A RELATION Of the French Kings Late Expedition into the Spanish-Netherlands, In the years 1667, and 1668.

With an Introduction discour­sing his Title thereunto: And an ac­count of the Peace between the two Crowns, made the se­cond of May 1668.

Englished by G. H. Gent.

LONDON, Printed for John Starkey at the Miter in Fleetstreet near Temple Bar. 1669.

THE INTRODUCTION, Containing a Display of the Grounds, upon which the French King layeth claim to a great part of the Spanish Netherlands.

THat the best Title of the French Queen to the Dutchy of Brabant, and its annexes, the Seignory of Malmes, Antwerp, Ʋpper Gelderland, Namur, Limburg, and the places uni­ted on the other side the Meuse, Hai­nault, Artois, Cambray, the County of Burgundy, and the Dutchy of Luxem­bourg, consisted in the Sword of the King her Husband, scarce seems a doubt to any but the French them­selves. And with what success the Cause hath been pleaded by that Wea­pon, during the Campagne of 1667. the ensuing Narrative, written by one that was present at most of the consi­derable [Page] Actions thereof, giveth a par­ticular and yet no immodest Account. So that perhaps it is not much neces­sary to preface this Relation with a Display of the Grounds and Reasons of the War, whose progress it exhi­bits; accordingly the Author thought fit not to meddle therewith, con­ceiving, I suppose, that the Justice of his Soveraigns Armes was sufficiently evidenc'd to all the Subjects by the Manifesto, and other writings which his Majesty had publish'd immediately before his Forces enter'd Flanders. Nevertheless, in regard that 'tis likely many, into whose hands this Piece may fall, have not so fully understood the Reasons, whereby the French King hath endeavor'd to justifie, to Forreign Princes and States, his late Proceed­ings in the Netherlands, nor those contrary ones, whereby the Spaniards endeavour to maintain their own pos­sessions, and invalidate the French Pre­tensions, I shall adventure to pre­sent the Reader with an Abstract of either Parties Allegations.

[Page] The French Queens Title stands thus: Philip the fourth, King of Spain, married Elizabeth, Daughter to Henry the fourth, and Sister to Lewis the thirteenth, Kings of France, in the year 1615. on the same day whereon the last mentioned Prince espoused Anne of Austria, Infanta of Spain. The Portions of either side were satisfied by way of Exchange, being the sum of 500000. Crowns of Gold. Eli­zabeth some years after dies, leaving behind her a Son nam'd Don Baltha­sar, and a Daughter nam'd Donna Ma­ria Theresa: Afterwards King Philip marries another Wife, by whom he hath Issue male, Don Carlo, who by the death of his half-Brother, Don Baltha­sar, became Heir apparent to the Ca­tholick Crown. In the year 1659. a Treaty of Peace was concluded be­tween the two Crowns, and together therewith a Marriage between Lewis the fourteenth, now King of France, and the above-mention'd Lady Maria Theresa, for whose Portion the King, her Father, obliged himself to pay 500000. Crowns of Gold, and pre­tended [Page] Salick Law debars Females from succession to the French Crown; as also to the end that the two Crowns being too great and puissant to be united into one Kingdom, all occasions of such a Conjunction might be avoid­ed, It was covenanted (amongst other things) that neither the Infanta, nor her Children and Descendants, in what degree soever, should ever succeed in the Kingdoms, Signiories, or Domi­nions, which do or shall belong to his Catholick Majesty, as well within as without the Kingdom of Spain, not­withstanding any Law or Custom, which by this Agreement (which is to continue in the full force and vi­gour of a Law for ever) their Ma­jesties did abolish. This Renunciation the Infanta confirmed in these very Terms by her Oath in the presence of the Kings themselves, the Princes of the Blood, and the chief Nobility of both Kingdoms.

This Peace remained inviolated about six years, (in which time the King of Spain, for the preservati­on thereof, yielded to the King of [Page] France the Precedence, which had oc­casion'd a fray between the Train of the Ambassadours of the two Crowns there at London.) But upon the death of Philip of Spain, which happened toward the latter end of the year 1665. and had been lookt for the year before by his good Neighbour, (who from the latter end of 1664. had laid up great Magazines of Corn at Ami­ens, and other places on the way to­wards Flanders) discourses began to be spread abroad through France, of a Title which the Queen and her Son the Dauphin, had to certain Pro­vinces of the Netherlands. Never­theless, his French Majesty thought not fit to make discovery of his De­signs, till he saw what would be the Issue of the War, which in great mea­sure, by his practices, was broken out between the King of Great Brittain, and the States of the Ʋnited Provin­ces, whose Quarrel, upon a pretended League made two years before, he espoused.

In the mean time he set forth a considerable Navy at Sea, (which [Page] yet never engaged in any Action a­gainst the English) and likewise made great Levies, and warlike Preparations at Land, without manifesting how he intended to imploy the same. At length, about the middle of May, when his Neighbours, the English and Uni­ted Provinces, being weary of the War, had set on foot a Treaty of Peace at Breda, wherein himself was also included, he thought it a fit op­portunity to publish a Manifesto of his Claim to part of the Spanish Nether­lands, which he likewise sent to seve­ral Princes of Christendom, and shortly after seconded, by falling into those Countries with a powerful Ar­my; the performances whereof are recorded in the following Narra­tive.

In the said Manifesto it is set forth, 1. That by the customary Law of Brabant, the Children by the first Mar­riage go away with the whole Inhe­ritance of their Father, the Children of the same Father, by a second Mar­riage, being excluded; which Law is [Page] called Jus Devolutionis, or the Right of Devolution; and consequently, that the Infanta (now Queen of France) being the sole surviving Issue of Philip the fourth, by his first Mar­riage, is Heir of all those Countries wherein the said Law doth obtain, and so excludeth her Brother of the half-blood by a second Marriage. 2. That by the Laws of Spain she is likewise Heir to her Mother of all her Marriage-portion, and the Jewels left behind her at her death, amounting with interest to the sum of 1100000. Crowns of Gold. 3. That the Re­nunciation made by the Infanta at her Marriage is void and null: First, be­cause that a Renunciation is only of an Estate in expectancy, not of an Estate already fallen, as these Coun­tries are pretended to have been upon the death of the Spanish Queen: Se­condly, because a Renunciation suppo­ses a Portion actually paid; but the Infanta never received any; and that if the 500000. Crowns of Gold, pro­mised in the Contract of Marriage, had been actually paid, it had still [Page] been no Portion, in regard 1100000. were due to her. To all which some other specious reasons are added, which would take up too much room in this short Introduction.

On the other side, the Spaniards answer, That, even setting aside the Renunciation, the Daughter can pre­tend no Title to succeed in the Coun­tries in question, so long as there is an Heir-male living: 1. Because the Right of Devolution hath nothing to do with the succession of Soveraign­ [...]s (as being meerly a municipal Law for private Estates) which de­scend in these Countries in the same manner as they do in all other parts of Christendom, wherein the Male by the second Marriage succeeds before the Female by the first; and for that there are some express Laws, made by seve­ral Princes of these Countries, which declare, That Women shall then only be admitted to the succession of them, Masculis non extantibus, when there are no Heirs-males living. 2. Because no Example can be produc'd in any Age of such an irregular succession in [Page] Brabant, &c. that a Woman hath been preferr'd before a Man, in the same de­gree, in the publick Government: But on the contrary, there are not wanting Examples, where the Right of Devo­lution hath been neglected, in the suc­cession of the same Dutchy. 3. They alledge, that Renunciations are valid, though no Portion be paid, because the end of them is the preservation of the Grandeur of Families. And 4. That by the Contract of Marriage the Infanta was in lieu of all preten­ces whatsoever, to rest satisfi'd with 500000. Crowns of Gold; the non-payment whereof doth not invalidate the Renunciation, because the Equity of Law corrects such severity, and allows another day; as also because the Law saith, That Filia non per nu­merationem Dotis, sed per conventionem excluditur. 5. And lastly, That by the Edict of Charles the fifth, con­firm'd by the Estates of Brabant, and the other Provinces of the Nether­lands, these Countries are decla­red inseparable from the Crown of Spain.

[Page] To all which, perhaps it will not seem superfluous, to add here a Letter or two of the French Kings, concern­ing this affair, and likewise the Queen of Spains Answer to him; together with one of the Marquis de Castel Ro­drigo, then Governour of the Spanish Provinces.

The French King's Letter to the States General of the United Provinces.

MOst dear Friends, Allies, and Con­federates, We dispatch this Cur­rier expresly to the Count d' Estrades, our Extraordinary Ambassadour with you, to order him to let you know from us, as being our good and true Friends and Allies, the Resolution, which after a long and manifest denial of all Justice, our Honour, and our Interest, hath forced us to take, for maintenance of the Rights of the Q [...]een, our dearest Wife, and our dearest Son the Dauphin; to this end we command our said Ambassa­dour, to communicate to you a Writing, [Page] which we caused to be composed and pub­lisht, to inform all Christendom of the evidence of our Reasons, with a Copy of the Letter, which we writ this day to our dearest Sister the Queen of Spain. In the former Piece you will see the undisputable grounds of our proceed­ings, and that without desiring the breach of Peace, or pretending to, or de­siring the Estates of another; all our thoughts only aim at the delivery of our selves from oppression by the force of our Armes, or by a reasonable accommo­dation; to which we shall be alwayes ready to hearken. Thus leaving the rest to be delivered to you by our said Am­bassadour, we pray God to have you in his holy protection and keeping, most dear great Friends, Allies, and Confederates.

Your good Friend, Ally, and Confederate, LEWIS.

The French Kings Letter to the Queen of Spain, bearing date, May 8, 1667.

MOst High, Illustrious and Mighty Princess, our most dear and loving Sister, The sincere Inclination we have alwayes had, for the procuring and maintaining of Peace, which was suffi­ciently testified to the World, by the Trea­ties of Westphalia and the Pyrenaeans, induced us about the close of the year 1665. by an obliging Prevention (though it was not so taken at Madrid) to find out some way of providing, that nothing might be able to alter the good Ʋnder­standing and Amity between us and your Majesty, and our Crowns, which was so happily establisht by our august Mar­riage. This was the late Queen our Mothers intention, when she desired the Marquis De Fuentes to write to your Majesty in her name, That having suffi­ciently informed her self of the Right of the Queen, our dearest Wife, to seve­ral Estates in the Netherlands, and [Page] finding the Grounds to be solid, just and undeniable, she earnestly conjured your Majesty, by the tender affection you bear to her, that she would also inform her self of these Rights, and take particular cognisance thereof, to the end, that view­ing the justice of them, as she her self had done, the equity thereof might induce you to do us reason, by a good accommo­dation, which might take away all occa­sions of misunderstanding between our Monarchies; that she sufficiently knew our intentions, so as to be able to answer for us; that we should be very moderate in the condition of the said accommo­dation; and that finding her self draw­ing towards her end, next to her Salva­tion she desired nothing more in the world, nor with so much zeal, as the sa­tisfaction of having a union and amity firmly settled between our two Houses, which this Difference might soon di­sturb. All these Particulars cannot but be remembred by your Majesty, and the Councels of Spain cannot also forget the Quality of the Answers, which they ob­liged your Majesty to make, so little con­formable to the Piety and Ʋtility of the [Page] Queen Mothers Instances, and so contra­ry, without doubt, to the Inclination your Majesty hath for the conservation of the publick Peace.

This Answer was, That your Majesty could not in any manner, nor upon any consideration whatsoever, enter into the discussion of this Affair, nor agree or treat upon those Rights, which you knew had no foundation: And presently after your Majesty sent Order to the Governour of Flanders, to cause the Oath of Fide­lity to be administred to all the Estates and People of the Country, which till then had been neglected, since the decease of the late King our Father-in-law. This absolute refusal of doing us Justice, and this last Resolution of binding those peo­ple by Oath to your Majesty, which are truly our Subjects, in right of the Queen our Wife, having reduced us to the un­pleasing and undispensable necessity, ei­ther to be wanting in that which we owe to our Honour, to our Self, to the Queen, and to the Dauphin our Son; or to en­deavour by the force of our Armes to ob­tain that Reason which hath been denied us: We have chosen the latter, as that [Page] which both Justice and Honour obliges us to: And by an express Currier, which we dispatch to the Arch-bishop of Am­brun our Ambassadour, we order him to let your Majesty know our Resolution which we have taken, to march in person towards the end of this moneth, at the head of our Army, to endeavour to put our selves into possession of that which belongs to us in the Low-Countries, in right of the Queen, or of something e­quivalent; and at the same time to pre­sent to your Majesty a Writing, which we have ordered to be composed, contain­ing the Grounds of our Right, and plain­ly destroying the frivolous Objections of those contrary Writings, which the Go­vernour of Flanders hath publisht to the world.

In the mean time we promise our selves so much from your Equity, that as soon as you shall have seen and exami­ned the said Writing, you will much blame the Counsel which was given you, to deny us that Justice, which you will find so clear and well-founded, and wil­lingly embrace the wayes that we have insinuated to you, and do still offer them, [Page] to decide the differences between us by a friendly accommodation; assuring your Majesty, in encouragement to it, of two things; One, that we shall be content with very moderate conditions, regard being had to the quality and importance of our Rights; the other, that if the suc­cess of our Armes be as prosperous as their cause is just, we have no intention to thrust them forwards beyond that which belongs to us, or something equi­valent to it, wheresoever we can light on it. And as to all the rest of the Estates of our dearest and most beloved Brother the King of Spain, the chief foundation sup­posed that we receive that Justice which is due to us, we shall be alwayes ready to defend them against all Aggressors, for the conservation of them to him and his posterity, which we wish may be numer­ous, and without end; as also very reli­giously to observe the Peace, as we assured the Marquis De la Fuentes, when he took his leave of us, not thinking that the Peace is broken by us by our entring into the Low-Countries, though with the Sword in our hand, since we march only to put our selves in possession of that [Page] which is usurped upon us: Thus refer­ring you further to our Ambassadour. We pray God to preserve you, most High, &c.

The surprise of the Spaniards at this Letter, and the Manifesto presented at the same time with it (being ex­treamly contradictory to the French Kings other Declarations) was so great, that when the French Ambassa­dour residing in that Court, had pre­sented the same to the Queen Regent, the people became immediately in­rag'd against the French, to that height, that her Majesty, fearing lest some violence might be done by them to the Ambassadours person, found it necessary to appoint some Guards to attend him for his security. And to the Letter it self she returned this fol­lowing Answer, bearing date May 21. 1667.

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The Queen of Spains Answer to the foregoing Letter.

THe Arch-bishop of Ambrun, your Majesties Ambassadour in this Court, hath delivered me your Letter, bearing date the eight instant, accompa­nied with a Book and a Memorial toge­ther, with a large representation and re­cital of the Motives alledged by your Majesty, for the motion of your Forces, upon a pretended Right to some Provin­ces in the Low-Countries. Whilst we apply our selves to the answer of yours, in all the particulars required, I thought it not fit to defer the giving an answer to your Letter, although I am very much surprised with the unexpected news of such a design. And although your Maje­sty is pleased to insinuate, that the most Christian Queen, my good Sister (whom God hath taken to his glory) had com­municated these pretensions to the Mar­quis De la Fuente, and that I cannot but remember, that he informed me of it by his Letter; yet in truth I alwayes lookt upon that discourse as a thing only of [Page] private familiarity and confidence, since it passed not in the form of an Ambassadour, nor as a Minister from your Majesty, nor yet in your Majesties name. And I have been the rather con­firmed in the truth of this Opinion, since having given the said Marquis a very succinct answer, to all that could be said upon the point, nothing was fur­ther said in that matter: So that the silence which hath been kept since the Marquis had his answer, could not leave any other impression on me, but that your Court being informed of the just Rights of the King my Son, and sufficiently sa­tisfied of the sincerity of my proceed­ings, all further pursuit of those preten­sions had been wholly laid aside. It being further to be considered, that this insi­nuation which has been made is quite contrary to those formalities, which the Articles of Peace made in the Pyrenae­ans requires, before it can be lawful to proceed to a Rupture; It being also cer­tain upon the ninetieth Article, that if the Renunciation it self had not been made, it ought not to have been pursued by the way of Armes, but by that of [Page] sweetness and Justice. And since your Majesty doth now declare your willing­ness to enter into an amicable Treaty, I am also willing to conform my self to it; and am content that the Rights be seasonably examin'd, that Justice may take its place by the way and means most proper for that purpose: To which end some persons ought to be nominated, and a place agreed on convenient for such a Treaty. And as 'tis necessary that both parties do in the mean time abstain from all further proceedings by the way of Armes, I hope your Majesty will con­descend to it: Which if denyed, I shall be forced, as I am obliged in conscience, and as a Guardian Royal to the King my Son, to make use of the same wayes and meanes to defend the Justice of his Cause.

Although nothing could be more fair and reasonable, then the Proposal contained in this Letter, of referring the Controversie to be discuss'd by amicable means; yet the French King return'd his Reply to it, not by the ordinary way, but by that of Flanders, [Page] and the noise of his Canon; in which rough language he likewise answer'd that excellent Letter sent to him by the Marquis De Castel Rodrigo, to de­sire an Arbitration, which here follows to conclude this Introduction.

