PHilip of Macedon, who by subduing of Greece, did first advance that Kingdom unto that height of power, was the Son of Amintas; a man indued with wisdom, courage, and all other vertues of a Noble Captain. This Amintas had by Euridice his Wife three Sons, Alexander, Perdicas and Philip, who was the Father of Great Alexander, and a Daughter called Eurione. The Queen Euridice be­ing enamoured with one that had married her Daughter, conspired the death of the King her Hus­band, to the intent to have married with her Son-in-Law, and to make him King; which thing she had brought to effect, had not the Treason and Lasciviousness of the Mother been opportunely re­vealed by the Daughter. After the death of Amin­tas, [Page 2] Alexander the Eldest Son enjoyed his Fathers Kingdom, who in the beginning of his Reign was so assailed on all sides, that he was driven by force to purchase Peace of the Illyrians with Money, and by giving his Brother Philip in Hostage: And af­terwards, by the same Pledge, he made a like Peace with the Thebans, which was the occasion that Philip did attain to such Excellency of Knowledge and Wisdom; for by reason that he was commit­ted to the custody of Epaminondas, who was a va­liant Captain, and an excellent Philosopher, he was brought up in the exercise of honest Disciplines, and Princely matters, greatly profiting under a Scholar of Pythagoras School, whom Epaminondas kept in his house for the instruction of his Son. In the mean season, Alexander was slain by the means of Euridice his Mother; whose former Treason King Amintas her Husband had pardoned, in respect of the Children had between them, little thinking that she would afterwards have been their destruction: For when Alexander was dead, she caused, in like manner, her other Son Perdicas to be slain; which Perdicas left behinde him one Son, being a young Babe. About the same time, Philip the youngest Brother, having by good hap slipt away from his Guardian Epaminondas, returned into Macedon; and not taking upon him the Name of King, re­mained a great while, no otherwise, but as a Pro­tector to his young Nephew. Nevertheless after­wards, by occasion of sundry mischiefs growing in the State, the same being such as might not well attend the Majority of the young King, Philip ap­pearing to be a man of singular activity, and of no [Page 3] less skill in feats of War, then in knowledge of Phi­losophy, was compelled by the people to take upon him the Kingdom of Macedon, which as then stood in great difficulties, and danger of ruine. This was done 300 years after the building of Rome, and in the 105 Olympiad. In the beginning of his Reign he was environed with infinite troubles; for all the Neighbouring Countries (as it were by a general Conspiracy) moved War against him; and at one time sundry Nations combined together, out of sun­dry parts, to assail his Kingdom: Wherefore, con­sidering that it stood him upon to move discreetly, (not being able to Match them all at once) he pa­cified some with fair promises, others with money, and the weakest he withstood by force. By this means he both made his Enemies afraid, and con­firmed the hearts of his people, whom he found discouraged, and sore amazed. These things he wrought with great Artifice and [...]ineness of wit, in such sort, that he diminished not any part of his Honour, Estate or Reputation; determining never­theless, as time should serve, to deal with every one apart. His first War was with the Albenians, whom he overcame by Wit and Policy: And whereas it lay in his power to have put them all to the Sword, he set them all at liberty, without Ransom: By which point of Clemency, though it was but coun­terfeit, being done for fear of a greater War at hand, yet it procured him great Estimation and Authority. After that, he subdued the Peons; and from them turned his Power against the Illyrians, of whom he slew many thousands, and conquered the famous City of Larissa. That done, he moved [Page 4] War against the Thessalians; not for any desire of their goods, or spoil of their Country, but out of a policy, to add to his strength the force of their Cavalry, which in those days were accounted the chiefest in the world. This he happily effected: for being suddenly assailed, they were soon brought to subjection; and Philip joyning the force of their Horsemen unto his Footmen, he made his power invincible.

After all these things being brought to pass, he took to Wi [...]e Olympias, one of the Daughters of Neoptolemus, King of the Molossi. This Marriage was concluded by the means of Arisba, who had the Government of Olympias, and not long before had married her other Sister Troas. This Marriage, which he intended for his security, turn'd after­wards to his subversion; for thinking to have made himself strong by the affinity of Philip, he was at last by him deprived of the whole Kingdom, and ended his life miserably in Exile. Not long after this Marriage, King Philip dreamed, that he saw an excellent Medal fastened to the W [...]mb of his Wife; and to his seeming, the lively Image of a Lyon thereupon: By which Dream the Divines did interpret, that his Wife was conceived of a Childe that should be of a Lyons heart and courage; which interpretation pleased him highly. Afterwards, at the assault of a City called Methron [...], by shot of an Arrow he lost his right eye; whereof though the displeasure was great, yet was he content, upon their submission, to take them to mercy. He won also the City of Pagus, and annexed the same unto his Kingdom: He invaded the Land of the Tri­bals, [Page 5] and at one instant conquered it, with all the Countries thereabout. Thus having made his King­dom strong by subduing his Neighbours, at his re­turn home his Wife Olympias was delivered of his Son Alexander, on the eighth of the Ides of April. Of these good fortunes the King rejoyced no less then reason was, having established his Country at home, subdued his enemies abroad, and gotten an Heir to succeed him in his Kingdom: he could have desired no more of God, if the minde of man could ever be satisfied, which the more it hath, the more it coveteth.

As Dominion increaseth, so doth also the desire to have more; which was well seen in Philip, that still did compass how to grow great by taking from his Neighbours; and lay always like a Spy, waiting an occasion how to catch from every man; where­unto he had an opportunity offered by the Cities of Greece: for whiles one did covet to subdue ano­ther, and through ambition were at strife who should be chief, by one and one, be brought them all into subjection, perswading the smaller States to move War against the greater; and to serve his purpose, contrived the ways to set them altoge­ther by the ears. But at length, when his practises were perceived, divers Cities fearing his increasing power, confederated, against him as their Com­mon Enemy, but chiefly the Thebans▪ Neverthe­less, necessity compelling, they chose him after­wards to be their Captain General against the La­cedemonians, and the Phoceans, who had spoiled the Temple of Apollo. This War he honourably at­chieved; so that by punishing of their Sacriledge, [Page 6] he got himself great Renown in all those parts. But in the end, observing both those Countries to be brought low with the War, he found means to sub­due the one and the other; compelling, as well the Overcomers, as the Overcome, to be his Tributaries. Then he made a Voyage into Cappadocia; where killing and taking prisoners all the Princes there­about, he reduc'd the Province to the subjection of Macedon. He conquered Olinthus, and after invaded Thrace: For whereas the two Kings of that Coun­try were at variance about the limits of their King­doms, and chose him to be their Arbitrator, he glad­ly took it upon him: But at the day appointed for the Judgment, he came not thither like a Judge with a Councel, but like a Warriour with an Ar­my; and to part the strife, expelled both Parties from their Kingdoms. By this time young Alexan­der was twelve years of Age, and began to take great delight in the feats of War, shewing most mani­fest signes of a Noble Heart, and an excellent ap­prehension. He was very swift of foot; and one day at a solemn game of Running, called The O­lympick Race, being demanded by some of his Companions if he would run with them; Gladly, (said he) if there were Kings Sons to run with me. On another time, when certain Embassadours of the Persians came into Macedon, Alexander, who in his Fathers absence took upon him to entertain them; and discoursing with them of divers things, in all his communication, there not passed not from him one Childish or vain word; but he enquired of them the state of their Country, the manners of the People, the distances of the Ways, the Power of [Page 7] the King, and the order of his Wars, with such like: So that the Embassadours astonished thereat, esteemed the Greatness of the Father, to be much less then the Expectation of his Son; and that his Courage was much greater then was to be looked for in one of his years. As often as Tydings came that the King his Father had conquered any strong or rich Town, or obtained any notable Victory, he never seemed greatly joyful; but would say to his Play-Fellows, My Father doth so many great Acts, that he will leave no occasion of any remark­able thing for us to do: Such were his words, such was his talk: whereby it was easie to conjecture what a Man he would prove in his Age, who so be­gan in his Youth. His delight was not set on any kinde of pleasure, or greediness of gain, but in the only exercise of Vertue, and desire of Honour: The more Authority that he received of his Father, the less he would seem to bear. And although by the great increase of his Fathers Dominion, it seem­ed that he should have the less occasion of Wars; yet he did not set his delight in vain pleasure, or heaping up of treasure, but sought all the means he could to use the feats and exercises of War, co­veting such a Kingdom, wherein for his Vertue and Prowess he might purchase Fame and Immor­tality. That hope never deceived Alexander, nor any other, that had either will or occasion to put the same in practise.

The Charge and Government of this young Prince was committed to sundry excellent Masters, but chiefly to the Philosopher Aristotle, whose Ver­tue, Learning and Knowledge King Philip so much [Page 8] esteemed, that he would often say, he took no grea­ter comfort in the birth of his Son, then that he was provided with such a Master as Aristotle, under whose Tuition he remained ten years. Many things there hapned besides, whereby it was conjectured, that Alexander should prove a man of great valour: For when his Father sent to Delphos to receive an­swer of the gods who should be his Successor, the Oracle delivered, That such a one should not suc­ceed him only, but also be Lord of the World, whom Bucephalus would suffer to sit upon his Back. This Bucephalus was a passing fair Horse, fiery, and full of courage, whom Philip had bought of a Thessalian for thirteen Talents; and because of his fierceness he kept him in a Stable impaled with iron Bars: yet for all this, he remained so full of spirit, that none could approach to dress him; whereof the King was so wary, that he sought the means to be rid of the Horse. It fortuned that Alexander came one day with his Father into the Stable; What a Horse (said he) is spoiled here for want of good Horsemanship? And so coming more near, and gently clapping him, without any great difficulty he got upon his Back, and using both the Spur and the Rod to the uttermost, he ran and managed him so up and down, that the Horse seemed proud of his Rider: and having rode his fill, he brought the Horse back again. As he alighted, the King for joy imbraced and kissed him, and with tears in his eyes said; O Son; seek out for some other Kingdom suitable to the greatness of thy heart, for Macedonia cannot suffice thee: So that even then the prudent Father did presage, that all his posses­sions [Page 9] were far insufficient for his Sons heart. After this, King Philip determined to make War against all Greece; for the maintainance whereof, he thought it great advantage if he might first win Bizan­tium, a famous City on the Sea Coast. Wherefore committing the Charge and Government of his Realm to his Son, being then fifteen years of Age, he laid siege to the Town, which made him great resistance: When he had disp [...]nded all his riches and treasure about the siege, he was driven to so narrow a shift, that to furnish himself with money, he became a Pyrate, and roved on the Sea, where he took 170 Ships, the spoil whereof he divided among his Souldiers: And least his whole Army should be detained about the siege of one City, he selected the choicest Bands of all his Souldiers, and marched into Cherson [...]sius, where he took and put to sack many Towns; and because his Son Alexan­der was then about eighteen years of age, and had shewed an evident proof of his Vertue and Man­hood in all his Attempts, his Father sent for him thither, to the intent, that under him he might learn and exercise all the feats belonging to a Soul­dier; and with him made a Voyage into Scythia, upon no other quarrel but to spoil the Country. Thus using the way of Merchants, with the gain of one War he did bear out the charges of another. After he brought the Country in subjection, be­cause no riches of gold nor silver was to be gotten there, he brought from thence 20000 men, wo­men and children, besides a great multitude of Cattel, with 20000 choice Mares to make a Race in Macedon. In his return he was encountred by the [Page 10] Tribals, who denied him passage, except they might have part of his Booty: Whereupon, deba­ting of the matter, from words they fell to fight­ing; in which King Philip was so wounded in his Thigh, that through the violence of the Thrust, the Horse was run through the body; and all men judging him to be slain, the Booty was lost.

As soon as he was recovered of his wound, his dissembled grudge against the Athenians burst out so far, that he made open War against them; by reason whereof, the Thebans seeing the danger so near at hand, gave succour to their Neighbours; fearing, if the Athenians were overcome, the last fury of the Wars would turn upon them. Where­fore the Cities that a little before were mortal Ene­mies one to another, combined together in one League, and sent their Embassadours through all Greece; holding it most expedient, with a common Aid, to withstand a common Enemy: Some consi­dering the peril to be universal, stuck to the Atheni­ans; and some observing Philip's power increasing, and the other decreasing, took part with Philip. In this War, Alexander had the charge of one of the Wings committed to him, wherein his Noble Cou­rage did well appear; for he deported himself so valiantly, that he seemed nothing inferiour to his Father, nor any else, but by most just desert got the honour of the Victory; yet he was defrauded thereof by the envy and sleight of his Father, as he himself complained afterwards. This Battel was fought at Cheronaea; wherein, though the A­thenians were the greater number, yet were they overcome by the Macedonians, who were the fewer, [Page 11] but expert Souldiers, by reason of their long and continual practise in Wars: Nevertheless, the A­thenians (as men not unmindful of their former honour) lost their lives valiantly. That day made an end of all the Grecians glory, as well of their large Rule and Government, as of their most An­cient Freedom and Liberty; which being hardly won, and long time kept, was thus lost in a mo­ment. For these things, and many other experi­ments of Valour and Prowess in young Alexander, although the King his Father did bear him singular affection and favour; yet nevertheless, by certain occasions ensuing, that love was unhappily broken: For Philip being married to Olympias, Mother of Alexander (as is said before) took to Wife, besides her, a Lady called Cleopatra; whereupon fell great discord and unkindness between the Father and the Son: The occasion was given by one Attalus, Un­cle to Cleopatra; who being at the new Marriage, exhorted the Macedons to make prayers to the gods, to send the King and new Queen a lawful Heir to succeed in the Kingdom of Macedon: Whereat Alexander being moved, Vile man as thou art (said he) dost thou count me a Bastard? And with that word flung the Cup at his head. The King hearing this, rose up, and with his Sword drawn ran at his Son, who by the nimbleness of his body avoided the stroke, so that it did him no harm. Hereupon, Alexander inveighing against him with many sharp and despiteful words departed, and went with his Mother into Epirus. Nevertheless, soon after, by the means of one Demoratus a Corin­thian, who perswaded the King that this discord [Page 12] was nothing for his Honour, Alexander was sent for again, and much solicitation was used before they could be well reconciled: Wherefore, to confirm this Attonement, there was a Marriage made be­tween Alexander the Brother of Olympias (whom Philip by the expulsion of Acisba had made King of Epirus) and Cleopatra the new Queens Daugh­ter. The Triumph of the day was remarkable, ac­cording to the State and Magnificence of such two Princes; the one bestowing his Daughter, and the other marrying a Wife. There were set forth sun­dry Interludes and Inventions, pleasant to behold: And as King Philip (between the two Alexanders, the one his Natural Son, the other his Son-in-law) was passing through the press without any Guard, one Pausanias, a young man of the Nobility of Macedon, when no man suspected any such thing, suddenly slew him; making the day dedicated to joy and triumph, to be heavy with lamentation. This Pausanias, being a Boy, one Attalus inforced to the unlawful use of his Body; and not content to do so himself, at another Feast he caused divers of his Familiars to abuse him likewise: which shame and villany grieved the young man so sore, that he complained to the King; whom although the foul­ness of the fact moved much, yet for the love he bare to Attalus, and for the respect of his service, he did forbear to animadvert against him. This At­talus was very near unto the King, and in special favour, by reason he was Kinsman unto the Queen Cleopatra, whom Philip had lately married: He was also Elected Captain General of the Kings Army prepared to pass into Asia, being one that [Page 13] was both valiant in his person, and no less politick in the discipline of War. Upon these respects, the King endeavoured by all the means he could to pa­cifie Pausanias, (incensed with indignation and revenge) as well by giving him great gifts, as by placing him honourably among those Gentlemen that were for the Guard of his Person. But all this could not appease the rage of his implacable anger, which wrought so in him, that he determined to be revenged, not only upon Attalus that did the villany, but also upon the King that would not ad­minister Justice; which determination he put in ef­fect, as is said before. Many things might be said more of the doings and sayings of this Philip; but one thing above all others is to be noted, that al­though, for the most part, he was exercised in the travel of the Wars, and in Victorious Actions, yet had he ever such affection to the Studies of Huma­nity and good Learning, that he both did and spake many things worthy of Memory, which were both witty and pleasant. He lived 47 years, and Reigned 25, being the three and twentieth King of the Macedons.

WHen Philip was dead, his Son, who for the greatness of his Acts, was afterwards called Alexander the Great, took upon him the Kingdom, the 426 year after the building of Rome, being of the age of twenty years: His state stood at that time subject to much envy, hatred and hazard from all parts; for the Nations and Provinces, bordering upon him, could not well endure their present bon­dage, and every one of them sought how to recover again their ancient Dominions and Principalities. The first thing he undertook, after he was King, was the severe punishment of as many as had conspired his Fathers death; which performed, he celebrated his Funerals with great solemnity. As for his E­state, he soon established it; and that much better then any man could have imagined in one of so young and tender years: For being of some had in contempt, and by some others suspected to be cruel; [Page 15] towards the one he deported himself so gallantly, that he took from them all contempt; and to the other so gently, that their imagined fear of his cruel disposition was clean taken away. He granted un­to the Macedons freedom and priviledge from all Exactions and Bondage, except from the service of War: By which act, he got so great favour and love amongst his people, that all affirmed by one consent, how the Person of their King was chan­ged, and not his Vertue; his Name was altered, but not his Government. In the beginning of his Reign, Rebellion was made against him on all sides; but immediately, with an incredible cou­rage and constancy of minde, he appeased all the Tumults. That matter set in order, he went to Corinth in Peloponnesus; where calling a General Councel of all the States of Greece, he was Elected Captain General against the Persians, who had af­flicted Greece with many overthrows, and at that present did posses the greatest Empire in the world. His Father had designed this War before; but by the prevention of death, he brought not his inten­tion to effect. Whilest he was in preparation for this Enterprise, he was informed how the Athe­nians, the Thebans and Lacedemonians, were revolt­ed from him, and were Confederate with the Per­sians, by the perswasions of the Orator Demosthenes, who was corrupted by them with a great sum of money: For the Reformation whereof, Alexander so suddenly advanced with his Army, that when he came upon them, they could scarcely believe he should be present, having not received the least in­telligence of his March. In his way he treated with [Page 16] the Thessalians, and used to them such gentle words, and apt perswasions, by putting them in re­membrance of his Fathers benefit, and of the An­cient Kindred between them by their discent from Hercules, that by an Universal Decree of the whole Country, he was created their Governour, and they delivered up unto him all his Treasures and Reve­nues: So great was the celerity that this young man used, and his diligence so effectual, that he made all such to fear him as before were revolted, or had him in contempt. As the Athenians were the first that failed, so they first of all repented, extolling with praises Alexanders young years (which before they had despised) above the vertue of the Ancient Conquerours. They also sent Em­bassadours to require of him Peace, whom he sore rebuked when they came to his presence; but yet was content at length to remit their offence: And although Demosthenes was chosen one of the Embas­sadours, yet he came not in his sight; but being on his way as far as Cytheron, he returned again to Athens; which either was for fear that he had so often inveighed against Philip, and stirred the Athenians against him; or else to take away the suspition of himself from the King of Persia, of whom (it was said) he received a great sum of Gold to oppose the Macedons. The same thing was ob­jected against him by Aeschines in an Oration, where he saith; For the present the Kings Gold doth bear his charges, but that cannot last him long, see­ing no riches can suffice his prodigal life. When A­lexander had pacified the Tumults that were begun in Greece, before he would pass his Army into [Page] [Page] [Page 17] Asia, he made a journey against the Peons, the Tribals, and the Illyrians, because he understood they were conspiring together, and bordered upon his Country, and were accustomed to invade it upon every occasion; he thought them to be no way neglected before he removed his Army from the City of Amphipolis: He therefore marched against the Thracians, who at that time were not under the Rule or Law of any.

In ten days he came to the Mount He [...]tis, in the top whereof he found them incamped with a Pow­er to ref [...]r his passage: Instead of Trencher, they had imp [...]l [...]d themselves, with their Carriages, cross the Streights, purposing there to withstand him; and it they should be invaded any other way then by the Streights, they did determine to roul their Carriages down the Hill upon the Macedons, to break their array. That Device was put in execu­tion; but the Souldiers had received before in­structions by Alexander, as occasion should serve, ei­ther to open their array to let the Chariots and Wheels pass through them, or else to fall flat up­on the ground, and by covering their bodies with their Targets, to avoid the danger: They follow­ed their instructions; and when the Chariots were passed by, they with a great courage and shout mounted up against their Enemies, and in a mo­ment put them to slight. When Alexander was pas­sed the Mountain, he entred into the Country of the Tribals, as far as the River of Ligeus: When Syr­mus King of that Land understood of his approach, he sent his Wife, and his Children, with such of his people as were not meet for the wars, into in Island [Page 18] called Peuca, scituate within the River of Danubi­us; into which Island, the Thracians bordering with the Tribals, were fled also: It was not long after that Syrmus himself fled thither in like manner. The rest of the Tribals that were not with the King, withdrawing themselves into an other Island, where they kept themselves against Alexander: But he by policy sought the means to draw them out of their strength, whereby he slew of them to the num­ber of three thousand, and the rest fled away; so that of prisoners but few were taken.

After this Battel he marched towards the River of Danubius, to the Island whither the Thracians and the other Tribals were fled. They made nota­ble resistance against him; which they might the better do, by reason Alexander wanted Boats to pass into the Island; the Banks whereof were so high and sleep, that they would not be mounted on but with great difficulty, the River running violently swift, by reason that the Stream was there driven into a streight. When Alexander perceived the im­possibility to assault them, he withdrew to another place; where getting a few Boats, in the night he passed over one thousand five hundred Horsemen, and four thousand Footmen. With that company he set upon a people called Getes, who stood in or­der of Battel, on the further side of the River, with four thousand Horsemen, and ten thousand Footmen, of purpose to stop the Macedons passage: But by their sudden coming over, the Getes were so afraid, that they did not abide the first assault.

It seemed to them a wonderful adventure, for Alexander in one night, without a Bridge, to pass [Page 19] his Army over the broadest and deepest River in all Europe.

This struck such a fear and terrour in their hearts, that they fled into the Woods, Mountains and De­sart places, leaving their City desolate; which was taken by Alexander.

Syrmus King of the Tribals, with the Germans, and the other Inhabitants upon the River of Danu­bius, sent their Embassadours thither unto Alexan­der, to enter with him into friendship: and he con­descending unto their requests, inquired of the Ger­mans what thing it was which in the world they doubted most; thinking indeed that the terrour of his name had been the most fearful thing unto them. But when they understood his meaning, they an­swered, That they doubted greatly the falling of the Skie: with whose presumptuous answer Alexander was nothing moved, nor further replied; only he said, the Germans were a proud people; and thereup­on dismissed them. As he was going from thence against the Agrians, and the Peans, he was adverti­sed, that Clitus Bardelius had rebelled, and had confederated with Glaucius, the King of the Thau­launts. He had also intelligence, that the people of Anteri would give him battel in his passage: where­fore he committed to Lagarus, King of the Agrians, (who was well beloved of King Philip, and no less in the favour of Alexander) the charge to go against the Anterians, and promised him, upon his return, to give him his Sister Cyna in Marriage; and Alex­ander himself, with great celerity, marched against Clitus and Glaucius, whom in sundry battels he o­vercame. Whiles Alexander was about these things, [Page 20] he received intelligence, that divers Cities in Greece, and specially the Thebans, had rebelled; which thing moved him much, and was the cause that he returned with speed to suppress these Commotions: The Thebans, in the mean season, besieged the Ca­stle of Thebes, wherein was a Garrison of Mace­dons, and endeavoured by all means to be Masters of it: Alexander, by great journeys, advanced to their rescue, and encamped with his Hoast near to the City. Such as [...] rule amongst the Thebans, when they saw him come contrary to their expe­ctation, and doubting whether such aid should come to them from other Cities as was promised, began to consult how to proceed: At length, by a general consent, they determined to abide the ad­venture and extremity of the War.

The King in the mean season stood at a stay, gi­ving them space to be better advised, and alter their resolution: For he was of opinion, that no one City would have made resistance against so great a Power as he had, being above 30000 Footmen, and 3000 Horsemen; all old Souldiers, and expert in the travels of War: The trust of their experi­ence and valour had caused him to undertake the War against the Persians. Truly, if the Thebans had given place to Fortune and time, and would have required Peace, they might easily have obtain­ed, his desire was so great to pass into Asia against the Persians. But the Thebans being determined to try their force, and not to make any suit, fought against the Macedons, far exceeding them in num­ber, with great resolution: but whilest the Battels were joyning, the Garrison of the Castle issued out [Page 21] upon the Thebans backs; whereby being inclosed, they were vanquished, their City taken, spoil­ed, and utterly razed: Which extremity Alex­ander used of purpose, because he thought the rest of the Grecians (being afraid by their example) would be the more quiet while he should be in the Wars of Asia. To gratifie the Ph [...]eans and Platae [...]ns, his Confederates, which brought many accusations against the Thebans, he slew six thousand of them, and sold thirty thousand as slaves; the money there­of amounted to the sum of four hundred and forty Talents: yet he spared all the [...] of [...] the Poet; whereby he would witness unto the world, the favour he did bear unto learned men.

In this City of Thebes was a notable Woman, called Tim [...]lea, whom when a Captain of Thrace did ravish, and would have inforced her to confess her money, she brought him to a Well where (she said) all her precious Treasure was hidden, and whilest he stooped down to look into the Well▪ she thrust him in, and threw many great stones after him, whereby he was slain. For this Fact she be­ing committed to Prison, and afterwards brought before Alexander, he asked her what she was: She answered without fear, that she was Sister to Th [...] ­genes, who being Elected Captain General against King Philip his Father, manfully died for the Li­berty of Greece: whose stoutness and [...] the King marvelled so much, that he caused her, wi [...]h her Children, to be set at liberty.

The Athenians had so great pity and comp [...]ssi [...]n of the Estate of the Theb [...]ns, that contrary to the Commandment of Alexander, they received into [Page 22] their City such of them as escaped; which King A­lexander took in such displeasure, that when they sent Embassadours the second time to demand peace, he would not grant atonement upon any other con­ditions, but that such Orators and Captains which had stirred them to Rebellion, should be delivered unto his hands: But at length it was so carried, that the Orators were reserved, and the Captains banished; who straight fled to Darius King of Persia.

At such time as Alexander assembled the Grecians in Isthmos for the determination of his journey into Persia, many Orators and Philosophers came to vi­sit him; Diogenes only, that remained about Co­rinth, kept himself away, as one that esteemed A­lexander nothing at all: whereat he marvelled much, and went himself to visit him, as he was warming of himself in the Sun. He asked Dioge­nes, if he had need of any thing that he might do for him: To whom Diogenes gave neither reverence nor thanks, but willed him to stand out of his Sun­shine. In whose behaviour and words Alexander took so great delight, that turning to those that were with him, he said, If he were not Alexander, he should wish to be Diogenes.

When he had put in order the affairs of Greece, committing the Rule thereof, together with the Realm of Macedon, to the Government of Antipater, whom he most trusted: In the beginning of the Spring, he marched to Hellespont with his whole Ar­my, which he transported into Asia with incredible speed and diligence.

When they were come to [...] further shore, Alex­ander [Page 23] with great force threw a Dart into the Ene­mies Land; and as he was armed, leaped out of the Ships with great joy, and there sacrificed; ma­king petition unto the gods, that they would vouch­safe to admit him▪ King of that Land. From thence he marched towards his Enemies, and [...]orbad his Souldiers to make any spoil of the Country; per­swading them to spare that which was their own, and not to destroy that Land which they came to possess. He had not in this Army above the number of 32000 Footmen, and 5000 Horsemen, and but 180 Ships: wherefore it is hard to judge whether it be more wonderful, that he conquered the World, or that he durst attempt the conquest there­of with so small a power. To such a dangerous Enterprize, he chose not out the young men in the first slower of their Age, but the old Souldiers, of whom the most part, for their long continuance in Wars, should according to the Custom [...]e set at liberty, and excused from the service of the wars, saving at their own pleasure: And there was no Captain, nor any other that did bear O [...]fice in his Army, under the age of sixty years; so that the Souldiers seemed to be School-masters of the Wars, and the Captains, for their gravity, appeared to be Senators in some Ancient Commonwealth: which was the occasion, that in the Fight none of them minded flying; but every one, confident of the Victory, did not trust to his feet, but to his hands.

Alexander, who every where made Sacrifice, did [...] most solemnity at Troy, upon Achilles Tomb, of whom he was descended by the Mothers side: He [Page 24] judged him most happy of all men before him, be­cause in such glory he died young, and had his Acts set forth by such a one as Homer was. From thence he passed forwards into the Dominions of Darius King of Persia, who being the Son of Arsanus, and the fourteenth King after Cyrus, had the possession of the Monarchy of the whole Eastern part of the World. The chiefest cause that moved Alexander to invade him, was to be revenged of the dama­ges▪ and destructions wherewith the Predecessors of Darius had afflicted the Country of Greece, and al­so for demanding Tribute of Philip his Father; for the which he sent a proud and presumptuous Em­bassage, calling himself, The King of Kings, and Kinsman of the Gods. Lastly, he had written to Alexander, and called him his Vassal; and gave Commission to his Lieutenants, that they should beat that Mad Boy (the Son of Philip) with Rods, and afterwards bring him to his Presence in Kings Apparel: And furthermore, that they should sink both Ships and Marriners, and convey all the Soul­diers that should be left alive, beyond the Red Seas. They therefore purposing to execute the Kings Commandment, assembled their Power at the Ri­ver of Granike, which doth divide the Country of Troy from Propontides, having to the number of 20000 Footmen, and as many Horsemen; with whom they had taken the ground, on the other side of the River, where Alexander must needs pass o­ver; whereof when he was advertised, though he saw apparent danger in the Enterprize, to fight in the water; and the Ouze against his Enemies, who had the advantage of the higher Bank; yet upon a [Page 25] singular trust to his own good Fortune, and the courage of his Souldiers, he charged upon the E­nemy.

At the first he was sore encountred, and put in great danger of repulse; but at length he van­quished and overthrew them: In doing whereof, there neither wanted policy in himself, nor singular Manhood in his men. There was slain in that Bat­tel of the Persians, twenty thousand Foot, and two hundred and fifty Horse; and of the Macedons but thirty four. This Victory was greatly advantagi­ous to Alexander's designe; for thereby he won the City of Sardis, being the chief strength the Persi­ans had for the Mastering of the Seas: unto which City, and to all the rest of the Country of Lydia, he gave liberty to live under their own Laws.

He got also under his possession the City of E­phesus, which, the fourth day after the Battel, was abandoned by the Garrison which Darius set there. In the mean season, there came Embassadours from Magnetio, and from the Triallians, proffering the delivery of their Cities. Parmenio was sent to them with three thousand Footmen, and two hundred Horsemen; with which Power he won Miletum, that made-strong opposition: And marching from thence towards Hilicarnassus, he got all the Towns thereabouts at the first approach, and afterwards besieged Hilicarnassus it self; which with great tra­vel he overcame at length, and razed it to the ground.

As Alexander entred into Caria, Ada, the Queen of that Country, who had been spoiled of all her Dominions by O [...]ontobates, Darius Lieutenant (sa­ving [Page 26] of one strong City called Alinda [...]) met with Alexander, and adopted him for her Son and Heir. He would not refuse the Name, and the proffer of her Liberality, but did restore to her again the Command of her own City: And besides, for the Memorial of her Benevolence, he put the whole Country of Caria under her Rule and Subjection. From thence he marched into Licia and Pamphylia; to the intent, that by getting the possession of the Sea-coasts of those Countries, he might cause the Sea-power of Darius to be of no effect. When he had subdued the people of Pisidia, he entered into Phrygia, by which Country he was inforced to pass, and marched towards Darius, with whom he had a great desire to encounter, having understood that he was coming against him with a formidable Ar­my.

ALexander, in the mean season, having sent Cleander to levy Recruits out of Peloponnesus, established the Countries of Licia and Pamphylia, and removed his Army to the City of Celenae: Through this City there ran, at the same time, the River of Martia, made famous by the Poetry of Greece; whose Head springing out of the top of a high Mountain, and falling down upon a Rock beneath, makes almost deafning murmures flowing from thence, and watering the fields round about, with­out increase of any stream saving his own; the co­lour whereof being like unto the calm Sea, gave oc­casion to the Poets to feign how the Nymphs, for the delight they took in that River, did chuse their dwelling under that Rock: So long as it runneth within compass of the walls, it keepeth his own name; but when it cometh without, where the stream is more swift and vehement, it is then called Lycus.

[Page 28] Alexander did enter into this Town, being for­saken of the Inhabitants; and perceiving they were fled into the Castle, which he determined to win before he departed, he first sent to summon them by an Herald, who declared, that except they would yield themselves, they should suffer the extremity of the Law of Arms. They brought the Herald in­to an high Tower, which was strong both by Na­ture and Art, willing him to consider the height and strength thereof, and to declare unto Alexan­der, that he had not a full dimension of the strength of the place, for they did know it to be impreg­nable; and if the worst should fall, yet were they ready to die in their Allegiance. Notwithstanding their words, when it came to the point, that they saw themselves besieged, and all things were scarce, they took Truce for forty days, with this Compo­sition, That if they were not rescued by Darius with­in that time, they would render it up into his hands: Which they did afterwards at the day appointed, when they saw no Succours coming.

To that place there came Embassadours to him from Athens, making request, that such of their City as were taken prisoners at the Battel fought upon the River Granike, might be restored to them. To whom answer was made, that when the Wars of Persia were once brought to an end, both theirs, and all others that were Greeks, should be restored to their liberty.

Alexander had his present care and resolution al­ways upon Darius, who he knew had not yet passed the River Euphrates: He assembled therefore all his Powers together, purposing to adventure the hazard [Page 29] of the Battel. The Country was called Phrygia that he passed through; plentiful of Villages, but scarce of Cities: yet there was one of great Anti­quity, called Gordium, the Royal Seat sometime of King Mydas. The River of Sangaray doth run through it, and it standeth in the mid-way betwixt the Seas of Pontus and Cilicia, being judged to be the narrowest part of Asia, by reason of the Seas which lye on both sides, representing the form of an Island; and if it were not for a finall point of Land that doth lye betwixt those Seas, they would joyn both together. Alexander having brought this City under his obeysance, entred into the Temple of Jupiter, where he saw the Chariot wherein My­das, the Builder of the City, was accustomed to ride: The same, in the furniture and outward ap­pearance, differed little from other common Cha­riots; but there was in it a thing notable, which was a Cord folded and knit with many knots, one so intricate within another, that no man could per­ceive the manner of it, neither where the knots began, nor where they ended: Hereupon the Coun­try men had a Prophecy, That he should be Lord of all Asia, that could undo that endless Knot. This possest the King with a marvellous desire to become the fulfiller of the Prophecy: there stood a great number about him, both of Phrygians, and of Ma­cedons, the one part of them expecting the event, and the other fearing the rash presumption of their King, for as much as they could perceive by no reason how the Knot should be undone: The King himself also doubting, that the failing of his pur­pose in that matter, might be taken as a token of [Page 30] his evil Fortune to come, after he had considered the thing; What is the matter (quoth he) which way it be undone? and striving no longer how to un­knit it, he with his Sword cut the Cords asunder; thereby either illuding, or else fulfilling the effect of the Prophecy.

This being done, Alexander purposed to finde out Darius wheresoever he went; and to the intent to leave all things clear behinde his back, he made Amphitorus Captain of his Navy upon the Coast of Hellespont, committing the charge of the Field-Army to Egilochus: They two had Commission to deliver the Islands of Lesbos, Scios and Coos, from the hands of the Persians; and for the provision of their charges, had appointed to them fifty Talents, and sent to Antipater, and such others who had the Governance of the Cities of Greece, sixty Ta­lents: He gave order, that such as were his Confe­derates, should with their own power of Ships de­fend the Seas of Hellespont, according to the League betwixt them. It was not yet come to his knowledge that Memnon was dead, whom he most suspected; well knowing, that if he moved not a­gainst him, no man should be his stop before he came to Darius.

Alexander came to the City of Ancira, where he made his Musters, and so entred into Paphlagonia, whereunto the Grecians border, of whom it is said the Veneti in Germany are descended: all this Coun­try submitted to him, and gave him Pledge, being excused from Tribute, seeing they never paid any to the Persians. Calas was Captain there, who taking with him the Band of Souldiers that were [Page 31] lately come out of Macedon, marched into Cappa­docia: but Darius hearing of the death of Memnon, was no less moved therewith then the case required; for then all other hope set apart, he determined to try the matter in person; for he condemned all things that had been done by his Deputies, belie­ving Courage and Conduct to be wanting in many of them, and that Fortune had failed in them all: He came therefore to Babylon, where he encamped, and assembled all his Forces together in sight of the City, because he would shew the greater Courage; and using the ensample of Xerxes in taking of his Musters, he entrenched so much ground about, as was able to receive ten thousand men, within the which he lodged in the night such as had been mu­stered in the day, and from thence they were be­stowed abroad in the plain Country of Mesopota­mia. The number of his Horsemen and Footmen were innumerable, and they yet seemed in sight to be more then they were. There were of the Per­sians an hundred thousand, of whom thirty thou­sand were Horsemen; of the Medians, ten thou­sand Horsemen, and thirty thousand Footmen; of the Bactrians, two thousand Horsemen with broad Swords and light Bucklers, and ten thousand Footmen with like weapons: There were of the Armenians forty thousand Footmen, and seven thousand Horsemen: The Hircanians, of great esti­mation amongst those Nations, had six thousand Horsemen: The Dervicens were forty thousand Footmen, armed with Pikes, whereof part had no heads of Iron, but the points of them dried in the fire: There were also of the same Nation two thou­sand [Page 32] Horsemen. There came from the Gaspian Sea eight thousand Footmen, and two hundred Horse­men: And with them of the rude Nations of Asia, two thousand Footmen, and four thousand Horse­men. To the increase of these numbers, there were thirty thousand Mercenary Souldiers that were Greeks: Haste would not suffer to call for the Ara­chosians, Sogdians and Indians, with others the Inhabitants of the Red Sea, Nations which had names scarcely known to their own King. Thus Darius wanting nothing less then the multitude of men, greatly rejoyced to behold them; and puffed up with the vanity and flattery of the great men which were about him, turned to Charidemus of A­thens, an expert Man of War (who for the dis­pleasure that Alexander did bear him, was banished the Country) and asked him, if he thought not that company sufficient to overthrow the Mace­dons? Whereat Charidemus, without respect of the Kings pride, or of his own Estate, answered▪ Peradventure, Sir, you will not be content to hear the truth, and except I tell it presently, it shall be too late hereafter: This great preparation, and mighty Army of yours, gathered of the multitudes of so many Nations, raised up from all parts of the Orient, is more fearful to the Inhabiters herea­bouts, then terrible to your Enemies: Your men shine in Colours, and glister in Armour of Gold, ex­ceeding so much in riches, that they which have not seen them with their eyes, cannot conceive any such thing in their mindes: But contrariwise, the Macedons being rough Souldiers, without any such excess, be terrible to behold: The Fronts of their [Page] [Page] [Page 33] Battels stand close together, always in strength, fur­nished with Pikes and Targets for defence: That which they call the Phalanx, is an immoveable square of Foot, wherein every Band stand close to each other, joyning weapon to weapon: Every Souldier is obedient to that which is commanded, ready at his Captains call, whether it be to follow his Ensigne, to keep his Array, to stand still, to run, to fetch a compass, to change the order of the Bat­tel, to fight on this side, or that side; every Soul­dier can do these things as well as the Captains: And because you shall not think Gold and Silver to be so effectual to this matter, they began and ob­served this Discipline, Poverty being Master: when they be weary, the ground is their bed; they are sa­tisfied with such meat as they finde by chance; and they measure not their sleep by the length of the night. Think you the Horsemen of Thessaly, the Achaians and Aetolians, which be invincible Men of War, will be repulsed with Slings or Staves burned in the fire? It behoveth you to have like Force to op­pose, and to be served of the same condition of men: My counsel is therefore, that you send this Gold and Silver to levy Souldiers out of those Countries from whence they come.

Darius was a man of a milde and tractable dispo­sition, if the height of his Estate had not altered the goodness of his Nature; which made him so impatient to hear the truth, that he commanded Charidemus to be put straightways to death, being a man that was fled to his protection, and that had given him right profitable counsel: When he was going towards his death, he left not his liberty to [Page 34] speak, but said, There is one at hand that shall re­venge my death; for he against whom I have given thee counsel, shall punish thee for not following my advice: And thou being thus altered with the liber­ties thou hast, being now a King, shalt be an example to such as shall come after; that when they commit themselves to Fortune, they clearly forget their names. Whilest Charidemus was speaking of these words, they which had the charge committed unto them, did put him to death; whereof the King afterwards took over-late repentance, confessing him to have spoken the truth, and caused him to be buried. There was one Thymones, the Son of Menter, a young man of great activity, to whom Darius gave the charge of all the Forreign Souldiers, (in whom he had great confidence) willing him to receive them at Pharnabasus hands; and gave to Pharnabasus the Rule that Memnon had before.

Thus Darius being careful of the great business he had in hand, whether it were through pensive­ness of minde, or that his fancy did divine things to come, was continually troubled with Visions in his sleep: He dreamed that the Macedons Camp was on fire; and shortly after it seemed to him that Alexander was brought to his presence in such kinde of apparel as he himself did wear when he was first chosen King; and that Alexander should be carried on Horse-back through Babylon, and so vanish out of sight. Hereupon the Interpreters of Dreams be­tokened good fortune to himself, because of the fire that seemed to be in his Enemies Camp, and for that Alexander, without any vesture of a King, ap­peared in the vulgar apparel of the Persians. Others [Page 35] did interpret it otherwise, that the Lightning in the Macedons Camp, signified glory and victory to Alexander, and also the enjoyment of the Empire of Asia; which they made more clear, forasmuch as Alexander appeared in the same Vestures that Darius did wear when he was chosen King. Care besides, and anxiety of minde (as often chanceth) brought things past again to remembrance.

It was rehearsed how Darius in the beginning of his Reign, changed the Scabbard of his Sword from the Persian manner, into the fashion that the Greeks used; whereupon the Caldees did prognosticate, that the Kingdom of the Persians should be tran­slated to those whose fashion he had counterfeited: Notwithstanding, being glad of the interpretation of the Diviners, which was every where published concerning his success, and of the Vision that he seemed to have seen in his sleep, he commanded his Army to march forwards towards the River of Eu­phrates. It was the Ancient Custom amongst the Persians, at Sun-rising, to raise their Camp, and a warning of their setting forwards, to be by the sound of a Trumpet at the Kings Pavilion, upon which there stood the Image of the Sun inclosed in Chri­stal, shining so bright, that it might be seen tho­rowout the Camp: The order of their marching, was in this manner; the Fire, which they call Holy and Eternal, was carried before on silver Altars; next to them were the Diviners, singing after their Country manner; there followed three hundred sixty five young men in Scarlet Robes, like in num­ber unto the days of the year; then came the Cha­riot consecrated to Jupiter, drawn with white Hor­ses, [Page 36] and a great Horse following, which they call The Horse of the Sun: Such as did ride upon the Palfreys, did wear white Garments, bearing Rods of Gold in their hands. Next in order came ten Cha­riots, garnished and wrought with silver and gold: The Horsemen of twelve Nations followed in sun­dry sorts of Armour; then came a Company that the Persians called Immortal, the riches of whose Ap­parel exceeded far the rest, they had all Chains of Gold, Coats embroidered with Gold, and Sleeves set with Pearl: These were followed, within a small distance, by a Band of fifteen thousand Souldiers, called Doripherii, reputed for the Kings Kinsmen, and apparelled almost like Women; more notable for the variety of the riches of their Garments, then the Armour they did wear. Such as were wont to receive the Kings Robes, did ride next before the Chariot, upon the which Darius did sit on high, with great pomp and magnificence, his Chariot be­ing garnished on both sides with carved Images of their gods, made of silver and gold; the beams whereof were set with Pearls and precious Stones, with two Images of Gold standing thereupon, of a cubit length, one opposite to the other; and over their heads an Eagle of Gold displayed: But a­mongst the rest, the Kings Apparel seemed marvel­lously sumptuous, which was of Purple empaled white, with a Border imbroidered of Gold, and Gol­den Faulcons, so wrought, as if they were fighting together. He was girt Effeminately with a Girdle of Gold, and the Sword that hung thereupon had a Scabbard of Pearl: the Diadem which he did wear upon his head, called by the Persians Cydaris, had a [Page 37] Roll about it of white and green. Next behinde the King came ten thousand Horsemen, who had all their Spears plated with silver, and their Spear-heads guilded. He was inclosed on both sides with two hundred of the Blood Royal; at whose backs there followed thirty thousand Footmen, and af­ter them four hundred of the Kings Coursers. With­in the distance of one furlong, S [...]ygambis, the Mo­ther of Darius, was carried in one Chariot, and his Wife in another, the Train of their Women riding on Horseback. Next to them w [...]nt fifteen Chariots, wherein the Kings Children were carried, and their Nurses, and their Eunuchs, which are greatly e­steemed in that Country: After them followed three hundred of the Kings Concubines, all apparelled like Queens: Then came six hundred Mules, and three hundred Camels that carried the Kings Trea­sure, guarded with a Band of Archers. The Wives of the Kings Kinsmen, and the other that were a­bout the King, came riding next; and after them a great company of Slaves and Varlets. Last▪ came the Rereward lightly armed, whereof every Cap­tain severally with his own Company closed the Ar­my; such was the Order o [...] Darius [...].

But on the other side, beholding Alexanders Ar­my, there was to be seen a great difference; neither the Men nor the Horse glistered so with gold and precious Furnitures, but only with the brightness of their Harness: They were obedient to their Cap­tains Command, always in a readiness to stay, or to advance; neither oppressed with the multitude, nor pestred with too much Baggage: They wanted not in any place, either ground for their encamping, or [Page 38] victuals for their feeding, whereby their small num­ber was always sufficient when they came to fight: Whereas Darius, the Lord of so huge a multitude, through the straitness of the ground wherein he was driven to give battel, was compelled to use the fewness of men, which he before had despised in the Enemy. Alexander appointed to Abistamines the rule of Cappadocia; and marching with his Army towards Cilicia, came to the place called Cyrus Camp, be­cause Cyrus lodged there when he passed into Li­cia against King Croesus. This place was distant about fifty furlongs from the Streight entring into Cilicia: The Country-men use to call those Streights Pylae, where the natural scituation of the place had made a Fortification, as it were with mans hands. When Arsenes, Governour of Cilicia, understood of Alexanders coming, remembring what Memnon per­swaded in the beginning of the Wars, he put it in execution when it was too late, wasting and de­stroying throughout Cilicia all such things as he thought might stand his Enemy in stead, leaving the Country waste which he was not able to defend: whereas it had been much better to have taken the Streight before his Enemies, where from the Hills lying over the way, he might without hazard have hindred his entry, or have distressed his passage: But he leaving a small number for the defence of the Streight, retired himself back to waste the Coun­try, which his part had been to defend from de­struction. By his departure it came to pass, that such as he left behinde, thinking themselves betray­ed, would not so much as abide the sight of their Enemies, when a much less number had been suf­ficient [Page 39] to have kept the passage; for the scituation of Cilicia is such, that it is environed about with a continual rough and steep Mountain, which rising from the Sea on the one side, and fetching a com­pass about, joyneth again with the Sea on the other side. Though the part of the Mountain which ly­eth furthest from the Sea, is plain and full of Rivers, amongst the which two are most famous, Pyramus and Cydnus, but Cydnus most especial, not so much for its greatness, as the clearness of the water, which from his first Spring runneth clearly through all the Country, and hath no other River running into him to disturb the pureness of the stream; for which cause it remaineth always clear and cold, by reason of the Woods that do shadow all the banks. Time hath consumed many Antiquities within that Country, which are remembred of the Poets: There may yet be seen the foundations of the Cities of Lirnessus and Cebestus, with the Cave and Grove Corycian, where Saffron groweth, with many other things, whereof now remaineth but only their name.

When Alexander entred the Streights before men­tioned, and beheld the scituation of them, he never in all his life marvelled more at his own felicity; confessing, that it had not been possible for him to have passed, if any had stood at defence against him; for that with stones only he might have been over­whelmed; the Streight besides being so narrow, that there could not pass above four in front: to the increase of which difficulty, the tops of the Moun­tains hung over the way, which in many places was broken and hollow with the streams that ran [Page 40] down from the Hills. Alexander sent the Thracians that were light armed, to scour and discover the ways, for fear the Enemies should lie there in am­bush, and suddenly break forth upon him: He ap­pointed also a Band of Archers to take the top of the Hill; which were willed so to march, that they might be always in a readiness to fight. After this manner he came to the City of Tarsus, which was set on fire by the Persians, because Alexander should finde no harbour there: but Parmenio was sent thi­ther with a choice number of Horsemen to quench the fire; who understanding that the Enemies were fled away at the news of their coming, entered into the City, and by that means saved it from burning.

The River of Cydnus, spoken of before, did run through this City, where the King arrived about mid-day, it being in the Summer season, at what time the heat is no where more violent then in that Country: He took such delight in the pleasant­ness of the water, that he would needs bathe his bo­dy therein, to wash away the sweat and dust there­of; and being very hot, he entred naked into the water, in the sight of all his Souldiers, thinking it should be a contentation to them, to see that the Garments about his body were no other but such as they commonly used themselves to wear.

He was no sooner entred, but all the parts of his body began to shake and tr [...]mble, his face waxed pale, and the lively heat was mortified in all parts of his body; his Servants took him up, and carried him into his Tent as one besides himself, and at the extreme point of death: then there was a great de­solation and heaviness in the Camp; they wept, la­mented [Page 41] and bewailed, that such a King, so Noble a Captain, as had not been seen in any Age, should be thus taken from them in the height of his Enter­prize, and after such a manner; not in Battel slain by his Enemies, but bathing in a River. It grieved them, that Darius now being at hand, should ob­tain the Victory by such a chance, without seeing of his Enemy; and that they should be enforced to return back again, as men vanquished, by those Countries through which they had passed before as Conquerours; in which Countries all things being destroyed by themselves, or by their Enemies, they must of necessity die for hunger, though no man should pursue them. It became a question amongst themselves, who should be their Captain in flying away? or what he were that durst succeed Alexan­der? and though they might safely arrive at the Sea of Hellespont, yet who should prepare them pas­sage there? When they had disputed these questi­ons, their argument, by and by, was turned into compassion towards their Prince; lamenting, as men out of their wits, that such a Flower of Youth, such force of courage as was in him, that their King and Companion in Arms, should after this manner be plucked from them.

In the mean season, Alexander began to draw his winde somewhat better; and when he came unto himself, he lifted up his eyes, and began to know his friends that were about him: That the vehemency of his sickness somewhat asswaged, was perceived, in that he began to understand the p [...]il he was in: But the solicitousness of his minde was a great hinderance unto his health; for tidings came, [Page 42] that Darius within five days would be in Cilicia: He could not but take it grievously, that such a Vi­ctory should be plucked out of his hands through his infirmity, and that he should be taken as one tyed in Fetters, and be put to some shameful and vile death. He called therefore to him both his Friends and Physitians, and said unto them, Ye see in what an extremity of condition Fortune hath sur­prized me; methinks the noyse of mine Enemies doth ring in mine ears, and I who moved first the War, am now challenged, and provoked to the Fight. When Darius did write to me such proud Letters, he was not ignorant of mine Estate; yet peradventure he shall be deceived, if I may use mine own minde in recovery of mine own health. My case requireth no slack Me­dicines, nor slow Physitians; I had rather die stoutly once, then to consume long time in my recovery: where­fore if there be any hope or cunning in Physick, let it be now seen; and think that I seek not remedy so much for mine own life, as I do for the care I have to encounter with mine enemies.

When they heard him speak these words, they were in great doubt of his sudden rashness; and therefore every one particularly did desire him, that he would not increase his peril through any passion, but suffer himself to be ordered by the advice of his Physitians: For they alledged, that unapproved Remedies were not suspected of them without cause, seeing his Enemy had gone about to corrupt such as were about him, by promising a thousand Talents to his Killer; they thought no man would be so bold to make any experience of Physick upon him, w [...]ch for the want of tryal thereof might in any [Page 43] wise give cause of suspition. There was amongst the excellent Physitians that came with Alexander out of Macedon, one Philip of Acarnam, who was preferred to him for preservation of his health, and had faithfully served him from his Childhood, and therefore loved him with entire affection: He pro­mised to provide for the King an approved Remedy, but such a one as would work vehemently; but by the drinking thereof he doubted not [...]he said) but to expulse the force of his disease. That [...] pleased no man, but only him who [...] thereof should abide the peril; for he could [...] all things better then delay: Darius, and his power, were always in his eye; and he had an assured con­fidence that the Victory should fall on his side, if he might be able to stand in the fight of his men: the thing that only grieved him was, that the Physiti­an would not minister before the third day. In the mean season, Parmenio, whom of all his Nobility he trusted most, had exhorted him by his Letter, that he should not commit himself to the cure of Philip, for that he was corrupted by Darius with a thousand Talents, and the promise of his Sister in Marriage. Those Letters brought the King into great jealousie, and moved him to consider secretly with himself all those things that either fear or hope could put into his fancy. Shall I adventure (thought he) to drink this Medicine? What if it be poyson? Shall I not then be accounted the cause of mine own death? Shall I suspect the fidelity of my Physitian? or shall I suffer mine Enemy to kill me in my bed? yet were it better for me to perish by other mens Treason, then thus to die through mine own faint heart. His [Page 44] minde being thus diversly perplexed, he would shew the Contents of the Letter to no man, but sealed it with his own Ring, and laid it underneath his Pil­low. Two days were passed in these imaginations, and the third day the Physitian came to his Beds-side with the Medicine ready made: When the King saw him, he raised himself upon his Elbow; and taking the Letter in his left hand, with the other hand took the Cup, and straightway supped it off: When he had so done, he delivered the Letter to Philip to read; and whilest he was reading, he be­held him continually in the face; supposing, that if he had been faulty, some token would have appear­ed in his countenance. When Philip had read the Letter, he shewed more tokens of displeasantness then of fear; and therewithal fell down upon his knees, and said; Sir, I see my life doth depend upon your health; but your Recovery shall declare, that I am falsly charged with this Treason; therefore when by my means you shall get your health, I trust you will not then deny me my life: In the mean season lay fear aside, and suffer the Physick to work, and to have its operation; keep your minde quiet, and suffer not your self to be troubled with the superstitious careful­ness of your friends; which though it proceedeth of good will, is notwithstanding a great impediment unto your health.

His words not only satisfied the King, but made him to conceive perfect hope of his recovery; and said unto Philip, If the gods would have granted thee to advise with thy self of a way to prove the con­fidence I have in thee, and the good will I bear thee, thou couldest never have chosen so good a one as this; [Page 45] for notwithstanding the Letter, I drank off the Phy­sick, believing thee to be no less careful for declarati­on of thine own truth, then for my health; and there­with gave him his hand: Yet afterwards, when the Medicine began to work, it was such in ope­ration, that it seemed to verifie Parmenio his accu­sation; for he fainted oft, and had much labour to draw his breath. Then Philip left nothing unpro­ved, or undone, that might serve for his purpose: he laid warm cloaths to his body; and always as he fainted, revived him again with sweet savours: and when he perceived him once come to himself, he ceased not to feed him with discourse; and one while put him in remembrance of his Mother and Sisters, another while of the great Victory that was at hand.

When the power of the Physick once entred into his veins, there appeared straight in all parts of his body manifest tokens of health; First quickness came to the Spirits, and afterwards the body reco­vered his strength a great deal sooner then any man looked for: For after the third day that he had been in this sad condition, he walked in the sight of the Souldiers, who wonderfully rejoyced to see him: And they shewed no less affection unto Philip, whom every one severally imbraced, and gave him thanks, as if he had been a God. It cannot be expressed, besides that Natural Veneration that Macedons use to bear unto their Prince, in what Reverence they especially had Alexander, and how fervently they loved him: They had conceived of him an Opi­nion, that he could enterprise nothing, but that it was furthered by the Divine Assistance; and [Page 46] Fortune was so favourable unto him, that his rash­ness was always an increase of his glory: his age being scarcely ripe, and yet sufficient for so great things, did marvellously set forth all his doings; and many things, which out of the Wars would be counted lightness, were most acceptable to the Soul­diers; as the exercising of his body amongst them, his apparel not differing from the common sort, with his courage and forwardness in the Field: which gifts given him by Nature, and some things besides done of policy, did get him both the love and reverence of his people.

When Darius heard of Alexander's sickness, he marched towards Euphrates, with all the haste he could make in the conveyance of so multitudinous an Army: He made there a Bridge, and in fifteen days passed over it, his people having a great desire to get into Cilicia before his Enemy. Alexander had recovered his strength, and was come to a City call­ed Solos, which the Inhabitants yielded unto him, and for two hundred Talents obtained assurance: Notwithstanding he put a Garrison into the Castle, and there celebrated Plays and Triumphs which he had vowed to Aesculapius and Minerva, for the re­covery of his health; where being so quietly given to his Sport, he shewed how little he esteemed the coming of his Enemies. Whilst Alexander was bu­sied about these things, he received pleasant news, how his men won a Battel against the Persians at Halicarnassus; and that the Mindians and Cawni­ans, with divers other Nations in those parts, were brought under his obedience.

These Sports being once ended, he removed, and [Page 47] by a Bridge made over the River of Pyramus, he came to the City of Malon; and from thence, with another motion, came to a Town called Castabulum. There Parmenio returned to the King, who had been sent to search the Streights that lay between them and the City of Issum: He had prevented the Persians at that Passage; and so leaving men for the defence thereof, he possessed himself of the City of Issum that was left desolate: He departed from thence, and did drive the Persians out of the Moun­tains, searching and clearing all the ways; so that having made all things sure for the Army to pass, he returned again, both the Author of the Act, and the Reporter of the thing done. Alexander in­camped within the City of Issum, and there deba­ted in Councel, whether it were better to pass on further, or else to tarry there for a more sure pow­er which was coming to him out of Macedon: Parmenio was of Opinion, that this place was most safe to abide Darius in, and to give him Battel, where both the Armies should be of like force, by reason of the Streights, wherein no great multitude can fight at once. He shewed reasons why they ought to eschew the Plains, wherein their Enemies should have great advantage through their great number, by which they might close them about; wherein (he said) he feared not his Enemies stout­ness, but feared their own men might be overcome with weariness, where a multitude should fight with a few, and fresh men succeed in the place of them that fainted. This Counsel was received for good, and Alexander determined in the same place to abide his Enemies.

[Page 48] There was in the Host of the Macedons one Sy­senes a Persian, sent before time from the Governour of Aegypt unto King Philip; who being advanced with reward and promotions, chose to live out of his own Country; and so following Alexander into Asia, was esteemed among those that the King trusted well: A Souldier of Greece delivered him a Letter from Nabarzanes, Darius Lieutenant; he ex­horted him to do some notable Enterprise, whereby he might win favour and reputation with Darius: Sysenes innocent of this matter, was divers times about to present the Letter to the King; but seeing him full of weighty affairs in providing for the Bat­tel, he prolonged the matter: and whilest he wait­ed for a more convenient time, he brought himself in suspition of Treason; for the Letter was brought to the Kings hands before it was delivered to him, who reading it, did seal the same with a strange Seal, and caused it to be delivered to Sysenes, to prove thereby his fidelity: But because he concealed the thing many days, and opened not the matter to the King, it seemed that he consented thereunto; and therefore by the Kings Commandment he was put to death by the hand of the Grecians.

The Greek Souldiers which Thimones had recei­ved of Pharnabasus (being those that Darius trusted most) were now come to him: They perswaded much Darius to retire back into the Plains of Meso­potamia; and if he would not do so, that at the least he should divide his power, and not commit the whole force of his Estate to one stroke of For­tune.

