THE Accomplished Commander.


Written by a Person of great Ex­perience in Military Affairs, and pub­lished for the common Benefit, By R. C.

LONDON, Printed for J. Taylor at the Ship in St. Paul's Church-yard, and S. Holford at the Crown in the Pall Mall. 1689.

The Preface.

MY Zeal to ob­lige the World (though it has still been unkind to me) has tempted me to be un­just to my Friend, in publishing this his admi­rable Work without his knowledge: For his Oc­casions having called him beyond the Seas, I took this Opportunity of prin­ting it, to which I could [Page]never as yet obtain his Consent. But to make some Attonement for my Fault, I discover hereby the Authour's great Mo­desty, as well as you, in the Perusal hereof, will find his solid Learning, and judicious Observati­ons in all things relating to a good Soldier: To these let me add, that his other Vertues are so con­spicuous in the conduct of his Life, and his Know­ledge and Experience in [Page]Military Affairs so exqui­site, that those who have been so happy to enjoy his admirable Conversa­tion in his several Mar­ches and Camps up and down in the World, will be apt to say, That the Character which he has so ingeniously painted out, of an accomplished Com­mander in an Army, may not improperly be attri­buted to the Authour.

After a long Contest which I had within my [Page]self, betwixt my Respect to my Friend, and the Temptation I had to gra­tifie the Publick with a sight of this small but excellent Treatise, I up­braided my self not much unlike the poor Lepers of Samaria, when they had found the Treasures, and tasted of the Stores of Provisions the Assyrians had left in their Camp, at their hasty Flight from thence; Shall we, cried these Lepers, conceal this [Page]great good, and not communicate it to the famished Inhabitants of our City? So, Shall I, argued I with my self, at a time when we have such Armies in the Field, not only at home, but in other Countries, where this Treasure may be so acceptable, and of such great Ad­vantage amongst them, keep it lockt up in Ob­scurity? These and the like Thoughts were suffi­cient [Page]Motives to prevail with me for its publica­tion.

But were I sure to ob­tain my Friend's Pardon, for this breach of Trust, which I do not much doubt, for I am confident I shall gain Advocates enough to plead in my behalf; and because the Piece in it self is such, that some of our best Pens need not blush to own; yet I can never hope it, for permitting it to come [Page]forth thus disguised and blemished with Faults, merely through the un­skilfulness of the Tran­scriber; For my part, I can make but too just an Apology for my self here­in; for, ever since I de­livered the Copy to the Bookseller, my own trou­blesome Affairs have un­happily diverted me from taking that due Care of it which I ought to have done, either by review­ing it before it went to [Page]the Press, or preven­ting its being so pub­lished; so that it hap­pens to be printed with many gross Errours, par­ticularly amongst the pro­per Names, some of which I have rectified in an Er­rata for the present; and promise beforehand, that if it bear another Impres­sion, I shall be very in­dustrious to make it ap­pear very correct, and in its native Beauty.

R. C.

The Contents.

  • OF War, Page 1.
  • Preparation for War, Page 9.
  • How Commanders ought to be qualified, Page 17.
  • How to gain and keep the Love of Soldiers, Page 29.
  • Of Wisdom and Policy in War, with Examples thereof, Page 35.
  • Of Courage and Valour in War, with Examples thereof, Page 49.
  • Of Strategems in War, with Examples thereof, Page 65.
  • Of Expedition and Resolution in War, Page 76.
  • Of Errours in War and the evil Consequences thereof, Page 88.
  • [Page]Of honourable Retreats, with Examples thereof, Page 95.
  • Of Temperance and Chastity, in War, with Examples thereof, Page 99.
  • Compassion in War, Page 108.
  • Of Fame gotten in War, with Examples thereof, Page 116.
  • Of Monarchy, Page 124.
  • Experience in Arms, is the Original of true Nobility, Page 129.


Page 51. read Callisthenes, Lysimachus. p. 59. r. then the best. Prisoner home by. p. 61. r. Aemy­ties have. p. 63. r. Gauls. Cyrnbri. p. 80. r. Le­rida. p. 81. r. Munda. Corduba. p. 89. r. three great. p. 112. r. Crasus taken.


AFter a long scene of Peace War e­ver enters the Stage, and is so much of the World's Physick, as it is both a purge, and a Bloud-letting. Peace, Fulness, Pride, and War, are the four follies that, being let in to one another, make [Page 2]the wheel that the Times turn on, as we see in Bees, when the Hive multiplies and fills, nature hath always taught it a way of ease by Swarms; so the World, and Nations, when they grow overpopulous, they discharge themselves by Troups and Bands. 'Tis but the distemper of the Body po­litick, which, like the natural rest and a full diet, hath bur­then'd with repletion; and that highthens humors either to Sickness, or Evacuation: When 'tis eas'd of these it sub­sides again to a quiet rest and temper; so War is begotten out of Peace graduately, and ends in Peace immediately. Be­tween Peace and War are two [Page 3]Stages, Luxury, Ambition; between War and Peace, none at all. The Causes of War may be reduced to five heads; Am­bition, Avarice, Revenge, Pro­vidence, and Defence. The first were the most usual causes of War among the Heathen; yet what all the conquered call'd Pride and Covetousness, both the Romans and Grecians were taught by their high bloud to call Honour, and in­crease of Empire. That which hath grown from the propa­gation of Religion, was never of such force, as since the Ma­humetan Law, and Catholick Cause, hath ruffled among the Nations; yet questionless to lay the foundation of Religion in [Page 4]bloud, is to condemn it before we teach it. The Sword may force Nature, and destroy the Body, but cannot make the Mind believe that lawfull which is begun in unlawful­ness; yet without doubt in the enterprizes the Opinion has animated much: we see how it formerly fired the Turk, and is yet a strong motive to Spa­nish, and French attempts. For that of Revenge, I see not but it may be lawfull for a Prince, even by War to vindi­cate Himself, and People; and the reason is, because in such causes of injury the whole Na­tion is interessed, and many times the Recompence is more due to the Subjects than the [Page 5]Sovereign. That of Provi­dence may well have a pass, as when Princes make War to avoid War, or when they see a storm inevitably falling 'tis good to meet it, and break the force, should they ever sit still while the blow were given them, they might very well undoe themselves by Patience; we see in the Body men often bleed to prevent an imminent Sickness. For that of Defence, both Religion and all the Rules of Nature plead for't: Sharp War and the very novelty of sudden Violence use to dismay any State or Country not in­ured to the like; but custome of Danger hardeneth those that are unwarlike.

[Page 6] Nineveh had been the Pa­lace of many valiant Kings lately reigning therein; it had suffered and resisted all the fu­ry wherewith either domesti­cal Tumults between the Sons of Senacharib, or foreign War of the Babilonians could afflict it; and therefore it is less won­derfull Phraortes did speed so ill in his journey against it; he and the most part of his Army perished in that expe­dition. For the weapons of War, they differ much from those in antient times, and I believe the Invention of Ordinances have mightily sav'd the lives of men; they command at such distance, and are so unresistible, that [Page 7]men come not to the shock of battel as in former a­ges: We may observe that the greatest numbers have fallen by those weapons that have brought the Enemies nearest together; then the pitcht field was the tryall, and men were so ingaged, that they could not come off till bloud had desided Victory. The same advan­tages are still, and rather great­er now than of old; the Wind, the Sun, the better Ground, in former Wars: For all their Ar­mies the air was ever clear, but now their Peices mist and thicken it, which beaten up­on by disadvantages, may soon endanger an Army. Surely Wars are the same with Offen­ces [Page 8]they must be, yet they are mightily in the fault that cause them; even Reason teaches to cast the bloud of the slain up­on the unjust authors of it; that which gives the Mind se­curity is a just cause, and just deputation; let me have these, and of all other I shall think this one of the noblest and most manly ways of dy­ing.

Preparation for War.

HE that will make Prepa­ration for War, ought principally to consider six things.

First, In calling a wise and judicious Council, according to that of Solomon, every purpose is established by Coun­sel, and with good advice make War. Cyneas got more Cities by his Wisdom, than Pyrrhus by his Puissance. Caridemus, a banished Grecian of Athens, told Darius, when he made a view of his Army about Baby­lon, (viz.) That the multitude [Page 10]which he had assembled of di­vers Nations, richly attired, but poorly armed, would be found more terrible to the In­habitants of the Country, whom in passing by they would devour, than the Ma­eedonians whom they went to assail, who being old and obe­dient Soldiers, embattell'd in gross Squadrons, which they call their Phallaux, well covered with Armour for defence, and furnished with Weapons for offence, of great advantage, would make so little account of his delicate Persians, loving their ease and their palate, be­ing withall ill arm'd, and worse disciplin'd, as except it would please him to entertain (having [Page 11]so great abundance of treasure to doe it withall) a sufficient number of the same Grecians, and so to encounter the Mace­donians with men of equal courage, he would repent him over late, as taught by the miserable success which fol­lowed; but Darius, who had been accustomed to nothing so much as his own Praises, and nothing so little as to hear Truth, commanded that this poor Grecian should be presently slain, who while he was a sundering in the Tor­mentor's hands, used this speech to the King, That Alexander, against whom he had given this good avice, should assured­ly avenge his death, and lay [Page 12]deserved punishment upon Da­rius for despising his counsel. It is a saying of a wise man, The Princes safety is in a des­perate case, whose ear judges all that is profitable to be sharp, and will entertain no­thing that is unpleasant; for liberty in Counsel is the life and essence of Counsel.