The Marquis De Castel Rodrigo's Letter to the King of France.

THe Information we have received from all parts so confidently assu­ring us, That the great preparations your Majesty is now making, are intended against these Counties, that it is now no longer made a doubt; and there appear­ing to the World no just reason, why your Majesty should violate a Peace, in which the Crown of Spain was content to sit down with so much prejudice, leaving the advantages to your Majesty; its principal aim being only to restore Peace to Christendom, and put an end to a War which had involved the poor and innocent Subjects of each party in so much misery and ruine: and being de­sirous to prevent a Relapse into a great­er, [Page] in which all Europe will have a share, should the Rupture be founded rather upon Will then Reason: I have thought it an incumbency both upon my Place and Duty, to represent to your Ma­jesty, the Scandal that will be given to all the world, when they shall see your Majesty engag'd against a Brother of on­ly six years of age, and against a Regen­cy subordinated to the Laws of a Testa­tor, without any form of Justice, or ob­servance of the Rule, of first demanding satisfaction. And if your Majesty hath any pretension of dissatisfaction, Reason and Justice require, your Majesty should first declare and justifie them, not only in particular to the Parties interessed, but also to the Neighbouring Princes, to the Countries in dispute, and to your Ma­jesties own Subjects; since by the Law of Nature, nothing can be exacted or forcibly taken from ones own Subject or Slave, much less from one that is wholly innocent, where the Government is ty'd up by a Regency, to the prejudice of the Subjects of both Parties, and of the Roman Empire; by vertue of whose Laws, and without whose knowledge, so [Page] noble a Member, as the Circle of Bur­gundy, cannot be taken away. This pro­ceeding violates the Treaty of Munster, by which (as also by our Peace which was since concluded) it was capitu­lated, that in case of a Rupture, the Parties concern'd should have ten moneths notice of it; and infringeth the Peace of our Neighbours, whose concernments will oblige them to interest themselves in a common danger. Be­sides this▪ your Majesty was pleased to tell the Marquis De la Fuente, at his Audience of Conge, That he was a Witness, with what earnestness you intended to preserve the good correspon­dency and peace between both Crowns; and that he should in your Majesties name assure the Queen, my Mistress, that you would continue it in the same manner, and with the same good will, giving likewise your Ambassadour at Madrid the same charge.

I leave it, Sir, to the consideration of your Majesty, how remote it will be from the Justice, Christianity and Generosi­ty of your Majesty, to attempt an Inva­sion without any of those Formalities [Page] and Interpositions which all Christian Princes have alwayes observed; that so your Majesty, as the most Christian, may not introduce an Example, which as it is contrary to all former ones, so it may prove prejudicial to your self and your Posterity.

I do not desire your Majesty to preju­dice your own Rights (if any such you have) but only that you would declare them, if you pursue them; nor that you should suspend the use of Force, if satis­faction be denyed you; but that before you begin your March, or any Hostility, which may render an accommodation impossible, you would prevent the Mischiefs that may ensue upon it to all Christendom, by giving place to a Negotiation. I am firm­ly perswaded, that the Queen, my Mi­stress, will give your Majesty all reasona­ble satisfaction, and that she will not re­fuse to reason the Cause wherein both parties are interessed, to the Cognisance, Mediation, and even the Decision of any of those that may be concerned in the mischief [...] the Rupture will occasion: Obliging my self (as soon as I know the cause and pretensions of your Majesty) to [Page] give account of it to the Queen, my Mi­stress, who, I doubt not (to let the World see her good intention, and the justice of her Proceedings) will not refuse to refer her self to the judgment, not of one or two only, but of the whole World, and in particular of all the Princes of the Ro­man Empire, of the Crown of England, (supposing that your Majesty is very near a Peace with it) and of the Ʋnited Pro­vinces, our Neighbours, to the end that their joynt Plenipotentiaries may see the reasons, and justifie those that have reason on their side, before any advance be made by the force of Armes, consider­ing there is nothing that so far presseth you, nor any danger in suspension, that should be preferred before the common Interest; by which each Party may justi­fie to the World the events which may happen.

This Representation, Sir, and Request, which my Zeal alone to your Majesty hath put me upon, seems to me most just, as desiring that Christendom, our Neigh­bours, and common Subjects, may avoid all new calamities, and especially those mischiefs, which may prove far greater [Page] [...] [Page] [...] [Page] then those that are already past, before an end can be put to these Wars, wherein we are going to engage our selves. And I hope, Sir, that your Majesty will please to admit it as such, and that Almighty God will put it into your Majesties heart, to resolve upon an Expedient as just as it is fair and advantageous to all, by letting Reason take place, and having a just regard to the tender age of the King my Master, giving our Neighbours the satisfaction of being Judge of the Differences between us; whereby al [...] those Mischiefs may be prevented, which a different procedure or further violence will occasion. God preserve the Sacred Person of your most Christian Majesty, as I desire.

A RELATION Of the French Kings Late Expedition into FLANDERS, Anno Dom. 1667, and 1668.

THe flame of a new War being begun to be kindled between the two Crowns in the Year 1667. And finding my self without imployment in the new-raised Army, I thought I could not fit my self with a more ho­nourable, [Page 2] and more profitable way of bestowing my time dur­ing the Campagne of this year, then to set down in writing the Passages thereof; to the end I might not be reduced, as I have often been during the space of seventeen or eighteen years spent in his Majesties Troops, to ran­sack my memory in vain for such things as I had a mind to remem­ber. I take not upon my self to make an exact description of the State of affairs at that time; my design being to com­pose a Journal, and not a History. Neither do I think fit to display the Queens Title to the Nether­lands, since the righteousness thereof hath been authentically enough made out by the Mani­festo published by his Majesty concerning the same. It shall be sufficient for me to relate in a [Page 3] plain manner, and without all affected Ornament of Style, what I saw my self, and what I re­ceived by information from o­thers.

The Peace which was Treating at Breda, between England, France, and Holland, was at the point of conclusion, when the King who had suffered eighteen or twenty months to pass since the death of Philip the fourth King of Spain, thereby to allow time to the Queen Dowager to give him satisfaction in a fair way in re­ference to his pretentions to se­veral Provinces of the Low Countries, as he had given her to understand as well by sundry Letters, as by frequent instances of his Ambassador in the Spa­nish Court; astonisht all his Neighbours and surprised most part of his own Subjects, by giv­ing [Page 4] order in the months of March and April, that almost all the Forces design'd by his Ma­jesty to serve in this Expedition, should advance to the Frontiers of Champaigne and Picardy, un­der pretence of making great Musters, as he had accustom'd to do for some years past; wherein all the Regiments and Companies both of Horse and Foot were used to encampe as exactly and regularly as if they had been in open War, and in the midst of his enemies.

After the review which his Majesty made of his Guards at S. Germains, towards the end of the month of April, it began to be divulged that his Majesty would in good earnest take the Field, if the Counsel of Spain did not speedily yeild to the King a good part of those [Page 5] thing which he had demanded of them. Soon after Gene­rall Officers were nominated, and care was taken for disposing great sums of money for the Artillery and provisions. The Commanders of Regiments had notice given them to advertise all persons under their command to see to their Equipages; and in a word, all such Orders were given out as are usual in the commencing of a War.

Whilst these things were in pre­paration, the Manifesto, setting forth the Queens Right and Title to those Countries, was published; and about the beginning of May Printed Copies thereof were sent throughout all Europe, [...]pecially into Spain, and to Brus­sels. Which being a sufficient and competent Declaration of War, the King fitted himself to [Page 6] go and expect an answer to it at the head of his Army.

Accordingly his Majesty to­gether with the Queen depar­ted from S. Germains on the sixteenth day of the same moneth, attended with such a small number of those of his Court as were in readiness to accompany him; most of the great Lords and Courtiers stay­ing behind to prepare their Equi­pages of War. But that those who intended to follow might have time to overtake him, his Majesty spent four dayes on the way before he arriv'd at Amiens, where he arriv'd on the twentieth day of the same moneth of May. At the same time the General Officers set forward in order to the drawing of the Troops together in seve­ral places; some at La Fere, o­thers [Page 7] at S. Quintin, Guise, Me­zieres, Peronne, Dourlens and Hesdin: so that the Forces were extended from the River Meuse to the coast of Calais; though in distinct Bodies, yet so as that they might joyn together in five or six dayes, according as it should seem expedient.

Marshall D' Aumont, Gover­nour of Paris, was design'd to command a body of between se­ven and eight thousand men, on the coast of Dunkirk; and he had under him for his Lieu­tenant Generals, the Count Du Passage, and the Duke of Roanez, formerly styl'd Count de la Fu­ [...]illade; for the Marshalls of his Camp the Counts de [...]orge and S. Lieu. His Infantry con­sisted of the Regiments of Navarre, Normandie, Plessis-Pra­slin, Harcourt, Sourches, and the [Page 8] Queen's Regiment; His Cavalry, Commanded by Monsieur la Car­donniere Comissary General, was divided into three Brigades, at the head of which were the Marquis de Rouvray, the Marquis de Gelis, and Calvo.

The Marquis de Crequy, new­ly recall'd to Court, from which he had been absent for six years, was sent with between three and four thousand men to the Fron­trie of Luxembourg, and the parts about Alsatia; and with him Monsieur Desperce for Marshall of that Camp. He had but two Re­giments of Foot with him, viz. the Regiment of Piedmont, and S. Vallier, besides 1000 Dra­goons. His Cavalry was like­wise divided into three Brigades, under the Command of the Marquisses d'Joyeuse de la Feüillee, and de Montaurel, who were all [Page 9] under the obedience of Monsieur de Rochepere.

At the same time the Duke of Noailles was sent to Perpignan, whereof he was Governour, to the end he might take care of Roussillon, whilst the main brunt of the War should be in Flanders. This Duke had but few Forces, because there was but little to enterprise; onely some Regiments of Cavalry were assigned to him, and Mon­sieur Foucaut, for his Lieutennant General.

'Twas easily judg'd that the King had some great design when it was understood that be­fore his departure from S. Ger­main's he appointed a Counsell to remain with the Queen, con­sisting of the Chanceller of France, and the Marshall d'Estree, with two Secretaries of state, Monsieur [Page 10] Ʋrilliere, and Monsieur Guene­gaud. After which having de­clared her Majestie Regent of the Kingdome during his ab­sence, he sent for the Parlia­ment and other Soveraign Courts to signifie to them his pleasure, that they should ac­knowledge her for such whilst his Majesty should be ab­sent.

The Prince of Conde remain'd at his house of Chantilly, partly for that he was indispos'd in his health, and partly for that, as it was seen afterwards, the King reserv'd him for other imploy­ments when the War should be begun; his Majesty declaring, that during the whole course of of this Campagne he would not make use of the Counsell of any but that of mounsieur de Turenne, Marshal General of the [Page 11] Camp, who by this meanes be­held himself at a higher step of glory then ever he had ascended to before.

As for the Ministers of State, of whom his Majesty serv'd him­self, namely Monsieur le Tellier, Monsieur de Lionne, Secretaries of State, and Monsieur Colbert, they departed not from Paris, till six dayes after his Majesty, and then they went directly to La Fere, there to remain in expectation of further orders.

The Marquis de Louvois, Se­cretary of State, had set forth from Paris two dayes before the King, namely on the fourteenth of May, in order to give notice to all the world of his Majesties march, and the design he had to let the Queen see what Troups he had about Peronne, where their Majesties arrived [Page 12] the 26 of May. But before we proceed any further, it seems to me not impertinent to give ac­count what Forces were in being when the King began first to think of this enterprise.

All the Infantry of France were divided into 1200 Com­panies, each of them consisting of fifty men; but several young Gentlemen of Quality having since taken the Command of Regiments upon them, they are now much more, they having for greater Ostentation of their Commands many of them in­larged their Troops, and at their own expence raised seve­ral Companies much more Numerous then was requi­red.

Moreover, the King had two Regiments of his Guards, one of French, the other of Swiss, be­sides [Page 13] twenty Companies of new raised Swiss, all which Foot a­mounted upon the Muster Role to 70000 men, besides 1000 Dra­goones.

The Horse consssted of 200 Troops, each of them of fifty men, which made up likewise by the Roles 10000 Horse, his Court and Equipage were 3000 Horse, if we reckon the Guards de Corps, his Musquitires on Horse-back his Gens d' Armes, and his light Horse belonging to his person, the most ready and best disci­plin'd that without doubt have been seen at any time.

Having furnisht his Garrisons out of these, and divided the rest into several Bodies, accord­ing to the different places he de­sign'd to imploy them, as I have related before, the Army Royal was judg'd to consist of about [Page 14] 24 or 25000 Foot, and 9 or 10000 Horse, of which you shall have the particulars.

The Foot was divided into four Brigades, the first and strongest was that of the Guards, Compos'd of twenty-eight Com­panies of the French Guards, and nineteen of the Swiss, and four & twenty Companies of the Kings Regiment Commanded by the Marquis d' Anjau who alto­gether made eleven Battalions: viz. The French Guards four, the Swiss four, and the other Regiment three.

The second Brigade was that of Picardy, of which was the Regiment called by that name Commanded by the Counte de la Mark, the Regiment of Saux Commanded by the Count de Saux de Lesdiguiers, the Lyon­nois Regiment Commanded by [Page 15] the Marquis de Villeroy, the Regiment de Turenne Comman­ded by the Marquis de Sillery; all which Regiments made up two Battalions a piece.

The third was the Brigade of Champagne, composed of the Re­giment of Champagne Comman­ded by the Marquis d' Ambre, and of the Regiments of Castel­nau, Louvigny, and Orleans, the first Commanded by the Marquis de Castelnau, the second by the Marquis de Louvigny, the third by the Marquis de Beaufort, and each of these Regiments made up two Battalions likewise.

In the fourth Baigade was the Regiments of Auvergne Com­manded by the Duke de Chev­reuse, the Royal Regiment Com­manded by Pierrefit, the Regi­ment of Roussillon or Catalonia Commanded by Caramagne, and [Page 16] the Regiment of Alsatia Com­manded by the Counte de Nassau, which in all made up but seven Battalions, Roussillon making but on The Light Horse Commanded by the Duke Coaslin, their Camp Master General, was divided in­to twelve Brigades; but because it would be tedious to reckon up the several Regiments they were compos'd of, I shall con­tent my self only to insert the names of the several Brigadies they served under, which were the Barron of Montelar, of Four­neaux, Beauveze, the Marquis de Resnel, Bissy, and Montauban, the Chevallier de Fourilles, the Comte de Choiseul, Artagnan, the Comte de Roye, the Marquis de Rochefort and de Villequier.

There were expected also some Troops from the Duke of [Page 17] Lorraine, which consisted of four Regiments of about 1500 Horse, and two of Foot of about 900 or 1000 Men.

Their Canon they brought from la Fere and Amiens, I mean their great peices, for at the be­ginning of the moneth the King had given order to the Com­manders of the several Brigades, that every Battalion should carry a peice of 4 or 5 pound Ball along with it, and money was given out accordingly to buy Horses and other things, neces­saries for their train.

S. Hillary Lieutenant of the Ordinance, was the person Com­manded all the Equipage de­signed for this Army, and Col­bert Master of the Request was Comissary. And this is the account of our strength by land.

[Page 18] As to our Forces at Sea, I have been told we had twelve or thirteen Gallies in the Mediter­ranean Sea, and that the Duke de Beaufort, our Admiral, was upon the coast of Brittain and Rochell with about 25 or 30 men of War.

The King being arrived at Amiens the 20 of May he de­pa [...]ed from thence the 25, hav­ing taken his eave of the Queen who instead of being present, as was supposed, at the Rende­vouze at Perrone, returnd by Montdidier to Compiegne, and and the same day being the twenty fifth with all the Horse his Majesty encampt near d' Encre, and the next day at Mont S. Quintin, not far from Peronne, where he met most of his Army, especially his Foot, who were drawn up thereabouts, from [Page 19] thence he marcht and incampt at Goüy near Catelet, from thence to Briatte, not far from Chaste­au Cambressy, from thence to Vil­lerpol near Quesnoy, after that to Peronneval near to Binch, a small Town in Hainault unfor­tified, and which in the time of the Wars follows alwayes the Master of the Field: here it was thought expedient to leave some Forces for our convenience whilst the Army lay at Charleroy, where his Majesty design'd to go at his coming from Amiens; at the length he came and en­camp't at Pieton, a Village situate upon a Brook of the same name, which after some meanders and Circumflexions falls about a league from the Town into the Sambre.

