon of Hispaniola, Oranges, C. 6. 7. Currents, VV. 101.

Tide, what and where, d. VV. 90 to 100. W. 44. 50, 1, 3. 66. 70. O. 5. 40, 8. 50. 82. 108. 119. 133. 149. 151. 173, 4. 194, 8. 238, 9. 378, 9. 382. 401. 436. 447. 460, 9. S. 10, 1, 2, 4, 6. 106, 156, 9. 170. C. 50, 1. 108. see Currents, Ebb, Moon.

Tidore, I. Product and Trade, O. 311. 333. 447. see Spice-I.

Tigres, where, VV. 109.

Tigre-Cats, d. and where, VV. 109.

Pulo Timaon, d. S. 5. 109.

Timber, a Commodity, O. 96. 138. 140. 169. 170. what us'd, and for what, 166, 7. 360. see Masts, Trees.

Time, how kept, S. 75, 5. O. 338. see Day. Time of Year, see Feast, Harvest, Moon, Ramdam, Season, Year.

Timor, I. high Coast, O. 425. d. and Isles and Sholes near it, and Trade, 459. 460. Tree with strings, ib. 295.

Tin, Cash of it, S. 131, 2. see Tutaneg.

[Page] Tire, thick sour Milk eaten, where, S. 148.

Tispo in N. Spain, d. C. 127.

Toads, where, S. 25.

Tobacco, us'd and Entertaining with it, O. 328. 336. 355, 9. 457. a Commodity, 45. 333. 540. growing, Verina, 63. Manilla and Mindanaian, 304. d. and whence, 333, 4.

Tobago; Tobasco: see Tab.

Toddy and Toddy-Arack, d. and where, O. 293, 4. 480, 6, 8.

Tomaco R. and Village, O. 169. 170.

Tompeque, Lagune and Village, C. 43. d. 127.

Tondelo R. C. 120. d. 121. 131.

Tonquin, Tunking, Stage thither, O. 394. B. of Tonq. S. 6. 7. d. 8. 9. 104, 5. Isles in it, 9. 10. Tides, W. 97. Tonquin Kingdom, its Rise, S. 66, 7. Bounds, 8. 18. and Provinces, 16. d. 20, 1, 2. see Ngean, Tenan, Tenehoa. Towns, how seated, 44, 5. see Cachao, Domea, Batsha. Rivers, 19. 20. chief R. see its branches, Domea, Rokbo. Country, Soil, Prospects, Mountains, Plains, &c. 11, 4, 9. 20, 1, 2. 37, 8, 9. 44, 5. 90. 100, 5. Weather, Floods, Seasons and Harvest, 32, 9. 49. 50, 5. 73. 149, W. 23. 75. 83. Vegetables, C. 58. S. 14. 21. d. 22, to 5. 45. 61, 2, 3, 4. 90, 2. Animals, 21, 2. d. 25, 6, 7. 30, 1. 47. 55. 69. 73. 89. 92. Commodities, 21, 2, 4, 5. 38, 61, 2, 3, (imported) 4, 5. 87, 9. 101. Manufactures, 24, 5, 8. 39. d. 60, to 3. Arts and Contrivances, 26, 7, 8. 45, 6, 7, 9. 59. 60, 1, 2, 3. 70, 1, 3, to 7. 82. 90, 6, 7, 8, 9. People numerous and poor, 14. 25. 37 to 42. 50, 1. 64, 5. 96, 9. their Manners and Qualifications, 12. 4. 41, 2. 50, 1, 3, 5. 65, 8. 71, 8. 81 to 5. 90, 2. 9. 100. Language, Writing and Learning, 23. d. 59. 60, 7. 81. Buildings and Furniture, Gardens, &c. 43 to 9. 52, 6, 7. 90, 1, 4. Cloaths, Fashions, 41, 2, 3. 72. Customs, 12, 3, 4. 37. 41, 2, 5, 6, 7. 50, to 9. 71, 2, 4, 7, to 85. 90, 1, 2. 100. O. 375. Markets, Food, Cookery, Tea, Entertainments, 409. S. 28. 30, 1. 53, 4, 5. 90, 1, 2, 3. 100. Feasts, Religion, and VVorship, O. 396, 7. S. 53, 5 to 9. 67. 91, 2, 5, 6, 7. Trade, 13, 5. 20. 37. 41, 2, 50, 1. 60, 1, 3, 4, 5. 86, 7. 101, 2, 3. Coin, 60. 72. 82, 8. Shiping and Boats, 14, 6. d. 74 to 7. Government Justice, Punishments, 13, 5, 6. 42. 74. d. 77 to 83, 5, 8, 9. The two Kings, and their Palaces, 47, 8. 66, 7, 8. see Boua. The Choua or governing K. his State, &c. 42. 58. 81, 2, 3. his Rise, Character and Family, 66, 7, 8, 9. Exactions, 65. 85, 9. VVealth, Stables, Artillery, Guards, Gallies, 69, to 77. VVars, 21. 67. 72, 6. Officers, see Eunuchs, Mandarins. Forreign Merchants, Factories, and Missionaries, 12 to 5. 48, 9. 93 to 103.