The Second, Provision of Victuals, without which no one ought to enter upon any designment.

The Third, Provision of Money, for all such things as might be necessary, or be­hoof-full for the action.

The Fourth, In a Megazine well furnished with all sorts of Ammunition, which may at [Page 13]least be thought usefull, or ad­vantageous in all designs or undertakings; for the want of which store we have often seen, that great Armies have been for'cd to quit the field, leaving the Victory to men of smaller number, and of less cou­rage, having the advantage in being better furnished.

The Fifth. In an Army well arm'd, either in all, or for the most part consisting of old beating Soldiers; for upon raw and fresh Fellows it is not safe to repose one's hopes: And in truth that General can never securely come to the tryall of Battel, nor safely en­camp, whose Army for the greatest part consisteth not of [Page 14]old experienc'd Soldiers; a rule ever verified by the most judicious Captains that ever were, Alexander, Hannibal, Scipio, and Caesar, who never entred into any Enterprise, but did first of all provide themselves of great numbers thus qualified.

The Sixth, In experience of his Enemies Forces, by which measuring thy own; and if thou feest the advantage on thy side, then bid them bat­tel; if it stands upon indiffe­rency, or equal terms, if thou canst trust on thy own skill and conduct, never refuse it; but if thou find thy self infe­rior, then either by Strategems make thy self fuperior, or by [Page 15]temporifing stay untill time shall either lessen thy Enemies Forces, or make thy own more stronger: But in all such war­like cases, that Prince which is most absolute in his self seems to have the greatest advan­tage. The Empire of Germa­ny had doubtless sooner en­countred the Turks, and given a stop to his free entrance the first year of thee War into Hungary, had he not been ne­cessitated to expect the consent of his several Princes, and the result of a Diet, when the Turks were ready to enter Germany; for when many heads or hands are required, all business moves slowly, and more time is spent in agreements of the Manner [Page 16]of Action in arguments and debates, (which are most com­monly carried on by Faction,) than in the most difficult point of Execution.

How Commanders ought to be qualified.

COmmanders in War ought to be built upon these three Vertues; they should be Wise, Valiant, and Experien­ced: Wisdom in a General many times ends the War without War; of all victories the Romans thought that best, which was least stain'd with bloud; and they were content to let Camillus tryumph when he had not fought in these times: It is especially requi­site, since Strategems and ad­vantages are more in use than [Page 18]the open and daring valour: yet valiant he must be, else he grows contemptible, loses his Command, and by his own fear infects his Troups with Gowardice. To the eternal honour of CaesarCicero reports, that in all his Commands of the Field there was not found an Ito, but a Veni, as if he had scorn'd in all his on-sets to be any thing but still a Leader, always teaching by the strong­est authority his own forward­ness, his own examples. Al­though these be excellencies, they be all without experience lame; let him be never so learned, his books cannot li­mit his designs in several, and though he be perfect in a pa­per [Page 19]plot, where his eye has all in a view, he will fail in a leagure, where he sees but a limb at once. Besides, Experience puts a Credit on his actions, and makes him far more prompt in undertakings; and indeed there is a great deal of reason why we should res­pect him that with an untain­ted Valour has grown old in Arms. Scipio conquered the greatest part of Spain, in the four and twentieth year of his age; and Polibius doth attri­bute to his honour, that the chiefest Vertue whereby he got the eminency of Excellen­cy, and whereby he mastered the actions he undertook, how difficult soever, was his great [Page 20]Industry, and large Experience in military Affairs; and Titus Livius ascribeth unto him a particular dextery of Wisdom, appropriated above common measure unto himself only; For, saith he, it could not be otherwise, unless by some ex­traordinary favour from above, that he over-weighed the great­est dangers and difficulties be­falling him, both at home and abroad.

It is also very requisite that all Commanders should be well skill'd in the Art of Arith­metick; for without which Art it is very hard and difficult for the wisest of Men to divide Armies into Regiments, and so into Campanies of equal [Page 21]number; or to proportion the quantity of Provision, or A­munition, according to the number of Soldiers, either for days, weeks, or years; or to be exact in their payments; or for digging of Trenches, or raising of Bullworks, or any other Fortification, according to strength and time; or to proportion ground, either to encamp on, or battalia an Ar­my to fight, or defend an E­nemy at the best advantage; or degreeing of Guns according to place and distance. Alex­ander Magnus without all doubt was well skill'd in all such like Arts; for if you read his life, you shall see that famous Phi­losopher, Aristotle, his School-Master. [Page 22]Besides all these Arts, Swimming is very necessary to be learnt, both by Com­manders and Soldiers; for there is hardly an Island or Country so barren of water, but there are Rivers of that breadth and depth which are not passable without swim­ing; for if an Army be forc'd on a River, either by retreat, flight, or in pursuance of an Enemy; the former like to pe­rish, the latter loose their en­terprise. It is storied of the same Alexander, though being so complete a Captain and Soldier, and to the admiration of all Commanders that fol­lowed him, that he being so expert in War, yet he never [Page 23]leart to swim, being a thing so necessary as he himself found it in all actions of War; for his Soldiers not daring to approach unto Nisa, a City environ'd with a deep River, he standing by, and looking upon it, wept full bitterly that he had not learnt that Art, terming himself to be a man of no worth, and basely brought up.

It is possible, though very rare, to find a Commander qualified with all these War­like Vertues: With all the Au­thors I have consulted, I find none come so near as Epami­nondas, which I shall leave to the world (as he is recom­mended) for an example. Epa­minondas [Page 24]at the great Battel of Mantua was mortally woun­ded with a Dart; the wood breaking of, left the Iron in his breast, and being brought into his Tent, was told by the Physician, that when the head of the Dart should be drawn out of his body, he must needs dye; hearing this he called for his Squire, which brought him his Sheild, which to have lost, was held a great dishonour; he bad them tell him which part had the victory, answer was made, the Baeotians had won the Field, Then, said he, 'tis fair time for me to dye; and withall sent for Joledes and Diaphantes, two principal [Page 25]Men of War, that were both slain, which being told him, he advised the Thebeans to make Peace, whilst with ad­vantage they might; for that they had no one left that was able to discharge the Office of a General. Herewithall he willed that the head of the weapon should be drawn out of his body, comforting his Friends that lamented his death, and want of Issue, by telling them that the victo­ries of Luctra and Mantinna were two fair Daughters, in whom his Memory should live.

So dyed Epaminondas, the worthiest Man that ever was bred in that Nation of Greece, [Page 26]and hardly to be match'd in any Nation or Country; for he equall'd all, even in the several Vertues, and in each of them was singular: His Justice and Sincerity, his Temperance, Wisdom, and high Magnaminity were no way inferior to his Military Ver­tue; in every part whereof he so exceeded, that he might not improperly be call'd a wary, a Valiant, a Politick, a Bounti­full, or an Industrious, and a Provident Captain: All these Titles and many other, being due unto him, with which his notable Discipline and good Conduct made a perfect com­pletion of an Heroick Gene­ral. Neither was his private [Page 27]Conversation unanswerable to these high Parts, which gave him praises abroad; for he was Grave, and yet very Af­fable and Courteous; resolute in publick business; but in his own particular easie, and of much Mildness; a lover of People, bearing with Men's infirmities; Witty, and plea­sant in Speech; far from in­solence; Master of his own Af­fections, and furnished with all Qualities that might win and keep the love of his Soldiers. To these Graces were added a great ability of Body, much E­loquence, and very deep Know­ledg in all parts of Philosophy and Learning; wherewith his Mind being enlighten [...] [Page 28]rested not in the sweet con­templation, but brake forth into such effects, as gave un­to Thebes, which had ever been an underling, a dread­full reputation among all Peo­ple adjoyning, and the high­est command in Greece.

How to gain and keep the Love of Sol­diers.