This River and Brook where they meet doe make an Angle on [Page 20] the side of their descent, which being sufficiently elevated above the waters, there was formerly a little Villa called Charnoy. This place having appeared of great advantage to Castle Rodri­goe, Governour of the Low Coun­tries for the King of Spain, in respect the Sambre was not fur­nisht with any Forts from Landrey (which is not far from its Foun­taine) to Namur where it falls into the Meuse, he had resolv'd the year before with the Coun­sel of the Provinces, to raise a strong Fort there, which might oppose it self to the Excursions of such Garrisons as the King of France had betwixt the Sambre and the Meuse, that is to say, Aver­nes, Phillippville and Marienburg, Towns that were delivered up to us upon the peace on the Pyreneans; and the designe was [Page 21] pursued with that diligence and expence, that the place was al­most defensible, when they had the first newes of the Kings reso­lution to come in person with a great Army to demand such places as he pretended belonged [...]n justice to the Queen.

This place which was called by Castle Rodrigo, Charleroy, was fortified with seven Bastions, lined with a sort of stone that was ve­ry strong and large, that they had brought from the Country of Leige. The most part of these Bastions and the Courtines were raised to the very top, and the outworks also were in so good a condition, there was scarce a better to be seen in Flanders.

In the men time Castel Rodrigo understanding that the King was coming towards him in good earnest, and fearing that his [Page 22] works being new and made the most part in the winter, were not able to make any long de­fence if they should be set upon and besides, having not Force enough to make good othe pla­ces he thought of as much im­portance, he resolved to quit it, and having drawn away his Ca­non, and all the Ammunition he had sent thither, before he blew it up, and demolisht the body of it as well perhaps as ever was any before; but the out-works they left intire, and they ap­peared so well to his Majesty when he came thither, that he resolved to repair all, upon an opinion that this place not being above six Leagues from Namur, and about [...]s many from Monts, and perhaps some 12 or 13 from Brussels, might be of great consequence for the design he [Page 23] had upon Brabant, and the re­mainder of Hainault.

But there were other reasons also made the King take up this resolution, for he being come of a sudden out of France, and the Spring being very backward by reason the Winter proved so [...]ong, he found but very little [...]orrage; besides, they were so ill provided with Horses for their Train of Artillery, that all they could rap and rend were scarce sufficient to draw eight or ten peices of whole Canon with ne­cessary Ammunition for them & their Foot. Nor was their accom­modation for Victualls in a much better condition, most of their Baggage being in a very ill po­sture to follow the Army which was falling into their Country: it may be also he might have some inclination to attend, and [Page 24] see what effect his Manifesto, might have upon the spirits of the people, the War not being yet so far gon, but that if they had given any assurance of satisfaction he could have hearkned to their conditions, and have saved those Provinces from all the calamities and devastations hath been since brought upon them by his Army: But whatsoever was the reason, we spent there fifteen dayes in reparing the ruines, as well as we could, the whole Army working all the while with all diligence imaginable.

The War being thus begun, and no enemy appearing in the Field, there was not much Hosti­lity committed, the King keeping his Army in as strict a discipline as if they had been in his own Do­minions. However they did not forbear the prosecuting the War [Page 25] from the time it marcht from a­bout Chasteau de Cambresy, and Pilois Camp-Master to the Horse, was Commanded out with 500 Horse to fall into the Country for intelligence, and to discover if there were any preparation making against them. The most part of the persons of quality offered themselves as Volun­tiers in this Expedition; but the King would permit but some few, of which the most considera­ble were the Duke d' Enguien, the Counte de S. Paul, and the Duke de Boüillon; but their de­sign proved to little purpose, for after they had been abroad four or five dayes they returned to the Camp without opportu­nity of doing any thing.

During the stay of the Army at Charleroy, the Queen, as I have said, returned to Compiegne; [Page 26] but she came back as far as A­vesne to enjoy the presence of the King who was there, and to take the advantage of that little time he would spare from the care he would needs take to see the place accommodated himself.

The day she was to arrive the King went out with a good bo­dy of Horse, some two or three Leagues to meet her; and during the four or five days they were together, Monsieur, who remain­ed in the Camp, gave out all ne­cessary orders.

Some there are that will say, that that which carried the King into this part of the Coun­try, was not only the designe upon Charleroy, which he knew was demolisht before he set out: But having a long time main­tained a correspondence in Na­mur [Page 27] and Luxembourg, he had hastned his march to encourage that enterprise: but I am not so well informed of the intrigues of Government to know the cer­tainty; this I only know, they were favourers of the house of Austria that spred the report to make the conduct of the King the more odious to the people.

In short they put Charleroy in­to such a condition of defence, that they left all the great Guns they had in the Camp there, and put the Regiment of la Ferte in Garrison, and other Companies drawn out of several battalions, which they formed into another called the Dauphins Regiment, and gave the Command of it to Phisica, somtimes Lieutenant Colonel in the Regiment of Turenne: the Government of the [Page 28] Fort was bestowed upon Montal, with order to continue the for­tifications without intermissi­on.

They left also 300 Horse a­bout Charleroy for their farther security, after which marcht the King up into the Country, to make his advantage of the con­sternation his great Army had brought upon the Provinces.

On the 15th of June he dis­camp't and marching towards Brussels he took up his quarters about Nivelle; whither having at the entreaty of the inhabitants sent two of his Guards to secure them, they were notwithstand­ing contrary to all honour and equity carried Prisoners to Brus­sels, where they lay above two moneths. From Nivelle the Ar­my marcht a little above Mons towards Braine-le-Comte, and af­ter [Page 29] some days march they came to Ath, a little Town situate almost at the head of the River Dendre without any fortification, but so capable of it that the King resolved to leave a Garrison there, and made des Landes (who had formerly served the Prince of Condy) the Gover­nour.

Out of divers Regiments there were some Companies drawn out, in all about 400 Foot and 100 Horse, which were left on purpose to infest and alarm the Towns thereabouts, and particu­larly Brussels, which was but eight leagues distant, there being no considerable Rivulets betwixt them.

All this progress was made without any other impediment then from the badness of the wayes, the Enemy not daring to [Page 30] shew themselves any where; only a Party of their Cravatts, earnest upon plunder, fell upon our ba­gage. But Rommecour, Lieute­nant of the Company of the Gardes de Corps, being by acci­dent with a Party of Horse near Enchoit upon a design, which was the place where this business began, he charged them so home he constrained them to leave their prize, though they had slain some of our men, not without loss certainly to them­selves. This I am sureof, the Comte de S. Geran, who served then as Aide de Camp, and the Marquis de Bellefont, were both very much wounded.

The Army staid not so long there as it had done at Charleroy, they left the Garrison only some pallisadoes to begin their fortifi­cations withall; and the King [Page 31] discampt and marcht to the siedge of Tournay, a place of great importance, but very ill provided with Souldiers, and the inhabitants, who were very numerous, bearing no great ani­mosity to the French, under whose Dominion they had lived long, for it is scarce an age since they submitted themselves to the house of Austria.

Besides the King perceived the taking of this Town would be a considerable acquest in re­spect of its situation upon the River Sceld, betwixt Conde and Oudenarde, and might especially perplex that part of Flanders is called the Wallonne Country (of which that is a Mem­ber) as also Hainault and Bra­bant.

On the 20th of June they be­gan their march; but before that [Page 32] he gave order to Comte de Lille­bonne (a Prince of the house of Lorrain, who Commanded the Troopes the Duke of Lor­raine had sent to the King, and who being not as yet joyned to the Army was quartered about Arras) that he should im­mediately joyne himself with Artagnan, who was thereabouts also, and that passing the bridge at Avendin, he should march away immediately and block up Tournay on that side next Lille, which was executed accordingly, and the Bridges for communica­tion being finished, the King past the River next day with most of his Army, and took his Quar­ters up at the Town of Foryen­ne, having left on the other side of the water the Mar­quis Humieres, and the Comte de Duras, with such Troops as were [Page 33] thought necessary for the belea­guering the Town on that side next to Hainault and Brabant; and without giving further time to the beseiged to recollect them­selves it was resolved they should that very night begin their ap­proaches.

The place being surveyed; we began our approaches on the side of certaine Windmils, which are plac't upon a little eminence not far from the banke of the River as you go into the Town. The first Battalion of the French Guards that d' Ortie Comman­ded, first Captain of that Squa­dron, began their works toward the right, and the Regiments of Picardy and Cast [...]lnau on the left: but these last having misspent their time at the beginning of the night, their approaches went on but slow; however they ad­vanced [Page 34] as they pleased them­selves; the opposition and firing of the enemy being very small, there was scarce any need of shelter at all; there were not many Souldiers kill'd, nor but few wounded.

This day Monsieur being in the Trenches found the King there, who came likewise to give them a visit, an action not ordi­nary amongst princes, and of which History affords but few examples.

It would be tedious to insert the names of all the Voluntiers that were then in our Trenches. The presence of the King who exposed himself in all places of danger (insomuch that whilst out of a desire to see all that past, he went about surveying the works, he had one of his Pages wounded behind him [Page 35] with a Canon-shot, and some few Horses kill'd) was a great in­couragement to the whole Court, and put them all forward to do something remarkable on this first occasion; amongst the Voluntires that more particularly signalis'd themselves, was the Comte of S. Paul, who in a sally the besieged made, beat them up to the very Counterscarp, & there for a good while disputed with one of his Enemies at the push of Pike; and in this sally S. Sandoux, a Cap­taine in the Regiment of Guards was sore wounded. The next day the first Battalion, of the Swiss Guards Commanded by Molondin their Collonel, releiv­ed the French Guards, their Generall the Comte of Soissons being ill, and not able to come as yet to the Army. About midnight they beat a parly, and a cessatiou [Page 36] being presently gran­ted they yeilded up the Town,Tournay sur­rendred. and that before one great Gun was shot against it; nor indeed had we as yet one peice for Battery, though we were in an hourly Expectati­on of a great convoy from Arras of 1500 or 1600 Waggons of all sort of Provision & Ammunition, and eight peices of whole Canon that the Army had great need of.

The Town being surrendred the Governour retires into the Castle with his Garrison, which is strong, and divided from the Town by the Sceld. It is repor­ted to have been built by the English, whilst it was in their pos­session, after they had taken it from the French. The works are antient indeed, but not bad; but as they stood then, they were in no very good condition, nor was [Page 37] it defended any better then the Town, for they had much to doe to keep it one day afterwards, and marcht out the 26th about 300 ill foot and 100 good Horse, in three Troops, without Canon or any other good termes, and were conducted to Brussels by Pruines, an in feriour officer of the Guards, with about 25 or 30 of his Souldiers: amongst all the wounded of quality in this siege there was only Tracy Captain of the Guardes that was shot with a Musquit in the cheek.

In the mean time the Marshall d' Aumont was not idle, for being entered into Flanders by the new ditch betwixt S. Omer and Aire, he had advanc't almost as far as Bergue, where having un­derstood there were no formed Troops in the place, he thought it necessary to make any formal [Page 38] siege; but drawing alltogether by 9 in the morning he made all his Foot advance, and fell on in two several places.

These two stormes were Com­manded, one by the Comte d' Pas­sage, and the other by the Duke of Roanez, both Lieutenant Ge­nerals; the latter of which, not troubling himself to throw up any works, fell immediatly on, and made himself Master of the half-moon and Counterscarpe: at first they had some resistance, the Citizens having taken Armes with some of the Country that were come in for refuge; but before night they parly'd, and at the same time surrendred upon ho­nourable termes.Bergue taken by Marshall d' Aumont. There were some brave men slain there, notwith­standing, for S. Lieu, Marshall [Page 39] d' Campe, in this Army much esteemed for his courage, and long experience in the War, was kill'd by two shots of a Musquet; and five or six Officers in the Queens Regiment, and the Re­giment of Navarre, were slain or wounded, with about 200 Soul­diers in all, but most of the Duke of Roanez side, for of Passage's here were but few.

Bergue being taken the Army advanced towards Furnes to give the Garrison of Dunkerque more elbow-roome, where the re­sistance was much one as at Bergue. The second day after our Trenches were opened the place was surrendered,Furnes tak­en. and we became Masters of it the third or fourth time.

The Marshall de Aumont, not satisfied with this, was marching [Page 40] with his Army to Dixmude, when he received express order from the King to come away immediately to Armentiers, which place is situate upon the Lis, and in the time of Marshall Gas­sion, had gained great reputati­on, it was fortified by him in the Winter 1645, but was so de­molisht by the Spaniard since, that in May, whilst the King was at Peronne, Artagnan was sent thi­ther with some Troops, and en­tering as he pleased he took the Governour Prisoner in his own lodgings without any noise or Al­larme. The design the King had in calling the Marshal d' Aumont thither, was apparently to se­cure the passage of Victuals to our great Army, whilst it lay before Tournay, for they were the same Troops that conducted the great convoy I mentioned before.

[Page 41] Tournay being delivered, the King and his whole Court were lodged in the Town; he gave Renoüart, Captain of the Regi­ment of Guards, the Govern­ment, leaving him four Compa­nies of that Regiment, and three of the Swiss Guards, with three Troops of Horse of the Regi­ment of S. Sierge, but lodged them all in the Castle to prevent any incommodity the in habi­tants might receive in the Town, and to shew his new subjects how easie his dominion would be.

The 28th of the same moneth having given exact orders for the Conservation of the place, he marcht away with his Army towards Gaunt, and as every body thought, with design to fall upon Oudenarde, or Cour­tray.

[Page 42] They which desired Oudenarde should be besieged alledged the Town was situate upon the Sceld, some seven leagues from Tournay, and would extend our conquests quite down the River as far as Gaunt; and that though the Town being commanded by a very high mountain on that side towards Alost, could not be very strong, yet by placing a good Garrison there it might make a good post, and be very usefull in interrupting the Com­merce betwixt Brussels and Gaunt, the two Principal Towns in the Low Countries. Others were for attempting of Courtray, a Town upon the Lis, and of great importance ever since Gassion raised a Cittadel there, and by it held in subjection as well the Wallonne, part of Flanders, as the Flemming: and this opinion [Page 43] appeared the most reasonable, seeing all the Prisoners taken agreed in their report, that there were but 200 Souldiers in the Town, and that the principal Inhabitants had already resol­ved to deliver up the Town, and attended only his Majesties appearance with his Army to surrender it into his hands. But both these opinions were disappointed in the event, for the Army which was then in­campt at Helchin, some three leagues from Courtray, four from Oudenarde, and four or five from Lille, on a sudden on the 30th of that moneth marcht cleer back again; the King having the day before Commanded out the Count de Duras, with two Bri­gades of Horse, and the Comte de Lillebonne, with all the Lorrainers, in order to a design up­on [Page 44] Doüay, and these Troops be­ing advanced, to strengthen it, al the Army followed with great marches, so as on the second of July the Town was besieged on all sides.

The King at first would take up his quarters at Barbieres, a Vil­lage upon the Scarpe neer the Road betwixt Doüay, and Arras, but this Town being too far off, and it being believed the Town would require circumvallation, he removed and lodged himself in la Mottes quarters nearer the Town, and more capable of being fortified.

Whilst they were ordering the Camp, the King, having din'd at a Villedge of Esquierchin, perceiv­ed as he was getting a Horseback some of the Enemy drawing out of the Town, and advanc't to a little Chappel some 7 or 800 paces [Page 45] without their Counterscarpe, which gave him a great desire of seeing them nearer hand, he Commanded out presently a small party of the Colonels Regiment that was then by, to charge them, and take some Pri­soners if they could: Mazel Master of the Horse to the Vi­compte de Turenne, with some o­thers, putting themselves in with this party, and having or­dered two Squadrons of the Guards to relieve them, they advanc't, and without so much as stopping at their Vollies they advanced to their Turne­pike, behind which the Enemy being retired, our Forces were open to all their shot, both Ca­non and Musquet. Notwith­standing which there were not above two or three wounded, amongst whom Lestang, an En­signe [Page 46] of the Guards of Turenne was one, and another Named S. Rut. Some persons of quallity stole away from the King also to be present at this action, and amongst the first of them was the Comte de Soissons, and the Comte de Avergne.