Toona, Cochineel tree, so called, O. 229. see Cochineel.

Torches carried in a Heathen Procession, O. 397.

Tornado's, d. and where, O. 31. 44. 79. 120. 131. 211, 6, 7. 225. 247. 322. 450, 1, 3, 8. S. 155. C. 21. 55, W. 6. 7. 8. 9. 14, 8. 21, 2, 3, 5, 6. 36. 41. 51, 2. 79. 80, 1, 3, 4, 6, 7, 8. see Calms, Lightening and Thunder.

Tornato, Timber and Rains there, O. 140.

Tortoise. Land, and its kinds, (Hecatee, Terapen) d. and where, O. 101, 2. C. 32, 59, 109. 118. Tortoise-shell Beards, d. O. 32. what [Page] best, 103, 5. Oil of them, eaten, 109. 110. see Turtle.

Salt-Tortuga I. d. O. 55, 6, 7. French Tort. see Petit Guavre.

Tower, Funeral, d. S. 52. 91, 2. Watch, see Look-out.

Towns, Spanish in America, how built, see Parades, Churches, O. 219. on Precipices, 428, 9. Malayan, &c. see Houses on Posts. Tonquinese in Groves, with Banks and Ditches, S. 14. 44, 5. see Mole, Streets. See Forts, Harbours, Prospect pleasant.

Toys, a Commodity, where, C. 119. see Iron, and

Trade, what and where, O. 22, 7. 43, to 8. 56, 9. 62. 115. 152. 179. 188. 227, 8. 244, 5, 6. 261. 277. 307, 8. 332, 3, 4. 383, 8. 399. 400, 1, 5. 417, 8. 421. 431, 4, 5, 7, 9. 447. 456. 460. 537. S. 5. 9. 13, 5. 20, 2, 4, 5. 37. 41, 2. 50, 1. 60, 1, 3, 4, 5. 86, 7. 101, 2, 3, 5, 110, 1, 3, 5. 127. 130, to 7. 142, 5, 6, 8. 150 to 4, 8. 162 to 7, 9. 173, 4. 8. 18 [...], 3. C. 10, 1, 8. 40, 2, 6, 7, 8. 58. 83, 9. 92, 8. 110, 1, 9. 120, 2, 4, to 7. 131. W. 73, 4. 108, 9. to be established, O. 64. 235. 272, 3. 316, 7. 331. 349. 350. 383. 394. 439. 477. 480, 1. S. 3. 5. 7. 102, 3, 5. 182, 3. C. 131. W. 108, 9. restrain'd, where and how, O. 188. 307, 8. S. 115, 7, 8. 164, 5, 6, 7. 173, 4. 183, 4. Trade civilizes People, O. 325. 434. S. 113, 5, 6. brings Oppression, ib. but thrives by Liberty and Honesty, 116, 7. 161, 2. Language us'd for it, see Malayan. See Commodities, Manufactures, Money, Shipping, &c.

Trades and Employments, what and where, O. 331, 2. 395. 409. S. 130, 1, 5, 6. 181.

Trade-wind, True or General, Coasting, Shifting, Monsoons, see among Winds

Train-Oil of Seals, Turtle, Porpusses, see Oil.

Trangambar, Danes and Moors, O. 506, 7. S. 154, 7, 8.

Travelling by Land, bad, where, O. 14, 5, 6, 7, 9. 20, 3, 7. 235. of Fish and Fowl, 393. see Turtle.

Treachery, O [...]5. C. 6. S. 173. see Manners, bad, R. Laut.

Treats, see Entertainments.