This Counsel was not so displeasant unto the [Page 49] King, as to such as were about him; For they said, Mercenary Souldiers were alwayes full of Treason, and were to be doubted the more, for that they counselled the Army to be divided; which was for no other purpose, but only that they might have op­portunity to fly to Alexander, when they should have any charge committed unto them: there is nothing therefore more sure for us (quoth they) than to inclose them round about with our Army, and to cut them in pieces for an example to the world, that Treason may never be left unrevenged: but Darius, who was of a meek and good disposition, refused to commit so cruel an act, in slaying such as had betaken themselves to his trust: For he said, If we should defile our hands with their blood, what strange Nation would ever then commit themselves into our hands? and alledged, that there ought no man to lose his life for giving foolish Counsel; for who would be bold to give counsel, if in counselling there should be any peril? I call you (quoth he) to counsel daily, and hear the diversity of your opi­nions, and mistrust not them that give me not al­waies the best counsel. He caused the Greeks to be answered, that he gave them thanks for their good will: but in returning back, he said, that he should give up his Country into his Enemies hands, which was not convenient; and considering the force that Fame is of in War, in going back (he alledged) he should appear to fly: But to defer the fight he thought it worst of all, seeing so great an Army as he had (the Winter then approaching) could not be victualled in a desolate Country, that had been wasted both by themselves and by their [Page 50] enemies. And for the dividing of his power, he shewed that he could not do it, observing the custom of his Predecessors, who were not wont to hazard the Battel, but with all their power: He declared, that Alexander before his coming seemed terrible to the world; and through his absence was brought into a vain presumption: but after he saw him come forwards, he became wary and well advised, hiding himself in the straights of the Mountains, like those coward-Beasts, who hearing the noise of the Passengers, do hide themselves in the dens of the Woods: He hath deluded his Souldiers (quoth he) with his counterfeit sickness; but now I will not suffer him to prolong the fight any longer, which if he will refuse, I will oppress him in his lurking holes.

These words he spake with greater ostentation than truth: and sent his Treasure and Jewels with a small Convoy to Damascus in Syria, and entred with his Army into Cilicia, bringing with him, ac­cording to his Country manner, both his Mother, his Wife, his little son and his daughter. It so chan­ced, that on the same night, in which Alexander was come to the streight entring into Syria, Darius came to the place which they call Pyla Amanica: the Persians not doubting at all but that the Mace­dons would have forsaken the City of Issum, and flie away for fear; for certain of them that were weak and could not follow the Army, were taken; whom Darius, through instigation of the Great men about him, raging in barbarous cruelty, caused their hands to be cut off, and to be led about his Camp, to the intent they might behold the multitude of his Army; [Page 51] and after sufficient view taken, he let them go, to declare to Alexander what they had seen. Darius removed, and passed the River of Pyramus, purposing to pursue after the Macedons, which he thought had been flying away: They who had their hands cut off, came running in amongst the Macedons, infor­ming that Darius was advancing in great haste and fury. There was scarcely any credence given to their words: but to be more certain of it, Alexander sent Spies towards the Sea-coast, to know whether Darius were there in person, or else had sent some other to make a shew of a power. The Spies re­turning, advertised that his whole Army was at hand; and straightway the Fires might be seen, which gave such a shew (by reason they lay stragling so far abroad to get Forrage) as though the whole Country had been on Fire.

When Alexander was ascertained of the truth, he incamped in the same place where the tidings came unto him, being marvellously glad because he knew he should fight; especially in the streights, being the thing he had always most desired. But as it is commonly seen, when danger and extremity is at hand, that confidence is turned into fear; so now he doubted, not without great cause, that Fortune might change upon him, by whose favour he had done so great acts; and considered her mutability by such things as she had taken from others, and given unto him. He saw there was now no proro­gation of the time; but that after one night passed, the Victory should be determined. On the other side, he called to remembrance, that the honour of the Victory was a reward that far exceeded the Ad­venture: [Page 52] and as it was doubtful whether he should overcome or no; so he was certain if overcome, to die with honour and perpetual Glory. When he had weighed th [...]se things, he gave order that the Souldiers should refresh themselves, and at the third Watch be armed in a readiness to advance. He him­self went up into the top of a Mountain with many Lights and Torches about him, where he made sa­crifice unto the gods after his Country manner: And when the hour was come, he appointed the Souldiers at the third sound of the Trumpet, they should be in a readiness to march out to fight. Ex­hortation was then given unto them, to pass on with courage and confidence; and by the break of day they were come to the Streights, wherein their purpose was to prevent Darius. By that time such as were sent before to scour the Country, came in, and reported that the Persians were within thirty Furlongs. The Battels were then stayed, and set in such order as they should fight.

As Alexander was advertised of Darius, so was he advertised of Alexander by the Peasants of the Country, who came fearfully running, unto him, declaring, that Alexander was at hand. These words were not believed; for they could not think them to becoming, whom they thought before to be fled. But when they perceived that it was so indeed, be­cause they were in better order to pursue their Ene­mies, then to encounter them in battel, they were struck with a marvellous sudden fear. Every man took him to his Armour in haste; which haste, and the calling that one made upon another, did great­ly amaze them: Some run up to the tops of the [Page 53] hills to view the Macedons, others fell to bridling their horses; so that the Host full of diversity, and not ruled by any certain government, with their hurley-burley did put all things out of order. Darius at first had appointed one part of his power to take the Mountains, who setting upon his enemies backs, might inclose them both behind and before: and assigned another company to pass along the Sea-side, which was on the right hand, to keep his ene­mies doing on every part. He gave order also that twenty thousand footmen with a Band of Archers, should pass the River of Pyramus, and give an onset that way; but if they found any impediment why they might not do so, then he willed them to retire into the Mountains, and invade their Enemies on their backs: but fortune, which was of greater force than any policy, determined those things that were well devised, according as she thought good. For some durst not for fear execute the thing that was commanded them, and then the rest laboured in vain: for where the members fa [...]l; the whole body is confounded. The order of Darius Army stood thus arranged to fight: his power was divided into two Battels, one marching on the left-hand, the other on the right; Nabarzanes impaled the Battel on the right-hand with a great power of Horsemen, and thirty thousand Slingers and Are [...]r.

Thymones was also in the Battel with 30000 mercenary Greeks, being in very d [...]d Darius chie­fest Force, a power equal unto the [...] of the Macedons. In the Battel on the left-hand A [...]istem [...] ­nes was in the fore front with thirty thousand Foot­men, having planted for his succour and relief, [Page 54] such Nations as were counted most Valiant: there were about the King, being also in the Battel, three thousand choice horsemen that were of the ordinary Guard of his Person; and forty thousand footmen, with the horsemen of Hercania and Media, and the horsemen of other Nations were wings on both sides: And besides these numbers, there went before his Battel in a forlorn Hope, six thousand slingers and casters of Darts. All the plain ground between the Streights was filled with Men of War; Darius Battel stood thus aranged from the Mountain down to the Sea-side. The mother and wife of Darius, with all the women, were received in the middest of the Battel.

Alexander on the other side, set his square Battel of footmen called the Phalanx (being the Macedons chiefest force) in the fore-front: Nicanor the son of Parmenio was Captain of the Battel on the right hand, and with him, Cenos and Perdicas, Meleager, Ptolomeus and Amintas, every one a Colonel of his own Regiment: Parmenio and Craterus had the rule of the Battel on the left hand, which stretched toward the Sea; but Parmenio had the chief charge. The Horsemen were set in wings to both those Bat­tels, the Macedons and Thessalian Horsemen being appointed to the right-hand Battel, and the Horse­men of Pelop [...]nnesus to the Battel on the other side: before which Battel there were also set Slingers, with Archers among them; and the Cretians that were lightly armed, advanced before the main Bat­tel. The Band of Agrians that were lately come out of Greece, were assigned to encounter with those that Darius had sent to take the top of the Moun­tain: [Page 55] He willed Parmenio, that as much as might be, he should stretch out his Forces towards the Sea, and withdraw as far as he could from the Hills which the Enemies had taken; but such as had direction by Darius to take the Hills, neither durst resist such as came against them, nor yet compass about such as were passed by them, but fled away at the first fight of the Slingers: which thing chanced well for Alexander, for it was the thing that he doubted most, that they from the higher ground should in­vade the open side of his Battel, which lay unslank­ed towards them. The Macedons marched 32 in a rank▪ for the streightness of the ground would not suffer them to move in a broader body; but by little and little, as the plain between the Mountains began to enlarge, so they had liberty to make their Battels broader, and also for the horsemen to march upon the sides.

When both the Battels were come within fight of each other, the Persians first gave a terrible and rude shout, which was again doubled by the Ma­cedons, not with their number, which was far infe­riour unto the Persians, but with the r [...]bound of the Hills and the Rocks, which doubled every voice of theirs. Alexander did ride up and down before the fronts of his Battels, making a signe to his Soul­diers with his hand, that they should not make too much haste to joyn with their Enemies, for bring­ing themselves out of breath; and as he went by, he used to every Nation sundry exhortations, as he thought convenient for their dispositions and qualities: He put the Macedons in remembrance of their ancient courage, and the number of Battels [Page 56] that they had won in Europe, that they were come thither by his conduct not only to subdue Asia, but the uttermost bounds of the Orient. He shewed them to be the people that were ordained to con­quer the world, and to pass the bounds of Hercu­les and Bacchus; he declared that both Bactria and India should be theirs; in respect of which, the coun­tries that they had yet seen were but trifles, and these were to be gotten all with one Victory: Their Travel (he said) should not now be in vain, as it was in the barren Rocks of Illyria, or in the Moun­tains of Thrace; but in this Conquest the Spoil of the whole Orient was offered unto them; for the get­ting whereof they should scarcely need to handle their Swords, since the Battels of their Enemies wavered so already for fear, that with their approach only they had almost put them to flight. He recalled his Father Philip unto their memory, how he con­quered the Athenians, with the Country of Boetia; how he rased to the ground the noble City of The­bes: he made rehearsal to them of the Battel won at the River of Granike, and of all the Cities that he had taken, or that had been yielded unto him, with the Countries they had passed through and subdued.

When he came unto the Greeks, he desired them to call to mi [...]d the great Wars that had been made against their Country in times past by the Persians; first by the pride of Xerxes, and after by Darius, who made destruction both by Sea and Land, in such [...] that the Rivers could not serve them for Drink, [...] the Earth furnish them with Victuals for Food: He rehearsed also how the Temples of their gods [Page 57] had been by them polluted and consumed, their Ci­ties overthrown, and all Truces broken, which ought to be confirmed both by divine and humane Law, when he passed by the Illyrians and Thracians, which were accustomed always to theft and spoil; he invi­ted them to behold their enemies which glistered with gold, and bare no armour but spoil for them to take: he incouraged them to go forwards like men, and pluck the prcy from those effeminate women, and to make exchange of their craggy Rocks and Mountains full of snow, for the plentiful grounds and lands of Persia.

By this time both Armies were advanced within the throw of their Darts, and Darius Horsemen gave a fierce charge upon the right-hand-Battel of the Ma­cedons. For Darius desire was to try the Battel by Horsemen, rightly judging, that the chiefest power of his Enemies consisted in their square Battel of Footmen: So that the Battel where Alexander re­mained, was brought to the point of being inclosed round, if he had not perceived the same in time; and commanding two Bodies of his Horse to keep the top of the Hill, he brought all the rest of them to the incounter of his Enemies. Having then drawn the Thessalian Horsemen where they stood to fight, he commanded their Capt. to bring them about behinde the Battels, and there to joyn with Parmenio, to per­form with courage what he should appoint them.

By this time the Phalanx of the Macedons, in man­ner inclosed about with their Enemies, fought no­tably on all parts: but they stood so thick, and were so joyned one to another, that they wanted [...] to wield their weapons. They were so mingled, that in [Page 58] casting their darts they one letted another, few light­ing on their enemies, and the most part falling on the ground without harm: and being forced to joyn hand to hand, they valiantly used the sword. Then there was great effusion of blood; for both the Ar­mies closed so near, that their Harness clashed toge­ther, weapon against weapon, and foined at one a­nothers faces with their Swords.

There was no place for the fearful or the coward to fly back, but each set his foot to other; and by fighting kept still their place, till they could make their way by force; and so always passed forwards as they had overthrown their Enemies: As they were wearied and travelled thus with fighting, they were ever received with fresh Enemies; and such as were wounded might not depart out of the Battel (as it had been seen elsewhere) their Enemies assail­ed them so fiercely before, and their fellows thrust on so hard behind. Alexander that day did not only such things as pertained to a Captain, but adven­tured himself as far as any private Souldier, covet­ing by all means to kill Darius, which he esteemed the greatest honour.

Darius rode aloft upon his Chariot, giving great provocations both for his Enemies to assail him, and for his own Men to defend him: As Oxatres his brother appeared most notable amongst them all in his furniture and personage, so in affection towards the King he exceeded far the rest, especially in that case of necessity; for when Alexander approach­ed near, he thrust in before Darius with the band of Horsemen, whereof he had the charge, and over­throwing divers, he put many more to flight. But [Page 59] the Macedons swarmed so about the King, and were in such a courage by the Exhortation that each made to other, that they charged again upon the Band of Horsemen: Then the slaughter was great, and the overthrow manifest; about the Chariot of Darius the noblest of his Captains lay, dying ho­nourably in the sight of their Prince. For just as they received their deaths wounds, so they fell, without turning their backs. Amongst them, Aty­cies, Romithres, and Sabaces Governour of Aegypt, having the charge of great numbers of men, were o­verthrown and slain; and about them there lay by heaps a huge number of the vulgar sort, both of horsemen and footmen. Of the Macedons also some were slain, specially such as pressed most forward: among whom the right shoulder of Alexander was lightly hurt with a sword. In this throng the horses that drew Darius Chariot, were thrust in with Pikes, and growing outragious with the sense of pain, began to struggle and overthrow their Master. He fearing therefore to be taken alive, leaped from the Chariot, and was set upon a l [...]d Horse, and so fled away, casting his Diadem from his Head, that he might escape unknown. Then the rest of his Army were dispersed by fear, and flying by such ways as were open for them, they threw away the Armour, which before they had taken for their defence: of such a nature is fear, that it refuseth the thing that should be its safeguard.

When Parmenio saw them fly, he straight com­manded the Horsemen to pursue them, and put all his Enemies to flight that were on that part. But on the other hand, the Persians did put the Thessalian [Page 60] Horsemen to a fore distress, for at the first shock they had broken one of their Troops; yet for all that they wheeled about, and rallying themselves, they charged again the Persians with so much courage, that they soon brake their Order, and overthrew them with a great slaughter. The Thessalians had herein a great advantage, by reason that the Persi­ans, besides that they are armed themselves, have their horses also barbed with Plates of Steel, which was the cause they could not on the Charge, or on the Retreat, be so quick as the Thessalians were; for the Thessalians, by their celerity, wherein the force of Horsemen chiefly consisteth, had overthrown ma­ny of them before they could turn their horses about. When Alexander understood that his men prevailed on their Enemies on that Wing likewise, he ad­ventured to follow in the Chase, which he durst not do before he knew the Battel to be clearly won, and the Enemies repelled on all sides.

Alexander had not about him above a thousand Horsemen, with whom he slew many thousands of his Enemies; for who is he that in an overthrow or Chase can number men? Those few Macedons drove the multitude of their Enemies before them like sheep; and the same fear that caused them to fly, stayed them likewise in their flying. The Grecians that were on Darius side, under their Captain A­mintas (who sometime had been in great Authority with Alexander, but then against him) brake out from the rest, and marched away in order of Battel; but the Persians fled divers ways, some directly to­wards Persia, and some by unfrequented ways esca­ped by the Mountains and the Woods. A few there [Page 61] were that recovered their former Camp, which they could not defend any time against the Macedons who were Conquerours, but the same immediately was won, abounding with gold and silver, and most rich Moveables, appertaining not only to the Wars, but to all voluptuousness and excess; which riches, whiles the Souldiers violently spoiled, they strowed the ways full of Packs and Fardels, in respect of the covetous desire they had to things of greater value: But when they came unto the Women, as their ha­biliments were more precious, so the more violently they plucked them away: Their bodies also were not free from their lust and inforcement; the Camp every where being full of tumult and lamentation, as chance befel every one. The licentiousness of the Victors was such, that their cruelty raged upon all Ages and Creatures, and no kinde of mischief was wanting amongst them. There might have been seen the variableness of Fortune; when they which had prepared Darius Pavilion, did now reserve and keep the same for Alexander, as for their old Master: For the Macedons had left that unspoiled, according to their Ancient Custom, which are ever wont to receive their King, when he is Victorious, into the Kings Pavilion that he hath vanquished.

The Mother and Wife of Darius, that there were taken Prisoners, moved all men to cast their eyes and inward contemplations towards them; whereof the one deserved to be Reverenced for the Majesty that was in her, and for her Age; and the other for the excellency of her Beauty, which through her mis­adventure was nothing stained: She was found im­bracing her little Son in her arms, not yet of the age [Page 62] of six years, born as an Inheritour to the Dominion which his Father had lost: There lay also two young Virgins in his Grand-mothers lap, even then marri­ageable, who languished and lamented, not so much through their own private sorrow, as for the do­lorousness of the old woman. About the mother and the wife, were a great number of noble Wo­men, that pulled their hair and tore their cloaths, without respect of what appertained to their estate; and unmindful of the calamity which Darius wife and his mother were come unto, called them still by the name of Queens, with such other titles of honour as they did before. They all forgetting their own misery, were diligent to enquire after the fortune of the field, and what success the Battel had, in which Darius was in person; for if he were alive, they could in no wise think themselves Priso­ners: But he by the changing of many horses, was by that time fled far away.

There were slain of the Persian Army, one hun­dred thousand footmen, and ten thousand horse­men; and of Alexanders Company, only 504 hurt, and 32 footmen, and 150 horsemen killed. So great a Victory was gotten with so small a loss. Alexander that was wearied with pursuing of Darius, when he perceived the night to draw on, and that there was no hope to overtake him whom he followed, returned into the Persians Camp, which a little be­fore his coming was taken by his men. That night he made a banquet to such of his friends as he was accustomed to invite; for the hurt on his shoulder, whereof the skin was but smally perished, did not hinder him from keeping company. As they sate [Page 63] at meat, suddenly they heard a pitiful cry, with a strange howling and lamentation, that put them all in great fear; insomuch that they who kept the Watch about the Kings Pavilion, fearing it to be the beginning of some great matter, began to arm themselves.

The wife and mother of Darius, with the other Noble women newly taken prisoners, were the cause of this sudden fear, by lamenting of Darius, whom they supposed had been slain; which suspi­tion they conceived by one of the Eunuches, who standing before their Tent-door, saw a Souldier carry a parcel of Darius Diadem, which he a little before had cast from his head. When Alexander un­derstood their errour, he wept (as it was said) to consider Darius misfortune, and the womens affe­ctions towards him; and for their comfort sent to them one Mithrenes that betrayed Sardis, who was expert in the Persian tongue; but yet considering that the sight of him, being a Traitor, should but increase their sorrow, he sent a Noble-man called Leonatus, to declare unto them how they were de­ceived, and that Darius was alive. He came towards the Tent where the women were, with certain men in Arms, and sent word before, that he was come thither from the King: But when such as stood at the Tent-door saw armed men approaching, supposing their errand had been to murther their Mistresses, they ran into the place where they were, and cried out, that their last hour was come; for the men were at hand that were sent to kill them: the servants therefore, that neither durst let Leonatus in, nor keep him out, brought him no answer, but [Page 64] remained quietly to see what the event would be. When Leonatus had long tarried at the door, and saw none come forth to call him in, he left his men without, and entred amongst the Ladies, whose coming unto them, before he was admitted, was the thing that frighted them most of all: The mo­ther therefore and wife of Darius fell down at his feet, requiring him that before they were slain he would suffer them to bury Darius after his Country manner; which last observance performed, they were content (they said) gladly to suffer death Leonatus assured them, that both Darius was alive, and that there was no harm meant towards them; but that they should remain in the same estate they were in before. When Sisygambis heard those words, she suffered her self to be lifted up from the ground, and to receive some comfort. The next day, Alexander with great diligence, buried the bodies of such of his men as could be found, and willed the same to be done to the Noble men of the Persians, giving li­cense to Darius mother, to bury so many as she listed, after the custome of her Country. She performed the same to a few that were the nearest of her kin, ac­cording to the ability of her present fortune; for if she should have used the Persian pomp therein, the Macedons might have envied it, who be­ing Conquerours, used no great curiosity in the matter.

When these Rites were performed to the dead, Alexander signified to the women-prisoners, that he himself would come to visit them; and causing such as came with him to tarry without, he only with Ephestion entred in amongst them. This Ephe­stion [Page] [Page] [Page 65] of all men was most dear to Alexander, being brought up as his Companion from his Youth, and most privy with him in all things; there was none that had such liberty to speak his minde plainly to the King as he had; which he used after such sort, that he seemed to do it by no Authority, but by suf­ferance. And as he was of like years unto him, so in personage he did somewhat excel him: where­fore the Women thinking Ephestion to be the King, did fall down and worship him (as their Country-manner was to do to Kings) till such time as one of the Eunuchs that was taken prisoner, shewed them which of them was Alexander: Then Sisygambis fell down at his feet, requiring pardon for her igno­rance, for so much as she did never see him before: The King took her up by the hand, and said, Mo­ther, you be not deceived, for this is Alexander also: Which his humility and continency of minde, if he had continually observed to his latter days, he might have been thought much more happy then he was; when he having subdued all Asia, from Hel­lespont to the Ocean Sea, did counterfeit the Tri­umphs of Bacchus: or if that amongst the rest of his Conquests, he would have laboured to conquer his pride and his wrath, being vices in him invincible; or if in his drunkenness he would have abstained from the slaughter of his Nobility, and not to have put to death those excellent Men of War without judgment, which helped him to conquer so many Nations. But at this time▪ the greatness of his For­tune had not yet altered his Nature, though after­wards he could not bear his Victories with that ver­tue which he did win them, but he behaved himself [Page 66] after such manner, that [...]e exceeded in Continency and Compassion all the Kings that had been before his time. He entertained the two Queens, with those Virgins that were of excellent Beauty, so re­verently, as if they had been his Sisters: He not only abstained from violation of Darius Wife, which in Beauty excelled all the Women of her time; but also took great care and diligence, that none other should procure any dishonour to her: and to all the women he commanded their orna­ments and apparel to be restored; so that they wanted nothing of the magnificence of their for­mer Estate, saving only the assured confidence that Creatures want in misery.

Which things considered by Sisygambis, she said unto the King: Sir, your goodness towards us doth deserve, that we should make the same prayer for you, that we did sometime for Darius; and we per­ceive you worthy to surpass so great a King as he was, in felicity and good fortune, who do so abound in Ju­stice and in Clemency. You vouchsafe to call me by the name of Mother, and of Queen, but I confess my self to be your Hand-maid; for I both conceive the great­ness of my Estate past, and feel that I can bear this present servitude: It lyeth only in your hands how we shall be dealt withal, and whether you will make us notable to the World, through your Clemency, or your Cruelty. The King comforted them all he might; and willing them to be of good chear, took Darius Son in his arms; at which the Childe was nothing afraid, having never seen him before, but took and imbraced him about the neck: He was so moved with the constancy of the Childe, [Page 67] that he beheld Ephestion, and said, Oh that Darius had some part of this gentle disposition.

When he was departed from thence, he caused three Altars to be made upon the River of Pyramus, and there did sacrifice to Jupiter, Hercules, and Mi­nerva, and so went forwards into Syria. He sent Parmenio before into Damascus, where Darius Trea­sure did remain; who understanding by the way, that Darius had sent one of his Nobles thither, fearing that for the smallness of his own number, the Inhabitants of Dam [...]scus would keep him out, he determined to send for a greater power: But by chance one Mardus fell into the hands of the Horse­men that Parmenio had sent before to scour the Country, who being brought before Parmenio, de­livered him the Letters that the Captain of Damas­cus had sent to Alexander; and besides the Letters, added of himself, that he doubted not but that all Darius riches and his treasure would be delivered to him at his arrival. Parmenio gave the charge to certain of his men to secure his person, and then opened the Letters, wherein it was contained, that Alexander in all haste should send one of his Cap­tains thither with a small power: which being known, he sent Mardus back again to Damascus, with a small Guard to accompany him; but he e­scaped out of their hands, and came to Damascus before day-light. That thing troubled Parmenio greatly, doubting that his Enemies had laid an Am­buscado for him; and therefore he durst not ad­venture in an unknown way without a Guide: Notwithstanding, upon the confidence he had in the felicity of his Prince, he took some Peasants of [Page 68] the Country to conduct him the way, who the fourth day brought him to the City of Damascus. The Captain doubting that Credence should not be given to his Letter, pretended to mistrust the strength of the Town, and made countenance as though he would fly away. On the break of day he caused Darius Treasure (which the Persians call Ga­za) with the rest of all his precious things, to be brought forth of the Town, with a resolution to betray the same into the Macedons hands: There were many thousands of men and women that followed; a pitious sight to all that saw them, sa­ving to him to whose fideli [...]y they were committed: For he, to win himself thanks, purposed to deli­ver to his Enemies a prey more precious then all the rest, which was such of his Nobili [...]y as he had in his custody, with the Wives and Children of the Great Men that bare Rule under Darius: And besides, the Embassadours of the Cities of Greece, whom Darius had left in his treacherous hands, as in a Fortress, to his thinking, of most security. The Persians call those (Gargabe) that carry burthens upon their shoulders, and these having the carriage of things of most value, when they could not en­dure the Cold for the Frost and Snow that suddenly fell, they put upon them the Robes of Gold and Purple, which they carried, together with the mo­ney, there being no man to let them; for the ad­versity of Darius caused that base sort of men to use a wretched liberty. Those kinde of men seemed to Parmenio, at the first sight, to be no small Army; and therefore weighed not the matter lightly, but gave Exhortation to those that were with him, as though [Page 69] they should have fought a sore Battel; and willed them to put their Sp [...]s to their Horses, and give the Charge: which being perceived by them that b [...]e burthens, they [...] away for fear, and so did the Men of War that were with them, by such ways as they best knew: The Captain of Damascus coun­terfeiting such fear as others feared indeed, was the cause of all this confusion. The riches of Darius were left unguarded, and lay scattered abroad over all the Fields, with the money that was prepared for the wages of so infinite a number of Souldiers; as also the apparel of so many great men and Noble women, with Vessels and Bridles of Gold, [...]avilions adorned with Regal Magnificence, and Waggons full of infinite riches: A thing even sorrowful to behold to the Spoilers, if any thing could stay the covetousness of men. Was it not a pitiful thing to behold the riches that had been gathered together in so great a number of years, whiles the state of the Persians stood in that incredible height of For­tune, one part thereof to be torn with Bushes, and another part sunk into the Mi [...]? being so great be­sides, that the hands of the Spoilers could not suf­fice for the Spoil, when the Horsemen had overta­ken them that fled: first they [...]ound divers women carrying their small Children, amongst whom there were four Virgins, the Daughters of Occhus that reigned next before Darius. They before that time had suffered change o [...] Fortune, when the State was altered from their Fathers Line; but this adversi [...]y was much more grievous unto them.

There was in that number the wi [...]e of Occhus, the Daughter of Oxatres, that was Darius's Brother, and [Page 70] the Wife of Artabasus, who was of the chief House of Persia, with his Son called Ilioneus. The Wife and the Son of Pharnabasus were also taken, to whom Darius had committed the charge of all the Sea-Coasts, and with them the three Daughters of Mentor, the Wife and Son of the Noble Captain Memnon.

There was scarcely any House of the Nobility of Persia free from that evil adventure. There were also both Lacedemonians and Athenians, that con­trary to the League between Alexander and them▪ took Darius part: amongst the Athenians, Aristoi­ton, Dropides and Levertes, were of the greatest Line and Linage: and of the Lacedemonians, the chiefest were Perisippus and Onomastorides, with Omais and Callicratides. The sum of the coyned money there taken, was two thousand and sixty Talents, beside thirty thousand men, and seven thousand beasts that carried burthens upon their backs. But the gods did persecute with due punishment the Betrayer of such a Treasure; for one whom he had made privy to the matter, pitying therein the Estate of his Prince, did slay the Traytor, and brought his head to Darius; a comfort, not unapt in that season, to the betrayed King; for thereby he was both reven­ged of his Enemy, and perceived that the memory due unto his Estate, was not removed out of the hearts of his people.

DArius, who a little before was Lord of so great an Army, and who came unto the Field car­ried aloft upon his Chariot, more like to Triumph then to Fight, fl [...]d by the places then waste and de­s [...]rt, which he before had filled with his infinite numbers of Men of War: There were but few that followed him; for neither they fled all one way, nor such as followed, could keep pace with him that so often changed Hors [...]s. At length he came to Ʋ [...]chae, where he was received of [...]our thou­sand Greeks, who conducted him to the River of Euphrates; thinking all those his Countri [...]s lost, in the which by his speed he could not prevent the com [...]ng of Alexander. Parmenio was appointed Go­vernour of Syria, and to be the Keeper of the Treasure and prisoners which he took at Damascus. The Syrians could not at the first bear the new Go­vernment, because they had not yet felt the Scourge [Page 72] of the Wars; but as they revolted, they were straightway subdued, performing all that they were appointed to do. The Isle of Arade was yielded to Alexander, whereof Strato was King, that had in subjection all the Sea-coast, with divers of the Island-Countries; who being received into trust, Alexander marched with his Army into the City of Marathon. There he received Letters from Darius, that put him into great choler, because they were so arrogantly written. The special point that moved Alexander was, for that Darius writing himself King, did not vouchsafe to give him that Title, but did write ra­ther by way of Commandment, then of Request; proffering for the Ransom of his Wife and Children, so much money as Macedon could receive: For the Government of the Empire (he said) he put it to his choice, to try it by the Sword if he list; but if he would be better advised, he willed him to be content with his own Inheritance, and he would joyn in Amity with him, and become his Friend; in which point he was ready to enter into Treaty with him. Alexander did write to him again, after this manner:

Darius, whose Name thou ownest, wrought hereto­fore great destruction upon the Greeks inhabiting the Coast of Helle [...]pont, and upon the Greek Colonies in Ioni [...], which are Greek Cities; and passed from thence to the Sea with a great Army, to make War against Greece and Macedon: And also King Xerxes, thy Predecessor, came to subdue us with infinite numbers, which being vanquished in a Battel on the Sea, left not­withstanding Mardonius behinde him in Greece, to destroy their Cities, and burn their Countries: It is [Page 73] manifest besides, that Philip my Father was slain by such as were corrupted thereunto with your money. You un­dertake always unjust Wars; and being clad in Arms, go about, for all that, to circumvent men with Treason; as thou of late, having such a number of men in thy Ar­my, didst attempt my death with the promise of a 1000 Talents. I am not therefore the beginner of the Wars, but only do repel such injuries as are offered me; in doing whereof, through the help of the gods (who favour alway the right) I have brought the greater part of A­sia under my subjection; and having overcome thee in Battel by force of Arms, there is no cause that I should grant thee any thing, because thou hast not observed to­wards me the Law of Arms: yet if thou wilt come and submit thy self, I promise thee that I will deliver both thy Mother, Wife and Children; for I both know how to get the Victory, and how to use such as I Overcome. But if thou fearest to commit thy self to us, I will give thee safe Conduct to come freely. As for the rest, when thou writest to me, remember that thou writest not only to a King, but also unto him that is thy King.

He sent this Letter by Thersipus, and marched from thence into Ph [...]nicia, where the City of Biblon was yielded unto him; and so came unto Sydon, which was a City of great Magnificence, by reason of the Antiquity and Fame of the Builders: The same was under the Dominion of Strato, and sup­ported by the power of Darius; who yielding more by the constraint of the people, then of his own good will, was thought unworthy to Reign there. Alexander made a Grant to Ephestion, that he should make such a one King, whom the Sydons thought most worthy of that Honour. There were divers [Page 74] Noble young men in that City that had familiarity with Ephestion, of whom he thought to have chosen one King; but they refused his offer, affirming, that none might enjoy that Dignity, except he were de­scended of the Blood Royal. Ephestion wondered at the magnanimity that was in them, in despising the thing that others sought for by Sword and Fire, and said, Continue you still in that vertuous minde, who are the first that have understanding, how much better it is to refuse, then to receive a Kingdom: Chuse you therefore such a one of the Blood Royal, that may remember he hath received the Rule at your hands. But when they saw divers gaping for it, and for the greediness they had to Reign, they fell to flat­tering of such as were near to Alexander; they re­solved, that there was none more fit for that Dig­nity then one Abdolominus, who being of the An­cient Blood of the Kings, for poverty was infor­ced to dwell in a small Graunge without the City: His honesty was the cause of his poverty (as it is to many other) and being exercised in his daily la­bour, he heard no noyse of the Wars that troubled all Asia. They, of whom we spake before, came into his Garden with Garments to apparel him like a King, and found him weeding of his ground, whom they saluted King, and said, You must make exchange of the vileness of your apparel, with these rich Ro [...]es we here present you: Wash thy body that is now covered with Dust, and take upon thee the Heart of a King; and in this Fortune, whereof thou art worthy, shew the same moderation and continency as at this present: And when as thou shalt sit in thy Regal Seat, having in thy hands the power of the [Page 75] life and death of thy people, do in no wise forget the Estate thou wert in when thou took'st the Kingdom up­on thee, nor yet for what purpose thou didst receive it. The matter seemed to Abdolominus like a Dream, who asked them if they were mad that would mock him after that manner? But when he saw them af­firm by Oaths the thing to be in earnest, he washed himself; and receiving the Garment, which was of Purple and Gold, he went with them into the Pa­lace.

The Fame (as it is accustomed in such a case) did notably abroad of this subject; some favoured the cause, and some did disdain it; but such as were rich, did upbraid his poverty and base Estate, to such as were near about Alexander, who caused the King to send for him; and when he had long beheld his behaviour, he said: Your personage doth not disagree from the Fame of your Linage; but I desire to know with what patience you did sustain your poverty: I would to God (quoth he) I could bear my prosperity in like case now, when I am a King: Th [...]se hands did get that I desired; and having nothing, I lacked no­thing. His words caused Alexander to conceive of him a marvellous good Opinion; so that he gave unto him, not only the riches, stuff, and furniture appertaining to the King before, but also many things that were taken from the Persians; adding to his Dominion, all the Country near about that City.

In the mean season, Amintas, who heretofore fled from Alexander to Darius, and now he escaped in the last Battel, did come to Tripolis with four thou­sand Greeks; where he imbarqued, and sailed to [Page 76] Cyprus; thinking the World to be such then, that every one might enjoy what he could get, as if it had been his own Inheritance. His purpose was to go into Egypt, thinking there to become an Ene­my both to Darius, and to Alexander, and to com­ply with the world, according as time should serve. To bring therefore his Souldiers to think well of his Enterprize, he declared how the Governour of E­gypt was slain in the Battel, and that the Persians left there in Garrison were but a small number, of little force, and without any [...]: He shewed how the Egyptians used to Rebel against their Gover­nours; wherefore they were sure to be received as Friends: For necessity (quoth he) hath inforced us to prove our Fortunes, which failing us in our first hope, we must now conceive that the time to come shall be much better then the Fortunes we now enjoy. They all agreed with one voice, that he should lead them where he pleased: Whereupon, thinking not good to pretermit the occasion, whiles they were high with hopes, he conveyed them to Egypt, and en­tred the Haven at Pelusium, under pretence that he had been sent thither by Darius. When he had got Pelusium, he set forwards towards Memphis; at the Fame of whose coming, the Egyptians being a light Nation, and more apt to raise a Coil, then to maintain it when it was once begun, ran to him out of all their Towns and Villages, with an in­tent to destroy all the Persians; who notwithstand­ing the fear they were in, did not leave the defence of the Country, but fought with the Greeks, and were put to flight.

After this Victory, Amintas besieged Memphis, and [Page 77] his men destroyed so all the Country thereabouts, that they left nothing unspoiled: Whereupon, Ma­zeches, though he perceived his men much amazed with the fear of their late overthrow; yet when he saw his Enemies scattered abroad, and without or­der, being overcome with security, and the pride of their late Victory, he at length perswaded his men to issue out of the City; and in setting upon their Enemies, to recover again what they had lost: Which advice being good of it self, being tho­roughly followed, took most fortunate success; for they slew at that time both Amintas and all his company. This punishment he suffered for the of­fence committed to both Princes, being neither faithful to Alexander whom he forsook, nor to Da­rius to whom he fled. Darius Captains who escaped from the Battel of Issum, gathering together such men as were scattered abroad, and such power be­side as they could levy in Cappadocia and Paphlago­nia, did attempt to recover again the Country of Lydia. Antigonus was Governour for Alexander there, who notwithstanding that he had taken ma­ny Souldiers out of the Garrisons of Alexander, yet he so little esteemed his Enemies, that he doubted not to adventure the Battel. The Persians there re­ceived the like Fortune they did in other places, and attempting the Fight in three sundry Countries, were vanquished in them all.

At the same time, the Navy of the Macedons which Alexander had sent for out of Greece, meeting Aristimones, (whom Darius had appointed to make War upon the Coast of Hellespont) sought with, and drowned all his Ships. Pharnabasus, Darius having [Page 78] exacted money of the Misonians, and put a Garri­son in Scios, passed into the Isle of Andros with a hundred Ships, and from thence he sailed to Shiph­nus; and putting Men of War into all the Islands, exacted of them money. The greatness of the War that was in hand between two of the most puissant Princes of Asia and Europe, did draw both Greece and Creet to Arms: Agis, the King of Lacedemon, gathered together eight-thousand Greeks that were come home out of Cilicia, and moved War against Antipater that was Governour of Macedonia. The Cretians following sometime one part, and some­time another, received one while a Garrison of Macedons, and another while of Lacedemonians to lye amongst them. But those Wars were of no great importance, for all mens eyes were fixed upon the Wars that were between Alexander and Darius, whereupon all the rest did depend.

The Macedons had subdued all Syria and Phenice, Tyre only excepted; which being the greatest and most notable City of all that Country, shewed that they esteemed themselves worthy rather to joyn with Alexander as Friends, then to become his Sub­jects; for when he was come near unto them, and incamped upon the main Land, which is divided from their City with a small Arm of the Sea, they sent to him, by their Embassadours, a Crown of Gold for a Present, with great plenty besides of victuals for his Army: He received their Gifts as from his Friends, and gave gentle Answers unto the Embassadours; but he shewed himself much desi­rous to make Sacrifice unto Hercules, (whom the Tyrians specially worshipped, and the Macedon [Page 79] Kings supposed themselves to be descended of him) being admonished (as he said) by an Oracle. The Embassadours made answer, That there was a Tem­ple of Hercules without their City, in the place which they call Palaetiron, whereas he might do Sacrifice at pleasure. At those words Alexander could not refrain from anger, whereunto he was much subject, but fell in a great passion.

I perceive now (quoth he) because ye dwell in an Island, ye trust so much in the scituation of your City, that ye despise my Land power: But I will shortly make you understand, that you are scituated upon the Main Land; and therefore trust to it, that if ye re­ceive me not in, I will enter into your City by force.

When the Embassadours were dismissed with this answer, such as were near about the King, per­swaded them that they should not exclude him whom all Syria and Phenicia had received: But they had entertained such a confidence, for that their City stood in the Sea, being divided eighty furlongs from the Main Land, that they absolutely determined to abide the Siege.

That Sea of theirs is much subject to the South-West-winde; which at every Storm made the Waves beat so high against the shore, that it would not suf­fer the Macedons to make any work for the uniting the Main Land to the City, it being scarce possible to work any thing there when the weather was most calm. The first work that the Macedons began, was by and by thrown down with the vehemency of the Seas that were driven by the winde; nor could they make any Fort so strong within the Sea, but that it was washed away, and brought down by [Page 80] beating of the Waves; and when the Windes blew violently, they would bring the Seas clean over the work. There was another difficulty no less then this; for by reason that the Walls were environed about with the deepness of the Sea, they could raise no Engine to shoot, but afar off out of the Ships; nor was there any ground about the City, whereup­on Ladders might have been reared against the walls, or approach made unto them by Land. A­lexander had no Ships; and if he had any, and would have coveted to bring them to the walls, yet by reason of the unstableness of the water, they might with shot easily have been kept off. But a­mongst many other things, the Tyrians were wonderfully encouraged by the coming of the Embassadours, sent from Carthage to celebrate a yearly sacrifice: for the Tyrians being the builders of Carthage, were ever since that time had in Ve­neration of them, as their Parents and first Foun­ders. Those Embassadours exhorted them in any wise to continue the Siege, and promised them shortly aid; which thing they alledged might easily and soon be done, for so much as at that time all the Seas were full of the Carthaginian ships. Upon this encouragement, they determined to abide the extremity, and placed their Engines upon the Tow­ers and walls, dividing their Engines amongst the Youth of the City. The Artificers, whereof the City had gre [...]t plenty, were divided into Work­houses, to make all such things as were necessary for the Wars: There were devised certain Instru­ments wherewith they might pull down the Works that their Enemies made, called Harpagons; and [Page 81] also Crows of Iron, named Corvi, with all other things that might be invented for the defence of the City. But a strange thing is reported, that when the Iron was put in the Forge, and blown in the Fire, the same was seen to be full of drops of blood: which Wonder, the Tyrians did interpret as a token of good Fortune towards themselves, and as a signification of destruction towards their Ene­mies. A like wonder was seen among the Mace­d [...]ns; for when a certain Souldier was breaking of his bread, drops of blood appeared therein: where­at Alexander being astonied, Aristander, that was most cunning of all the D [...]viners, did interpret thus the matter: If the blood had appeared outward­ly, then it had signified evil fortune to the Macedons; but in as much as it was found within, it betokened destruction to the City they went about to con­quer.

Alexander considering his N [...]vy to be far from him, and that a long Siege should be an impedi­ment to his other affairs, sent Officers of Arms into the City, to perswade them unto peace; whom the Tyrians, against the Law of Nations, did drown in the Sea. Their u [...]ust death stirred Alexander so much, that he then utterly determined to go for­wards with the Siege: But before he could make his approach, it was of necessity for him to make a Peer or Land-work, whereby they might pass from the main Land to the City: But in the making thereof, there entred great despair into all mens hearts, considering the deepness of the Sea, which they saw not po [...]i [...]le to be filled scarcely by any Di­vine power; for they thought no Stones so great, no [Page 82] Trees so high, nor any Country to have such plen­ty, as might suffice for the building of a Bank in such a place, considering the Sea remained always troubled; and the narrower the place was between the City and the Land, so much more greater was the violence of the waters. But Alexander, who had the policy to allure his Souldiers to what effect he pleased, declared that Hercules appeared unto him in his sleep, and gave him his hand, proffering him to be his Captain and his Guide for his entrance in­to the City: Thereunto he added the killing of his Embassadours, whereby they had violated and bro­ken the Law that all Nations observed, and that there remained but one City which stayed his Vi­ctory: thereupon he divided the work amongst his Captains, that every one might apply his own Band, and put the work more forward.

There were great plenty of stones at hand of the ruines of the old City where Tyre stood before; and for the making of Boats and Towers, Timber was brought from Mount Libanus: The work did rise from the bottom of the Sea like a Mountain, but it was not yet brought to the High-water mark; and the further the Peer was brought from the Land un­to the Seaward, so much the sooner the Sea did swallow up the materials whereof the Peer was made. Whiles the Macedons were thus about their work, the Tyrians would come about them in small Vessels, and give them words of reproach and scorn; as, they were now become goodly Men of War, that would be made Pioniers, and carry burthens upon their backs: And they asked them, if they thought Alexander to be greater then the god of the Sea? [Page 83] But their reproach did not hinder, but increase the chearfulness of the Souldiers in their pain and tra­vel; insomuch, that the work in a short space sur­mounted above the water, and increasing much in breadth, approached near unto the City: Then the Tyrians seeing the hugeness of the work, in the increase whereof they saw themselves deceived, lit­tle thinking that it would have grown to such a pass, in little Vessels came rowing about the Peer, and drove the Souldiers with shot from their work­ing; and because they could easily bring their Boats suddenly forwards, return soon again, they hurt many of the Macedons, without any danger to them­selves, inforcing them to leave their work, and fall to their own defence: For remedy whereof, and to avoid their Enemies shot, they were compelled to stretch out Beasts skins upon Poles, like Sails, and set those between them and their Enemies: and besides, at the head of the Peer they raised up two Towers, from whence with shot, and casting of Darts, they kept off the Boats that came about them.

On the other side, the Tyrians would land men with their Boats far out of the sight of the Camp, and kill such as were carrying of stones. The Pea­sants of Arabia also did set upon certain of the Ma­cedons that were scattered abroad in Mount Liba­nus, where they slew and took divers? that was one cause which moved Alexander to divide his Army; and lest he might seem to remain idle about the Siege of one City, he appointed Perdicas and Cra­terus to take the charge of the work he had in hand, and marched himself in person into Arabia, with [Page 84] such part of his power, as was most apt for his present purpose. In the mean season, the Tyrians prepared a great ship, laden with stones and gravel behinde, so that the fore-part sloated above the wa­ter: which ship anointed over with pitch and brim­stone, they brought suddenly, by sailing and force of Oars, unto the Peer; and there remaining, the Marriners set the ship on fire, and then leaped into the Boats, which followed after to receive them. The ship thus set on fire, so inflamed the Wood-work pertaining to the Peer, that before any rescue could come, the fire had taken the Towers of the Peer, and all the rest of the Works that were made in the head. When they, who leaped into the Boats, saw the matter take such effect, they put betwixt the Timber, and other void places, both Fire-brands, and all such things as might give nourishment and increase to the fire: So that the Towers, and all the rest, being on a flame, many of the Macedons were consumed therewith; and the rest forsook their Arms, and threw themselves into the Sea. The Ty­rians, that were more desirous to take them alive, then to kill them with staves and stones, did so beat them on the hands as they were swimming, that for weariness they were glad to be taken up into their Boats. The Towers were not consumed with fire only; for it chanced also the same day a terri­ble winde to rise, which blowing from the Sea, brought the Waves with such violence upon the Peer, that with often beating of the Seas, the joynts that knit the work together, began to loose and to leave their hold: then the water that washed through, brake down the whole work in the midst; [Page 85] so that the heaps of stones which were before su­stained by the Timber and Farth cast betwixt them, being broke asunder, the whole work fell to ruine, and were carried away into the Deep.

By that time Alexander was returned out of A­rabia, and scarcely found any remainder or token, that any such work had been. In that case (as it is ever used in things that chance evil) one laid the fault upon another, when indeed, the violence of the Sea was the cause of all. Alexander began to make the Peer again after a new manner; the head therefore lying into the weather and the winde, and not the open side, as it did before; so that the fore­front always defended the rest of the work lying behinde. He increased also the breadth thereof, to the intent the Towers might be builded in the midst of the Peer, whereby they should be less sub­ject to the Enemies shot: whole Trees were put in­to the Sea, with their tops and branches, and after, great stones were thrown upon them; and over those a new course of stone and trees, and stone a­gain; by which device this whole work was joyned and fastned all into one.

As the Macedons were busie to bring their work forwards, so the Tyrians were as diligent to invent all such things, as might give impediment to their proceeding. The chief practice was, for a great number or them to enter into the Sea coast, afar off, out of the Macedons sight, and so come diving un­der the water, till they came unto the Peer; where with Hooks they would pu [...]l the branches of the Trees that appeared out of the stones, and [...] substance followed after into the deep: For the [Page 86] Trees being discharged of their burthens, were easi­ly drawn away; and then the Foundation failing, the whole Work, that stayed upon the Trees, fell to ruine. Amongst these impediments, Alexander stood in great perplexity of minde, doubting whether he should continue the Siege still, or else depart his way. When he was in this imagination, suddenly his Navy arrived to Cyprus, and Cleander also with his Souldiers which he had brought out of Greece: And having to the number of 180 Ships, divided them into two Squadrons; whereof he committed the one unto Pythagoras, the King of Cyprus, and to Craterus, and took charge of the other himself; committing his own person to a Gallery called Cinquereme, which had five Oars on a side. The Tyrians durst not adventure the Sea-fight, although they had a great Navy, but set all their Galleys in a Front before the Walls of the City, which the King assailed, and put to distress.

The next day, the Macedons, with their ships, in­vironed the City round about, and did beat down the Walls, especially with such Engines as they call Rams; but the Tyrians straightway inforced, and made up their Walls with stones that lay at hand, and raised up an inward Wall round about the Ci­ty, which might be their defence if the other fail­ed: But their destruction approached on every side; the Work was now wrought within the cast of a Dart, and the Ships gave the approach round about the Walls▪ so that they were over-laid both by Sea and Land: The Macedons had devised to joyn their Galleys, two and two together, in such sort, that the fore-parts met close before, and the [Page 87] hinder parts lay far off one from the other; and o­ver the spaces remaining betwixt Poop and Poop, they made Bridges, with Masts and Main-yards layed betwixt Galley and Galley, fast bound toge­ther to carry Souldiers upon. When they h [...]d put their Galleys in this order, they set forwards to­wards the City; and having rampired the Sterns for defence of the Souldiers that were behinde, they stood in their Galleys, and did shoot and cast Darts against their Enemies, without any peril or danger to themselves. It was Mid-night when they had Commandment to set forwards, after this manner; as the Ships were approaching on all parts, and the Tyrians stood astonied for fear and desperation, be­hold, the Sky was overwhelmed with dim Clouds, and a sudden darkness took away the light: Then the Sea, by little and little, waxed terrible and rough; the Winde blew, raising the Waves, which did beat the Ships one against another; the vio­lence whereof, burst asunder the Bands and Gra­spers wherewith the Galleys were fastened together: Which done, the Bridges crashed, and flew asun­der; and with the Souldiers that stood upon them, fell into the Sea. There was great confusion; for the Ships entangled thus together, could by no means be governed in such a Tempest; the Soul­diers disturbing the feat of the Marriners, and the Marriners giving impediment to the Office of the Souldiers.

Thus (as it doth often happen in such a case) the expert were obedient to the ignorant; for the Ship-Masters that were accustomed to Command, for fear of death, were directed by others. But at [Page 88] length, by force of Rowing, the Galleys recovered the shore, the greater part of them being broken and torn. It chanced, at the same time, thirty Em­bassadors to come from Carthage to Tyre, who gave more comfort then assistance to them that were be­sieged: For they shewed how the Carthaginians were so assailed with Wars at their own doors, that they could by no means send them succour; inso­much, that the Syracusans were destroying Africa with Fire and Sword, and had incamped themselves under the very walls of Carthage. The Tyrians yet were not discomfited, for all that they were disap­pointed of their special trust; but delivered unto those Embassadours their Wives and their Children, to carry unto Carthage, thinking to continue the Siege with greater resolution, if the things which were most dear unto them were removed out of danger.

There was a Tyrian, who in an open Assembly de­clared, that Apollo (whom the Tyriars greatly do worship) had appeared to him in his sleep, and declared to him, that he had forsaken the City, and transformed the work that the Macedons had made, into a great Wood. Hereupon, though the Author were of small credit; yet for as much as men in fear are apt to believe the worst, they tyed Apollo [...]s Image with a Golden Chain, and bound fast also the Altar of Hercules, (to whom the City was dedicate) think­ing by detaining of the one, to keep safe the other. The Carthaginians, in times past, had brought that Image from Syracuse, and had placed it in the head-City, out of the which they were descended: For their custom was to adorn Tyre with such spoils as [Page 89] they had taken, no less then they did Carthage it self. They, at that time, would also have been Au­thors unto the Tyrians, for the renewing of an old sacrifice that had been omitted many years, wherein they used to offer up to Saturn a free-born childe; which being rather a sacriledge then a sacrifice, the Carthaginians received from their first Founders, and still observed the same, till they were destroyed: and had not the Ancient Men, by whom all things were governed, withstood it, this wicked Superstition had taken place, which Nature and Humanity doth abhor: The necessity that was hanging over their heads, being more effectual then any Art or Science, practised not only such things as were accustomed for defences, but also found out what was never in­vented before: For to the disturbance of the ships that approached the Walls, they devised long Raf­ters, to the which they fastened grapp'es of Iron, and great hooks like Sythes; which let down with Ropes by an Engine, either did tear the ships, or destroyed the men. They invented also Targets or Me [...]tle to be made fire-hot, in the which they put burning Sand, and scalding Lime, and then poured the same upon the Macedons that came near to the Walls, being a mischief that they feared most of all other: For when the hot Sand entred between the Harness and the body, there was no means to avoid it; and where it touched, it burned to the bones; so that they were forced to throw away their Harness, and tear away all things they had upon their bodies; thereby they became subject to be hurt by their E [...]e­mies, and were not in case to indamage them again: But specially the Grapplers that were let down [Page 90] (called Corvi) took violently away many of the Souldiers that were within the ships. Alexander see­ing the obstinate defence of the Tyrians, was weary of the Siege, and determined to raise it, and to go unto Egypt: For considering in how short a space he subdued Asia, it grieved him to be detained so long about the Walls of one City, whereby he o­mitted the occasion and opportunity of greater Conquests. But he was as much ashamed to depart without his purpose, as to continue there, and leave other things undone; judging, that if he should leave Tyre in that sort as a witness that he might be withstood, it should much impair his Fame, by which he had gotten more then by force: And it chanced at the same time, a Monster of an exceed­ing bigness did appear, as well in the sight of the Tyrians, as the Macedons; which lying upon his back above the water, came towards the Peer; and when he had lifted up himself at the head of the Peer, it dived under the water again; and sometimes ap­pearing above, and sometimes hiding himself un­derneath, when it came near the walls of the City, it vanished out of sight.

The sight of this Monster rejoyced both parties, the Macedons interpreting the same to be sent them as a Guide for their direction to finish the work: And the Tyrians divining, that Neptune, in re­venging the usurpations that the Macedons had made upon the Sea, would shortly destroy the work that they had made, in such like sort as he had taken away the Monster. They, upon their own i­magination, conceived such a gladness, and prog­nosticated to themselves such good Fortune, that [Page 91] they fell to banqueting and drinking; and when they were well charged with Wine, at the Sun­rising, they put Garlands of Flowers upon their heads, and mounted into Galleys, not only with hope of Victory, but with a Triumph made before­hand. It chanced at the same time, that Alexander had conveyed his Navy to the contrary side of the City, and left upon the shore thirty of the smallest Vessels, of the which the Tyrians took two, and put the rest in danger of distress, until such time as the King hearing the Alarm, set forwards with his Navy towards that part where the cry was heard. The first Galley of the Macedons that came near them was a Cinquereme, the swi [...]test of all the rest; which when the Tyrians espied, they came against her with two Galleys cross upon her side; whereof the one struck at her full with her Spurn, with whom the Cinquereme grappled; and the other, which was loose and at liberty, fell upon her on the contrary side. But lest between them two she might sustain some damage, one of Alexanders Trirems came to the rescue, with such violence, that the Master of the loose Galley was struck into the Sea. When the Tyrians saw that Alexander was come himself, and more of his ships at hand, with strength of Oars, and great industry, they set their Galleys that were intangled loose again, and at li­berty, making towards their Haven with all the haste they could: Alexander immediately pursued them; but when he came to the Haven he could not enter, but was beaten off with shot from the walls, yet did he take and drown the most part of their Galleys. After this Adventure, he rested his [Page 92] Souldiers two days, and then commanded his ships to be brought forwards, and the Engines in them; to the intent, that by assa [...]ing the Tyrians on all sides, he might put them into an extreme fear. A­lexander with a wonderful courage, not without great peril of his person, mounted up into the top of a Tower that was made in a Ship, and there known by his apparel and rich Armour, was chiefly assaulted, and shot on from all parts. He wrought wonderful feats with his own person; for both with his Pike he slew divers that stood at defence, and afterwards he fought hand to hand, with his Sword and Target, throwing divers down from their de­fence; for the Tower wherein he fought joyned hard to the Walls.

By that time the Engines, called Rams, with much beating, having laid low the Walls, the Navy was got within the Haven, and certain of the Ma­cedons had won the Towers: The Tyrians then op­pressed with so many miseries at once, were clean discomfited; some fled unto the Temples for suc­cour; some did shut their doors, taking that kinde of death they liked best; and others ran upon their Enemies, to sell their lives at the dearest rate: but the most part got up into the tops of their houses, and from thence did cast down upon their Enemies, whatsoever came unto their hands. Alexander com­manded all to be slain without exception, saving such as fled into the Temples, and willed all the houses to be set on fire. Though Proclamation thereof was made through the City, yet the Tyrians that bore Arms could not save themselves; for as the women and Children filled the Temples, so the [Page 93] men kept the Entries of their houses, ready to abide the cruelty of their enemies: Yet the Sydonians were the occasion that many were saved, who serving in the Garrison of the Macedons, and entring the City with them, were mindful of their Affinity with the Tyrians (Agenor being the Builder of both their Cities) and conveyed many into their ships, which they privately sent unto Sydon; by that means fif­teen thousand escaped the cruelty of the Sword. The number of them that were slain may partly be conjectured, in that there were found dead within the City, six thousand of such as did bear Arms. The Kings anger against the City made the sight dolorous even unto the Conquerours: For 2000, whom the fury of the slaughter had left alive, were afterwards hanged upon Crosses all along the Sea-Coast. The Embassadours of the Carthaginians were saved; but War was threatned to be made against them, from the which he was then hindred by other business he had in hand.

Thus Tyre was taken the seventh moneth after it was besieged; a City notable to Posterity, as well through the antiquity thereof, as by the often change of Fortune it had suffered. It was builded by Agenor, and many years was Mistress of the Seas, not only thereabouts, but in all places where their Navies were heard of; and if we may credit Fame, that City was the first which either taught or learned letters. They builded Cities, and filled them with Inhabi­tants throughout the greatest part of the world; as Carthage in Africk, Thebes in Boetia, and Cades in Spain, upon the Ocean. It is believed, that by rea­son of their free course through all Seas, and by vi­siting [Page 94] many strange Countries, they had occasion to look out Seats in which to place their Youth, wherewith they then abounded; or else, as some report, the Inhabitants unwilling to dwell there, by reason of many Earth-quakes, were compelled, by force of Arms, to seek out new dwelling places. But when many casualties had happened unto Tyre, af­ter this destruction being restored to its former height of flourish, it now remaineth under the pro­tection of the Roman Clemency. About the same time Alexander received Letters from Darius, wherein at last he was contented to name him King.

His request was, that Alexander would receive his Daughter Saptina for his Wife, with whom he offered in Dower, all the Country between Hellespont, and the River of Alys, would reserve unto himself only such Kingdoms as lay from thence Eastward; and if peradventure he should refuse to receive this offer, he willed to consider, that Fortune is not wont to conti­nue long in one Estate, and that the greater felicity men enjoy, the greater envy doth attend them. It was to be doubted (he said) lest he exalted himself through some vain affection, like as Birds use to do, whose na­tural lightness doth convey them to the Stars: for there was nothing more difficult, then in such young years, to bear well the height and greatness of For­tune. He willed him also to consider, that there re­mained yet many Countries that he had not touched, and that he should not meet him always in the Streights, having to pass the River of Euphrates, Tygre, Araxes, and Hydaspes, which were as Bull­warks unto his Dominion; and when he should come [Page 95] unto the Plains, he would be ashamed of his small number. He put him in remembrance, how long it should be e're he could pass Media, Hircania, Bactria, and the Indians that bordered on the Ocean Sea; and likewise the Sogdians and Arachosians, of whom men have no other knowledge, then of their names only, with other Nations lying towards Mount Caucasus, and the River of Tanais. And although no man should withstand him, or give him Battel, yet he should grow in age (he said) before he could pass so many Lands. In the latter end, he advised him not to call him forwards, for he would come soon enough to his destruction.

Alexander made answer to those Letters by the Messengers that brought them, to this effect:

That Darius offered to him that which was none of his own, and made a proffer to give that which he had already lost. For Lydia, Ionia, Aeolida, and the Coast of Hellespont, which he appointed in Dower, were al­ready become the Rewards of his Victory: And as for Laws and Conditions, those were wont to be given and appointed by the Victors, and received of such as were overcome; and if he were ignorant in which of those two Estates he were, that he should adventure the Battel once again: For he was not ignorant, he said, before he passed the Sea, how Lydia and Cilicia were over small rewards for the making of such a War. But his determination was to subdue and bring under his subjection, both Persepolis, the chief City of his Empire, and also Bactria, and Ecbatana, with the uttermost bounds of the Orient: He could fly no where but he was able to follow; and therefore counselled him, that he should not fright him with Rivers, who had learned how to pass Seas.