It is no great matter to guess the Reasons that brought his Majesty before Doüay: For this Town being of very great con­sequence in those parts, being situate upon the Scarpe some five leagues below Arras, and capa­ble of receiving great numbers of men, and the yeilding great supply of Provision for the Army, we could not take in any thing of more importance, or that could contribute more to the keeping of Tournay, which with­out the communication of this Town, was not easily to be [Page 47] kept. Besides he had advice the Town was but ill man'd, and not like to hold out long and that the Scarpe Fort, which is a Fort consisting of five Basti­ons, built in that Marsh, which makes the River and gives it its name, about a Cannon shot below the Town, was also very ill provided: and upon these rea­sons the King resolved to at­taque them both at one time, as well to astonish them within, as to take away all hopes of relieving them without; which would have been very easie ano­ther time, in respect the place was of that extent it would require a vast line of circumvallation, and without that it was impos­sible; to attempt either the Town without the Fort, or the Fort without the Town, at least to block them up so as to [Page 48] prevent their reliefs; but in spight of the strength or feeble­ness of the Enemy, the Vigilance of the King and his Captains overcame all difficulties; For on the third at night our Trenches were opened by fourteen Com­panies of the Regiments of Guards, where Marshall Gram­mont their Colonel was present, as sick as he was, as he had been before at Tournay: The Guards began their works as they had design'd to attaque the Ravelin before the Gate towards the Vil­lage of Esquierchin, and the Regiments of Picardy; and the Kings on the other side began theirs towards the half Moon that looks towards Quinchy. There happened nothing singu­lar in these attaques, saving that the Trenches being very large and deep they raised a [Page 49] battery the same night of ten peices of Canon betwixt the works, which was in condition to play by four a clock in the morning. Le Renché a Captain was wounded here, but very slightly, and scarce one man lost. The fourth at night the French Guards were relieved by the Swiss Guards, that is to say, by seven Companies of them, and the Count of Soissons, (Ge­nerall of all the Swiss in the French service) at the head of them: They entered the Trenches about seven at night, exposed to all the Canon of the Town, which was a great number, and perhaps as well planted as ever any were. The King visiting the Trenches approved very much what they had done; but he had much more reason to commend them the next day, [Page 50] when he understood, that the 400 paces of Ground remaining be­twixt the head of their Trenches and the Ditch of the Counter­scarp was secured by the works they had thrown up that night, and that all the Trenches were in a good condition by six a clock in the morning. Nor was this all, the Marquis d' Humieres, Lieutenant General, that da [...] having proposed to the Comte de Soissons, to attempt the ditch, to sound it, and throw in some Faggots, in order to their ad­vancing the next night. The Swisses animated by the example of their General, who was pre­sent all the while, would shew no weariness for what was past, but having begun a mine by eight in the morning, they peirc't their ditch by noon; though they had neither plancks, nor [Page 51] blinds, nor any thing necessary in such an Enterprise.

There were two Officers that Commanded in the Trenches, one was Aspremont, a Captain in the Regiment of Guards, who mannaged all the works, and exprest himself in that a man of more then ordinary understand­ing: the other was S. Fere, a Captain of Horse, who had put himself then amongst the Volun­tiers that accompanied the Mar­quis de Humieres. These two Officers, desiring to signallize themselves by some action ex­traordinary, proposed to the Commanders in the Trench to swim over the ditch, and lodge themselves on the other side, as well to render the structure of the Bridge the more easie, as to make it the more formidable when it should be done, and by [Page 52] the boldness of the enterprise to frighten the Enemy perhaps from the point of their work; their proposal was applauded, though contrary to the rules of so great a siege: And having chosen a certain number of soul­deirs that could swim, they stript themselves upon the Spott, and S. Fere with seven Swisses only, without other Arms then their Pickaxes and shovells, swam over the ditch, and placing themselves on the other side, they fell to their work to shelter themselves as well as they could; but S. Fere having the curiosity to stand right up and peep over their blind, received a shot from a Musquet in his body, and dyed within a quarter of a [...] houre.

Aspremont in the mean time was with some of his Voluntiers and Swisses in the ditch labour­ing [Page 53] to fill it up as much as pos­sible: and of the seven that swam over, one of them only was killed, the other six made their work defensible; and the Bridge being by five in the morning so finisht that they might pass over dry, they sent over from the other side a Sergeant with twelve Souldiers well arm'd to make good what their six com­rades had thrown up.

All this affaire, both in the night and day, cost about 40 Souldiers, and two Officers slain or wounded; but amongst the Voluntiers there were several persons of quality ill handled; the Marquis de Noisy Maupeou was wounded that night by a Musquet shot in his head, of which he recovered, though it was judg'd mortall at the first: The Comte du Broutay, sometimes [Page 54] Camp-master to the Regiment of Navarre, received a shot un­der the Arm-pit, and died a few days after. The Marquis de Termes was wounded in the thigh, the Comte de Combourg on his foot, Monmont in the shoulder, and a little before the Trench was raised the Comte de Blin, receiv­ed a shot with a facileon bullet on the top of his arme which brake the bone so as it was be­lieved he would dye of it, as he did in the conclusion. There was several others wounded with their Canon, but the Prince d' Espinoy, who was shot in the Arme, and Brissac a Lieutenant in the Guards, are all I can re­member.

As to the approaches of the Regiments, Picardy was re­lieved by the Regiment of Au­vergne; but not being there I [Page 55] can give no further relation then that Vauban, Captain in the Re­giment of Picardy, that com­manded in that work, received a Musquet shot in his face. For the same reason I shall pass by what was done on the Comte de Duras his side, having heard no more, then that being en­campt with his Forces on the o­ther side of the Town towards Cambray and Valecienne, and desirous that his Forces also should have their share in the honour, he beg'd of the King that he might make his effort on his side also; whi­ther having drawn up the Regiment du Saut on the fourth at night, and having found no great resistance, with no great difficulty he lodged himself the same night on the Counterscarp: Insomuch as the [Page 56] Enemies seeing themselves over­laid on every side, and perswad­ed otherwise by the reasons of the Comte de Gramont, whom the King had sent to summon them, they demanded a parly, and obtained a cessation of Arms that very fifth at night, at least on the Guards side; for on the side the Regiments of Lyonnois and Louvigny were on, who were apparently ignorant of the Truce, they past the two ditches, and lodged themselves upon the half-moon, which pro­ved to no great purpose, the Hostages being given before.

All the rest of the night was spent in making their termes, which were, that all the Souldiers consisting of about 300 Foot, pittifull fellowes, and ill provi­ded, with three Troops of Horse of about 120. should march out [Page 57] with their Armes and Baggage, but no Canon; which was per­formed the seventh, of the same month,Daway tak­en. and they conducted to Valencienne.

The Scarp Fort was attempted distinctly by the Count de Lille­bonne, and some other Troops Commanded by le Bret, Marshal de Camp, to whom the King had given the Charge of that affaire. They opened their Trenches, on the fourth at night, by the Regiment of Cham­pagne, which having began its approaches along the Marsh, car­ried them on within twenty pa­ces of their Counterscarp, with­out the loss almost of one man. The next day this Regiment was relieved by the Regiment of Castelnau, who observing the small resistance that was made, [Page 58] past over the ditch before the Counterscarp, and in two seve­ral places lodged themselves at the very foot of the Pallisadoes of their False-Bray, and forc't the Enemy to leave their main Guards and in short all their out Guards; insomuch as they beat a parley, and their Articles being made, they marcht-out with their Arms and Colours, but not Canon, and were conducted to Valenci­enne; So that Doway, which never durst,The Scarp Fort taken. for the space of five and twenty years after the gain­ing several Battels, be attempted, was taken in three dayes, and its Fort, which was believed im­pregnable by reason of the wa­ter and [...]l [...]es with which they could drowned all about both the Fort and the Town: The King made Aspremont Gover­nour, [Page 59] who had been so instru­mental in the [...] taking it: and gave him eight Companies of the French Guards, and six of Swisses, Commanded by Sury, Captain of that body, but no Horse, in respect that all his Family, & the most part of the Equipage of the Court were then at a distance, whilst the King who was then departing for Compiegne began his journey.

But the reason why the King left the Army at that time, is not yet come to my ears; all that I can say is that there were seve­ral marcht off with him that ne­ver thought it necessary to come back.

All this while the Marshal d' Aumonts Army was at Armen­tieres, where to prevent idle­ness, they had began to repair the old works. But judg­ing the small Garrison left [Page 60] there would be in no great se­curity, the Marshall removed from thence, and brought his Troops nearer Lille, encamping about Hautbourdin, some two leagues from the Town, to the end he might block up that Gar­rison that made its constant ex­cursions either upon our Convoy, or to the very Gates of Tournay.

But for the father incommo­dity of this great Town they put fire to all the Windmills that were near it, which amounted to near 50 or 60, which could not be performed without some [...]kirmishes, & without outting off some particular persons by their Canon. About this time it was [...]he Foot Regiment of Normandy▪ and the Queens Regiment hav­ing met in the night without discovering one another, they charged, and, as was reported in [Page 61] the Kings Quarters, could not be got off till 30 or 40 men were slain in the place.

The 9th of this moneth the Marshal General of the Camp remaining sole Master as it were, he rose from before Doway, and encampt about two leagues from that place, near an Abby of Nuns called Flines, just upon the Road to Lille; and on the their side the Army advanc't to Cautice, about half a league distance from Orchies, where their design was to attend the returne of the King.

During the 15 dayes the Army [...]emained incamped, there was no great matter past; the Ene­my having no great party of Horse in the Field, they con­ [...]ented themselves to sally now [...]nd then out of the Town in [...]mall bodies, to incommode us [Page 62] in our forraging and convoys, from which they seldome re­turned without some prize: Lamezan, somtimes Ensign of the Gens d' armes belonging to the King, with three or four Vo­luntiers and their equipage, go­ing from Arras to Dourlens, fell unluckily into their hands: La­mezan was kill'd there, and an­other Voluntier called Breton­celles was wounded, and the young Villarceaux taken in a Waggon in which he lay sick. But this party were near doing a greater exploit; for the Duke d' Euguien, the comte de Armag­nac, the Duke de Bouillon, and other persons of quallity return­ing into France with the King, and hearing at Court the Army was lying down before Courtray, and that their several Regiments were drawn out upon that de­sign, [Page 63] that is to say, the Duke de Enguin's Regiment, with the Brigade of Bissy, of which that was a part, and the Duke of Bouillons, with the Brigade be­longing to the Comte de Roy; they resolved upon any termes to return into Flanders, and ac­cordingly taking the Road to Arras, without any other con­voy then their own Servants, and some officers of the Army that would need accompany them, they were in great dan­ger within two or three leagues of Dourlens of being taken by some Troops that seemed to come from Arras. And had it not been for de Roche, a Captain in the Prince of Condy's Guards, who went out to discover them, supposing them at first sight a convoy sent for the Duke of d' Enguien from Arras, but find­ing [Page 64] them Enemies he suffered himself to be taken to preserve the rest, which if he had not done, they had doubtless run the same fortune.

I forget to mention how the King before his departure had resolved the Marshal de Aumonts Army, that had done nothing these two sieges, should be im­ployed upon some place or other of importance, to which end he sent him four Regiments of Foot out of the main Army, viz. the Regiment of Champagne, the Royal Regiment, and the Re­giments of Orleans and Roussil­lon, and three Brigades of Horse, all under the Command of the Marquis de Paguilin, Marshal de Camp, who carried eight great peices of Canon along with him, the Marshall d' Aumont having none before.

[Page 65] A while after we understood that on the 12th of that moneth the Marshal had raised his Camp, and was gone from Pont-à-Tresin, near Lille, with Pegui­lin, recrutes towards Courtray, where they were well inform­ed the Garrison was very weak.

At this time also the Marshal Turenne drew out five Brigades of Horse under the Command of the Marquis de Bellefons, Lieu­tenant General, and sent them for sureness sake to the rein­forcement of the siege; they tooke their post at Harlebec, a Town upon the Lis, about a league below Courtray: they left about Doüay also two Bri­gades of Horse, and the Alsatia Regiment of Foot, to attend the King in case the Enemy should draw into a body, and constrain [Page 66] our Army to march to the re­lief of the besiegers: but they had already put in what force they were able: the Barron of Limbec, with 300 Horse having conducted some Foot in the 13th of that moneth, which was the day before our Troops were set down before it.

But as he was making his re­treat the Marquis of Bellefons hav­ing got newes of his march, pur­sues and overtakes him in a Town, as he was refreshing some four or five leagues off: it fell out very luckily for the Enemy, for the Town had Barriers, and could not easily be entred, whereby they having opportuni­ty to get to Horse, and some of them having got to a Bridge, we must of necessity pass into the Town; they repelled the for­most of our Troops, and after a [Page 67] short dispute retired towards Gaunt, without any considerable loss.

Courtray being besieged in this manner the 14th, and the Trenches opened the 15th at night without making any lines, the Regiment of Campagne, had the honour of the first attaque, as being the antientest Regiment in the Army, having been six moneths longer standing then the Regiment of Navarre; but these Troops, and the other on the other side, meeting no no great resistance from the Town,Courtray tak­en. they took the out-works the first night, and the next day the Townsmen treated and yeilded. The Souldiers retreat­ed into the Cittadel, where on the 17th they were besieged al­so; on which day we threw up [Page 68] two works, one in the Plain on the side the Town lyes, and the other on the other side. But notwithstanding this Citta­del was in a good condition▪ and indifferently well provided with men, it defended it self not much longer then the Town, for the next day it surrendred, and 400 or 500 men that were in it, were sent down the River to Gaunt, according to the Ar­ticles, in Boats.

About this time the King was returned from Campiegne, and the Queen with him, whom his Majesty had a desire should have a sight of his Conquests: and to let her understand, that as he had undertaken her interest, so he was able to do her reason by by force of Arms, when the un­tractableness of the Spaniard, could not be brought to it other­ways. [Page 69] Perhaps also he would have his new subjects see a Princess of the house of Austria, who coming in person to demand her Rights, become one with his Majesty now by her Marriage, might take away their regret at the changing the Government, and leave them without just reason of complaint.

She was brought at first to Doway, where she was received with all possible acclamations; which made him desirous she should see Tournay also, as well to prevent any exception that Town might take, for having been less considered then Doway, as also to demonstrate to all the world, that he was absolute Master of the Field; neither the Queen, nor any of her Train, having received the least al­larme, nor heard one Gun goe [Page 70] off in all their march. And al­though they past in the sight of Lille, and very near the Isle of S. Amont, which was certainly the Enemies, they sent away the Court Harbingers on the 25th to take up lodgings for the King and Queen the next day at Tournay; but the way be­ing long, from one place to the other, and very incommodious for an Army to pass, especially with so great a Train, all the Court came that night to the Camp at Cautice, some two leagues higher then the Road they should have come: What past that night being no matter of War, is not to be expected in this journall, nor to be writ­ten by a person so little acquain­ted with the affairs of the Court. I shall only say this, that all they that had houses in [Page 71] the Kings Quarters, made tender of them to the Ladies: The King and the Queen making choise of no other then the lodg­ings belonging to the Vicomte Tu­renne.

The next morning by 10 of the clock, they arrived at Tour­nay, where the people gave all the expressions of joy imagi­nable: Two days they past there without any thoughts, but of their divertisment, after which the Queen returned to Doüay, in her way to Arras, where she was to attend the Kings com­ing back, who was then ad­vancing further against his Enemies, with design of inlarging his Conquests.

He conducted her two Leagues himself, and having taken his leave, and returning to the Camp with Rochefort's Brigade only, and [Page 72] some Voluntiers, he discerned a great dust, and hearing of Guns go off, he sent out, and under­stood it was a great body of the Enemy fallen upon the Guards on that side next to Lille, with a design to beat them off.

There was a Squadron of the Kings Gens-d'armes upon the Guard that day, Commanded by the Prince de Soubize, Captain Lieutenant to that Company; he had one of his out-Guards al­most surprized by the Enemy, who counterfeiting themselves Lorrainers, came on crying out Vive Turenne, and at the first dash kill'd three or four of the Guards, but the rest having dis­covered the cheat, engag'd them very stoutly, though they were much inferiour in number. The Enemy was reinforc't with four other Troops, which advanc't a [Page 73] full trot towards the Squadron of the Guards, and they having taken the alarme were marching towards the relief of their own, insomuch that there was only a hollow way betwixt the Enemy and us. When the Voluntiers that were about the King came in, and his Majesty also with his Troops being at hand, and mak­ing a great dust, they perceived it, and ran immediatly without order, or resistance, and were pursued in the very sight of Lille. The Duke d' Enguin was one of the first that follow­ed them, and made it appear at this, as well as at all other times, that courage was no less natural to him, then to the Prince of Condy, his Father; they were so close pursued that of 200 Horse Commanded by Maciet, a man of great reputati­on [Page 74] amongst them, he had much adoe to bring half off, the rest being kill'd or taken.

The next day being the 28th of July, the Army rose from about Tournay; and passing the Sceld, about half a league above, they encampt at Herines, and the next day at Luperken, a Village not far from Oudenard.

This town which the Sceld runs thorow was already blockt up on one side by the Comte de Lillebonne, and his Lorrainers; and on the other, by the Forces commanded by Bellefons and Peguilin, who had not as yet re­joyned themselves with the bo­dy of the Army, since they were drawn out from Courtray; they would that night have opened their Trenches on both sides, but they did it only on Bellefons side; for the Lorrain Foot, though [Page 75] they were further advanc't, were judged not numerous enough, nor well enough arm'd to ven­ture upon a place that set so good a countenance upon the business, and appeared outward­ly so well fortified, for within it was no great matter. They let them alone therefore till their next day, and for that night im­ployed no other then the Regi­ments of Campagne, and Castel­nau, who having opened the Trenches by the Fauxbourg that goes towards Courtray, they carried the Counterscarp at first, and fell a filling the ditch, leaving a half moon on their left, that the Enemy had deserted. The day after, about ten a clock, the King planted good store of Cannon, up­on an Eminence about a Musquet shot from the Town, that Com­manded all the outworks on that [Page 76] side that is towards Brabant, which Battery, with some of the Field-peices, they carry at the head of their Battalions, firing continually; all day long the Ene­my durst not shew themselves, but apprehending they should be stormed and carried by force the next night, they beat a par­ley about four in the afternoon, and yeilded upon conditions,Oudenarde taken. that all the Souldiers should be­come Prisoners of War: there was in the Town about four or five hundred Foot, but no Horse.