Trees, Shrubs, &c. what and where, O. 11, 8. 101. 110, 2. 121. 132, 5. 150, 1. 162, 3, 4. 172, 5, 7. 188. 194, 6. 212. 2 [...]2, 3, 5. 247, [...], 8. 309. 310. 380, 2. 390, 7. 406. 416. 426. 443, 8. 403. 472, 3, 5. 8. 532. S. 5. 14. 24. 64. 113. 123, 4. 181. C. 32. 43. 55, 8, 9. 94. 102, 7, 8, [...]. 120, 1, 3. W. 93, 5. 109. torn up by a Storm, 67. O. 322. floating in the Sea, 230. Timber-trees, fit for Shipping, Masts, Yards, Canoas, &c. 29. 87. 101. 122. 131. 169. 191, 5. 204. 213. 394. S. 24. 64. 113. 123, 4. 181. C. 58, 9. 94. 102. W. 95. 109. see Plank, Masts. Yard. See of use for Cloth, Cordage, Gun-sticks, Lances, Oars. Tree with strings, O. 295. 460. a very great one, d. 449. 450. Trees for Dying, see Dyes: Fruit-trees, see Fruit: Spice-trees, see Spice. See Aguala, Aloes, Betle, Cabbage-tree, Cedar, Cotton-tree, Cotton-bush, Dragon, Fir, Lack, Lance-wood, Libby, Palm, Palma-Mariae, Palmeto, Pone, Silvester, Tar-tree, Toona or Cochineel-tree, Turpentine. See Bushes, Groves, Woods.

Triangles, Isles in the G. of Mexico, C. 28. 45.

[Page] Trinidada I. C. 126. Currents, W. 101, to 4. Turtle, O. 104.

Trist I. Harbour and Lagune in Campeachy, C. 13. d. 17, 9. 20, 1. 41, 7, to 53, 6. 81. 92, 3, 4. 122, 8. 130. W. 34, 5, 9. 40, 4. 67. Tides, 91, 2.

Trist I. by Sumatra, low, d. and its Coco-Nuts, &c. d. O. 474.

Tropicks, greater Heat there than at the Line, S. 32. why, 33. and General Trade-w. stronger, W 5. see Zone.

Tropick bird, d. and where, O. 53.

Trunks to shoot Arrows with, O. 41. for Bee-hives, d. C. 112. Elephants-trunks, accounted a choice Dish, S. 31.

Truxillo, a rich T. O. 98. see Guanchaquo, Malabrigo.

Tuffoons (Typhones) d. and where, S. 35, 6. W. 60. 71, 2, 5.

Tunquin, Tunking, see Tonquin.

Turbans, where worn, d. O. 326. 456. S. 129.

Turkey, Asses Skins how grain'd there, C. 73.

Turkeys, where, O. 546. C. 65. 85. 114.

Turmerick, us'd to colour food, where, S. 129.

Turpentine, and Pitch made of it, where, S. 62, 3.

Turtle, Sea-Tortoise, what and where, O. 2. 9, 38, 9. 56, 7, 8. 75. d. 103, to 110. 133. 146. 159. 160. 181, 2. 215. 276. 321. 378. 393, 7. 449. 453, (very large) 4. 463, 9. S. 5, 6. 27. 181. C. 10, 30, 1. 73. W. 4. 5. 36. 110. live long, O. 108. how and when they Coot or couple, ib. 160. W. 4. 5. how they Travel and lay, and where, O. 75. (and their Eggs) d. 104, to 8. 215. (confirm'd) 393. C. 27. 30, 1. W. 4. 5. their food (Sea-Moss, Turtle-grass) 103, 4. d. 106. none at their Laying-places, 393. often rise to breath, ib. 108. (and blow hard) 454. how struck or taken, 35. (and Turtle-Irons or Pegs) d. 37. 105, 8, 9. see Moskito-men, where shy, 449. 453. 463. their sight better than hearing, and best struck in the night, ib. Turtle-Nets, what and where, 395. Suckiug-fish sticking to Turtle, 65. and us'd for taking them, W. 110. Wears to keep them, O. 106. Oil of Sea-Turtle, ib. S. 6. Kinds of Turtle; Trunk-Turtle, d. O. 103. Loggerhead-T. d. ib. and where, C. 10. Hawks-Bill-T. (best Tortoiseshell, flesh of some unwholesome, their feed, &c.) d. and where, O. 103, 4, 5. C. 73. Green-T. (largest, best meat, thin Shell for inlaying, eat Turtle-grass &c) where, O. 38. (best of all the W. Indies) 58. 103, to 7. (one very large, 105, 6.) 378. 393. S. 5. 6. 181. Bastard sort of Green-T. d. and where, O. 106. 160. and a small sort, 107. 133. 234. Land-Turtle, see Tortoise.

Turtle-Doves, where, O. 39. d. 103. 177. 276. 321. 392. S. 26. 128. C. 65. (white, dun, ground) d. 66.

Tutaneg, a sort of Tin, and Trade of it, S. 173, 8.

V.