[Page 96] Thus the Kings wrote one to another; and in the mean season the Rhodians yeilded their City and their Haven unto Alexander, who committed the Rule of Cilicia unto Socrates, and the Country about Tyre unto Philotas. Andromachus was made Par­menio his Deputy in Caria and Syria; for Alexander minding to accomplish what he had begun, com­manded Ephestion, that with his Navy he should sail along the Coast of Phenicia; and so he came with his whole power to the City of Gaza. About the same time there were solemn Triumphs and Plays at Isthmos, accustomed to be celebrated by the con­fluence of all Greece. In this a Councel was had, and (as the Wits of the Greeks be sudden) they decreed to send twelve Embassadours unto Alexander, for the carrying unto him a Crown of Gold, in grati­fying the Victory he had won, and the Acts he had done for the safeguard and Liberties of Greece; and yet a little before they hearkned how the Fame went, and were ready to bend that way that For­tune inclined. Alexander visited not in person all such Countries and Cities as refused to do their obe­dience unto him, but made Conquest of them by his Deputies; for Gales Mastered Paphlagonia, Antigo­nus Liconia, and Balachrus overcame Idarne, who was Darius Lieutenant, and won Miletu [...]: Amphi­terus and Egilachus, with a Navy of an hundred and sixty Ships, subdued all the Islands between Asia and Achaia; and also, by the consent of the Inha­bitants, got Tenedos, always a Receptacle of the Persians.

They were at the point to have gotten Scios, but that Pharnabasus, Darius Deputy, having intelli­gence [Page 97] of it, did first apprehend all such as were of the Macedons Faction, and committed the City with a small Garrison to Apolonides and Athenagoras, that were inclined to the Persians. Alexanders Captains for all this continued the Siege of the City, not so much in trust of their own strength, as in hope of the Faction they had within the City; in which they were not deceived: For through a Sedition which did arise between Apolonides, and the Captains of the Men of War, occasion was ministred unto the Ma­cedons to enter the Town. When the Gate was broken up, and a Band of Macedons entred, then the Citizens, which before had devised to Rebel a­gainst the Persians, took part with Amphiterus and Egilocus; so that the Garrison of the Persians were slain, and Pharnabasus, with Apolonides and Athe­nagoras, taken prisoners.

There were twelve Galleys taken, with their Souldiers and Rowers, besides thirty Ships and Ves­sels of Pyrates, with three thousand Greeks that were in pay under the Persians, the Greeks serving to recruit the Forces of the Macedons; and the Py­rates being put to death, the other Ships were ad­ded to their own Fleet.

It chanced that Aristonicus, the Usurper of Methy­na, ignorant of any such thing as chanced in the fore-part of the night, came with certain Pyrates Ships to enter into the Haven; of whom when the Watch demanded what he was, he said he was Ari­stonicus, and came to the succour of Pharnabasus: They answered, He was at rest, and could not then be spoken withal; but it should be lawful for him, being their Friend, to enter into the Haven for that [Page 98] night, and speak with him when it was day. Ari­stonicus was the first that entred, and the ten Pyrate ships followed him: But whiles they anchored their ships, the Watchmen drew the Chain again over the Haven, and then called up such as lay near a­bout them; whereupon none of them durst resist, but were all taken prisoners, and delivered to Am­phiterus and Egilocus. From thence the Macedons passed to Mytelene, which was kept by Chares of Athens, with a Garrison of two thousand Persi­ans; but when he was not able to endure the Siege, he yeilded up the City, on composition to have their lives saved, and to depart to Imbross. Darius despairing of peace, which he thought to have obtained by his Letters and Embassadours, gave his minde to Muster a new Army, and freshly to renew the War: Therefore he commanded the Captains and Rulers of his men to have a Rende­vouze at Babylon; and that Bessus, Governour of the Bactrians, should come thither with all the power he could make. The Bactrians are the most hardy people among those Nations, rough men, and much abhorring the delicateness of the Persians▪ For by reason that they border upon the Scythians, which is a Warlike Nation, they are accustomed to live by spoil, and are conversant continually in Arms: But Bessus, who was suspected of Treason, affecting the Kingdom, and who would not be content with a second place, put Darius in great jealousies; who having an inkling that he aspired to be King, feared his Treason; Bessus having no other way, but by that, to bring his purpose to pass.

Alexander wrought all the ways he could to ob­tain [Page 99] knowledge where Darius was, and into what Country he was gone; and yet could not get any intelligence, by reason of a Custom amongst the Persians, who are accustomed, with a marvellous fidelity, to keep close their Princes secrets, in the uttering whereof, neither fear of death, nor hope of reward, can cause them to bring forth a word. This was an Ancient Discipline which the Kings there used among their Subjects, in punishing, with loss of life, the lavishness of the tongue, which is there more grievously chastised then any other crime: Nor is there, in those parts, any Vertue looked for at any mans hands, who hath not the gift of se­cresie, whereof Nature hath given a facility in man. This was the cause that Alexander was ig­norant of all things that his Enemies did; and therefore continued his Siege before Gaza. Betis was Captain there, who was a man of notable Fi­delity towards his Prince, and with a small Garri­son defended the City that was of a large compass: Wherefore Alexander perceiving the advantage of the Scituation, caused many Mines to be made; for the lightness of the ground covered the designe, having neither Rocks nor Stones to give any impe­diment: They began their Mines on that side where they within could not behold them; and to avoid the suspition of any such work in hand, he caused an approach to be made to the Walls with Towers that he had made of Timber; but the ground would not serve for their carrying and removing, by reason of the looseness of the Sand whereinto the Wheels sunk, and was the cause that the Joynts of the Towers brake asunder. About the carriage [Page 100] of them many were hurt, and much trouble they had, both in withdrawing of them, and in set­ting them forwards. When he perceived he could not prevail by that means, he drew off his men for that time: But the next day he environed the City round about, to give an assault on every part at once; and before he returned out of his Camp, he made Sacrifice, after his Country man­ner, requiring the aid of the gods. It chanced, as he was so doing, that a Raven flying by, let fall a Clod (which she carried in her Claws) upon the Kings Head, where it brake in pieces, and the Raven flew unto the next Tower, where her fea­thers were so entangled with pitch, that she could not fly away, but was taken by the s [...]anders there­abouts. This was thought a matter worthy on which the Diviners should consult, for he himself was not free from the Superstition of such things: Therefore Aristander, to whom he gave most cre­dit, did interpret the same to be a signe of the destruction of that City; but yet there was some peril (he said) appearing towards the Kings per­son: for which cause he perswaded Alexander, that he should not go about any exercise that day. Though it grieved him much, that one City should be a stay and impediment unto him for his free passage into Egypt, yet he obeyed the Prog­nosticators, and caused all his men, for that day, to retire. The Enemies took courage at their de­parture, thinking fear to be the cause why they came not forwards; and issuing out of the City, they set upon the Rear: But they were more fierce in the beginning of the skirmish, then constant in [Page 101] the maintaining of it: for when they saw the Ma­cedons rally themselves, they stayed, and pursued no further. Alexander hearing the Alarm, and quite forgetting the peril that was prophecied un­to him, at his Friends request put on his Armour, (which he was seldom accustomed to do) and re­sorted thither where the skirmish was most hot. There he was known by a certain Arabian, that was one of Darius Souldiers, who took upon him a de­sperate enterprize to kill Alexander; and therefore making his pretence to be as a Fugitive from the Persians, kept his Sword secret underneath his Target, and fell down on his knees before him; who judging that he had fled to him for succour, commanded that he should be received among his own men: But the Arabian therewithal made a violent thrust at the King with his Sword; which he stepping aside a little, did avoid it from his throat, and cut off the Arabians hand that missed of the thrust. Alexander then judged, that he had clean escaped the peril that should have chanced to him that day: But (as I think) Destiny cannot be avoided; for whiles he was eager in fight a­mongst the foremost, he was shot with an Arrow, which passed through his Corslet, and did stick in his shoulder. Philip, his Physitian, did pluck it out, and great abundance of blood did follow, where­of every man was afraid, for so much as they never saw an Arrow pass so far through any Armour be­fore: But he never changed countenance, nor co­lour; but causing the blood to be [...]enched, and his wound to be wrapped up, continued still in the skirmish amongst the foremost, either suffer­ing [Page 102] or dissembling his pain. But when the blood that was stayed for the time did break out again, and the wound, which for the newness thereof grieved him not much, began to swell and rankle, as the blood waxed cold; then he began to faint and fall down, and was taken up by such as were next unto him, and carried into his Tent. Betis that perceived this, and supposing him to be slain, retired unto the City with great joy and triumph. But Alexanders wound being yet unhealed, he cau­sed a Mount to be cast up as high as the top of the Walls, and the Walls to be cast down in divers pla­ces by the Miners.

They within made a Counter-work as high as the old Wall, but it did not reach to the height of the Towers made upon the Mount; so that the inner parts of the City were subject to the shot of the Enemy. But not long after, a Mine, the Wall by it being overthrown, and a breach made, through which the Macedons did enter, was the utter loss of the Town; where Alexander pressing on amongst the foremost adventurously, had his leg hurt with a stone: Notwithstanding that, he mounted up by the help of his Weapon (his former wound yet unclosed) and fought amongst the foremost, be­ing in a great fury, that in the Siege of one City he had received two wounds. Betis that had fought notably, and received divers hurts, was forsaken of his own men; and notwithstanding which, he maintained still the fight, and all his Armour was imbrued with his own blood, and his Enemies: But when he was inclosed round, Alexander who was wont to wonder at the Vertue of his Ene­mies, [Page 103] being puffed up with an insolent joy, said unto him: Betis, thou shalt not die as thou wouldest thy self, but whatsoever torments may be invented, believe that thou shalt suffer them. For all which words, there appeared in Betis no token of fear; but he beheld the King with an undaunted coun­tenance, and would not answer him one word: Whereupon Alexander said; See you not how obsti­nate he doth continue? He will neither kneel, nor so much as ask mercy; but groans shall break his si­lence, if nothing else can do it. Thus his Fortune did alter his Nature, and turned his Wrath into Fury: For he causing Cords to be put through Betis feet, whilest he was alive, did draw him about the City with Horses, glorying in that he did imitate Achilles (of whom he was descended) in the like affliction of his Enemy.

There were slain of the Persians and Arabians ten thousand, and the Victory was not unbloody to the Macedons. This Siege was not so famous through the Nobility of the City, as it was by the double danger the King was in, who making haste to pass into Egypt, sent Amintas with ten Gal­leys into Macedon, to levy more Souldiers: For though he were always a Conquerour, yet his men were diminished; and he trusted not so much to the Souldiers of those Countries he had subdued, as he did to his own Nation. The Egyptians being a people that always were offended with the in­crease of the good fortune of the Persians, who in their Government over them used much pride and covetousness: And therefore seeking all occa­sions to revolt, had received Amintas, who came [Page 104] to them rather by way of treaty, then by force: and now especially at Alexanders coming, they plucked up their spirits, and assembled a great number to meet him at Pelusium, where they judged he would enter.

The seventh day, after he removed from Gaza, he came to the place in Egypt, which now is called Alexanders Camp; from whence he sent his Army unto Pelusium, by the Land-way, and he himself, with a choice Band of men, was conveyed thither upon the River of Nile. The Persians durst not a­bide his coming, being in doubt the Egyptians would revolt: And therefore, when Alexander drew near unto Memphis, where Astaces, Darius Lieutenant, was with a power of men, he came over the River to meet Alexander; and yeilding himself, he delivered him eight hundred Talents, with all the riches belonging to the King of Persia. From Memphis he passed upon the same River into the inward parts of Egypt; and so ordered the Go­vernment of the Country, that he changed no­thing of their Laws and Customs: Which having effected, he had a great desire to worship the O­racle of Jupiter Hammon. But it was declared unto him, that it was not possible for him to march with any great number, the Country he had to travel through being spread all over with barren sands, which being heated with the Sun, would burn their feet in such sort, that it should be intolera­ble for them to travel, not only with the heat and want of water, but also with the rowling sand, which was so deep, and would so sink under their feet, that they should not easily stir. All which [Page 105] difficulties the Egyptians set forth to be greater then they were indeed. But Alexander, for the ve­hement desire he had to exceed the condition of man, was so fervently bent to visit that famous Oracle of Jupiter, whom either he believed, or de­sired that others should believe to be his Father, that nothing could withhold him in performing of that Enterprize: Therefore with such as he had ap­pointed to accompany him in the journey, he pas­sed by water upon the Nile, until he came to the Marish of Meotis. The Embassadours of the Cyre­nians came to him thither, and brought him Pre­sents; whom he gently entertained, assuring them of his Friendship; which done, he went forward in his Voyage. The first and second days travel seemed tolerable, not being yet come to the bar­ren and desolate Wilderness; and yet the ground they passed on was but unfruitful and barren earth: but when the Plains appeared that were covered over with deep sands, they then looked round a­bout them, and sought for Land, as men be accu­stomed to do when they sail on the Main Sea; for they could not judge themselves on Land, where they neither saw Tree, nor any appearance of ha­bitation, or haunt of men: And there was no wa­ter to be found in that dry and burning place; and such as they had brought with them in Bottles upon Camels backs, was consumed and spent: Be­sides, the Sun was so hot, that it dried and burn­ed up all things. When they were afflicted after this manner, whether it were by the Will of God, or by chance, the Clouds suddenly overwhelmed the Sky, and so shadowed them, that it was a great [Page 106] comfort unto such as were wearied with heat, though they wanted water to drink. But to sup­ply their need, there fell by and by a great Shower, which every man (for the great desire he had to drink) gaped to receive with open mouth. When they had travelled four days in travelling these wilde Desarts, and were come near unto the place of the Oracle, there appeared a great swarm of Crows flying low before them; and when the Army marched softly, they sate down upon the ground, and sometimes flew forwards, as though they had been Guides to shew unto them the way. At length they came unto the place consecrate un­to Jupiter, where it was a wonder to see in the midst of so wilde a Desart, a ground so environed on all parts with high Trees, defending the heat of the Sun, and such a number of Springs running every where, which caused the Woods always to look green: The Air, all seasons of the year there, is like unto the Spring-time, wholesome, and tem­perate. This Country doth border on the Ethi­ops, towards the East; and upon the Arabians, whom they call Troglodites, upon the South; whose Country stretched to the Red Sea: It confineth on the West with other Ethiops, which are called Simnoes. Towards the North lieth a Nation, call­ed Nalamons, who inhabiting upon a flat shore, are accustomed to live upon the spoils of the Sea, and lye always in wait, upon the Coast, to spoil such Ships as suffer wrack: The people which inhabit about the Wood, be called Ammonians, and dwell in Cottages scattered abroad: The midst of their Wood, closed about with a triple Wall, is unto [Page 107] them a Castle: In the first Ward is the Palace of their Ancient Kings; in the second their Wives, Children and Concubines were lodged; in which place the Oracle of Jupiter is also; and the third is a place for their Men of War. There is also another Wood, having a Spring, called the Fountain of the Sun; which in the morning is luke-warm, in the midst of the day cold, and in the evening warm again: at mid-night it is scalding hot; and as it draweth towards day, it diminisheth his heat more and more.

The same Effigies that is worshipped for Jupi­ter, hath not the similitude of other Images that Crafts- [...] do make for gods, but is very like unto the fashion of a Navel, having in the midst thereof, an Emerald s [...]t about with Pearls. When any answer is required, the Priests carry the same in a Ship of Gold, that hath many Plates of Sil­ver hanging on both sides; the Matrons and the Virgins follow after, singing a strange Song, after their Country manner; whereby they believe they do oblige Jupiter to shew his Oracle manifest and true. When Alexander was come unto the place, the Eldest of the Priests, who came to meet him, saluted him in the Name of Jupiters Son, for so (he said) his minde was that he should be called: Whereupon Alexander forgetting the state of his Mortality, said, That he did both receive and ac­knowledge the Name. Then he demanded further, If the Empire of the whole World were appointed him by Destiny? There the Prophet, prepared be­fore to Flattery, answered, That the whole World should come under his Obeysance. After that, he [Page 108] demanded, Whether all such had suffered death that had murthered his Father? The Priest answered. That his Father could not be harmed by the Treason of any man; but he said, That all Philips Killers were put to death: And one thing he added more, That he should be Invincible, till such time as he should depart to the gods. Thereupon Alexander made Sacrifice, and both offered unto the Idol, and gave great gifts unto the Priests. He permit­ted also his Friends to ask Counsel of the Oracle for such things as they would demand: Yet they enquired no further, but if it were Jupiters will that they should worship their King with Divine Honours? To this it was answered, T [...] if they honoured their Victorious Prince as a god, it should be acceptable unto Jupiter. If he had with judg­ment weighed the Oracle, he might have well per­ceived the untruth that was therein: but whom Fortune hath brought to believe in her, she ma­keth them, many times, more desirous of glory, then able to receive it. Alexander not only suffered, but commanded himself to be called the Son of Jupiter: and whilest he went about to encrease the Fame of his Acts, he did corrupt and deface them with such vanity: and the Macedons, accustomed to be governed by Kings, but yet reserving a greater shadow of Liberty then other Nations, did with­stand him more obstinately in affecting of his Im­mortality, then was either expedient for him or them. But these things shall be declared in time convenient: I will proceed to declare the rest of his Acts.

When Alexander was returned from Hammon, [Page 109] and come to the Marish of Meotis, scituate near unto the Isle of Pharos, he viewed the nature of the place, and was at the first determined to build a City within the Island: But afterwards, consider­ing the Isle not to be large enough, he chose out the ground where Alexandria now standeth (call­ed by the name of the Builder) containing all that ground between the Mear and the Sea; the walls whereof were in compass eighty furlongs. When he had taken order for the building of this City, leaving such behinde him as he had appointed for the performance thereof, he departed unto Mem­phis. He had a desire (not unreasonable, if it had been in time convenient) to have seen both the inward parts of Egypt, and also of Ethiopia; and the affection he had to view Antiquities, and the famous places of Mamnon and Tyton, had near drawn him beyond the bounds of the Sun. But the Wars he had in hand being of much more im­portance then any such idle Peregrination, gave him no time to fulfil his fantasie; therefore he ap­pointed Aestilus a Rhodian, and Peucestes a Mace­don, to the Government of Egypt, assigning them four thousand Souldiers for defence of the Coun­try; and gave Polymen thirty Galleys to keep the Mouth of Nile. He made Apollonius Ruler of that part of Africa which joyneth unto Egypt; and Cleo­mines Receiver of the Tributes in both Countries. This new City was soon replenished with a great multitude; for Commandment was given to all Countries thereabouts, to send Inhabitants unto Alexandria. It is said, that when the King, accord­ing to the Macedons Custom, used the Ceremo­ny [Page 110] of steeping Barley at the raising of the Walls, the Birds came and fed thereupon; which being taken by many for an unlucky Token, it was an­swered by their Diviners, That there should be great resort of strangers to that City, and that it should give nourishment to many Lands. As the King went down the River of Nile, Hector, the Son of Parmenio, desirous to follow him, was drowned; for the Vessel that carried him sunk, being crowd­ed with over-many men: He strived long with the Stream, but his garments gave impediment to his swimming, so that his breath was near gone before he could recover the shore, where for want of suc­cour he died; whose unfortunate chance Alexander took grievously, as one that did bear him special favour; and therefore caused his body to be ho­nourably buried.

The death of Andromachus, Lieutenant of Sy­ria, whom the Samaritans had burned alive, was the increase of Alexanders sorrow, for the revenge­ment whereof he made all the haste he could; and at his coming into Samaria, had the Authors of the act delivered into his hands, whom he put to death, and then placed Memnon in Andromachus Room. He delivered into the Methinians hands, Aristonicus and Crijolaus, who usurped over them, whom they after many grievous torments did hang over their walls: That done, he gave Audience to the Embassadours of the Athenians, the Rhodians, and the Scots. The Athenians did gratifie unto him his Victory; and required, that such Greeks as were taken prisoners might be restored to liberty: The Rhodians, and the Scots, complained of their [Page 111] Garrisons: He granted to them all their requests, and restored to the Mytelens all their Pledges, en­creased their Territory and Dominion, in respect of the fidelity they shewed unto him, and gave them security for the money they had imployed in the Wars. He gave honour also, according to their de­servings, unto the Kings of Cyprus, who revolted from Darius unto him, and had aided him with Ships at the Siege of Tyre: Amphoterus, his Admi­ral, had Commission to drive the Persians out of the Isle of Creet; but especially, that he should rid the Seas of Pyrates, who troubled and spoiled all the Islands, whilest these two Princes, Alexander and Darius, converted their Powers the one against the other.

Having ordered these things, he did dedicate to Hercules, at Tyre, a great standing Goblet, and thirty Bowls of Gold: That done, he set his whole minde and care upon Darius, causing it to be pro­claimed, that every man should set forwards to­wards Euphrates. But Darius understanding that his Enemy was gone through Egypt into Africa, stood in doubt whether he should stay about Meso­potamia, or withdraw into the inner parts of his Kingdom; judging, that he in person should pre­vail with those remote Nations, in bringing of them forwards to the War, which his Lieutenants should not be so well able to effect: Yet when Fame had published, and he understood by assured advertise­ment, that Alexander was returned out of Egypt, and fully resolved to follow him with all his power into what Country soever he should go; he then gave order, that the force of all the furthest Nations [Page 112] should draw towards Babylon, knowing the resolu­tion of his Enemy he had to match withal. Thi­ther resorted both Bactrians, Scythians, and Indi­ans; (for the power of other Countries were come thither before) and having the double number of men that he had before in Cilicia, he prepared Ar­mour for them with diligence, of which many of them wanted: both Horsemen and Horses were armed with plates of Steel; such as before had no Weapons but Darts, had Swords and Bucklers gi­ven unto them; and to increase the power of his Horsemen, he delivered many Horses to be mana­ged and broken by the Footmen. He had prepa­red also two hundred Waggons set with Hooks, which in those Countries were esteemed things of great force, and judged to be of a wonderful terrour to the Enemy: they were made with great long Spikes sticking out before, and with Swords set overthwart on both sides: The Wheels were also full of Iron Pikes right forth, and of great Hooks both upward and downward, wherewith all things were cut in sunder that came in their way. When his people were thus furnished with Armour, and provided sufficiently for the Wars, he removed from Babylon, keeping the River of Ty­gris on his right hand, and Euphrates on his left hand: He overspread, with his Army, all the Plains of Mesopotamia, after that he had passed the River of Tygris; and understanding that his Enemy was approaching, he sent Satropaces before with a thou­sand chosen Horsemen, and afterwards appointed six thousand to Mazeus, to stop Alexander in the passage over the River; who had also Commission [Page 113] to waste and burn all the Country where he judg­ed his enemies should come, thinking to famish them for want of victuals, considering that they had no other provisions but what they got by plun­dering and by stealth; they themselves having plenty brought of all things, both by Land and the River Tygris. At length he came to a village cal­led Arbella, which afterwards was famous by rea­son of his overthrow. There he left the greatest part of his Victuals and Carriage, and made a Bridge over the River of Licus, and in five days conveyed over his Army, as he had done before over Euphrates: passing forwards from thence a­bout fourscore furlongs, he came to another City called Boumello, and there encamped. This Coun­try served wonderful well for aranging of his Bat­tels in the large Plains, passable for Horses every­where, and without shrubs, or short brush to cover the ground withal, having so free a prospect, that the eye might discern things a great way off. And if there appeared any Hills within the Plain, Darius caused the same to be cast down, and to be made le­vel to the ground. Such as by conjecture made re­port to Alexander of Darius power, could not be cre­dited; for he could not think after so many slain, there could be a greater power gathered together then he had before.

But he that doubted not any peril, much less the multitude of them, after the eleventh encamping came to the River of Euphrates, over the which he made Bridges, passing over his horsemen, and af­terwards his footmen. For Mazeus that was sent against him with six thousand horsemen to hinder [Page 114] his passage, durst not encounter him. When he had continued there a few days, not only to rest his Soul­diers, but also to confirm their mindes, and to encourage them, he set forwards resolutely against his enemies, fearing that they would have retired back into the inward parts of Persia, where he should have been inforced to follow them by waste places and desarts. Therefore the fourth day he passed by Arbella, and came to the River of Tygris. All the Country beyond the River was on a smoak, newly set on fire by Mazeus, who burned all things where he came, even as he had been an enemy. A­lexander at the first, by reason of the darkness of the smoak, stayed for fear of Ambushments. But when they which were sent to scour the Country, reported that all things were clear, he appointed a few horsemen to prove the passage of the River, who found the deepness at the first entry to come to the horse breast, and in the midst of the stream to the horse neck. There is no River in all the East-part of the world that runneth so violently, which besides that the waters of other Rivers do run into it, driveth down stones with the stream; so that of its swift­ness it is called Tygris, which in the Persian tongue is to say an Arrow. The footmen thereof divided into two Bands, and holding their Armour over their heads, were inclosed on both sides with the horsemen, and so passed, till they came to the deep of the channel, without any great difficulty. The King was the first amongst the footmen that passed over to the further side, who (with his hand, seeing his voice could not be heard) shewed the shallow places unto the Souldiers. But they had much to do [Page 115] to keep their footing, by reason of the stones where­upon they stumbled, and of the violence of the water that took their feet away. Such as carried burthens on their backs had the greatest travel, not being able to stay themselves by reason of the trou­ble of their carriage, were born down by violence of the stream. And whilest every man went about to recover again his own, there [...]ell greater strife amongst themselves, then they had with the stream; and the heaps of fardels that every where flowed upon the water, bare down many of them. The King cryed to them, that it was sufficient to keep their arms, and let the rest go, promising to recom­pence every man: but they neither followed his counsel, nor did as he commanded them; for be­sides the noise that was amongst them, Fear filled their ears as they were swimming and wading through the water. At length where the stream was most shallow they came forth, there being nothing miscarried or wanting amongst them all, saving a few fardles. If their enemies had made but a prof­fer against them, they might easily have been put to distress. But Alexander's good fortune turned his e­nemies away from him, with which success he pas­sed the River of Granike, when so many thousands of horsemen and footmen kept the passage against him. After that manner he overcame the multitude of his enemies in the Streights▪ of Cilicia. Though his hardiness were such, that it sometimes wanted praise, yet his felicity ever delivered him out of all extremity of peril.

If Mazeus had done his part, and set upon them as they were passing the River, he might ea­sily [Page 116] have put them to distress, being unarmed and out of order; but after the Macedons had armed themselves (being then too late) he began to sh [...]w himself with a thousand Horsemen. When Alex­ander perceived the small number that came a­gainst him, he caused Ariston Captain of the Peo­nians to give a full charge upon th [...]n. The Horse­men that day notably behaved themselves, but especially Ariston, who with his Sp [...]ar ran Satro­paces the chief Captain through the throat, and pursuing him into the midst of his Troop, thr [...]w him from his horse, and cut off his head, which to his great commendation he brought and thr [...]w down before the King. Alexander ta [...]ried there two days, and on the morning caused warning to be given by Proclamation for his setting forwards. But in the first watch of the night the Moon suffer­ed an Eclipse; and losing her brightness, became afterwards red as blood, and then waxed dim and dark: The strangeness of this sight did strike a re­ligious fear amongst the Macedons, whereof pro­ceeded such a doubt and d [...]ad, that they fell in­to a murmuring, why they should be brought for­wards in such a manner against the will of the gods into the uttermost bounds of the Earth, where they could neither pass the Rivers, nor enjoy the ac­customed use of the Elements, finding nothing but waste grounds and wilde desarts▪ all which was endured (they said) for the ambition of one man; for whose vain-glory the blood of so many thou­sands should be shed. He despiseth (saith they) his own Country, he hath forsaken Philip for his Fa­ther, and hath affected Heaven in his foolish ima­gination. [Page 117] And now it was come near unto sedi­tion, when Alexander, that in all things was with­out fear, commanded the chief Rulers and Cap­tains of his man of War to assemble at his Pavilion, and there commanded the Astronom [...]rs of the Egyptians (whom he judged to have most under­standing o [...] the Planets) to declare their opinions. They understanding very well the revolutions of the time, and their appointed courses, kn [...]w that the Moon was ever eclipsed, when that either she was underneath the earth, or else when her light was bl [...]mished by opposition of the Sun; which reason reserved amongst themselves, they accustome not to acquaint the people with it. But affirm that the Greeks were under the Aspect of the Sun, and the Persians under the Moon: and therefore so of­ten as the Moon [...]leth of her light, it signifi [...]d great destruction unto the Nations under that con­stellation. And to confirm that opinion of theirs, they brought in old Presidents of the Kings of Per­sia, to whom the eclipse of the Moon had signified that the gods were against them in sighting of their Battel. There is nothing more effectual then superstition to govern a multitude, which otherwise is without rule, tumultuous, and mu­table: but when they have once conceived a reli­gion, though it be but vain, they are more obe­dient to their Diviners, then to their Captains; which thing might be well perceived, when the answers of the Egyptians were divulged amongst the people. For they streightways were removed from their dulness and despair, and stirred up to hope and confidence.

[Page 118] Alexander therefore that could use the time, and imploy his Souldiers in their good mood, in the se­cond watch removed their camp, keeping Tygris on his right hand, and the Mountains which they call Gordian on his left: By break of day the Scouts that he sent before to discover the enemy, returned to him with report of Darius his coming: then the Souldiers prepared themselves to fight, and marched forwards in order of battel. But those who were discoverers for the Persians were a thousand horse­men, who seemed to the Macedons to be a great Army. The Scouts commonly have that property, that when they cannot finde out the truth, they i­magine through fear things that be false. When Alexander understood the certainty, he sent towards them a small number of his own horsemen, at whose coming they fled, and were partly slain, and part of them taken prisoners. That done, he sent forth another party, as well to discover further, as also to quench the fire which the Persians had made through all the Country; for as they fled away they put fire into the roofs of their houses, and the stacks of Corn, which soon took hold above, and consumed all, till it came to the ground. By the extinguishing of those fires, great plenty of Corn was preserved, and abundance of all other things en­sued amongst the Macedons▪ this was a motive which incouraged the Souldiers greatly to pursue their enemies▪ for they doubting that they might burn and consume all such things as might serve to their use, pursued them with all the speed they could make providence growing from necessity. For Ma­zeus, who before did burn the Country at leisure, [Page 119] when he saw himself pursued, fled away, and left un­to the Macedons the greater part untouched.

Alexander understanding that Darius drew to­wards him, and was come within an hundred and fifty furlongs, made provision of Victuals, and remained four days in the same place. Darius Let­ters were there intercepted, which he had written to the Greeks, in perswasion either to kill or be­tray Alexander. He doubted whether he should re­cite the same Letters openly, or no, having no mi­strust of their fidelity and affection towards him. But Parmenio disswaded him from acquainting the Souldiers with any such promises of Darius, con­sidering that the committing of such an act con­sisted in one mans hands, and that covetousness never judged any thing unlawful. He followed Parmenio's counsel, and so removed his Camp. As they were marching, one of the Eunuches that at­tended upon Darius wife, brought word how she fainted, and was in great peril of death; for she in very deed was so wearied with continual tra­vel and affection of minde, that she fell down in a swound betwixt her mother-in-law and her young daughter, and so died. He had no sooner reported it, but another came with tydings that she was dead indeed: whereat Alexander was no less sor­rowful than if his own mother had been in the same condition; and weeping no less then Darius should have done, he repaired into the Tent where Darius mother was sitting by the dead body: his sorrow there renewed, when he saw her lie prostrate upon the ground, that present misfortune calling to minde her passed calamities: she took in her arms [Page 120] Darius two Daughters, a comfort to her in their mutual dolour, but that she was enforced to com­fort them. Her young Grand-child stood in her presence, the more to be pitied, because that for his youth he yet understood not the calamity that was growing on him. A man would have thought, that Alexander had wept for his own cause; he la­mented and would receive no comfort, but abstained from meat, and commanded all honour to be done to the dead corps after the Country-custome of the Persians. Worthy he was thereby to receive the due reward of his meekness and continency. He had only seen her once before, which was on the day she was taken, and then came not to visit her, but Darius mother; the excellency of her beauty was no provokement to him of lust, but of glory. Of those Eunuches that were about the Queen, there was one Tyriotes, who during this lamenta­tion escaped by a Gate that was unwarded, and fled unto the Persians Camp, where he was by the Watchmen brought to Darius presence▪ When Da­rius saw him lamenting and tearing his cloaths, he was in a labouring expectation what his sorrow should be, doubting what thing he might fear most. Thy countenance (quoth he) declareth that some great mischief is happened: Take he [...]d thou conceal nothing from my miserable ears: I have learn'd to be unfortu­nate, and it's often-times a comfort to a man in his calamity to know his mishap. Is it not the misusing of my wife and children▪ that thou wouldest inform me with? Which is the thing that I suspect most, and fear to utter; and which (as I believe) is also most grievous unto them. Nothing less (quoth Tyri [...]tes) the same [Page 121] honour that was given unto them by your Subjects, the like is used by him that is the Conquerour: But your wife is the cause of my amazement, who is e­ven now dead.

When that word was once spoken, there was nothing but lamentation and mourning throughout the Camp; and Darius could not be otherwise per­swaded, but that she was slain, because she would not consent to her misusement; and in the vehemency of his sorrow, cried out:

O Alexander, what so great an offence have I com­mitted against thee? Whom of thy kindred have I slain, that thou shouldest requite me with this cruelty? Thou hast done it without any provokement of my part. But be it so that thou dost move a just war against me, is it thy part therefore to make war with women?

Tyriotes thereupon did swear by the immortal gods, that there was no kinde of villany done un­to her, but that Alexander lamented her death, and wept no less then he himself would have done. Those words did drive him into a further suspicion and jealousie, conjecturing that Alexander's beha­viour had proceeded from the familiar conversation had betwixt them. Therefore he commanding all persons from him saving only Tyriotes, that lyes can take no place, Torments streightways shall be brought before thee: I require thee therefore, if any reverence of thy Prince remain within thy heart, tell me without compulsion the thing that I desire to know, and am ashamed to enquire. Is it possible, being of the age that he is, and ha­ving her in his hands, that he should not attempt her? Tyriotes offered himself to be racked in tryal [Page 122] of the cause, and called the gods to witness, that she was never used but chastly and reverently. At length, when he was throughly perswaded that his words were true; he covered his face, weeping a long space, and afterwards the tears yet distilling down his cheeks, uncovered it, and holding up his hands to Heaven, said:

O you gods whom I worship, I require you chiefly to establish this Kingdom unto my self: but if you have determined my ruine and decay, then my request is, that none may reign as King in my Dominion, but even he that is so just an Enemy, and so merciful a Conque­rour.

And therefore, though he had twice before re­quired peace at Alexander's hands, and prevailed not, but had converted all his minde towards the Wars; yet he was then so overcome with the conti­nency of his enemy, that he sent twelve of the chiefest of his blood as Ambassadours to treat with him upon conditions of peace: Alexander calling a Councel, gave them audience, to whom the eldest spake in this manner:

That Darius hath now the third time demanded peace of you, no power hath compelled him, but your justice and continency hath invited him unto it. He cannot perceive that either his Mother, his Wife, or Children were prisoners, saving for the want of their company. You take care of their chastities which re­main alive, like a Father; You give to them the honour appertaining to them, and suffer them to continue in their former estate. I see that sadness in your counte­nance which I saw in Darius when I parted from him, and yet he doth mourn for his Wife, and you for your [Page 123] Enemie: and if the care of her burial had not been, you had now stood in Battel in readiness to fight against him. Is it any marvel therefore if he require peace of such a man, that is so friendly disposed towards him? What shall they need to contend with arms, between whom there remaineth no hatred? In his former Trea­ty he offered that the River of Alys, which boundeth upon Lydia, should be the Confines of your Empire: but now he proffereth you in Dower with his Daughter to be delivered out of hand all those Countries that lie be­tween Hellespont and Euphrates. For the perfor­mance of which his Promise, and for the observing of Peace, Occhus his Son now in your possession shall be the pledge for his part. His request is, to have his Mo­ther and his two Daughters restored unto him, for which you shall receive thirty thousand Talents. Ex­cept I knew the moderation that is in you, I would not be so bold to say that this is a time when you ought not only to grant peace, but also to seek for it your self: Look back and behold what a great thing you leave be­hinde you, and foresee how much it is that you covet be­fore you. An Empire over great is dangerous, and it is hard to hold that which you are not able to receive. Do you not see, that th [...]se Ships which be of exceeding greatness, cannot well be governed? Judge that to be the cause that Darius lost so much, because that over­much is the occasion of much less: It is more easie to get many things, then to keep a few. How much more easily do our Hands catch, then hold fast? The very Death of Darius wise now doth shew, that you have not so great occasion to shew mercy as you had before.

The Embassadours did withdraw into another place, and he debated in Councel his opinion. It [Page 124] was long before any durst utter what they thought, because they were uncertain how the King was in­clined: at length Parmenio spake, and said:

My opinion was ever, that the prisoners taken at Damascus should have been delivered to such as would redeem them, whereby a great sum of mo­ney might have been made of them, who now re­maining in captivity, trouble the hands of many a man of service. And now I think most necessary of all, that you exchange for thirty Talents of Gold, this old Woman, and the two young Dam­zels, which be but impediments and disturbance to your marches. Here is a rich Realm to be got­ten by Treaty, without any hazard of Battel. For there was never any before you (quoth he) that was Lord of all the Countries in length and bredth lying between Ister and Euphrates. He willed him therefore rather to have respect towards Macedonia, then to look forward towards Bactria and the In­dians.

These words liked not the King; and therefore so soon as Parmenio had made an end of his Speech, he made this answer: And if I were Parmenio, I would rather desire Money, then Glory. But now seeing I am Alexander, I am not in any doubt of poverty, and have in consideration, that I am a King, and no Merchant: I have nothing whereof I will make Sale, I will much less sell my Fortune. If I were in minde to deliver the Prisoners, it were much better to give them freely, then to ransome them for money.

Hereupon he called the Embassadours, and an­swered them in this sort:

[Page 125] Shew you to Darius, that giving of thanks is need­less to an enemy, and let him not think that I have had any respect to his friendship in those things that I have done of mine own clemency and liberality. Nor let him impute the same in any wise towards himself, but to the inclination of mine own nature; and that I con­tend not against mens calamities, but against the force of mine Enemies. I use not to make war with women and prisoners; for he must be armed to whom I shall owe my hatred. And though it were so indeed, that he meant good faith in his peace asking, yet peradven­ture I would take advice before I would consent. But seeing that at one time he hath provoked my Souldiers to betray me, and at other times stirred up my friends with money to destroy me, I must pursue him to the uttermost▪ not as a righteous enemy, but as one that worketh his ends by treason. If I should accept the condition of peace that you do bring, I should acknowledge him to be Con­querour. His liberality doth give me all that is behinde the River of Euphrates, not considering in what place I speak now unto you. Have you forgotten that I am passed the River of Euphrates, and incamped beyond the bounds ye pr [...]ffer me in Dowry? Drive me from hence, that I may know the same to be yours, wherewith you would infeoff me. He proffereth me his Daughter with no greater liberality then he would do to one of his Servants. Doth he think to do me a pleasure in pre­ferring me to be his Son-in-law before Mazeus? Go and shew this to your King, that both what he hath lost▪ and what he hath yet in possession, shall be unto me the re­wards of the War, which shall determine the bounds of both our Empires, and by the fortune of the battel which we shall fight to morrow, appoint to each of us [Page 126] our limits. Let him know, that I came not into Asia to receive, but to give. If he would have been content to have been the second person, and not coveted to be equal with me, I would peradventure have granted his re­quest. But as two Suns cannot shine on the Earth at once, so likewise two such great Kingdoms cannot be at one time, without the subversion of the world. There­fore let him either this day yield himself, or else pre­pare against the morrows fight; nor let him perswade himself to have any other fortune then what he hath proved already.

The Embassadours replied: That seeing he was resolved to proceed with War, he did Royally that he was plain unto them, and did not feed them with hope of peace. Their request was therefore that they might be dispatched to their Prince, to warn him to prepare himself likewise. When they returned, there was no way but to prepare for the fight. Wherefore Darius sent for Mazeus with three thousand horsemen to keep the passages by which the Macedons should pass. When Alexander had performed the Funerals of Darius wife, leaving a small guard behinde, with all such as were unpro­fitable for the fight, he set forward towards his Enemies. His footmen were divided into two Bat­tels, empaled with horsemen on both sides, and his carriages were placed in the midst. He sent Medinas with horsemen upon the spurs to discover where Darius was; but he not daring to adventure far, because Mazeus was there strongly quartered, returned back and reported, that there was nothing to be heard but the noyse of men and the neighing of horses. Mazeus also (the Scouts of Alexander [Page 127] being discovered) gave intelligence to Darius of the approach of the enemy: Darius, who desired to try the event of the Battel in the open Plains, commanded his Souldiers to be armed, and put his Army in array of Battel. Two thousand of the Bactrian and the Dahan horse, and four thousand of the Arachosians and Susians did make the left Wing: These were followed by a hundred hooked Chariots. Next unto them was Bessus with a thou­sand Bactrian horse, and two thousand of the Mas­sagetae did back him on his rear. To these the foot of many Nations, not mixed, but in distinct Regi­ments, did joyn their formidable power: after them Ariobarzanes and Oriobates, with the Mardians and Sogdians, did bring up the Army of the Persians. This part of Darius Army was commanded in chief by Orsines, descended from seven Persian Kings, and deriving also his Original from the noble King Cy­rus. There were other Nations that followed these, but hardly known to their own Neighbours. After whom, Cradates having fifty hooked Chariots, placed a Band of Caspian horsemen before them, and be­hinde them were the Indians and the other inha­biters of the red Sea, rather names of men then good assistance. This square was also empaled with the o­ther fifty Chariots, unto the which the mercenary Souldiers were joyned: after them followed the men of Armenia the less, then the Babylonians, and next the Bellicans, with such as inhabit the Cossean Moun­tains. The Gortuans came next, who sometime fol­lowed the Medians out of Euboia; but at those days degenerated from their Country-customs. The P [...]ygi­ans, Cathonians and Parthians did close the rear.

[Page 128] In the Battel on the right hand were the people of the greater Armenia, the Cadusians, Cappa­docians and Medians, who had fifty hooked Cha­riots: the sum of his whole Army was forty five thousand horsemen, and two hundred thousand footmen. When they were placed in order of Bat­tel, they marched forward ten furlongs, and then were commanded to make a halt. Whilest the Per­sians after that manner tarried for their Enemies, there fell a sudden fear amongst the Macedons, whereof there appeared no cause; and yet every man was amazed, and a secret dread entred into their hearts. The lightning that fell out of the air, it being in the Summer-season, seemed like fire, and the flames suddenly appearing were thought to come from Darius Camp. If Mazeus, who was sent out to observe their coming, had set upon them while they were in this fear, he might have performed some notable act. But he was slow in the enterprize, and remained upon the top of an Hill, contented that he was not assailed.

Alexander perceiving the terrour that invaded his Souldiers, made a signe for them to slay, and gave order that they should unarm themselves, and refresh their bodies; giving them to understand, that there was not any cause why they should en­tertain so vain a fear, seeing their Enemies were yet a good distance from them. At length, when he perceived they had recovered their spirits, he exhorted them to receive courage, and put on their armour; but yet he thought nothing more expe­dient then to fortifie his Camp in the same place. The next day Mazeus, who had planted himself on [Page 129] a high Hill, from whence he might behold his E­nemies Camp, either for fear, or else because his Commission was but only to discover the motion of his Enemies, returned again unto Darius. Up­on his departure, the Macedons immediately pos­sessed themselves of the Hill which he had forsa­ken, the same being of more strength then the Plain where they remained before, from whence they might behold their Enemies Camp. And though the Mist which the moist Hills did cast forth, took not away clearly the use of their prospect, yet it hindred them to discern the division of their Enemies Battels, and their order: their multitude overspread the fields; and the noise of their num­ber did fill their ears, though they were far off. Then Alexander begun to revolve in his minde, and to debate with himself one while Parmenio's Opinion, and another time his own; for he was come so far forth, that he could not retire, except he were Victorious, without the great destructi­on of his Army. The multitude of his Enemies moved him much, in respect of his small numbers: Yet on the other part, remembred what great Acts he had done with them, and how many Nations he had vanquished: So that his hope surmounting his fear, he thought it of all most dangerous to de­fer the Battel any longer, lest desperation should grow amongst his men; and therefore dissembling the matter, he caused the Mercenary Horsemen, and the Peons, to pass on before, and divided his Phalanx (as it hath been said) into two Battels, and impaled the same with Horsemen on both sides. By that time the Mist vanished, and it wax­ing [Page 130] clear, the order of his Enemies manifestly ap­pe [...]red.

The Macedons then, whether it were of courage, or for that they were impatient to tarry any lon­ger, made such a shout as men of War use when they joyn in Battel: The like was also made by the Persians. Then the Woods and Valleys rebounded with the terrible sound: The Macedons could not abstain any longer, but would have gone forwards towards their Enemies: But Alexander thought it better to fortifie his Camp upon that Hill; and so commanded it to be intrenched about: Which work being speedily performed, he entred into his Tent, from whence he might behold the Field Marshalled, and the whole Army of his Enemies embattelled; then the fashion and form of the dan­ger that was at hand, was presented before his eyes; both Horsemen and Footmen glistered in their bright Armour, and all things were prepared with extraordinary diligence. He beheld the care of the Captains in his Enemies Camp, how they did ride up and down to set things in order: And ma­ny things that were but vain indeed (as the noise of Men, the neighing of Horses, and the glistering of their Armour) troubled yet the minde that was careful in expectation of the event: Therefore whe­ther it were that he was not fully resolved in his minde, or else to prove the resolutions of such as were about him, a Councel of War was called to advise what was best to do. Parmenio, who was the most experienced among all the Captains in the feats of War, thought it good not to give his Ene­mies open Battel, but rather to set upon them in [Page 131] the dead time of the night, whereby he thought they might easily be discomfited; supposing, that they among whom there was such diversity of Cu­stoms, and alteration of Language, could never rally well together, especially when in the dead of night they should have their quarters beaten up; whereas in the day time, the shape of the Scythians and Bactrians, with their rough faces, and long hair, beside the hugeness of their bodies, should appear terrible. He alledged, how Souldiers were more moved with the vain causes of fear, and such as were of no moment, then with such as were just causes indeed. He declared also, how their Ene­mies, by reason of their great multitude, should be able to inclose their small number round about; and that they should not now fight in the Streights, and narrow passages of Cilicia, but in an open and large Plain.

They all, in a manner, agreed to Parmenio; and Polipercon was directly of Opinion, that the Victory consisted on the following of that counsel. The King, that before had upbraided Parmenio more bit­terly then was expedient, would not check him a­gain, but beheld Polipercon, and said:

That Policy that you advise me, pertaineth to Rob­bers and Felons, for it is their propriety to work by darkness and deceit; I will no more suffer, that either Darius absence, the streightness of the ground, or the stealth in the night, shall be an hinderance to my glo­ry. I am plainly determined to fight with him in the open day; and had rather repent me of my Fortune, then he ashamed of my Victory: Besides, this is to be considered, that the Persians keep good Watch, and [Page 132] stand armed always in a readiness to receive us, whereof I have advertisement, so that they cannot be deceived that way; therefore there doth remain no more, but that you prepare your selves to the Bat­tel.

When he had by these words put them into cou­rage, he dismissed them from Counsel, to refresh their bodies. Darius conjecturing, that his Enemies would have done that which Parmenio did per­swade, caused the Horses to stand ready bridled the whole night, and the most part of his Host to continue armed, and to keep good watch. His Camp shone bright with the fires that were made, and he himself, with his Captains and Kinsfolks, went about his Souldiers that stood in order and in Arms, making invocation to the Sun, to Mars, and to the Everlasting Fire, that they would inspire into them a fortitude of minde, that might an­swer to the Ancient Glory, and the Acts of their Predecessors: And declared, if the minde of man were able to conceive any tokens or signes of the gods favour or assistance, it was no doubt but that they were bent on their side, having already stricken a sudden fear amongst the Macedons, which (he said) might be seen by their running here and there, by the carrying and casting off their Ar­mour; and that the gods, which took care of the Persians Empire, were now determined to punish [...] Cowards, whose Captains (quoth he) being of no other sort then the rest, are like unto those wilde Beasts, which through the greediness of the [...] they do covet, do fall into the snares that are set for them.

[Page 133] The like care was amongst the Macedons; for as though the matter should have been tryed that night, they passed it over in doubt and fear. Alexander himself (that was never seen in such fear before that time) called for Aristander to make vows and prayers; who, in a white Garment, carrying Ver­benes in his hand, with his head covered, went be­fore the King, calling upon Jupiter, Minerva, and Victoria. When he had thus performed his Sacri­fice, according to their Religion, he returned in­to his Pavilion to rest the residue of the night; yet he could neither rest, nor sleep, but continually de­bated with himself, which way he should assail his Enemies: One while he was of Opinion, to give his first On-set upon that Battel of the Persians that should come on his right hand, sometimes he de­termined to meet his Enemies in the very front, and otherwhile whether it were better to encounter them on their left Battel. At length his body be­came heavy with the travel of his minde, and he fell into a sound sleep▪ When the day appeared, the Captains assembled about the Kings Pavilion, to receive their charge, where they stood amazed at the unaccustomed silence: For they could not but wonder, that he who was ever wont to call up­on other men, and to reprove such as were slow or negligent, not to be then stirring in the extre­mity of the utmost danger: And many were of opinion, that he slept not, but shrunk for fear; yet for all that, none of them that were about his per­son durst attempt to wake him. In the mean sea­son [...] ▪ the morning past away, and the Souldiers might neither put on their Armour, nor stand in [Page 134] order of Battel, without commandment of their Chief. When they had thus tarried a great while, Parmenio gave commandment that they should fall to meat. At length, when the time came, that of necessity the Army must be drawn into Battel, he entred into the Kings lodging, and called upon him divers times by his name: but when he could not awake him with his voice, he stirred him with his hand, and said:

It is far forth day, and your Enemies come forwards in order of Battel, and your Souldiers being yet un­armed, have not commandment given them what they should do: Where is that chearfulness and courage of yours become, which were wont to stir up even those who were most watchful?

Alexander made answer unto him:

Think you that I could sleep before that I had rid my self of the care that hindred me to take my rest? And thereupon caused the Trumpet to sound to the Battel.

But when Parmenio continued still in his admira­tion, that he in such a time could sleep so quietly: It is no marvel (quoth Alexander) when Darius burn­ed the Country, wasted the Villages, and destroyed the Victuals, I could then in no wise be quiet: But now what cause have I to fear, seeing he now prepa­reth himself to fight? He hath now fulfilled my de­sire; resort you where your charge lieth, and I will straightway come to give order amongst you, and we will dispute this business afterwards.

He used seldom to take his friends advice when any doubt or danger was at hand. When Parmenio was gone, he armed himself, and came forwards [Page 135] amongst his Souldiers: They seeing him look so chearfully as they had not seen before time, con­ceived by the courage of his countenance a certain hope of the Victory: Then he caused the Trenches of his Camp to be cast down, that the Souldiers might have free passage forth; and in this manner did set his Battels in order. The Horsemen, of whom Clitus was Captain, were set in the wing on his right-hand Battel, to whom he joyned Philotas, and other Captains. The last Band of Horsemen was Meleagers, which were next unto the square Battel of Footmen, that the Macedons name Pha­lanx: After the Phalanx, followed the Agaraspi­des, of whom Nicanor, the Son of Parmenia, was Captain: Cenus, with his Band, was appointed to be a Relief: Horestes and Lincestes advanced next; and after them Polipercon, that had the Rule of the Strangers; and Phylagus, who had the Rule of the Balacrons: And this was the order of Alexan­ders Battel in the right wing, whereof Amintas was Chief.

In the left Battel, Craterus had the charge of the Peloponnesian Horsemen; and with him also were the Bands of the Achaians, Locrensians, and Ma­laeans; and the hindmost Troops were the Horse­men of Thessaly, under Philip their Captain. Thus the Horsemen covering the Foot, made the Front of the Battel: And lest their Enemies, through their multitude, should inclose the Battel about, he planted a great Force behinde for a Reserve, and set a Relief also upon the Wings; not in Front with the rest, but upon the sides, to the intent, that if the Enemies attempted to compass round [Page 136] about the Battels, they should be ready to keep them in action.

Those that maintained the places of Reserves, were the Agrians, of whom Attalus was Captain, and the Archers of Creet were joyned unto them: Such as stood in the Rear of the Battel, were or­dered to turn their faces from the Frontwards, be­cause that being in a readiness every way, the Bat­tels in every place should be of an equal force. They which stood with their faces contrariwise, were the Illyrians, and the Mercenary Souldiers, with the Th [...]acians that were light armed. These his Battels were so aptly set to move every way, that such as stood in the hinder parts could not be inclo­sed about, but might every way make their Front; so the Front, the Flanks, and the Rear, were all of like force. When he had set his men in order after this manner, he gave Commandment, that if the Persians should attempt upon them with their Hook­ed Waggons with a cry, or noise, that then they should open their Battels, and receive them with silence, not doubting but that they should pass through without any harm, if no man did resist them: But if they should come without any shout or clamour, that then they themselves should make a cry to fear the Horses withal; and so with Pikes thrust them through on every side. They which had the charge of Battels, were commanded to extend them so much in bredth as possible they might, lest by standing over-close, they might be environed; and yet not to stretch them so far out, as to leave the Ranks void, and thin in the midst. The Carriage, and the Prisoners (amongst whom [Page 137] Darius Mother was one) were set in the top of an Hill, with a small Guard about them. The charge of the left Battel was committed unto Parmenio, as was accustomed before-time, and Alexander himself was in the Main Body.

When they were drawn near to one another, one Byon came flying from the Persian Hoast in a full gallop, and declared unto the King, that Darius had planted iron Galtops where he thought his Horsemen should pass; and by a certain signe, shew­ed him the place, because it might be avoided: Alexander willed the Fugitive to be kept safe, and assembled all his Captains together, declaring the matter, and exhorting them to make their Soul­diers privy to the danger, for eschewing the place pointed out to them: But all that were in so great an Army could not hear the warning given, the noise of both Armies taking away the use of the ears. But Alexander riding betwixt the Battels, gave Exhortation to the Captains, and to all other that were within hearing.

He declared, that there was but one hazard re­maining to them that had passed through so many Countries in hope of the Victory, which they were now ready to fight for: Thereupon he reduced to their memory the Battels they had fought at the River of Granike, in the Mountains of Cilicia; and with what speed they had passed over both Syria and Egypt: The rehearsal whereof put them in great hope, and did intice them forwards to the desire of glory. He shewed, that the Persians be­ing withdrawn from their former flying, were now compelled to fight of necessity, because they could [Page 138] fly no further; and how that three days together, amazed for fear, they had remained still in one place with their Armour on their backs; of whose despair (he said) there could be no greater argu­ment, then that they had set on fire their own Country, confessing all to be their Enemies that they destroyed not. He exhorted them not to fear the vain name of unknown Nations; for it was a thing nothing pertinent, which were called Scy­thians, or which Caducians; for being unknown Nations, it was a sure token that they were men of no valour, because such as be valiant could ne­ver be unknown in the world: And contrariwise, Dastards, when they come forth of their D [...]ns, bring nothing with them but names of men; whereas you (quoth he) that be Macedons, have obtained by your Vertue and Manhood, that there is no Coun­try in the world ignorant of your Acts. He wil­led them to behold the evil order that was in their Enemies Host, of whom some had no weapon but a Dart, others a Sling to cast stones, and very few had such Armour as they ought to have: So that though there was a great number on the other part, yet he said, they had more on their side when they should come to fight hand to hand; and that for his part he would not require any man to adventure himself, except he were an example to him of For­titude and Courage; for he assured them, that he would be seen fighting with the foremost, knowing that so many wounds as he should get, should be so many ornaments to his person: He said, they themselves knew that he would be no partaker of the prey; but that it was ever his custom, to be­stow [Page 139] the rewards of his Victory upon the Souldi­ers. His former words he shewed to be spoken to men of courage; but if any were of another tem­per, he was to inform them, that they were come unto the place from whence they could not fly, ha­ving left so many Countries behinde them which they had passed over, and so many Rivers and Mountains at their backs; so that now there was no way to their own houses and Native Country, but such as they must make open with their own hands.

This was the Exhortation he gave unto the Cap­tains, and to such of the Souldiers as were next unto him. Darius, that was in his left-hand Battel, accompanied with a choice Band of Horsemen and of Footmen, despised the small number of his Ene­mies, their Battels appearing to him thin, and void of men, when he saw their Wings stretched so far abroad: He stood therefore on his Chariot on high, and turning himself both on the right hand and the left, he spake in this manner to such as were about him:

We that were not long since Lords of all the Coun­tries lying between Hellespont and the Ocean Sea, are compelled now to fight, not for Fame and Glory, but for our Safeguard, and our Liberty, which chiefly is to be esteemed: This day shall either establish or make an end of the greatest Empire that hath been in any Age. At the River of Granike we fought with a small part of our Power: When we were vanquished in Ci­licia, Syria was able to receive us, and the Rivers of Tygris and Euphrates were as Bull-warks to defend our Kingdom: But now we are come to that extremity, [Page 140] that we have no place to fly unto if we be put to flight: All things behinde our backs are wasted with this long War; neither Cities are inhabited, nor men left to till the ground: Our Wives and our Children do follow this Army, a prey ready for our Enemies, except we put our bodies for the defence of such as be dear unto us. So much as hath concerned me, I have performed, preparing such an Army as this huge Plain is able to receive. I have distributed amongst you Horse and Armour▪ providing that Victuals should not be wanting for such a multitude, and have cho­sen an apt place to arange our Battels in: All the rest remaineth in your hands; do but dare to fight, and the Victory is yours; and despise you the Fame of the Enemy, which is but a weak weapon against men of Valour: It is rashness which hitherto ye have feared as a Vertue, whereof when the first brunt is spent, it wax­eth dull, as are Drones having once lost their stings. This Plain hath disclosed their small number, which the Mountains of Cilicia did hide: You see how emp­ty their Ranks are, how thin their Wings be extended abroad, how their Battels be empty and void of men, and such as are in the Rear have already turned their backs: They may be overthrown with your Horses feet, though I send none against them but the Hooked Wag­gons: And if we win the Battel, we make an end of the War, for they have no place to fly to: They are shut in with Tygris on the one side, and with Euphrates on the other; and such things as before made for their purpose, now are turned, and do make clear against them: Our Army is light, and without much Baggage, and they are laden with preys and booties; we shall kill them as they are wrapt in spoils: And the same [Page 141] one thing shall be both our gain and the cause of our Vi­ctory. If any of you be moved with the Fame of the Nation, you must think that the Armour, with the out­ward shew, and not the bodies of the Macedons, are there present; we have consumed so much of their blood since the War began: And seeing they are but few, their loss must needs be to them the greater. For how great soever Alexander doth seem to them that are Co­wards, he is but a man, and if you trust me, both rash and without consideration; and hitherto more fortunate through our fear, then by his own valour. There is no­thing can continue that is not governed by reason; for though Fortune seems to favour for a while, yet at last she will not support his rashness: Besides that, the e­state of things are full of change, and no man hath a perpetual felicity. It may be that the providence of the gods have so ordained it, that the Empire of the Persians, encreased with such prosperous success by the space of two hundred and thirty years, and brought to so great a height of fortune, should now rather be sha­ken, then utterly overthrown, thereby to admonish us of mans fragility, who useth to forget himself over­much in prosperous estate. It is not long ago, since of our own motion and courage, we made War against the Grecians, and invaded their Dominions; but now we stand at defence for our own Country. Thus we are tossed one against another by change of Fortune; for one Nation cannot suffice the greatness of the Empire which we both do covet: But be it so that hope were taken from us, yet necessity ought to encourage us, the War is brought to such extremity. He keepeth now as Prisoners, both my Mother, my two Daughters, and Oc­chus my Son, born to the succession of this Empire: He [Page 142] keepeth Captive your Prince, the Issue that is descended of the Blood-Royal; yea, and your Captains equal with Kings; and if you do not now bestir your hands, I my self am like to become a Captive: Deliver you therefore my Bowels out of Prison, and restore to me my Children, for whose sake I do not refuse to die. Be you all sure, that both my Mother and my Children (for my Wife is dead in Prison) are holding up their hands, crying unto the gods, and calling for your help, your courage and fidelity, that you would free them from Servitude, from Fetters, and from the Estate they are in, living at other mens will and appointment. Think you that they can be content to live under such, as they could scarcely vouchsafe to have for their Sub­jects? I see that our Enemies Battels do approach▪ and the nearer the danger is at hand, the less the words I have spoken do satisfie me. I make request to you by the gods of our Country, by the Eternal Fire that is carried upon their Altars, by the brightness of the Sun that riseth within the bound [...]s of my Empire, and by the everlasting memory of Cyrus, who did take the Empire from the Medes and Lydians, and gave it to the Persians, to deliver their Names and this Nation from shame and reproach. Go forth chearfully, have you good hope, and see that you restore to your Posteri­ty the glory you received of your Predecessours. Behold, you carry in your hands your Liberty, your Help, our Hope in time to come. Whosoever contemneth death escapeth it, and death only overtaketh such as do flie from it. I ride here in a Chariot, not only for that it▪ is my Countries Custom, but also that I may be seen of you all: And I desir [...] nothing so much, as that you will follow me, whether I shew you an example of Courage, or of Cowardliness.