This Conquest cost very few men, and we took in less then four and twenty hours a place that Strada makes a great noise of in his History of the Low Countries, and magnifies the Duke of Parma exceeding­ly for having conquered it in two moneths.

[Page 77] There was but one Officer wounded in the Regiments that fell on, & but very few Souldiers; there was also on the Kings side, one Voluntier wounded, and that with a Faulcon shot in the calf of his legg, and two other shots with a Musquet, as he was advancing too near the suburbs to survey their works, he was called Royecourt, and had had considerable employments in the War of Piedmont and Italy, in the time of the Regency of Ma­dam Royal the Dutchess of Sa­voy.

This Town being taken, though attach't by the by, the Army marcht the next day being the 12th of August towards Alost; The Count of Duras was drawn out that night with five Brigades of Horse, and 1500 Musquetiers, to possess himself of some post [Page 78] betwixt Brussels and Dendremond, so as to be able to give alarme and jealousie to both: As he past by he summons Alost, and had it surrendred after some few Vol­leyes, there being in the Town not above thirty Horse left,Alost taken▪ rather for in­telligence of our motion, then defence.

In this party there marcht so great a number of Voluntiers, they made up some distinct Troops, and would needs un­dertake some enterprize by themselves; the design was to march up betwixt Brussels, and Viluord, and to surprise, if they could, one of the passage Boats that goes daily up and down that Cutt betwixt the two Towns: but whether it was that the de­sign was ill laid down at first, or whether amongst such a col­lected [Page 79] medly of people, there was not that obedience or dis­cipline that was requisit, & they had not the success was expect­ed. From other places also there were several parties Commanded out; and so strangely had the de­sire of engaging their Enemies seised upon their spirits, that one of the Troops commanded by Chazeron, Lieutenant of the the Guards de Corps, fell foul upon another of our Troops, and by a generous refractoriness refusing to tell who they were for, fell on, and found not they were Friends till Royer Dubreüil Captain of the Colonels Regi­ment was slain.

The 13th the Army encamp't at Hochstrate, a Village betwixt Alost and Dendremond, from whence Truel, a person of great understanding in those affairs, [Page 80] was dispatcht to discover the situation of Dendremond, and to informe whether it might not be blockt up by a line, or whether the waters which they kept with their sluces being let loose would not make a great inunda­tion.

Truel reports they might lodge themselves well enough, and on the Fourteenth the King gave order the Wherries that went along to the Artillary, should march to make a Bridge over the Sceld, and made all the other Boats he found in Alost to be car­ried down the Dendre, to make another over that. The next day being the fifteenth the Bridge over the Sceld was finish't, at a Villedge called Apels, some half a League above Dendre­mond, on that side the way lyes from Gaunt; but having imployed [Page 81] all their twenty Wherries about that Bridge, and finding no more to make another on the other side towards Anwerp, where the Sceld was much broader and the Tide came up higher, they were constrained to leave them that way free for supplyes. In the mean time the Marquis of Belli­fons advanc't with five brigades of Horse, and four Regiments of Foot marcht over the Bridge that was made, to possess the other side of the River, who finding an inclosed Country, they might easily block it up close, and put themselves into a condition to prevent any succours going in by Land on that side.

The King took up his quar­ters at the Town of Apels afore­said, which was very near the Bridge, and lay with the forces he had with him all the space be­twixt [Page 82] the Sceld, and the Bridge he had now made over the Den­dre. The Count of Duras with his Squadron, and the Count of Lillebonne, with his Lorrainers, took up all the ground betwixt the Dendre and the Sceld, on that side next Brussels and Viluorde; their Posts being thus taken, e­very body concluded, they would fall on, but there were se­verall considerations altered their resolutions.

Those who were for the siege pretended the place was weak, the fortifications decayed, and in an ill condition, that there was not above eight or nine hundred men in the Town, and those shatter'd and insufficient to resist such an Army as ours, especially as it was then animated by the presence of the King; that the waters they made such a noise [Page 83] with, might be easily diverted by cutting the banks of the Sceld, which dam'd up the waters of the Dendre, and were made on purpose to carry that River near­er the Town, which otherwise would naturally have fallen into the Sceld, about a Musquet shot above that place. And indeed, Truel had already made two cuts in this bank, and had begun a third, with confidence (ac­cording to the opinion of the Watermen of Alost, and Dendre­mond, that were in our Camp) in four or five dayes time, to have turn'd the River so as they might in two several places have fallen upon the Town, and have easily carried it, by reason of the weakness of the defence that was to be made.

Those who were for the r [...]is­ing of the siege alledged on the [Page 84] other side that that draining or diverting the River was impossi­ble, by reason the sluces in the Town were intire, and the cut­ting the banks of the Sceld would but increase the inundati­on, by letting in the waters of the Sea, which in that place was twice in four and twenty hours above six foot high; In so much as they should never be able to make any works but what would be wet, if not overflown twice every day. Besides the Sceld being open below the Town, and we having besides the Bridge we had made, neither Staccads, nor Trees, nor Chaines, nor any thing to hinder them, the Enemy might when he pleased break the Bridge; for it was obvious that with the least favourable wind, and the assistance of the Tide, they might come from Anwerp [Page 85] in four hours with many Vessels as they thought fit, and beating down what we had raised to re­sist, put what supplyes they thought necessary into the Town; and moreover, the Town had been reinforc't with men and all other necessaries for a long defence, Louvigny, a person of great esteem in the Low Countries, having had opportunity to put himself in with what Troops he had pleased: and lastly, that if all things could be managed as was proposed, they had no more to doe then to encamp thesmelves at Nienove, and in four dayes they would be able to starve our Army, bread being already grown scarce in spight of all the care the Commissaries could take that were imployed by or­der from the Intendant [...]olbert. This advise was asserted by so [Page 86] many, and their arguments ap­peared so probable, the King re­solves to quit that Leaguer that was like to be difficult, for ano­ther, no less honourable, nor perhaps of less consequence.

During the two dayes we were before this Town there was scarce any thing considera­ble past: the Enemy shot many great Guns amongst us, but with little execution; I beleive there was not above 12 or 15 men slain, of which the most eminent was one Mr. Villars, a voluntier under the Marquis de la Valliere Lieute­nant of the Dolphins light Horse. There was also a little Rancontre, betwixt the Horse on the other side of the Sceld, before the Bridge was finisht, for the King having sent 50 of his Guards over in one of the Wherries de­sign'd for the bridge, under the [Page 87] Command of Lansson, one of the Lieutenants of the four Com­panies, the Cavaliers putting their Horses (unsadled) thorow the water made them swim to the o­ther side, where as soon as they had sadled them again, they mounted, & marcht along a Dike (all covered with Trees) towards Dendremond: in a streight way they encountred about 150 of the Ene­my, whom at first dash they beat back to their reserves, who ad­vancing put a stop to our carrier, and sent our forlorne back with the same speed; but Lansson com­ing on, charges them again, however the Enemy received it so well there was but few either kill'd or taken: we lost also some few Cavalliers, and had some of our Voluntiers wounded, and amongst the rest, the Mar­quis of Courcelles, Lieutenant of [Page 88] the Artillery, and the same Ma­zel I have mentioned before: after which the night approach­ing they parted, and the Bridge being finisht, the next morning we heard no more of them.

Two dayes after the Marquis de Bellefons having past his Troops over the same Bridge a­gain, brake it down, and the Army discamp't from before the Town.

Some there were that reported that several of our Army, and in particular of those under the Command of the Marquis de Bel­lefons, being stragled for plun­der into the Country of the Vàes, came short home; for expecting to pass at the Bridge, and finding it broke down, they could not get over, and that above 2000 of them fell into the Enemies hands; but this was otherwise, for it was certain there was not two hun­dred lost there in all.

[Page 89] The Army being thus risen from Dendremond, the Marquis of Humieres, with four Brigades of Horse, had orders to go and invest Lille, that they had been a long time bartering for; the Marshall d' Aumont ever since and before the siege of Courtray, having never lain above two or three Leagues from it, ready to attaque them whenever the Enemy should draw away their Troops.

This was a business of no small importance; it was well known there was a very strong Garrison in it, especially of Horse, all priso­ners agreeing there was above 1200 of them, and 3000 Foot: but whether it was that the Vicomte of Turrenne advised him to't, or that his Majesty was weary of Conquest with ease, all could not hinder him but that in four [Page 90] dayes March the whole Army took up their quarters before the Town.

At his arrival the King quarter­ed at the Village of Esguermes, but the next day, by reason the Cannon from the Town incom­moded his lodging, he removed to the Village of Laos upon the River Deulle, with his Troops, taking up all betwixt Laos as far as Helesme, where the Marquis of Humieres had tak­en up his. Next the Lor­rainers, took their quarters to­wards the River of Marque; and next them the Marquis of Bellefons with his Troops lay from the Lorrainers to the Ri­ver Deulle, towards the Abby of Marquet: And last of all the Count of Duras took his post on the other side of the River, whose Camp reacht to the Vil­lage [Page 91] of Lambersart, and coming [...]ack to the River again made a compleat Ring of the Circumval­ [...]ation.

Things being thus disposed, the eleventh at night, about nine a clock all the Army stood to their armes, & every Troop hav­ing his Tools ready they advanc't 800 paces towards the Town, where to secure their Camp a­gainst the Sallyes of the Enemy out of the Town (which is one of the biggest in the Low Coun­tries, and without comparison most populous of any in subjecti­on to the King of Spain, for they were reported to be 20000 men bearing arms in the Town, be­sides the Garrison) they began to entrench: but this was not finisht the first night, but within two nights after was so compleat they planted thir­teen [Page 92] small Field-peices upon them, to secure the line, and re­strain the besieged from sallying, which they had no mind to at all; for without any interrupti­on to our work they contented themselves with firing their great Guns into our Camp, and especially into the Kings quar­ters, where they saw most peo­ple.

The siege then being of great importance, on which side soe­ver it is considered, the King to put himself into a condition of compassing his designes, and to furnish himself with all manner of provisions, before he opened his trenches, Commands in all the country about to assist in his Line. Severall Convoys are sent to Arras, Bethune, Tournay, and Doway, for Canon, Powder, Bullets and match; in short, all [Page 93] things were ordered to be had that were necessary in so great a siege.

About this time it was the King understood the Queens discomposure for his absence, and the indisposition of the Dau­phin. However he concealed the trouble he had for that as well as other misfortunes he had re­ceived at the beginning of this siege; there it was he heard the Prince of Ligne had fallen upon 300 Horse of the Garrisons of Charleroy, and Phillippeville, had routed them and taken the Mar­quis of Vaubrun-nogent, who Commanded the party Priso­ner, with most of his Officers, be­sides what were left upon the place: there it was he had notice that the Garrison of Cambray, & Valencien to give him some di­version had been abroad, & had [Page 94] Plundred and burnt Riblemont Marle, & other considerable Hou­ses about Capelle; and that then Marsin was marching to Ipre▪ to give him interruption both in his Camp and towards the Sea in both which places he was no [...] provided over well. Here it wa [...] also he was advertised that th [...] Enemy appeared about Oudenard and it was to be feared they might recover that place with as much ease as we had taken it▪ for which reason Beauveze was Commanded out with a party of Horse to discover, who found it nothing, and gave the King notice the Enemy had drawn to­gether at Alost, but were retired to Dendremond with out leaving any Garrison there. Besides all these, the King was troubled af­ter four or five dayes with an ex­ceeding pain in his teeth which [Page 95] could by no means be lessened whilst he continued at his lodg­ing at Bioüvac, where he lay e­very night exposed to all the mists and fogs, that were con­stantly occasioned by the ex­traordinary heat of that season. Notwithstanding all which per­plexities he must of necessity at­tend the conservation of what he had gained, which nothing but so brave a Person as he could have done: to that end he gave all Orders himself daily, and (without any other regulation of the controversie betwixt the Marshal General of the Camp, and the other Marshals of France, touching priority of Command) he sends away the Marshal d' Au­mont with the residue of his Forces to encamp about Tournay: His Army was then but small, he having drawn out two Regi­ments [Page 96] of Foot to the Leaguer at Lille, that is to say, the Regi­ment of du Plessis, and a Regi­ment of Harcourt; in exchange of which he only sent them the Re­giment of Alsatia, which the Cam­pagne had exceedingly weakned, most of the Germans (of which it consisted) being either sick or run from their colours, as most of the new Regiments that come from that Nation into the French service do; besides the Comte de Lorges, Marshal to that Army of de Aumonts, had drawn out a thousand Horse for the visiting of Lille, and was not returned; the King having Commanded his Troops for the securing of the River Lis, as also Varneton, Comene, and Menene, least by that way the enemy should attempt to put relief into the Town, insomuch as the Mar­shall [Page 97] had not above four or five hundred Horse left with him. There were four Companies of the French Guards, and three Swiss Companies in the Garrison drawn out of Tournay, so as the charge of that Town lay upon his Foot; besides that he was to have an eye upon Ath, to secure the pas­ses over the Sceld, and the Scarp, as also Mortaigne, S. Amand, and Marchienne, whither he was was fain to send several of his Army: In short, it lay almost wholly upon him to defend all that was at any distance, and to look to the security of the Cam­pagnia; the Marquis of Cre­quy not being yet come up with his Troops out of Luxemburg, where he had been imployed all this while.

But to returne to the siege of Lille; the King Commanded that [Page 98] all the while betwixt the tenth and the eighteenth, should be spent in fortifying their Leaguer, both against the Town, and without, and in furnishing the Camp with all Provisions, both of Victuals, and Ammunition, they should have need of. The Mar­quis of Louvoy, a person of great activity, had the care of all, and in particular, of the Artillery, in which he took great pains that nothing might be wanting; for in this siege the King was resol­ved to use all his Force, as if his reputation all over Europe had been at stake this bout; all that he had done hitherto hav­ing been an effect rather of the terror of his Armes, then any real experiment of his strength. Moreover, in all Armies (but especially where there be many Courtiers, as there was alwayes [Page 99] about his Majesty) there wants not such as will never approve any Councels, of which they have no part themselves, and who constantly decry all enter­prises that appear doubtfull, as this of Lille did, to the end that if it miscarried, the great­ness of their judgments might appear, or at least they might for a while lessen the reputation of him that had the charge. And of this sort there are many, who by the mischief they doe that way, redouble the care that is necessary to the accomplish­ment.

The King all this while spared no pains, no watchings, no ex­pence, no not so much as his own person, considering no­thing on this occasion but his own courage, and what might contribute to the aug­mentation [Page 100] of his glory.

One of these nights which the King past at Biouac, or most commonly at the quarters of the Light Horse belonging to the Dauphin, where to repose himself he would goe somtimes into the Tent of the Marquis de Valliere, there happened a fire in his lodg­ing, which burnt it almost quite down, though by thy care of those that were there, the loss was not considerable.

The Vicompte Turenne on his side was on Horseback night and day, and forgot nothing he had learn't by his long experience, as considering well that what­ever should befall must contri­bute either to his honour or di­minution.

All things disposed to the best advantage according to the shortness of the time, the eight­teenth [Page 101] at night the Trenches were opened, and they fell on o [...] that side that was next the Vil­lage of Helesme.

In this approach the opinions of Aspremont (who this Cam­pania was chief Ingineer) and Vauban, a person of great un­derstanding in matters of Lea­guer, over-rul'd: Others there were would have the attaque made at the Porte de Malades, be­cause all the prisoners that were taken, and all the people that came out daily, reported that the weakest place, and that there was but three foot water in the ditch: Others were for storming on the Suburbs side, because there was but one work, and newly made, and not yet in a condition to be defended, and that being briskly attaqu't they should come immediatly to [Page 102] the Counterscarp of the Town, without any further trouble then at the first; moreover, they al­ledged that place was nearest the Kings quarters, and under the shelter of his Guns, whereby they might draw up their releifs with more convenience with­out, reckoning the advantages of Timber, and other materials for a siege, which they should gain in that part of the Town. But all these reasons gave place to o­ther, nor without reason, seeing it was but fit they should in some measure accommodate to the judgment of those that were to have so great a share in the action: besides, on that side next Helesme, there were but two Bastions, and they a great distance from one another, and defensible only by their Cannon, because there were three half moons upon the [Page 103] same line, to secure the length of their Curtain, in the midst of which there was a gate in an old Tower, but so weak their Flankers could give but little de­fence.

This place therefore being chosen for the storme on, Tuesday night they opened their Trenches in two places, about two or three hundred paces from one another; the French Guards took the right as was usual, not but that they might have chose their post as they saw their advantage, but judging their sallyes less to be feared on that side having a Marsh, and a River on that hand, and that the Enemy not being able to come at them without great difficulty they might with more expedition advance; they took the right, as I have said, and began their approaches a­long [Page 104] the paved way by the Church of the Priory of Fere. That night they advanc't extra­ordinarily; but their Trenches were so bad and so narrow by the mistake of those that set them out, (or because it is al­most impossible it should be o­therwise in so great Leaguers, the front whereof is of so great extent) that there was scarce a­ny part secure.