VAcca, I. see Ash.

Valderas (Balderas) d. O. 258, 9. 261. 277.

Vallensuella (Venezuella) Lagune, d. O. 63.

Valleys, rich, &c. see Soil.

[Page] Variation of the Needle, what and where, W. 53, 6. O. 80, 3. 287, 8 Doubling the C. G. Hope by it, 531.

Varnish made of Lack, where, S. 61, 2.

Pulo Uby, d. and Trade, O. 399. 400. S. 105.

Vegetables, see Bushes, Corn, Drugs, Dyes, Fruits, Herbs, Roots, Trees, Weeds.

C La Vela, its Trade-winds, W. 17, 8. Breezes, 34. Currents, 101, 4, 5. Barlaventa-fleets coasting it, C. 126.

C. Alta Vela, its Winds, W. 35.

Venemous Creatures, see Centipee's, Galliwasp (Beast like a) Guano, Snakes. Fruit, Fins, Bones, &c. see Poisonous.

La Vera Cruz, see Cruz.

C. Verd, VVinds near it, VV. 7. 9. 15, 6.

C. Verd Isles, their Product, Portuguese, &c. d. O. 70, to 7.

Pulo Verero, d. S. 157, 8.

Verina, its excellent Tobacco, O. 63.

Vermine of Negro's and Indians, how bred, O. 538, 9.

Vessels, to hold Liquids, &c. O. 2. 10, 6. 294. 412. 490. C, 115. see Bambo's hollow, Baskets, Bumkins, Cabbinets, Calabash Chinam-box, Cups, Earthen-ware, Jars, Ladles, Spoons. For Navigation, see Boats, Canoa's, Shipping.

Vice, Smiths, none us'd, where, O. 332.

Villages, tax'd to provide Soldiers, where, S. 71. how seated, built, &c. see Towns. See

Victualling-houses or Inns at Tonquin, S. 100.

St. Vincent, I. of the Caribbees, C. 5.

St. Vincent I. of the C. Verd's, O. 77.

Vines, Vine-yards, where, O. 532, 5. see Grape-tree, Wine.

Wild Vine, its Leaves good for Ulcers, where, O. 449.

Vinello's, Plant and Cods, curing of them, and use, and where to be had, O. 38. 124. d. 234, 5. C. 123.

Virginia, its Cedars, O. 29. Ship-worms, 363. Cold N. W. Winds, 530. Tides, W. 92.

Lignum Vitae, where, O. 57.

Ulcers, Cure for them, O. 449.

St. John d'Ulhoa, Fort, d. C. 125. see (La Vera) Cruz.

Umbrello's, where us'd, O. 407.

Ungee, a Title (probably) at Tonquin, S. 81.

Voice, deep in the Throat, where, O. 466, 9.

Volcans, their Eruptions accompanied with Storms, O. 225. throw out Pumice stones, 230. see

Volcan Vejo, d. 118, 9. 216. see Volcans of Colima, Fogo, Guatimala, Leon.

Voyages, see Course. See Dampier, Drake, du Quesne. Glanius's Noted, S. 125. Tavernier's Brothers, 59. Utensils, see Adds, Anvil, Bambo's, Barbeu's, Barklogs, Beacons, Bellows, Benches, Bob-Bricks, Broom, Canes, Chairs, Coals, Cordage, Dice, Flags, Hammocks, Hives, Instrument-Cases, Ladders, Pageants, Palankins', Paper, Pavillions, Pickers, ictures, Planks, Plows, Powder, [Page] Pumps, Scales, Thongs, Thread, Vices. See Boats, Canoa's, Cloaths,

Fishing-Instruments, Iron, Lacker-ware, Musical-Instruments, Ornaments, Palmeto-works, Shipping, Weapons.

Vulgar Errours, see Mistakes.

W.

WAfer, left among the Isthmus Indians, O. 15. and his Return from them naked and painted, 40. his Book referr'd to, 24, 151.

Wallesaw, the Devil so call'd by the Moskito-men, O. 9.

Walking-Canes, whence, S. 178. 167. see Canes. Cacao-walks, C. 111, 2. d. 119. see Cacao (and of Plantains) Plantains, Plantations.

Walls, what and where, O. 140. 218. 335. 411. C. 45. 115. 127.

Man of War, Bird, where, W. 66. and d. see Man.

Sibbel de Wards (Sebald de Waerdts) Isles, d. O. 80, 1.

Wares, see Earthen, Lacker, Manufactures.

Warner's causing a Breach with the Caribbee-Indians, C. 6.

Warree, wild Hog, where, O. 9. 39. 169. C. 59. 95.