NOthing procureth the love of Soldiers like a Commander, whose noble Heart is the Seat of Humility, attended with the hand of Bounty; where the heart is stuft with Pride, nothing more be­gets Hate: The proud Captain walks among Daggers poin­ted against him, whereas the humble and affable have the people for their guard in time of danger: The Captain that is Noble to his Soldiers, al­though [Page 30]he seems low, yet car­ries such a sway that com­mands their very Souls: But let him take heed he expresseth it not in unworthy actions, for then leaving Vertue, it falls into disdained baseness, which is the undubitable badge of one that will betray Society; so far as a Commander, both in words and deeds, may be free from Flattery and unmanly Cowardice, he may be hum­ble with commendation.

The great affection which Caesar's Soldiers bore to him proceeded chiefly from these two Causes: The first from his Humility; for we read in his Orations, and set Speeches, he would not call them by the [Page 31]name of Soldiers, but Com­panions, and Fellows in Arms. The second from his Liberality; for one while he would give his Soldiers Prisoners, ano­ther while Corn; and for all such as were disabled, or by Age forc'd to leave the War, he took the care that they should have a competent main­tainance during their lives.

He also valued the Reputation of his Soldiers at the highest rate imaginable, as it plainly appeareth; for after the Over­throw given, and his Soldi­ers defeated by Sabynus, he would never trim his Beard, nor yet as much as once smile, until such time as making their Loss his particular Prejudice, [Page 32]he had revenged that disgrace.

He severely punished injuries, and such as were treacherous unto him; he was a most strickt and severe observer of Martial Discipline, but at all o­ther faults he would wink, as if he saw them not: So accom­plish'd a Captain and Soldier was he, that by his Humility, Liberality, and good Conduct, he had so much won the hearts of his Soldiers, that it is even said, Caesar's Eye made his Sol­diers prodigal of their Bloud. Plt.

To keep the Love of Sol­diers. But the chief­est thing in a Ge­neral is when he hath brought his Soldiers under obedience, and [Page 33]that he doth intend to keep their love, he must as well make them partakers of his Victo­ries, as to oblige them by Gifts; for he that doth not as well impart of the Honour which he gaineth in the Wars, as he doth of the Spoils, shall ne­ver be long followed by those of the better sort; for men that are well born, or well bred, and have more of Wealth than Reputation, do as often satisfie themselves with the purchase of Glory, as the weak in Fortune, and strong of Cou­rage, do with gain of Gold and Silver.

Lastly, I could advise all Commanders to doe their Sol­diers that right, agreeable to [Page 34]that of Hannibal towards his Enemies, Hostem qui feriet, erit mihi Carthaginensis, Let him be of what condition he will in all offices or actions, he that deserves best shall have best.

Of Wisdom and Poli­cy in War, and Ex­amples thereof.

A Wise Man scaleth the City of the mighty. Wisdom is profitable for all things in Military affairs. Prudence is better than Puis­sance. How did Archimedes by his rare Engines preserve Syracusae against the Romans; and how many impregnable Cities have been surprized by Warlike Strategems, As,

Babylon by Cyrus, and after­wards by Zaphirus, under Da­rius; [Page 36]Jerusalem by Pompey, ta­king the opportunity of the Sabbath day, wherein he knew the superstitious Jews would not stir to defend them­selves.

A prudent Man foresees the evil, &c. Premission is the best means for Prevention. A wise Man's Eyes are in his Head, and his Heart at his right Hand.

The Chinois say, That all others in the World, see but with one eye, and they only with two. The Italians say, that they look before they leap, forecast all evil before it befalls them; but these are praises belonging to those that have Heavenly Wisdom, that [Page 37]by Signs discern a Tempest in the Clouds, and seek seasona­ble shelter under the hollow of God's Hand, under the sha­dow of his Wings; as did Noah, Joseph, Jonadab, Josiah, the Christians at Pella, &c.

Homer maketh the Pruden­test and Valiant, ever best Arm'd when they come to Battel. And the Law-maker amongst the Grecians do ever punish him that casteth away his Target, but never him that casteth away his Sword or Lance; for every man should first think of defending him­self, before he seek to hurt his Enemy.

What a prize did Agamem­non set upon his Nestor for his [Page 38]Wisdom, and Darius upon Zophirus. Scipio did nothing without his Polibius, and a­scribed most of his Victories to his Wisdom.

It was said of Octavius Au­gustus, that he never made War upon any People without just and necessary Causes. His Saying was, That neither Bat­tel, nor War, was to be un­dertaken, unless there might be evidently seen more hope of Gain, than fear of Damage. He likened such as sought after small Commodities with great Danger, unto those that angle with a golden Hook, which if it be broken off, no draught of Fish whatsoever is able to make amend's for the [Page 39]loss. He deemed nothing less beseeming a perfect and ac­complisht Captain than Te­merity, or Rashness, using this Speech, That is done soon enough, that is done well e­nough.

Policy governs the World, Policy. Nature Policy, but Religi­on all; and as we seldom see those Kingdoms govern'd by Viceroys flourish like those where the Prince is present in Person, so we never find Policy, or Nature, to keep a Man in that quiet which Re­ligion can: The two first I may use as Counselours, hear what they say, and weigh it; but the last must be my Sovereign. [Page 40] Lysander, King of Sparta, Examples of Policy. a gallant General, and very Politick, used to say, That where the Lyon's skin would not suffice, it was meet to put the Fox's skin upon it.

Philip and Alexander, Kings of Macedon, used to buy Vi­ctory with Money, not Mo­ney with Victory, by which Policy they did many nota­ble things, and conquered the World; whence came that common saying, That not Phi­lip, but his Gold and Silver won him the Cities of Greece. For certainly Policy runs smoothest when it turns upon a golden Hinge; without the supply of means, 'tis but like [Page 41]a Clock without a Weight to set it going, curious Workman­ship, but it wants a Mover.

Alexander perceiving Dari­us with his huge Army at hand, entrenches himself upon a ground of advantage, which the Persian had abandoned. And whereas Darius, for fear of surprize, had stood with his Army in Armour all the day, and forborn sleep all night; Alexander gave his Men rest, and store of food, for Reason had taught him this Rule in the Wars, Soldiers do the bet­ter stand to it in fight, if they have their bellies full of meat and drink; for Hunger within fights more eagerly then Steel without. The Constable of [Page 42] France made frustrate the mighty preparation of Charles the Fifth, when he invaded Provence, by wasting the Country, and forbearing to fight. So did the Duke of Al­va weary the French in Naples, and dissolve the potent Army of the Prince of Orange in the Low-Countries.

It was a Policy of the Ro­mans to make their Conquest sure; they would always ease the conquer'd of their bur­thens, giving them more li­berty than they had before; that made the Gascoigres bear such a faithfull affection to the Kings of England, for that they govern'd more mildly than the French. This enlarged the [Page 43] Venetian Jurisdiction in Lom­bardy; for the Towns that they won, they won out of the hands of Tyrannous Op­pressors. And this did cause the Macedonians, with other Nations that had been Sub­ject unto the prosperity of Alexander's followers, to serve the Romans patiently, if not willingly; for that by them they were eas'd of many bur­thens, which had been imposed upon them by their own Kings. When Scipio saw his Horse to be beaten at the battel of Fa­cinium, by the strength of Hannibal, and the rest of his Army thereby greatly discou­raged, he thought it a point of Wisdom, having lost so many [Page 44]of his Fleet, upon the first puff of Wind, to take part with the rest before the extremest of the Tempest overtook him; for he saw by the louring morning what manner of day it was like to prove: There­fore his Battel of Foot being yet unbroken, he in a man­ner stole the Retreat, and re­covered the Bridge over Tici­nus, which he had formerly built; but notwithstanding all the haste he made, he left six hundred of his Rear behind him, who were the last that should have passed, and staid to break the Bridge. Herein he followed the rule of a Po­litick Man of War, which must be understood in this sort. If [Page 45]a General of an Army by some unprosperous beginnings doubt the success, or find his Army fearfull, or wavering, it is more profitable to steal a safe Retreat, than to abide the uncertain Event of Bat­tel.

Alexander Severus gave such Lands as he won out of the hands of his Enemies to his Lords, Marches, and Soldiers, that they should be theirs and their Heirs for ever, so they would be Soldiers; neither should they at any time come to the hands of private Men, saying, They would the more carefully serve, if they fought for their own Lands.

[Page 46] Campidus Lycurgus comman­ded his Spartans that they should never make War often with one Enemy, lest in pro­cess of time they should grow more expert and valiant than themselves.

It was look'd upon as Po­licy in Scipio, because he would not hazard his own Person, unless moved by opportunity, or forced by necessity; where­upon being in some sort tax­ed for not adventuring him­self, he made answer, That he was not born a Soldier, but a Commander; inferring thereby that Forwardness is especially to be expected in private Sol­diers, good Conduct and Tem­porizing to be the most requi­site [Page 47]parts in a General. It was likewise a saying of his, That the passage whereby an Enemy was to take his flight is not to be stopped; for as their flight will administer occasion of slaugh­ter and advantage, so it is most dangerous to fight with People standing upon terms of despair and necessity.