The Regiments of Picardy, and Orleance, made their ap­proaches on the left hand, but they advanc't not so far as the Guards; yet their works were very well done, sustaind with redoubts, and other works, and all with the loss of very few men.

Wednesday, the 19th the Ene­my made a sally, but by the consequence it appeared only [Page 105] for a tast, and to discover how we lay, for the better pointing their Artillery, rather then for any thing else; for their Horse not being above sixty, and their Foot not many more, they ne­ver durst venture above 100 pa­ces from their Counterscarp; and scarce had they shown them­selves there, but they were beat­en back by the Horse that at­tended our Trenches, and by the Foot of the Guards, who advanc't immediately against them: in their sally, Castelan, Ma­jor of that Body, was bruised in the upper part of his thigh.

To make good our attaques, five Squadrons every night releived one another, at the tayle of our works, under the Command of a Brigadier, besides which they plac't three more at a little more [Page 106] distance behind the Line of cir­cumvallation, against any present alarme. Moreover, the greatest part of the Voluntiers imbracing the occasion, got themselves to­gether the first day of the siege and resolved to form themselves into Squadrons, of which one was every night to be with the other Horse in the Trenches to doe the same service with the regulated Troops; and to that end had chosen themselves Com­manders, who were the Cheva­lier de Rohan, Folleville, the Mar­quis of Grignan, and the Comte de Maré: for there was nothing so much apprehended as their sallies (had they had the courage to have made them) and that because of the Number of the Horse were in the Town, which were known certai [...]y to be se­ven or eight hundred, and good [Page 107] Horse too, besides that they had Foot enough by reason of the in­habitants.

But these apprehensions last­ed but a short time, and in process of the siege we under­stood that the Count de Bro­ [...]ay, the Governour, finding he had men enough in his Regi­ments to defend a place of that Latitude and extent as Lille was, dismounted part of his Horse, leaving the other part scarce able to keep Guards both without and within: for although he was well be­loved in the Town, and past amongst them and the Sould [...]ers for a brave person and experi­enc't, yet he neglected not to have an eye over the Towns­men, who being always used to a quiet and secure life, and to have no other care then to increase [Page 108] their estates, were amazed to see their houses come thundring down with our Granadoes, and Fireworks, and the Bullets that came over their works: They were troubled likewise, as was reported, at the daily contri­butions, towards the new Levies, and at their payments towards the works and reparations that were but necessary for their de­fence of the place; they began to deliberate also, whether if their Forces that were incamp't out of the Town were set upon, they had best venture out to their relief; and this perhaps may be one of the reasons why the Order establisht amongst the Voluntieres was but of two dayes continuance, unless you would rather think that so many French Gentlemen dif­fering both in humour and [Page 109] quality, were not likely to re­main long in a mind, or to bring themselves to obey one ano­ther.

At first it was not certainly known whether they had any of the Army Troops, or not; how­ever it was considently believed they had not above six Compa­nies of Spaniards consisting of a­bout 250 men, and almost as ma­ny Italians, one Regiment of Walloons called the Regiment of Rache; and about 400 Eng­lish and Irish; besides which they had almost 2000 Curlius, for so they call the Militia they had raised in that Castelleny: But that which is truth is, they shot hard at our first approaching, and so, as in twenty sieges and above that I have been at I ne­ver in my whole life saw such fire; which made us at first be­lieve [Page 110] the Townsmen also were in Armes, because according to our conjecture the Souldiers were not enough to defend the Town in that manner.

The 19th at night fourteen Companies of the French Guards Commanded by Dortie, were re­lieved by eight Companies of the Swiss Guards with the Count de Soissons their General: That night they advanc't not much, for the Guards had left their works in so ill a condition, the Vicomte Turenne had given or­ders they should by no meanes go on above 100 or 120 paces, and Commanded the Pioners should be imployed in nothing but repairing the works had been so ill made the night be­fore; both by inlarging them, and making them deeper, to such a proportion, that they might [Page 111] advance under covert; which was executed as was desired, they working hard all night to make new where their old works were irremediable, insomuch as the next morning those that came to veiw the Trenches knew them not when they saw them, they were already so ex­act.

This night very few men were lost, because we advanc't not ve­ry far. The next morning the Enemy made a shew again of sal­lying, some thirty or forty of their Horse coming out some 50 paces from their works, the Voluntiers that were then with our Horse prest on immediately towards them, there being several persons of quality amongst them, whose exploits did daily distin­guish them, as amongst others the Comte of S. Paul, the Prince [Page 112] of Marsillac; Lansson, that was then upon the Guard with his Guards de Corps, and by acci­dent was next them, advanced with forty Horse, as a reserve to the Voluntiers, who marcht up to their very Pallisadoes, under whose shelter the Enemy re­tited at first; and there it was the Chevalier de Fourbin, Major of the Guards de Corps, was wound­ed in the throat with a Musquet, two of the Guards were killed also, and one taken prisoner, hav­ing ingaged himself too far. We took one of the Enemies too, but he could tell us no news, but that the Townsmen certainly took up Arms, and had listed themselves for the Common de­fence.

The 20th at night the Swisses were relieved by fourteen Com­panies of the Guards of France, [Page 113] who were Commanded by Ma­galloti, and this night also they made no great progress, being imployed in making a line of Communication with the Trenches of Picardy, which they had not begun before; and in this there was never an Of­ficer hurt but Remond an En­sign.

At the other attaque, I have said there was the Regiment of Picardy, and Orleance, who had opened their Trenches too, and were relieved by the Regi­ments of Champagne and Plessis Parslin, who with the loss of ve­ry few men, made very good works, and I think there was not on Officer hurt, but the Chevalier du Plessis (Master de Camp of the Regiment of his own name) and two Captains of the Regiment of Champagne.

[Page 114] The third day these two Regi­ments were releived by those of Auvergne and Roussillon, who pro­ceeded very well also with the loss of scarce a man, and never an Officer wounded but the Duke of Cheureuse, and he but slightly in the nose.

The fourth in the morning our Batteries began to play, that is to say, twenty-four peices of Cannon, of which some carried thirty three pound balls, and o­thers twenty-four; but the place they battered being of great ex­tent, and the Enemy having more great Guns planted against us, then we against them, in spight of all the noise and thun­der we made with ours, they forbore not incommodating us much, and especially our Trench­es and Batteries with six peices they had plac't upon a Bastion a [Page 115] good distance on the right hand of the breach, and towards which there was not one of ours. Insomuch as during this siege, this Battery did us much mis­chief, and being planted at the foot of a Windmill on the Basti­on, they called every shot that came the Millers shot: However, the fourth at night it was at­tempted to raise a new battery of four Guns, upon the right hand of the approaches of the Guards, to remove those peices from the Bastion that disturbed us. But this work being very near the Counterscarp, and many of the Pioners slain, tis possible they did not exactly pursue their directi­ons, and therefore in the morn­ing at break of day they found the work not being well pointed would doe but little service a­gainst the Bastion, from whence [Page 116] the Miller play'd his pranks; be­sides it was not altogether near enough, however they finisht it so that on the fifteenth at night they planted four Guns to batter the half moon on the right hand, in case we had stormed that, as some people advised, but others were for falling on only on that in the midst, which covered the Gate of Fere, alledging it was too much to storm three places at one time; in the mean time the works went on, and the se­ven Companies of Swiss, that relieved the fourteen French Companies, advanc't very near the Counterscatp, so as it was conceived they were not above 80 paces off it.

This day Monsieur was in the Trenches of the Guards Battery, where the Swisses were then with the Count de Soissons: he [Page 117] viewed their works to the very utmost Post, having done the same at the other Battery, that day the Regiments of Saux and Harcourt were there, where notwithstanding all they could say to the contrary he exposed himself much more then persons of his greatness ought in reason to doe.

The other Trench was reliev­ed by the Regiments of Castel­nau, and Turenne, who though they met with several half­moons which the Enemy had made at the angles of the Coun­terscarpe, were not discouraged from proceeding considerably that night. Amongst the Swiss they lost several men; their Ma­jor called Demer, whilst he was giving directions, was shot with a musquet in the legg, to no small inconvenience to the party, [Page 118] he being an old Officer, a brave man, and exceedingly experi­enc't in all things of War; there was never another Officer hurt, but of the common Souldiers there were about sixty slain. I know not what the Regiments in the left hand Trenches lost, and therefore I shall say nothing of them.

This day the Enemy made a show also of a sally, their Horse appearing along their Counter­scarp betwixt our Battery and the Port de Malades; but the King being with his Guards near the contrevallation, with a Regiment that bore his own name, com­manded by the Prince d' Marsillac, marches himself directly against them, & stopt their journey, they contenting themselves with the firing all the Cannon and Mus­quets they had, upon all that [Page 119] appeared in the Plaine.

The fifth at night the Trenches were relieved those of the Guards, by the Regiments of Li­ons and of Louvigny; and those of Picardy, by the Regiments of Saux and Harcourt; these Regi­ments advanc't still, having but few Offices hurt, and not many Souldiers.

The sixth the Kings Regiment relieved the Regiments in the Guards Trenches, but they could proceed but little, be­cause they came at a way that was paved, and as it were fortified with the ruines of Houses, which made the work very difficult, however they found when it was day they were not far from the Counterscarp, because they had several officers wounded, and many Souldiers kill'd.

[Page 120] On the left hand the Kings Regiment and the Lorrainers en­tered the Trenches, which they carried on within twelve or fif­teen paces of the Counterscarp, without any considerable loss; a­mongst people of note there was only the Chevalier de Signac slain▪ a young Gentleman, and a Voluntier, who would needs assist every night in carrying on the works, exposing himself always as much as was pos­sible in these sorts of imploy­ments.

I do not always observe the names of the General Officers that Commanded in the Trenches; it is sufficient to tell you there were in the Kings Army four Liuetenant Generals, that is to say the Marquis de Bellefons▪ the Marquis de Humieres, the Comte de Duras, and Pradelle; [Page 121] and four Marshalls of the Camp, the Marquis of Vivonne, the Mar­quis of Peguilin, Podwits, and le Bret; of which, two, viz. one Lieutenant General, and one Marshall de Camp, were daily in the Trenches, and gave orders for the security of the Camp, which when they had done they gave constantly their account to the King, or the Marshall Gene­rall, and then betook them­selves to such places as had most need of them. There was eve­ry day also one of the Aides of the Kings Camp that went to the Trenches to overlook what was done, & continued there as long as the Troops he came with all; there were six of them [...] all, who relieved one another by turnes, that is to say, the Comte de Lude, the Marquis de Soyecourt, the Comte de Chamilly, the Marquis de Villars, [Page 122] Biscarras, and the Baron de la Garde; of which number the Marquis de Soyecourt falling sick at that time, the Marquis d'Ar­cy-Martel was by the King de­puted in his place.

The Marshall de Aumonts Troops being disperst in se­veral places during the siege of of Lille, the Count de Lorges, Marshall of his Camp, was drawn out to assist against Lille, from whence he was Commanded to the Lis, to secure the passage there; but the necessity they had of having more Horse in the Line, made him be Countermanded; and that day the Regiments of Saux and Harcourt were in the Trenches he was there and re­ceived a shot in the lower part of his reines, and was the only General Officer was wounded; for that touch that le Bret received [Page 123] (who was a Marshal de Camp like­wise) was but inconsiderable.

Whilst things in the Camp were at this pass, there came intelli­gence from all parts that the Enemy was drawing together out of all his Garrisons, to form a body, and put some relief into the place; which occasioned a mes­sage to the Marquis de Crequy to march away with his Horse and Dragoons only, so as to be in the Camp the 23d of August, in the morning; being ordered for the more expedition to leave his Foot behind, with his Bag­gage, Powder and Ammuniti­on, to come along after him, un­der the Command of Espence who was Marshal de Camp to his Ar­my: The King thought good to keep only some of his Regi­ments of Horse, and 500 of his Dragoons, & send him away with [Page 124] the rest to Comene, a passage up­on the Lis, where they were most fearfull the Enemy would encamp; for that being but three Leagues from our Camp, they might give great disturbance to the quarters of Duras, Bellefons, and the Lorraines, whose Troops were weakest, for otherwise coming from a greater distance they did not apprehend they could come near our Lines, but we should hear of them.

Besides this we had intelli­gence of their march every day; from Ath we had news they were coming that way, and it was probable might attempt that place (wherein there were very few Forces) though it were but to restore the courage of the people, who believed themselves utterly abandoned, seeing no effort made, either for their protection [Page 125] or defence. From Courtray we had advice the Enemy were passing to Gaunt, and so to take the Road to Burges, towards the Sea, where our Garrisons were but small, and our Towns in an ill condition, inasmuch as there was good reason of su­specting some enterprise or other was in hand; Especially they im­barking Cannon upon the Canal at Gaunt, to be sent to Burges.

But all these alarms, and the murmurings of several persons about the King, could not alter the Vicomte de Turenne's pace in the siege, who opposed all their Counsels that advised to deal a little more roundly with the be­sieged; but all that he prest with vehemence to the Regiments when they went into the Trenches, was, that they should work well, and securely, not re­garding [Page 126] how little they advanc't; so that on the seventh day they had fifteen or twenty paces to the Counterscarp left, which not agreeing with the impatience of the Fr [...]nch, several persons took the liberty to decry him for making so great a business of this Town, and saying, that if they had handled this, as they had done Tournay and Doway, it had been ours before then, the Gar­rison being no stronger then in those places, seeing all the re­sistance they could make was only with the Musquet, and that principally by vollies, and those most commonly without aime: 'Tis true, the Cannon they had within was well disposed, but it was only against our batteries, where we had twenty-eight peices of great Cannon to silence the Enemies, if those that were [Page 127] to mannage them would ply them hard: that in respect of those five or six peices upon their Bastion on the right, where as I have said our Batteries could not play, it was an easie matter to make them unservice­able by planting five or six of ours upon a little rising before the Lorraine quarters that was open to the back of that Bastion, and from whence they might easily dismount their Guns: But all the design these people had, was but to lessen the Marshal General, whom they asperst with protracting the War, for no o­ther end, but to continue his own greatness and Authority.

And through most quarters of the Army, this was the only discourse, which was intended only to hasten the siege. But the French Guards, and the Re­giment [Page 128] of Picardy, having re­taken their turn upon the 7th at night, it was imagined they might fall upon the Counterscarp that night; and accordingly the Marquis de Humieres disposing in the evening all his Troops in­to convenient places, about a ele­ven a clock shot off three peices from our Batteries, which was the signal to fall on in two several places, the Guards on the right, and the Picards on the left, which they performed very readily, and with a commanded party ran immediately to their Pallisadoes: at first they made good resistance, and most of them that were drawn out having put themselves out of their reach, it was necessary the Bodies should advance, which they did, with the success they desired, for the Enemy see­ing himself attaqu't in several [Page 129] places, began to lessen his fire; and their Pallisadoes being broken by our Cannon in many places, they left their works free for our Troops and Voluntiers to get in, which they did, and im­mediately beat them from their works, and lodged themselves as largely and as conveniently as they could desire: There were some of our Voluntiers, with the Marquis Rambures at the head of them, that charged to the very halfmoon, before the Gate, but not being above seven or eight, and the rest of the Officers and Soul­diers busie in securing the quar­ters they had got, they were not relieved; and the Marquis, his Nephew, and three or four of that small party having been wounded they were forc't to re­tire, and the Enemy remained Master of the half-moon he had [Page 130] almost abandoned: the besieged also gave fire to a Mine that was under the point of the Counter­scarp, at the place where the Guards storm'd, but without any other effect then removing so much earth and rubbish as was necessary for the accommo­dation of our lodging. At this storm Cavois, and the Chevalier d' Assigny, both Lieutenants of the Guards, were slain, with four or five Sergeants, and about 100 common Souldiers kill'd and wounded.

On the Picards side there were two Captains, Previgny-Rambou­illet, and Villedieu slain, of the Souldiers I know not the num­ber. There were some Voluntiers wounded also in these attaques, amongst the rest the Count of S. Paul, in the Arme, and the Che­valier of Lorrain in the legg, but [Page 131] both slightly. The next day being Thursday the twenty-fourth, the Swisses relieved the French Guards at ten in the morning: The Officers and Soul­diers that had been in the storm, not being able to doe more by reason of the ill weather it was, the Swisses carried on their Trenches along the Pallisades about eight paces for their enlargement, from the left to the Angle of returne; where they made a double about six or seven fathoms, and at the same time began two Mines under their Parapet, with design to have attempted their half-moon, as soon as they had finished them: one of them being com­pleat about two hours after mid­night, Aspremont, that managed them, was of opinion they should not spring it, because he [Page 132] was mistaken seven or eight Fa­thom, and the hollow of the Mine inclined a little too much to the right hand to be exactly under the corner of the half-moon; insomuch as they spent the rest of the night in perfecting the other; where many Vo­luntiers had put themselves for occasion of shewing their courage, and most of them to accompany the Count de Soisson, who was alwayes at the head of the work; yet he lodged twice in the Trenches for their once, being alwayes on the Guards with the Swisses, who mounted at this work twice in six hours as well as the French Guards.