Wars among E. Indians, O. 325. 337. 444. S. 21. 67, 72, 8. 103, 6, 8. 143, 4, 5, 8. 176. see Fighting.

Washing, for health, pleasure, or Religion, where, O. 322, 9. 330. 343. S. 137. 148. 180.

Watch kept in Streets, d. S. 77, 8. on Coasts, see Look-outs.

Water, fresh, for Ships, &c. where, O. 49. 50, 3. 101. 110, to 3. 121. 132, 4, 6. 141. 159. 169. 172, 4, 7. 188. 198, 9. 204. 212, 3, 8. 232, 3, 4. 241, 2, 4, 9. 254, 5, 8. 268. 274, 7. 347. 379. 380, 2. 393, 4, 8, 9. 401. 416. 426. 436. 443. 472, 8. 482, 490. 525. S. 4. 5. 123, 4. 156, 7, 8. 164. 171, 4. C. 12. 9. 32, 5. 42, 4. 50, 3. 109. 118. W. 46. 56. 109. where none, O. 49. 50. 81. 97. 141. C. 23, 9. 30. 44, 5. see Rivers. none but by digging Wells in the Sand, O. 463, 7. (Salt, if dug deep) C 50. 118. Brackish in the Dry Season, O. 258. 277. C. 53. how kept then, 11. 56. 77. 84. where gone then, O. 95, 6. 197. 198. 394, 8. S. 35. taken up fresh at Sea, O. 42. S. 156. to be done cautiously, 157. Jars of it carried on Bark logs, O. 142, 3. a valuable Commodity, 144, 5. the common Drink of Indians, 431. Prisoners confin'd to it, S. 78. swampy and flooded waters unwholesome, O. 524. turning black in the Cask, and heated with the fumes of Pepper, 525. Aluminous or Copperish, where, 53. Water breeding Worms in the Legs, &c. C. 90. and Ship-worms (brackish) O. 363. Spic'd water, 359. Bitter-waters, Trial by them in Guinea, S. 83. see

Waves, rolling one way, and Current underneath a contrary, VV. 106. see Sea.

Bees-wax, a Commodity, and where, O. 333. 356. C. 112.

Pulo Way, O. 499. d. S. 121, 2, 3. Banditti, 138, 9.

Weapons, what and where us'd, S. 70. 113. 176. W. 108. see Arrows, Bows, Cressets, Curtana's, Guns, Lances, Spears, Swords.

Wears to keep Turtle, where, O. 106. to catch Fish, 465.

[Page] Weather, wet, dry, fair, hot, cold, what and where, d. professedly, W. 76 to 88. and 2. 4. 6. 7. 8. 19. 20, 1, 2, 7. 30. 40, 1, 5, 7, 8, 9. 50, 2, 5, 8. 66, 8. 74. O. 94, 5. 186. 321, 2, 3. S. 31 to 6. 148, 9. C. 55, 6. scatter'd Observations or Instances of it, O. 2. 4. 11, 2, 4, 6. 21, 2, 7. 31, 9. 44. 79. 81, 3. 94, 5. 108. 111. 131, 2. 162. 173. 207. 212, 5, 6. 225. 230, 2, 3, 8. 242. 251, 5. 261, 7. 274. 281, 3, 5. 297. 306. 347, 8. 360. 378. 389. 399. 400, 5. 413, 5, 6. 420. 437, 8. 459. 472, 3, 5. 493, to 9. 502, 4. 529. 530. 544. S. 16. 62. 90. 109. 177. 180. C. 9. 22. 33. 41. 79. 129. flattering Weather presaging Storms, W. 68. O. 413. see Storm s. Most stormy at N. or F. Moon, 416. see Moon. See Rains, Seasons, Winds.

Wedges, a Commodity, where, C. 41.

Weeds, none in deep Seas, O. 393. see Chick-weed, Gramadael, Grass, Moss, Purslain, Thistles.

Weights of Achin, S. 132.

Wells dug in Sand, where, 463, 7. Salt, if deep, C. 50. 118.

Well-Boat fashion'd Jonks, d. O. 412, 3.

The West Coast, that of Sumatra so call'd, O. 476. its Pepper, S. 182. Islands lying off it, &c. see Sumatra.

Westerly-wind Season, see Winds Shifting.

Wheat, where growing, O. 532. Indian, see Maiz. See Flower, Guinea-Corn.

Whip-Ray, fish, two kinds of it, d. C. 73. see Ray.

White Cacao, or Spuma, d. C. 111.

White Cock, a fee for a strange Cure, C. 91.

White Lillies, where, C. 89.