But the truest Policy in War, and for the most part with good success, is that which is ordained against the richest Nations, for as the Needy are always adventurous, so Plenty is wont to shun peril; and Men that have wherewith well to live, do rather study how to live well, I mean wealthy, than care to dye (as they call it) [Page 48]Honourably; no man makes haste to that Market where is nothing to be bought but blows.

Of Courage and Valour in War, with Ex­amples thereof.

VVHilst a People walk in obedience to God, he hath promised that they shall chase their Ene­mies, who shall fall before them on the Sword; and that five of them shall chase one hundred, and one hundred shall put ten thousand to flight; whence it appears, that the Spirit of Courage and Valour is from the Lord, who by weak and small means doth many [Page 50]times effect great and wonder­full things, that the Glory of all may be his.

What wonderfull Valour did David show in killing the Lion, and the Bear, and in the duel with that huge Poly­pheme of the Philistians, and in many other Martial Acts against them; so that it seems that action is best done, which being good is done with the Vigour of the Spirits; What makes Zeal so commendable, but the Fervency that it car­rieth with it? Other Examples. In the Battel of Cynaegyrus, an Athenian, who shewed such incomparable Valour, that pur­suing the Persians to their Ships, when some of them [Page 51]were putting off from the shoar, he caught hold of one of the Ships with his right Hand, holding it till his Hand was cut off, then he laid hold on it with his left Hand till that also was cut off, and then he caught hold of it with his Teeth. Justin.

When Alexander had put Calshenes to death, he suspect­ed Lysimaches, another of his Captains, because he had been a familiar to Calshenes, and thereupon caused him to be cast naked to a most fierce Lion; but when the Lion came roaring upon him, Ly­simaches wraped his shirt about his arm, and thrusting his arm into the Lion's mouth, [Page 52]and taking fast hold of his Tongue, he slew the Lion; of which Alexander being infor­med, having his Valour in ad­miration, he not only forgave him, but esteemed him more highly than before. Valour was so much esteemed among the Lacedemonians, that in pub­lick Feasts they had always three dances:

The 1st. of old Men, who Sung,
We have been young and strong,
And valiant heretofore,
Till broken Age did hold us back,
And bid us doe no more.
The 2d. of young Men, who Sung,
We yet are young, bold, strong,
And ready to maintain
That quarrel still against all Men
That do on Earth remain.
The 3d. of Children, who Sung,
And we do hope as well
To pass you all at last,
And that the World shall wit­ness be,
E'er many years be past.

In their War they assaulted their Enemies very fiercely, and never gave over till the flight of their Enemies had assured them of Victory, and [Page 54]then they quickly and quietly return'd into their own Camp, judging it unworthy of their Manhood, and an ignoble ac­tion, to kill and hew in peices Men once scattered and out of order; this much further'd their Victories, their Enemies being upon slight, secure from farther danger.

Julius Caesar was of a most Magnanimous Resolution, in­somuch as being forewarn'd of a Conspiracy that was made against him in the Senate, he answered, That he had rather dye, than admit of fear.

Arestomenes King of the Messenians, was a very Gallant and Valiant Man, who in a Battel against the Corinthians, [Page 55]slew one hundred Men with his own hand; the like he did in divers other Battels; where­upon he used to offer Jupiter a Sacrifice, call'd Hecatomphona, or conticideum Pausen. After the Battelat Chaeronea, wherein Phi­lip King of Macedon overcame the Athenians, and after the Vi­ctory looking upon the dead bodies of his Adversaries, he much commended them for their Valour; for that all their wounds were in their fore­parts, and for that they dyed in those Stations which were assigned by their Captains.

The two Scipios, Brethren, were samous for the Wars in Spain, and against the Carthagi­nians, so that they were called [Page 56] duo fulmina belli, the two thun­der bolts of War.

Claudius Marcellus fought one and fifty Battels, and was for his Valour called, Gladius Romani Populi, the Sword of the Romans; as Fabius was called Clypeus, their Buckler, for his Policy.

George Castriot, alias Scan­derbeg, Prince of Epirus, was inspired with such a Spirit of Valour by God, in defending his Country against the Barba­rous Turks, that in fighting against them, for very Eger­ness of Spirit his Bloud would usually burst out of his Lips, and with such Violence he struck, that many of them he clove in sunder from the [Page 57]head to the Middle, and usu­ally cut off an armed Arm at a blow; and with his own Hand he slew above two thou­sand of them at several times.

News being brought to the Grecians of the huge Army that Xerxes had brought o­ver into Greece, whole Ar­chers were so many (as it was reported) that the flight of the Persian Arrows would be so thick, as they would dar­ken the light of the Sun; Di­oneces, a Spartan, answered, Its good news, for then we shall fight in the shade.

Julius Caesar was a very Va­liant Man, and successfull in all his Wars; so that in his Life time he took a Million of [Page 58]Men Prisoners, and slew as many.

But why should I range the world for Examples of Valour, whilst our own Nation can give a better account than a­ny Romish Author; for if we read what a French Writer saith of the inequality that was between the French and English, when King John was ready to give the onset upon the Black Prince, at the Battel of Poictiers: John had all the advantages over Edward, both of Number, Force, Show, Country, and Conceipt, the which is commonly a consi­deration of no small Impor­tance in Warlike Assairs; and withall, the cheif of all, his [Page 59]Horsemen es [...]eemed them the best in Europe, with the great­est and wisest Captains of his whole Realm, and what could he wish more. I think it would trouble a Roman Antiquary to find the like Examples in their Histories, the Example, I say, of a King brought Prisoner to Rome by an Army of eight Thousand, which he had sur­rounded with forty Thousand better appointed, and no less expert Warriours; all that have read of Cresse, and Agin­court, will bear me witness that I do not alledg the Bat­tel of Poictiers for lack of o­thers, as good Examples of English Valour; the Proof whereof hath left many hun­dred [Page 60]better Marks in all quarters of France, than ever did the Valour of the Romans. If any man shall ask, How then came it to pass, that they won so many great Battels, having no advantage to help them? I may with best Commendation of Modesty, reser him to the French Histo­rian, who relating the Victo­ry of our men at Crevant, where they passed a Bridge in face of the Enemy, useth these Words: The English comes with a Conquering bravery, as he was accustomed, to gain e­very where without any stay; he forced our Guards placed up­on the Bridge to keep the pas­sages: Or I may cite another Place of the same Authour, [Page 61]where he tells how the Bri­tains, being invaded by Charles the Eight, King of France, thought it good Policy to apparel a Thousand one Hun­dred of their own men in English Cassocks, hoping that the very sight of our English red Crest would be enough to terrifie the French. But I will not stand to borrow of French Historians, all which, excepting Deserres, and Paulus Aeucylius, were reported won­ders of our Nation; and like­wise our own Histories, who tell us that the Military Ver­tue of the English, prevailing against all manner of difficul­ties, ought to be preferred be­fore that of the Romans, which [Page 62]was assisted with all advan­tages that could be desired: If it should be demanded, Why then did not our Kings finish the Conquest, as Caesar had done? my Answer may be, (I hope without offence,) That our Kings were like to the race of the Aeacide, of whom the old Poet Ennius gave this note, They were more War­like than Politick. Who so notes their proceedings, may find that none of them went to work like a Conquerour, save only King Henry the Fifth, the course of whose Victories it pleased God to interrupt by his Death. But the question is more easily answered: If a­nother be first made, why did [Page 63]not the Romans attempt the conquest of Gall before the time of Caesar? At all these times they had good leasure and fit opportunity, when, under the Conduct of Marius, they had newly vanquished the Cymbry, and Tutones, by whom the Country of the Galls had been pitiously wa­sted. Surely the Words of Tully were true, that with other Na­tions the Romans fought for Dominion, with the Galls for the Preservation of their own safety. But now it is high time to lay aside Comparison, and end my Discourse of this mat­ter: Were it possible for me to particularize the Valour of our English Princes, Nobles, [Page 64]and Gentry, I should swell my Volume, and not attain my end, which is Brevi­ty.

Of Strategems, and Examples thereof.

IT hath been ever held for a Maxim in War, that it is more Commendation to overcome by Strategeme, than by Sword; for how many Ci­ties has there been surprized by Warlike Strategems, when all the strength imaginable could not have taken them o­therways. Certainly Strate­gems in War are like Dia­monds in a Ring; for as the Stones are more to be valued than the Ring it self, so Stra­tegems in War are more to be [Page 66]esteemed than any other War­like action besides; and the lawfulness thereof we need not doubt, Joshua 8.2. we read that God commanded Joshua to lie in ambush behind the City of Ai [...] Judg. 20.29. by which Stategeme it was destroyed, and likewise Israel to set l [...]ers in wait round about Gibeah, &c. Other Examples.