[Page 143] In the mean season, whilest Alexander did covet to eschew the place of peril whereof he was adver­tised, and inforced himself to encounter with Da­rius left Battel, where he remained in person, he was compelled to fetch a compass about; whom when Darius perceived, he turned likewise his own Battel towards him; willing Bessus, to appoint the Horse of the Massagetae, to give a Charge on Alexanders left Battel. He sent before him his Hook­ed Wagons, which by a signe given, brake sudden­ly upon their Enemies with a full course, to the in­tent, that by their coming unawares, they might work the greater destruction. The Pikes that were set before in the Wagons, destroyed divers, and many were torn asunder by the Hooks that were on both sides: The Macedons gave not place to them by a little and little, but troubled their Array with a main flight. When Mazeus saw their disorder, he put them in more fear, and appointed a thou­sand Horsemen to fetch a compass about the Mace­dons Battels to spoil their Carriage, supposing that the Prisoners which were there kept would break their Bands when they should see their own Nation approach: Parmenio, who was in the left Wing, did easily perceive it, and immediately sent Polida­mus unto Alexander, to shew him the danger, and know his pleasure what he would have done: which when he understood by Polidamus; Go thy way (quoth he) and shew Parmenio, if we win the Battel, we shall not only recover again our own, but shall have also the Spoil of our Enemies: Therefore I would not that any part of our Force should be removed out of the Main Battel, but let him fight it out manfully, [Page 144] and not regard the loss of Baggage; wherein he shall observe the Honour of me, and my Father Philip, whose Custom was to do the like.

In the mean season, the Persians were entred a­mong the Carriages, and had slain divers that were left there in defence thereof: whereupon the pri­soners began to unloose themselves; and taking up whatsoever came to hand, took part with the Horse­men, and sharply assailed the Macedons; divers were so joyful, that they ran to bear tydings to Sisigambis, how Darius had won the Victory, and had overthrown his Enemies with a great slaughter, and also that their Carriages were taken, thinking the like Fortune had been every where, seeing they saw the Persians fall to spoil. And although they exhorted Sisigambis that she should leave her hea­viness, and rejoyce, yet she continued in the same Estate she was in before, without speaking one word, or changing colour or countenance, but sate still immoveable: She was so overcome (as it was thought) with sudden joy, that she durst not stir, nor attempt Fortune; for such as did behold her, could not perceive which way she was in­clined. In the mean season, Amintas that was Ma­ster of the Horse to Alexander, came with a few Bands of Horsemen to relieve the Carriages; but uncertain it was whether he did it of his own head, or by the Kings appointment: He was not able to endure the force of the Cadusians and Scythians; for scarcely attempting the skirmish, he was driven back, and fled again unto Alexander, being a wit­ness rather of the loss of the Carriages, then a Re­scuer of the same. The grief that Alexander con­ceived [Page 145] at this matter, overcame the purpose he took before in hand, and feared (not without cause) lest the Souldiers, through the carefulness to re­cover their own, might leave the fight, and resort towards their Baggage: He sent Arctes, Captain of the Spearmen that were nam'd Sa [...]ssopherii, against the Scythians. By this time the Hooked Waggons, which had before troubled the fore-front, were come within the square (which the Macedons call Pha­lanx) yet the Souldiers never shrunk at the matter, but received them into the midst of their Battel; whereas joyning themselves close together, they stood like a wall on both sides, thrusting their Pikes into the Bowels of the Horses; and ran about the Waggons, throwing down such as stood in them at defence. The whole Battel was intangled and troubled with the ruine and killing of the Horses, with such as governed them: They could not rule their Horses when they were once galled or hurt; who with much leaping and strugling, not only brake out of their Traces, but also overthrew the Waggons, drawing at their Tails the men that were slain; neither being able to stand still for the fear they were in, nor yet go forwards, being so faint of their wounds: Yet a few of them passed through the Battel; whereby such as the Waggons did light upon, were miserably slain, lying upon the ground with their Members cut in sunder: Yet because that through the greenness of their wounds they felt little pain, they kept their Weapons still, not­withstanding they were maimed, and without strength, till such time as, by continual bleeding, they sunk down dead. Aretes, in the mean time, had [Page 146] slain the Captain of the Scythians that were spoil­ing of the Carriages, and repulsed them back: But straightway came the Bactrians, by Darius send­ing, and turned the fortune of the Field again. Many Macedons were slain at the first encounter, but more fled unto Alexander: Then the Persians made such a shout as men are wont to do that win the Victory, and fiercely assailed their Enemies, thinking they had in evey place been put to flight. When Alexander perceived his men shrink, and begin to faint, and give ground, he rebuked such as he saw afraid, and encouraged many that with­drew from the fight; so that he alone restored the Battel again. When he had put them in heart, he required them to press forwards, and go freely a­gainst their Enemies. Alexander perceiving that the Bactrians were departed to the defeating of the Carriages, and by their going had left the right-hand Battel of Darius thin and naked, he bent his force wholly that way, and there made a wonder­ful slaughter and destruction of his Enemies, who by reason of their loose Array, were not able to withstand him; which the Persians in the left wing observing, were in hope to have inclosed Alexan­der round, and came forwards to set upon his Rear, whereby great danger had ensued to him, being invironed both before and behinde, if the Agrians had not put their Spurs to their Horses, and given a gallant Charge to their Enemies that were inviron­ing the King about, and so compelled the Persians to turn their faces again towards them.

The Battels thus were sore travelled on both sides; Alexander had his Foes both before and be­hinde, [Page 147] and his Enemies that come on his back were sore oppressed by the Agrians: The Bactrians also that had spoiled the Carriages, were excluded from their own company, and could not recover their place again. Thus the Battels were divided in di­vers parts, and fought one against another, as their chance fell out. The two Kings, that joyned their Battel hard to one another, renewed again the fight: There were most of the Persians slain; but the num­ber of the wounded were li [...]e on both sides: Da­rius did ride in a Chariot, and Alexander upon a Horse: They both had a choice Band about them, which were careless of their own lives; for if their Kings should miscarry, they neither could be safe, nor yet desire to live. Wherefore every one of them thought it a Noble thing to adventure them­selves before the face of their Prince; and he that coveted most to defend his Master, was in most pe­ril; for each man desired the honour to kill the King of the contrary part. There (whether it were an imagination of the eyes, or visible indeed) such as were about Alexander believed, that they saw an Eagle fluttering above his head, which neither feared with the clashing of their Harness, nor by the crying of them that were dying, hovered still in the Air a little above him. Then Aristander, who did wear a white garment, and carried Lawrel in his hand, shewed this sight unto the Soaldiers, be­ing busie in the fight, as a certain token of Victo­ry. This sight caused them, which before were in some doubt, chearfully and with great confidence to assail their Enemies.

The fight continued after this sort until the time [Page 148] that he was slain who governed the Horse that drew Darius Chariot: Then neither the Persians nor Macedons doubted, but tha [...] Darius had been slain: And the Persians, upon that imagination, made a b [...]rbarous noise, and a sorrowful howling, where­with they sore troubled and astonied their whole Hoast, that were yet fighting with equal Victory: Darius Kinsmen, and the Squires of his Body that were on his left hand, left him, and fled away with a main flight: but such as stood in his defence on his right hand, conveyed him into the heart of the Battel.

It was said that Darius drew out his Sword, and was determined divers times to kill himself, rather then to sustain the shame of flying away: But when he saw, as he sate aloft on his Chariot, that a great part of his Army remained yet fighting, he was ashamed to leave them in such sort. And while he thus wavered in his own minde, the Persians by little and little gave ground, and shrunk from their order. Alexander that had tyred many Hor­ses, did at that instant change his Horse anew, and strake at the faces of them that did oppose: there was none then that made resistance any longer, but a manifest slaughter fell on the Persians, and Da­rius turned his Chariot to fly away: The Mace­dans pursued hard after them that fled; and the dust that flew up to the Sky took away their pro­spect, so that they wandred as in darkness, and ever drew together when they heard any voice they knew; only the ratling and noise of the Chariots was a taken for the Macedons to follow in the pur­suit.

[Page 149] As Fortune was prosperous to the Macedons on this part, and contrary unto their [...]; so on the other side, where Parmenio in the left wing in­countred with the Persians, they had the better, and the Macedons the worse. Mazeus with his whole Band gave a violent charge, and put the Horsemen that stood in the wings to a sore distress; and thereupon, by reason he abounded with mul­titude, he began to inclose the Footmen round. Then Parmenio sent word to Alexander in what danger they were; which he signified to be such, that except they had succour in time, they could not resist, but be inforced to fly away. Alexan­der was gone far in the Chase when this sorrowful message was brought him; wherefore he command­ed his Horsemen to stand, and chafed wonderful­ly that the Victory should be thus taken out of his hands, and that Darius had better fortune in fly­ing, then he in following. In the mean s [...]ason, the fame of Darius overthrow was brought unto Maze­us, wherefore, though before he had the upper hand, yet he was so stricken with fear at his Fellows mis­fortune, that he made a slack pursuit upon their E­nemies. Parmenio was ignorant of the cause why the fight did slack so willingly on their part; and boldly using the occasion, called the Thessalian Horsemen unto him, and said: See you not how our Enemies, that even now gave us a fierce on [...]set, suddenly be afraid? I see the fortune of our King doth give us the Victory: All the Field is strowed with the Persians that be slain; Why do you there­fore stay? Are you not good enough for men that fly?

[Page 150] They saw that his words had some appearance of truth; and therefore by and by they took courage, and putting their Spurs to their Horses, gave a full charge upon their Enemies; who retired not by little and little, but marched away a great pace; and they wanted nothing of flying, saving that they had not yet directly turned their backs: yet for all that, in so much as Parmenio knew not what was become of the King, nor of his Battel, he stayed, and would not pursue after them. Mazeus having liberty given him to fly at his leisure, pas­sed the River of Tire, not the next way, but by a further compass about with more surety, and reco­vered the City of Babylon with the remainder of that vanquished Army.

In the mean season, Darius, with a few that ac­companied him in his slight, came to the River of Licus, where passing over, he stood in doubt whe­ther he should break the Bridge or no; for it was shewed him, that his Enemies were at hand: but considering how many thousands of his men by the breaking thereof should become a prey to his Ene­mies, he left the Bridge standing; and at his de­parture said, That he had rather open the way to them that pursued him, then to shut it against them that fled after him. But Darius left not his flying till he came to Arbella, where he arrived about mid-night: Who is able to conceive in his minde, or express in words, the manifold chance in this discomfi­ture, the slaughter that fell both upon Captains and Souldiers; the chasing of them that were put to flight, and the destruction in general, and in particular; Fortune heaped together in that one [Page 151] day the chances of the whole world. Some took the way that came next to hand; others fled into the Woods, and sought out by-ways to escape such as had them in the chase: There was a confusion of Horsemen and Footmen mixed together withou [...] any head; the armed with the unarmed, and the whole with the hurt.

At length, the compassion that one had of ano­ther, was turned into fear▪ and they that could not follow, were left bewailing themselves one to ano­ther: But Thirst chiefly afflicted the wounded and wearied, who lay along every where in the ways where any water was, gasping after it with open mouth; and when for greediness they had gulled in the troubled water, they began to swell, when the Mud once entred into their Intrails; and being thus not in case to move, the Enemy came and stir­red them up with fresh wounds. Some; when the Brooks near hand were taken up by others, sought out for Springs in every secret place: Nor were there any Puddles so dry, or so far out of the way, that could be hidden from the thirst of them that searched them out: The old men and women were heard howling and crying in all the Villages near the way side, how Darius was yet their King.

Alexander (as it hath been said before) pursuing the Chase, was come to the River of Licus, at which the multitude of the Flyers were more then could pass the Bridge; so that many, when their Enemies pursued them, leaped into the water; and there la­den with their Armour, and wearied with sighting and flying, were consumed in the stream: But within a while, neither the Bridge nor the River [Page 152] were able to receive the throung that continually in­creased by their indiscreet flying: For when fear had once entred into their hearts, they doubted only that which put them first in fear. The Macedons were very eager in pursuit of their Enemies, and re­quired Alexander, that he would not suffer his Ene­mies to escape free away: But he to stay them, al­ledged, that their weapons were dull, their hands wearied, their bodies faint in the long pursuit, and the night besides fast approached on them: But in very deed, the care of his other▪ Battel, which he thought to be yet fighting, caused him to return to their succour.

He had not so soon turned his Ensignes, but that certain Horsemen brought him word from Parme­nio, that he likewise had put his Enemies to flight. He was not in so great danger all that day, as when he was coming towards his Camp; for there were but few that followed him, and they were out of order, as men that rejoycing of the Victory, judg­ed all their Enemies either to be fled, or slain in the Field: Suddenly there appeared a Band of Persian Horsemen coming against them, which at the first stayed▪ but afterwards perceiving the small num­ber of the Macedons, gave a charge upon them. The King rode foremost, rather dissembling then de­spising the peril he was in: But his perpetual felici­ty never failed him in his extremities; for at the first encounter, he strake the Captain of the Persians (who in eagerness of the fight unadvisedly came a­gainst him) through with a Spear. When he with that blow was stricken to the ground, Alexander slew the next unto him with the same Staff; and after him, divers others.

[Page 153] When his Company saw their Enemies amazed with his doings, they brake upon them, and threw many to the earth; yet they, for their parts, were not unrevenged: for the whole Battel did not so earnestly fight, as that small Band assembled so by chance. But at length, when they saw flying in the dark to be more safe unto them then fighting, they fled away in divers Companies. Alexander ha­ving escaped this extraordinary peril, brought his men in safeguard unto his Camp.

There were slain of the Persians, which came to the knowledge of them that had the Victory, for­ty thousand; and of the Macedons, less then three hundred: which Victory Alexander won more by his own Vertue, then by any fortune; and with hardiness and courage, more then through any advantage of the ground: for he both ordered his Battels politickly, and fought manfully: With great wisdom he contemned the loss of the Baggage, con­sidering the weight of the whole matter to con­sist in the Battel it self. Whilest the fortune of the Field remained doubtful, he used himself as assured of the Victory; and when he had put his Enemies in fear, he ceased not till he had set them flying: and that which scarcely can be believed, in that fierceness of courage, he pursued in the Chase more wisely then greedily: For if he should have fol­lowed on still, part of his Power yet fighting in the Field, he should either have lost the Battel through his own fault, or else have won the Victory through the prowess of another: Or if after he had obtained the Victory, he had shewed himself afraid of the Horsemen that he met, he must either [Page 154] shamefully have fled, or have been miserably slain.

Nor were his Captains to be defrauded of their due commendation, for the wounds that they did receive were tokens of their Manhood; Ephestions arm was wounded with a Spear, Perdicas, Cenos, and Medinas, with shot of Arrows, were almost slain out-right: And if we will give a true judgment of the Macedons that were there, we must confess, that he was a King worthy of such Ministers, and they men worthy of so great a Master.

IF I should here make mention of the Wars that in the mean season intervened both in Greece, Italy, and in Thracia, and of the Revolters that were check­ed and subdued by the appointment and Commissi­on of Alexander, the proceedings in Asia would thereby be interrupted, which I thought most con­venient to put wholly together, until the death of Darius; and then to joyn them in this work, as they agree with the time. I will first speak of those things that ensued after the Battel of Arbella, where Darius arrived about mid-night; and, as it chanced, the greater part of his friends, whom he called all together, and spake to them to this effect:

That he doubted not but Alexander and his Soul­diers, greedy of the abundance of the spoil which was in a readiness for them, would visit such Cities and Countries of his as were most famous for their scituati­on and wealth; which thing, he said, considering his [Page 156] estate, could not but turn at length to his advantage. His purpose was, in a swift March, to repair into the Desarts: And seeing the uttermost bounds of his King­dom were yet untouched, he might easily repair his Power from thence to renew the War.

Let therefore that greedy Nation (quoth he) take my Treasure, and satisfie their hunger with gold, which shortly shall cause both the same, and themselves also, to be a prey unto us: For (he said) he had learned by experience, that the Flocks of Concubines and Eunuchs, were nothing else but burdens and impediments; which Alexander possessing, and carrying about with him, it would at the last make him inferiour unto them of whom before he was Victorious.

His Oration seemed to all men to be full of de­speration; for they saw thereby, that the rich City of Babylon should be given up unto the Macedons, and Susae shortly after, with all other Ornaments of the Realm, which were the cause of the War: But he proceeded in perswading them, how that men in adversity ought not to do things that should seem goodly in the speaking, but necessary in the ex­perience: That Wars were made with Iron, and not with Gold; with men, and not with the walls of Cities: for all things follow them that are arm­ed, and in strength. He shewed, that his Ance­stors, famous for their Atchievements, were afflict­ed after this manner, in the beginning, and yet recovered quickly again their former estate. After he had spoken these words, either for that they were thereby incouraged, or else that they rather obey­ed his Authority, then liked his Counsel, they fol­lowed him into the bounds of Media. Shortly after, [Page 157] Arbella was delivered up to Alexander, which was full of Treasure, and precious Moveables; and be­sides, the pay of the whole Army was left there. The sickness that began in Alexanders Camp, arising from the favour of the dead bodies which were scat­tered over all the Fields, was the cause that he did the sooner remove. The plain Country of Arabia, famous with the abundance of sweet Odours there growing, lay upon the right hand as they marched: And so passing through the Country lying between Tygris and Euphrates, which is so fat and plentiful a ground, that the Inhabitants are fain to drive their Beasts from feeding, lest a Surfeit should destroy them. The cause of this fertility, cometh by the moisture that issueth from both Rivers, sweating by veins, through the ground. Both these Rivers have their beginnings in the Mountains of Armenia, where they are distant twenty five hundred furlongs; and so run forwards, keeping their distance, till they come near unto the bounds of Media and Gordia: For there, by little and little, they draw more near together, leaving less space betwixt them. They in­close on both sides the Country that is called Mesopo­tamia, from whence they run, through the bounds of Babylon, into the Red Sea.

After Alexander had changed his Camp four times, he came to a City called Memnium, where there is a Fountain within a Cave, that belcheth out great plenty of Pitch: So that it appears the Baby­lonians had their Cement from thence, which they imployed about the making of their walls of an in­credible bredth and compass. As Alexander was going from thence towards Babylon, Mazeus, who [Page 158] was said before to have fled from the Battel, came to meet him in most humble manner; whereas com­mitting his Children into his hands, he yeilded him­self, and rendred up the City. His coming was ve­ry grateful unto the King, considering what travel he should have sustained in the siege of so strong a City, if it had been kept against him: And besides, for so much as Mazeus was a man both famous and valiant, and much commended for his atchievements in the last Battel, and conceived his example should provoke others to do the like, he received both him and his Children in gentle manner; and yet gave order to his men, that they should enter into the Ci­ty in such Array of Battel, as if they were pre­sently to fight. A great number of the Babylonians stood upon the walls, desirous to behold him that was their new King; but the most part went forth to meet him. Bagistines that was Captain of the Ca­stle, and Keeper of the Kings Treasure, because he would shew himself to be no less affectionate to­wards Alexander then Mazeus was, strowed all the ways, where he should pass, with Flowers and Gar­lands, and set Altars of Silver on both sides, with Frankincense burning upon the same, and all other kinde of sweet odours. Next unto him came Droves of Beasts, great number of Horses, with Lyons and Pardals lying in their Dens, which he brought as Presents to give unto Alexander; and after them the Wise Men, singing according to their Country manner: The Caldeans followed next, with their Diviners and Prophets; and then the Musitians with several kindes of Instruments, whose property was to sin [...] the praises of their Kings; and the Calde­ans, [Page 159] who used to declare the motion of the Planets, with the course and revolution of the times. Last, in order, came the Babylonian Horsemen, whose sumptuous furniture, both for themselves and their Horses, tended more to voluptuousness and delica­cy, then to any magnificence. Alexander, that was inclosed about with armed men, willed that the Ba­bylonians should come behinde his Footmen; and he riding aloft in his Chariot, entred into the City, and afterwards into the Palace; where, the next day, he surveyed Darius his Wardrobe, and his Treasures. The beauty and pleasantness of that City gave just occasion to Alexander, and such as were with him, to admire it much: Semiramis was the Builder thereof; or as some affirm, Belus, whose Palace is to be seen there: The walls are made with Brick, interlined with Fitch; they are thirty two foot in bredth; so that two Carts may easily go up­on them on front: They are in height one hundred Cubits, and the Towers are ten foot higher then the Walls; the compass of the whole work about, is three hundred sixty eight furlongs, being build­ed (as it is left in memory) in so many days: The houses stand the bredth of an Acre distant from the walls; they are contiguous, house to house, by the space of ninety furlongs; in other places not joyn­ed near to one another, but for some considerations so divided asunder. The rest of the ground is sow­ed and tilled; to the intent, that if any Forreign Power come against them, they should be able to be relieved by the fruit thereof. The River of Euphra­tes doth run through the midst of the City, and is kept in on both sides with walls of a wonderful [Page 160] workmanship: But the great Channels made of Brick, and fastened with Pitch instead of Mortar, and wrought low within the ground, to receive the violence of the Stream, do exceed all the rest of the works there made: for except the same were of quantity and largeness to receive the water when the Stream floweth over the Banks that are made to keep it in, its violence would beat down the houses of the City. There is also over the River a strong Bridge, which joyneth both parts of the City toge­ther, counted amongst the marvellous works of the Orient: For because that Euphrates is so full of Sand and Owse, there can hardly ground be found to lay that Foundation upon; and the Stream be­sides casteth up such heaps of Sand against the Bridge, that it is an impediment for the water free­ly to pass; and therefore the River beateth upon the Bridge with greater force, then if it had his free course.

There is also a Castle that is twenty furlongs a­bout, the Towers whereof are thirty foot deep within the ground, and fourscore foot in height above the ground; where also the Wonders are to be seen so often mentioned in the Greek Poets: for in the same are whole Groves of Trees set by won­derful Art, as if hanging in the Air, and so high as are the tops of the Towers, which Trees are marvellously beautiful and pleasant through their height and shadow which they make: The whole weight of them is sustained and borne up by huge Pillars made of Stone, upon which there is a Floor of square stone, that both upholdeth the Earth that lieth deep on the Pillar, and also the humour [Page 161] wherewith it is watred. The trees that grow thereupon are eight cubits about, and as fruitful as if they grew on natural Earth. And although that process of time by little and little doth not on­ly destroy things made with hands, but also the very works of nature: yet this work, for all it is oppressed with the roots of so many trees, and burthened with the weight of so much earth, doth yet remain unperished, being sustained up with twenty broad walls distant eleven foot one from another. When these trees are seen afar off, they seem to be a wood growing upon a mountain. It is said that the King of Syria reigning in Babylon, builded this work for his wives fancy, who for the love she had to Groves and shadowy places, mo­ved her Husband in doing thereof to counterfeit the pleasantness of nature.

Alexander tarried longer here then in any other City, which corrupted more the discipline of the Macedons in their Wars then any other place. For nothing was more licentious then the manners and customes of the City; nor was any other place more abundantly furnished of all things, where­with men are allured and stirred to excess of plea­sure. The Parents and Husbands were contented that their children and wives should for gain em­brace such strangers as came amongst them. The Kings and Nobility of Persia delight much in plays and banquetting, but the Babylonians are specially addicted unto wine and drunkenness▪ where the women use a custome, that in the beginning of the Feast their apparel seemeth civil and demure; but afterwards by little and little [Page 162] they put off their uppermost garments, and laying aside all modesty, they at last discover themselves naked. Which vile custome is not used by harlots only, but by all women in general, who esteem the making of their bodies common but civility and good manners: in this voluptuousness the Conquerour of Asia wallowed by the space of thir­ty four days, whereby he became much the wea­ker to have done other enterprizes, if there had been an enemy to have stood against him. But to the intent the damage should be the less perceived, he increased his power with a new supply out of Macedonia. For Amintas the son of Andr [...]menes brought him from Antipater six thousand footmen, and five hundred horsemen, and with them five hundred of the Thracian horsemen, and thirty five hundred footmen of the same Nation. He had also out of Peloponnesus four thousand footmen, and four hundred eighty horsemen, being all mercenary Souldiers. Amintas also brought him fifty of the young men of the Nobility of Macedonia, to at­tend upon Alexanders person: whose office it was to serve the King at Table, and to bring him his horse when he went to Battel. They accustomed to be about him when he hunted, and kept watch by course at his chamber-door. These were they who afterwards proved great Captains, and out of whose lions the Rulers of the men of War did come.

Alexander appointed Agathon Captain of the Castle of Babylon, with seven hundred Macedons, and three hundred mercenary Souldiers, and left [...] and Apolidorus Governours of the City [Page 163] and Countrey, to whom he assigned two thousand footmen, and one thousand Talents, giving them Commission to levy more Souldiers. He made Mazeus that gave the City into his hands, Lieute­nant of the whole, and caused Bagistines that yiel­ded up the Castle to follow him in his Wars. Ar­menia was given to Mithrenes that betrayed the Ci­ty of Sardis; and to encourage his men to enter­prize new atchievements, he gave out of the trea­sure of Babylon to every Macedon Horseman five hundred D [...]niers, to every Horseman of the stran­gers five hundred, and to every Footman two hun­dred. When he had set all these things in order, he came into the Countrey called Atrapene, which being plentiful of all things, and abounding in Victuals, caused the King to tarry the longer there.

And lest idleness should be any abatement to the courage of his men, he contrived a way to stir up their spirits, and to keep them occupied, by ap­pointing Judges to try out such as had shewed themselves most valiant in the Wars, to whom he assigned Rewards due to their deservings. There were Eight found out, whose manhood appeared above the rest, and the charge of one thousand Men was committed to every one of them, who were then called Chiliarchi: this was the first time they put one Thousand into a Regiment; for before this they were divided only into five hundred, which was not counted any great preferment, or reward of service. The number of them were great that came to plead their right in this behalf; who before the Judges that gave sentence, brought [Page 164] in a testimony of their atchievements, whereby it could not be unknown which of them had justly purchased such honour or not. The first place was adjudged to the elder Adarchias, for his valiantness in the Battel at Alicarnasson, where he chiefly did restore again the fight, when the young Souldiers had given it over. The second place of honour was given to Antigonus, and Philotas Ang [...]us ob­tained the third; the fourth was adjudged to Amin­tas, the fifth to Antigonus; Amintas the Son of Lyn­cesters obtained the sixth, Theodorus the seventh, and Hellanicus the last. He also profitably altered many things that were used by his Predecessours in the discipline of War: For whereas before the Horsemen of every Country were in several Bands by themselves, he without respect of any Nation, appointed them such Captains as he thought expe­dient. And whereas at the removing of the Camp, warning was wont to be given by a Trumpet, the sound whereof in any noise or tumult could not be sufficiently heard, he caused an high Pole to be al­ways set up before his Pavilion, on the top whereof an Ensigne was fastened, apparent to all men: the other tokens which they observed, were fire in the night, and smoak in the day.

As he was marching towards Susa, Abulites that was Ruler of that Region, either by Darius commandment, thinking by means of the spoil either to divert Alexander, or by his own free will, sent his Son to meet him, proffering the delivery of the City. The young man was intreated very gently, and by his conduct Alexander passed for­wards, till he came to the River Hydasp [...]s, which [Page 165] is esteemed to be a very delicate water. Abulites there met Alexander with many and Princely gifts, and presented him among other things, Drome­daries that were wonderfully swift, and with twelve Elephants that Darius had sent for out of India, to be a terrour to the Macedons, which now were become an increase of their strength. When the riches of the Conquered was come into the hands of the Conquerour, he found in that City an incredible Treasure, fifty thousand Talents of massie silver uncoyned: which Riches gathered together in the space of many years by divers Kings, for their succession and posterity, came thus in a moment into the hands of a forreign Prince.

Alexander being lodged within the Palace, did sit down in Darius seat, which being higher th [...]n served for his stature, by reason his feet could not reach to the ground, one of the Kings Pages put a board for him, underneath, to tread upon; where­at one of the Eunuches that belonged to Darius looked heavily, and fetched a deep sigh; whose sadness when Alexander perceived, he enquired of him the cause: He answered, that when he beheld the board whereon Darius was wont to eat, em­ployed to so base a use, he could not behold it without grief. Alexander being ashamed so much to misuse the thing that before was had in such r [...] ­verence, caused the same to be taken away: But Philotas made request he should not do so, but ra­ther take it as a divination of his good luck and fortune, that the Table whereon his Enemy did eat should now become subject to his [...].

[Page 166] Alexander purposing from thence to pass into Persia, committed the City of Susa to Archelaus with three thousand men of War, and to Zenophi­lus the charge of the Castle, leaving such Mace­dons as were aged there in Garison; but bestowed the keeping of the Treasure unto Celicrates, and restored to Abulites the Government and Princi­pality of the Countrey of Susae, leaving within the City, the Mother and the Children of Darius. And for as much as Alexander had at the same time plenty of cloth of Purple sent him out of his Country, with Garments ready made after the Ma­cedons manner, for the honour he [...] to Sisigambis (whom he had in reverence as if she had been his mother) he thought good to present part of them unto her, with the persons that used to made them, and willed that if she liked them, she should ac­custome her Neeces to make the like, and give them for Presents. At the declaring of which Message the tears flowed down her eyes, which declared the gift not to be acceptable to her; for the Persian Ladies take nothing in more contempt then to put their hands to Wool. When report was made to Alexander in what sort she had recei­ved his Present, he thought the rudeness meet to be excused, and her to be comforted, therefore he came to visit her, and said:

This Garment which I wear was both of the gift and making of my sisters: our Customes brought me into errour. Therefore I desire you, that you will not take mine ignorance in evil part. I trust that otherwise I have observed sufficiently all things which I knew to be your Customes. When I under­stood [Page 167] that it was not lawful for the Son to s [...]t in the Mothers presence except she doth give him leave, I would never whensoever I came into your presence sit, until you willed me so to do. You would often­times have fillen down and worshipped me, but I would not sufer you; but have ever [...] and given you the name due to my [...] Olympias.

When the King with these words [...] her, he dep [...]ed; and by four encamp [...] came unto a River that the Countrey-men call [...] which springing in the Mountains of the Vxians, it runneth [...] down amongst the Rocks with woody bank by the space of fifty furlongs, but then descen [...]ng into a plain, it become [...] naviga­ble, and so runeth with a more quiet stream▪ and in a softer gound, by the space of six hundred Furlongs, t [...] such time as it doth enter into the Persian Sea. Alexander passing this River with nine Thousand Footmen of the Macedons, with the Agrians, th [...] mercenary Greeks, and with four Thousand Tracians, came amongst the Ʋxians, whose County is near unto Susae, and stretcheth out into Persi [...] leaving betwixt it and Susae a nar­row streight. Madates had the rule of that Coun­try, who wasuch a man as was rare at that time; for he deterred to abide all extremities for his duties sake. [...]uch as knew the Country, did in­form Alexand [...] that there was a privy way through the Mountains whereby men might get to the fur­thermost side [...] the chief City of that Country; and if he wo [...] send but a sew that were light ar­med, they mi [...]t be brought to a place where they [Page 168] should appear above their enemies heads. This counsel liked him so well, that he made these Counsellours Guides for his Army, and committed them to Tauron, whom he appointed chief of the Enterprize. He assigned unto him fifteen hundred mercenary Souldiers, and one thousand Agrians, with whom, after the Sun was gone down, he en­tred into his journey. Alexander in th [...] third watch removed his Camp, and by the Spring of the day had passed the Streights: there he set his men in hand for the cutting down of Timber for making of Towers, and all such other things as pertain­ed to the assault of a City, and so beg [...]n his siege. It was a difficult matter to make the aproach; the City stood [...]o high, and the Rocks gave such impe­diment, that the Souldiers were repuled, and re­ceived many hurts, contending both wth the Ene­mies, and the scituation of the plac [...]: notwith­standing they gave it not over, by reasn the King was always amongst the foremost, aking if they were not ashamed, being the Conqurours of so many Cities, to be so long in the [...]nning of a small Castle, that was so obscure and unknown in the world. As he was travelling am [...]gst the fore­most, with Darts and Arrows they [...]ade many a shot at him from the walls; but the [...]ouldiers de­fended him with their Targets, becau [...] they could not perswade him thence. At lengt [...] Tauron ap­peared above the Castle of the City, a whose sight his Enemies hearts fainted, and [...] Macedons more [...] did assail them. When [...] saw them­selves in this extremity, and perceive their pow­er not able to withstand the Maceas, they be­came [Page 169] to divers dispositions; For some were deter­mined to die, and many to fly away. But the grea­ter part retired themselves into the Castle, from whence they sent unto Alexander thirty Embassa­dours to ask mercy. But he returned a sad answer to them, that there was no pardon to be obtained at his hands: whereupon they being in the utmost danger of death, and excluded from all other re­medies, sent unto Sisigambis, by a privy way un­known to their Enemies, making their request that she should vouchsafe to be a means to Alexander for the pacifying of his rigour towards them. In her only they put their hope, knowing how much Alexander loved her, and that he esteemed her as if she had been his mother. And they thought she would the rather incline to their desire, because Madates that was Captain there had married her sisters Daughter, whereby he became a Kinsman to Darius. Sisigambis stood long in denial of their re­quest, shewing that it agreed not with her fortune to become an intercessour for others; adding there­unto, that she feared lest she might misuse his fa­vours, and make him weary of her importunities; for she said, that she had more remembrance that she was a prisoner, then that she was a Queen. But at length she was overcome with their solicitations, and by her Letters made intercession unto Alexander, after such sort, that she first excused her self of her sute making, and after required him that he would pardon them, or at the leastwise that he would forgive her, being Petitioner only for the life of such a one as was her Friend and Kinsman; and now no longer an enemy, but in readiness to submit [Page 170] himself. This one thing is sufficient to declare the moderation and clemency that was then in Alexan­der; for he did not only pardon Madates, but also left the City untouched, granting to all that were within it their liberty, with enjoyment of their Lands and Goods, without paying of any tribute. More then this she could not have obtained of Darius being her Son.

When he had thus subdued the Ʋxians, he uni­ted them to the Province of Susa, and purposing to pass forwards, he divided his Army into two parts; whereof he committed the one to Parmenio to be conducted through the plain Country, and reserving such a part as was pestered least with baggage, he took the way of the Mountains, which with a continual ridge runneth out in length from thence into Persia. In his passage he plundered all the Mountain-Country, and arrived the third day in the confines of Persia. The fifth day he en­tred into the Streights of Pylae Susiae, which were defended by Ariobarzanes with fifteen thousand Footmen, who on the tops of the high and steep Rocks that hung over on both sides the way, at the first kept themselves quiet on purpose, pretending a fear, until such time as the Army was entred into the narrowest of the Streights. But when they saw the Macedons pass on forwards in contempt of them, then they threw down great stones upon them; which falling upon the undermost Rocks, and there breaking in pieces, rebounded amongst the Macedons, falling with such violence, that they distressed whole Regiments at once. And be­sides this, they did them great damage with shot [Page 171] of Arrows and Stones that they casted out of Slings. Such as were men of courage were not so much grieved with the death and destruction that they saw there present, as that they should be slain af­ter such a manner, like beasts caught in a pit, where­as they could not be revenged upon their Enemies. Their wrath hereupon was turned into such a rage, that they ran up against the Rocks, and there en­forced themselves by taking hold and by heaving up of one another, to mount up unto their Ene­mies. But when they had caught hold of some outward part, and thereby laboured to ascend (by force of so many hands that fastened to it at once) they pulled in sunder the thing they held by, and fell down all together. In this case they could nei­ther remain, go forwards, nor yet defend themselves by any device they could make with their Targets, seeing the stones were of such weight that were thrown down upon them.

Alexander was in great trouble of minde, not only for the grief he received by the destruction of his men, but much more for the shame that he had so rashly brought his men into such a dange­rous straight. He had been invincible before that day, and never attempted any thing in vain: He had passed the Streights of Cilicia without damage, and opened to himself a new way by Sea into Pam­philia; which felicity of his seemed to be now at a stay, if not to retreat; for he could perceive no other remedy, then to return by the way he came. He caused the retreat therefore to be sounded, and gave order to his Souldiers to go close together, and by casting their Targets over their heads, to return [Page 172] the same way they came, having then marched thir­ty Furlongs within the Straight.

When he returned, and had planted his Camp in an open ground, consulting what was best to do, such a superstition invaded his minde, that he called for the Priests and Diviners to help the matter by their invocation: But Aristander, to whom he gave most confidence, could do nothing in that case. Alexander therefore condemning their Sa­crifices, which he thought then done out of time, called for such as knew the Countrey: they shewed him of another way that was plain and open e­nough; but yet he liked it not, he was so ashamed to leave his Souldiers unburied that were slain▪ For amongst all other Ceremonies observed in the dis­cipline of their Wars, there was not any more religiously kept, then the burying of the dead. He caused therefore such prisoners as were lately taken to be called before him; amongst whom, there was one expert both of the Greek and Persian tongue, who shewed to the King that he laboured in vain, if he thought to convey his Army over the tops of those Mountains; which (he said) began at Mount Cau­casus, and closed in the one side of Persia, by the space of sixteen hundred Furlongs in length, and one hundred and forty in bredth, till such time as they descended unto the Sea, which maketh ano­ther Fence where the Mountains ceased. The Country lying at the foot of the Mountains, he de­scribed to be plain, fruitful, and replenished with many fair Cities and Villages, and that the River of Araxes running through the same, falleth into another River called Medus, bringing with it the [Page 173] Tributes of many smaller streams; which River of Medus being much less then the same which it doth receive, runneth from thence towards the South. No place could be more abundant of grass, the Ri­ver every where cloathing with Flowers, what it had bedewed with its waters. The River was sha­dowed over with Plantain and Poplar-trees, which by reason they stand somewhat high, and the wa­ter runneth low in a deep channel, seem to such as be afar off, to be woods adjoyning to the moun­tains. He accounted no Country in Asia to be more wholesome, or to have a more temperate air then this, both by reason of shadowy Mountains that evermore keep off the heat; and also of the Sea, which on that part being at hand, with a constant temperature doth nourish the ground.

When the prisoner had made a description of the Country after this manner, the King enqui­red of him whether he knew those things by report, or else had seen them with his eyes. He said that he had been a Herds-man, and knew the Coun­try very well, and all the passages, and that he had been twice taken prisoner; once by the Per­sians in Lycia, and now the second time by him. Upon these words Alexander called an Oracle to memory, whereby it was signified to him, that a Lycian should be his Guide into Persia. Wherefore promising to him such rewards as the present ne­cessity required, and as his estate was meet to re­ceive; he willed him to be armed after the Macedons manner, and to be their Guide to shew them the way; which way, though he had declared to be streight and difficult, yet Alexander made no [Page 174] doubt to pass it with a small number, thinking it no difficult matter to pass that place for his glory, which the Herds-men had passed often-times for the profit of pasture. Then the guide left not to alledge the difficulties of the way, specially for such as wear arms: but the King said to him, Take me for surety, that not one of them that are ap­pointed thee, shall refuse to go where thou shalt pass.

That done, he left Craterus with the charge of his Camp, and he himself passed forwards with such Footmen as were accustomed to his person, with those bands of whom Meleager had charge, and with a thousand Archers on horseback, taking first order with Craterus that he should keep his Camp in the same form it had been used before, and cause many fires to be made of purpose, that the Ene­mies might rather think him to be there still pre­sent: he advised him further, that if he perceived Ariobarzanes to get knowledge of his Enterprize, and so to send part of his power to the stopping of his passage, that then by pretending of an assault, he should shew all the terrour he could to draw his Enemies from him, to the defence of that place. But if that he himself should deceive his Enemies, and recover the Hill upon them, that then upon the hearing of the alarm in the Camp of the Persians, preparing themselves to resist him, he should not doubt to pass that way from whence they were repulsed the day before, judging they should finde no resistance, the Enemies power be­ing converted towards him. In the third watch he set forwards in great silence, without sounding [Page 175] of Trumpet, and passed on by such a way as was shewed him by the Guide; every Souldier that was light armed carrying three days Victuals. But when he was on his way, besides the wilde Rocks and sharp stones that caused them oft to fail their footing, the Snow driven by the winde was a great impediment to them in their journey, for they fell divers times down into pits; and such as cove­ted to pull them out, were often-times themselves drawn after. The night also, with the Country unknown, and the Guide, of whose fidelity they doubted, increased much their fear, considering that if they should not deceive their Enemies watch, they should be taken and perish like beasts. They considered also, that both their safeguard and the Kings lay in the hands of a prisoner.

At length they came to a Mountain, where the way towards Ariobarzanes lay on the right hand, where he sent before, under the guiding of such as they had taken prisoners, Philotas, Cenon, Amin­tas, and Polipercon, with a band of the lightest ar­med, whom he advised, that forasmuch as they had both horsemen and footmen, and the Coun­try fertile and abundant in forrage, that they should make no haste, but pass forwards fair and easily; and he, with the Esquires of his body; and the band of horsemen whom they called Agema, was guided by another by-path, far off from the place where his enemies kept their watch: But the passage was so straight and so hollow, that they suffered great trouble and vexation in passing thereof. It was now mid-day, and they were so wearied, that of necessity they must take rest, ha­ving [Page 176] so far to go, as they had travelled already, saving that the way was not altogether so difficult and rough. He refreshed therefore his men with meat and sleep, and in the second Watch did rise up, and passed the rest of his journey without any great difficulty, saving in that part where the Mountain began to fall aslope towards the plain; their passage was there suddenly stopped by a great gull, occasioned by the violence of the streams that ran down the Mountains, by wearing away the Earth; and besides, the trees standing so thick, and the boughs that grew one within another, ap­peared before them as a continual hedge. When they saw themselves stayed after this manner, such desperation fell amongst them, that they could scarcely abstain from tears, the darkness being a great increase of their terrour, seeing they could not enjoy any benefit of the Stars; for if any gave light, the same was taken away by the shadow of the trees. And the use of the ear could not serve for one to receive counsel and comfort from ano­ther, the winde whirling amongst the leaves, and the shaking of the boughs making an amazing noise. But at length the day increasing in its light, diminished the terrours that the darkness of the night had made. Then by fetching a little com­pass about, they passed the hollow gull, and eve­ry man began to be a guide to himself. At last they got up on the top of the Hill, from whence they might behold their Enemies in their Camp. Then the Macedons shewed themselves stoutly in their Armour, appearing suddenly on their backs, when they mistrusted no such thing, and there [Page 177] slew such as came first to encounter with them: So that on the one part, the grievous noise of them that were slain, and the miserable shrick of such as ran in for succour amongst their own company, put the rest to slight without making any resistance. When the Alarm was once heard in the Camp where Craterus lay, the Army by and by passed for­ward to go through the Streights, in the which they were repulsed the day before. Philotas also, with Polipercon, Cenos, and Amintas, who were gone the other way, arrived at the same time, and gave a further terrour unto their Enemies. When the Persians saw their Enemies assailing them in all parts at once, though they were so opprest with their sudden invasion, that at the first they were in doubt what to do; yet at length they assembled together, and fought notably, necessity stirring up the faintness of their hearts; for often-times despair is the cause of good hope. They being unarmed, closed with them that were armed, and with the weight of their bodies pulled their Enemies to the Earth, and killed divers with their own Weapons. Ariobarzanes with forty Horsemen, and five thou­sand Footmen that kept about his person, brake through the Battel of the Macedons, to the great slaughter of his own men and his Enemies; and by making haste, recovered Persepolis the chief City of the Countrey. But when he was excluded from thence by such as were within, he renewed again the Fight with such as were with him, and so was slain.

By that time Craterus, that made all the speed he could, was come unto them, Alexander fortified [Page 178] his Camp in the same place, where he did discom­fite his Enemies. For though they were all fled, and he certain of the Victory, yet because he found his way stopped in many places with great and deep Ditches, he thought good to use circumspection, and not to make too great a speed: not so much by fear of his Enemies Force, as by reason of the nature of the ground, which he found apt for them to lay ambushments against him. As he was pas­sing forwards, he received Letters from Tyridates the keeper of Darius Treasure, signifying that the in­habiters of Persepolis hearing of his coming, were about to spoil the Treasure; and that therefore he should haste to prevent it, for the way was ready enough, notwithstanding the River of Araxes in­terposed. There was no vertue in Alexander more commendable then his celerity, which he shewed specially in this; for leaving his footmen behinde, he travelled all night with his horsemen, and by day-light came to the River of Araxes; there he found many Villages and Houses, whose Timber being taken down, a Bridge was raised in a mo­ment, by the help of stones which were found in the bottom of the River.

When Alexander had passed the River, and came near unto the City, a company met him so misera­ble, as seldom have been found in any memory. They were Greeks, to the number of four thou­sand, whom the Persians heretofore had taken pri­soners, and afflicted with divers kindes of tor­ments. For some of them had their feet cut off, some their hands, and others their ears, but all were marked in the flesh with hot Irons. The Persians [Page 179] having maimed and deformed them after this man­ner, kept and reserved them still, as a memory of their despite towards the Nation. But when they saw they should come under the obedience of another Prince, they suffered the Greeks to meet Alexander. They seemed rather to be Specters then men: for nothing could be discerned or known but their voice. The compassion of their wretched estate, caused the beholders to let fall no fewer tears then they did themselves. For it could not appear which of them were most miserable, though their afflictions were divers. But when they had cried out before Alexander, that Jupiter the reven­ger of Greece had opened their eyes in beholding him that should deliver them, they judged then all their gifts as one. Alexander wiped the tears from his eyes, and willed them to be of good chear; for that they should both see their Countrey and their Friends: and he encamped at the same place where he met them, being two furlongs from Per­sepolis. The Greeks drew themselves together to consult what was best for them to demand of Alex­ander; and when some were of opinion to ask dwelling places within Asia, and others had more minde to return into their Countries, Euctemon the Cymaean spake thus unto them: We that even now were ashamed to put our heads out of the pri­son and darkness we were in, to make suit for our own aid and relief, are become of such simplici­ty, that we presently desire to shew unto Greece as a pleasant spectacle, our deformities and maims, whereof we have as much cause to be ashamed, as to be grieved. You must think that such bear their [Page 180] miseries best, who can finde the means to hide them most; and that there is no Countrey so fami­liar to men that be unfortunate, as solitariness, and forgetfulness of their former estate. For they which make an account of their Friends pity and compassion, know not how soon their tears may dry up: no Creatures can love those faithfully whom they abhor. For as calamity of her own Nature is full of complaint; so Felicity is always proud, and every one doth use to think of his own Fortune, when he judgeth of his Neighbours: For except we had all been in misery, one of us long ago had been weary of another. What mar­vel is it then, though men in felicity seek alwaies their equals? My opinion is therefore, that we (who as men long ago were as dead in this life) seek us a place wherein we may hide our maimed mem­bers, and whereas exile may conceal our horrible deformities. If we shall return into our Countrey, being in this case, how can we but be unwelcome to our Wives whom we married young? Or shall our Children or our Brethren now acknowledge us, being the vomits of so many Prisons? and though all things should there succeed as we could wish, yet how small a number of us are able to travel through so many Countries? How is it possible for us that are here banished into the uttermost bounds of the Orient, being aged, impotent, and maimed, to endure those travels which have wearied men who have been both armed, and Conquerours? It is to be asked, what shall become of our Wives whom Chance and Necessity hath here procured us, for the only comfort of our imprisonment? what shall we [Page 181] do with our Children? Shall we take them with us, or leave them behinde us? If we return with such as we have here, none of those in Greece will acknow­ledge us; and shall we then be so mad to leave those comforts we have already, being uncertain whether we shall arrive at those which we desire, or not? Verily much better it were for us, to conceal our selves a­mongst them who have been acquainted with us in our misery.

These were Euctemon his words: but Theatus, the Athenian, reasoned to the contrary.

There is no wise man (quoth he) that will esteem us by our outward shape, seeing that our calamity is not come by Nature, but by the cruelty of our Enemies: Such as are ashamed of the injuries of Fortune, are well worthy to suffer misadventures: They give a grievous sentence upon the state of mans Mortality, and despair much of mercy, who deny their compassion to men in misery. Now therefore, since the gods have offered to you what ye durst never have wished for, that is, your Coun­try, your Wives, and your Childre, being [...] things which men esteem more then life, and re­deem oftentimes with death; Why do you doubt for the enjoyment of those things, to break out of this imprisonment? I judge the Air of our own Country most natural to us, where there is ano­ther manner of living, other Customs, other Reli­gion, and another tongue; which for the plea­santness of it, is coveted of the Barbarous Nations. What great things then be those which ye would willingly leave, the want of which onely is the cause of your misery? My Opinion is plain, that [Page 182] we visit our Countrey and our Home, and not to re­fuse so great a benefit as Alexander hath proffered us. If any be detained with the love of such wives and chil­dren as they have gotten here in servitude, let such be no impediment to others, that esteem most their natural Countrey.

There were but few of this opinion; for custome, that is of greater force then nature, prevailed in that point. They agreed therefore to demand of Alexander the gift of some place to inhabit in, and chose out a hundred to be Petitioners to him in that behalf. When Alexander perceived them coming to­wards him, thinking that they would have required what he had conceived, he said unto them:

I have appointed to every one of you Beasts to carry you▪ and a thousand Deniers; and when you shall come to Greece, I will so well provide for you, that ex­cepting your misfortune, no man shall think himself in better case then you.

But when he saw them looking still toward the ground, and that they neither lifted up their eyes, nor spake one word, he enquired the cause of their heaviness. Then Euctemon rehearsed again those words in effect, which he had spoken before in Councel. The King therefore pitying no less their demand, then he did their misfortune, com­manded three thousand Deniers to be given to eve­ry one of them, and ten suits of apparel, with Cat­tel and Corn, whereby they might Till and Sow the Land that should be appointed to them. The next day he assembled all the Captains of his Army to­gether, and represented to them, that there was no City more enemy to the Greeks then the same that [Page 183] was the chief Seat of the ancient Kings of Persia; from whence all the great Enemies had been sent into Greece: how Darius first, and after him Xerxes, had come out of that place to move their un [...]ust War against Europe, with the destruction of which City he thought good to revenge the blood of their Predecessours. The Inhabitants had abandoned that City, and fled where their fear did drive them. Whereupon, the King straightways brought in all the Phalanx to the spoil thereof. He had before that time won many Cities; some by force, and some by composition, that were full of riches, and of Princes Treasure; but the abundance of that City did exceed all the rest, as being the place where the Persians had laid up all their substance: Gold and Silver was found in heaps, and great plenty of rich habiliments and furniture of houses, not only for necessary use, but for excess and osten­tation; which was so great, that it gave the Con­querours occasion to fight for it amongst themselves, each taking other for their enemies that had gotten the richest spoil. The abundance there was such, that they could not imploy the riches which they found; but when they saw things of value, they esteemed them rather, then took them away. At last, every one of them coveting to have a part of every thing, did tear and break asunder the Prince­ly Robes, and the precious Plate of curious work­manship, with the Images of Gold and Silver, which were plucked in pieces, as every one caught hold; nothing was left untouched, nor any thing carried away whole: cruelty bearing no less rule then covetousness, every one was so laden with [Page 184] gold and silver, that they esteemed not the keep­ing of their prisoners, but killed such as at first they spared in hope of gain. There were many therefore that prevented their Enemies by a volun­tary death; and divers cloathing themselves in their most precious apparel, leaped down from the walls with their wives and children. Certain there were that set their own houses on fire, (which they judged their Enemies would else have done) and burned themselves with their Family together. At length, the King did forbid any violence to be done to women, and that no man should meddle with any thing pertaining to them. The sum of money taken within this City, was greater then any man can well credit; but either we must doubt with others, or else believe what hath been left in me­mory, that the Treasure there found, amounted to a hundred and twenty thousand Talents: which Treasure, because Alexander would employ in his Wars, he caused Horses and Camels to be brought from Susae and Babylon, to convey the same. The taking of the City of Persagadis, wherein were found six thousand Talents, was an increase to this sum; which City being built by Cyrus, was yielded up by Gobates, who had the Government thereof.

Alexander left in the Castle of Persepolis three thousand Macedons in Garrison, under Nic [...]rides Captain of the same, and reserved to Tyridates, that delivered him the Treasure, the same honour that he enjoyed with Darius. Leaving in this City the greater part of his Army, with his Carriages, un­der the Rule of Parmenio and Craterus, he with a [Page 185] thousand Horsemen, and a Band of Footmen, with­out any Baggage, went to visit in the Win [...] [...] ­son the inward parts of Pers [...]a: There he was [...] ­ed with Storms and Tempests that were in a manner intolerable; but yet he advanced forward in [...]is Enterprize, to the place appointed. In his march he came unto a Country that was covered with Snow, and frozen by the violence of the great cold. The melancholy of the Wilderness put the Souldiers that were wearied with travel in such a terrour, that they imagined they had seen the ut­termost bounds of the world: For when they be­held all things waste, and no signe appearing of the habitation of men, they were amazed, and made request to return again, before that the Light and Elements should fail them. The King would not chastise them, being in this terrour, but leaped from his Horse, and marched on foot before them in the Snow and the Ice: Which thing when his Friends saw, they could not for shame but follow; then the Captains did the like, and finally the Soul­diers: The King was the first that made himself a way, by breaking the Ice with a Pick-Axe; whose example the rest did follow. At length, having passed the desolate Woods, they found here and there some appearance of habitation, and disco­vered Flocks of Sheep: When the Inhabitants, who dwelled in the Cottages dispersed thereabouts, saw armed men advancing, whom they judged to be their Enemies, thinking they had been inclosed about, they slew such as were not able to follow them, and fled themselves to the Mountains that were full of Snow. But at length, by communica­tion [Page 186] with such as they took prisoners, their wild­ness was somewhat mitigated, and they yielded themselves to Alexander, who did them no hurt at all. When he had conquered all that part of Persia, and brought the Towns under his obedience, he came into the Countrey of the warlike Mardi­ans, who did differ much from the rest of the other Persians in their manner of living: They with their wives and children did dig themselves Caves in the Mountains, and lived with the flesh of sheep and wilde Beasts: nor had the women any appearance or disposition more soft or milde then the men▪ their shagged hair hung down before upon their faces, and their garments came but to their knees; the bands of their Slings were fillets for their fore-heads, which they used both for orna­ment and defence. This Nation, for all their un­civility could not escape from being subdued with the same force of fortune that others were; so that on the thirtieth day after he departed from Perse­polis, he returned to it again. Then he gave re­wards to his friends, and to all the rest according to their deservings, distributing in a manner all the riches which he found within that City. But all the excellent vertues of his minde, his Princely qualities, wherein he excelled all Kings, that constancy in all dangers, that dexterity in contri­ving and performing all Enterprizes, the keeping of his promise with those that submitted, his cle­mency towards prisoners, and that temperance in lawful and accustomary pleasures, were all defaced through the intolerable desire and delight he had in drinking. For notwithstanding that his Ene­my [Page 187] my which contended with him for the Empire, did make then great Levies for the Wars, and was ga­thering his power together; and although the people newly conquered were not yet in a quiet subjection, yet he gave himself continually to feasting and banquetting, where women were ever present; not such to whom men had respect for honesty, but Harlots, who had in the Camp more liberty, then beseemed the discipline of men of War.

Amongst them there was one Thais, who upon a day in her drunkenness, affirmed to Alexander, that he should wonderfully win the favour of the Greeks, if he would command the Palace of Per­sepolis to be set on fire; the destruction whereof (she said) they greatly desired; for so much as the same was the Seat of the Kings of Persia, which in times past had destroyed so many of their Cities. When the drunken Harlot had given her Sentence, a second and a third (they being likewise drunk) confirmed her words. Alexander, who then had in him more inclination to heat then patience, said, Why do we not then revenge Greece, and set this City on fire? They were all high with Wine, and rose immedi­ately upon those words to burn that City in their drunkenness, which the men of War had spared in their fury. The King himself first, and after him his Guests, his Servants, and his Concubines set fire on the Palace; which being builded for the most part of Cedar, became suddenly on a flame. When the Army that was encamped near unto the City beheld the fire, which they thought had been kindled by some casualty, they came running to [Page 188] quench the same: But when they saw the King there present nourishing the flame, they poured out the water which they brought, and helped like­wise to increase the fire.

Thus the Palace that was the Head of the whole Orient, from whence so many Nations before had fetched their Laws to live under; the Seat of so many Kings, the only Terrour sometimes of Greece, that had set forth a Navy of ten thousand Ships, and Armies that overflowed all Europe, who made Bridges over the Sea, and undermined Moun­tains where the Sea hath now his course, was con­sumed, and had his end, and never rose again in all the Ages that did ensue; for the Kings of Macedo­nia made choice of other Cities, which are now in the hands of the Parthians. The destruction of this City was such, that the Foundation thereof, at this day, cannot be found, but that the river of Ar­raxes doth shew where it stood, which was distant from Persepolis twenty furlongs, as the Inhabitants rather do believe then know. The Macedons were ashamed that so Noble a City was destroyed by their King in his drunkenness: yet at length it was turn­ed into a work that carried gravity in the perfor­mance; and they were content to think it expedi­ent, that the City should have been so destroyed. But it is certain, that when Alexander had taken his rest, and was better advised, he repented him of this deed, and said, That the Persians should have done the Greeks more harm, if it had been his chance to have Reigned in Xerxes stead. The next day he gave thirty Talents for a reward to him that was his Guide into Persia; and from thence he [Page 189] advanced forwards into Media, where a new sup­ply of Souldiers (of whom Plato of Athens had the Conduct) came to him out of Cilicia, being five hundred Footmen, and a thousand Horsemen.

When he had by this means increased his power, he determined to pursue Darius, who was come to Ecbatana, the Head City of Media, and was pur­posed from thence to have passed into Bactria: But fearing to be prevented by the speed which his Ene­mies made, he altered his purpose, and his journey. Alexander was not come near by fifty hundred fur­longs; but he could not think any distance suffi­cient to defend him against his celerity; and there­fore prepared himself rather to fight, then to fly: He had with him thirty thousand Footmen, amongst whom there was four thousand Greeks, whose Fi­delity never failed in all his adverse Fortune: He had also four thousand Archers and Slingers, besides thirty three hundred Bactrian Horsemen, which were under Bessus charge, being Governour both of the City of Bactria, and the Country. Darius, with those Forces, withdrew a little from the high­way, and commanded such as had charge of the Carriage to pass on before: He called a Councel, where he spake to this effect:

If Fortune had matched me with Cowards, and with such as preferred a vile life before an honest death, I would rather have held my peace, then at this instant consume words in vain; But I have had greater experience then I could wish, both of your valour and fidelity towards me: So that I for my part, ought rather to seem worthy to have such Friends as you are, then to doubt whether ye yet [Page 190] remain the same men towards me ye were before; For of so many thousands that were under my Em­pire, you only have followed and adhered to me: Though I have been twice overthrown in the Field, and twice inforced to fly away, your fidelity and your constancy doth make me think that I remain still a King. Traytors and Fugitives do reign in my Cities; not for that they be thought worthy of such honour, but that you might be provoked by their rewards to revolt against me. Notwithstan­ding you have chosen rather to follow me in my misfortune, then be partakers of the felicity of the Conquerours. You are worthy, whom the Gods shall reward if I may not, as undoubtedly they will. There can no Posterity be so silent, nor Fame so ungrateful, which shall not with due com­mendations extol you to the Stars. Though I had within me thoughts of Flight, whereunto my heart never agreed; yet I have now conceived such a trust of your Vertue and Manhood, that I purpose to advance against my Enemy: How long shall I be as a banished man within mine own Dominion, and flie from a strange and Forreign Prince within the bounds of mine own Kingdom? When may I by hazarding the Battel, either recover what I have lost, or else die an honourable death? Ex­cept peradventure it seemeth better to some men, that I should submit my self to my enemies will, and by the Example of Mazeus and Mithrenes, re­ceive by Petition the Dominion of some one Nation; wherein I judge that Alexander had rather follow the inclination of his glory, then of his wrath. No, let the gods never grant, that it may lie in a [Page 191] mans power, either to take away, or give unto me this Diadem upon my head; nor that I lose this Empire, so long as I have breath. For in this I am resolved, that my Life and my Kingdom shall end both together. If this minde, if this resolution remain in you, there is none of you that can want liberty, there is none that shall be compelled to en­dure the arrogancy of your Enemies. Every mans right hand shall give unto himself either a revenge, or an end of his evils. I my self am an Example of Fortune; and therefore it is not without cause that I look for a better change. And if the worst fall out, that the gods do continue against us in our Wars that be lawfull and honest; yet this can­not be denied, but that we may manfully and ho­nestly die. I require and conjure you, by the ho­nour of our Predecessours, who with such Fame and Glory have possessed the Kingdomes of the whole Orient; by those men to whom Macedon some­times was tributary, by so many Navies of Ships sent into Greece, and by so many Victories won, that ye will take such courage unto you, as may seem worthy your Nobility and your Nation; and that with the same constancy of minde wherewith you have endured things past, you attempt whatsoever Fortune shall produce hereafter. I am resolved for my part, to purchase to my self a perpetual Fame, either by Victory, or by some notable Adventure in the Fight.