Wigeon, Birds, where, S. 26.

Wild-bush-men, Negro's, d. and where, W. 108.

Winds Variable, somewhat without the Tropicks, and Polar, VV. 23. C. 126. O. 70. 81, 2, 3. 245. 351. 526, 8. 530. 544. Stated, in and near the Torrid Zone; Trade winds, d. VV. 1. 2. 26. 31. 90. 100, 3, 6. True or General at Sea, d. professedly, 2, to 11. occasional Observations, or Instances, 32, 45. 55, 6. 81. 103, 4. O. 55, 7. 63. 77, 8. 81. 100. 275. 281, 3, 4, 5, 6. 290, 1, 8. 309. 351. 549. C. 9. 21. 41. 126.—Coasting and Constant, d. professedly, VV. 12, to 6. occasionally, 25, 8. 50, 8. 78, 9. 90. O. 2. 3. 4. 6. 93, 4. 100. 110, 1, 9. 131, 2, 3, 9. 142, 3, 6. 162, 7. 172, 4. 201, 2. 239. 267. 274, 5.—Shifting, d. professedly, VV. 17 to 25. occasionally, 15. 72. O. 143. 178. 186. 198, 9. 207. 442, 3, 6. Monsoons, and their Benefit, &c. d. VV. 21, to 5. 107. (stormy Monsoons, d. 72, to 5. O. 322. 402, 4. 494, to 9. see Storms) N. E. Monsoon, O. 303. d. 321, 3. 370, 8, 9. 381, 3, 9. 399. 437. 481, 7, 8. 490. S. 11. 62. 104. 179. S. VV. Monsoon, S. 11. O. 303, 6. d. 221, 2 346, 7, 8. 353, 4, 7. 399. 401, 5. 413, 5, 7. 420. 437, 8, 9. 481, 7, 8. 490, 3, to 9. 540, 7. (VVesterly-wind Season in the W. Indies, d. VV. 17, 8, 9. 101, 2. O. 38, 9. 44.) Dubious, Irregular, Stormy, &c. 405, 6. 413, 4, 5. 437. 448. 451, 3. 458, 9. 461, 2. 472, 3, 5. 504. S. 4. 36. 155, 7. 159. 170, 7. C. 22, 8, 9. 36, 8. 129. Counter winds, O. 351. Norths, [Page] their Season, C. 21, 9. 39. 41, 8. see Norths, Seasons, Storms. Breezes. (Sea and Land) d. professedly, VV. 26 to 42. VV. 5. 8. 18, 9. 20, 4, 5, 7. 50, 8. 102, 3. O. 2. 6. 119. 130, 8. 186. 201, 9. 218. 240, 6, 7. 251, 2, 7. 262, 7. 274. 280. 321. 348. 450, 1. 502. 548. S. 12. 32. 106. 149. 156. 170, 1, 7. 180. C. 22. 30, 1, 7. 55. Sea-winds, warm, O. 529. 530. Land-winds, cold, ib. VV. 41, 2. C. 8. see cold. whiffling winds presaging Storms, VV. 61. O. 413. attending Spouts, 451, 2, 3. Tempestuous, see Storms. Eddy winds from two contrary ones, VV. 81. VVind and Sea rise and fall together, 531. Scabby winds, 63. see Carthagena-Br. Elephanta, Harmetans, Popogaios, Terreno's, Summasenta-VV.

VVindows, what and where, S. 43. 172. O. 335.

VVine, made, what and where, O. 74. 532. and a Commodity, 142, 3, 5. 170. 194, 6. 214. see Vines, Palm-wine.

VVives, plurality of them, O. 334. 455. 514. S. 50. 68. VV. 111. where but one, O 9. 432. bought of their Parents, S. 50. VV. 111. married early, C. 114. prostituted by their Husbands, O. 395. see VVomen prostitutes. Allowed free Conversation with Strangers, 327, 8. 367, 8. see Pagillies. Agreement with their Husbands, 432. influence over them, 13. Employments, 9. 432. VV. 110. of Princes, S 67, 8. O. 335. 514. sold by their Husbands, S. 50. gam'd away, 42. see Manners, Marriage, VVomen.

Old-VVives, Fish, where, S. 128.

VVomen, respect shewn them, S. 100. abus'd, 161. negotiating Trade, 51, 2. familiar with Strangers, 327. see Pagallies: civil to them, 12. 433. begging modestly, ib. Natural Affection, &c. 432, 3. 250. C. 115. Prostitutes, O. 365. 395. S. 13. 50, 1. Dancing-VVomen, 146. O. 340, 1, 2. selling Tea, O. 409. S. 31. Money-changers, 60. 88. 131. 142. all the VVomen Slaves, 146. Persons, d. C. 115. see Bodies. Cloaths, 114, 9. O. 32. 427. VV. 111. see Cloaths, Ornaments. Love of Finery, O. 13. see Wives. With little Feet, 327. 408. and large Calves, 32. see Ornaments.