When it was day they wrought no further: nevertheless the Mar­quis being come the next morn­ing to see what they had done over night, and having confer'd [Page 133] with Pradelle Lieutenant Gene­ral that day, and with the Comte de Soissons, the two last resolved to carry on their approaches to the Parapet before they were reliev­ed, that so they might facilitate the attempting the half-moon to the French Guards, who were to come to their relief; which was immediatly undertaken, and very happily performed: for though it was done in the open day, and in spight of all their works, there was but one Souldier kill'd, and but two wounded, so as by Noon it was capable of receiv­ing five and twenty or thirty men.

At the same time the French Guards relieved the Trenches, and the Swiss put them in pos­session of this post, which seemed to be defensible enough; but the enemy having considered of what [Page 134] importance it was, they powred down Souldiers into the ditch of the half-moon, which was almost dry, and made it inaccessible by a double Pallisadoe on each side of the ditch, plac't upon a kind of Freez, with the points upwards on those on the out­side to keep us from going down into the ditch, and the other planted on the top of the Para­pet. An invention I had never seen before, and well enough contrived, to make our descent difficult, under which the Ene­my lay secure, throwing their Granadoes into our Trenches, and making a noise as if they were upon the point of sallying; and being protected by their shot from the Courlin, and the traver­sers they had towards the half-moon on the right hand, they terrified those that were at the head of the Trenches.

[Page 135] Godonit, a Lieutenant, Com­manded to that quarter, was slain by a Granado; Briconnet that came in his place, was kill'd there also; and Derville, a Lieu­tenant that succeeded both in his turn, was shot in three places, and carried off; after him S. Mar­cell, and S. Seine, two under-Lieutenants were both wound­ed; Magalotti, that Commanded the Battallion of the Guards received a shot from a Musquet in his side; Bonvizi, a Captain had another in his mouth, which carried away some of his teeth; Biscarras had one in his arme, and Montgimont, Major of the Regiment of Guards, had a wound he died of a short time after: There were besides some Sergeants, and a considerable number of Souldiers slain; and the work being cleared the Ene­my [Page 136] with their Halbards over­turned all, and did what they could to stop the mouth of the Mine up till night.

That which hapned in the Trenches being told the King, who from the difficulties of the siege began to be impatient, to bring it to an issue, and the ra­ther because the Raines had in­commoded them much, and Marcin was arrived at Ipre with 11 or 12000 men, with a de­sign to fall upon some of our quarters, as he should have op­portunity. He Commanded two Companies of Musquetiers into the Trench again, that night, with resolution to fall upon the half-moon on so many sides as might assuredly render him Ma­ster thereof: which succeeded accordingly; the Musquetiers falling on at the same time, on [Page 137] the right and left hand of the point of the half-moon, and the French Guards on the front, the besieged were not able to sustain them, but after some re­sistance, retired into the Town in confusion, leaving all their Arms, and some dead in the place, and seven or eight Pri­soners: after this the Musque­tiers Commanded the Bastines, and the Chevalier de Noailles, Marshall de Logis, began to lodge; after them came others of the Regiment of Guards, who with the Chevalier Cauvesson, and Captain Camisson, were drawn out thence, and made a good post, which they kept till the next day about ten or eleven a clock, when the Swisses came to relieve them. The Enemy seeing the half-moon on the left hand was lost also, they beat [Page 138] a parly, and desired to capitu­late.

This last half-moon was stormed by the Regiments of Auvergne, and Roussillon, and by 200 commanded men out of the Kings Regiment, of whom all the Officers almost were wounded, and some of the other Regiments also; there were some Sergeants kill'd, and Souldiers a good number; there was at the other storm some seven or eight of the Kings Musquetiers, kill'd, and fifteen or twenty wounded, but of Officers there was only Colbert, Captain of the second Company, that received a shot, and that but slight too. There were several Voluntiers hurt, and amongst the rest, the Marquis of Bourbonne lost an eye: The Guards also lost some Souldiers, but they had never [Page 139] an Officer kill'd, but Arcis Cati­nat, a Captain who was shot in the knee with a Musquet Bul­let, and died in a few dayes af­ter.

In short, cessation of Arms con­cluded, the News was carried with all speed to the King, a­bout Saturday noon, and certain­ly it was as acceptable as could have come; for the Foot began to be weary of the service, and of the ill weather, which for the five or six last nights had been very bad; however the Trenches were reinforc't with more exact­ness then before, because we un­derstood very well the Enemy was at Ipre, and it was of highest reputation to his Ma­jesties honour that they should put in no relief, now it was so near a surrender.

Upon this consideration he [Page 140] left his quarters at Loos, and re­moved to the Marquis of Humi­eres at Helesme, whither▪ he brought all his Guards de Corps, and two Battallions of French Foot and Swisses, that be­ing the convenientest place to give relief to all quarters, but especially the Lorrainers, where they had no other Foot, then the two Lorrain Regiments, in whom they had no great confi­dence, as well for their number, as that they were ill armed. Besides, the King was there at the foot as it were of the Trenches, and had intelligence every mo­ment, and his presence made all things be executed with more care and expedition.

The Enemy having demand­ed parley, they sent out the Mar­quis of Richebourg with their propositions, who was received [Page 141] by the Marquis de Bellefons that day, Lieutenant General, and conveyed to the King, of whom he at first desired two or three dayes time, in expectation of re­lief, engaging if they came not, to surrender upon reasonable con­ditions; but these proposals not answering the impatience the King was in of perfecting his con­quest, he sent him back imme­diatly, and commanded the Marquis of Bellefons to renew the Batteries, and ply their Guns as fast as they could. But some of them that attended Richebourg back, having told him his Propositions were un­reasonable in the Condition the Town stood then, all their out­works being taken, and the Rampart that remained being hardly defensible; that it would bring the safety of the [Page 142] Town, and the prudence of the Governour in question, who had mannaged his affairs so ho­nourably hitherto, if by de­laying for a few hours, they should incense his Majesty, and make his own condition worse, and expose the people to the hazard of being plundred, and all the calamities of a Sack. More­over, that he had been overseen not to bring some of the chief Citizens along with him (who were a considerable body) to have a care of their interest in the Capitulation. Now whe­ther he was by these arguments effectually perswaded, or whe­ther he had Order from the Go­vernour, to abate of his former demands, he condescended to propose that some small time might be allowed him to re­turn and confer with the several [Page 143] interests. In short, after some going to and fro, which con­tinued till eight a clock at night, all things were agreed.

The Governour and the Ci­tizens having joyntly sent out their Hostages, the Regiment of Castelnau, which was then in the Trenches on the left side, was about eleven that night put in­to possession of one of the Gates of the Town, and about eight or nine in the morning the Gar­rison marcht out with Armes and Baggage, their Horse consisted of six Companies of the Regiment of Maciet, of four of Erbais, of three of Gavelans, two of Riche­bourg, and some others I know not whose, the whole number might be about 7 or 800. The Infantry consisted of 300 natu­ral Spaniards, or thereabouts, drawn out of several Terces, [Page 144] and near as many from Naples, but not so good Souldiers, about as many English, and some 150 Irish, proper men, and who had the appearance of old Souldiers. There was also besides these a part of the Regiment of Rache, which were reported to be but six Companies, but they made up above 600 men, which made it be believed that they being composed of Walloons as they were, the most part of the Cur­lins of the Town and their new Levies had put themselves into those Companies, because there was not found one person of that kind, though we were informed during the siege that there was 1500 of them within: And this with the Governours Company consisting of 30 men, was the whole number of their Foot, and all these by an inferior Officer [Page 145] with twenty of the Guards only conducted to the Ipre the Count de Broüay not being perswaded to go any-where else, because it was rumour'd in the Army they would attempt this place again.

Whilst in this manner the Garri­son marcht out, and the Cham­pagne Brigade, and two other of Horse, viz. that of Bissy, and that of Resnel entered the Town, the King gave order that the Army should march to see if by any means he could ingage the Ene­my. It is remarkable, that from the time the King understood they parlied in the Town, all his trouble was to find out a way to give the Enemy Battel, whilst they were together. Having, to that end had conference with the Marshal Turenne, he made the Marquis of Crequy, with his [Page 146] Horse and Dragoons to march that very night, being Saturday; he gave order also to the Comte de Lillebonne with his Lorrainers, that he should follow the Mar­quis as fast as was possible: In­somuch as these Troops having refresh't a little at Menene, were the next day encamp't beyond Harlebec; and having from thence past the Lis, at Deinse, were advanc't as far as the Canal betwixt Bruges and Gaunt. The King having only past through Lille as it werre, and stay'd the time of singing a Te deum, marcht himself on Sunday after dinner; but it being late he could march that night not above three quar­ters of a League, which was near the Abby of Marquette. The next day being Monday, the 29th, he marcht very early in the morning, with a design to en­camp [Page 147] also at Harlebec, where the two Brigades of Horse belonging to Choiseul and Fourilles were drawn out under the Marquis de Bellefons to march towards Gaunt, and to follow the steps of the Marquis de Crequy, and the Lor­rainers. The next day the Army past the Lis at Deinse, where the King took up his quarter, his Troops encamping upon the way, whereby they might upon all occasions relieve the Marquis of Crequy, if there should be any ne­cessity; and the same night he sent away Podwits, Marshall de Camp, with the two Horse Bri­gades of Ar [...]agnan an Mon­tauban to joyn with the Marquis de Bellefons; but they hearing the Marquis had already past the Canal near the Village called Vinderhout, some three quarters of a League from Gaunt, at a [Page 148] Bridge the inhabitants had made for the convenience of their commerce, they followed the same way, and found them en­campt in two Villages about a League and a half on the other side of the Bridge. The Marquis of Crequy being alwayes about half a League before to inter­pose and stop them in case the Enemies design were to return to Gaunt, as the King, and the Marshall General conceived they would, in which they found af­terwards, they were not much deceived: for, Marcin, who was at Ipre, having no news on Sun­day noon that Lille did capitulate, and considering there were no Forces left in Gaunt, Brussels, nor generally in all Brabant nor Hi­nault, he saw plainly all diligence was to be used to retire with his Troops to the relief of those [Page 149] places that might be in great necessity for want of them, so as he discampt within an hour after he had received the news, march­ing directly for Bruges, and from thence for Gaunt, but with his Horse only, because he judged the Foot would not be able to follow so fast, which obliged him to send them down the River from Ipre to Dixmude by water.

Marcin being with the greatest diligence he could marcht to Bruges, understood there by the people of the Country, that the Marquis of Crequy had past the Canal, and that he was got into a Country very inconvenient for Horse, where he would have much a doe to get off should he advance against him. Upon this he imme­diately sounds to horse, & putting himself at the head of about 40. divisions, he marcht along the [Page 150] way to Gaunt, without any delay, to the place where he heard our Troops were; in which expe­dition he spent most part of that night, but coming near them, and having taken some Prisoners, he found the Marquis was not alone, that Bellefo [...]s was not far off, [...] at last that the King had past [...] at Deinse, all his Troops [...] along continually on that [...] know not well how wel| [...] this news was to him; but [...]rtain a party of his of a| [...] 100 came up to the Mar­quis his out Guards about two a clock after midnight, and only giving them an allarme re­tired.

The Marquis of Crequy, who had kept those Guards on Horse-back all night, commanded out a Cornet with 25 Horse, which was the Guard aforesaid, to follow [Page 151] them immediatly, & either bring him some Prisoners, or be taken himself; which was performed happily enough, for within an hour he returned with some Ca­valiers Prisoners, which eased the Marquis of the disquiet he was in, by informing him who they were had given him the allarme; and accordingly, at the same in­stant he gave order to all his Troops to march, keeping before him only that Regiment that had the Guard, which was that day the Kings Regiment, Commanded by the Comte de Torigny Matignon, and which was the first of the Marquis de Rouvrays Brigade. He had scarce past a League or such a matter in this order, but he o­vertook three of the Enemies Troops; who made a head, and took up all the Ground they could possible in that place: our [Page 152] forelorns charged immediately, but having to doe with those that were drawn, and stood firme in a good place, which is great advantage in an inclosed Country, they could move them but little; and there could have been nothing but Skirmishing at a distance, had not the Marquis dismounted 100 of his Dragoons commanded by Ranqueil, who being drawn upon the right and left hand of the way, and giving their Volleys at a convenient distance, the Enemy was so startled, that the Marquis, with the Marquis Peguilin, who was sent to him with some Troops from the Marshal d' Aumont, the Comte de Torigny, the Marquis du Rouvray, with ten or twelve Of­ficers besides that were next them, having charged that Troop that had possest it self of the [Page 153] way, they break it, so that all they that made head at first, took to their heels and fled in spight of all their Officers could do, and were pursued by our Horse above a League, where some of them made a stand, but 'twas but for a short time, for they were routed again, and pursued above two Leagues more, and not one person fac't about unless some Officers, who pay'd dear for their valour. There were many kill'd, many of the most considerable wounded and taken Prisoners, amongst the rest, the Chevalier Vielleneuve Commissary General of their Horse, the Prince of Salme, the young Rhingrave, Vaudemont, and other Officers, I know not their names; there were also two pair of Kettle­drums, and three or four Colours taken, with many Horse, and a­bout [Page 154] 3 or 400 men, insomuch as the Enemy was chased into the Territories of Holland. We lost there some persons of condition, amongst the rest the Marquis of Crequy's Master of the Horse, Gassay Matignon, and some others were wounded, and the Marquis of Crequy and Peguilin had both of them their Horses shot under them.

On the other side, the Marquis of Bellefons, who, as we said, fol­lowing four Brigades of Horse, considering with himself that he was in the Rear of all, and that following their steps that were before, he should never see the Enemy, not being able to pass either of one hand or other, by reason of the hedges and in­closures on each side, and con­ceiving moreover in the con­fusion they were then in, the Ene­my [Page 155] must needs retire to Bruges, he leaves the Troops of Crequy and the Lorrainers to pursue that way, and facing about with his own, he marches about two Leagues to the right hand, with­out meeting with any thing, when turning again a little to the left he had not marcht long but he fel upon the heels of Marcin, who was marching away with 3000 Horse; after he had seen the Van of his Troops disordered, he le [...]t the way open for such as did run, and in good order retrea [...]s towards Bruges, having left his Cravates, and the Holstein Regi­ments (which he had great Con­fidence in, being most old Souldiers, and the Collonel a Dane, who not finding his condi­tions so good under the Empe­rour, had made a better bargain with the King of Spain) to bring [Page 156] off the Rear. Bellefons Van com­ing up to the Rear Guard, they charged them immediately with the Queens Company, and Mou­sieurs; the first under Villiers Com­mand, the other under Valseme, who were at the head of the Bri­gade of Choiseul, whose fore­lorne being well received, they durst not pass a little Bridge the Enemy had before them; but the gross of our Troop comming up, this Holstein Regiment, though it received the charge very well, and rally'd often, was at last con­strain'd to give Ground and run, but not with that confusion as they did on Crequy's side: There was 150 Prisoners, and a­mongst them some considerable Officers, as Don Antonio de Cor­dove Lieutenant General of their Horse, besides Kettle-drums and Colours. On our side also there [Page 157] were some slain, and particularly of the two Companies of the Queen and Monsieur, who had been in the Van all the while: and some Officers wounded, as la Salle, Cornet to Monsieurs light Horse.

It was not long they were in­gaged before the news arrived at the Camp, of which Pradelle ad­vertising his Majesty, though it was not five a clock in the morn­ing, his Majesty (who was then at Deinse) was on Horse-back be­fore most of his party understood the occasion. And in full Gallop taking his way that lead to the Canal, his Troops had some trouble to keep pace; when he came near the Bridge he put him­self at the head of Rocehforts Bri­gade, and having taken up for a while to give time for his train to come up, he made an Alt, attend­ing [Page 158] some news from the Vicomte Turenne, who having already past with the Regiments of Monclar and Desfourneaux, was advanc't as far as the Village where the Lor­rainers lay to be always in readi­ness for the relief of those should have most need of them. Mon­sieur, and almost all the persons of quality of the Court, were in this party, and several Voluntiers with them. But because the pas­sage was strait and dangerous by reason of an old Channel, over which there was a Bridge of Stone, the Vicomte Turenne would not suffer his Troops to pass till he had first had certain news of the Marquis de Crequy: so as they continued there till two in the afternoon, before they learnt by the Prisoners that were carri­ed by, that the Enemy was routed, & our Troops returning to their [Page 159] Camp, which occasioned them all to repair to his Majesty, who was then at the Canal, who after consultation with the Marshall General resolved to stay where he was, till he had news of the Marquis de Bellefons also, for whom he was in great trouble, he not coming in till night.

Resolution was then taken to encamp near Gaunt, and the King Commands 3000 Foot from the Guards Brigad from Denise, hav­ing with him no Infantry at all, but some select parties drawn out of the Queens Regiments and de Sourches, which the Mar­quis of Crequy had with him to dispose here and there as he saw occasion.