When Darius had spoken these words, the re­presentation of the present peril so amazed them all, that they were not able either to shew their advice, or to speak a word, until such time as [Page 192] Artabasus, the most ancient of his Friends (who be­fore-time had been with King Philip) began to de­clare his resolution:

We are come into the Field (quoth he) with you that are our King, in our most precious Apparel, and richest Armour, with intent to win the Victory; and we do neither despair of Victory, nor do we refuse to die.

To those words all the rest with one voice seem­ed to agree, saving Nabarzanes, who being present in that Councel with Bessus, and of his Opinion, conspired a Treason so prodigious; that the like hath seldom been heard of: Their determination was, by force of the Souldiers they had under their charge, to put their King in hold; with this pur­pose, that if Alexander pursued them, to deliver him then alive into his hands, to win thereby his favour, as a thing which they thought he would greatly esteem: But if they could escape convenient­ly, then they were in minde to kill Darius, and di­viding the Kingdom betwixt them, renew again the War against the Macedons. They having ima­gined this Treason long before in their mindes, Na­barzanes thought this an occasion to make a prepa­rative to his wicked intent, by this perswasion which he uttered:

I am confident (quoth he) that I shall speak what at the first appearance shall not be grateful unto your ears: But Physitians use to cure Diseases that be great, with sharp and bitter Medicines: And the Ship-Masters, when they fear a Ship-wrack, ac­custome to redeem such things as may be saved, with the destruction and loss of the rest: Yet this [Page 193] what I shall perswade unto is not to your detriment, but an Expedient by what means you may preserve your self and your Kingdom. We make a War where­in the gods seem manifestly to be against us, and for­tune ceaseth not obstinately to pursue us: It is need­ful [...] therefore that we lay new Foundations, and seek out men who have other Fortunes: My Opinion is, that you deliver up your Kingdom unto some mans hands who shall have the Name of King, so long as your Enemies are within Asia: And when they be once de­parted (which my minde giveth me to be shortly) he shall restore unto you the same again: The Country of Bactria is yet untouched; the Indians and Sacans be at your appointment: so many People, so many Ar­mies, so many thousands of Horsemen and Footmen have their Forces in readiness to renew this War: So that a much greater Force remaineth, then that which the War hath consumed. Why do we then like Beasts, wilfully run to a destruction that is not neces­sary? It is the property of such as are men of cou­rage, rather to despise death, then to hate life; and oftentimes, by weariness of travel, Cowards are driven to take little regard of themselves; but Ver­tue leaving nothing unproved, and Death being the end of all things, it is sufficient if we go not to it like Sluggards: Therefore if we shall go unto Ba­ctria, which is now our next Refuge, let us, for the present, make Bessus our King, who is already Ruler of that Country; and when the Affairs be once brought to some stay, he shall restore to you the Empire again, as to their Right King.

Although Darius perceived not the greatness of the mischief that lay hidden under his wicked [Page 194] words, yet it was no marvel that he could not ab­stain; for he turned towards him, and said, Thou vile Slave, hast thou now found out a time meet to disclose the Treason that lyeth in thy heart? And therewithal he pulled out his Sword to have slain him, if Bessus, and the other Bactrians about him, had not hindred his purpose. These pretended to be sorry for the matter, but minded in very deed to binde him, if he had continued in his pur­pose.

In the mean season, Nabarzanes escaped away, and Bessus followed after; who immediately did se­parate the Bands they had charge of from the rest of the Army, because they would use them apart to their own purpose. When they were departed, Artabasus framed his talk according to the estate of the time then present, and began to pacifie Da­rius with words; putting him in remembrance, how his case was such, that it behoved him to bear quietly the foolishness, or rather the errour of his own men, for as much as Alexander was at hand, too sore an Enemy for them, although there were no disobedience: But if we shall be at variance (quoth he) when he does pursue us, our affairs shall stand in very evil condition. Thereupon Darius in­clined somewhat to Artabasus advice; and though he was minded to remove, yet because he perceived every man to be troubled in minde, he remained still in the same place. But he himself was so asto­nished with sorrow and desperation, that he kept himself close, and came not forth of his Pavilion: Whereupon the Camp being without Government, the Heads not consulting together as they did be­fore, [Page 195] there arose amongst them a great diversity of Opinions, and motions of minde: Which thing when Patron saw, that was Captain of the Greek Souldiers, he willed his men to put on their Ar­mour, to be in a readiness to do as they should be appointed: The Persians incamped by themselves, and Bessus remained amongst the Bactrians, practi­sing to carry away the Persians into Bactria, and to leave Darius; signifying to them the riches of that Region yet untouched, and the peril they were in if they remained there; but they were all in a manner of one Opinion, that it was an over-great offence for them to forsake their Prince.

In the mean season, Artabasus executed the Kings Office, and went amongst the Persians in their lodg­ings, admonishing and exhorting them, sometimes apart, and otherwhile all together, and would ne­ver leave them, before it appeared that they would do as the King would have them. That done, with great pain and difficulty, he perswaded Darius to take his meat, and set his minde upon his busi­ness.

But Bessus and Nabarzanes were so greedy to get the Government into their hands, that they resol­ved to put in execution the thing they had long conspired betwixt them; for so long as Darius was in safety, they could not hope to compass nor attain so great Authority. The Majesty of a King is had in great Veneration amongst those Nations, at whose Name only they assemble together; and the Reverence used to them in their prosperity, causeth men to shew them the like obedience in adversity: The greatness and power of those Countries, where­of [Page 196] of Bessus and Nabarzanes had the Rule, not being inferiour to any other Nations in that part of the world, either in men, in furniture, or largeness of their Territory, gave a great incouragement unto their wicked dispositions, in attempting of this mat­ter: For they possessing the third part of Asia, were able to make as great a number of men as Darius before had lost. In confidence whereof, they not only despised Darius, but Alexander himself; pur­posing, when they were once become Lords of that Country, to re-inforce from thence again the power of the Empire, and maintain the Wars against the Macedons.

When they had long devised and debated these things, they determined to take Darius by the Ba­ctrian Souldiers, of whom they had the Rule; and [...] to send word to Alexander, that they reserved him alive, to deliver him into his hands: And if so be that Alexander should not not accept it, which in­deed they doubted, then their purpose was to kill Darius, and with their power to fly into Bactria. But for so much as they saw that Darius could not be taken openly, seeing there were so many thou­sands ready to aid him, and fearing also the fide­lity of the Greeks, they determined to work by slight, the thing that they could not bring to pass by force. The plot was, to counterfeit a repentance of their former doings, in excusing unto the King the fear they were in, and in the mean season, they sent certain to practise with the Persians, and to prove their mindes. The Souldiers were tossed to and [...] with hope and fear; sometime they thought, that by leaving of their King, they should commit [Page 197] themselves to manifest ruine and destruction: And again, they remembred what entertainment was pro­mised them in Bactria, that lay open for them, where they should be received with such gifts and riches, as they could not well imagine.

Whiles Bessus and Nabarzanes were beating of these things in their heads, Artabasus came unto them, declaring how Darius was well pacified, and that they might, if they would, be in the same Estate and Degree with him that they were before. Thereupon they fell to weeping, and purging them­selves; requiring Artabasus, that he would take up­on him the defence of their Cause, and carry their Request and Submission unto the King. The night was consumed in this kinde of business: When it was day, Nabarzanes, with the Bactrian Souldiers, stood at the Entry of the Kings Lodging, colouring his privy Treason with the solemn pretence of do­ing his duty: Darius caused warning to be given for his remove; and so mounted upon his Chariot, after his accustomed manner. Nabarzanes, and the other Traytors, fell upon the ground to worship him, and shed tears in token of repentance; notwith­standing that they determined shortly after to put him in Fetters; so apt is the nature of man to dissi­mulation. Darius being of a simple and gentle Nature, was inforced through their behaviour, not only to believe what they pretended, but also it caused him to weep for joy: yet that could not cause the Traytors to alter their purpose, when they perceived what kinde of man, and what manner of Prince they went about to [...]. Darius doubting nothing of his peril that was next [Page 198] at hand, made all the haste he could to escape Alexander, whom he only doubted. Patron, that was Captain of the Grecians, commanded his Soul­diers to put on their Harness, which they carried before in Trusses, and to be ready, and attend to every thing that should be appointed them: For he understanding the Treason that was contrived, fol­lowed the Kings Chariot, seeking occasion to speak with him.

And Bessus doubting the same thing, would not depart from the Chariot, but followed rather as a Watch then a Waiter. Patron therefore having tarried long, and being interrupted oftentimes as he was about to speak, stood in a stay, betwixt fear and fidelity, beholding the King in the face. When Darius perceived that he beheld him after that man­ner, he willed Bubace, his Eunuch, that rode next him, to enquire of Patron if he had any thing to say to him: Patron said, Yea: but his matter was such, as he would no man should hear. Then he was wil­led to come near; and (without any Interpre­ter) Darius understanding somewhat of the Greek Tongue, Patron said unto him:

Sir; Of fifty thousand Greeks that served you, there is a small number of us remaining, which have continually followed you in all Fortunes, bearing un­to you the same fidelity and affection that we did in your most flourishing Estate: And we were determined, wheresoever you are, to take that for our Country and home; both Prosperity and Adversity hath so coupled us together: By which Invincible Fidelity that is in us, I desire you, and require you, that you would vouchsafe to lodge within our Camp, and suffer us [Page 199] us to be the Guard of your Person. We have lost Greece, we have no Bactria to go unto▪ all our h [...]pe is in you; and the gods grant that all other men may do the like. It is not necessary I should speak any more; nor would I demand the custody of your Per­son, being an Alien and a Stranger, if I knew that others were as well-minded towards you.

Although Bessus were ignorant of the Greek Tongue, yet his Conscience pricked him to believe, that Patron had disclosed something; and therefore carrying away some part of his words, by a Greek Interpreter became out of doubt: Darius nothing afraid, as it appeared by his Countenance, enquired of Patron what moved him to give such advice? Whereupon, he thought not good to defer it any longer, but said; Bessus and Nabarzanes work Treason against you, so that your Life and your E­state stand in extreme peril; and this day shall be the last, either to the Traytors, or to you. Whose words, if Darius had well weighed and regarded, Patron had received the glory of the preservation of the Prince. But let them mock that list, who say that the state of men is governed by Chance: I do be­lieve every man runneth his Race by an Immutable Order, and by a concatenation everlasting appoint­ment unknown, appointed long before. Darius an­swer was:

That although the fidelity of the Greek Souldiers was sufficiently known unto him, yet he was determi­ned never to depart from his own Nation, by whom though he might be deceived, yet it was hard for him to mistrust them: Whatsoever should befall him, he said, he was minded rather to suffer it amongst his [Page 200] own Subjects, then to part away from them; not de­siring to live, if his own Souldiers desired not his Safeguard.

Whereupon Patron despairing of the Kings wel­fare, returned them of whom he had the charge, ready to adventure any thing for his sake. Bes­sus, in the mean season, had absolutely determined to slay Darius; but fearing that he could not win Alexanders favour, except he delivered his Enemy into his hands alive, deferred his purpose to the night following.

In the mean season, he came to Darius, and gave him thanks that he had so warily, and with such wisdom, avoided the Treason of that false Grecian, who being corrupted by Alexander, sought no­thing but how to make a present of his head; whereat (he said) He could not marvel that a Merce­nary man should leave any thing undone for Money, being without any Pledge of his Honesty, without house and home, banished out of the world; a fair Friend, and a doubtful Enemy; tossed here and there at the beck of all men that would corrupt him. And then he fell to purging of himself, calling the gods of his Country to witness his Innocency in this matter.

Darius, by his countenance, seemed to believe him; yet he doubted not of the truth of what Pa­tron had told him: but he was come to such a point, that it was as dangerous for him not to believe his own men, as to be deceived. There were thirty thousand, whose lightness was feared to have con­sented to this Conspiracy; and Patron had but four thousand, unto whom if he had committed his [...]afe­ty, [Page 201] and thereby condemned the fidelity of his own Nation, he saw that then they might have had a goodly colour and pretence to perform their En­terprize; and therefore chose rather to be killed Innocently, then to give any occasion whereby he should seem to have deserved death: And yet when Bessus purged himself, he answered, That he knew that there was no less Justice in Alexander, then Manhood; and that they were deceived that look­ed for any Rewards of Treason at his hands; know­ing there was none a greater Punisher or Revenger of the breach of Fidelity. When the night drew near, the Persians, after their accustomed manner, put off their Armour, and repaired to the next Villa­ges, to provide things necessary: But the Bactri­ans, as Bessus had commanded them, stood still arm­ed. In the mean season, Darius had sent for Arta­basus, and shewed him what Patron had declared: Whereupon Artabasus made no doubt, but that he would straightways commit himself among the Greeks; thinking that the Persians, when the Kings peril should be published abroad, would joyn with the Grecians: Yet Darius, predestinate to his chance, could not hear that saving counsel, nor sought for any help in that case, but imbraced Artabasus, as though he should never see him more; and being wet with the tears that one of them let fall upon the other, he caused Artabasus to be removed from him; and because he would not see his sorrow in departing from him, he covered his face, and fell flat upon the ground: Then such as were accu­stomed to the Guard of his Person, who should have been his Defence in all perils, fled away, [Page 202] thinking themselves over-weak for such a number of armed men as they supposed to be coming: There was a great solitariness within Darius his lodging; for none remained about the King but a few Eu­nuchs, that had no place to repair unto: Then he debated and devised with himself alone, sometime one thing, and sometime another; and anon he waxed weary of that solitariness, in which before he took a comfort, and called Bubace unto him, whom he beheld, and said:

Go, provide for your selves, who, according to your duties, have been true to your Prince till the last hour; here I do tarry for the fatal Law of my destiny: Per­adventure you do marvel that I do not end mine own life; I had rather dye through other mens wickedness, then by mine own.

After these words, Bubace filled both the Kings lodging, and also the whole Camp with mourn­ing and lamentation; and divers brake into the place where Darius was, and tearing their cloaths, bewailed his case with a great lamentation. When the cry came unto the Persians, they were so ama­zed with fear, that they durst neither put on their Armour, lest they might give occasion to the Ba­ctrians to set upon them; nor could they remain quiet, lest they might so wickedly leave their King.

Then were clamours heard throughout the Camp of divers sorts, without any Head, and without any appointment. Such as pertained to Nabarzanes and Bessus, deceived by such lamentation as they heard, brought tydings to the rest, that the King had killed himself: Whereupon, they repaired thi­ther [Page 203] so fast as they could gallop; and such Follow­ed after, as were chosen to be Ministers of their Mis­chief. When they were entred into the Kings Pa­vilion, because the Eunuchs declared that he was alive, they commanded him to be bound.

Thus he, who before was carried in a Chariot, and honoured of his men like a god, was made a prisoner by his own Servants, without any For­reign Power; and put into a vile Cart, and cover­ed over with Beasts skins: and spoil was made of the Kings Stuff, in such sort, as if it had been ta­ken in the Wars. When they had laden themselves with the Prey got after so soul a manner, they conveyed themselves into their Countries: But Ar­tabasus, with those of whom he had the charge, and with the Greek Souldiers, took their way towards Parthina; thinking to be more sure any where, then in the Fellowship of those Traytors. The Persians, whom Bessus had overcome with so many fair promises, specially because they had no other man to follow, joyned themselves to the Bactrians, and the third day overtook them. But to the in­tent Darius should not want such honour as was due to his Estate, Bessus caused him to be bound with Golden Fetters; such were the despites that his Fortune made him subject unto: And for that he should not be known by his Apparel, they co­vered the Cart with foul Hides of Beasts, and cau­sed unknown men to drive it forwards: and lest by enquiry in the Army he might be discovered, such as had the charge of him followed afar off.

When Alexander heard that Darius was removed to Ecbatana, he left the way that he was in, and [Page 204] with all the speed he could make followed after Darius, who was said to be gone into Media. But when Alexander was come to Taba, which is the Chief City of Paratacene, it was there shewed him by Fugitives that came out of Darius Camp, how he was fled with all speed into Bactria; and after­ward understood the matter more certainly by Ba­gistines of Babylon, who could not say directly, that Darius was used as a prisoner; but said, that either he was in danger of death, or of captivity. Alex­ander, upon that intelligence, called his Captains to­gether, and shewed them that he had a great En­terprize, but such a one as the travel was very short; Darius (he said) was not far off, forsaken of his own men; and either taken as a prisoner, or else slain: in whose person he shewed the whole Victo­ry to consist, and the greatness of the matter to be a reward of their haste making. They all cry­ed with one voice, that they were ready to follow him wheresoever he should go; and that he should not spare their labour, nor their peril: Whereup­on he conveyed his Army forwards with marvel­lous speed, rather in Post, then after the common order of Marching; neither resting day nor night, till they passed five hundred furlongs, and came to the Bridge where Darius was taken: There Melun, Darius Interpreter, who by reason of his sickness could not follow the Army, was taken by Alexanders celerity; who feigning that he fled from his Master, declared the whole matter: But how great soever his desire was to overtake his Ene­mies, it was necessary for him to give his men rest in their travel: So that determining to leave the [Page 205] rest of his Army behinde, he did chuse out six thousand Horsemen, and added to them three hun­dred, called Dimichas, that were Footmen, heavy harnessed, but yet riding on Horseback; and when the occasion required, alighted and fought on foot. When Alexander was taking order about these things, Orsellus and Mithracenes, who for the hatred they bare to Bessus for his Treason, fled from him, declared to the King, that the Pers [...]ans were but five hundred furlongs off, and proffered to guide him by a nearer way. Their coming was grateful to the King; for by their Conduct, in the beginning of the night, he took his journey with such Horsemen as he had appointed, willing his Foot-Battel to follow after with all speed possible. He marched forwards in a square Battel; and kept such an order, that the first might joyn with the last, and such as came behinde relieve them that went before.

When they had passed three hundred furlongs on their way, Broculus, the Son of Mazeus, that sometime had been Governour of Syria, met Alex­ander, and declared, that Bessus was within two hundred furlongs, marching with his men out of all order, as one that did cast no doubts: It seem­ed to him (he said) that they went towards Hir­cania; wherefore, if haste were made, they might soon be overtaken, and found dispersed out of all Array. And by reason he affirmed also, that Darius was yet alive, Alexander that was hot before in the pursuit, was with his words much more quickned forwards; so that he caused them to put Spurs to their Horses, and in a gallop followed▪ so fast, that [Page 206] they might hear the noise of their Enemies as they marched: but the dust that did rise, obsured their sight; and therefore he stayed a while, till the dust was vanished away: Then both Bessus perceived the Macedons, and they saw the Persians as they fled; notwithstanding, they had not been able to have marched with them, if Bessus had had as great courage to fight, as he had to betray his Master: For besides that they exceeded the Macedons in number and power, the Macedons fore-wearied and over-travelled, should have had to do with them that were lusty and fresh: But the Name of Alexander, and his Fame, which was of great mo­ment in the Wars, put them in such fear, that they could not stay themselves.

Then Bessus, and others that were Partners in this Conspiracy, came to the Cart where Darius was, and perswaded him to leap on Horseback, and fly from his Enemies that were at hand: But he cryed out, that the gods were come to his re­venge; and calling for the assistance of Alexander, said, That in no wise he would go with Traytors: Whereat they were so stirred to wrath, that they threw darts at him, and left him wounded in ma­ny places of his body: They thrust the Beasts into their bodies that drew the Cart, to the intent they should not be able to pass forwards, and slew his two Servants that did attend upon him. When they had committed this act, they thought it expe­dient to disperse themselves in their flying; and so Nabarzanes took his way to Hircania, and Bessus to Bactria, with a few Horsemen that each of them had in their Company.

[Page 207] When their Souldiers were thus forsaken of their Captains, they were scattered here and there, as their fear did lead them: There were only five hundred Horsemen who assembled themselves to­gether, and stood in a doubt, whether it were bet­ter to resist, or to fly. Alexander understanding the fear his Enemies were in, sent Nicanor before with part of his Horsemen to keep them on work, and he with the rest followed after. There were slain to the number of three thousand of such as stood on their defence, and the rest were driven in flocks like beasts, from killing of whom, Alexander com­manded his men to abstain. Amongst all the pri­soners, there was none that was able to shew the Cart that carried Darius; for every one was so de­sirous to finde him, that as they saw any Cart, they sought him therein, and yet they could not perceive by any means what was become of him. Alexander made such haste, that scarcely three thousand Horsemen followed him of all his Caval­ry; but great numbers of the Persians fell into their Laps that followed behinde. It is scarcely to be be­lieved, that there should be more prisoners taken, then there were men to take them: But Fortune in that fear had so taken away their sense, that they could not consider their own multitude, nor the small number of their Enemies. In the mean sea­son, the Beasts which drew Darius Waggon, ha­ving no man to govern them, were swerved out of the high-way, and wandring here and there, had drawn Darius four furlongs from the place where he was wounded, into a Valley, where they fainted, by reason of their heat and their hurts. [Page 204] [...] [Page 205] [...] [Page 206] [...] [Page 207] [...] [Page 208] There was a Spring at hand, which certain that knew the Country had shewed to Polistratus a Ma­cedon, that was overcome with thirst: and while he was drinking the water out of his Helmet, he espied the Beasts that were thrust in with Darts; and marvelling that they were not rather carried away, then hurt after that manner, he looked, and found in the Waggon the body of a man half alive; and at length perceived it was Darius that lay there sore wounded, and drawing his last breath: Then Polistratus brought to him a Persian, whom he had taken prisoner▪ whom when Darius knew by his voice to be of his Country, he said, That he took it for some comfort in his present for­tune, that he should speak before he died to one that understood him, and not utter his last words in vain.

He required him to declare unto Alexander, that though he had never deserved any thing at his hands, yet it was his chance to die greatly his Debtor; and had thanks to give him, for the favour and goodness that he had shewed towards his Mother, his Wife, and his Children, to whom he had not only granted life, but also the Reverence due to their former Estate and Dignity; whereas he, of his own Kinsmen and Friends, to whom he had given both Life and Lands, was now by them bereaved of all. He prayed therefore, that he might always be Conquerour, and that the Em­pire of the whole world might come into his hands; requiring, that he would not neglect to take revenge of so foul an act, not only for his cause, but for an example, and for the honour of other Princes; which should be a thing worthy of him, and profitable to his Successors in time to come.

[Page 209] When he had spoke these words, he fainted, and calling for water, after he had drunk, said to Poli­stratus that presented it unto him: Whatsoever thou art, this is unto me the last misery in all my adverse chance, that I am not able to requite this benefit; but Alexander shall reward thee, and the gods sh [...]ll re­quite him for his great Humanity and Clemency shew­ed towards mine; unto whom thou shalt give my hands as a Pledge of a Kings Promise.

Having spoken these words, and given Polistra­tus his hand, he died. When his sayings were re­ported to Alexander, he repaired where the dead Corpse lay, and with tears lamented, that it was his chance to die a death so unworthy of so great a per­sonage; and taking off his own Cloak to cover the dead body, he adorned the same with all things that pertained to a King, and sent it to his Mother Sisigambis, to be buried in such sort as the Country manner was to bury Kings, and to be laid amongst the rest of his Predecesso [...]rs.

HE pressed forwards where the fight was most dangerous, and put the greater part of his Enemies to flight: Then such as were Conquerours before began to fly, till they had drawn their Ene­mies, greedily following them, out of the streight, into a more plain ground: In the Retreat many of them were slain; but when they had once reco­vered such a ground where they might stay and fall in order, the Battels joyned equal on both sides. Amongst them all, the King of the Lacedemonians appeared most notable in all mens eyes, not so [Page 211] much by the beauty of his Armour and goodly Per­sonage, as through the greatness of his courage, wherein only he could not be overcome. He was assailed at on all parts, both near at hand, and a­far off: Yet for all that, he endured long in Arms a­gainst his Enemies, avoiding their strokes, part with his Target, and part with his Body, till such time as he was thrust through both Thighs with a Spear, when by great [...]usion of blood, he was not able any longer to endure the fight: Then the E­squires of his body took him up upon his Target, and carried him into their Camp, when with great pain he indured the stirring of his wounds. The Lacedemonians, for all their Kings departure, gave not over the fight; but as soon as they could reco­ver any ground of advantage, they rallied them­selves, and received stoutly their Enemies that came full upon them. There is not sound in any memo­ry, of a Battel more vehemently fought then that, where the Armies of two Nations that were most excellent in the Wars, contended together for the Victory, not yet inclining to any part: The La­cedemonians called to minde their Ancient Man­hood and Prowess, and the Macedons considered their present estimation they had in the world: The Lacedemonians strived for their liberty, and the Macedons for the Soveraignty; the one part lacked a Captain, and the other room to fight in. The manifold adventures and chances that fell that day, encreased both the hope and fear of both parties; fortune, as it were of purpose, bringing such valiant men to fight together, neither of them pre­vailing upon other: But the streightness of the place [Page 212] where they fought, did not suffer them to joyn with their whole force at once, for more were be­holders then fighters; and such as stood without danger, encouraged the others with their cry. At length the Lacedemonians began to faint, and scarcely able for sweating to sustain their Armour, began to draw back, to have the more liberty to flee from their Enemies that pressed sore upon them.

When they were once broken and scattered a­broad [...], the Conquerours pursued after; and pas­sing the place whereupon the Lacedemonians Bat­tel was first arranged, made a sore pursuit upon Agis: who seeing his men flying, and his Enemies approach at hand, willed his men to set him down; where stretching himself, to feel if the force of his body could answer unto his heart, when he found himself unable to stand, remaining upon his knees, put on his Helmet; and covering his body with his Target, shaked his Spear, and provoked his ene­mies to draw near, if any were desirous of his spoil: but there was not one that pressed near him, but did cast Darts afar off, which he always took, and threw at his Enemies again, till such time as he was thrust into the bare breast with a Spear: But when the same was pulled out of the wound, he fainted; and bowing himself upon his Target, shortly after fell down dead, blood and life failing both together. There were slain of the Lacedemo­nians 5340, and of the Macedonians not above three hundred; but there was scarcely any of them that escaped unwounded. This Victory not only brake the hearts of the Lacedemonians, and of their [Page 213] Confederates; but also of others who lay in wait, looking for the success of that War.

Antipater was not ignorant how the countenan­ces of such as did gratifie his Victory, differed much from the intents of their hearts: but desirous to finish the Wars that were begun, he perceived it necessary for him to dissemble, and suffer himself to be deceived: And though he rejoyced much in the Fortune of the Battel, yet he feared the envy that might ensue thereof, it being a greater mat­ter then the Estate of a Lieutenant did bear. For Alexander was of such a nature, that he desired his Enemies had won the Victory; shewing manifest­ly, that he was not contented with Antipaters good success; thinking that whatsoever chanced to ano­ther man, was a derogation to his own glory. Antipater therefore, who knew full well his stomack, durst not use the Victory according to his will, but assembled a Councel of Greeks, to advise what they thought expedient: The Lacedemonians made no other request, but that they might send Em­bassadours to Alexander, who upon their Ad­dress to him, and their suit made, obtained a Ge­neral Pardon for all men, saving for such as were the Authors of the Rebellion. The Megapolitans, whose City did abide the Siege, were compelled to pay, as a Fine for their Rebellion, twenty Talents to the Athenians and the Aetolians. This was the end of the War, which being suddenly begun, was ended before Alexander had overthrown Darius at Arbella. As soon as his minde was delivered of those present cares, as one that could bear better the wars then quietness, he gave himself up to [Page 214] pleasures, by the vices whereof he was overcome, whom no power of the Persians, or any other, were able to subdue. He was given to banqueting out of season, and to a fond delight of drinking, and watching in Plays amongst Flocks of Concubines, that drew him into strange manners and customes: which he following, as things more pleasing then his Country Customes, offended thereby greatly both the eyes and the hearts of his Nation; and caused many that loved him before entirely, to hate him then as an Enemy: For the Macedons, that were obstinate in keeping their own Discipline, and unaccustomed to be curious, being so penurious in their Diet as might suffice Nature only, when they saw him go about to bring in amongst them the Vices of those Nations which they had subdued, Conspiracies began to be made against him, Muti­nies arose amongst the Souldiers, and every one complaining to another, freely uttered their griefs, whereby he was provoked to wrath, to suspition, and sudden fear; Divers other inconveniencies in­suing thereupon, which shall be declared hereaf­ter.

Alexander being given, as hath been said before, to unreasonable banqueting, wherein he consumed both day and night; when he was satisfied with eating and drinking, he passed the rest of the time in Plays and Pastimes: And not contented with such Musitians as he brought out of Greece, caused the Women, that were Captives, to sing before him such Songs as abhorred the ears of the Macedons, not accustomed to such things. Amongst those Women, Alexander espied one more sad then the [Page 215] rest, who with a certain shamefac'dness did strive with them that brought her forth: She was of ex­cellent Beauty, and by her Modesty her Beauty was much augmented: And because she did cast her eyes towards the earth, and covered her face so much as she might, she gave suspition for him to think that she was descended of Noble Parentage: And therefore being demanded what she was, she shewed her self to be the Ni [...]ce of Occhus that late­ly reigned in Persia; and the Wife of Histaspis, who was Darius Kinsman, and had been his Lieutenant over many great Armies. There yet remained in the Kings heart some small sparks of his former Vertue; for in respect of her Estate, being descend­ed of the Blood of Kings, and in Reverence he bare to such a Name as the Niece of Occhus, he commanded her not only to be set free, but also to be restored to her Goods, and her Husband, whom he willed to be sought out.

The next day he appointed Ephestion to bring all the prisoners to the Court, where inquiring of the Nobility of every one, he commanded them who were descended of Noble Blood, to be severed from the rest; amongst whom they found Oxatres, Bro­ther to Darius, that was no less Noble of minde then of blood: There were made of the last spoil twenty six thousand Talents, whereof twelve thousand were consumed in rewards amongst the Men of War; and the sum amounted to no less va­lue, that was conveyed away by them that had the keeping thereof. There was one Oxidates, a No­ble-man of Persia, that was imprisoned by Darius, and appointed to suffer death, whom Alexander [Page 216] delivered, and gave unto him the Seignory of Me­dia, and received Darius Brother amongst the number of his Friends, reserving to him all the ac­customed honour of his Nobility. Then they came to the Country of Parthenia, being then but ob­scure and unknown, but now the Head of all those Countries which lye upon Tygris and Euphrates, and bounded with the Red Sea. This Country being fruitful and abundant in all things, was con­quered by the Scythians, who possessing part of A­sia and Europe, are troublesome Neighbours to them both.

The Scythians, who inhabit upon the Bospheron Sea, are ascribed to be in Asia; and such as be in Europe, possess the Countries lying on the left part of Thrace, so far as Boristhenes; and from thence right forth, so far as the River Thanais, that parteth Europe and Asia. It is certain, that the Scythians of whom the Persians be descended, came not from Bospheron, but out of Europe. There was a Noble City, in those days called Hecatonphilos, builded by the Greeks, where Alexander remained with his Army, conveying Victuals thither from all parts. Among the Souldiers lying in idleness, there arose suddenly a rumour, which entred into their heads without any certain Author or beginning, which was, that Alexander satisfied with the Acts he had done, purposed immediately to return into Mace­don. This Fame was not so soon blown abroad, but that they ran like mad-men to their lodgings, and trussed up their Baggage and their Stuff, ma­king such preparation to depart, that every man judged warning to be given to remove, and that [Page 217] the thing had been done by appointment. The tu­mult that did rise in the Camp by lading of Carri­age, and by the calling which one made to ano­ther, came unto the Kings ears. This rumour ob­tained the sooner credit, by the dispatch of certain Greek Souldiers, whom Alexander had dismissed into their Country, with the gift of six thousand Deniers to every Horseman: Thereupon occasion was given to think that the War had been at an end. Alexander, whose purpose was to pass into India, and the uttermost bounds of the Orient, was no less displeased at this rumour then the case required: And therefore calling before him the Captains of his Army, with the tears in his eyes, he made a great complaint unto them, that in the middle course of his glory he should thus be pulled back, and compelled to return into his Country, rather as a man vanquished, then as a Victor: Which mis­fortune, he said, he could not impute to his Soul­diers, nor judge that their cowardliness did give an impediment to his proceedings, but that it was only the envy of the gods that put so sudden a de­sire of their Country into the mindes of valiant men, who within a while should have returned with greater glory and fame. Thereupon they all promised to travel in Reformation of the matter, offering themselves in all things (were they never so difficult) to do as he would have them: And they promised also the obedience of the Souldiers, if so be that he would make some gentle and apt O­ration to pacifie them, who were never yet seen to depart from him in any desperation or disturbance of minde, if they once beheld the chearfulness [Page 218] of his Countenance, and the courage proceeding from his heat. He promised so to do, and required in the multitude an inclination to give ear unto him. When all things were prepared which were thought expedient for this purpose, he assembled all his Army together, and made this Oration unto them:

When ye consider (my Souldiers) the greatness of the Acts which ye have done, and the manifold Con­quests that ye have made, it is no marvel at all that ye be inclined to quietness, and fully satisfied with Fame and Glory: For not to speak of the Illyrians and Tribals, of Boetia, Thracia, and Sparta, of the Achaians and Peloponnesians, whom I have subdu­ed, part in person, and the rest by appointment; I will not make rehearsal of the War we began at Hel­lespont, and how we delivered from servitude the Bar­barous Nations, the Ionians and Aeolides, and got unto our possession Caria, Lydia, Cappadocia, Phry­gia, Paphlagonia, Pamphilia, Pysidia, Celicia, Syria, Phenicia, Armenia, Persia, Media, and Partheniae. We have gotten more Countries, then others have ta­ken Cities; and yet (I am sure) the number of them have caused me to leave some of them unrehearsed. If I could think that the possession of these Lands that we have conquered in so short time could remain sure unto us, then (my Souldiers) I would, though it were against your wills, break from you to visit my house and my home, to see my Mother, my Sisters, and my Country-men, to enjoy there the Land and Glory that I have gotten with you; where the joyful Conversation of our Wives, our Children and Parents, our peace and quietness, and a sure possession of things gotten through [Page 219] our valour, do tarry for us, as large rewards of our Victory. But if we will confess the truth, this new Empire which we have not yet at Commandment, but is kept, as it were, by way of intreaty, doth require a time that this stiff-necked people may learn to bear our yoke; and by framing their dispositions to more Humu­nity, bring their cruel nature to a more civil conversa­tion. Do we not see that the Corn in the field asketh a time for its ripening; and though the same be with­out sense, yet hath it its course to be brought to per­fection? Do you believe that so many Nations not a­greeing with us in Religion, in Custom, nor in one use of Language, accustomed to the Empire and Name of another man, will be conquered and brought to sub­jection with the winning of one Battel? No, trust me, they are kept under with fear of our Power, and do not obey us of their own good wills: And they which shew you obedience when ye be here amongst them, when you be absent will be your Enemies: You must think that you have to do with wilde Beasts, which being fierce of Nature when they be first taken, must be shut up and tamed by time. Hitherto I have reasoned with you, as though we had conquered the whole Dominion that pertained to Darius, which is nothing so; for Nabar­zanes possesseth Hircania, and the Traytor Bessus not only enjoyeth Bactria, but also threatneth us. The Sogdians, Dahans, Massagetes, Sagans, and the In­dians, remain yet in their own Liberty and Jurisdicti­on, who shall not see our backs so soon turned, but they will follow in our Rear: They all have a certain Friendship and Amity one with another, but we are all Strangers and Forreigners unto them: There is no Creature but that will more gladly be obedient to Ru­lers [Page 220] of his own Nation, then to Forreigners, be their Government never so terrible. We are driven therefore of necessity to purchase that we have not, or else to loose that we have already gained: As Physitians, that in sick bodies will leave no humour that may hurt, so likewise we must cut away whatsoever shall be an im­pediment unto our Empire: Have you not seen great fires to arise from small sparks not regarded? We may not neglect any thing in our Enemies, whom the more we despise, the more strong we make them. And be­cause you should not think it such an impossibility for Bessus to make himself King, where a King is want­ing, you shall understand that Darius came not to his Empire by Inheritance, but got into the Seat of Cyrus by the benefit of Bagoas his Eunuch. We commit [...] heinous offence (my Souldiers) if we make war against Darius, and put him down, for the intent to give his Kingdom unto his servants; yea, and to such a one as attempted so vile an act against his Master, at such a time as he had most need of help, and whom we be­ing his Enemies, would have spared: He being his subject, put him in chains as a Captive, and finally slew him, because he should not be preserved by us: Shall you suffer such a man as this to reign? No, let us make all the speed we may to see him crucified▪ [...] to shew unto all Kings and Nations a Justice done [...] one that so vilely falsified his faith. If the report should come unto you in your own Countries, that the same man was destroying of the Greek Cities about Hel­lespont, how sorry would you then be, and how much would you lament that Bessus should enjoy that which you have got, and usurp the rewards of your Victory? Then would you make haste to recover your own; then [Page 221] would you bend your selves to the Wars: But how much better is it now to oppress him while he remain­eth in such fear, and is uncertain what way to take? Shall we forbear to spend four days to come to him, that have marched over such Snows, that have passed so many Rivers, that have climbed so many Mountains, to whose journey the flowing-Sea could be no impediment, nor the Streights of Cilicia could shut up our way? Now all things are made plain and open, and we stand in the entry of our Victory: There are but a few Fu­gitives and Killers of their Master that do remain. What more notable work can you leave unto your Po­sterity, to be registred by Fame unto your glory, then to revenge such as were Traytors to Darius? You shall thereby shew, that when you were Enemies unto him, yet your hatred ended with his death, and that no wicked man can escape your hands: Which thing if you bring to pass, how much more obedient do you think the Persians will be unto you, when they perceive you to take just Wars in hand; and that it was not with Bessus name whereat ye are offended, but with his sins and treacheries?

His Oration was received of the Souldiers with such gladness, that they straightways desire him to lead them whither he would: And he that knew well enough how to make use of this opportunity, immediately advanced into Parthenia, and came to the bounds of Hircania, leaving Craterus with those Regiments whereof he had the Rule, and six thousand Horsemen, of whom Amintas had the charge, with the like number of Archers, to defend Parthenia from the incursion of the barbarous Na­tions. He appointed Erigonus, with a small power, to [Page 222] attend upon his Carriages; willing him to pass with them through the plain Country, and he himself with his Footmen, and with the rest of his Horsemen, marched forwards a hundred and fifty furlongs, and incamped in a Valley at the entry into Hircania. In the same place are great woods full of high and thick Trees, and the bottom of the Val­ley is very fruitful, by reason of the Springs that come forth of the Rocks. Out of the foot of the Mountains there ariseth a River called Zieberis, which within three furlongs of the head, is divided by a Rock standing in the midst of the Stream, causing the water to go two sundry ways; which after­wards coming into one Channel, runneth more violently then before, by reason of the fall from the Rocks: And suddenly it sinketh into the ground, and so runneth hidden, by the space of three hun­dred furlongs▪ and then cometh forth again, as it were, out of a new Spring, being then in bredth thirteen furlongs; and as it runneth forwards, groweth more narrow, and falleth into another stream, named Rhydago. The Inhabitants of the Country affirm, that any thing cast in where the Stream sinks into the ground, will appear and come out at the next Mouth of the River. For the proving of which conclusion, Alexander caused two Bulls to be cast in, where the water sank down, whose bodies were found by such as were appointed for the purpose, to appear where the Stream brake out again. In this place he refreshed his Army four days, during which time Nabarzanes (who was Confederate with Bessus in killing of the King) did write Letters to him to this effect:

[Page 223] How that he was no Enemy to Darius, but coun­selled him ever to do such things as he judged most pro­fitable; and for his faithful counsel, was put in dan­ger of his life by him, who against all reason intend­ed to commit the custody of his person to Strangers, condemning thereby the fidelity of his own Nation, which they had kept unspotted towards their Kings the space of two hundred and thirty years: Therefore see­ing himself in that danger, he took counsel of the pre­sent necessity, and alledged, that nothing was more dear to miserable Mortality then life, for the love whereof he was driven to this extremity, in commit­ting an act which necessity rather compelled him to do, then his own disposition: For in a general Calamity, every man seeks after his own Fortune. If he would command him to come to his presence, he said, he would not refuse to do it; for he could not fear that so great a King would violate his promise, seeing one god is not used to deceive another. But if he should seem un­worthy of his assurance, there were many Countries for him to fly unto; for all men having vertue in them, count always that for their Country where they make their residence.

Alexander made no stay to give him his word, after such sort as the Persians used to receive pro­mise, which was, safely to come and go: Not­withstanding he marched in order of Battel, send­ing ever Scouts before to discover the Country: The light armed were appointed to the Vaward; the Phalaux followed after, and the Baggage be­hinde: For by reason they were a warlike Nation, and the Country hard to enter upon, it caused the King to be circumspect. The same Valley stretch­eth [Page 224] to the Caspian Sea, the Banks thereof resem­bling the Horns of the Moon, before it cometh to the full, the Sea lying betwixt them like a great Bay. Upon the left hand the people inhabit, that are called Cercetes, which lye open towards the North; and upon the other part the Leucosirians, Mossynes, and Chalibes; and the Plains of the A­mazons lye towards the West.

The Sea, which some call the Caspian Sea, and some the Hircanian, being more sweet then any o­ther, bringeth forth Serpents of a wonderful big­ness, and Fishes differing in colour much from all the rest. There be divers of opinion, that the Lake of Meotis should run into this Sea, which they conje­cture by the water, thinking the same to receive its sweetness of the Lake. Towards the North the Sea groweth into a Beach, and shooteth forth his wa­ters far upon the Land, which rising high, make many Mears and Plashes. And as by a constant course of the Planets they flow out, so at a certain time, by an Ebb, they return again, restoring the ground to its former estate: Some believe these waters to be no parcel of the Caspian Sea, but that they come out of India, and run into Hircania, which lieth low in the foresaid Valley.

The King being removed from that place, march­ed forwards twenty furlongs in a wilde Desart, where great woods hung continually over their heads, and Brooks of water, and the dirt, gave great impediment to their journey. But at length, without any opposition of his Enemies, he passed those difficulties, and came unto a fair Country; wherein, besides other Victuals (wherewith it did a­bound) [Page 225] there grew great plenty of Apples, and the ground was very apt for Vines. There were also plenty of a certain kinde of Trees much like unto Oaks, whose leaves were covered with honey, which the Inhabitants gather before the Sun-rising; for else the moisture would be dried up with the heat.

When Alexander had passed thirty furlongs fur­ther, Phrataphernes met him, yeilding both him­self and such others as fled away after Darius death; whom he received gently, and came to a Town called Arnas: Thither came Craterus and Erigonus, bringing with them Phradates, that had the rule of the Tapurians; his friendly receiving and gen­tle entertainment, was cause that many followed his example, in committing themselves to Alexan­ders Mercy. Menape was there made Prince of Hircania, who being a banished man in the time of Occhus, came to King Philip for Refuge: and Phradates also was restored to the Office he had be­fore.

When Alexander was come to the uttermost bounds of Hircania, Artabasus, whom as we decla­red, did shew himself always faithful to his Master, did meet him with Darius Kinsmen and Children, and with a small Band of Greek Souldiers. The King at his coming proffered him his hand, be­cause he had been entertained before by King Phi­lip, when he was banished by Occhus. But the chief cause that he received him so well, was for the fidelity that he observed towards his Prince. He being thus gently entertained by Alexander, did say unto him; Sir, long may you flourish and [Page 226] reign in perpetual felicity: I that rejoyce in all other things, am grieved only at this, that by reason of mine old age, I shall not be able long to enjoy your goodness. He was eighty five years of age, and brought with him nine Sons born of one Mother, whom he presented to the King; praying God to continue their lives, so long as their service might be acceptable unto him.

Alexander was accustomed much to walk on foot; but then lest the old man might be ashamed to ride, himself going on foot, he called for Horses for them both. When he was incamped, he sent for the Greeks that Artabasus brought; but they made request, that he would first give assurance to the Lacedemonians that were amongst them, or else they would take advice amongst themselves what were best to do: The same were the Embas­sadours that the Lacedemonians had sent to Darius, which after the Battel, joyned themselves to the Greeks that were in pay with Darius. The King willed them to leave all assurances and composi­tions, and come to receive such appointment as he would give them: They stood long in a doubt, va [...]ying in opinions; but at length they agreed so to do, saving Democrates of Athens, who had al­ways opposed the success of the Macedons, and despairing of pardon slew himself: But the other, as they had determined, submitted themselves to Alexanders will, being ten thousand five hundred in number, besides ninety of such as were sent Em­bassadours unto Darius. The greatest part of the Souldiers were distributed amongst the Bands, to fill up the numbers that wanted; and the rest were [Page 227] sent home, except the Lacedemonians, whom he commanded to be put in prison.

There was a Nation called Mardons, bounding next to [...], rude in their manners and usa­ges, accustomed to live by theft: They neither sent Embassadours, nor gave any signification that they would be at Alexanders Commandment: He took thereat great indignation, that any one peo­ple should give impediment to his Victory; and therefore leaving a Guard for his Carriages, he ad­vanced against them with a strong power. He marched forwards in the night; and by the time that the day appeared, his Enemies were in sight. But the matter came rather to an Alarm, then to any fight; for the Enemies were soon driven from the Hills, who flying away, left their Villages to be sacked by the Macedons: But the Army could not pass into the inward parts of the Country without great trouble and v [...]xation, the same being com­passed about with high Mountains, great Woods, and desart Rocks; and the parts which were plain, were defended with a strange kinde of fortificati­on, that is to say, with Trees set thick of purpose; the Boughs whereof, when they were young, were wreathed one within another, the tops bowed down were put into the ground again, from whence, as out of another root, there sprung new branches. They would not suffer the same to grow as Nature brought them forth, but did knit them so one with­in another, that when they were full of leaves they covered the earth. The Trees thus wreathed one within another, inclosed in the Country, as it were, with a continual hedge, and were as snares to in­tangle [Page 228] such as would enter. There was no way could be devised to go through the same, but on­ly by cutting down the wood; and therein they found a great difficulty, and much travel, by rea­son that the wreathing and wrapping of the Boughs kept them off from the bodies of the Trees; and the weakness of the Boughs so yeilded to the strokes, that they could not easily be cut asunder.

The Inhabitants of the Country were accustom­ed to creep amongst the under-wood like wilde Beasts, and by privy Sallies break out upon their Enemies. Alexander therefore caused his men, after the manner of Hunters, to seek out their lurking places, and killed many of them. But at length he invironed the Wood with his Souldiers round about, to the intent they might break in at every place, where they should finde an entry: In doing whereof, many wandred and lost their company in places that they knew not, and were taken prison­ers, and amongst them Bucephalus, Alexanders Horse, whom he did not esteem as other men do other Beasts; for this Horse would not suffer any other man to back him: and when the King would ride, he would kneel down upon his knees to re­ceive him; so that he seemed to have the sense to understand whom he carried. Alexander was more sorrowful and incensed fo [...] [...] lo [...]s of his Horse, then was expedient for such a cause: for searching about to get the Horse again, he caused Proclama­tion to be made by an Interpreter, that except he were restored, he would not leave one of the Coun­try-men alive. When they heard this terrible threatning, amongst other gifts, they presented [Page 229] unto Alexander his Horse: Yet he was not there­with pacified, but commanded the Woods to be cut down, and the ways to be levelled which he cut through the Woods. This work went so well for­ward, that the Inhabitants despairing of ability to defend their Country, yeilded themselves to the King, who receiving their Pledges, committed them to the keeping of Phradates, and from thence, the fifth day, he returned again to his Camp. There he gave to Artabasus the double honour that Darius did unto him, and sent him home again into his Country.

After that he came to the City of Hircania, where Darius Chief Seat was; Nabarzanes: upon assurance, came thither, bringing with him great gifts; and amongst the rest, presented unto Alexan­der an Eunuch called Bagoas, of singular Beauty, being in the first flower of his Youth, whom Darius used, and afterwards Alexander; at whose inter­cession especially he did pardon Nabarzanes. The Nation of the Amazons being near unto Hircania (as hath been said before) did inhabit the Plains of Themyscire, about the River of Thermodoon, and had a Queen reigning over them, called Thalestris, which kept under her Dominion all the Countries between Mount Caucasus, and the River of Phasis: She for the great affection she had to see Alexander, travelled out of her own Country; and being come near where he was, sent certain before, to declare that a Queen was come of desire to visit him, and to enjoy the private familiarity of his company. When liberty was given her to come to his presence, she caused all the rest of her Band to [Page 230] stay, and she came forwards, attended only by three hundred women. As soon as she perceived Alexander, she leaped from her Horse, carrying two Javelins in her hand. The Amazons apparel is such, that it doth not cover all their bodies; for their breasts are bare on the left side, and their garments, which they use to knit up with a knot, come not to their knees: One Breast they always reserve untouched, wherewith they nourish their Women-Children; but their right Breasts they use to [...]ear, to make them more apt to draw their Bows [...], and cast their Darts. Thalestris looked up­on Alexander with a bold countenance; and obser­ved in her beholding of him, that his personage an­swered not to the Fame that she had heard of his Acts; for the Barbarous Nations gave great Vene­ration to the Majesty of the Personage, thinking none to be sufficient for the doing of great Acts, but such as Nature had indued with great personages: It was demanded of her, if she had any request to make unto Alexander: Whereat she abashed not to confess, that she was come thither to have Chil­dren by him, thinking her self a personage wor­thy of whom he should get Heirs to inherit his King­dom: wherein she covenanted, that if it were a Woman, she would keep it still; and if it were a Man-Childe, she would restore it to the Father. A­lexander enquired of her, if she would go forwards with him in his Wars: But therein she excused her self, that she had left no order for the defence of her Kingdom. But she continued still in declara­tion of the cause of her coming, and required that her expectation therein might not be in vain. The [Page 231] Womans Appetite seemed to be more vehemently given to Lust then the Kings was; yet she obtained of him to stay for that cause, and he consumed thir­teen days in satisfying her desire.

That done, she departed to her own Kingdom, and Alexander marched into Parthenia, which was the place where he first shewed manifestly the Vices that were in him. There he turned his Continency and Moderation, being the most excellent Vertues appearing in any kinde of Estate, into Pride and Voluptuousness; not esteeming his Country-Cu­stoms, nor the wholesome temper that was in the Discipline of the Kings of Macedon: For he judged their civil usage and manner to be over-base for his greatness; but did counterfeit the height and pomp of the Kings of Persia, representing the greatness of the gods. He was content to suffer men there to fall down flat upon the ground, and worship him; and accustomed the Conquerours of so many Na­tions, by little and little, to servile offices, coveting to make them like unto his Captives. He ware up­on his Head a Diadem of Purple, interp [...]led with white, like as Darius was accustomed; and fashion­ed his Apparel after the manner of the Persians, without scrupulosity of any token that it signi [...]i [...]d, for the Conquerour to change his Habit into the fashion of him whom he had vanquished: And though he boasted that he wore the spoils of his Enemies, yet with those spoils he put upon him their evil manners, and the insolency of the minde followed the pride of the Apparel. Besides, al­though he sealed such Letters as he sent into Europe with his accustomed Seal; yet all the Letters he sent [Page 232] abroad into Asia were sealed with Darius Ring: So it appeared, that one minde could not bear the greatness that appertained to two. He apparelled also his Friends, his Captains, and his Horsemen in Persian apparel; whereat though they grudged in their mindes, yet they durst not refuse it for fear of his displeasure. His Court was replenished with Concubines; for he still maintained three hundred and sixty that belonged to Darius; and amongst them were Flocks of Eunuchs, accustomed to per­form the natural use of Women.

The old Souldiers of Philip naturally abhorring such things, manifestly withstood to be infected with such volup [...]uousness and strange Customes: Whereupon there rose a general talk and opinion throughout the Camp, that they had lost more by the Victory, then they had won by the War: For when they saw themselves overcome with such ex­cess, and Forreign Customs so to prevail amongst them, they judged it a slender reward of their long being abroad, to return home in the habit of Prisoners. They began to be ashamed of their King, that was more like to such as were subdued, then to them that were Victorious; and that the King of Macedon was become the Prince of Persia, and one of Darius Courtiers. When he understood that the chief of his friends, and his men of War were much offended at his doings, he went about to recover favour again with gifts and liberality; but the rewards of servitude are ungrateful to free men: And therefore lest it might turn into a sedi­tion, he thought good to break the maginations increased by idleness, with the exercise of War, [Page 233] whereof an apt occasion was given: Bessus invest­ing himself as a King, took upon him the name of Artaxerxes, drawing to his part the Scythians, and others that were the Inhabitants of the River Thanais; which things were reported to him by Nabarzanes, whom he had received into his favour, and given the Rule of the Country he had before. When he had determined this new Expedition, he found his Army so over-charged and laden with Spoil, and other Furniments of Voluptuousness, that they could scarcely move: Wherefore he com­manded the Baggage and Stuff of the whole Army to be brought together into one place, excepting only such things as were very necessary: The place was large and plain to which the Carts were brought laden; and when every one stood waiting and musing what he would command them to do, he caused the Beasts to be removed first out of the way, and then set his own Fardels on fire, and af­ter, all the rest. Whilest these things were burn­ing, the Owners were on fire themselves to see them so consumed; for the saving of which, they had often quenched the flames in the Cities of their Enemies: Yet no man durst lament the price of his own blood, seeing they saw the fire consume the Kings Riches as well as their own; and the rather to pacifie them, the King did mitigate their do­lour with a brief Oration. Whereupon they that were ever apt for the Wars, and ready to do all things, began to be joyful, that with the loss of their Baggage, they had preserved their Discipline accustomed in the Wars. As they were setting for­ward towards Bactria, Nicanor, the Son of Parmenio, [Page 234] died suddenly, whom every man greatly lament­ed, but chiefly the King, who desired to have stayed to celebrate his Funeral, but that want of Victuals caused him to haste forward: Philotas therefore was left behinde with two thousand six hundred Souldiers, to perform the Ceremonies ap­pertaining to his Brothers Funeral, and Alexander himself marched towards Bessus. In the way, Let­ters were brought to Alexander from the Princes thereabout, that Bessus was coming towards him with a great Army; adding thereunto, that Satri­barzanes, whom he had made Prince of the Arrians, was newly rebelled; for that cause (notwithstand­ing he was come near unto Bessus) he thought it best first to oppress Satribarzanes: and for that intent, he brought forwards his Horsemen and Footmen that were light armed, to invade him suddenly. His coming was not so privy, but Satribarzanes knew thereof, and fled into Bactria with two thou­sand Horsemen: for by reason he was not able to assemble any more in so short a time, the rest took the next Mountains for their refuge.

There was a Rock, which towards the West, was high and steep, but towards the East more low, and easie to be climbed, which part was full of Trees: The same Rock being in compass two and thirty furlongs, had a Fountain running continually▪ and in the top a Green Plain, where they placed the weaker multitude; but the rest that were apt for defence, being to the number of thirteen thousand, got themselves to the edges of the Rock, and there threw down stones and logs upon the Macedons that came to assail them. He left Craterus to be­siege [Page 235] the Rock, and went in person to pursue Sa­tribarzanes; and because he understood that he was fled far off, he returned back again to the siege of them that were upon the Rock. First, he caused all things to be taken away, that might be an im­pediment to his men in the assault giving: But when they came to the bare and steep Rock, the labour seemed lost, where Nature wrought against them. But he, that was of a disposition always to strive against difficulties, considering how hard a matter it was to go forward, and how dangerous to return back, did cast in his head all the ways that could be imagined, and now fancied one thing, and then another, as men are wont when the ways they have found out first do not please them. As he stood in a doubt what to do, For­tune did minister unto him a means, which nei­ther wit nor reason could invent: It chanced that the winde blew vehemently at the South West, at what time the Souldiers had felled great plenty of wood, whereof they thought to have made Scaf­folds to mount up against the Rock, and the heat of the Sun had made the same dry. When Alexan­der perceived the winde to blow so violently, and the wood lying in that place, he immediately com­manded more Trees to be cut down, and laid upon them, putting all other things to it that were apt to kindle and nourish fire; so that Trees heaped up­on Trees, became as a Mountain so high as the top of the Rock: The same being set on fire in all parts at once, the winde carried the flame into the faces of their Enemies, and the smoak covered the Sky. The noise was then great that the fire made, [Page 236] which burned not only the Trees that were fired of purpose, but also the rest of the Wood growing near thereabout.

The Enemies were so tormented with the flame and heat of the fire, that they were inforced to forsake their place of strength, and attempted to escape away where the fire did give them least im­pediment: But where the fire gave place, the Ma­cedons stood in a readiness to receive them; so that they were consumed and slain divers kinde of ways: Some threw themselves down the Rocks, some ran into the midst of the fire, others fell into the hands of their Enemies, and a few half consumed with fire, were taken prisoners. When Alexander had done this, he returned to Craterus, who besieged Artacnan; and having prepared all things in rea­diness, tarried only for the Kings coming, to give him the honour of winning the City.

When Alexander was come, he approached the Walls with the Towers of Timber that he had pre­pared for the assault; at the sight whereof the In­habitants were so afraid, that they held up their hands from the Walls, requiring him to spare them, and execute his wrath upon Satribarzanes, who was the Author of their Rebellion. Alexander par­doned them freely; and not only raised the Siege, but also restored to the Inhabitants all things that pertained to them. As he removed from this City, there came to him a new supply of Souldiers: Zoilus brought out of Greece five hundred Horse­men, and three thousand Antipater sent out of Illy­ria: There came a hundred and thirty Thessalian Horsemen with Philip, who also brought Forreign­ers [Page 237] out of Licia, two thousand five hundred Foot­men, and three hundred Horsemen. Alexander ha­ving thus increased his power, entred into the Country of the Dragans, who were a warlike Na­tion▪ under the Government of Nabarzanes, who was of Counsel with Bessus in the Treason that he committed against his Prince. When he heard of Alexanders coming, for fear of the punishment he had deserved, he fled into India. Here had they lain incamped nine days, when Alexander being without fear of any Enemy, and invincible against all Forreign Powers, was brought in peril by reason of his own people: It chanced that one Dimnus, a man of mean behaviour and Authority with his Prince, was greatly inflamed with the love of a young man, called Nichomachus, with whom he used much familiar conversation. This Dimnus on a time being in a passion (as it well ap­peared by his countenance) allured this young man into a Temple, where remaining together, he de­clared, that he had certain Secrets to shew him, which in no wise were to be reported again▪ Thereby he brought Nichomachus into a great suspi­tion what the matter should be; for before he would tell him, he made a Protestation by the love and familiarity betwixt them, that he would assure him by his Oath to keep the thing secret; who suppo­sing the matter to be of no such weight, that he ought with Perjury, or breaking of his Oath, to dis­close the same again, did swear by the gods there present. Then Dimnus opened unto him, how there was a Treason conspired against the King, which within three days should be put in executi­on, [Page 238] to which (he said) he himself was private, with divers men of Nobility and Estimation. When Nichomachus did hear it, and found it to be of such moment, he constantly denied then that this pro­mise extended to conceal Treason, whereunto no Oath nor Religion could binde a man; which when Dimnus observed, he became on a rage betwixt love and fear, and clasped the young man by the hand, requiring with weeping eyes, that he would not stick to be a partaker of this Conspiracy; or at the least, if his heart would not serve him, that he would keep the counsel secret, in respect that he had found such a manifestation of love in him, as to commit his life into his hands, without any fur­ther proof of his fidelity. But in conclusion, when he perceived that Nichomachus would in no wise agree to his purpose, but manifestly abhorred the act, he used divers means to draw him to his in­tent; one while intreating him with fair words, and another while threatning to kill him, calling him Coward, and Traytor to his Friend, commend­ing the Gallantness of the Enterprise, and put him in hope of great preferment, that he should be partaker of the Kingdom which they went about to purchase. When he had proved all these ways, and yet he found him averse, one while he thrust his Sword to Nichomachus throat, and another while to his own; so that at length, by threatning, and fair speaking, he brought him to promise, both to keep his counsel secret, and also to be assistant to the deed. Yet nevertheless, as one of a constant minde (though for the time present he seemed to be won with the love of his Friend, and agreeable to [Page 239] his requests) he changed no part of his former purpose. This done, Nichomachus required to know what the men were that had confederated themselves in so weighty a matter, because the per­sons (he said) were much material that should take so great an Enterprize in hand.