Womens. I. (Key Muger) in Campeachy, C. 9. 10.

Woods, Wood-lands, Wood for Fewel in Ships, &c. where, O. 11, 4, 6. 21. 39. 58. 87. 112. 125. 150. 162, 3, 4, 7. 174, 7, 8. 188. 198. 205. 211, 6, 8. 231, 2, 9. 240, 2, 9. 250, 1, 3, 5, to 8. 263, 9. 275. 291. 309. 335. 347. 378, 9. 380, 2, 4, 5. 393, 9. 402, 6. 421. 442, 3, 8. 454. 463. 472, 8. 480. S. 4. 5. 19. 20, 2, 4. 44. 105. 128. 142. 164. 173, 4. 180, 1. C. 14. 30, 2, 4. (Men lost in them) 83 to 7. (Ships lodg'd there by Storms, W. 70. C.) 92, 5, 9. 111, 2. VV. 46. 56. 109. none, O. 106. C. 45. see Trees. VVood for Dying, C. 57, 8. see Dyes. Best for Lacker-Ware, S. 61, 2, 4. see Lack. Drift-wood, 8. O. 230.

VVood-lice or White Ants, where, S. 127.

VVooders, his Escape from the Spaniards, C. 19.

Words, Names, Exotick, of Indians, Negroes, &c. O. 9. 143. 327, 8. 359, 389, 391. 409. 419. 431. 469. 478. (479. see Language.) 498, 9. 502, 7, 8. 513, 4, 5. 536, 7. S. 23, 8. 31. 56. 81, 3. 32, 8. 132, 8. 171, 3, 9. C. 105.

[Page] Working, see Log-wood-cutting. Work-houses unhealthy, S. 62.

World, see Globe.

Worms, in Hides, C. 88. breeding in Mens Legs, &c. 89. d. and Cure, 90, 1. Silk-worms, where, S. 25. Ship-worms, where bred, Hurt and Remedy, O. 362, 3.

Worm-seed, a Commodity, S, 61. and whence, 64.

Worship (Mahometan) alike in the E. and VVest-I. W. 55. what at Tonquin, S. 57, 8. see Idolatry. See Religion, Idolatry, Mahometanisin.

Wound of Amputations, how cur'd, S. 139. 140.

Wrecks, what and where, O. 50. 134. 148. 405, 6. S. 27, 8. C. 92, 3. W. 63, 9. 70. Ship-wreckt Men kept, where, S. 7. 8.

Y.

YAms, Roots, where, O. 9. 12, 4, 8, 9. 22. 46, 8. 75. 141. 151. 311. 426. 433, 5, 7. 514. 546. S. 22. 93. 126. 181. C. 9. none, O. 480. 464, 6.

Yards of Ships, Timber fit for them, where, O. 394, S. 171, 2.

Year, Seasons of it where distinguish'd into Wet and Dry, W. 2. S. 31, 2. New-year, when it begins, and New-years Feast at Tonquin, 53. see Day, Time.

Ylo R. not perennial, O. 95. S. 35.

Yucat an, see Jucatan.

Yunam (Junan) Province of China, its Site and Commodities, S. 64.

Z.

ZEliseo (Xalisco) hill, d. O. 267.

Zone, Torrid, its Seasons best distinguish'd into Wet and Dry, S. 32. W. 2. yet the Weather various, even in the same Latitudes, 77, &c. greatest Heat there, where and why, S. 32, 3. the Cause of Land-Floods there, and Nile's overflowing, 34, 5. Rivers made by the Floods only, ib. Weather, and Winds there, Storms, Tides and Currents, see the Scheme, W. 1. see Equator, Oaks, Tropicks, Tropick-Birds.

ERRATA.

Vol. II. Part 1.

p. 3. l. 16. r. has been

4. l. 19. r. Coco-Nuts,

9. l. 17. r. as without.

17. l. 6. r. many years.

39. l. 19. r. the Pacifick

79. l. 36. r. bare-headed,

81. l. 12. r. scaree a

84. l. 10. r. quinese

91. l. 32. r. broad at the ground:

95. l. 35. r. page 477.

98. l. 20. for Arek r. Coco.

100. l. 26. of a person

117. l. 11. have of a

l. 27. r. their Forts.