Darius besieging the im­pregnable City of Babylon, which had revolted from him, after many ways and means assayed, knew not how to pre­vail; at last one of the Cheif Collonels, called Zopyrus, caused himself to be beaten black and blue, his Nose, Lips, and Ears to be cut off, and acquain­ting [Page 67] Darius with his purpose, he went to Babylon, into which being admitted, he shewed the People his dismembred and torn Body, complains of the cruelty of Darius, and pro­fereth his best assistence to them against him; the Citi­zens knowing the worth of the Man, and not suspecting the fraud, made him their Cap­tain; in some Skirmishes he beat the Persians; at last ha­ving drawn forth all his strength of the City, he be­trayed them to Darius, and so delivered up Babylon into his hands. After which Darius used to say, That he had rather hove one Zopyrus, than twenty Cities of Babylon.

[Page 68]After the Lacedemonians had taken Thebes, seven of the ba­nished Men forsook Athens privately, and entred by night into the fields of Thebes, where spending the next day secretly, they came late in the evening to the Gates, like Husbandmen returned from work, and pas­sed undiscovered unto the house of Charon, whom Phi­lidas the Scribe had drawn into conspiracy. The day following a solemn Feast being held in the City, Philidas promised the Governours, who were insolent and lustfull Men, that he would conveigh unto them that night the beautifull Dames of the Town, with whom they should take their [Page 69]pleasure; having cheared them with such hope, and plenty of good Wine, he told them when the time of performance (which they urged) came, that he would not make good his promise unless they would dismiss their followers, because the Gentle­women who attended without in a Chamber, would not in­dure that any of their Servants should see their faces; upon which occasion the Attendents were dismissed, and the Con­spirators attired like Ladies, and their Maids brought into the place, who taking advan­tage of the Governours loose behaviour, slew them all upon a sudden, with Daggers, which they brought hidden under [Page 70]their Garments; so by this Strategeme they did not only purchase the Thebans liberty, but freed themselves of the Lacedemonian Garrison. Sir W. Rawleigh.

Cymon General of the Athe­nians triumphed over the Per­sians twice in one day; for first, He lought a great Battel with them by Sea, upon the Confines of Asia, wherein he gave them a great overthrow; and then taking the Persian Ships, he put all his Valiant Soldiers into them, and dressed them in the Persian Apparel, and so sailing to the place where their Land Army lay, they took them for Persiant, returning in Triumph from [Page 71]the slaughter of the Athenians; Cymon therefore by his Strate­geme landing his Men, broke suddenly into the Camp of the Persians, whom he quickly o­verthrew with a great slaugh­ter, and took twenty thousand Prisoners, together with an infi­nite mass of Treasure, the tenth part whereof the Athenians de­dicated to their God's. Diod, Sic.

Sertorius, the Roman Gene­ral, in his passage into Spain was forced to pay Tribute to many Barbarous People that inhabited the Pyrenean Moun­tains, over which he was to pass; at this some of his Sol­diers muttered, saying, That it was an act very dishonourable [Page 72]for the Romans; but he told them, he only bought time, a commodity which such as aspire to haughty enterprizes, must take up at any rate.

Cyaxazes, King of the Medes, who in his extremity was no better than a Rent-gatherer for the Scithians, perceiving that his Land lay unmanured and waste, through the negligence of his People, that were out of heart by daily oppressions, and that the matter could not be remedied by open force, re­solved to prove what might be done by Strategeme; the ma­naging of the business is thus delivered in brief: that he, and his Medes, feasted the better part of the Scithians, made [Page 73]them drunk and slew them, recovering thereby the pos­session of all that they had lost. Herod.

Hannibal, to bring Fabius in­to dislike, and in suspicion with the Romans, commanded his Soldiers, when they came near any of Fabius his Lands, that they should burn and destroy all round about them, but in no ways to meddle with or hurt either his Land, or any thing that was his. He also appointed a Party of Soldiers to see that nothing belonging to Fabius might miscarry. Plut. in Vita Fa.

The Moscovites, not many years since, having besieged the City of Smolensko in Lithu­ania [Page 74]with an huge Army, Val­dislaus, King of Poland, came to relieve the place; but the Enemy being strongly En­trenched, he was not able to beat up their Quarters; where­upon he so entrenched himself, that he cut off all Provisions from the Moscovitish Army, whereby he reduced them to such extremity, that they were forced either to starve, or to render themselves to his mercy. A terrible thing, and not heard of before, that a Hundred Thousand Men should bring their Arms and Colours, and cast them at the feet of this victorious Prince: This was not only a Victory, but a monster of a Victory; he pardoned them [Page 75]all, and made the Strangers, which were about one Thou­sand four Hundred Men, to promise never to bear Arms more against the Crown of Poland, and so dismist them. Hist of this Iron Age.

Of Expedition and Resolution in War.

HE that will act great Matters, hath no grea­ter need of any thing than Time; and therefore ought a Prince to beg these two things at the hand of God; Length of Life, and Expedition in Exe­cution. Curtius doth attri­bute to Alexander for his great Expedition in War: For, saith he, I never commended any Vertue more in him than his Ce­lerity: And in truth, as if he had been the presager of the shortness of his own Life, [Page 77]both in Beginning and Prose­cution of his Enterprize of A­sia; for coming very late to the River Granico, and being expected on the other side by the Lieutenants of King Dari­us, Permenio did advise him to defer the Battel till the day following, which he refused to doe, for loosing of time, tell­ing him, that Hellespont would blush for shame, if having passed it so boldly, he should fear to ad­venture on so small a passage: After his second Battel he pur­sued Darius with such speed, that in Eleven days he marched more then Six hundred Miles.

And Caesar saith, That to give time of Preparation is the only way to arm his E­nemy, [Page 78]and to put him in rea­diness; and indeed it beho­veth a good Captain if he be to deal with an Enemy, which is not all together weak in Force, or Judgment, to use such Expedition in assailing him, or Art in deceiving him, that either he may want time to make Preparation, or Courage to encounter the Danger; for unfortunate must that Cap­tain be, if wanting neither Power nor Valour, and ha­ving time and intelligence, he doth not provide and order his Affairs as thereby he be a­ble to make the designment of his Adversary either of none, or if any, yet of small and contemptible Effect.

[Page 79] Caesar, in all his Battels, his use was to follow his Con­quest, never leaving the chase, and pursuing his Enemies, (having once defeated them,) untill he had spoiled them of their Lodging, and made them wholly unable to make Head against him, wherein he did excellently help himself, by making use of their fear and disorder: When Pompey knew not how to doe the like at Dar­rachium, Caesar did thus con­sure his oversight, That Pom­pey knew well how to over­come, but not how to use his Victory.

The same Caesur did also advantage himself by the heat of Victory, insomuch that [Page 80]many times he finish'd a whole War with one only Over­throw; as by that of Pharsalia, he became Lord of all the East. With these of Lereda, and of Munda, first he conquer­ed, and afterwards recovered Spain; with that of Thapsus he made himself Master of A­frick, in which point Hanni­bal committed a great over­sight, who having won four or five pitcht Fields, yet in the end sate down with the loss, and was quite overthrown.

But as in Actions, so in Marching Caesar used Expedi­tion in all his Voyages; for in eight days he came from Rome to Geneva, and in twen­ty six days from Rome to the [Page 81]Land of Ovilcone near unto Cordiba: He used the like Ex­pedition in getting and gain­ing of time, for that he might more fitly wage War. All the Summer he would let him­self forwards, and travel in Winter; in which season he passed from Bunda into Albina: In the Winter he made a cut out of Italy into Africa, and afterwards passed the Alps when the Snow lay six foot deep.

The same he used in all his other Actions, for in fifteen days he raised a Wall of Six foot in highth, and above Nineteen miles in length, (to wit) from Geneva Lake to Mount Saint Claud: In ten [Page 82]days he built a Bridge over the Rhine; and in so many he haled his whole Navy on shoar, wherewith he passed in to Britain, Rigging it anew and making it fit for the Sea:

To summe up all his Enter­prizes, he used that expediti­on, that overcoming King Pharnases, and being desirous to advertize one of his friends of his quick Expedition in dis­patching that War, he wrote only three Words unto Aniti­us at Rome: Veni, Vidi, Vici. I came, I saw, I overcame.