Then Dimnus, though he were in great trouble of minde that he had brought the matter so far forth; yet when he heard him ask the question, re­joyced, and thanked him greatly, that he would so freely associate himself with such manner of men, as Demetrius of the Privy Chamber, Peculaus, Ni­canor, Aphabetus, Loceus, Dioc [...]nus, Archipolis, and Aminuas. This communication once ended be­twixt them, Nichomachus departed, and disclosed all which he had heard before, to a Brother of his, called Ceballinus, agreeing betwixt them two, that Nichomachus should remain still secret in his Tent, lest by his coming to the Kings lodging, not using to have access to the King, the Conspirators might perceive themselves betrayed. Ceballinus repaired to the Kings lodging, tarrying before the gate, waiting for some man near about the King to bring him to his Presence. It fortuned, that among many which passed by, only Philotas, the Son of Par­menio, demanded why he waited there? To whom Ceballinus, with a bashful countenance, (well decla­ring the unquietness of his minde) reported all which he had heard of his Brother, requiring that he would declare the same immediately to the King▪ Philotas departed from him unto the King, with whom that day he had much communication on other things, and yet opened no part of that which [Page 240] was told him by Ceballinus. At night, as Philotas came forth, Ceballinus met him at the Court-gate, and required whether he had done his Message to the King or not: He excused the matter, that he could not finde him at leisure. The next day Ce­ballinus met him again going to the King, and put him in remembrance of that he had told him before; to whom he answered, that he remembred it well, yet for all that he disclosed no part of it unto the King. Ceballinus then began to suspect him, and intended no longer to defer the thing, but o­pened the same to Metron, Master of the Kings Ar­mory, who immediately conveyed Ceballinus into the Armory, and repaired streight to the King, who was bathing, and informed him of all that he had heard.

Alexander then made no delay▪ but sent certain of his Guard to take Dimnus, and after came him­self into the Armory. As soon as Ceballinus saw the King, he ran unto him with great rejoycing, and said; Lo, I have preserved thee from the hands of thine Enemies. Alexander examined him of all the circumstances, and he again answered to every point in order. The King was earnest to know how long it was since Nichomachus had given him this information, and he confessed, that it was three days. Whereupon the King considering, that in truth he could not have concealed it so long, com­manded that he should be put in Ward. Then cry­ed he out, and declared, that at the same instant when he knew of the Conspiracy first, he opened it to Philotas, of whom (he said) he might enquire the truth. Thereupon it was demanded of him, [Page 241] whether he had required of Philotas to bring him to the Kings Presence, or not. Which thing when the King by his confession perceived to be true, and that he did stifly maintain what he said, he lifted up his hands to heaven, the tears falling from his eyes, greatly complaining, that Philotas should re­quite him with such unfaithfulness, whom he most of all trusted. Dimnus, in the mean season, know­ing for what cause he was sent for, wounded him­self to death: but yet somewhat hindred by them that were sent to take him, he was brought alive before the King, whom as soon as he beheld, he said unto him, Dimnus, What have I offended thee, that thou shouldest think Philotas more worthy to be King of Macedon then I? At which words Dimnus became speechless; and casting forth a great sigh, turned his face from the Kings sight, and fell down dead.

The King called Philotas before him, and said: This man, whom thou here seest, should have suf­fered deat [...], if it could have been proved that he had concealed two days the Treason intended a­gainst me, with which he hath charged thee, Philo­tas; to whom (as he saith) he gave knowledge imme­diately thereof: The more near thou art about me, so much more greater is thy offence; and the fault had been more tollerable in him, then in thee: Howbeit, thou hast a favourable Judge; for if there be any thing that cannot be excused, yet at the least it may be pardoned.

To this Philotas nothing abashed (if the heart may be judged by the countenance) made answer, That Ceballinus indeed brought him a vain Report, [Page 242] the Reporter whereof was over-light of credit to be believed, and that he feared, lest by the presenting of such a matter which did rise upon a Brabble be­twixt two persons of evil disposition, he might him­self have been laught at to scorn: But afterwards, when he once knew that Dimnus had slain himself, he was clearly then resolved no longer to have concealed the thing. And so falling down before the King, besought him that he would rather have respect to his life past, then to his fault, which was only a concealment, and no act done. It is hard to say, whether the King believed him, or grounded his displeasure more deeply in his heart: Nevertheless, in token of pardon, he gave him his hand, saying, how it appeared that the Accusation was rather miss­credited by him, then concealed of malice. Notwith­standing he called his Councel together, amongst whom Philotas was not admitted, but Nichomachus was brought in before them, where he declared all such matters as he before had shewed unto the King. There was one Craterus, at that time in especial fa­vour with Alexander, who for the envy he had to Philotas advancement, did bear him always a grudge: He knew very well that the King had of­ten been displeased with Philotas for the over-much advancing of his good service, and valiant Acts: But yet for all that he was not suspected of Treason, but only noted of presumption and arrogancy. Cra­terus thought that he could not have a better occa­sion to oppress his Enemy, then by colouring his private hatred with a pretence of duty towards his Prince.

I would to God (quoth he) you had taken our coun­sel [Page 243] in the beginning of this business; for if you would needs have pardoned him, you should have kept from him his knowledge how much he was in danger, rather then have brought him in fear of his life; whereby you shall make him more mindful of his own peril, then of your goodness; for he may always imagine your death, but you shall not be always in a condition to pardon him. Let it never sink into your heart, that he who purposed so heinous a Treason, would change his purpose for the indulgence of a Pardon. You know well, that such as offend are often in despair of mer­cy; and though he perchance, either with repentance of his fault, or remembrance of your goodness, would change his minde; yet I am sure, that his Father Par­menio, Captain-General of so great an Army, and of so grounded Authority amongst your Souldiers (and who is with them in manner as your self) would be ill content to be in your debt for his Sons life. There are certain benefits hateful to men, and it is a shame to confess to have deserved death: Therefore I con­clude, that he had rather it should be thought you had done him wrong, then that you had given him his life. I cannot see therefore, but you shall be inforced to destroy them for your own surety: There are Ene­mies enough remaining, yet unconquered, against whom we are going; make your self sure from your Foes at home, so shall ye have less need to fear your Enemies abroad.

These were Craterus words; and the residue of the Councel were of opinion, that Philotas would never have concealed this Conspiracy, except he had been either Principal, or privy thereunto: For they thought there was no true man, of honest [Page 244] heart, though he had been none of the Kings Fa­miliars, hearing so much as Philotas heard, but would forthwith have opened the Conspiracy▪ But he being the Son of Parmenio, Master of the Kings Horse, and of his Privy Councel, did not so much as a Stranger, who straightway made relation of what his Brother had told him. And whereas he pretended, that the King was not at leisure, they judged it to be done, to the intent the Accuser should not seek any other to whom he might di­vulge it; whereas Nichomachus, albeit he was bound by his Oath to the contrary, yet would he never rest till he had discharged his Conscience: But Philotas, when he consumed, in a manner, the whole day in sport and pastime with the King, could not finde in his heart to cast forth a few words, espe­cially in a matter so much concerning the Kings safeguard. But admit (quoth they) he had given no credit to the matter through the lightness of the Reporter, why should he have deferred the Accuser two days, as though he had believed it? For if he had misliked the report, he might have dismissed the party. It was also alledged, that every mans minde much misgiveth him, when the matter con­cerneth his own jeopardy; much more ought men to be credulous, when it toucheth the safety of a Kings person, in which case it ought to be through­ly examined, though it be of small moment: They all therefore determined, that Philotas should be in­forced to disclose the Partners of this Conspiracy. The King commanding them to keep the matter secret, departed; and to the intent no inkling should appear of this new Councel, he caused it to [Page 245] be proclaimed, that the Army should be set for­ward the next day. The same night the King call­ed Philotas to a Banquet, with whom he vouchsa­fed not only to eat, but also familiarly to discourse, notwithstanding he had before in the Councel de­termined his death. After the second Watch of the night, Ephestion, Craterus, and Erigonus, who were of the Kings Councel, came privily into the Court without light; and of the Esquires, there came Perdicas and Leonatus, by whom Commandment was given, that all such as lay near the Kings lodg­ing should watch in Arms.

By this time Souldiers were appointed to all the Passage, and Horsemen were sent to keep the ways, that no man should pass privily to Parmenio, who was then Governour of Media, and had under him a great power. Then Artaras came into the Court with three hundred armed men, unto whom there were appointed ten of those that had the charge of the Kings Person, every one of them accompa­nied with ten Esquires, who were forced into di­vers companies to take the other Conspirators: But Artaras, with his three hundred, was sent to Philotas lodging, where with fifty of the most resolute, he brake up his Chamber-door that was shut against them; the residue were commanded to beset the house, lest he might escape by some secret way. Philotas, whether it were through the surety of his own Conscience, or through weariness of the tra­vel of his minde, was in so profound a sleep, that Artaras brake in upon him before he waked. But at length, when he was rouzed, and come to himself, perceiving they went about to binde him, he cryed [Page 246] out, and said; Oh Alexander, the malice of mine E­nemies hath prevailed above thy Mercy. Speaking these words, they covered his face, and brought him into the Court. The next day the King gave Commandment, that certain of the Men of War should assemble in Arms, to the number of six thousand: Besides these, there were a Rabble of the Black Guard that filled the Court, who being as­sembled together, the armed men compassed in Philotas with their Band, to the intent he should not be espied of the people, until such time as the King might speak unto them: for by an old Law of the Macedons, Kings in their own persons were wont to enquire in matters of Treason; yet could not the Kings Authority prevail to Condemnation, except it were confirmed by the consent of the Men of War: Therefore the Body of Dimnus was first brought into the place, the most part knowing not what he had done, or by what chance he was flain. Then came the King forth to speak unto the mul­titude, who in his countenance declared the do­lour of his heart; and the sadness of such as were near about him, caused unto the rest a great expecta­tion of the event. He cast his eyes down to the earth, and in a muse, but at length he plucked up his spirits, and spake unto them in this wise:

By the Treason of some Assassinates I was almost ta­ken from you; but through the M [...]rcy and Providence of the gods, I am yet preserved. Your Honourable Pre­sence doth constrain me more vehemently to be moved a­gainst those Traytors, because the only comfort and fruit of my life is, that I remain to give thanks unto so many Noble men, unto whom I am so much obliged.

[Page 247] With speaking of these words, the murmure of the multitude did interrupt his speech, and the tears did fall from their eyes; then the King renew­ed his discourse:

How much more will you be moved, when I shall shew you the Authors of so horrible a Treason, which I yet refrain, as one very loath to discover their names? But I must uncover the memory of my former favours, and utter the Conspiracy of my unnatural Subjects; for how is it possible for me to hide so great a Treason? Parmenio, a man of that Age, so deeply in my debt, through the most ample benefits both of me and my Fa­ther, and whom I most esteemed of all my Friends, is the Captain and Contriver of all this Mischief: His Minister Philotas, hath procured Peucolaus, Demetri­us, and this Dimnus, (whose Body you here see) with other Partners of their wickedness, to my destruction.

As he spake these words, there arose throughout the multitude a great murmure and complaint, such as useth to be amongst Men of War, when they are moved with affection or displeasure. With that, Nichomachus, Metron, and Ceballinus were brought forth, every one of them giving in Evidence of what they had spoken before; yet it appeared not by any mans information, that Philotas was privy to the Conspiracy. But at the last, when the noise was cea­sed, and the Witnesses had said what they could, the King proceeded in this manner:

Of what minde think you was this man, who hear­ing the whole Report, could finde in his heart to conceal the Treason, the truth whereof is well declared by the death of Dimnus? Ceballinus that reported an uncer­tain tale, for the certain tryal thereof, was afraid of [Page 248] no torments; and never delayed any moment of time, until he had discharged himself, in so much that he brake into the place where I was bathing; but Philo­tas only feared nothing, believed nothing. O how great a heart had this man, who having knowledge of the danger of his King, did never change countenance, nor take so much pains, as to hear out the information of the Accuser! But in this silence and concealment there is Treason hidden, and the greedy desire he had to Reign, did drive him head-long to attempt this wick­edness. His Father is Governour of Media, and bear­eth such a Command amongst the Captains and Men of War, through my Authority, that he hopeth after a great deal more then he hath; and because I am with­out Children, he esteemeth me not: But Philotas is de­ceived, I have Children, Friends, and Kinsfolk a­mongst you: So long as you are in safety, I shall not reckon my self without Heirs.

Then did he receive a Letter that was intercepted, which Parmenio had written to his Sons, Nicanor and Philotas; wherein there appeared no great proof of any great Treason intended. The Letter was this: First take good heed to your selves, and then to those that belong to you; so shall we bring to pass what we have purposed. Which Letter the King inforced; saying, It was written after such a man­ner, that if it came unto his Sons hands it might be understood by them that knew the design; but if it were taken by the way, it should deceive them that knew it not. Then proceded he.

Now will Philotas perhaps say, that when Dim­nus named all that were partakers of his Conspiracy, he named not him. As for that, it is no proof of his [Page 249] Innocency, but a token of his Power and Authority, because he was feared even of them that might bewray him, who betraying themselves, durst not speak of him: But what manner of man he hath been, his life doth shew: He was Fellow and Companion to Amintas my Kinsman, who conspired High-Treason against my Person in Macedon: He gave [...]is Sister in Marriage to Attalus, then whom I had never greater Enemy. When by reason of old friendship and familiarity, I wrote unto him of the Title given to me by the Oracle of Jupiter Hammon, he did not stick to answer, that he was very glad that I was admitted into the number of the gods, howbeit very sorry for those that should live under such a one as would exceed the condi­tion of man. These were plain tokens that his heart was turned from me, and that he despised my glory: This I kept close in my heart so long as I might; for I thought my Bowels pulled from me, if I should render them contemptible for whom I had done so much: But now it is not words that must be punished, for the rashness of their Tongues is turned to Swords, which (believe me) Philotas hath whetted to my de­struction; whom if I should suffer to escape, alas, my Souldiers, whither should I go? To whom should I commit my person? He was the man that I made General of my Cavalry, of the greatest part of mine Army, and the Chief of the most Noble of the Youth thereof: To his truth and fidelity have I committed my Safeguard, my Hope, and Victory: His Father did I prefer unto the same Estate whereunto you have ad­vanced me: Media, then which there is not a richer Country, with many thousands of your Friends and Companions, I have put under his Governance and [Page 250] Authority. Where I trusted of most Surety, there I have found most danger: How much more happy had I been to have died in Battel, and to have been slain by mine Enemies, then to be thus betrayed by my Sub­jects? For now being saved from the dangers which I most feared, I have fallen into those which I ought to have least doubted. You have been wont oftentimes to warn me, that I should regard my safety; it is you that now may do that for me which you have counsel­led me unto: To your hands, and to your succour do I fly: I would not live, though I might, against your wills; and though you would, yet can I not, except I be delivered from mine Enemies.

Hereupon Philotas was brought forth in an old garment, his hands bound behinde him: It well appeared how much this miserable sight moved them who late before envied him. The day be­fore they saw him General of the Horse, they knew that he was at Supper with the King, and suddenly they saw him, both a prisoner bound like a Theif, and also condemned to die: It caused pity in their hearts, to consider how Parmenio, so Noble a man, so great a Captain, who late having lost two Sons, Hector and Nicanor, should be put to answer for the third, whom calamity had left alive. The multi­tude being thus inclined to pity, Amintas, one of the Kings Officers, with a bitter invective, set them all against the Prisoner.

We are all (quoth he) betrayed to the Barbarous Nations; not one of us shall return home unto his Coun­try, Wife, or Friends, but we shall be a maimed body without a Head, without Honour, without Fame, and in a strange Country shall be made a Mocking-stock to our Enemies.

[Page 251] His words were nothing pleasing to the King, because he put the Souldiers in remembrance of their Wives and Country, whereby he thought they would be the less willing to go forwards in his wars. There was one Cenus, who though he had married the Sister of Philotas, yet did he more extremely inveigh against him, then any other, calling him Traytor to his King, his Country, and to the whole Army: And thereupon took up a stone, that by chance lay at his feet, to have cast at Philotas; which he did (as some thought) to the end he might rid him from further torments: But the King kept back his hand, and said, that the Prisoner should have liberty to speak for himself, and would not suf­fer him to be condemned otherwise. Then Philotas being admitted to speak, were it through the con­science of his offence, or through the greatness of his peril, as a man astonied, and besides himself, durst neither look up, nor speak, but burst out into tears; whereupon his heart fainted, and he swoon­ed down upon those that led him: But afterwards, when he had wiped his eyes, and by little and lit­tle recovered his heart and tongue, he prepared to speak for himself. Then the King beheld him in the face, and said; The Macedons shall be thy Judges; I would know therefore whether thou wilt speak to them in thy Country Language, or not? To whom Philotas answered, There are divers Nations here besides the Macedons, who I trust shall perceive my words the better, if I speak in the same tongue that you have done, to the intent that it may be better un­derstood by the generality of the people here present. Then said the King, Mark how this man hath his [Page 252] Native Language in hatred; for there is none but he that will disdain to speak it: But let him say what he will, do you remember, that he not only disdaineth our Customs, but also our Language. And with that word the King departed from the Assembly: Then said Philotas:

It is easie for an Innocent to finde words to speak; but it is very hard for a man in misery to keep a tem­per in his discourse. Thus standing betwixt a clear Conscience, and most unhappy Fortune, I know not which way I shall satisfie my self, and the time, both together: For he that might best have judged my Cause is gone: What the cause is he would not hear me, I cannot well imagine; since upon the matter heard, it lyeth only in [...]his hands, either to discharge me, or con­demn me: For the matter not heard, he cannot acquit me being absent, since he condemned me when he was here present. Howsoever, the defence of a Prisoner is not only superfluous, but also hateful, which seemeth not to inform, but to reprove his Judge: Yet will I not forsake my self, nor so demean me, that I may seem condemned by mine own default: I see not of what Treason I should be guilty: Amongst the Con­spirators no man named me; Nichomachus said no­thing of me; Ceballinus could not tell more of me then he heard: And yet doth the King believe, that I should be the Head of this Conspiracy. Was it pos­sible that Dimnus should forget to name him that was the Principal? Or is it likely that he would have over-slipped me, when the Names of the Conspi­rators were demanded of him? He would rather have named me falsly, to allure the young man the sooner to his Opinion: Yet when he told the matter privily [Page 253] to Nichomachus, whom he verily believed would have kept it secret, naming himself, and all the rest, of me only he made no mention: It cannot be gather­ed, that he omitted me, because he would have spared me. I pray you (my Fellows) if no man had come to me, nor given me knowledge of the matter, should I this day have been put to answer, when no man could have accused me? But be it that Dimnus were alive, and would spare me, what think you by the o­ther? Would they detect themselves, and forbear me? Adversity is malicious and spiteful; an Offender, when he is punished himself, useth not to keep silence to spare another man: Commonly he that goeth to Death will spare no man; nor will any spare him that is ready to die: Will not so many guilty persons, as are put to torments, confess the truth?

But now I must answer to the Crime of which I stand accused, if indeed, there can be found any Crime at all? Why did I conceal Treason? Why did I hear it with a small regard? This fault, if it were a fault, thou hast pardoned me (O Alexander [...]) whatsoever thou art, by giving me thy hand, and bidding me to Supper with thee: If thou didst be­lieve me, I am clear; if thou didst forgive me, I am acquitted: Stand at the least to thy own judgment. Alas, what have I done, since this last night I went from your Table? What new report hath changed your minde? I was in a sound sleep, when my E­nemies, by their binding, waked me, who was sleep­ing in mine own misfortune: Offenders cannot sleep through their inquiet Conscience, and are stung with secret torments, not only when their mis­chief is intended, but also when it is performed. [Page 254] But this quietness came unto me first through mine own Innocency, and then by the Kings Pardon: I feared not that others Cruelty should take more place then his Mercy. But that it may not repent them to have believed me, you shall understand, that this Con­spiracy was first shewed me by a light Fellow, who could not bring any Witnesses or Warrant of his words; which if I had disclosed, it would have put many men to trouble. O unhappy that I am! I thought mine ears had been seduced with the falling out of two Buggerers; and I suspected the truth of the party, because he did not utter the matter himself, but pro­cured his Brother to do it; I was in fear, that the one should have denied whatever the other affirmed; and withal, should have seemed to procure much trouble to many of the Kings Friends: So that because I would have offended none, I have found some more desirous to procure my death, then to save my life: What hatred, suppose ye, should I have gotten, if I had accused In­nocents? But Dimnus slew himself; could I therefore divine before, that he would so do? No surely, this his death being that which only tryed the Accusation true, could not move me to utter it, being prevented by ano­ther.

And if I had been a Conspirator with Dimnus of so great a Treason, is it likely that I would have dis­sembled it, by the space of two days, after it was disco­vered? As for Ceballinus, it had been an easie mat­ter to have dispatched him out of the way after the thing disclosed; wherefore should I have delayed the matter? I entred into the Kings Chamber alone, ha­ving my weapons about me; why deferred I my pur­pose? Durst I not attempt it without Dimnus? But [Page 255] perchance ye will say, Because he was the chief Con­spirator: How then standeth it together, that I should be his Ʋnderling, who did covet to be King of Mace­don? Which of you all have I corrupted with Bribes? What Captain, what Officer have I inclined to more then another? It is laid to my charge, that I abhor the speaking of my Country Language, and that I disdain the manners of the Macedons. What? Do I despise the Kingdom that I covet? Ye know that our Natural Tongue, through our Conversation with other Nations, is gone out of use; as well those that be Conquerours, as they that be subdued, must learn a new Language. But surely these things make no more against me, then did the Treason that Amintas, the Son of Perdicas, in­tended against the King; with him I had friendship; I will not die, except ye will make it a thing unlaw­ful to love the Kings Brother: But it was our duty to honour a man called to that degree of Fortune; I be­seech you, am I guilty because I could not guess before that he would offend? Is the Law such, that the Friends of Offenders must suffer being Innocents? if that be the reason, why live I so long? If it be no rea­son, why am I condemned to die? But I am charged, that I had pity of them that should live under such a one as believed himself to be the Son of Jupiter. O faith of friendship, and dangerous liberty of true coun­sel! it was you that deceived me, it was you that com­pelled me to hide that I thought: I confess I wrote so to the King, but not of the King. I did it not for spite, but for my duty sake: I thought it more expedi­ent for Alexander to have acknowledged the Kindred of Jupiter with silence, then to have made a report thereof with Ostentation. But because the truth of gods [Page 256] Oracle is certain, let god he witness in my cause. Re­tain me in Prison, till ye may know Jupiters answer concerning this Conspiracy; and in the mean season, be that hath vouchsafed our King to be his Son, will suf­fer none of them that have conspired against his Off­spring, to be unknown: If you suppose torments more then Oracles, I will not desire to be saved from them in tryal of truth. There is an old use, that such as be put to answer upon Life and Death, are accustomed to bring their Parents and Kinsmen before you: Two Brothers of late have I lost; my Father I neither can bring forth, nor dare I call for, because he is accused of this Treason with me. It is a small thing for him that is the Father of many Children, and having but one Son left in whom to take pleasure, not only to lose him, but also to lose his own life with him: Therefore my most dear Father, shalt thou die for me, and with me: It is I that do take thy life from thee [...] It is I that put a period to thy old days: Why didst thou beget me, unhappy Wretch, in hatred of the gods? Was it to receive such fruit from me as is prepared for thee? I am in doubt, whether my Youth be more unhappy, or thine Age: For I in the flower of my years am plucked away, and the Executioner shall bereave thee of thy life; which if Fortune would have suffered to continue, yet Nature would have asked it e're it had been long. The remembrance of my Fa­ther doth put me in minde how loath and timerous I ought to have been to the report of Informations: For when my Father was advertised that Philip the Physitian had prepared poyson for Alexander, he wrote a Letter, to warn the King, that he should not receive the Medicine which his Physitian had prepared: Was [Page 257] my Father believed? Was his Letter of any Authori­ty? I my self, when I have reported such things as I heard, how often have I been shaken off with a check for my light belief? So that when we tell things, we are hated; and when we hold our peace, we are su­spected? What would you have us to do?

Then one of the Company that stood by, cryed out; That none ought to be Traytors to them by whom they are intrusted.

Thou sayest well (quoth Philotas) whosoever thou art: And therefore, if I have committed Treason, I require no respite of my pain. And here will I make an end of speaking, because my last words seem tedi­ous unto your ears.

As he was speaking these words, his Keepers led him away. There was amongst the Captains one Belon, a hardy man, but one very rude, and void of all civility; who being an old Souldier, was pro­moted from a low estate, to the degree of Captain: This Belon, presuming upon a foolish audacity, (when all others had done) began to tell them, that when divers had taken up their lodgings in the Camp, how they were thrust out by the servants of Philotas, who would take his quarters where other men were placed before; and how all the Streets were full of his Waggons, laden with Gold and Silver. He added further, that Philotas would suffer none to lodge near unto him, but always ap­pointed certain to wait whiles he slept, to the in­tent he should not be disquieted with any noise; not so much for wakening of him, as for disturbing his rest; and that he was so haughty, that he despised the plain men of Phrygia and Paphlagonia, and be­ing [Page 258] a Macedon born, would not be ashamed to hear men of his own Nation by an Interpreter: And whereas he had heretofore moved to have the Ora­cle of Jupiter enquired after, he said, it was meant thereby to make Jupiter a lyer, for acknowledging Alexander to be his Son▪ as if any man should envy the King for that Title which the gods had given him: But why (said he) did he not ask counsel at Jupiter before he did offend? For now he would have sent to the Oracle, that in the mean season his Father, who ruleth in Media, might raise a power; and with the money that he hath in custody, assem­ble desperate persons to the fellowship of his mis­chief. Nevertheless, we shall (said he) send to Jupi­ter, not to inquire of any thing touching the mat­ter, but to give him thanks, and to sacrifice unto him for the preservation of so good a King. Then all the Company was moved, and among them there began a cry, That the Traytor should be rent in pieces; which thing Philotas (who feared more grievous punishment) was content to hear.

The King returning, deferred the Councel till the next day, either to commit Philotas to prison, to be there racked, or else, in the mean season, to get further knowledge of the Treason: yet albeit it drew towards night, he commanded his Councel to be called together.

Some of them thought it best, that Philotas should be stoned to death, after the Macedons Laws: Ephe­stion, Craterus, and Cenus, determined to have him tryed by torment; and then they who perswaded the contrary, turned also to their Opinion: There­fore when the Councel was broken up, Ephestion, [Page 259] with Craterus and Cenus arose, to haste Philotas to the examination. The King called Craterus unto him; and commanding the rest to avoid, had se­cret communication with him in the innermost part of his lodging, the effect whereof came not to any mans knowledge. He tarried there till the night was far past, to hear the end of the determinati­on: The Executioners set forth all sorts of cruel tor­ments in the sight of Philotas, who of his own minde said unto them:

Why defer you to kill such a man as hath confes­sed himself the Kings Enemy, and a Traytor? What needeth more Examination? It was my intent, it was my will.

Craterus minde was, that whatsoever was confes­sed before, should be confessed by Philotas again up­on the Rack. Whiles he was taken upon the Rack, his Body naked, his Eyes bound, he cryed out upon the Law of Nature, and the gods of the Country; but all was in vain to their deaf ears. Finally, as a condemned man, he was torn with most extreme torments by his Enemies, for the Kings pleasure: And notwithstanding both Fire and Scourges were ministred unto him, more to afflict him, then to examine him; yet he had power of himself, both to refrain from speaking and groaning. But...after that his Body began to be [...] with stripes, and that he could not abide the Scourges, which pier­ced to the bare bones; he promised, if they would torment him no more, he would confess whatso­ever they should require of him: But first he would have them to swear by the life of Alexander, that they should cease their torments, and set the Rack [Page 260] aside. The which being obtained, he said to Cra­terus, Tell me what ye will have me to confess: Thereat Craterus was displeased, thinking by those words that he had mocked him; and caused his torments to be renewed. Then Philotas besought him to have a time of respite, whiles he might take his breath, and then he would utter all that ever he knew. In the mean season, the chief of the men at Arms, and especially such as were near to Parmenio in any degree of Kindred, after that the Fame was spread that Philotas was tormented, fearing the Macedons Law, (wherein it was ordained, that the Kinsfolk of▪ such as had committed Treason against the King, should be put to death with the Traytors) some slew themselves, some fled into wilde Moun­tains, and waste Wildernesses; and great dread and fear fell through all the Host, until such time as the King having knowledge of it, made Proclamation, that he would pardon the rigour of the Law to the Kinsfolk of the Traytors.

In conclusion Philotas made his Confession; but whether it were to deliver himself out of pain, by accusing himself falsly, or not, it is to be doubted; seeing that it is commonly seen, that both those that truly confess, and falsly deny, come all to one end: You are not ignorant (quoth he) how fami­liar my Father was with Egi [...]ocus, I mean the same that was slain in the Field; he was the cause of our mischief: For when the King took upon him the Ti­tle of Jupiters Son, he disdained thereat: Shall we ac­knowledge him (quoth he) to be our King, who taketh scorn that Philip was his Father? We are all un­done, if we can suffer this: He doth not only despise [Page 261] men, but the gods also, who will be reputed a god. We have lost Alexander; we have lost our King; he is fallen to Presumption, neither tolerable to the gods with whom he compareth, neither to men whom he despiseth: Have we with our Blood made him a god who now despiseth us? who disdaineth to be in the number of men? Trust me▪ that we also, if we be men, shall be adopted of the gods. Who hath reven­ged the deaths of Alexander his Grand-father, or of Archelaus, or Perdicas? But this man hath forgiven them that slew his Father. These were the words that Egilocus spake about supper-time, and on the morrow early my Father sent for me: He himself was heavy, and saw me also sad, for we both had heard that which made us out of quiet: Therefore to prove whether he uttered these words through excess of Wine, or premeditation, we thought good to send for him; and seeking occasion of the same communication, he of his own minde said fur­ther; That if we durst undertake the Adventure; he would not shrink from us; or if our hearts served not▪ he would keep our counsel: Yet so long as Darius was living, my Father thought all the matter out of season, because the death of Alexander should be to the advantage of our Enemies, and not of our selves: But Darius once rid out of the way, then he that could destroy the King, should obtain the Empire of Asia, and all the Orient for his reward: Which counsel being approved, Faith and Troth was given; but concerning Dimnus, I know no­thing.

When he had confessed all this; I perceive (quoth he) that it doth not avail me, that I am utterly [Page 262] guiltless of this Treason. Then they renewed his torments, and did beat his Face and his Eyes with the Truncheons of their Spears, until they inforced him, not only to betray himself, but also to shew the circumstance of the whole Treason pretended: Because (quoth he) it seemed that the King would continue long among the Bactrians, I was afraid, lest my Father, that had so great a power in his hands, and the keeping of so much Treasure (being fourscore years of age) should happen to die in the mean season; and then being disarmed of so great a strength, I should not get opportunity to slay the King; wherefore I hasted the matter, whilest the prey was in hand. Thus discovered he the Conspi­racy, whereof if they believed not his Father to be Author (he said) that for his tryal he not refused to be tormented again, though it were too grievous for him to endure. The Officers then whispering together, thought the examination sufficient, and returned therewithal unto the King, who on the morrow caused all the Confession to be openly reci­ted before Philotas, whom he caused to be led into the place, because he was not able to go; and there he confessed all the Treason again: Then Demetri­us was brought forth, who was counted the great­est Actor in this Conspiracy, next to Philotas: But he with great protestation, and incredible stoutness, both of heart and countenance, denied that he ever intended any evil against the King; and for his try­al, desired to be tormented.

Then Philotas casting his eyes about, espied one Calis standing by, and made a signe to him to draw near; who being abashed, and refusing to [Page 263] come forwards; Wilt thou (quoth he) suffer Deme­trius to lye, and me to be racked again? With those words Calis became speechless, and changed co­lour. Then the Macedons began to suspect that he would accuse Innocents, because the same Calis was neither named by Nichomachus, nor by Philotas himself in his torments. But finally, Philotas, before the Kings Officers standing thereabout, confessed, that the Treason was conspired by himself, and De­metrius; wherefore as many as [...] impeached by Nichomachus, upon a token given, were stoned to death according to the Macedons Law.

Thus was Alexander delivered from great peril, not only of his safety, but also of his life: For Parmenio and Philotas being of such power, if they had not openly been found culpable, could not have been condemned without the grudge of the Army. So long therefore as Philotas denied the thing, the matter seemed doubtful, and many men thought him cruelly handled: But after he had con­fessed the circumstances, no man, not so much as the nearest Friends, took any pity of him.

AS the Men of War thought Philotas justly put to death, his offence being fresh in me­mory; even so, after he was gone, their envy was turned into pity: The Nobleness of the Young Man moved them much; so did the num­ber of the Old Years and Desolation of his Father. He was the first that made the way open for Alex­ander into Asia, always partaker of his perils, the Captain of his Vaward, and chief in Councel with the King his Father; and so trusty to Alexander himself, that in oppressing of Attalus, his Enemy, he would use no other mans service. The remem­brance of these things was fresh among all the Soul­diers, and seditious words came to the Kings ears, who being moved therewith, did wisely with tra­vel avoid the evil occasions coming of idleness: wherefore he caused it to be proclaimed, that all men should be in a readiness before the Court-gate, [Page 265] where they being once assembled, he came forth to speak unto them: And as it was before contrived, he required the Band of the Agrians to bring forth one Alexander Lynstes, which long before Philotas had conspired the Kings Death. This man being accused of two Witnesses (as before said) had re­mained in prison three years together; against whom it was proved, that he was of counsel with Pausanias in the killing of King Philip: But because he saluted first Alexander by the Name of King, his punishment was deferred, rather then his offence forgiven: For at the intercession of Antipater, his Father-in-law, the King had respited his just indig­nation for that time. But the old festered sore brake out again, and the consideration of his peril present, renewed the remembrance of his danger passed: Therefore when he was brought forth of prison, and commanded to say for himself, albeit he had three years leisure to devise his answer, yet stam­mering and trembling, could bring forth but little of that which he purposed to say; and finally, both his heart and his memory failed him: wherefore there was none that doubted, but that his fearfulness was a token of a guilty Conscience, and no default of memory: So that whilst he was staggering and hacking in his tale, they that stood next thrust him through with their Pikes; whose body conveyed out of the place, the King commanded Amintas and Simmannas to be brought forth; for Palemon, their youngest Brother, after he had knowledge of Philotas torment, fled away. Of all Philotas friends, these two were most dear to him, and through his commendation, advanced to high and honourable [Page 266] Offices: The King remembring with what earnest­ness and labour Philotas had brought them into his favour, doubted not but they were privy to his last Conspiracy. Whereupon he declared unto the mul­titude, that he had occasion of suspition against those men long ago by his Mothers Letters, where­by he had warning to beware of them; and that now fearing the sequel of worser inconveniencies, had made them sure, inforced thereunto by appa­rent presumptions. First, he said, the day before Philotas Treason came to light, it was well known, that they had much conference with him in secret: And also their Brother, who fled away when Philo­tas was on the Rack, he had declared, by the absent­ing of himself, the cause of his flying. He shewed also, that of late, contrary to their accustomed man­ner of waiting, without any cause moving them thereunto, but only by pretence of diligence, they pressed next about the King of all other; whereat marvelling that they would furnish a Room where­unto they were not appointed, became so in doubt of their clustring together, that he returned into the Train of the Gentlemen that followed him: He de­clared beside, that when Antiphanes, Clerk of the Stable, the day before Philotas Treason came to light, according to his accustomed manner, gave knowledge to Amintas, that he should deliver of his Horse to such as had lost their own; he proudly an­swered again, that except he would content himself, he should know shortly what manner of man he was: Which violence of tongue, and rashness of words bulked out (quoth he) was nothing else, but a decla­ration and token of his trayterous heart. These [Page 267] things being true (he said) they had no less deserved then Philotas; and if they were otherwise, he de­sired they might answer unto the points: There­upon Antiphanes was brought in to give Evidence of the Horse not delivered, and of his proud answer given with threatning. When Amintas had gotten liberty to speak, he desired of the King, that whiles they answered for themselves, their Bands might be loosed: which thing obtained, he made [...] to have his garment to be cast upon him; which Alexander not only granted, but will [...]d a weapon to be deli­vered unto his hands, as other [...] used. When he had received the same, [...] a little the place where the Corpse of Lincestes l [...]y, and said in this wise:

Whatsoever shall become of us (Sir King) we must think if our chance be good, the same to proceed of your favour; and if it be evil, we must judge the fault to be in our Fortune, seeing you suffer us to plead our cause without prejudice, setting our mindes free, and our bodies at large, with the s [...]me apparel restoring us, wherein we were wont to follow you: Our Cause is such, that we cannot doubt of it, and we are passed the fear of Fortune; therefore, with your favour, I will answer first those points wherewith you charged us last. We know most assuredly, that we be innocent of any kinde of words spoken to the derogation of your Majesty; and durst affirm, that you had over [...]ome all envy of men, but that perad [...]enture you would think that I went about with fair words to excuse things that have been maliciously spoken: Though it were so, that words sometime did escape us, either when we were faint, or wearied in marching, hazarding our [Page 268] selves in fighting; or else when we were sick, or dressing of our Wounds: Our honest doings otherwise do deserve, that ye should rather impute the same to the time, then to evil disposition in us: For it is com­monly seen, where any thing chanceth amiss, all men in manner become guilty of the fault: We do violence sometime to our own bodies, which we hate not: Yea, the coming of the Fathers unto the Children, sometime is both ungrateful, and also hateful. But on the other side, when we receive rewards or gifts, or when we come laden home with Spoil, Who can then stay us? Who can restrain our chearfulness? or, Who can resist our courage in fighting? The Nature of Man, is neither to keep measure in displeasure, nor in gladness. Thus are we driven by the violence of affection, sometimes with pity, and sometimes with fury, as our present desire doth govern us. One while we are in minde to pass through India, as far as the Ocean Sea; and by and by, the memory of our Wives, and Children, and Country, altereth our purpose: But as soon as the Trumpet soundeth, straight all these imaginations do pass away, and every man then runneth in his Array, revenging upon their Enemies the displeasures conceived with­in their own Tents. I would Philotas had offend­ed but only in words; I would pass over that, and return to the other point whereof we are accused: The friendship that was betwixt Philotas and us, I will not only not deny, but also confess, that we did covet the same, and received thereby great commo­dities. Do you marvel that we did honour and e­steem the Son of Parmenio, whom you did chuse to be next about your Person, and did advance above [Page 269] all other your Friends? You your self (if you please to hear the truth) are the cause of this your peril. What other thing moved us to covet Philotas Friend­ship, then that we desired to please you? By this preferment we are advanced unto your favour: He stood in such height with you, that it behoved us as well to sue for his benevolence, as to fear his displea­sure: Have not we sworn that we would repute your Enemies our Enemies, and honour your Friends as our own? Should we have been found disobedient in this Bond of our Duty; and especially towards him, whom ye did prefer above all men? If this be a fault, ye have few Innocents, or surely none at all: All men desired to be Philotas friends, but all that did covet it could not be accepted. So if ye will make no dif­ference between the Partners of his Treason, and such as were his Friends; then so many are Offen­ders, as would have been his Friends. What pre­sumption have you now that we should offend? I think, because yesterday Philotas talked with us fa­miliarly alone: Thereof I cannot excuse my self, if yesterday I changed any thing of mine accustomed man­ner and living; but if so be we used every day to do the like, then Custom must needs make it to be no Offence. But it may be said, The Horses were not delivered to Antiphanes; and the day before Philotas was detected, this difference was betwixt Antiphanes and me: If that be a just cause of su­spition, that I would not then deliver my Horses, there shall arise a doubtful Plea between the Denyer and the Demander, saving that his Cause is better that keepeth still his own, then his that requireth ano­ther mans. I had ten Horses, of the which Antiphanes [Page 270] had distributed eight to such as had lost their own; so there only remained two, which when he would proudly and wrongfully have taken away, I was in­forced to keep them still, except I would have served on foot. I cannot deny but that this communication was had between a man of a free stomack, and a person of a vile nature, which could do no manner of ser­vice, but take away mens Horses, and give them to o­thers. What mischief is this, that at one time I must purge my self both to the King, and to Antiphanes? But to the other point, that your Mother did write to you of us, as of your Enemies; I would to God she had more wisely been careful of her Sons safeguard, then doubtfully imagined such inventions: Why doth she not also express the cause of her fear? Besides, she sheweth not her Author, nor yet signifieth one word whereby she was moved to write to you such Letters of fear. O wretched estate of mine, which standeth in no less hazard to hold my peace, then to speak! Yet howsoever the event shall be, I had rather my dis­course should displease you, then my Cause. If you re­member when you sent me to fetch new Souldiers out of Macedon, even when you shewed me, that in your Mothers house there lurked many lusty young Gen­tlemen; you commanded me, that in executing your Commission, I should spare none, but bring with me perforce all such as refused the Wars: which thing I did, and fulfilled your will therein, more largely then was expedient for me; for I brought unto you Gorge­us, Heccateus, and Gorgata, which now minister unto you, and do very acceptable service. What Creature therefore is more wretched then I, who if I had not fulfilled your will, should rightfully have suffered; and [Page 271] now I perish, because I obeyed you? For truly there was no cause that moved your Mother to persecute us, then that we preferred your Command before a Wo­mans favour: I brought unto you of Macedons six thousand and eight hundred Horsemen, of the which the greatest part would not have followed me: It is reason therefore, that in as much as your Mother is displeased with us for your Cause, that ye mitigate her in whose displeasure you have put us.

Whiles Amintas was thus pleading his Cause, they that had pursued his Brother Palemon (of whom we spake) came leading him bound into the place. Then the rage of the people could scarcely be pacified▪ but as the manner was in such cases, they would have stoned Palemon to death; yet he bold­ly spake to them, and said:

I desire no favour for my self, so that my flying be not hurtful to the Innocency of my Brethren, whom if you cannot think clear, let the fault be laid to me: For their Cause appeared the better, because I which fled away am suspected.

As soon as he had spoken these words, the whole Assembly were inclined to his favour, and dissolved to tears; being so suddenly and so contrary turned, that now they we re [...]all on his part, who a little be­fore were against him: He was in the prime flower of his Youth, and through other mens fear fled away amongst those Horsemen, who were amazed at Philotas torments: His company had left him behinde; and whiles he was in doubt whether he might turn again, or fly further forwards, he was taken by them which pursued after him. He then began to weep, and beat himself about the face, not [Page 272] so much lamenting his own chance, as the conditi­on of his Brethren, being in danger for his cause with which behaviour of his, he moved the King and all the company there present; only his Bro­ther Amintas could not be pacified, but beheld him with a fierce countenance, and said:

O mad Creature! Then oughtest thou to have wep [...] when thou didst put thy Spurs to thy Horse as a Tray­tor to thy Brethren, and a Companion to Traytors. Thou Wretch! whither, and from whence didst thou flee? Thou hast now brought to pass, that both I am thought worthy of Death, and also must become an [...] Accuser of others.

Palemon thereupon confessed himself to have of­fended in that point, but more grievously against his Brethren, then towards himself. Then the mul­titude could not abstain from weeping and shout­ing, being Tokens whereby men in Assembly are wont to declare their affections, and with one con­sent they cryed to the King, That he should spare In­nocents, and men of service. His friends, upon that occasion, did rise, and with weeping eyes required mercy of the King. Then he commanded silence, and said:

By mine own judgment, I do pardon both you, A­mintas, and your Brethren, desirous that ye should be more mindful of my benefit, then of your own jeo­pardy: Come in favour again with me, with that fi­delity by which I am reconciled unto you. Except these things which were brought in Evidence had been tryed to the uttermost, my dissimulation might have been suspected in this matter: Better it is therefore to be cleared, then to remain in jealousie, and thin [Page] [Page] [Page 273] that no man can be acquitted, except he be first de­tected: Thou Amintas, pardon thy Brother, and let that be a token of thy hearts being reconciled un­to me.

This done, the King dismissed the Assembly, and sent for Polidamus, whom of all men Parmenio lo­ved best, accustomed always to stand next him in Battel: And though the clearness of his conscience did assure him to come boldly; yet after he was commanded to bring forth his Brethren, being but young, and unknown to the King, his confidence was turned into fear, and he began to doubt, ima­gining in his minde rather such things as might hurt him, then by what means he was thus circumvent­ed. In the mean season, the Guard which had com­mandment thereunto, brought forth his Brethren. When the King saw Polidamus pale for fear, he call­ed him near unto him, and commanding all men [...]part, he said unto him:

Through Parmenio his Treason, we were all in dan­ger, but chiefly I and thou, whom under colour of Friendship he deceived most: In the pursuing and punishment of whom, see how much I trust thy fide­lity, for I am determined to use thee as a Minister therein; and whilest thou goest about it, thy Brethren shall be thy pledges. Thou shalt go into Media, and [...]ear my Letters to my Officers, written with mine own hand: It is necessary haste be made, that the [...]wiftness of the Fame be prevented: I will, that ye [...]ome thither in the night, and that the tenour of my wri­ting be executed the day after. Ye shall carry Letters likewise unto Parmenio, one from me, and another written [...]t the name of Philotas: I have his Signet in my custody: [Page 274] So that when Parmenio shall see both you, and the Letter sealed with his Sons Ring, he will be without any suspition.

Polidamus being thus delivered of fear, promised his diligence a great deal more earnestly then was required. When Alexander saw his promptness in the matter, he both commended his good will, and rewarded him accordingly: And Polidamus chan­ged his own apparel, and took other, after the fa­shion of the Arabians, with two of the same Coun­try to be his Guides; for whose truth, their Wives and Children were pledges in the mean season: And so they passed on Camels through such places as were desart for lack of moisture, and within ele­ven days came unto their journeys end, before any knew of their coming. Polidamus then took again his Macedons apparel, and in the dead time of the night came unto Cleanders lodging, who had the chief Authority there, next unto Parmenio. When Cleander, by his Letters, understood the Kings plea­sure, Polidamus having more Letters to deliver like­wise to others, agreed by the break of day to go to­gether to Parmenio.

As they were going, tidings came to Parmenio of Polidamus arrival, who rejoycing, both for the com­ing of his Friend, and for the desire he had to know of the Kings Estate (the rather, because he had re­ceived no Letter from him a long space) command­ed Polidamus to come to him. The houses of that Country have large Back-sides, and pleasant Or­chards full of Trees, being the chief delight of the Princes and great Lords there. The Captains which had received Commandment by the Kings Letters▪ [Page 275] to kill him, came to Parmenio, walking under the shadow of the Trees, being agreed among them­selves to execute the slaughter, when he should be­gin to read his Letters.

So soon as Parmenio had espied Polidamus com­ing afar off, with a semblance of joy (as appear­ed by his countenance) he ran to imbrace him, and after salutation given to each other, he delivered the Kings Letter: As he was unclosing it, he de­manded of Polidamus what the King intended to do? You shall know that, said he, by the Contents of our Letters: Which when he had read, I perceive (quoth Parmenio) that the King purposeth a Voyage against the Arachosians; Surely he is a painful Prince, and never in rest: But now, after so much glory won, it were time for him to take his ease, and have consi­deration of his health and safeguard. And then he read the other Letter, written in the Name of Phi­lotas; whereat he was joyful, as appeared by his countenance: With that Cleander stabbed him with his Sword in his side, and after striking him over the throat, the residue thrust him in, as he lay a dying.

But Parmenio's men, who stood near at hand, and saw the murder, whereof they knew not the cause, ran into the Camp, and with their troublous ti­dings set all the Souldiers in an uproar: They ran straight to Arms, and clustring together about the place where the murder was done, they made an exclamation, that except Polidamus, and the other Actors in that deed, were delivered to their hands, they would overthrow the Wall, and make sacrifice to their dead Captain with the bloud of the Offen­ders. [Page 276] Cleander willed the chief of them to be let in, and recited the Kings Letters, wherein was con­tained the Treason of Parmenio intended against him, with a request to them to sit in revenge: Then immediately, upon the Kings pleasure known, the Sedition was appeased, but the grudge was not rid out of their hearts: The most part departed, saving a few, who instantly required, that at the least they might be suffered to bury the body. It was denied them long, by reason of Cleander, who dreaded the Kings displeasure: but because they began to wax more earnest, intending to avoid matter of Sedition, he cut off the Head, which he sent to the King, and left them the Body to bury.

This was the end of Parmenio, a Noble-man both in War and Peace: many things had he done with­out the King, but the King without him did never any thing worthy of praise: He served and pleased, in all affairs, a King most happy and fortunate; and being threescore and ten years of age, executed the Office of a Captain as lively, as though he had been young in years, and pretermitted not oftentimes the parts of a common Souldier: He was quick in counsel, doughty of deed, well beloved of all Prin­ces, but most dear to the common sort of Souldiers: Yet whether those things moved him to be King, or else caused him to be suspected thereof, it is yet to be doubted. For whether the words that Philotas spake, when he was overcome with the pains of his last torments, were true or false, or else that he sought an end of his pain by accusing himself falsly▪ it was much doubtful, seeing there was no such thing proved at such time as the matter was most fresh in memory.

[Page 277] Such as Alexander perceived to grudge at the death of Philotas, were separated from the rest of the Army, and put into one Cohort under Leonidas their Captain, who in times past was of near fami­liarity with Parmenio: The King did bear privy displeasure against them; and therefore willing to prove the disposition of every man, he gave warn­ing throughout the Army, that all such as would write into Macedonia, and have their Letters sure­ly conveyed, should bring them to be carried with such as he would send: Whereupon, every man did write frankly to their Friends such things as were in their hearts: Some shewed themselves to be offended with the long Wars, and some seem­ed to be well pleased; but all their Letters were intercepted, as well of such as commended the King, as of those that grudged at his doings. Wherefore he willed such, as by their Letters disclosed them­selves to be weary of the travel of the Wars, for their reproach, to be put in a Regiment apart from the rest; whereby he both gave them occasion to shew their hardness, and besides, removed the liberty of their tongues from the credulous ears of the rest. Which rash device, as all other things, turned to the setting forth of the Kings felicity; for in all ex­tremities, they shewed themselves the r [...]adiest, and the most forward; and whilest they coveted to re­deem their reproach, their valiant doings could not be hidden in so small a number, being separated by themselves.

These things being ordered after this manner, he appointed a Ruler over the Arians, and proclaim­ed his journey against the Araspians, who by chan­ging [Page 278] of their names, were called Evergitans, since the time that they relieved Cyrus Army with Lodg­ing and Victuals, being afflicted with cold and penury. It was the fifth day before he entred into their Country, where he understood, that Satri­barzanes, who took Bessus part, was with a power of Horsemen entred again amongst the Arrians: He sent against him Caranas and Erigius, and in their aid Artabasus and Andromachus, with six thou­sand Greek Footmen, and six hundred Horsemen. Alexander continued threescore days in setting or­der amongst the Evergitans, upon whom he be­stowed a great sum of money, for the notable [...]de­lity they shewed towards Cyrus: and leaving Ame­nides to be their Governour (who was Darius Se­cretary) he went to subdue the Arachosians, who border upon the Sea of Pontus.

The Men of War, who were under Parmenio his Rule, came then to Alexander, being six thousand Macedons, with two hundred of the Nobility, five thousand Greek Footmen, and two hundred Horse­men, which were the chief force of their power. To these Arachosians, Memnon was appointed Lieu­tenant, with four thousand Footmen, and six hun­dred Horsemen.

Alexander from thence entred with his Army in­to a Country not known unto such as bordered up­on it, for the Inhabitants would not have conver­sation with any other people: They were called Paramisadans, being a very rustical kinde of men, and most rude amongst all the Barbarous Nations, the hardness of the Country had so indurated their dispositions: They lye most towards the cold North-Pole, [Page 279] joyning with the Bactrians upon the West, and bending towards the Indian Sea upon the South. They used to build their houses of Brick; and because the Land is full of barren Moun­tains, and void of Timber, they make their whole houses of the same, which beginning broad beneath, groweth ever more narrow towards the top; and like the Keel of a Ship, where the holes are made above to receive light: Such of their Pines and Trees that bring forth fruit, which they will preserve from the violence of the cold, they cover with earth du­ring the Winter-seasons; and when the Snow is va­nished away, they restore them again to the Air, and to the Sun: The earth was there covered with Snow, and frozen so hard, that there remained no signe of any Bird or Beast within the Country: The Air besides was so dark, that little light appeared; but the earth being covered as it were with a [...] ihadow, men could scarcely discern things very near at hand.

The Army being brought into this Country de­stitute of T [...]llag [...], suffered all the discommodities and miseries that might be end [...], both of hun­ger, cold, weariness and despair: There were many of them that died for cold, and the Snow de­stroyed their feet, but especially it took away the sight of many. When they were wearied, and not able to travel any further, they laid themselves down upon the frozen Snow, and having once left the motion of their bodies, which stirred in them their natural heat, they were straightways so be­nummed with cold, that they could not rise again, till they were lifted up by their Companions; and [Page 280] there was no remedy for it, but to compel them to go forwards; for then by stirring of themselves, their natural heat was revived, and they recover­ed again some strength. Such as recovered the Cot­tages wherein the Country-men dwelled, were ve­ry well refreshed; but the darkness was so great, that the houses could not be otherwise discerned, then by the smoak.

The Inhabitants that had never seen Strangers before amongst them, when they beheld the armed men coming suddenly upon them, were amazed for fear, and brought forth whatsoever they had, to save their bodies from violence. Alexander march­ed on foot amongst his men, rasing such as were down, and relieving such as he saw afflicted with the cold with his own cloaths: He was seen one while in the Van, another while in the middest, and sometime in the Rereward, to the great travel of his body. At length they came to places better manured, where he refreshed his Army with plen­ty of victuals, and there remained in Camp till such time as the Souldiers that were left behinde did o­vertake their Fellows. Then he went forwards with his Army to the Mount Caucasus, which divide [...] all Asia into two parts: For on the one side [...] stretcheth towards the Sea of Cilicia, and on the other side to the Caspian Sea, to the River of A­raxes, and the Desarts of Scythia.

To this Mount Caucasus there joyneth another Mountain, called Taurus, next unto it in bignes [...]; which riseth from Cappadocia, and passing by Ci [...] ­cia, closeth with the Mountains of Armenia. Out of these Mountains joyning thus together, as it were [Page 281] in one continual ridge, all the Rivers in Asia do de­scend, some of them running into the Red Sea, some into the Caspian and Hircanian Sea, and other unto the Sea of Pontus. In seventeen days, Alex­ander, with his Armies, passed Mount Caucasus; where, in a Rock that is ten furlongs in compass, Antiquity fained that Prometheus lay bound. At the foot of this Mountain Alexander chose out a place to build a City, wherein he placed seven thousand of the most Ancient Macedons, and such others whose service he would not use any more in the Wars, and called the same Alexandria.

But Bessus, that was put in fear with Alexanders celerity, made sacrifice unto the gods of his Coun­try; and according to the custom of those, in the midst of his Banquets, he consulted with his friends and his Captains, for the maintenance of the Wars: And when they were well charged with Wine, they extolled greatly their own power, de­spising the rashness of their Enemies, and their small number: But chiefly Bessus was most arrogant in his words; who puffed up with pride, by reason of the Kingdom he had newly got by Treason, began to declare, How that Darius by his folly had in­creased his Enemies Fame, who would needs fight with them in the Streights of Cilicia, when by retiring back▪ he might have drawn them (before they had been aware) into Desart places, and there have put Ri­vers and Mountains between his Enemies and him, and amongst the same so inclosed them, that they could by no possibility have fled away, and much less make any resistance: Wherefore (he said) he was resolved to retire back amongst the Sogdi [...], [Page 282] where the River of Oxus should be as a Wall betwixt him and his Enemies, till such time as he might as­semble a strong power of the Nations thereabout; knowing very well, that the Chorismians, the Dahans and Sacans, the Indians and Scythians, inhabiting beyond the River of Tanais, would come to his assi­stance; of whom there was none so low, that any Macedon, with the top of his head, could reach to his shoulders. They all in their drunkenness assent­ed to him, affirming that only to be the wisest way: whereupon Bessus caused the Wine to be carried a­bout plentifully, as if by a Sea of Drink he intend­ed to arrive to Victory.

There was at that Feast one Cobares a Median, who in the Art Magick (if it be an Art, and not rather a deceit of some vain man) was more nota­ble by his profession then by his knowledge, but otherwise a moderate and an honest man; he ma­king a preamble before his discourse, said: He was not ignorant how much better it were to be obedient to others counsel, then to be a counsel-giver: For such as are followers of other mens judgments, are sure to have no worse fortune then the rest: but such as are Authors and perswaders of any matter, commonly pre­pare their own peril; and therewith delivered the Cup he had in his hand, and proceeded thus:

The Nature of Man, in this respect, may be called perverse, because every one can see better into other mens affairs then into his own: Their counsels must needs be always full of perturbations, who take their own advice; for fear is an impediment to some, desire unto other, and to many, a self-love of the thing that they have devised. I will not speak of pride, nor impute it [Page 283] unto any man; ye have seen by experience how every one doth esteem that thing only to be best, which he himself hath invented: The Diadem of a King that you wear upon your head, is a great burthen, which though it be born moderately, the weight thereof will oppress the bearer. It is not fury can avail in this case, but wise and prudent counsel.

When he had spoken those words, he rehearsed a Proverb commonly used amongst the Bactrians, which is, That a fearful Dog doth bark more then bite; and that the deepest Rivers do run with least noise; which things I have rehearsed, because such prudence may appear as remained amongst the Barbarous. As he talked after this manner, such as heard him wondred to what end his discourse would tend: Then he began to shew his advice, which was more profitable to Bessus then grate­ful.

Alexanders celerity (quoth he) is such, that he is come in a manner to the entry of your Court; he can remove his Army before you can remove this Table: You say that you will draw your assistance from his River of Tanais, and that you will put Rivers betwixt you and your Enemies; I would know, if he be not able to fol­low wheresoever you shall fly. If the way be indiffe­rent, it must needs be m [...]st easie and assured to the Con­querour: And though you think fear doth make much speed, yet hope is more swift. It were therefore me­thinks expedient, to procure the favour of him that is the Mightiest, and yield your self to the Stronger: How­soever he shall accept it, your Fortune is more like to be better that way, then to remain still an Enemy. Consi­der, that you possess another mans Kingdom, and there­fore [Page 284] you may the better depart therewith: For ye can­not be a just King, till ye receive the Kingdom of him that is able to give it, and take it away. This is faith­ful counsel, wherefore it is not necessary to delay the execution thereof: The Horse that is of Noble courage, will be governed by the shadow of a Rod; but the dull beast is not pricked forwards with the Spur.

Bessus, that was fierce of nature, and well set forwards with drink, became in such a fury at his words, that he could scarcely be withheld by his Friend from slaying Cobares, for he pulled out his Sword to have done the deed, and departed out of the Feast in a great rage: But Cobares in the tumult escaped away, and came unto Alexander. Bessus had eight thousand Bactrians armed attending up­on him, who so long as they judged by the intem­perateness of the Air in these parts, the Macedons would rather have gone into India then into Ba­ctria, were very obedient to his Commandment: But when they understood that Alexander was com­ing towards them, every one shrunk away, and forsook Bessus. Then he with a Band of his own Family, who were yet faithful unto him, passed the River of Oxus, burning such Boats as carried him over, because the same should not serve his Enemy in following him, and assembled a new power amongst the Sogdians. Alexander, as it hath been said before, passed Mount Caucasus; but for want of Corn, his Army was brought to the ex­tremity of hunger: Instead of Oyl, they were fain to anoint themselves with a juyce, which they wrung out of Seseman, every measure whereof was called Amphora, and sold for 240 Deniers; every like [Page 285] measure of honey for 390, and of wine for 300, and yet of the same very little to be had. They have in that Country certain Vessels called Siry, which the Inhabitants do use to hide so privily, that they can­not be found except they be digged for within the earth. The Country-men bury there their Corn after that manner, for want whereof the Souldiers were fain to live with Herbs, and such Fish as they caught in the Rivers: But that kinde of food failing also, they were inforced to kill their Carriage-Beasts, and lived with the flesh of them until they came into Bactria; the nature of the soil of which Coun­try, is of sundry kindes. Some places are plenti­ful of Wood and Vines, and abundant of pleasant fruit; the ground is fat, well watered, and full of Springs, and some as barren.