In the mean time there were some proposed to his Majesty to summon Gaunt, alledging that the Town being great, and having [Page 160] only a Garrison of 200 men in the Castle, and seeing the Troops that were comming to their re­leif broken and repelled, they might in probability enter into a new Treaty under the protecti­on of France, which was repor­ted to have been already pro­posed by some of the principal in­habitants, adding moreover that we were to make use of our time, & not neglect such opportunities which hapned but seldome, and that there could be no inconve­nience at all in the attempt; but the King gave no ear to those propositions, but made answer that he was not in a condition to do it at that time; notwithstand­ing this expedient was found out, the Comte of Chamilly, as of him­self, should desire to speak with some of his acquaintance in the Town, it being impossible but he [Page 161] had gained some in the time of his residence there with the Prince of Condy, and under this pretence give them notice of his Majesties intention, and sound them what effect the taking of Lille, and the routing of Marcin had had upon their spirits: But this trade lasted not long, for the Gover­nour would not suffer Chamilly to come into the Town, nor speak with any particular person; so as he went as he came, and they thought no more of the Con­quest of Gaunt.

The next morning, which was the last of August the, King re­turned with his Army to Deinse, from whence he went to Lille, the first of September, leaving the Camp with the Marshall General, with whom he was agreed what course they should steer. It was reported a resolution was taken [Page 162] to attempt no more that year, but to put their Troops into their Winter quarters the latter end of October, and as many as they could in the places newly con­quered, that they might have some refreshments, after the te­diousness of the Campania, which began earlier then or­dinary, and was more trouble­some, by reason their great marches had put them into an ill condition, most of them af­ter a seven years peace having been unaccustomed to the in­commodities of War.

The Vicomte Turenne re­mained at Deinse, and the King went from Lille to Arras, where the Queen attended him; from Arras both their Majesties went on to Peronne, and from thence arrived the sixt of Septem­ber at S. Germans.

[Page 163] After which the Marshall Ge­ral having news about the ninth or tenth of the same month that the Enemy was returned to Alost, and fortifying apace, he marcht immediatly, and in three days coming before the Town, they within refusing to open the Gates, he stormed them the same day he arrived, without any intrenchments at all: the French Guards, and the Regiment of Picardy, with some select men, fell on on two or three several places, but found more resistance then they ex­pected: They lost several out of Picardy, which had thirteen or fourteen Officers wounded, and many Souldiers slain; of the Guards there was one Ensign kill'd, and some Souldiers, and Bartillac a Lieutenant was with a Musquet-shot shot into the body.

[Page 164] However the next morning the Enemy surrendred; and marcht out with their Armes according to Articles, and pre­sently after we fell a demolish­ing the works, which though at that time could be of no ad­vantage to us, would have ve­ry much incommoded us had the Enemy had time to have maintained them; the Army continued here some time, and from thence went and encampt at Likerque, where there was a Castle made some show of holding out, but not long: Here the Army rested some time, that is, as long as they found any forrage; and after­wards they changed their quar­ters and marcht to Gamerage be­tween Ath and Brussels, that they might at once keep what they had got, and eat up the [Page 165] Enemies Country.

At length the time being come for drawing into Winter quar­ters, every Officer General that was designed to any Command went to the quarter appointed him. The Marquis de Belle­fons should have Command­ed Lille, Orchies, Doway, Cour­tray, and Armentieres; but whether that imployment pleas­ed him not, or whether he had other designes on Foot, he came to the Court himself, and begged of his Majesty he might be permitted to serve him in some other place: Insomuch as the Marquis d' Humieres had his Command, and he the Mar­quis of Humieres's, which was Charleroy, and all the Country between the Sambre and the Meuse. The Count of Duras had under him all the Troops [Page 166] in Tournay, Oudenarde, and Ath: The Comte de Passage was dis­patcht towards the Sea side with his Troops for securing Bru­ges, and Furnes. The Govern­ment of Bergue was given to Casaux, and that of Furnes, to the Baron de le Garde; Cour­tray was given to Pertuis Cap­tain of the Guards to Mon­sieur Turenne: Genlis had Ar­mentieres; Le Brett, Doway, and Rochefort and Oudenarde, who had been Governour there be­fore in the former Wars. They put men also into Orchies, S. Amand, and such other pla­ces as he believed might fa­cilitate their Contribution. The Marquis of Crequy, with the most part of the Forces he had commanded this Campagnia, was sent back into Luxembourg, and he had with him for Of­ficers [Page 167] Podwits and de Espence: the Count de Vivonne stayed at Lille, with the Marquis of Hu­nieres. In short, all the Offi­cers General, which had serv­ed in this Campania, except Pradelle and the Marquis of Peguilin, had Commands during the Winter.

Many people admire that the King broke the course of his Conquest so suddenly, seeing he was absolute Master of the Field, and that after defeat of Marcin, the terrour was so great all over the Low Coun­tries, he seemed to have no more to do then to take his choise which Town was the next he would take in; but it ought to be considered, that the [...]ear being far gone, and the [...]oot much lessened, it was no [Page 168] easie matter to undertake great enterprises, for as much as those places that remained to be tak­en were very strong and well provided with all things ne­cessary for a long siege; or else of so small importance, they were not worth the paines of think­ing of them. Besides, the great Towns we had taken, as Lille, Tournay, Doway, and Courtray, were very hard to be kept; and leaving sufficient Garrisons there, we had not men enough to at­tempt any thing against Cam­bray, Valenciennes, or Monts, or any other strong Town in the Country. Wherefore the safest Councel was followed, which was to keep what we had got, till we should see what party would side with the house of Austria, and its [Page 169] Allies: And perchance also his Majesty would not take away all hopes of an accommodati­on from the people, all his Neighbours having interposed, and principally the English, Swede, and Hollander, who offered upon a cessation of Arms to see his Majesty should have reason done. The Pope also had put in, and sent a Nuntio on purpose to Cologne, where all the Deputies of the Princes of Europe were to meet, in oder to find out some expedient for a Peace.

Here ends the Narrative of the French Writers. Ʋnto which for the Readers sa­tisfaction I shall subjoyn the proceedings of the French in Franche Comte the be­ginning of the next years Campagne, and those few Occurrences in the Nether­lands, between the French and Spaniards, which hap­ned between the end of the Campagne, and the con­clusion of the Peace.

THe French Army being re­tired into their Winter Quarters, Prisoners were ex­c [...]ang'd on both sides, and the [Page 171] first action of their new Domi­nion, was to oblige the Towns lately conquer'd to contribute towards their maintenance: The Tax was so high that 50000 Livres were imposed upon Lille alone; which Place, and divers other French Garrisons, became shortly after much in­fested with sicknesses, to which great numbers of the Conque­rours themselves were forced to yield without quarter. Now although the tearms on which the Towns abovesaid had re­signed themselves into the French hands, were fair and easie enough, yet such is the humour of that Nation, that they are by all the world ob­served to govern their good fortune with little moderati­on, as accordingly they did at Lille, insomuch that soon af­ter [Page 172] there hapned a great Tu­mult in▪ this City by a quarrel arising between the Citizens and Souldiers; which came to that hight, that one of the Cap­tains of the Guard, and about twenty Souldiers, were killed. This accident occasioned an ad­ditional supply of three thou­sand Souldiers more to be ad­ded to that Garrison, besides the Kings Regiment of Guards, formerly designed to take up their quarter there. And for terrour to the City for the future, ten or a dozen of the Citizens were hanged, as the principall causes of this fray, and the whole City disarm­ed.

The French King, though retired to Paris (where, and at Versailles, he made most mag­nificent Entertainments for his [Page 173] whole Court, as Triumphs for his Conquests) yet had his eye still towards the Low Countries, and accordingly designed an Ar­my of twenty thousand men to be sent into Alsatia as soon as the next season should open the Campagne, under the Command of the Prince of Condy; intend­ing also to send another of fif­teen thousand into Catalonia, of which his brother the Duke of Orleance was designed Ge­neral. But the Diet of Ratis­bone refusing to undertake the Protection of the Low-Coun­tries, as part of the Roman Em­pire, in a Warlike manner, till milder courses should be tried, agreed to endeavour to procure a Treaty between the two Crowns; and accordingly several of the Electors sent Agents to the Courts of both Kings. A suspen­sion [Page 174] of Arms was proposed by the King of France, but not ac­cepted, by the Governour of the Spanish-Netherlands, who about the Middle of Winter had a Successor designed him; and by particular Commission from the Queen of Spain he was constituted Sole Plenipoten­tiary for Negotiating a Peace, whereof the Pope was likewise nominated by her to be Sole Mediator, and the place Aix la Chappelle. Some moneths pas­sed before it was believed that these Overtures would come to any thing; during which the French King imployed all pos­sible diligence in making pre­parations to invade Franche Comte with an Army under the Prince of Condy, and leav­ing Paris, put himself up­on the way to go thither in [Page 175] person, where he arrived about the beginning of February: On the first of which moneth, the Prince of Condy with his Ar­my invested the City of Besan­zon, sending a summons for its surrender, from whence he was answered that they were ready to receive his Majesty as into an Imperial City. But it being replied, that their City ceased to be so by the Treaty of Mun­ster; and offers being made to them, that upon the giving up their City, they should not have their Priviledges in the least infringed, they thought fit to surrender without any resistance. In the mean time the Duke of Luxemburg, with a Regiment of Orleance, and a body of Horse Commanded by the Monsieur de Bligny, with some few other Musquetiers appeared before [Page 176] Salines, immedialy entering the Suburbs, where some oppositi­on was made, the defend [...]nts s [...]tting fire to some houses, and discharging in several great and small shot, killing onely one French Souldier, and wounding about eight of the Light-horse­men; but finding little encou­ragement to make a long de­fence, they presently surrendred both Town and Castle. The same fortune also ran Besterans, with with the Castle of Rochfort, and some other small Forts. The Government of Bisanzan, was soon after conferred on the Mar­quis de Villers, and a Swiss Gar­rison placed therein; and that of Sali [...]s on Monesiur de Mau­pean.

On the eleventh of the same month the Prince of Condy came with his Army before Dole, [Page 177] which had been reinforced a lit­tle before with an Army of 3 or 4000 Forces of the Militia of the Country; and about two dayes after the King in person arrived at the Leaguer from Dijon; upon whose coming, Two of the half-moons belong­ing to the Town, fell down of themselves and one of their Bastions cleft; which somewhat disheartened the defendants, who nevertheless, refused to returne an answer to the summons sent to them; whereupon his Ma­jesty ordered a Battery of thirty Guns to be raised against the Town.

The Artillery having made a considerable breach in the works on the west side of the Town, order was given to assault the Counterscarpe, on the 25th of February at eight in the Even­ing [Page 178] in three places, viz. by the Guards Commanded by the Duke de Roquelour; by the Re­giments of S. Vallier, and de la Ferte, Commanded by the Count de Guadagne, and the Lions Re­giment Commanded by the Count de Chamilly, who after a stout resistance made them­selves masters that night of the Outworks, lodging themselves upon the Counterscarpe, and gaining some half-moons, in one of which the Marquis de Villeroy, particularly shewed eminent proofs of his Valour, himself siezing one of his Enemies En­signes. In this attaque were slain the Marquis de Fourilles, Captain of the Guards, with the Lieutenant Colonel of the Regiment of Villeroy, and some other inferiour Officers; the Count de S. Mesme, the [Page 179] Sieur Bonvise, and some others hurt.

The next day his Majesty sent the Marquis de Grammont, to invite them again to a surren­der, and he so effectually pre­vailed upon them, by represent­ing to them th [...] small probabi­lity they had of making a long defence, the great dangers they might run by their further op­position, and the assurance his Majesty gave them for the preservation of their Priviledges upon their surrender, that they presently agreed upon Tearms, and his Majesty entered the Town the next day, causing Te Deum to be sung for their happy success, and confirming the Government upon the Count de Guadagne.

The next day, the Army ap­peared before Gray, and with­in [Page 180] two dayes began to open their Trenches; but by the mediati­on of the Marquis de Yennes, formerly Governour of Franche Comte for the Spaniard, the Ci­ty was soon prevailed upon to open the Gates. His Majesty conferred the Government of this Place upon the Sieur de Bissy, Camp-Master and Com­mander of a Brigade of Horse.

About the same time Joux, a considerable place of strength upon the borders of Swisserland, surrendred to a part of the French Army at the first sum­mons, and the Command thereof was given to the Sieur de Chamarante, one of his Majesties Bed-Chamber; so likewise did the Fort of S. Anne.

Thi County being thus almost intirely reduced in the short [Page 181] space of one month, the King in favour of the Prince of Condy, united the same to the Dutchy of Burgundy) the Princes Govern­ment) and Granted two Rever­sions thereof, one to the Duke d' Enguyen his son, and the other to the Duke de Bourbon his Grandson. He likewise made the Marquis d' Yennes Lieute­nant General of his Forces there, allowing him the same Pension which formerly he received from Spain, and giving the Com­mand of a Regiment of Horse to the Count de S. Amour his Ne­phew, for his good service in winning the said Marquis to a compliance, whereby the nimble Conquest of this County was much facilitated.

This settlement being constitu­ted there, the French Forces drew off towards Luxembourg, [Page 182] and the King returned to Paris in the latter end of February.

During the Winter, the French and Spanish Forces in Flanders, made several excursion in Par­ties with various success; no­thing considerable being atchiev­ed by the Former, but the re­duction of the Castles of Winne­dale and Ligny.

The King of great Brittain, and the States of the United Ne­therlands having entered into a League for an efficacious Media­tion of Peace between the two Crowns now in War, and ob­tained from the Most Christian King a promise he would lay down his Arms on a condition the Spaniards would either quit to him all those places alrea­dy taken by him in the last years Expedition; or else transfer to him the Remainder of their [Page 183] right to the Dutchy of Luxem­bourg (or to the County of Bur­gundy) together with Cambray, Cambresis, Doway, Ayre, S. Omers, Bergue, S. Wynox, Fuernes and Link, with their dependances; (in which case the French wer [...] to restore to the Spaniards all the places already taken) In which League it was further agreed be­tween the King of England and those States, to employ force to bring the two Crowns to accept of these termes, if either of them should refuse the same; The French King accepted of the same, and in order to an ac­commodation accordingly pro­posed a cessation of all Acts of Hostility during the months of March, April, and May follow­ing; to which also the Mar­quis de Castle Rodrigo con­sented, and nominated the [Page 184] Baron of Bergeyck to be sent with sufficient Powers and In­structions to Aix la Chappelle to assist at the Treaty of Peace there.

Notwithstanding the cessati­on, the French forbore not to make all possible Preparations for War; and Monsieur de Belle­fons and Duras pretending want of notice of the cessation, (which they would not take from any besides their General) invested Guena, and in a few dayes con­strained the same to be surren­dered.

But the French King thought not fit to hold a place, which had been taken during the Truce; and therefore, even be­fore the Treaty, gave order for the delivering of it back into the hands of the Spaniards: But withall he declared that he [Page 185] would take the Field in the be­ginning of April, and unless the Peace were perfectly concluded by the 25th of May next en­suing, it should be free for him to pursue his Conquests; yet obliging himself, in case of Peace by that time to restore back to the Spaniards all such places as he should make himself master of by his Armes.

Monsieur Colbert was em­ployed by his French Majesty to Aix la Chappel for negotiating the Peace, and the Heer Van Bevern­ing by the United Provinces, as Sir William Temple, Resi­dent at Brussels for his Ma­jesty of Great Brittain was like­wise ordered thither for the same effect: Signieur Aug. Franciotti Plenipotentiary for the Pope, and three Plenipotentiaries more from the three Eccle­siasticall [Page 186] Electors of Germany.

In the mean time the French King gives command for the de­molishing of the Fortifications of most of the considerable Towns which he had taken in Franche Comte, and also for the building of a Citadel at Besan­zon. The former was accord­ingly executed; but in regard the Peace began now to be hopefull, it was thought fit to forbare the latter.

After many doubts con­cerning the issue of this Trea­ty, at last the Plenipoten­tiaries signed an agreement on the second of May, which being ratified by the French King and the Queen Regent of Spain, was proclaimed at Brussels on the 30th of the same moneth, and shortly after sworn to by both Kings.

[Page 187] The substance of this conclu­sion was, (1.) That the most Christian King should keep and effectually enjoy all Places, Forts, &c. that he had taken or fortified by Armes during the last years Campagne, viz. The fortresses of Charleroy, the Towns of Binch and Atthe, the the Places of Doway, the Fort of Scarpe being comprised, Tour­nay, Oudenard, Lille, Armenti­eres, Courtray, Bergues, and Fuer­nes, and all their Baliwicks, Castlewicks, Appurtenances and dependances, by what name so­ever called, as far as ever they extend; the Catholick King for himself and his Successors renouncing and disclaiming the same for ever. (2.) That imme­diately after the Publication of the Peace, the French King should withdraw his Forces from [Page 188] the Garrisons of all Places, Towns, Castles and Forts of the County of Burgundy, commonly called la Franche Comte, and re­store the same to the Catholick King. (3.) That the Treaty of of the Pyreneans stand good and valid, without any prejudice by this present Treaty.

FINIS.

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