But it is not e­nough for a Com­mander to use Speed and Expedi­tion in Execution of his En­terprize, Of Reso­lution in War. [Page 83]unless he be also con­stant, and resolute of Courage in Chances and Checks of Fortune, in Perils and Dangers; whereupon the said Caesar without all doubt surpassed all other Captains, whose memo­rable Prowess, by the help of Learning, hath come to the Knowledge of Posterity: For up­on many occasions opposing himself alone against his fly­ing and discomfited Soldiers, sometimes pulling them back one by one, and another while forcing them to turn again, He would rally Ranks half broken, and renew a Battel at the point of wavering, re-se­curing whatsoever before was doubtfull: In the Field which [Page 84]he fought with the Nericy, the Battel being brought to that Exegent, that his whole Cavalry was upon point of flight, and the Seventh and Twelfth Legions in great di­stress, their Captains and Com­manders being allmost slain; Caesar casting his Shield on his Arm, and pressing through the midst of the Squadrons to the Front of the Battel, he made such Proof of his Va­lour, that partly upon his Example, and partly for the Danger wherein they saw their General engaged, the Soldiers perceiving hopes, ga­thering strength and courage a fresh, renewed the fight, and so Valiantly behaved them­selves, [Page 85]that fifty thousand of their Enemies lay slain on the Place; by which President it may plainly be seen, how much Resolution and Expedi­tion import a General: For albeit that Caesar was a Cap­tain so wary, and so circum­spect, yet was he suddenly and secretly set upon by the Policy of his Enemies, who being covered with the-thick­ness of these Boughs which did over spread them, were soon­er felt than seen; he wanted but little of his latest Ruine, and final Overthrow, had he not helped himself by his in­nate Valour, and speedy Order.

In his War of Africa, his Soldiers being put to the [Page 86]worst, he lugged one of his Ensign-bearers by the Throat, and turning him towards his Enemies, There, there, said he, are those against whom thou must fight: In the very same War, the Enemies having given his Men so furious a Charge, that they had already entred their Rampiers, and fell pell-mell with his Soldiers, Caesar thrusting forward amongst them, by his presence and ex­ample reheartened the one, and restrained the other.

And likewise in Spain, per­ceiving his Soldiers ready to fly, traversing the Troups, and posting themselves from one unto another, what with ealling upon them, and what [Page 87]with lying about, he so ma­naged the Matter, that his Men for very shame, not to be said to forsake their General, if not betray him, took Heart and Courage, and obtained Victory, with the death of thir­ty Thousand Pompeians.

Of Errours in War, and the evil Conse­quences thereof.

IN Military Affairs it is ex­treme folly, and much blamable to say, I did not think it; for in other occur­rences an Errour may haply be amended, but Over-sight in War-fare, without punishment and repentance instantly ac­companying them, cannot possibly be redressed; and there­fore it standeth with the Re­putation of a General to pre­meditate throughly upon his [Page 89]designments, and to have an open and a watchfull Eye, e­ven upon Matters of smallest Moment.

We read that Sempronius committed there great Errours, which every one deserved to be recompenced with the loss that followed; the first was, That he fought with Hanni­bal in a Campaigne, being by far inferiour in Horse, and withall thereby subject to the African Elephants, which in in­closed or uneven Grounds, and Woodlands, would have been of no use.

[Page 90]His Second Er­rour was, In the Bat­tel of Tre­bia, both the Romane Consulswere beaten by Hannibal. That he made no discove­ry of the place upon which he fought; whereby he was grossly o­ver-reacht, and ensnar'd by the Ambush which Hannibal had laid for him.

The third was, That he drencht his Foot men with em­pty Stomachs in the River of Trebia, even in a cold and fro­sty day, whereby in effect they lost their Limbs; for there is nothing in the World more inconvenient and perilous, than to present an Army, ti­red with Travel, to an Enemy fresh and fed, since thereby the [Page 91]Strength of the Body faileth, the Generosity of the Mind is but an empty Vapour. When the Knowledge of Alexander's Landing on Asia side was brought to Darius, he so much scorn'd the Army of Macedon, and had so contemptible an opinion of Alexander himself, as having styled him his Ser­vant on a Letter which he had wrote unto him, reprehending his Disloyalty and Audacity, (for Darius entitled himself King of Kings, and Kinsman to the Gods,) he gave order withall to his Lieutenants of Lesser Asia, that they should take Alexander alive, whip him with Rods, and then con­vey him to his Presence; that [Page 92]they should sink his Ships, and send the Macedons taken Pri­soners beyond the red Sea, be­like into Aethiopia, or some o­ther unhealthfull Part of A­frica; Darius lost in one Battel, a­gainst Alex­ander, as Cur­tius saith, 100000 Foot, and as many Horse, and 40000 taken Prisoners, when Alexan­der's Army there miscarried, but 200 and 80 in all sorts. but by the Experience of his own overthrow, he found his grand Errour, im­puting too much confidence in a multitude of dis­orderly and un­warlike Men.

We see what Errour the Em­pire of Constantinople com­mitted (in using the help of [Page 93]foreign Auxiliaries) in taking ten Thousand Turks against his Nighbour Princes, he could never, by Persuasion or Force, set them again over Sea upon Asia side, which gave begin­ning to the Christian Servi­tude, that soon after followed.

Alexander, the Son of Cas­sander, sought aid of the great Demetrius, who, being entred into his Kingdom, slew the Son, Alexander that had invi­ted him, and made himself King of Macedon.

Syracon the Turk was called into Aegypt by Sanor the Sol­dane against his opposite, but the Turk did settle himself so saft in Aegypt, that Solidon his Successour became Lord [Page 94]thereof, and all the Holy Land soon after.

What need we look about for Examples of this Kind, e­very Nation in effect can fur­nish us; the Britains drew the Saxons into this our Country, and Macmurrough drew the En­glish into Ireland; but the one and the other soon became Lords of these two Kingdoms.

Of Honourable Re­treats, with Exam­ples thereof.

IT is the true Judgment of Men of War, Honourable Retreats are no way inferiour to brave Charges, as having less of Fortune, more of Disci­pline, and as much of Valour: Darius was overthrown with all his Cowardly and Confu­sed Rabble, when those Greci­ans under their Captain Amin­tas held firm, and marched a­way in order, in dispight of the Vanquishers; old Soldiers are [Page 96]not easily dismay'd. We read in Histories Ancient and Mo­dern, what brave Retreats have been made by them, though the rest of the Army in which they have served hath been broken.

At the Battel of Ravenne were the Imperialists were bea­ten by the French, a Squadron of Spaniards, old Soldiers, came off unbroken and undismay'd; for it is truly said by these men, who by being acquainted with dangers, fear them not, they go about the business it self, how hard soever it be, not standing to consider of danger, which the mischief hanging o­ver their Heads may bring, and as truly of those that do [Page 97]know the Wars but by hear­say; they have ability enough, and to spare, till dangers ap­pear, but when Perils indeed come they get them gone.

In the Year one thousand five hundred and eighty two, was that memorable Retreat of Gaunt, than which there hath not been an Exploit of War more celebrated; for the number of English were but three hundred Horse, and as many thousand Foot, (com­manded by Sir John Norris) charged by the Prince of Par­ma, coming upon them with seven thousand Horse, beside that, the whole Army of Spaniards was ready to march on, nevertheless Sir John Nor­ris [Page 98]maintained a Retreat with­out disarray, by the space of some Miles, (part of the way Campaign) unto the City of Gaunt with less loss of Men than the Enemy; the Duke of Anjou, and the Prince of Orange beholding this noble Action from the Walls of Gaunt, as in a Theatre, with great Admira­tion.

Of Temperance and Chastity in Com­manders, with Ex­amples thereof.

TEmperance in Comman­ders is the only Safe­guard against all Surprizals. We read of Commodius his De­puty in Britain: Ʋlpius Mar­rellus was so Temperate, that he caused his bread to be brought into the Camp from Rome, that for the staleness of it, he might eat no more than was needfull, and so vigilant, that his Soldiers thought he [Page 100]never slept at Night, by which imitation they became a most Watchfull and Obedient peo­ple; for it is very observable, that Soldiers are ambitious to follow Examples of their Cap­tains, whether it be either in Arts of Vertue or Vice.

Alexander as long as he li­ved within the bounds of Temperance, how Obedient were his Officers and Soldiers to him! but as soon as he gave himself up to Wine, we read not only Mutinies a­mongst his Soldiers, but Trea­son (by his Officers) hatching against his own Person, for Wine begets Fury, Fury mat­ter of Repentance, but pre­ceding [Page 101]mischiefs are not a­mended by succeeding bewai­lings; Drunkenness both kin­dles, and lays open every Vice, it removes out of the way that shame which gives impe­diment unto bad attempts; for where Wine gets the Ma­stery, all the ill that before lies hidden breaks out: Drun­kenness indeed rather disco­vers Vices, than makes them.