Those parts which be most temperate, are sowed with Corn, and the rest are reserved for feeding of Beasts: But the greater part of that Country is covered over with barren Sands, and withered up for want of moisture, nourishing neither man, nor bringing forth fruit, but with certain windes that come from the Sea of Pontus: The Sand in the plains is blown together in heaps, which seem afar off like great Hills; whereby the accustomed ways be so shut up, that no signe of them can appear: Therefore such as do possess those plains, use to observe the stars in the night, as they do who sail on the Seas, by the course of them directing their journey: The nights, for the most part, be brighter then the days; wherefore in the day-time the Country is wilde and unpassable, when they can neither finde any tract, nor any way to go in, nor mark nor signe where­by [Page 286] to pass, the Stars being hidden by the Mist: If the same winde chance to come, during the time that men be passing, it overwhelmeth them with Sand.

Where the Country is temperate, it bringeth forth great plenty both of men and horse; so that the Bactrians may make thirty thousand Horsemen. Bactria, which is the Head-City of that Region, standeth under a Mountain called Parapanisus: The River called Bactria runneth by the Walls, where­of both the City and the Country take their names.

Alexander being there in Camp, received Letters out of Greece, how the Lacedemonians, and the whole Country of Peloponnesus, had rebelled against him: For they had not lost the Battel at such time as the Messengers were dispatched, that brought the news of their revolt. In the neck of these evil tidings, there came another present terrour, which was, that the Scythians inhabiting beyond the Ri­ver of Tanais, were coming to aid Bessus. At the same time also, tidings came unto him of the Battel that Caranus and Erigius had fought with the Ari­ans, where Satribarzanes, that was newly revolted, being Chief of the Country, seeing the Battel to remain equal on both sides, rid into the forefront, and plucked off his Helmet, forbidding any of his side, either to cast dart, or strike a stroke; and there made a challenge to fight hand to hand, if any man durst come forth and prove his strength.

Erigius, Captain to the Macedons, was a man stricken in years, but yet not inferiour to any young man in stoutness of stomack, or strength of body; [Page 287] who could not bear the proud arrogancy of Satri­barzanes, but stepping forwards, and plucking off his Helmet, shewed his hoary hair: The day is come (quoth he) that I will either by the victory, or by my honest death, make tryal what kinde of men Alex­ander hath to his Friends and Souldiers; and with­out more words he made towards his Enemy. It could not be judged, but that both Armies had stay­ed their hands by appointment, for they gave back immediately on both sides, to let them have free scope, each party standing in expectation what should become of the Challenger; for they could not but think themselves partakers of their adven­ture. Satribarzanes first charged his Staff, which Erigius avoided by bending his head aside; but he in the midst of his Race, struck the other with his Spear through the throat, so that it came forth a­gain at his neck. Satribarzanes, upon that stroak, fell down from his Horse; but yet made resistance, till such time as Erigius plucked the Spear out of the wound, and thrust it again into his mouth; who to rid himself out of pain, furthered his Enemies stroke: Then the Arians seeing their Captain slain, whom they had followed rather of necessity, then of their own free wills, called to remembrance Alexanders benefits, and yielded themselves unto Erigius.

Alexander rejoyced much at the good success of this Enterprise, doubting greatly the Lacedemoni­ans; but he did bear out their Rebellion stoutly, saying, That they durst never disclose their mean­ing, until they knew he was come to the Confines of India. Alexander having removed his Camp, [Page 288] and going forwards in the pursuit of Bessus, Erigius met him, presenting the spoil of his Enemy, as a memorial of his Victory. Thereupon, he commit­ted the Rule of Bactria to Artabasus, where with a Garrison he left his Carriage; and with a power that was light, and fit for travel, he entred into the Desarts of the Susitans, conveying his Army by night.

In the want of water (that hath been declared before) desperation moved them to thirst, before they had desire to drink: For by the space of four hundred furlongs, they found no water at all. The vapours of the Sun, in the Summer-season, did so burn the Land, that when it began to wax hot, it scorched all things, as it had been with a conti­nual fire: And then the light being somewhat ob­scured by the Mist that rose out of the earth by the immoderate heat, caused the Plains to have an ap­pearance of the Main Sea.

Their journey in the night seemed tolerable, be­cause their bodies were somewhat refreshed with the Dew, and the cold of the morning: But when the day came, and the heat rose, then the drought drying up all their natural humours, both their mouths and their bowels were inflamed with heat: Then their hearts failed, and their bodies fainted, being in such a condition, that they could neither stand still, nor pass forwards. A few that were taught by such as knew the Country, had gotten water, which refreshed them somewhat; but as the heat increased, so their desire grew again to drink: There was no remedy, but to give amongst the Soul­diers all the Wine and Oyl that remained in store; [Page 289] for drink was so sweet unto them, that it took away the fear of any thirst to come: But such as had greedily gulped in the water that they got, became so heavy, that they were neither able to bear their Armour, nor go forwards: so that they seemed most happy who had gotten no water at all; for such as had taken of it inordinately, were inforced by vo­mit to put up the same again.

As Alexander carefully in this calamity stood with his Friends that were perswading him to have respect to himself, for that he only, and the great­ness of his heart, should be some relief unto them in his adversity; there came two Souldiers, who go­ing before with such as had taken up the Camp, had found water, and were carrying of it in Bottles un­to their Sons, which were sore afflicted for want of drink behinde in the Army: When they saw the King, one of them opened his Bottle, and filling a Cup, presented the water to the King, who receiving it at his hand, demanded to whom they carried that water; they said, to their Sons: Then he restored the Cup again full, as it was given him, and said: I will not drink alone; for so little cannot be divided amongst us all: Make you haste therefore to carry to your Sons that you have gotten with your travel.

But Alexander travelled so long, that before night he came to the River of Oxus: The more part of the Army, not able to follow for feebleness, were left far behinde; to the intent therefore that such as followed after, might know where the Camp was, he caused a fire to be made on the top of an hill, and gave order, that when the Vaward had refresh­ed themselves with meat and drink, they should [Page 290] fill their Bottles with water, and go back with the same to relieve their fellows. The breath of such as drank intemperately closed up, and they died im­mediately: The number of these men was greater, then ever Alexander lost in any Battel; but he would neither put off his Arms, refresh himself with meat or drink, nor ease his body, but stood in the way where his Army passed, not departing till the last man was come into the Camp. He watched all that night, and passed it over in great trouble of minde; and the day that ensued brought no release of his care; for there were neither Boats to pass the River withal, nor could he make any Bridge, seeing there was no Wood growing nigh at hand. But at length he found out a device, whereunto only necessity did inforce him: They took Beasts skins, and stuffed them full of Straw, whereupon they laid themselves, and so swimmed over the River. Such as first recovered the further side, stood in order of Battel till the rest were passed over; by which means, in six days, he conveyed o­ver his whole Army.

Having passed the River of Oxus, his purpose was to go forwards in the pursuit of Bessus, till he understood such things as had chanced among the Susitans. There was one Spitamenes, whom Bessus chiefly honoured of all his friends: But there are no benefits that can stay a man given up to perjury, which in him was the more tolerable, because he judged no mischief too great for him who had slain his Prince; for the revenge of Darius was a fair co­lour to his offence: But it is to be thought, that his present fortune was more envied, then his past actions were hated.

[Page 291] When it was known that Alexander had advan­ced over the River of Oxus, Spitamenes did associ­ate with him in counsel for his enterprise Datapher­nes and Catenes, whom Bessus specially trusted: They agreed to the Designe more readily then he would desire them; and taking to them eight young men that were strong of personage, used this kinde of policy. Spitamines repaired to Bessus, and getting him alone, informed him, that he had found out how Dataphernes and Catanes had con­spired to deliver him into Alexanders hands; where­as (he said) he had prevented them, while they were about their purpose, having taken them both, and put them fast in prison.

Bessus then thinking himself much bound unto him for so great a good turn, gave him many thanks; and for the desire he had to be revenged of his Enemies, willed Spitamenes to bring them to his presence: He caused their hands to be bound be­hinde their backs, and to be brought by such as were privy to their Confederacy. When they came in Bessus presence, he beheld them with a full coun­tenance, and rose up to have struck at them: But then they left their counterfeiting, and straight­ways inclosing Bessus about, bound him; he strug­ling in vain; and pulled the Diadem from his Head, tearing the Garments from his Back, which sometimes belonged to his Prince whom he had slain.

When he saw himself in this condition, he con­fessed, that the gods had righteously revenged his Treason; and perceived by the Plague they sent him, that they both favoured Darius, and were [Page 292] friends to Alexander, whose Enemies evermore pre­ferred his Victory. It is uncertain whether the multitude would have assisted Bessus or not, but that Spitamenes had given forth, that it was done by Alexanders appointment; whereby he put them into a fear, being yet doubtful of minde, and set Bessus upon an horse, on the which he brought him unto Alexander, who in the mean season had chosen out 900, such as by reason of their Age were not meet for the Wars, and gave to every Horseman two Talents, and to every Footman three thousand Deniers. That done, he dispatched them home, and gave thanks unto the rest, because they promi­sed to tarry with him until he had brought his Wars to an end.

Bessus was presented unto him at a little Town, whereof the Inhabitants are called Branchidans, who in times past, by the Commandment of Xerxes, when he came out of Greece, were brought from Mi­letum, and placed there, because that in his favour they had violated a Temple called Didyma. They had not altogether forgotten their Country Cu­stoms, but had mixed their tongue, which by lit­tle and little degenerated from their own Language, and had not yet attained fully that Country-speech. They received the King with great joy, yeilding themselves and their City unto his will: Whereupon he called to him the Milesians that ser­ved him in his Wars (who bare an ancient hatred against this Generation of the Branchidans) and left it to them to determine, whether they would save them for the Country sake, or else destroy them for the injury they had done them in times [Page 293] past. But when the Milesians could not agree in O­pinion, he said he would order the matter himself.

The next day, when the Brandichans came to meet him, he returned them all again into the Ci­ty, and commanded the Footmen to inclose the Ci­ty round, and entred with such as he had appoint­ed for that purpose; and by a token given, he put all to the Sword, and razed the City as a Recepta­cle of Traytors, they being without Armour in eve­ry place: Neither the Affinity of their Tongue, nor any prayer or intercession could mitigate their Ene­mies cruelty, who after the destruction of the Town, did cast down the Walls to the ground, so that no memory of them doth remain. That done, they did not only cut down the Woods, wherein they used their Sacrifice, but also plucked up the Trees by the Roots, that the ground might be left bar [...]en and de­solate. If the same things had been done against the very Offenders, the revenge might have been thought righteous: But to lay the fault of the Pre­decessors upon their Posterity, it is judged as a cru­el act, being there were not any of them then pre­sent, that had ever seen Miletum, or done to Xer­xes any kinde of pleasure. As Alexander removed from thence, towards the River of Tanais, Bessus was brought before him, spoiled of all his Garments, whom Spitamenes led in a Chain put about his Neck; a pleasant sight to behold, as well to the Bar­barous, as to the Macedons. When Spitamenes was come with him into Alexanders presence, he said:

I have brought here unto you the Killer of his own Ma­ster, after the same manner that he himself [...] the example; wherein I have both revenged [...] that [Page 294] was my King, and you also that now have gained the Soveraignty. Let Darius open his eyes, and rise from Death, to behold this sight, who was unworthy of such an end, and worthy to behold and receive such a Spe­ctacle as this.

After Alexander had given Spitamenes thanks, he turned himself unto Bessus, and said:

What beastly fury moved thee to take thine own Prince Prisoner, and afterwards to kill him, having so well deserved of thee? Of which thy doings, thou shalt receive a sufficient reward, by usurping the coun­terfeit Name of a King.

He had no heart to make answer, or to excuse his offence, saving that he said: He took upon him to be a King, because he might deliver him the possession of the Country; which thing if he had omitted, some o­ther, he said, would have taken it in hand. Then A­lexander called for Oxatres, Darius Brother, whom he had placed about his person, and committed Bes­sus to his keeping, to the intent he should cut off his Ears and Nose, and hang him upon a Cross, causing his own men to shoot him through with Arrows, and so preserve his body that Birds should not touch him. Oxatres promised to perform all the rest, sa­ving the keeping away the Birds; which for the de­sire he had to set forth Catenes cunning, he affirm­ed that none could so well keep them away as he, who did shoot so assuredly, that he could strike the Birds flying in the Air: And though it was a cun­ning not so much to be marvelled at in a Nation so expert in shooting, yet it was greatly admired by such as did behold him, and it was great honour un­to the doer. He gave rewards unto such as were the [Page 295] Apprehenders of Bessus; but he deferred his punish­ment, because he minded to put him to death in the same place where he slew Darius.

In the mean season, the Macedons going a forra­ging without order, were overthrown by the Ene­mies that came running down the next Mountains: They took more then they did kill; and driving their prisoners before them, retired again unto the Mountains. There were of them to the number of twenty thousand, who accustomed to live by Theft, using Slings and Bows in their Fight, whom while Alexander did besiege, and in a Skirmish pressed upon the foremost, he was stricken with an Arrow in the midst of his Leg, where the Head did stick fast. The Macedons that were sorrowful and ama­zed for their Kings hurt, carried him into his Tent; of whose departure out of the Field his Enemies were not ignorant, for they might behold all things from the Mountains. The next day they sent Em­bassadours to Alexander, whom he admitted to his presence, and unfolding his wounds (whereby he thought to dissemble the greatness thereof) he shewed his Leg unto them: When they were com­manded to sit down, they said, That hearing of his hurt, they were as sorrowful for it as his own Subjects, which should well be known; for if they could finde out the person that did the deed, he should be delivered into his hands: They could not (they said) but judge them sacrilegious persons, who would fight with gods, of whose number they supposed him to be; and there­fore were determined to yield themselves. Thereupon he gave them assurance, and receiving again his men that were taken prisoners, he admitted them to be his Subjects.

[Page 296] That done, he removed his Camp, and was carri­ed in a Litter, for the bearing whereof, the Horse­men and Footmen contended together; the Horse­men alledged it to be their Office, because the King used to fight amongst them; and the Footmen al­ledged, that in as much as they used to carry the wounded Souldiers, they thought no reason their Office should be taken from them, chiefly when the King should be carried. Alexander therefore in so great contention of both parties, thought it a diffi­cult matter for him to give sentence, because the judgment should be grievous to them that should be put by their Office; and therefore ordered that they should carry him by course.

From thence, the fourth day, he came unto a City called Maracanda, the Walls whereof were three­score and ten furlongs about, but the Castle was without any Wall: He set a Garrison in the City, and then burned and destroyed the Country there­abouts. Embassadours came unto him thither from those Scythians which are called Avians, who had been free since the time that Cyrus was among them, but yet they shewed themselves then ready to be at his Commandment: They were known to be the most righteous people of all the barbarous Nations, as men that never used to make War, but when they were provoked; whose moderation and temperance in using of their liberty, made the Inferi­ours equal unto the Superiours,

Alexander received them gently, and sent Peni­das, a Friend of his, to those Scythians that inha­bited within Europe, to forbid them to pass the River of Tanais without his appointment: He had [Page 297] also a secret Commission to view the scituation of that Country, and to visit those Scythians that inhabited about Bosphorus. He willed him besides, to chuse out a place upon the brink of Tanais, where he might build a City, to remain as a For­tress, for the subduing of the people that he in­tended to visit.

But this designe was delayed by the Rebellion of the Sogdians, who had also drawn the Bactrians to their part. There were of them seven thousand Horsemen, whose Authority the rest followed: For the subduing of whom, Alexander caused Spitame­nes and Catones (the Betrayers of Bessus) to be sent for, thinking by their means to bring the Country again to his obedience, and to suppress those who had made this stir: But they who were judg­ed meet to stay the Rebellion, and were sent for to that intent, were the chief Authors of that Rebel­lion; for they caused it to be noised abroad, that Alexander had sent for the Bactrian Horsemen of purpose to destroy them all; which Commissi­on (they said) being appointed to them, they would not execute, because they thought it too foul an act to commit against their Country­men; and for that cause they could as ill bear A­lexanders cruelty then, as in times past Bessus Trea­son.

By this means, when the fear of death was put into their heads, they were easily stirred to Arms, to which before they were sufficiently inclined of their own mindes. When Alexander was advertised of their doings, he willed Craterus to besiege Cyropolis, and he himself won another City [Page 298] of that Country, by an assault that he gave to it on all parts at once; and by a signe given, caused all the Children to be put to death, making the rest a prey for the Souldiers: This done, the City was razed to the ground, to the intent, that others by their example might be kept in obedience. There were a valiant people, called Memacenans, who were determined to abide the Siege, not only for their honesties sake, but also for that they thought it most for their Surety: For the mitigating of their wilfulness, the King sent unto them fifty Horsemen, to declare his Clemency towards such as submitted themselves, and how inexorable he was unto such as he overcome by force: Their answer was, That they neither doubted the Kings Promise, nor his Pow­er: But after their answer given, they lodged them without the walls; where entertaining them with great Chear until it was mid-night, they set upon them, and slew them all.

Alexander was no less moved with this Act, then the cause required: He therefore made an assault upon the City on all parts at once; which he found furnished in such wise, that he could not take it at the first attempt: Wherefore he appointed Melea­ger and Perdicas unto the Siege thereof, who then were besieging of Cyropolis, minding to spare the same, because it was builded by Cyrus; for he had not so great admiration of any King that had Reigned in those parts, as of him and Semiramis, whose magnanimity of minde, and great atchieve­ments, seemed to him to exceed the rest: But the obstinate wilfulness of the Inhabitants stirred up his wrath; for when he had taken the City, he willed [Page 299] the Macedons to spoil it, who had enough cause to be moved against them; and so returned to Melea­ger and Perdicas. There was not one City that did more valiantly abide the Siege, then the same did; for both the hardiest of the Souldiers that were slain, and the King was brought in great danger, being struck in the Neck with a stone, so that his sight failed him; and he was felled to the Earth, and for the present lost his sense. The Army lamented, thinking he had been dead: But he was invincible against those things which put other men in most fear; for without tarrying, he dressed his wound, returning to the Fight: and after anger had stirred up the eagerness he had of Nature, he renewed the assault more fiercely then before. At length a great piece of the Wall was overthrown by a Mine, at which he brake in, and put the whole City to Sack and Ruine. He sent from thence Menedemus with 3000 Footmen, and 800 Horsemen, to the City of Maracanda, which Spitamenes had newly taken, and put out from thence the Garrison of the Macedons, the Citizens not consenting to it: But when they saw they could not withstand him, it was of necessity for them to agree to his will.

Alexander, in the mean season, came to the River of Tanais, where he inclosed about with a wall so much ground as his Camp did contain, extending in compass 60 furlongs, and named the same Ci­ty Alexandria. This was done with such expediti­on, that within seventeen days after the walls were raised, the houses also were builded, and the whole work was performed in a very small season, through [Page 300] the contention amongst the Souldiers, who should perform his work first, when the same was divided into portions amongst them. The prisoners (whose Ransoms Alexander paid to their Takes) were ap­pointed to inhabit this City; the descent of whom, after so long time, are not worn out, such favour hath been shewed them in the memory of Alex­ander. The King of Scythia, whose Empire was then beyond the River of Tanais, judging that the fortifying upon the Rivers side should be as a Yoke to his Neck, did send his Brother Carcasis with a great power of Horsemen to beat down the For­tification, and to remove away the Macedons from the waters side: That River divideth the Bactrians from the Scythians of Europe, and is the limit which parteth Asia and Europe asunder: But the Countries that the Scythians do inhabit, do stretch as far as Thracia, and lye betwixt the North and the East, joyning with Sarmatia, and possessing part of it. The Country also that lieth beyond the River of Isther, is inhabited by them; their utmost bounds stretching to Bactria, and to the furthest bounds of Asia Northwards, where are wonderful great Woods, and wilde Desarts: But such of them as bounded near unto Tanais and Bactria, wanted not much of the civility of other Nations.

This being the first time that Alexander had to do with these people, when he saw that he had to enter into a War for the which he was not provi­ded, his Enemies riding up and down in his sight, and he diseased of his wound, especially not ha­ving the use of his speech, which failed much by reason of his long abstinence, and the pain in his [Page 301] Neck, he called his friends to counsel, and decla­red unto them, that he was not troubled with any fear of his enemies, but with the iniquity of the time; the Bactrians rebelling, and the Scythians provoking him, when he was neither able to stand upon the ground, nor strong enough to ride on Horseback, nor yet in case to give advice or exhor­tation to his men: In consideration therefore of the doubtful danger in which he saw himself involved, he accused the gods; complaining, that he was then inforced to lye still, whose swiftness before-time none was able to escape.

The danger grew so great, that his own men believed he had counterfeited his sickness for fear: And therefore he, who since the overthrow of Da­rius had left Consultation with the Diviners and Prophets, turned himself again to the vanity and superstition of men, willing Aristander (unto whom he was addicted most) that he should try out by Sacrifice what his success should be: The Custom of them who were called Aruspices, was to consi­der the Entrails of the Beasts without the King, and to make report of the signification. In the mean season, while they were searching secrets that way, he willed Ephestion, Craterus, Erigius, and others of his Friends, to draw near about him, lest by strain­ing his voice, he might break out his wound again, and said thus unto them:

The danger I am in, hath caused the time to serve better for mine Enemies, then for me: Necessity, I see, chiefly in the Wars, doth go before Reason; for it is seldom given to men to chuse their own time: The Bactrians are revolted, upon whose Shoulders yet we [Page 302] stand, purposing to try what courage we are of by our behaviour towards the Scythians. If we leave off with doubtful fortune, and not meddle with them, who of their own minde have provoked us, we shall, at our return, be had in contempt of them whom we intend to visit: But if we shall pass the River of Tanais, and by the destruction of the Scythians, shew our selves invincible every where, who will then doubt but Europe will lye open, and give Obedience to us being Victors? He is deceived, that doth measure by any distance the bounds of glory we intend to pass: There is but one River that letteth us now, for bring­ing of our Power over into Europe; which if we shall effect, what an estimation shall it be for us, whiles we be subduing of Asia, to set up the Monuments of our Victories, as it were, in a new World, joyning so soon together with one Victory, that which Nature seemeth to have divided with so great a distance? But if we shall stay never so little, and give ground, the Scythians will then come after us, and pursue us in the Rear. Are there no more but we who have pas­sed Rivers? There are many Inventions yet remaining amongst our selves, whereby we have gotten many Vi­ctories: But fortune of the War doth teach policy to such as are overcome; we have shewed a President of late, to swim over Rivers upon Bottles; which thing if the Scythians cannot do, the Bactrians shall teach them: It is but the Power of one Nation that now cometh against you; all the others stand yet in a stay, to understand of our doings: So that by eschewing a Battel, we shall nourish War, and be compelled to re­ceive those blows, which lye in us to give to others. The reason of my advice is manifest: But whether the [Page 303] Macedons will suffer me to use my own disposition, I much doubt; because since I received this Wound, I have not ridden on Horseback, nor gone on Foot. If you will follow me, my Friends, I am recovered, I have strength enough to endure these things; and if the end of my life be at hand, wherein can I spend it better?

These words that he spake, were uttered with a broken and weak voice, so that they could scarcely be heard of such as were next him: But when his meaning was perceived, all that were present went about to divert him from so rash an Enterprise: But Erigius wrought chiefly in the matter, who percei­ving that his Authority could not prevail against the Kings obstinate minde, attempted to work him by Religion, which he judged of greater force: For he declared, that the gods were against his determi­nation, who had signified great peril to ensue, if he passed the River: He said he had understood that thing by Aristander, who told him at his com­ing into the Pavilion, what he had perceived in the Entrails of the Beasts. Alexander at these words was wonderfully troubled with anger and shame, when he saw the secrets of that Religion brought to light, which he thought to have kept secret to himself; and therefore caused Erigius to go aside, and Aristander to be called in unto him, whom he beheld in the face, and said:

I seem to thee rather a private man then a King; I commanded thee to sacrifice, and thou hast declared the signification thereof to others, and not to me: For Eri­gius, by thy report, knoweth the secrecie appertaining to me: But surely, I believe that through his own fear [Page 304] he devised an interpretation of himself: Therefore let me hear from thy own mouth what thou hast found in the Entrails, to the intent that thou shalt not deny what thou hast spoken.

Aristander thereupon was amazed, and looked pale, not able to answer one word for fear: But at length, the same fear that made him hold his peace, invited him to speak; and lest the prolonging of the Kings expectation, might provoke him unto further wrath, he answered:

I said (quoth he) that there was in the Enterprise great danger and difficulty; bu [...] [...] your attempt should not be in vain: there is nothing that I have perceived by my Science, that troubleth me so much as the love I bear to you; for I both consider your infir­mity, and what a moment consisteth in your person, fearing you should not be able to endure the things that fortune is disposed to give unto you.

When Alexander heard him speak after that man­ner, he willed him to have confidence in his fideli­ty, to whom Fortune had granted glory in greater things; and thereupon dismissed him. Afterwards, as the King was debating with such as he consulted with before, by what means he should pass the Ri­ver, Aristander came amongst them, affirming, that he had found the Entrails contrary to what he did before, with as likely signes of good success as any that ever he saw; shewing them then as great cau­ses to rejoyce, as he did before to fear. But imme­diately hereupon Alexander received news that much impaired that felicity he was wont to have in all his proceedings: Menedemus being sent (as it hath been said before) to besiege Spitamenes, the Author [Page 305] of the Bactrian Rebellion, when he understood of his Enemies coming, both in avoiding to be in­closed within the Walls, and trusting besides to take some advantage of the Macedons, he laid an ambuscado to intrap them. There was a Wood through the which they should pass, very apt for the purpose, where he laid the Dahans, who were accustomed to carry two armed men upon one Horse, from whence they used to leap down by course; and because the swiftness of the Footmen was little inferiour to the Horsemen, they troubled greatly the order of the Horsemens fight. Spita­menes gave order to them, that when they should enter into the Wood, they should environ them on all sides; which they performed according to his appointment.

Menedemus seeing himself inclosed on all parts, and not equal in number unto his Enemies, resisted a great while, crying out to the Souldiers, that there remained no hope to them, being intrapped af­ter that manner, but, by making slaughter upon their Enemies, to receive the comfort of an honest death. Menedemus rode upon a strong Horse, charging oft-times upon his Enemies, whereby he brake their order, and made great slaughter, till such time as he being laid at on all parts, received many wounds, and fainted for want of bloud. Then he exhorted Hispides, that was one of his Friends, to leap upon his Horse, and escape away; and with that word he swounded, and fell from his Horse to the ground. Hispalis might have got away, but after he had lost his friend, he determined there to die, taking no other care but how to lose his life [Page 306] with the ruine of his Enemies. Wherefore he put his Spurs to his Horse, and ran in amongst them, where he fought notably, and at length was slain.

When the rest saw his overthrow, and the loss of their Captains, they recovered an Hill, where Spitamenes did besiege them, thinking to subdue them for want of Victuals. There were slain in the Battel two Thousand Foot­men, and three Hundred Horsemen; which misadventure Alexander with great policy kept secret, commanding them that departed from the Field, upon pain of death not to publish this Defeat. But when he could not bear out any longer a countenance contrary to his heart, he went alone to his Pavilion which he had set of purpose upon the Rivers side. There he walked all night, devising with himself what was best to do; and divers times he lifted up his Tent to be­hold the Fires in his Enemies Camp, thereby to conjecture their number.

When the day appeared, he put on a Corslet, and came forth among the Souldiers, being the first time they had seen him since he received his hurt. They bore such a veneration unto their King, that with his presence only they put away the remem­brance of the fear which caused them before to shrink; and rejoyced so heartily, that when they saluted him, the tears distilled from their eyes, and earnestly desired the Fight which they had before [...]used. He took order there amongst them, that the Horsemen, and such as were of the square Bat­tel of Footmen should be carried over in Boats, and [Page 307] that the light armed should swim upon Bottles. The business required not much more to be spoken, neither could the King say much more by reason of his infirmity; for the Souldiers went about it with such chearfulness of minde, that within three dayes they had finished twelve Thousand Boats. When all things were prepared in readi­ness for their Passage, there came twenty Embassa­dors of the Scythians riding by the Camp, who re­quired that it might be reported to the King, that they had something in Commission to declare unto him.

When they were received into his Pavilion, and commanded to sit down, they fixed their eyes con­tinually upon the Kings countenance; whereby it was thought, that weighing the greatness of his courage by his personage which they saw pre­sent, it appeared unto them but small in respect of the Fame they heard of him. The wits of the Scythians are not rude, and without knowledge, as other barbarous Nations are. For it is said, that many of them attain to such Learning, as it is possible for a Nation being always in exercise of the Wars. Their words spoken unto Alexander are left in memory; who though they differ from the manner of us, who live in more civil times, and frame our selves to more humanity, yet the fide­lity of the matter is not to be despised, though the phrase of their Speech is rough. And therefore I shall declare uncorruptly the words which the Eldest of these Embassadors did speak after this manner.

If the gods had given thee a Body according to the [Page 308] unsatiable desire of the minde, the world should not be able to receive thee, but thou shouldest touch the Orient with one hand, and the Occident with the other; which thing once obtained, thy care should be to become equal to the gods. Thus thou dost covet the thing thou art not able to compass. From Europe thou goest into Asia, and from Asia to Europe. It must come to pass, that if thou doest overcome all mankinde, thou must make war with Woods and Snows, with Rivers and wilde Beasts. What? art thou ignorant that Trees do grow till they are great, and then are plucked up from the root in a moment? He is a fool that coveteth fruit, and consi­dereth not the height of the Tree whereon it groweth. Take heed lest whiles thou dost labour to attain to the top▪ thou fallest with the Bough which thou doest im­brace. The [...]ion hath been sometime the food of small Birds, and the Rust doth consume the Iron. There is nothing so sure, that is not in danger of its inferiour. What have we to do with thee? we never touched thy Countrey. Is it not desired by us that live in the waste. Woods to be ignorant what thou art, and from whence thou comest? for we can neither be subject to any man, nor do desire to rule over any creature. And because you shall not be ignorant of the state of our Nation, we have certain gifts in proper to us: as the yoak of Oxen, the Plough, the Spear, the Bow, and the Boal, which are the things that we use both with our Friends, and against our Enemies. We give unto Friends of the fruits got with our labours. With the Boal we sacrifice wine unto the gods; with the Bow we strike our Ene­mies afar off, and with the Spear near at hand. Af­ter that sort in times past we overcame the King of Scy­thia, and afterwards the King of Persia and Media, [Page 309] making the way open to us into Egypt. But thou who doest glory, that thou art come to be a perse [...]uter of Thieves, art a [...]obber of all Nations that thou comest amongst. Thou hast taken Lydia, possessed Syria, enjoyed Persia, and hast the Bactrians under thy power. Thou hast visited the Indians, and now stretchest forth thy ra­venous hands unto our cattel. Why dost thou covet that wealth which causeth thee to be poor? Thou art the first of all men who with abundance hast prepared [...]unger for thy self, and the more thou hast, the more greedily doest thou covet the things thou hast not. Doest thou not re­member how long thou didst stay about Bactria? And whiles thou didst go about to subdue them the Sogdians began to rebell. Thus War doth grow unto thee out of Victory; for be thou never so great and puissant above any other, yet there are none that can endure to be governed by a stranger. Pass now Tanais, thou shalt perceive what breadth it heareth, and yet thou shall never overtake the Scythians, whose poverty is swifter than thy Army car­rying the spoil of so many Nations. For when thou shalt think us to be afar off, thou shalt see us within thy Camp: with like swiftness we follow and flie away. I hear that our desarts are scorned by the Greek Proverbs, we covet rather desarts and places unhabited then Cities & plen­tiful Countries Therefore hold thou thy fortune fast, for she is fickle, and cannot be kept against her will. Fallow the counsel that is good, especially when the time doth serve. But a bridle to thy felicity, and thou shalt govern it the better We say that fortune is without feet & that she hath only hands and wings: but when she putteth f [...]rth her hand, she will not suffer her wings to be touched. If thou art a god, give benefits to mortal men, & tak [...] not a­way the commodities they have already. If thou art a man [Page 310] consider thine own estate, it is foolishness to remember those things which cause thee to forget thy self. Such as by War thou makest thine enemies, by peace thou mayest make thy friends. The most firm friendship is amongst them that be equal; and they seem equal, who have not yet made any trial of their Force. Take heed thou takest them not for thy friends, whom thou didst subdue and bring to subjection. There is no friendship be­tween the Lord and the Slave: and in peace the law of Arms is observed. Think not that the Scythians do confirm their friendship with any oath; for they think they swear in keeping of their faith The cu­stome of the Greeks is to justifie their doings by cal­ling their gods to witness: but we acknowledge Re­ligion to consist in faith. They that do not their due reverence unto men, deceive the gods▪ Think not those Friends to be necessary unto thee, of whose good will thou shalt need to doubt. Thou mayest use us as Keepers both of Europe and Asia; for we should joyn with Bactria, but that Tanais doth devide us: and beyond Tanais our Dominion stretcheth so far as Thra­cia; and the Fame is, that Thracia confineth with Macedon. Consider therefore, whether it be necessary for thee or no, to receive us as Friends, or to visit us as Enemies to thy Empires.

These were the Scythians words; to whom the King made Answer:

That he would both use his own Fortune, and their Counsel that advised him well. He would follow his Fortune (he said,) because he had great confidence in it; and other mens Counsel because he would do nothing unadvisedly, nor upon the sudden.

Thereupon he dismissed the Embassadors, and [Page 311] imbarked his Army in the Boats he had prepared. In the foreparts of the Boats he set such as had Tar­gets, willing them to kneel upon their knees for their more safeguard against the shot of the Arrows. And those were placed behinde them who had the charge of the Engines, being both before and on both sides inclosed with armed m [...]n. The rest that stood beyond the Engines, being armed themselves, defended with Targets such as rowed. The same order was also observed in those Boats that carried over the Horsemen. The greater part drew their Horses after them by the reins, swimming at the stern of the Boats; and such as were carried up­on trusses filled with straw, were defended by the Boats that rowed betwixt them and their Ene­mies.

Alexander with such men as he had chosen to be about his Person, first lanched from the Land, and directed his course to the further side. The Scy­thians came against them with their Horsemen in order of Battel, standing upon the brink of the fur­ther shore to oppose their landing: whose shew being a terrour to the Macedons, they had also ano­ther cause of fear in their passing over: For the Boat-masters were not able to keep their course against the force of the stream. And the Souldi­ers swaying to and fro, for the doubt they had to fall in the water, troubled the Mariners in the do­ing of their office. By reason whereof the Mace­dons could not have scope to cast their Darts with any force; taking more care how to place them­selves out of peril, then to annoy their enemies. Their Engines stood them in great stead, which seldome [Page 312] did shoot in vain against their Enemies that stood thick before them, attempting to resist their land­ing. When the Scythians saw them near the shore, they did shoot an infinite number of Arrows into the Boats, so that there was not almost any Target that had not many heads sticking in it. At length the Boats arrived at the land, then the Target-men did rise upon their feet, and having more scope and surer footing, threw their Darts more certainly and with greater force: whereby perceiving their Ene­mies to shrink and rein back their Horses, they leaped chearfully unto the land, one exhorting and encouraging another, and vigorously pursued them, when they saw them to fall out of array. By that time Alexanders Horsemen who had assembled themselves in Troops, brake upon their Enemies, and put them to great disorder. In the mean sea­son, the rest being defended by them that were fighting, landed, and prepared themselves to the Battel. Alexander with the stoutness of his courage supplied the impotency of his body. His voice could not be heard when he spake and exhorted his men (the scar of his wound not yet closed) but all men might see him fighting; wherefore every one used the office of a Captain in giving exhortation unto his fellows, and ran upon their Enemies with­out respect of their own lives. Then the Scythians could not endure any longer the countenance, the force, nor the cry of their Enemies; but being all on Horseback fled away upon the Spur, whom the King pursued eighty Furlongs, notwithstanding that with great pain he endured his infirmity. When his heart fainted, he commanded his men that they [Page 313] should follow still in the chase as long as the day lasted, and having not strength to sustain any further travel, he returned into his Camp to rest himself.

The Macedons in their pursuit passed the bounds of Bacchus, in monument of whom there were great stones set up of equal distance, and high trees whose stocks were covered over with Ivy. But no bounds could be a stay to the Macedons, being carried for­wards in their fury; for it was midnight before they returned again to their Camp, who having killed many, and taken a great number of prisoners, did drive before them a thousand eight hundred Horses. There were slain of the Macedons, threescore Horse­men, of the Footmen one hundred, and about one thousand hurt. This enterprise with the fame of the Victory falling in so good a season, kept the greatest part of Asia in obedience, which were at the point to have rebelled. For they believed the Scythians to be invincible; who being vanquished, they judged no Nation able to withstand the power of the Macedons.

The Sacans after this Victory sent their Embassa­dours unto Alexander, offering themselves to come under his obedience; to the doing whereof, they were not so greatly moved with fear of his Force, as they were with report of his clemency used to­wards the Scythians, after he had discomfited them: For he delivered home all the prisoners without ransome, to witness unto the world, that he made War with those fierce Nations to shew his power and his vertue, and not for any malice, or to shew his wrath upon them. That was the cause [Page 314] that he so gently received the Embassadors of the Sacans, causing Excipinus to accompany them, who being in the first flower of his youth, was for that respect in great favour and samilia­rity with Alexander. In personage he resembled Ephestion, but inferiour to him in pleasantness of speech.

After this, Alexander giving order to Craterus to follow him by small journeys with the greater part of his Army, he himself came to the City of Mara­canda, from whence Spitamenes who heard of his coming was fled into Bactria. The King therefore making great journeys four days continually, came into the place where, under the conduct of Menede­mus, he had lost two thousand Footmen, and three hundred Horsemen. He caused their bones to be gathered together, celebrating their Funerals after their Countrey manner. By that time Craterus with the Phalanx was come to the King; and to the intent he might punish with the Sword all such as had rebelled, he divided his power into divers parts, commanding them to burn in every place where they marched, and to kill all the children.

The Countrey of the Sogdians for the most part is waste, by reason of the great desarts that stretch overthwart the Countrey. The River called Po­litimetum passeth almost through the length of it, and runneth a space violently in a narrow channel, and then is received into a hole of the Earth; from whence it passeth underneath the ground, the course of it being manifest by the noise of the water that may be hear; and yet on all the ground under which so great a River doth run, there doth not appear any moisture put forth.

[Page 315] Of the Captives that were taken among the Sogdians, there were thirty of the most Noble brought to Alexander; who, understanding by an Interpreter, that by the Kings commandment they should be put to Execution, began as men in mirth to sing and dance; and by a certain wanton moti­on of their bodies, expressed a great joyfulness of the minde. Alexander marvelling that they took their death with such stoutness and magnanimity of heart, called them unto him, enquiring why they expressed so great a joy when they had death before their face? They answered, That if they had been put to death by any, except by such a one as he was, they should have taken their death sorrowfully: But now seeing they should be restored to their Pre­decessours by a King that was Conquerour of all Na­tions, they rejoyced in their honest death, as the thing all men should wish and desire. The King then marvelling at their magnanimity; I enquire of you (quoth he) if you can be content to live, and become Friends to him, by whose benefit you shall receive life? They said, That as they never were his Enemies, but as they were provoked by occa­sion of the Wars, even so if he would make an experi­ment of them rather by a benefit then an injury, they would labour not to be overcome in good will, nor in doing any thing that pertained to their duty. He asked what pledge they would give of their pro­mise? They answered, Their Lives they had re­ceived should be their Pledges, ready to be yielded again when it was required. Therein they brake no promise; for such as returned home into their Countreys, kept the people in good obedience: [Page 316] And four of them that were appointed to be of the Kings Guard, gave place to none of the Macedons in love or affection towards their Prince.

When he had ordered all things among the Sog­dians, he left Peucolaus there with three thousand men of War, and removed into Bactria; from whence he commanded Bessus to be carried to Ecbatana, there to suffer death for the killing of Darius. About the same time Ptolomeus and Menidas brought three thousand Footmen, and a thousand Horsemen of mercenary Souldiers; and one Alexander came to him out of Lycia with three thousand Footmen, and five hundred Horsemen. Asclepiodorus had levied the like number out of Syria. Antipater sent eight thousand Greeks; amongst whom there were five hundred Horsemen. When he had thus recruited his Army, he went about in every place to quiet those stirs that had been raised up by the Rebellion; and having slain them that were the Authors and Beginners thereof, the fourth day he came to the River of Oxus, which being a water unwholsome to be drunk (because it is troubled and full of mud) the Macedons fell to digging of Wells; and when by digging deep they could finde no water, a Spring suddenly appeared in the Kings Tent; which, because it was not found at the first, they feigned it to come by miracle. There­with the King was well pleased, and contented men should believe that the same was sent by the gift of God.

When he had passed the Rivers of Ochus and Oxus, they came unto a City called Marginia, near unto the which he chose out places for the building of six [Page 317] Towns; whereof he planted two towards the South, and four towards the East; every one distant not far from another; to the intent, that their mutual assistance in time of need should not be far to seek. They were all scituate upon high hills, as bri­dles to keep under those wilde Nations: But now they have forgotten their original, and are subject to those they were wont to rule.

The King having subdued all the Country, one Rock only remained, which Arimazes a Sogdian had taken with thirty thousand armed men, and fur­nished the same with Victuals for two years. The same Rock was thirty furlongs in height, and an hundred and fifty in compass, being in all parts steep and broken, having one streight path only to pass up unto it. In the mid way to the top, it had a cave, which was narrow and dark in the entry, but by little and little it waxed wider, and had more lodgings within for a great multitude, and was besides so full of Springs, that when they met together, they ran down the Rock like a great River.

Alexander beholding the strength of this place, and the difficulty to win it, determined to depart from thence: But there entred suddenly into his heart a desire to weary Nature, and to work against her power. Yet before he would attempt the fortune of any Siege, he sent Cophes the Son of Artabasus, to perswade them to surrender it. A­rimazes, upon trust of the strength of the place, answered in all things arrogantly, but especi­ally in that he asked if Alexander could flie? Which words being reported to the King, did [Page 318] put him in such a fury, that straightways he called for such as he used to consult withal, decla­ring the pride and presumption of Arimazeus, and after what manner he had scorned him. But shortly (he said) he would devise such a Policy, that he would make him think that the Mace­dons had wings: He commanded therefore that out of the whole Army they should chuse out and bring to him three hundred of the most light young men had been accustomed to drive beasts amongst the Rocks, and streight paths of the Mountains: whereupon they brought such to the King, as both for lightness of body, and hardiness of heart were most meet for that purpose; unto whom he said:

My Fellows of mine own Age, with you have I won Cities that were counted inexpugnable, and have passed the tops of Mountains covered continually with Snow. With you I have gone through the streights of Cilicia, and have without weariness sustained the violence of the cold, whereby I have experience of you, and you of me. The Rock you see hath but one entry, which our Enemies do observe, the rest they neglect. They keep no Watch but towards our Camp. If you diligently search, you shall find some way to bring you to the top. Nature hath made nothing so high, but that it may be attained to by the industry of man. In putting things in proof, whereof others have despaired, we have gotten Asia into our posses­sion: contrive you the means to get up unto the top, which when you have taken, you shall give a token to me by setting up some white Cloath. You shall see me then come forwards with my power, and turn the [Page 319] Enemies from you towards me. He shall have ten Talents for a reward, who doth recover the top first; and he that getteth up next shall have one less; and the like order shall be observed with Ten of the first. I am assured you regard not so much my liberalitie as my favour.

When they had heard the King speak after that manner, they imagined the thing done; and departing out of his presence, they prepared strong Ropes and iron Hooks, which they fastened to the Rocks, and so climbed up. The King brought them about the Rock, whereas it seemed least steep and most plain to mount upon, and in the second Watch willed them to pass for­wards with good speed. They being furnished with two days Victuals, and armed only with Swords and Spears, at first went forwards with­out any great difficulty; but when they came to the steepness of the Rock, some took hold of the broken crags to lift up themselves, and some fa­stening their Hooks on the Rocks, climbed up by the Ropes: They were compelled to rest and stay divers times, and so consumed that day in travel and fear.

When they had passed many difficult places, further labours appeared, the height of the Rock seeming to grow more and more. When they failed either of their hold or of their footing, it was a miserable thing to see how they fell down headlong, shewing by their mis-fortune, an ex­ample to others what was likely to come of them. Notwithstanding at length, through all these dif­ficulties they got up unto the top, where wearied [Page 320] with the travel of their continual labour, and some with the hurts and maims they had recei­ved, they slept all that night amongst the wild and rough Rocks, unmindful of the peril they were in.

When it was day, they awaked out of their deep sleep, and beholding the valleys underneath them, they were ignorant in what part of the Rock so great a multitude of their Enemies should lie. But at length, when they perceived by the smoke in what place they were, they upon the points of two spears set up the signe that was appointed them, and found that in their coming up they had lost two and thir­ty. The King being careful not so much for the de­sire he had to win the Rocks, as to save those whom he had exposed to so manifest a danger, stood all day beholding the top of the Mountain; and when the darkness of the night took away the prospect of the eyes, he departed to refresh his body. The next day before it was full light, he perceived the white Cloth set up on the top of the Rock; but the variety of the Air, the Sun beginning to arise, and yet clouded, caused him to doubt a while whether his sight had failed him or not. But when it was full and open day, it was manifestly appa­rent, and all doubt was removed. Then he called Cophes, by whom he had attempted their mindes before, willing him once again to exhort them to be better advised; and if so be that in the trust of their strength, they would not submit themselves, that then he should shew to them those Souldiers that had taken the Rock over their heads. When Cophes came thither, he began to perswade Ari­mazes [Page 321] to give up his strength, thereby to win the Kings favour; and not inforce Alexander to stay in the Siege of a Rock, having so many weighty af­fairs in hand: But he found him more obstinate and proud then he did before, and willed Cophes to de­part, and move him no more on that subject. Then he took Arimazes by the hand, and required him to go with him out of the Cave: When they were come where they might look about, he shew­ed him those that were gotten to the top of the Rock; and scorning then his pride, he asked of him, whether Alexanders Souldiers had gotten wings or no?

By that time the Trumpets were blown in the Macedons Camp, they might hear the Alarm that was made in the Army, which, as many vain and trifling things are wont in the Wars to grow to great effect, so it was the cause that they yeilded themselves; for fear so troubled them, that they could not consider the small number that were over their heads, but called Cophes again in great haste, who was departed away, and sent with him unto Alexander thirty of the chief men, authorized to yeild up the Rock, with composition to depart in safety.

But Alexander, notwithstanding that he doubt­ed lest his Enemies discovering the fewness of his men, might put them to distress; yet trusting in the felicity of his own Fortune, and offended with the pride of Arimazes, would agree to no condition, but that they should yeild simply. A­rimazes thereupon despairing more of his state, [Page 322] then he had cause, descended down to the Camp with the chiefest of the Nation that were of Kin to him: All whom Alexander caused to be scourged with Rods, and then to be crucified at the foot of the Rock. The multitude that yielded, with the money that there was taken, were given in gift to the Inhabitants of the new Cities; and the Rule of the said Rock was committed unto Artabasus, with the Charge of the Country thereabouts.

ALexander having won this Rock with greater Fame then Glory, because his Enemies re­mained in no place certain, it was necessary for him to separate his Power; and so he divided his Army into three parts: He gave the Charge of the one part to Ephestion, to Cenon the other, and took the third part unto himself. His Enemies were not all of one Opinion; for some of them seeing their op­position could not avail, yielded themselves before the Fight; to whom he gave the Cities and the Lands of those that continued still his Enemies.

But the Outlawries of Bactria, with eight hundred Horsemen, wasted the Villages of the Massagetes: For the redress whereof, Attinas, Governour of that Country, went against them with three hundred Horsemen, not knowing that his Enemies lay in wait for him; who planting their Ambushment in a Wood joyning to a great Plain, had appointed [Page 324] some men to drive Cattel, thereby to draw their Enemies, with the greediness of the prey, within danger of the Ambush. When the Souldiers of At­tinas saw the Drivers of the Cattel, they pursued them without order; so that when they were passed the Wood, where the Ambushment lay, their Ene­mies brake out upon them (not fearing any such danger) and slew them every one.

The fame of this Overthrow came immediately to Craterus, who drew thither with the Horsemen: But the Massagetes being fled before his coming, he flew a thousand of the Dahans that took their part, whereby the Rebellion of all the Country ceased. Thus Alexander having subdued the Sog­dians, returned to Maracanda, whither Berdes (whom he had sent to the Scythians inhabiting about Bosphorus) came to him with Embassadours of that Country. Phratarus also, who had the chief Rule of the Massagetes and Dahans (which Nations were joyned by Affinity together) sent cer­tain Messengers to Alexander, offering to be at his Commandment. The Scythian Embassadours made request, that Alexander would marry their Kings Daughter; and if the Affinity pleased him, that he would suffer the Princes of the Macedons to en­ter into Marriage likewise with the Noble-mens Daughters of their Country, promising that the King should come in person to visit him. He heard gently both the Embassages, and still continued in that place, till Ephestion and Artabasus came unto him; and then joyning his Power again to­gether, he advanced into the Country that is called Baxaria.

[Page 325] There is nothing more esteemed in that Nation, then to have great Droves of wilde Beasts inclosed in Parks, which are very pleasant, and full of Springs: Those Parks are inclosed in Walls, and Towers builded within them, to be Lodges for the Hunters. There was one Park in that Country, that had re­mained unhunted, during the time of four mens Ages, into which Alexander entered with his whole Army, chasing the wilde Beasts in every quarter. Amongst the rest, there was a Lyon of a vast bulk that came running towards Alexander, which when Lysimachus (who afterwards was King, standing next to Alexander) perceived, he stepped before him, to receive the Lyon with his Hunting Spear: But Alexander plucked him back, and willed him to withdraw, saying, That he was able to kill a Ly­on as well as Lysimachus. For you are to under­stand, that this Lysimachus, on a time hunting in Syria, killed by himself alone an huge Lyon; but yet he was torn to the very bones under the left shoulder, and put in great danger of his life; which being that which Alexander meant, he performed with his Sword no less then he promised; for he did not only receive the Lyon, but killed him with one stroke: Thereupon the Fable did rise, how Alexan­der should have cast Lysimachus to a Lyon.

But though Alexander his chance was good here­in, yet the Macedons knew, that by the Custom of his Country, he should not have hunted on Foot without the chiefest of his Nobility and Friends a­bout him. He killed within that Park four thou­sand wilde Beasts, and there did feast his Army, re­turning afterwards to Maracanda.

[Page 326] Artabasus there excusing himself by his Age, that he was unapt for the Rule of that Country, Alex­ander committed the same to Clitus, being the man that defended him with his Target, when he was fighting bare-headed at the River of Granike, and there cut off Rhosaceris hand, that was in a readi­ness to strike the King: He was an old Souldier to Philip his Father, and notable by many feats of War that he had done: Hellanice, his Sister, was A­lexanders Nurse, whom he loved no less then his own Mother: For these causes, he committed the strongest part of his Empire to his fidelity. The King that purposed to set forward his journey the next day, made the same night a Solemn Banquet, wherein (being too great a Boaster of himself) when he was hot with Wine, he began to set forth the Acts that he had done, in such sort, that his words offended the ears of such as knew them to be true.

The Ancient Men kept silence, until such time as he began to deface the Acts of Philip his Father, vaunting the notable Victory of Cheronese to be his own deed, the glory whereof (he said) was taken from him by the malice and envy of his Father: For he alledged, how in the Mutiny which rose be­tween the Macedons and the Greek Souldiers, when Philip lay hurt of a wound which he received at a Fray, and thought he could be no otherwise se­cure, then to counterfeit himself to be dead, he defended his body with his Buckler, and slew them with his own hand, who ran upon his Father to have killed him; which act (he said) his Father never gladly would confess, nor ever could abide to ac­knowledge [Page 327] his safeguard to come by his Son. He also declared, how after the journey he made by himself into Illyria, in writing unto his Father, he did ascribe the Victory unto himself, having over­thrown his Enemies when he was away. He said, that in his Opinion it deserved but small commen­dations to make a journey into Samothracia, when Asia ought to have been spoiled and burnt▪ Nor he thought no man worthy of praise indeed, but such as do so great Acts, as may exceed all mens credit.

The young men that were present, were glad to hear these words, and such other like; but they were ungrateful to the Ancient, especially for Phi­lip's sake, under whom they had long served. Then Clitus, who likewise was not very sober, turned to such as were beneath him, rehearsing some verses of Eu [...]ipides, whereof the King might rather hear the found then the words: The effect of them was; That the Greeks did evil, who in the Monuments of their Victories, did subscribe only the Names of their Kings, who usurped that Glory unto themselves, which other men did win by shedding of their own blood. Alexander therefore judging his words to have been worse then they were, inquired of such as were next him, what Clitus said: But when they kept silence, Clitus with a louder voice, rehearsed in order Philip's Acts, and the Wars he made in Greece, preferring them before any Acts done since that time: Whereupon there did rise a confusion between the young men and the old. But the King inforcing a patience himself, when he heard Cli­tus deface his praise, conceived a wonderful wrath [Page 328] in his minde: Yet it seemed that he would have bridled his passion, if Clitus would have made an end of his presumptuous talk. But when he would not cease, he gave occasion to Alexander to be fur­ther moved.

Clitus then did proceed so far forth, that he durst defend Parmenio his case, and preferred the Victory that Philip won of the Athenians, before the destruction of Thebes: And going further and fur­ther, not only through drunkenness, but even by a frowardness of a contentious minde, at length he said:

If we must die for thee, Clitus is not the first; for they receive greater rewards of thy Victory, that can most shamefully deface thy Fathers memory. The Coun­try of the Sogdians is given unto me, that hath so of­ten rebelled; and now is not only unsubdued, but such a one as by no means can be brought to subjection: I am placed among those wilde Beasts that be of so uncivil a disposition. But I could pass over things pertaining un­to my self, if the Souldiers of Philip were not despi­sed; forgetting, that if the old Atharias had not turn­ed again the young men, when they gave over the fight, we had yet sticked about Alicarnazus: How is it then that Asia is conquered with these young men? But I see it is true what your Ʋncle said in Italy; He chan­ced upon Men, and you upon Women.

There was nothing that Clitus spake or did in his rashness, that moved more the King, then the Ho­nourable mention made of Parmenio: Yet for all that he concealed his grief, and did no more but command him to avoid out of the place, and spake no other words, saving that he said: If thou talk­est [Page 329] a little longer, I think thou wilt upbraid me with the saving of his life, whereof in very deed he would often advance himself. But notwithstanding that the King had willed him to depart, yet tarried he still, and would not rise: and therefore such as sate next him, took him by the arms, and led him a­way, blaming him, and giving him exhortation to use better words. When Clitus saw himself drawn forth against his will, anger was added to his drun­kenness, and he then declared aloud, That it was he who with his Breast defended the Kings Back; but now when the good service was past, the very memory of the Benefit was hated: And therewith he laid to his Charge the death of Attalus, and how he mocked the Oracle of Jupiter, whom Alexander claimed to be his Father, and said, that he told him better truth then his Father did.

At those words the King was stirred unto so much passion, as he could scarcely have born being sober: But having his senses overcome with drink, he rose suddenly from the Table. His Friends were amazed, and throwing down the Cups for haste, rose to expect the end of what they saw him go about in so much fury: He took a Spear out of the hand of one of his Guard, and would have stricken Clitus, as yet raging with the intemperance of his tongue; but he was stopped by Ptolomeus and Per­dicas, who took him in their arms, and stayed him for all his striving; and Lysimachus and Leonatus took away the Spear. Then he called out to his Guard for aid, crying out, that he was taken by his next Friends, as Darius was of late; and willed the Trumpet to be blown, that the armed men might [Page 330] assemble unto the Court: Then Perdicas and Pto­lomeus fell down upon their knees, requiring him that he would not persevere in his wrath, which he so suddenly had conceived, but rather respite his displeasure, seeing that he might the next day much better order the business. But his wrath pre­vailed so much, that his ears were shut up from all counsel, and he ran in a fury amongst his Guard, plucking a Spear out of one of their hands; which once got, he stood in the Entry through the which they must needs pass that supped with him.

When all the rest were come forth, Clitus came forth without light; and because Alexander could not discern him, he asked who he was? But that was done so terribly, that the cruelty of the act he went about, appeared in his voice. But Clitus see­ing the King in a fury, had no respect how much he had offended him before, but made answer, that he was Clitus, who was coming from the Kings Banquet: With that word he strake him through the body, so that he fell down stark dead, and Alexander was all besprinkled with his blood: Go now (quoth he) to Philip, Parmenio, and Attalus. Herein it may be seen, that Nature provided evil in the disposition of man, who, for the most part, cannot consider so well the things to come, as those that be past: For after that Alexanders ire was as­swaged, and his drunkenness past, weighing advi­sedly the foulness of the act he had done; he consi­dered then, that though Clitus had used over-much liberty in his talk, yet he ought not to have slain so Noble a Man of War; yea, and the saver of his [Page 331] own life, though he was ashamed to confess it: He saw that he, being a King, had used the detestable Office of an Executioner, in revenging with wicked slaughter the liberty of words, which might have been imputed unto Wine. When he beheld the blood of him, whom a little before he had bidden to his Banquet, to run over all the Entry; and that the Guard were so astonied and amazed, that they stood afar off, and durst not come near; his Soli­tariness caused his Repentance to be the greater: Then he plucked the Spear out of the dead Corpse, and would have thrust it into his own body, if the Guard had not come, and with great striving, wrung the same out of his hands. That done, they took him up, and carried him into his Lodging, where he fell down flat upon the ground, filling all the Court full of the terrible noise of his lamentation: He tare his Face with his Nails, and required such as were about him, that they would not suffer him to live in such a shame and dishonour. In these requests he consumed the whole night, and caused a dili­gent search to be made, whether it were the anger of the gods or no, that had caused him to commit so hainous an act. At length it was found, that the yearly Sacrifice, due unto Bacchus, was not celebrated in the fit time: and therefore it appeared mani­festly, that it should be the wrath of the gods that had moved him to commit Murther upon eating and drinking. But the greatest thing that increa­sed his sorrow, was the amazement of his friends, when he saw them shrink from him, and that none of them, after that deed, would gladly use such fa­miliar communication as they did before. Then he [Page 332] perceived that he should live as a wilde Beast in a Desart, both frighting others, being also afraid him­self. The next morning he commanded the Body, bloudy as it was, to be brought into his Chamber; which when he saw lying before him, he fell on weeping, and said:

Shall I thus requite my Nurse, whose two Sons were slain for my sake at Miletum, by the killing of her Brother (that was her only Joy) at mine own Board? What refuge shall that wretched Woman have? I was all the comfort that did remain to her, and now she shall never with joy behold me. Shall I, the wicked Killer of my Preservers, return into my Coun­try, when I shall not be able to present my hand unto my Nurse, without the remembrance of her misery and shame?

When he could put no end to these complaints, the Body was taken away, by the appointment of his Friends. After he had stayed three days shut up in his Chamber, sorrowing after this manner, the Squires, and such as had the keeping of his per­son, seeing him given obstinately to death, brake into his Lodging, and with great pain brought him (though he long withstood their prayers) to take at length some relief and sustenance: and to the in­tent he should be the less shamed of Clitus death, the Macedons decreed, that he was lawfully killed; and would not suffer him to be buried, but that the King commanded it.