150. at the bottom, r. command

Part 2.

p. 12. l. 30. for night, r. nigh.

17. l. 14. blood, r. flood.

19. 16. r. which is usually, [...],

20. 22. Tow, r. in a Tow.

50. 35. Shoots, r. Shoals

52. 13. carried, r. career'd

54. 6. r. had not forgot their,

86. 37. hastily, r. happily (Sec.

94. 28. sometimes some of

106. l. 6. r. This past

109. l. 19, 20. r. Trees: (here are,

l. 22. r. S. Seas;) viz. (&c.

110. l. 17. r. Osnabrugs Kentius,

123. 11. blunt, r. bluff.

Part 3.

[Page]p. 6. l. 21. r. broaching to

8. l. 15. r Bays and

48. l. 12. r. comes from over

53. l. 15. r. to cross the

64. l. 18. r. in hopes

l. 36. for Coasts, r. Coats;

l. 38. r. we gain'd

75. l. 4. r. Hurricanes and

INDEX.

In the Advertisement, p. 1. l. 15. r. Describ'd,

Courtiers &c. r S. 59.

Curlews, &c. add, like them, W. 110.

Land, l. 3. r. 123 4. good.

La guages, r. 431. 479.

Legs, l 3. r. 329. 502.

Man of War Bird, add, W. 66.

Piura for Pinra

P ligamy, r. 455. 514. S. 50. 64.

Rivers, r. not perennial

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Love for Money

Man of Modc

Mulberry Garden

Mackbeth

Madam Fickle

Maids Tragedy

Marriage-hater match'd

Maids last Prayer

Othello

Old Ratchelor

Oroonoko

Plain Dealer

Philaster

Regulus

Rehearsal

Richmond Heiress

Scornful Lady

She would if she could

Siege of Babilon

Sir Solomon Single

Squire Oldsap

Successful Strangers

And all other Plays.

[Page]

Information about this book

Title statement

A new voyage round the world describing particularly the isthmus of America, several coasts and islands in the West Indies, the isles of Cape Verd, the passage by Terra del Fuego, the South Sea coasts of Chili, Peru and Mexico, the isle of Guam one of the Ladrones, Mindanao, and other Philippine and East-India islands near Cambodia, China, Formosa, Luconia, Celebes, &c., New Holland, Sumatra, Nicobar Isles, the Cape of Good Hope, and Santa Hellena : their soil, rivers, harbours, plants, fruits, animals, and inhabitants : their customs, religion, government, trade, &c. / by William Dampier ; illustrated with particular maps and draughts.

Dampier, William, 1652-1715.

Edition statement

1697

Publication

Publisher

Text Creation Partnership,

Place of publication

Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) :

Date

2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1).

ID [DLPS]

A36106

ID [STC]

Wing D161

ID [STC]

Wing D165

ID [STC]

ESTC R9942

ID [EEBO-CITATION]

12643424

ID [OCLC]

ocm 12643424

ID [VID]

65067

Availability

This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal. The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission.

Series

Early English books online.

Notes

(EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A36106)

Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 65067)

Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 350:1)

Source

— A new voyage round the world describing particularly the isthmus of America, several coasts and islands in the West Indies, the isles of Cape Verd, the passage by Terra del Fuego, the South Sea coasts of Chili, Peru and Mexico, the isle of Guam one of the Ladrones, Mindanao, and other Philippine and East-India islands near Cambodia, China, Formosa, Luconia, Celebes, &c., New Holland, Sumatra, Nicobar Isles, the Cape of Good Hope, and Santa Hellena : their soil, rivers, harbours, plants, fruits, animals, and inhabitants : their customs, religion, government, trade, &c. / by William Dampier ; illustrated with particular maps and draughts., Dampier, William, 1652-1715..

Extent

3 v. : ill., maps (some folded)

Printed for James Knapton ...,. London :: 1697-1703.. (Vol. 2 has title: Voyages and descriptions; v. 3 has title: A voyage to New Holland &c. in the year 1699.) (Vol. 2, pt. 3, p. 47, 49 and 51 have faded print, and p. 113-114 are torn in the filmed copy. Vol. 2, pt. 2, p. 40 and v. 2, pt. 3-end of book photographed from British Library copy and inserted at the end.) (Errata on p. [1] at end of v. 1 and on p. [53]-[54] at end of v. 2.) (Advertisement on p. [1]-[3] at end of v. 1 and p. [54]-[56] at end of v. 2.) (Reproduction of original in Harvard University Libraries.) (Vol. 3, published in 1703, is lacking on film.) (Includes index.)

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