Amongst the Turks the pro­hibition of Wine in time of War is ever punished with Death: I have read of two men put to Death for bring­ing a very small quantity of Wine into the Camp; for here men become Sober, Diligent, Watchfull, and Obedient; in [Page 102]the Turkish Camp, no brauls, quarrels, nor clamours are heard; no abuses are commit­ted on their People in the march of their Army; all is bought and paid with money as by Travellers that are guests at an Inn: There are no Complaints by Mothers of the Rape of their Virgin Daughters, no violences of Robberies offer'd on the Inha­bitants: All which good or­der tends to the Success of their Arms, and the Enlarge­ment of their Empire; as on the contrary, too much Liber­ty given to the Christian Sol­diers, especially in drinking, is the only cause which moves them to a lust and promti­tude [Page 103]to all Evils, and is the occasion of the horrid outra­ges they commit, quarrels a­mongst themselves, and dis­obedience to their Officers, and betrays oftentimes a whole Army to ruine by surprizal; for how can those men be watchfull, whose Heads are charged with the fumes of strong drink?

Agesilaus, King of Sparta, Chastity. was a great Lover of Chastity, and he was a great Conqueror of others, so also he conque­red his own Lusts; insomuch that in his Journeys he would never lodge in private Houses where he might have the [Page 104]Company of Women, but e­ver lodg'd either in Temples, or in open Fields, making all men witnesses of his Modesty and Chastity. Plut.

Alexander the Great, being in the heat of Youth, shewed an admirable Example of Cha­stity, when having taken the Wives and Daughters of Dari­us, which were Women of admirable Beauty, yet he nei­ther by Word nor Deed pro­fer'd them the least Indignity, thinking it a greater Honour to overcome himself, than his Adversaries; and when he looked upon the other Cap­tive Ladies that exceeded in Stature and Beauty, He mer­rily [Page 105]said, Persides oculorum do­lores esse, That the Persian Women were a disease of the Eyes; and yet he looked on them as but on so many Sta­tues; and understanding that two of his Captains under Per­menio had ravished two of the Persian Wives, he wrote to him to enquire after the mat­ter, and if he found it true, that he should cut off their Heads, as of Beasts born for the hurt of Mankind; he also wrote him Word that he him­self was so far from contem­plating the Beauty of Darius's Wife, that he would not as much as have her commen­ded in his presence; and that he was so carefull of her and [Page 106]her Daughters Chastity, that they lived in his Camp, shut up in their Tent, as if they had been in a Temple. Plut.

Scipio Africanus warring in Spain, took new Carthage by Storm, at which time a Beau­tifull and Noble Virgin fled to him for Succour to preserve her Chastity: He, being but Twenty four years old, and so in the heat of Bloud, hea­ring of it, would not suffer her to come into his sight, for fear of a Temptation, but caused her to be restored in safety to her Father, Aurel. Victor.

[Page 107] Aurelian, an Heathen Empe­rour, was so carefull to preserve the Chastity of Women, that one of his Soldiers being found guilty of lying with his Ho­stess, he commanded that two young Trees should be bow­ed down, and the Soldier's legs tied thereto; which be­ing suddenly let go, tore him into two pieces.

Compassion in War.

VAlour is then best tem­per'd, when it can turn out of a stern Fortitude, into the mild strains of Pity: It is written to the Honour of Tamberlane, that Conquering the Moscovites with a Prince­ly Valour, he falls from the Joys of the Victory to a La­mentation of the many ca­sual miseries they endure, who are tied to follow the leading of Ambitious Generals, and all this from the sight of the Field covered with the Soul­less men. Some report of [Page 109] Caesar that he wept when he heard how Pompey dyed: Though Pity be a downy Vertue, yet she never shines more brightly than when she is clad in Steel. A mar­tial man compassionate shall conquer both in Peace and War, and by a two-fold way get Victory with Honour.

Titus Vespasianus, was so Compassionate, That he said, he would rather dye himself, than put others to death: He pro­ceeded no farther against two Noble Men, convicted for Affe­cting, and Aspiring to the Em­pire, than to admonish them to desist and give over, saying, That Sovereign Power was the [Page 110]Gift of Destiny and Divine Pro­vidence, if they were Petiti­oners for any thing else, he promised to give it unto them.

Sueton, when Alaxander by Permenio won Miletus, and by force mastered Halicar­nassus, which, because it re­sisted obstinately, he razed to the ground; from thence he entred into Caria, where Ada the Queen, who had been cast out of all that ever she held (except the City of Alinda) by Darius his Lieutenant, pre­sented her self unto him, and adopted him her Son, and Successour, which Alexander accepted in such gratious part, that he left the whole [Page 111]Kingdom to her disposing (Sir Walter R.)

It was duly observed, that as often as Octavius Augustus entred Rome, no punishment that day was inflicted upon a­ny person; he was griev'd him­self when he pronounc'd a grievous Sentence, and he thought himself punished when he punished others. Senec.

When the same Augustus had by Proclamation promi­sed a great summe of money to him that should bring in that famous Pirate Corocoto, and put him into his Power, he knowing the Emperour's mild [Page 112]and temperate Vein, took the boldness to come in him­self, and demanded the summe promised to him that should bring him in, Augustus both Pardoned him, and gave him the Money. Dion.

Crassus taken by Cyrus and imprisoned, despoiled of all things but the expectation of Death, he was forthwith tied in Fetters, and set on the top of a great and high heap of Wood, to be consumed to ashes thereon; to which when the Fire was kindled, remembring the discourse which he had had with the Athenian Law-giver, he thrice cried out on his Name; So­lon, [Page 113]Solon, Solon, and being demanded what he meant by that invocation, he first used silence, but urged again, he told them that he now found it true which Solon had long since told him; That many men in the Race and Courses of their lives may well be coun­ted fortunate; but no man could discern himself happy in­deed till his End: Of which Answer Cyrus being speedily informed, and remembring the Changes of Fortune, and his own Mortality, he com­manded his Ministers of Justice to withdraw the Fire with all diligence, and did not only spare his Life, but enter­tained him ever after as a [Page 114]King, and his Companion. Sir Walt. R.

Julius Caesar said, the great­est Pleasure that ever he took of his Victories was, that he daily sav'd the Lives of some of his Country-men that bore Arms against him: And when Pompey's Head was presented unto him, he wept bitterly and caused him to be honou­rably Buried; Saying, Ego Pompeii casum deploro, & meam fortunam metuo; I la­ment Pompeys Fall, and fear my own Misfortune.

From which we may ob­serve in the general, That the most fam'd Men in the World, [Page 115]have had in them both Cou­rage and Compassion, and of­ten times wet Eyes as well as wounding hands.

Of Fame gotten in War, with Ex­amples thereof.

PLutarch tells of a poor Indian, that would rather endure a dooming to death, than shoot before Alexander when he had discontinued, least by shooting ill he should lose the Fame he had got­ten. Doubtless even this man was ordered by a Power above him, which instilleth into the minds of all men, an ardent Appetition of a last­ing fame. Desire of Glory is [Page 117]the last Garment that every Wise man lays aside, not that it betters himself being gone, but that it stirs up those that follow him to an earnest en­deavour of Noble Actions, which is the only means to win the Fame we wish for.

David durst fight with the great Philistian, after he heard how the man should be ho­noured that slew him.

Themistocles, that streamed out his youth in Vine and Venery, and was suddenly changed into a Vertuous and Valiant man, told one that ask'd what did so strang­ly [Page 118]change him, That the Tro­phy of Miltiades would not let him sleep.

Tamberlane made it his practice to read often the Heroick Deeds of his own Progenitors, not as boasting in them, but as Glorious Ex­amples propounded to en­flame his Vertues: Surely no­thing awakes our sleeping Vertues like the Noble Acts of our Predecessours; how many Valiant Soldiers does a generous Leader make! Brutus and others bred many constant Patriots. Fame, I confess, I find more eagerly pursued by the Heathens, than by the Christians of these [Page 119]times; the Immortality as they thought of their Name was to them as the Immor­tality of the Soul to us, a strong reason to persuade to worthiness; their Knowlege halted in the latter, so they rested in the first, which of­ten made them sacrifice their Lives to that which they esteemed above their Lives, their Fame.

When Philip asked Dome­tritus, if he did not fear to lose his Head; He answered no, for if he did, the Atheni­ans would give him one Immor­tal, he should be statued in the Treasure of Eternal Fame.

[Page 120] Alexander Magnus, when he came to Achilles's Tomb, he fell a weeping, to consider that he had Homer to sing his Praises, and to perpetuate them, whereas he had no such Poet to set forth his Com­mendation. And Lysander, the Lacedemonian, seeking after Fame, had always about him Choerilus the Poet, that he might celebrate in Verse all his Victories and Vertues.

Augustus Coesar, when he had made his Will, affixed to it four Books, wherein all his great Actions were recorded, requiring that they should be engraven in Brazen-Pillars of [Page 121]his Sepulchre. And Alphonsus King of Aragon and Sicily, seek­ing Glory and Fame, did not only build many stately Edi­fices, but kept about him Parnormitan, an excellent Poet, and Bartholomew Faccius, a skilfull Historian, to record his Actions.

Cornelius Gallus being sent by Octavius Caesar to govern Aegypt, he began to grow ve­ry Proud of his great Hon­our; commanding his Sta­tues to be erected upon the Pyramides.

Pompey the Great, when Theophanes of Mytelene had written his great Victories and Praises, by way of Re­compence, bestowed a City upon him.

[Page 122] Belizarius, after he had of­ten overcome the Goths in Italy, and had taken Prisoner their King Vitiges, as also Gilimer King of the Vandals in Africk, and had settled A­frick and Sicily in peace, and often Triumphed over the Persians, he caused a Golden Cross of an hundred pound weight, set with precious Stones, to be made, and thereon to be ingraven all his Victories; which he dedica­ted to St. Peter's Church in Rome, presuming that out of respect to the Holiness of the Place, it would continue there as a lasting Monument of his Praises. But of all, I like him best, who does things that de­serve [Page 123]a fame without a search, or caring for it; Since for a mean man to thirst after mighty Fame, is a kind of fond Ambition.

Can we think a Mouse able to cast a shadow like an Ele­phant? Can a Sparrow have a train like an Eagle? Great Fame is for great Princes, and such who for their Parts are the Glory of Humanity. Good Parts may adorn a private Man. The same fire may be in the Waxen Taper which is in the gilded Torch, but is not equal either in Quantity or Advancement. Let the World speak well of me, and I will ne­ver care, though it does not speak much.

Of Monarchy.

THE first, most Anci­ent, most General, and most Approv'd, was the Government of one, Ruling by Just Laws, called Monar­chy. And Aristotle tells us in few words, That a Magistrate, or Prince, is the keeper of Right and Equity; but the same is best taught by St. Paul, who ex­presseth the Cause efficient and final; (that is) by whom Ma­gistrates and Princes are or­dain'd, together with their Du­ties and Offices. A Magistrate is the Minister of God for thy Good; but if thou doe evil, [Page 125]fear, For he beareth not the Sword for nought. He is the Minister of God, to take ven­geance on him that doeth evil; Rom. 13. v. 4. He also teach­eth in the same place, that every Soul ought to be subject to the Higher Powers, because they are by God ordain'd; and that whosoever resisteth that Power, resisteth God the Giver and Fountain thereof. Ver. 1, 2. And shall not only be subject to the Judgment and Condemnati­on of Man, but of God; for you must be subject (saith he) not be­cause of Wrath only, but also for Conscience sake. Ver. 5.

The Examples are not to be numbred of God's punish­ing those who have re­sisted [Page 126]Authority by God or­dained and established: Nei­ther ought any Subject there­fore to resist the Power of Kings, because they may be taxed with injustice or cruelty, for it pleased God sometimes to punish his People by a Ty­rannous hand: And the Com­mandments of Obedience are without distinction. The Pro­phets and Christ himself subje­cted themselves to the Power of Magistrates. Christ comman­ded the Dues to Caesar should le given unto him; and he paid tribute for himself and Peter. Jerem. 29. v. 7. Jeremiah commanded the Israelites (e­ven those that were Captives under Heathen Kings) to pray [Page 127]for them, and the Peace of Ba­bylon: So Abraham pray'd for Abimelech, and Jacob blessed the King of Aegypt; and it is acceptable in the sight of our Saviour (saith St. Paul) that you make Supplications and Prayers for Kings, and for all that are in Authority.

And if for such Kings as were Idolatrous, much more for Christian Kings and Ma­gistrates; and so much did St. Chrisostome, in his Homily to the people, prefer Monarchical Government, that he rather commended the Rule of Kings (though Tyrants,) than that they should be wanting: Prestat Regem Tyrannum habere, quam nullum, Better a Tyran­nous [Page 128]King, than no King: And if they be good Kings, (which is generally presupposed,) then is there no liberty more safe than to serve them: And cer­tainly howsoever it may be disputed, yet it is safer to live under one Tyrant, than un­der ten Thousand Tyrants; under a wise man that is Cruel, than under the barba­rous Cruelty of the Multitude.

For as Agesilaus answered a Citizen of Sparta, that de­sired an Alteration of the Go­vernment, viz. That that kind of Government, which a man would disdain in his own house, were very unfit to go­vern great Regions by.

Experience in Arms is the Original of true Nobility.

THe Romans made a Law that no Man should be admitted into the Council, or Civil Magistracy, without he had first served ten years in the Wars; and the reason was, that they, by undergo­ing the Severities and Difficul­ties thereof, might be the better Judges how to pre­vent it in times of Peace. And we see, that by experience in Arms Kingdoms subsist, Ju­stice flourishes, and true No­bility hath its Being: For be­fore [Page 130]Wars were known, all Men were of an equal Birth, and the difference of Estates and Offices, made the sole distinction of persons.

War, in ancient time, was neither the Refuge of the wretched, nor the Sanctuary of the banished; and the Ro­mans received none but cho­sen Men into their service, who were obliged to put themselves in good Equipage, and for the space of twenty years serve upon their own expence, either amongst the Horse or Foot; and when they had fulfilled the term of their Service, they received from the Commonwealth Rewards suitable to the Merits of their [Page 131]Actions; either by being pro­moted to Honour, or en­dow'd with the Lands of those they conquer'd.

Besides, Experience puts a difference between those that have carried Arms, and such as have not; for from the Repu­tation of their brave Exploits, which they had engraven on their Shields, as a mark of the Nobility which they had ac­quir'd by their Valour; from thence, I say, we have Escut­cheons, and the Titles of Knight, Esquire, & Gentleman. Such, I say, were of chiefest note amongst the Nobility, and from them are descended the illustrious Families of great Lords, who carry Coronets [Page 132]over their Arms, and who, in process of time, have chan­ged their ancient Titles in­to those at present, according to the new Dignities where­with Sovereigns have been pleased to honour them; as of Duke, Marquess, Earl, Vis­count, Baron, and the like. Experience in Arms hath al­so raised to the Throne many of low and despicable birth; King David was a Sheepherd; and Saul, his Predecessour, thought it no scorn to seek his Father's Asses. Antipater, King of Macedonia, was the Son of a Juggler; Agathocles, King of Syracuse, of a Potter; Cambises, King of Persia, was said to be the Son of a Car­ter; [Page 133]King Sibaris was a Ser­vant in an Inn; and Ottoman, the raiser of that mighty Fa­mily who at this time posses­ses the greatest Empire in the World, was at first no better than a Groom, or one who drove Camels. These Exam­ples oblige us to acknowledge, that it is only Experience in Arms that renders Men wor­thy of the most glorious em­ployments; and that in the Profession of Arms is likewise to be learnt that brave gen­tile way of Demeanour, which is no where to be found but amongst the Nobility and Gentry. There every thing goes by Honour, without Lu­cre or Profit. There Men [Page 134]learn to be generous, liberal and faithfull. There are no­thing to be found in the Hi­stories of the greatest Cap­tains, but acts of Honour and Vertue.

The Valour of Alexander, the Prudence of Caesar, the Modesty of Tyberius, the Ju­stice of Aulus Fulvius, the Clemency of Augustus, the Magnificency of Titus Vespa­sian, the Chastity of Scipio Affricanus, and the Integrity of Atillus Regulus, are suffi­cient proofs of what I have alledged.

Yet nevertheless, without flattery let it be spoken, to the praise of this our Nation, It is no where to be found in [Page 135]Histories, either ancient or modern, that ever English Va­lour gave place to any other Nation in the World, but al­ways rank'd it self in the Front. What wonderfull ex­ploits have there been done by English Soldiery, as the most famous Battels of Craessy, Agincourt, and Poictiers can bear me witness? And to the eternal Honour of Edward the third, and his Son, the Prince of Wales, famous by the Ti­tle of the Black Prince, I may with Justice say it, that they with their small numbers of Men, shew'd more true Va­lour in fighting their Battels, and gaining their Victories, than ever Alexander with his [Page 136] Parmenio, and the rest of his great Captains, did, in con­quering the whole World.

Therefore let not English Valour degenerate now; let not the charming Beauty of Venus cause us to forget Mars; for I am sure the courageous Heart takes more delight to be in the Fields of War, than in the Arms of a Dalilah; for the Actions of the former crown us with a lasting Fame, but the latter only load us with Scandal and Ignominy.


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