Having consumed ten days at Maracanda, spe­cially to confirm the grief he had conceived at Clitus death, he sent Ephestion, with part of his Ar­my, into Bactria, to provide Victuals against Win­ter; [Page 333] and committed the same Province unto Amin­tas, which before he had given to Clitus. From thence he marched into a Country called Zenip­pa, that confineth on the Scythians; which being well inhabited, and full of Villages, doth with the plentifulness thereof, not only detain the Inha­bitants to dwell there still, but also inviteth stran­gers to come amongst them. The same was a re­fuge to the Outlaws of Bactria, that still rebelled▪ But after Alexanders coming was known, they were driven forth by the Country-men, and two thousand and two hundred of their Horsemen (which were accustomed to live by Theft and Spoil in time of Peace, made worse not only by the War, but also by despair of forgiveness, and their wilde dispositions) did give an On-set sudden­ly upon Amintas, who was Darius Lieutenant. The Battel was long doubtful betwixt them; but final­ly, they lost seven hundred of their number, where­of three hundred were taken prisoners, and turned their backs to the Victors, not without revenge▪ for they flew of them fourscore, besides three hun­dred and fifty that they wounded; and yet not­withstanding, after this second Rebellion, they obtained pardon. When Alexander had brought them to his obedience, he came with his whole Army into a Country called Naura, the Lord whereof was called Sisimethres, who had two Sons by his own Mother, it being lawful there for the Parents to have the Carnal Knowledge of their Children.

The same Sisimethres, with 2000 armed men, fortified and kept the Straight at the entry of the [Page 334] Country, where it was most narrow. The passage was defended both with a River and a Rock, through the which Rock the way was made by force of hands: The light is received in at the Entry, but further inward there is none, but only such as men bring with them. From this Rock there goeth a Vault underneath the ground, that hath issue into the Fields, which is not known but to such as are of the same Country. Though this straight was naturally strong, and defended besides by a strong Power, it withheld not Alexander to attempt it, who brought Engines, which they call Arietes, to beat down their Fortification; and with Slings, and shot of Arrows, did force his Enemies from the pla­ces of their defence.

When he had driven them away, he passed through the Works he had won, and made approach to the Rock; but the Stream that grew out of the force of united waters, falling from the Mountain, was an impediment to him therein: It seemed a wonderful work to fill the Chanel of the River, yet he caused Trees and Stones to be brought to the place. When his Enemies, that never had seen any such thing before, beheld the Work suddenly to rise like a Mountain, they were put into a mar­vellous fear; by which the King supposing they might have been brought to render it up, sent one Oxiartes, of the same Nation, to perswade Sisimethres to render the Rock; and in the mean season, to put them in more terrour, he caused Towers of Wood to be brought forwards, and did shoot from the Engines with such violence out of the same, that the Enemies forsaking all other strengths, retired [Page 335] into the top of the Rock. Oxiartes finding Sisime­thres in this fear, perswaded him rather to prove Alexanders Benevolence then his Power; and seeing that all Creatures submitted to him, that he alone should not be his hinderance, marching now with his Victorious Army into India, whereby he should turn other mens plagues upon his own neck. Sisi­methres would have been contented to follow his advice, but that she who was both his Mother and his Wife affirmed, how she would rather die, then commit her self into any mans hand: and therefore he being ashamed that the love of Liberty should remain more in a Woman, then in him being a Man, he altered his purpose, taking that way which was more honest then sure; and dismissing him that was the Mediator for Peace, he determined utter­ly to abide the extremity of the Siege. Yet when he had well weighed his Enemies Power, and his own together, he began again to repent him of his Wives Counsel, it being more rash then profita­ble; and made suit, that Oxiartes would return, proffering then to commit himself to the Kings Will, only requiring of Oxiartes, that he would not utter his Wives Opinion, for fear lest that he should not obtain her pardon. He sent therefore Oxiartes before, and he came after, with his Wife, his Children, and all his Kinsfolk, without tarry­ing for any assurance promised to him by Oxiar­tes. Alexander hearing of their approach, sent his Horsemen before to cause them to stay, and to tar­ry for his coming: And when he was come to the place where they did abide, he offered Sacrifice to Minerva and Victoria, restoring unto Sisimethres his [Page 336] former Rule and Authority; putting him in hope of a greater Country, if he would faithfully con­tinue in his Friendship; and took his two Sons, presented to him by the Father, to serve him in his Wars.

Alexander left his Footmen to subdue such as had not yet yeilded, and went forwards with his Horse­men into other parts. The way was craggy and difficult, which at at first they indured indifferently, but afterwards, when their Horse-hoofs were torn, and they utterly soundred, many were not able to follow, but rode dispersed, and out of order, the weariness of their travel so much overcame shame: The King notwithstanding changed often his Horse, and pursued, without intermission, his Enemies that fled before him; by reason whereof, all the Noble young men that were wont to accompany him, were left behinde, saving only Philip, Lysimachus Brother, who then being in the flower of his youth, and of great likelihood to become an excellent man, followed on Foot the King that did ride on Horse­back, by the space of fifty furlongs. Lysimachus di­vers times, for all that, proffered him his Horse, but in no wise he would depart from the King, not­withstanding that he had his Corslet on, and all his Armour.

When the King passed through the Wood where his Enemies lay in Ambushment, he sought notably, and protected the Kings person, fighting with his Enemies: But after they were put to flight, and driven out of the Woods, the greatness of his cou­rage, which had sustained him in the heat of the Fight, fainted with his body▪ and being all on a [Page 337] sweat, he leaned himself to a Tree, which could not so much stay him, but that he fell to the earth, and being taken up again by the Kings hands, he im­mediately after did shrink down, and died. The King being sorrowful for his death, received some other intelligence, no less to be lamented; for be­fore he came to his Camp, he was advertised of the death of Erigius, one of the most Noble of his Cap­tains, whose Funerals were celebrated with great Pomp and Ceremonies of Honour.

From thence he determined to go unto the Da­hans, where he understood that Spitamenes was: But Fortune, that never ceased to favour him, did unexpectedly finish that journey of his, as she did many others. Spitamenes was inflamed with an ex­cessive love to his Wife, whom he carried with him in all his hazards and adventures: But she that could not well endure flying, nor to change place like an Outlaw, became so weary of travel, that by flattery, and fair means, she inticed her Husband to leave his flight, and go about (seeing he saw no ways to escape) to procure Alexanders favour, of whose Clemency (she said) he had seen so great experience. And to move him the more there­to, she brought before him the Children begot betwixt them, making request, that at the least he would take pity on them; wherein she thought her prayer would be the more effectual, because Alex­ander was so near at hand. But Spitamenes con­ceiving that she did not do this by way of counsel, but of purpose to betray him; and that she desired to submit her self to Alexander, in confidence of her Beauty, drew forth his Sword with an intent to have [Page 338] killed her, if he had not been withheld by his Bre­thren. When they would [...] suffer him to hurt her, he commanded her to avoid his sight, threat­ning to kill her if she came again into his presence; and to mitigate his love towards her, he consumed that night amongst his Concubi [...]es: but his love that was so deeply grounded ceased not, but there­by rather kindled the more toward his Wife: Wherefore he reconciled himself again unto her, making his continual request, that she would not counsel or move him any more on that subject, but be content with such chances as fortune would send him; for he esteemed Death lighter, then to yeild himself. She purged her self of the former per­swasion, which appeared to her (she said) to have been good; and though it were out of a womans frailty, yet it proceeded of a faithful meaning; and from thenceforth, she said, she was contented to do as it should please him.

Spitamenes overcome with her counterfeit affe­ction, made a great Feast, and after much eating and drinking, became drowsie, and was carried into his Chamber. When his Wife perceived him to be in a deep sleep, she pulled out a Sword, which she had kept secretly for that purpose, and cut off his head, delivering the same, being sprinkled with bloud, unto her servant that was privy to the fact; and with him only, as she was imbrued with the blood, she came unto the Macedons Camp, willing it to be signified to Alexander, that there was one come, who had something of importance to communicate unto him: He by and by gave Commandment she should enter; but when he per­ceived [Page 339] her defiled with blood (thinking that she had come to lament some injury done unto her) he willed her to declare what she would have: She desired that her servant might come in, from un­derneath whose garment she took Spitamenes head, and presented it unto Alexander.

The paleness of the face wanting blood, had ta­ken away the knowledge whose face it was; but when the King perceived it to be a mans head, he departed forth of the Tent, and by inquiry under­stood the matter. This brought him into great perplexity, and he was driven by divers imagina­tions into sundry opinions; he judged the killing of such a one (being a Fugitive and a Rebel) to be a great benefit unto him, who living might have been a great impediment to his proceedings: But on the other side, considering the horribleness of the deed, that she shou [...]d kill him by Treason who loved her so intirely, and by whom she had many Children, the violence of the act overcame the thanks of benefit, and she was commanded to de­part the Camp, lest the example of such licenti­ousness might corrupt the manners and civil disposi­tions of the Greeks.

When the Dahans understood of Spitamenes death, they brought Dataphernes bound, (this was he who was Partner with him in his Conspiracy) and yeilded themselves unto Alexander. He being de­livered from the greatest part of his present fear, determined to revenge the injuries of them who had been misused by the pride and covetousness of his Deputies and Officers: Therefore he commit­ted Hircania, with the Cardons and Tapirions, to [Page 340] Prataphernes, to whom he gave in Commission, to send Phradates, his Predeces [...]or, to him as a prisoner. Tamsonor was substituted Ruler of Caria in the place of Arsamus: Arsaces was sent into Media, to the intent that Oxidates should remove from thence: And Babylon, upon the death of Mazeus, was com­mitted to Deditamenes.

When he had ordained these things; the third moneth he drew his Army out of their Winter-lodg­ing, to go to a Country that was called Gabaza. The first days journey was quiet, and the next not very tempestuous, yet darker then had been accu­stomed, but not without some signification of their calamities that were coming: The third day, the Element was full of Lightning; and when the Light­ning ceased, it was very dark; the beholding thereof did much amaze the Souldiers, and did put them into a great fear: It thundred, in a manner, continually, and the Lightning fell in strange simi­litudes, so that the Army stood astonied, and durst neither go forwards, nor remain still in one place. Then there came suddenly a shower of Hail driving like a Tempest, which at the first they defended by the coverture of their Armour; but shortly after their hands were so cold and wet, that they could not hold their Weapons, nor yet devise which way to turn themselves, finding always, where they turned their faces, more violence of the Tempest then before: Every man therefore broke his array, wandring about the Woods; and many that were wearied by fear, rather then by travel, lay down upon the ground, notwithstanding that the force of the Cold had converted the shower into a [Page 341] Frost. The Trees, against which they leaned, were a great safety and help to many: And yet they were not ignorant, when they rested, that they chose themselves a place of death; for when they left to move their bodies, the natural heat left them: but case was so pleasant to such as were wea­ried, that they refused not to die in resting them­selves. Their affliction was not only vehement for the time, but also continued very long; to the increase whereof, the light, which is a natural comfort unto men (through the darkness of the shower, and the shadow of the Wood) was so taken away, that it appeared as if it had been night.

The King only was able to endure this mischief, who ceased not to go about the Army, drawing the Souldiers together when they were dispersed, sitt­ing them up that lay upon the ground; and to in­courage them, he shewed them the Smoak that arose afar off from the Cottages, whither he ex­horted them to draw for succour. There was not any thing more effectual to their safety, then that whiles they were ashamed to leave their Prince, whom they saw to indure this mischief, they chafed themselves with their utmost labour: But necessity (which in adverse fortune is of more force then any reason) found out a remedy for this cold: They fell to cutting down the Wood, making every where piles and stacks thereof, and set them on fire: Then a man would have judged that the whole Wood had been on a flame, for there was scarcely space [...]eft betwixt the fires for men to stand: Then their num­med joynts began to be moved with the heat, and [Page 342] their spirits, which were oppressed by the force of the cold, began to have their free recourse; some recovered the Cottages, which necessity caused them to seek out in the uttermost part of the Wood, and the rest recovered the Camp, which was plant­ed in a moist ground: but by that time the Shower was ceased, the Tempest had consumed one thou­sand Souldiers, with Varlets and Slaves. It is said, that divers were frozen to death, leaning against Trees, and yet seemed as though they had been li­ving, and speaking together.

It chanced that a common Souldier of the Mace­dons, who had much pain to go and carry his Ar­mour, came at last into the Camp where the King was; who notwithstanding that he was cha [...]ing of his own body against the fire, yet he did rise out of his Chair, and pulling off the nummed Souldi­ers Armour, who was almost past his remembrance, he set him down in his Seat: He a great while knew not where he sate, or who had received him; but at length, when his natural heat came to him, and he perceived it to be his Kings Seat, and the King to be there present, he was afraid, and did start up again: But Alexander beheld him in the face, and said:

Perceivest thou not now, my Souldier, with how much better condition thou livest, then the Persians do under their Kings? for it is death to them to sit in the Kings Seat, and the same hath been the safeguard of thy life

The next day he called his friends, and the Cap­tains of his Army together, promising to restore to them whatsoever they had lost: wherein he per­formed [Page 343] his promise; for Sisimethres bringing unto him many Beasts of burthen, with 2000 [...] and a great number of Sheep and Oxen, he distri­buted all amongst the Souldiers; wher in he both restored to them their loss, and also delivered them from their hunger. The King gave great thanks unto Sisimethres; and commanding his Souldiers to carry six days Victuals ready dressed, he march­ed against the Sacans, where he destroyed all their Country; and of the Booty there taken, he gave thirty thousand sheep in gift to Sisimethres. From thence he came unto a Country belonging to a Noble Prince called Cohortanus, who subjected him­self unto the King, and he again restored his Country to him, exacting nothing of his, but that of his three Sons, he should send two of them to serve him in his Wars: But Cohortanus offer [...]d to him all three, and made a feast unto Alexander, with such sumptuousness as belong [...]d to the man­ner of their Country, therein all the pleasures be­ing shewed that could be devised: Thirty Virgins of the Noble-mens children were brought in [...] Alexander, amongst whom there was Cohortanus Daughter, called Roxane, who in beauty and excel­lency of personage, and comelin [...]ss of apparel [...] amongst those Nations) excelled all the rest: And notwithstanding that they were all of excellent Beauty with whom she was accompanied, yet she drew all mens eyes towards her, and especially the Kings, who could not well now govern his affe­ctions in such prosperity of fortune, it being an infirmity which the frailty of man seldome can avoid.

[Page 344] Thus he who beheld the Wife of Darius and her two Daughters (to whom Roxane was not compa­rable) with no other desires then he might have beheld his Mother, was so overcome with the love of a young Virgin, being but of mean Parentage, if she should be compared to the Bloud of Kings, that he affirmed it to be a thing necessary for the E­stablishment of the Empire, for the Persians and Macedons to marry together, by which only means shame might be taken from the vanquished, and pride from the Conquerours. He also shewed a president, how Achilles (from whom he was de­scended) joyned himself with a Captive: And lest his doings should be counted lasciviousness, he resolved to take her to him by the way of mar­riage. The Father joyful of this which he looked not for, gladly confirmed the Kings words; who in the heat of his desire, caused Bread to be brought forth, according to the custom of his Country, the same being the most Religious Ceremony of Marriage amongst the Macedons: This Bread was cut asunder with a Sword, and each of them made of it a Sacrifice. It is to be thought, that such as established the Customs of that Nation, coveted, by a moderate Diet, to shew to them that were the gatherers of great Riches, with how small a thing they ought to content them­selves.

Thus he who was both King of Asia and Europe, joyned himself in Marriage with a Maid brought in at a Masque, to beget upon a Captive one that should Reign over the Victorious Macedons. His friends were ashamed that he should chuse, upon [Page 345] drink, a Father-in-law among them whom he had lately subdued. But after Clitus death, all the li­berty and freedom of speech being taken away, they seemed to agree with their countenances, as with the most apt instrument to declare the consent of their mindes.

After this was done, he prepared his journey towards India, purposing to visit the Ocean Sea: And because he would leave nothing behinde him that might be an impediment to his expedition, he took order for thirty thousand young men to be le­vied out of all the Provinces, and to be brought to him armed, minding to use them both as Pledges, and as Souldiers. He sent Craterus to pursue Hau­stanes and Gateues, of whom the one was taken, and the other slain. Polipercon also subdued the Coun­try that was called Bubacen; and having set all things in order, he set his whole imagination upon the War of India, which was counted to be a very rich Country, and to abound both with Gold, Pearls, and Precious Stones, things appertaining as much to Voluptuousness as Magnificence; and it was said, that the Souldiers there had their Targets made of Ivory, and of Gold: And therefore lest he who thought himself to excel the rest, should be surpassed in any point, he caused his Souldiers to garnish their Targets with Plates of Silver, and the Horsemen to beautifie their Bridles with Gold and Silver. There were one hundred and twenty thousand armed men that followed Alexander in the War.

When all things were ripe for what he long before conceived in his evil-disposed minde, he thought it [Page 346] time to compass how he might usurp the name and honour of a god, and so willed himself not only to be called, but also to be believed to be the Son of Jupiter; as though his power had been as well to restrain mens thoughts, as their tongues: His in­tent was, that the Macedons should fall prostrate on the ground, and worship him after the same manner that the Persians did their Kings; and to such his desire, there wanted not pernicious flatte­ry, the perpetual poyson of Princes, whose Estates have more often been overcome by flattery, then by any force of Enemies. The Macedons were not in blame of this, for none of them suffered gladly their Country Customs to be subverted; but it was the fault of the Greeks, who with their for­did conditions, corrupted the profession of honest Sciences.

There was one Hagis of Argos, as evil a Poet as was since Cherillus days, and another called Cleo, a Sicilian, given to flattery, both by his nature, and by the Custom of his Country: These, with some other of the dregs and refuse of their Countries (whom Alexander reputed more then any of his Captains and Kinsmen) would make it appear to the world, that Heaven lay open for Alexander; and sticked not openly to pronounce, that both Her­cules and Bacchus, Castor and Pollux, should all give place to his new godhead. For the bringing of those things to pass, the King commanded, upon a solemn day, a Feast to be prepared with great pomp, inviting thereunto all the great Lords and Gentlemen, both of the Macedons and the Greeks, with whom when he had sate and eaten a while, he departed out of the Feast.

[Page 347] Then Cleo, as was before-determined, made a Speech in the praise and admiration of the Kings Vertues, rehearsing his exceeding benefits towards them all; which to [...] he said, there was but one way, and that was, [...] they would acknow­ledge him a god whom they knew to be one: For is it a small thing (quoth he) to recompence such great benefits towards you, with the expence of a lit­tle Frankincense? He shewed the Persians Custom to be both Religious and Wise, in worshipping their Kings as gods, thinking their defence and safe­guard, to consist in the Majesty of their Prince. He said, that Hercules and Bacchus were Deified, when they had once overcome the envy of such as lived in their time; and men that come after, do easily believe such things as have been confirmed by their Predeces­sors. If any of you (quoth he) will stick at this mat­ter, ye shall see me the first, that at the Kings coming in, shall fall down upon the earth, and worship him, which president other men ought to follow, and especi­ally the men of most wisdom, that should always be examples to others in doing their duties towards their Prince.

His Speech tended directly against Calistenes, whose gravity and prompt liberty of speech was hateful to the King; for he thought him the man who only had stayed the Macedons, that else would readily have done him that honour. Here­upon, every mans eyes were fastened on Caliste­nes, who, after silence made, spake in this man­ner:

If the King were present (O Cleo) to hear these thy words, it should not be needful n [...]w to answer thee; [Page 348] for he himself would make request, that he might not thus swerve into the custom of Strangers; nor would he suffer that thou shouldest deface, and bring into the obloquy and envy of men, with such thy pernicious flat­tery, his Noble Acts, brought to pass with such courage and good fortunes: But because he is absent, I for him will thus answer thee; There is no fruit soon ripe, that will continue long; this I mean by thy divine humours, which whilest thou goest about to give unto the King, thou takest his Honour from him: There is a time re­quired, that men should believe him to be a god; for that gift hath always been given to great men, when they are once dead, by such as came after them: I wish unto the King Immortality after his death, and that his life may be long, and his Estate continual: But Deifying is a thing that sometimes doth follow a man, but it never doth accompany him. Thou didst rehearse examples of the Deifying of Hercules and Bacchus; thinkest thou that they were made gods upon drink, and by the degrees of one dinner? The nature of Alex­anders Mortality must be removed from our eyes, before the same can bring him into Heaven. Are not they good­ly gods (Cleo) that thou and I can make? Would the King (thinkest thou) he content to receive of us the au­thority of his godhead? I have a great desire to prove thy power: If thou canst make a god, first make a King; it is much more easie to give an earthly Kingdom, then the possession of heaven. Thinkest thou (Cleo) that the Immortal gods will hear thee without disdain, or suffer those thy wicked counsels to take any effect? They would that we should hold us content with the customs of our Forefathers; and for my part I am not ashamed of my Country, and desire not to learn after what manner I [Page 349] should honour my Prince; for, in my Opinion, we ac­knowledge him sufficiently to be both King and Conque­rour, of whom we receive Laws to live under.

Calisthenes was favourably heard of all men, as the person whom they accounted the recoverer of their Universal Liberty. He did not only in this Speech paint out such flatteries, but also lively expressed the Opinion of the Macedons, especially of such as were ancient men, to whom the exchange of old customs were grievous. The King was nothing ignorant of the words that had passed between them; for he stood behind a partition of the Hall, and heard all the discourse: He sent word therefore to Hagis and Cleo, that at his coming in they should move the Strangers only to fall down, and worship him after their Country custom: And after a while, the King, as though he had been about some business of im­portance, returned again unto the Feast; and then the Persians fell down, and worshipped him, after such sort as was appointed: but Polipercon that sate above the King at the Board, asked one in scorn, who pro­strate touched the ground with his Chin, wherefore he kissed no harder; with which words he moved A­lexander to so much anger, being always impatient of it, that he said to Polipercon, Is it thou that disdainest to honour me? Shall I be mocked of thee alone? Polipercon answered, That as it was not seemly that a King should be scorned, so it was not that a Subject should be despi­sed. At which words the King plucked him from the Table, and throwing him down, he said unto him, falling upon the earth; Lo, hast thou not done that thy self, which before thou didst scorn in another man? And thereupon he commanded him to custody, and [Page 350] so brake up the Feast. Polipercon being thus punish­ed, was afterwards pardoned; but Calistenes, whose contempt and stubbornness the King had long grudged at, found that the King had more deep­ly grounded his displeasure, on whom there chan­ced shortly after an apt occasion for revenge: It was a Custom (as it hath been said before) amongst the Noble-men of Macedon, to put their Sons, when they were past their Childhood, in service to the King, as Pages, to do necessary business about his person: Their usage was to watch nightly by course, at the Chamber-door, where the King lay: The Concubines were by them brought in at ano­ther door, where the Guard watched: They like­wise received the Horses of the Grooms of the Sta­ble, and brought them to the King when he mount­ed: They always were about the King, both in Hunting, and in Battel; and were brought up in the Studies of Liberal Sciences: The chiefest honour was given unto them, because they did sit and eat with the King: None had power to correct them with stripes, but only the King himself. This company was like a store or Seminary, from whence all the Captains and Governours of the Macedons did proceed. From thence came their latter Kings, whose Lineage the power of the Romans long after did extinguish.

Hermolaus, one of that number, because he had struck a Bore, (which the King had thought to have struck himself) was by his Commandment beaten and scourged with Rods: which rebuke he took most grievously, and complained to Sostratus his friend, who was one of the same company: he see­ing [Page 351] the body torn whereunto he had so great af­fection, and peradventure for some other causes of­fended also with the King before, so excited Her­molaus (who was provoked sufficiently already) that each gave Faith to other to finde a way to destroy the King: Which they undertook not with any Childish proceeding, but wisely agreed to bring Nicostratus, Antipater, Asclepiodorus, and Philotas, into the fellowship of their Conspiracy: And after­wards they joyned them unto Anticles, Elaptonius, and Ephimanes. But the way how to perform this purpose seemed very difficult, because it behoved that all of them should watch together: And it was the custom, that according to their courses, some watched one night, and some another; for if any other should happen amongst them, who were not privy to the Conspiracy, the same might be a let to the whole Enterprise: Therefore about changing the course of their Watch, and in other preparation for the execution of their Conspiracy, there passed two and thirty days.

At length the night came, when the whole num­ber of the Conspirators should watch together, who rejoyced greatly among themselves, that each had kept Faith to other, whereof so many days silence had given good proof: during which time, neither fear nor hope had altered any of their mindes, so great was the displeasure they had conceived a­gainst the King, or else the fidelity they bore to one another. They were standing at the door where the King did sup, to the intent, that at his rising from the Banquet, they might bring him to his Chamber: But Alexanders fortune, and the plea­santness [Page 352] of such as were in his company, moved him to drink largely; whereby, and by reason of other pastimes and devices, the time was so pro­longed, that the Conspirators stood in a marvel­lous perplexity: For one while they were glad, because they trusted to finde him drunk when they should go about their Enterprise; and another while they were in a great agony, lest he should sit till day-light, for then the custom was to relieve the Watch, and others to succeed in their places; and because their course should not come about again till the seventh night after, they could not be assu­red that every one of them would keep the thing secret till that time. But when the day began to appear, and Alexander was risen from the Banquet, they were so glad to execute their designe, that they were joyful to receive the King: There was a Woman accustomed to haunt the Court, who being distracted in her minde, and seeming by some inspi­ration to shew things to come, met Alexander, and would in no wise suffer him to pass, but perswaded him by all the means she could devise, to return and sit down again: He said to her in sport, that the gods gave him good advice; and thereupon called back his friends, and sate drinking till it was two hours within day; by which time another compa­ny had relieved the Watch, and were standing be­fore the Kings Chamber-door; yet for all that, the Conspirators remained there still, after the time of their Watch expired; so ve [...]ement is the hope which mens minds conceive, when they be drowned in the desire of great Atchievements.

The King spake more gently to them then he [Page 353] was accustomed, and willed them to go to rest, be­cause they had watched all the night before: and moreover he gave unto every one of them for a re­ward 50 Sestercies, with commendation that they continued their watch longer than their time. Be­ing thus deceived of the great hope they were in, they departed to their Lodgings, in expectation of the night when their course should come again. But Epimanes, who either by the gentleness of the King shewed him amongst the rest, or else that he thought the providence of God had withstood their purpose, suddenly changed his minde, and opened the conspi­racy to his brother Eurilochus, who was not privy to it before.

The punishment of Philotas was so fresh in eve­ry mans memory, that Eurilochus laid immediate­ly hands upon his brother, and brought him into the Court. He called to the Watch, and told them, he brought news pertaining to the Kings Safe­guard; which thing well appeared, as well by their coming at such a time, as also by their sad­ness, which was a testimony of their troubled mindes. The Watchmen called up Ptolomeus and Leonatus, that lay within the Kings Chamber; who straightway brought them to the King, and wakened him, who by reason of his much drinking lay in a dead sleep. It was long [...]re he awoke, but by little he came to himself, and asked what the matter was. Then said Eurilo­chus, Thanked be the gods, that have not utter­ly determined the ruine of our Family. For though my Brother intended an hainous Act, yet he is come to repentance, by him the mat­ter [Page 354] is brought to light. The very same night Trea­son was conspired against you; The Authors are such as you would scarcely think. And thereupon Epi­manes declared all things in order, with the names of the Conspirators.

It is certain that Calisthenes was not named as one privy to that Treason; but it was confessed that he gladly gave ear to the discourse of others, when they blamed and spake evil of the Kings pro­ceedings. Some do adde thereunto, that when Hermolaus did complain to Calisthenes how the King had beaten him, he bad him remember that he was a man. But whether he spake it to take the punish­ment in patience, or else to stir him to further ma­lice, it remaineth in doubt. When the King was fully awaked, and called to his memory the peril he was in, he gave Eurilochus fifty Talents, with the forfeit of a rich mans goods called Tiridates, and pardoned his Brother before his pardon was requi­red. He commanded the principals of this Trea­son to be kept bound, and among them Calisthenes; who being taken and brought into the Court, the King slept all the day and the night ensuing, he was so heavy with drinking and watching. The next day he called a great Council, whereat the Fa­ther and Kinsfolk of the Conspirators were pre­sent, not very well assured of their own safeguard, because that by the law of the Macedons all ought to die that were of kin to Traytors. All the Con­spirators except Calisthenes, by the Kings com­mandment were brought forth; who immediately confessed the whole Treason they had devised. Then every man present reviled them; and the [Page 355] King demanded what he had done to them, that they should conspire his death. When all the other stood still and held their peace, Hermolaus answered thus:

Ye demand this thing of us as though you knew not the matter. We began to kill you, because you began to reign over us as if we were slaves, and not free born.

As he was speaking these words, his Father Per­sepolis called him Traytor and Murtherer of his Pa­rents, stopping his mouth with his hand, because he should speak no further. Then the King plucked his Father back, and willed Hermolaus to speak such things as he had learned of his Master Calisthenes. Then Hermolaus proceeded.

I will use your benefit, and declare those things which I have learned to the great mischief of us all. How small is the number of the Macedons remaining, that have e­scaped your cruelty? Attalus, Philotas, Parmenio, Lincestes, Alexander, and Clitus, are now dead: but to our Enemies behoof they be alive. They stood in the Fight and defended you with their Swords, receiving wounds for your glory and victory, which now are very well rewarded. The one besprinkled your Table with his bloud, and the other could not be suffered to die an or­dinary death. Thus the Captains of your people are tor­mented and put to death; a pleasant spectacle to the Per­sians, of whom they were Conquerours. Parmenio, by whom you slew your Enemy Attalus, was put to death without judgement. Thus use you the hands of us wretches, as instruments to kill one another; and such as even now were to be your Tormentors, straightways you command to be tormented by others.

[Page 356] At those words, the multitude began to shout a­gainst Hermolaus, and his father drew his sword to have slain him, if he had not been hindred by the King, who commanded Hermolaus to speak, requi­ring the rest to hear him plead for himself, who (he said) enforced the cause of his own punishment. At length with great labour they held their peace, and then Hermolaus began again.

How liberal is he to suffer boys to speak, when the voice of Calisthenes is shut up in prison, because he a­lone is able to declare himself? and why? because he feareth the free speech of an innocent, and cannot en­dure to behold his face, and yet I will justifie he is not privy to this matter. But others that are here present, who contrived with me a noble Enterprise, of whom there is not any that can accuse Calisthenes of consent; and yet our so patient and so righteous a King, hath determined here his death. These be the rewards of the Macedons, whose bloud is disesteemed as of no value. He hath 30000 Mules carrying spoil and treasure, and yet the poor Souldiers carry nothing with them but un­rewarded skars and wounds; all which things we did easily suffer before he did betray us to the Barbarians, and by a new trade of conquest made us his own Souldi­ers Slaves. He alloweth the apparel and discipline of the Persians, and despiseth the manners of his own Coun­trey: and therefore we determined to kill him, not as King of Macedon, but as King of Persia, and as a turn-coat to be persecuted by the law of arms. He would have the Macedons kneel to him, and worship him as a god. He refused Philip for his Father; and if any god had been before Jupiter, he would have refused him likewise. Do you marvel if freemen cannot bear this his pride? [Page 357] What can we hope for at his hands, seeing we must ei­ther die as innocents, or else (what is worse than death) live and remain in bondage as slaves? He is greatly in my debt, if by this proof he could amend, for he may learn of me the thing that free hearts cannot endure. Spare them whose age shall be sufficiently tormented with the loss of their children: but upon as cause execution to be done, to the intent we may obtain by our own death the liberty which we sought for by thine.

When Hermolaus had spoken these words, the King answered after this manner:

How false these things are, which he hath learned of his Instructor, my patience doth declare. For notwith­standing he before confessed this Treason, yet my minde was that you should hear what he could say, knowing ve­ry well, that when I give liberty to this Villain to speak, that he would use the same rage & fury in his discourse, which before mov'd him to have kill'd me whom he ought to have loved as his father. Of late when he used a great presumption, I commanded him to be chastised after the custome of our Countrey used by the Kings of Macedon; which chastisement we must grant needful to be done, as the pupils are chastised by their tutors, and wives by their husbands, and servants by their masters. This was all the cruelty I used towards him, which he would have reveng­ed with murder and Treason. But how gentle I am to all that suffer me to use mine own disposition, since you your selves do know it, it were superfluous for me to rehearse. I cannot marvel at all, though punishment of traytors be displeasant to Hermolaus, who is himself so great a traytor: when he commendeth Parmenio and Philo­tas, it maketh for his own purpose. I pardoned Lyn­cestes: Alexander being accused by two witnesses, [Page 358] that he twice conspired Treason against me; and being again convicted, yet deferred I his punishment two years, till you your selves required he might have his desert. Touching Attalus, you remember very well how he wrought Treason against me before I was King: And for Clitus, I would he had not moved me to wrath, whose rash tongue speaking the rebuke and shame both of me and you, I suffered longer than he would have done me, speaking the like. The clemency of Kings and Princes consisteth not only in their own disposition, but in theirs also who are under their subjection; for the ri­gour of such as are Rulers is mitigated with humility: But when mens mindes are void of reverence, and high and low are confounded all alike, then it is necessary with violence to expel violence. But why do I marvel that he laid cruelty to my charge, that durst object a­gainst me covetousness? I will not call you to witness one by one, lest I should upbraid you with my liberalitie, by making declaration what I have bestowed upon you. Be­hold the whole Army, who a little while ago had no­thing else but this bare Armour, do they not lie in silver Beds? are not their Tables charged with Plate? and possess they not whole flocks of Slaves? They are not a­ble to sustain the spoils of their Enemies.

But it is said the Persians are honoured of me, whom we have conquered. Truly they are so, and yet what greater proof can there be of my moderation, than that I do not reign proudly over such whom I have subdued? I came into Asia, not utterly to subvert the Nations, nor make the one half of the world desart, but to give the conquered cause not to repine at my Victorie. This is the occasion they gladly fight for you and for your King­dom spend their bloud; who, if they were proudly used, [Page 359] would straight rebel against you. That possession is du­rable which is kept by violence, but the thanks of a be­nefit received endureth everlastingly. If we purpose to enjoy Asia, and not to make a progress only through it, we must make them partakers of our clemencie, and then their fidelitie shall make our Empire stable and perpe­tual; and truly we have [...]ow more then we can well wish or desire. Covetousness is an unsatiable Dis­ease, especially when men desire to fill the vessel that runneth over.

But you will say that I mingle their customes with ours. It is so; And why? Because I see in many Nati­ons many things which we need not be ashamed to fol­low; and so great an Empire as we have got cannot o­therwise be aptly governed, except we deliver some things to them, and receive likewise some things back from them again. One thing is to be laughed at, that I should refuse Jupiter for my Father, being so acknow­ledged by his Oracle, as who saith, the answer of the gods were in my power. He proffered the name of his son unto me, which was not a thing unseasonable for the Atchievements I intended. I would wish that the Indians could believe me to be a god; for the success in War standeth much by Fame; and that which is false­ly believed, sometime worketh the effect of things that are true. Do you note me given to excess and prodiga­lity, because I garnished your Armor with Gold and Sil­ver? My purpose was to shew to men accustomed to such things, nothing to be more vile then such kinde of metal, and to declare that the Macedons (invincible in other things) could not be overcome with Gold it self. After this manner I shall blinde the eyes of the barbarous, who are always wont at the first sight to wonder at things, be [Page 360] they never so base and vile. And in that we shew to make no estimation of it, we shall declare to all men that we are not come for desire of Gold nor Silver, but to sub­due the whole world; from which glory thou Traytor wouldest have bereaved me, and betrayed the Macedons (I being slain) to the barbarous Nations. I am exhorted to spare their Parents; Although it was not expedient that they should know what I have determined of them, and to the intent they might die with the greater grief, if they have any care or memory of them; yet long ago I have forborn the custome of putting the innocent Parents and kinsfolks of traytors to death with the offenders; and I now profess to pardon them, and have them all in the same estimation I had before. I know thou wouldest have thy Master Calisthenes brought forth, who only esteemed thee, being of his complexion, because thou de­sirest to hear pronounced from his mouth those railing words which even now thou didst vomit out against me: If he had been a Macedon born, I had brought him into the place with thee, a worthy Master of such a Disciple; but being born in another Countrey, he is sub­ject to another law.

When he had spoken these words, he dismissed the Council, and commanded all such as were condemned to be delivered to the Souldiers of their own Regiments; who, because they would declare by some cruelty the love they bare towards their Prince, slew them by all torments. Calisthenes also died upon the Rack, innocent of the conspiracy a­gainst the Kings person, but a man not pliable to the custom of the Court, and abhorring from the disposi­tion of Flatterers. There was never any thing that brought the Greeks into a greater indignation against [Page 361] Alexander, then that he not only killed, but caused to be tormented to death, and that without judge­ment, a man indued with godly Manners, and good Sciences, and one by whom he was perswaded to live, when he purposed to have died for sorrow that he had slain Clitus, for which his cruelty repen­tance followed that came too late. But lest he might nourish idleness, apt for the sowing of seditious ru­mours, he advanced towards India, always more glorious in War than after his Victory.

The whole Country of India lieth chiefly to­wards the East, containing more in length than it doth in bredth. The North parts are full of Moun­tains and Hills, but all the rest of the land is plain, having many fair Rivers, which running out of the Mount Caucasus, do pass pleasantly through the Countrey. Indus is more cold than any other of the Rivers, whose water is not unlike the colour of the Sea. But of all the Rivers in the Orient, Gan­ges is most excellent, which running from the South, passeth directly through many great Mountains, un­til that by the encountring with Rocks, his course is turn'd towards the East, where it is received into the red Sea: The violence of the stream breaketh down his banks, swallowing trees, and much of the ground. In many places the stream is kept in with the rocks on which it beateth; but where the ground is more soft, there the River becometh more large, and maketh many Islands. The great­ness of Ganges is much increased by the River of Ac [...]sines, which both meet before they enter into the Sea: at their meeting the water is violently trou­bled, and whiles the one resisteth the others entry, [Page 362] neither of them seem to give place to other. Di­ardnes is a River of the less Fame, because is runneth in the uttermost bounds of India: but yet it bring­eth forth Crocodiles as the Nile doth; and also Dol­phins, with Monsters unknown to other Nations. Crooked Erimanthus, with his many turnings and reflexions, is consumed by the Inhabitants with wa­tering their ground; which is the cause that when it draweth near the Sea▪ it becometh very little, and beareth no name. There are many other Ri­vers that divide the Countrey; but none of them are so famous as these, because they do not run so far. The North-winde doth blast and annoy those parts most that are next unto the Sea: but those Windes are so broken with the tops of the Moun­tains, that they cannot endamage the inward parts of the Countrey; wherefore Fruits are very plen­tiful there, and perfect. But that Region doth so much differ from the ordinary course of time in other parts of the world, that, when other Coun­tries are burned most with the Sun, India is co­vered over with Snow: And when other places are Frozen, the Heat is there most intolerable; and yet there appeareth not any natural cause why it should be so.

The colour of the Indian Sea not differing much from the water of other Seas, did take his name of King Erithrus, by reason whereof the ignorant Greeks took opinion that the water of those Seas was red. The Land is very aboundant of Flax; whereof the greater part of their Garments are made. The twigs of the Trees are so tender, that they receive the Prints of Letters like wax. The [Page 363] Birds by teaching, counterfeit the voices of men. There are many Beasts which are not bred among other Nations. Rhinocerots are there bred, but not brought forth. The Elephants of that Countrey are stronger than those that are made tame in Africk, and their highness doth answer to their strength. The water of the Rivers doth carry down Gold, and run mildely without any great fall. The Sea doth cast upon the Shore both Pearls and precious Stones, whereof proceeded the cause of their great Riches; for after their Merchandize was once known to other Nations, the purgings of the Seas were highly esteemed, as the fansie of man would make the price.

The dispositions of the men (as in all other places) are according to the scituation of the Countries they dwell in. They make their Garments of Linnen Cloth, which cover their bodies down to their feet. They binde Sandals under their feet, and wear Rolls of Linnen about their Heads. Such as are in any Degree, either of Nobility or Riches, have precious Stones hanging at their Ears, and they cover all their Arms with Bracelets and Orna­ments of Gold. They use great curiosity in Comb­ing of their Heads, which they cut very seldome. They shave without any form of gravity all parts of their Face, saving their Chin. But the excess of voluptuoasness (which they call magnificence) used by them, doth exceed the vices of all Nations. When their will is to be seen abroad, their servants carry about them Perfuming Pans of Silver, and fill all the ways where they go with sweet Savors: they themselves are born in Litters of Gold hanging [Page 364] with pearls, and the Garments they wear are of gold and purple empaled together. The armed men follow their Litter, and such as are of their Guard; among whom are Birds born upon boughs, which they teach always to sing, when they are conversant in earnest matters.

In the Kings Palace are pillars of gold carved a­bout with vines of gold, wherein the Images of those Birds they delight in most are artificially wrought. The Court is open to all comers. When the Kings do comb and dress their heads, they use to give answer to the Embassadors, and execute justice upon their people. When their Sandals are taken off, their feet are anointed with sweet odours. The great­est travel they take, is when they hunt wilde Beasts inclosed in Parks, which they strike whiles their Concubines are singing and dallying with them: the Arrows they shoot are of two cubits long, which do not the effect of the force they are shot withal, by reason of their weight, which is an impediment to their swiftness, wherein the property of the Arrow chiefly consisteth. In small journeys they use to ride on horseback: but when they are to travel further, they are carried upon Elephants, whose huge bodies are covered all over with gold. And because no vice should be wanting in their corrupt manners, great numbers of Concubines do follow them in golden Litters. The Queens have their companies separate by themselves, who in all excess of voluptuousness are nothing inferiour to the Kings. It belongeth to the women there to dress meat, and they also serve men with wine, whereof there is great plenty among the Indians. When the King hath largely drunk, [Page 365] and is fallen into a sleep, his Concubines use to carry him into his Chamber, calling upon their gods in a Hyn [...] after their Countrey manner.

Who would think that amongst all these vices there were any regard of vertue? there are amongst them a rough kinde of people, whom they call wise men, who count it the most glorious thing to pre­vent their own death: and they use to burn them­selves while they are alive. It is imputed for a great shame to such as either cannot well stir for age, or have not their perfect health, if they pro­long their life till their natural death approach: nor is there any honour given to those bodies that die for age. They think the Fires to be defiled, if the bo­dies be not alive that are burned in them. Such as live in Cities after a civil manner, attain to the most knowledge of the motion of the Stars, and of the prophecy of things to come; nor can they think that any man doth shorten his life, that looketh for death without fear. They esteem those for gods whom they begin once to worship, and especially trees; the violating of which, they forbid upon pain of death. They number fifty days to the month, and notwithstanding limit their years as they do in other places. They note not their times by such course of the Moon, as is commonly used, that is, from the full Moon, but from the first quar­ter, when she beginneth to be horned; and by count­ing after the same manner, they make their ac­counts more uncertain. There are many o­ther things reported of them, with which I thought not necessary to interrupt the order of this History.

[Page 366] As Alexander entred into India, the Princes of the Countrey addressed themselves unto him, submit­ing themselves, and declaring that he was the third man being begotten of Jupiter that came into their Countrey. They said that Hercules and Bac­chus were not known to them, but only by fame; but they rejoyced that they might behold him pre­sent with their eyes. Alexander received them with all the gentleness he could devise, and willed them to accompany him, because he would use them as Guides in his Journey. But when he saw that the whole Nation came not, he sent Perdicas and Ephestion with part of his Army before, to sub­due such as would not submit themselves; and wil­led them to go forwards till they came to the River of Indus, and there to make Boats, in which he might transport his Army: and because they had to pass many Rivers, the Boats were so devised, that they might be taken asunder and carried in Carts, and afterwards joyned together again. He appointed Craterus to follow him with the Phalanx, and he with such Horsemen and Footmen as were light armed marched before; and being Encoun­tred on his way, he Fought a small Battel, and drove his Enemies into the next City. When Cra­terus was come (to the intent he might strike ter­rour amongst those people that had not yet proved the Macedons Force) he commanded that when they won the City, they should kill both man, wo­man, and childe, and burn the same to the ground; but as he was riding about the Walls, he was hurt with an Arrow. Notwithstanding the City was won, and all put to the Sword, the very houses [Page 367] not escaping the cruelty of the Conquerours.

After this, he subdued an obscure Nation, and came to a City called Nisa. It chanced that whiles they incamped in a Wood before the City, there fell a cold in the night which more afflicted the Ma­cedons than ever it had done before in any other place; against the which they prepared the remedy that was next at hand, and cut down the Wood to make them great fires: the flame whereof took hold of the Sepulchres belonging to the City, which by reason they were made of Cedar, they were soon set on fire, and never left burning till they were all consumed. The fire made both an Alarm in the City, and in the Camp; for the Citizens thereby judged that their Enemies would make some at­tempt against them; and the Macedons perceived by the barking of the Dogs, and the noise of the men, that the Indians would salley out upon them.

Wherefore Alexander issuing out of his Camp in order to Battel, [...]lew such as attempted the Fight. Thereupon, they within the City became of divers opinions; some were minded to yield, and others thought good to adventure the extremity. When Alexander understood of their division, he caused his men to abstain from slaughter, and only to maintain the Siege. At length, they were so wea­ried with the discommodities of the War, that they yielded themselves. They affirmed their original to be from Bacchus, who indeed builded their City at the foot of a Mountain called Meroe: the qua­lity of which Mountain being reported to Alex­ander by the Inhabitants, he sent Victuals before, and [Page 368] passed thither with his whole Army, incamping upon the top thereof.

The Mountain grew full of Vines and Ivy, a­bounding with Springs that flowed out in every place. The same was also plentiful of many kinds of Apples of most pleasant taste: the ground also brought forth Corn without cultivation. There grew plenty of Lawrel-trees, with many kindes of wilde fruit. I cannot impute it unto any motion of religion, but rather to plenty and wantonness, that caused Alexander to repair thither: where, of the Ivy and the Vine-leaves were made Garlands by the Souldiers, who ran up and down the Hills (af­ter a dissolute manner) all the hollows and valleys thereabout rebounding with the voice of so many thousands of men, calling upon Bacchus, to whom that place was dedicate: which license and liber­ty being begun of a few, was spread so sudden­ly through the whole Army, that the Souldi­ers scattered abroad without order, lay here and there reposing themselves upon the grass and leaves that they had gathered together, as it had been a time of quiet and most assured peace: which licentiousness of the Souldiers, ri­sing by chance, Alexander did not withstand, but ten days together made Feasts to Bacchus, during which time he plentifully banqueted his whole Ar­my. Who can therefore deny, but that greatness of fame and glory, is oftentimes a benefit rather of fortune than of vertue? for their Enemies had no heart to set upon them, whiles they were drowned in this excess of banqueting, drunkenness, and sloth, but were as much afraid of their drunkenness, as if [Page 369] they had heard their cry encounting with them in Battel: which felicity preserving them here, did af­terwards defend them after the same manner in the middest of their Enemies, returning as it were in triumph from the Ocean Sea, when they were given all to feasting and to drunkenness.

When Alexander descended from the Mountain, he went to a Countrey called Dedala, which the in­habitants forsook, and fled to the Woods and wilde Mountains; and therefore he passed from thence into Acadera, which he found both burned and a­bandoned likewise of the inhabitants, whereby of necessity he was compelled to use the War after ano­ther manner. For he divided his Army into divers parts, and shewed his power in many places at once. By which means he oppressed them before they could provide for themselves, and subdued them to their utter ruine. Ptolomeus took most Ci­ties, but Alexander won the greatest, and after­wards joyned again his Army together, which he had thus divided. That done, he went forwards and passed a River called Choaspe, where he left Cenon to besiege a rich City called Bezira, and he himself went to Mazage, where Aassacanus being dead, had left the Dominion both of the Countrey and the City to his Mother Cleophes. There were three hundred thousand Footmen to defend that City, which was both well fortified and strong of scituation, being inclosed upon the East with a swift River, having steep Banks defending the City, that it could not be approached on that side. Upon the South and the West parts, nature (as it were for the once) had planted high Rocks lying [Page 370] betwixt them, and deep hollows and pits made many hundred years before; where the Rocks ceased, there began a Ditch of Wonderful depth and wide­ness. The Wall wherewith the City was inclosed, was 35 Furlongs in compass; whereof the nether parts were builded of stone, and the upper parts of clay; yet the stones were mixed with the clay, to the intent that the frail substance clinging to the harder, the one should binde the other: and lest the Earth washed upon with the rain might fall all to­gether, there were stanchings of Timber put betwixt to stay the whole work, which, covered over with boards, was a way for men to go upon.

Alexander beholding this kinde of fortification was uncertain what to do. For he saw he could not approach to the Walls, but by filling of those Ditches and hollow places; and that he could not otherwise fill them, than by making of a Mount, which was the only way he had to bring his En­gines to the Walls; but whiles he was viewing the Town after that manner, he was struck from the wall with an Arrow on the thigh, which he pulled out, and without wrapping of his wound, he cal­led for his horse, and letted not for his hurt to give order for such things as he thought expedient. But at length, when by hanging of his leg, the bloud drew from the wound and waxed cold, whereby his hurt began to pain him, he then said he was cal­led the son of Jupiter, but yet he felt in himself the infirmities of a diseased body. Notwithstanding he would not return into the Camp, before he had viewed what was necessary, and gave order for all things he would have done. After the Souldiers [Page 371] had received their orders, by plucking down of Houses without the Town, they got great plenty of stuff to make the Mount withal; and by casting stocks of trees on heaps into the ditches and hollow places, the Mount within nine days was raised up to the top of the walls, and the Towers were plan­ted upon the same; such was the labour and dili­gence that the Souldiers used in this business. The King before his wound was closed up, took the pains to see how the Works went forwards; and when he perceived them in such height, he com­mended the Souldiers for their diligence, and cau­sed things to be brought to the walls; by reason of which, they that defended the walls were sore affli­cted with shot: and by reason they had not seen any such kinde of work before, they were wonderfully amazed, especially when they beheld the towers of such bigness to come forwards, and yet could not perceive by what means they were moved; they therefore judged it to be done by the power of the gods. And besides, they could not think it a mat­ter of mans invention, that so great Darts and Spears as came among them, should be shot by Engines. Despairing therefore of the defence of their City, they retired into the Castle; and because they could not be satisfied any manner of way till they had yielded themselves, they sent Embassadors to the King to ask pardon; which being obtained at his hand, the Queen with a great train of Noble wo­men came forth, bearing in their hands cups of gold full of Wine. The Queen presenting her little Son before the Kings feet, not only obtained pardon, but also a restorement to her former dignity. There­fore [Page 372] some thought that her beauty procured her more favour than his mercy: but this is certain, that the Childe which afterwards she brought forth (whosoever did beget it) was called Alexander. From this place Polipercon was sent with a power to a City called Nora, where he overthrew in Battel the inhabitants that encountred with him, whereby he got the City to his possession.

There were many other Cities obscure of fame which came into Alexanders hands, by the aban­doning of the inhabitants, who assembled them­selves together in arms, and kept a Rock called Do­ri [...]is. The same was, that Hercules had besieged this Rock beforetime in vain, and by reason of an Earth-quake was enforced to depart. When Alex­ander viewed this Rock, and saw how steep it was and unpassable, he became void of counsel, till such time as an old man that knew well the place, came to him with his two sons, offering for a reward to guide his men by a way to the top of the Rock. A­lexander promised them fourscore Talents; and keep­ing one of his sons as a pledge, he sent him to perform what he had promised.

Mullinus the Kings Secretary was appointed with certain Souldiers light armed, to follow the Guide, whose purpose was to deceive the Indians, by fetch­ing a compass about the Rock; but this same Rock was not as the most part of Rocks are, which lying asloap, have ways up unto the top by degrees; for it stood upright after the fashion of a Butt, being broad beneath, and ever as it grew upward, it grew less and less, till it became sharp in the top; and it was inclosed on the one side with the River of Indus, [Page 373] having high and steep banks, and upon the other side with deep ditches and hollow places, full of wa­ter and mud. Wherefore there could be devised no way to win it, except those ditches were first filled. There was a Wood at hand, which the King commanded to be cut down; and causing the boughs to be shred off for the carriage, they filled the hollows with the bare stocks. Alexander bare the first tree, and all the Souldiers followed with a couragious shout: for there was no man that would refuse to do that which they saw the King begin, so that within seven days the ditches and hollow places were filled up. Then the King appointed the Agrians and the Archers to go to the Assault, and did chuse thirty young men of such as he judged most apt for the purpose, out of his own Band, appointing Charus and one Alex­ander to be their Conductors, and exhorted Alex­ander that the remembrance of his Name might make him hardy.

At the first, because the hazard was so manifest [...], the King was not determined to adventure his own person; but when the Trumpet blew to the Assault, he was of such a ready courage, that he could not abstain, but making a signe to his Guard that they should follow him, he was the first that set foot up­on the Rock. There were few contented to [...]arry behinde, but many left their array where they stood in order of Battel, and followed the King. The chance of those was miserable whom the running River swallowed in, when they fell down from the Rock: which sight was sorrowful to such as were out of danger, being admonished by the peril of [Page 374] others, what they ought to fear themselves; here­upon their compassion being turned into fear, they lamented as well themselves, as those whom they saw die before their faces. At length, they advan­ced so far, that without getting of the Rock they could not retire back again without apparent de­struction. For their Enemies rowled down great stones upon them, wherewith they were easily bea­ten down, by reason the Rock had so slippery and unstable standing. Yet for all that, Charus and A­lexander, who were appointed to the leading of the thirty chosen Souldiers, had gotten to the top of the Rock, and began to fight hand to hand. But there was so many Darts cast at them from afar, that they received more wounds than they could give: wherefore Alexander both mindful of his name and of his promise, whiles he fought more eagerly than warily, was inclosed about and slain. Whom when Charus saw dead, he ran upon his Enemies; and unmindful of all things, saving of revenge, he slew many with his Pike, and divers with his Sword. But being laid at by so many at once, he fell down dead upon the body of his Friend. The death of these two so hardy young men, and of the rest, mo­ved Alexander greatly; yet perceiving no remedy, he caused the Retreat to be sounded. It was great­ly for their safeguard, that they ret [...]ed by little and little without appearance of any fear. And the In­dians contented to have repulsed their Enemies, pursued not after them. Alexander hereupon was determined to leave off his purpose, seeing he saw no hope how to win the rock: yet he made a coun­tenance as though he meant to continue the Siege [Page 375] still. For he both caused the wayes to be closed up, and made an approach with towers of wood, always putting fresh men in the place of them that were wearied.

When the Indians perceived Alexanders obstinacy, two days and two nights they banqueted continu­ally, and played upon timbrels, after this manner to cause their Enemies to think they had no doubt in the Siege, but trusted certainly to prevail. The third night the noise of the timbrel ceased, and many torches were seen burning, that the Indians had lighted to see which way they might escape down the Rock in the dark of the night. Alexander sent Balachrus to discover the Event, who found that the Indians were fled, and that the Rock was aban­doned. Then a signe was given that the whole [...]my should give a shout together, whereby they did strike such fear amongst their Enemies flying without or­der, that many of them thinking the Macedons at their backs, leaped down the Rocks, and slew themselves; whereof some ma [...]med in their falling, were left be­hinde their fellows that fled away.

Thus the King being Conquerour of the place rather than of the men, testified notwithstanding, with solemn sacrifice to the gods, a greatness or vi­ctory, and set up Altars on the rock to Minerva and Victoria. And though the Guides that he appoin­ted to his light armed men, performed not so much as they promised; yet their reward was truly given them. And the rule of the Rock, with the Countrey thereabouts, was committed to Sisocostus, he him­self going forwards with his Army from thence to Ech [...]lima.

[Page 376] Alexander understanding that certain straights through the which he should pass, were kept by one Erix with twenty thousand armed men, he com­mitted that part of his Army that were heavy laden to Cenon, to be brought on by soft journeys; and going before in person with the Slingers and Arch­ers, he put his Enemies to flight, making the way clear for his Army to pass that followed after. The Indians, whether it were for the hatred they did bear unto their Captain, or else to get the favour of the Conquerour, killed Erix as he fled away, and brought his head and his armour unto Alexander. He considering the foulness of the act, would not honour the doers for their example sake, nor punish them because they served his purpose.

From thence by sixteen encampings he came to that part of the River called Indus, where Ephestion had prepared all things in such sort as he had com­mission. One Omphis was King of that Countrey, who before had perswaded his Father to submit him­self unto Alexander, and immediately upon his Fa­thers death sent Embassadors unto him to know his pleasure, whether he should take upon him as a King before his coming, or else live privately in the mean season: And although he was permitted to govern as a King, yet he would not use the au­thority granted him until the King came. He had caused Ephestion to be received in the best sort he could devise, but notwithstanding he had not vi­sited him, because he would not commit his per­son to any mans fidelity, but to the Kings.

When he understood of Alexanders coming, he went towards him with his whole Power, whose [Page 377] Elephants by small distances mixed in Battel a­mongst his Footmen, shewed afar off like Castles. At the first Alexander did not take him a Friend, but as an Enemy; and therefore set his Men in order of Battel, and his Horsemen in wings in readiness to Fight. When Omphis understood the errour of the Macedons, he commanded his men to stay, and putting his spurs to his Horse, he rode forwards a­lone: Alexander did the like, not questioning whe­ther he were a Friend or an Enemy, but thought himself secure, either through his own manhood, or the others fidelity. Their meeting, as it ap­peared by their countenances, was very friendly; but for want of an Interpreter they could not speak together: therefore after they had called one unto them, the Indian King declared unto Alexander, that the cause he met him with an Army, was to put immediately his whole power into his hands; and tarried not to intreat for any assurance by Messengers, but upon trust only had committed both his Person and his Kingdom to him, whom he knew to make War for the winning of Glory and Fame; and therefore could not fear in him any perfidiousness.

Alexander rejoyced to see his simplicity, and prof­fered him his right hand as a pledge of his promise, and restored unto him again his Kingdom. He pre­sented unto Alexander fifty and six Elephants, with many other Beasts of exceeding greatness, and three thousand Bulls, which is a Cattel of great value in those Countries, and m [...]h esteemed by Kings. Alexander enquired of [...] whether he had under his Dominion more Souldiers, [...] of the ground▪ [Page 378] He answered, that he was driven of necessity to have more Souldiers, because he was at War with two Kings, whose Kingdoms lay beyond the River of Hydaspis; their names were Abiasares, and Porus, but the au­thority remained in Porus. He said, that he was pre­pared and resolved to adventure the hazard of the Bat­tel with such of them as should invade him first. Here­upon Alexander granted unto Omphis both to take upon him the Diadem, and the name of his Father, that was called Taxiles; the custom of the Countrey being such, that the Name ever followed the King­dom, whosoever enjoyed it.

When he had received Alexander honourably in hospitality three days, the fourth day he declared how much Corn he had delivered to Ephestion, and to his Army; presenting to the King, and to all his Friends, Crowns of Gold, and besides of Coined Silver fourscore talents. Alexander rejoyced so much in his good will, that he both returned again to him his Gifts, and gave him besides a thousand Talents of the spoil he brought with him, with much Plate of gold and silver, many garments after the Persian man­ner, and thirty of his own Horses, with the same fur­niture they did wear when he did ride upon them; which liberality, as it obliged Omphis, so it greatly of­fended the minde of the Macedons. For Meleager at Supper when he had well drunk, said, He was ve­ry glad that Alexander had yet found one in India, whom he judged worthy to receive the Gift of a thou­sand Talents. The King bearing in minde how much he had repented the slaying of Clitus for the rashness of his tongue, refrained his anger; but yet told him, That envious men were ever Tormentors to themselves.

[Page 379] The next day the Embassadors of King Abiasares came unto Alexander, who according to their Com­mission offered all things unto his will: whereupon assurance being confirmed, they returned again to their Master. Alexander therefore thinking that through the greatness of his name, Porus might be brought to do the like, sent Cleochares to him to de­mand tribute, and to summon him to come and do homage, when he should enter the bounds of his Kingdom. Porus made answer, That of those two requests he would perform one, which was, to meet him at the entry of his Kingdom, but that should be in Arms, and with a Power. Alexander therefore be­ing determined to pass the River of Hydaspis, Bur­zantes that had been Author of the Rebellion a­mongst the Arachosians, was taken, and brought to him bound, with thirty Elephants; an apt. assi­stance against the Indians, that are wont to put more trust in those beasts than in the trust of their own Nation. Gamaxus, King of a small portion o [...] India, which had confederated with Barzantes, was brought likewise bound unto him. Wherefore committing them both to prison, and the Ele­phants to Omphis, he came unto the River of Hyda­spis. But Porus lay encamped on the further side to hinder his passage, having fourscore and [...]ive Ele­phants of huge strength o [...] body, three hundred Waggons of War, thirty thousand [...]ootmen, amongst whom, there were many Archers, whose shaf [...]s (as hath been said before) were more heavy than they could wield. Porus himself did ride upon an Ele­phant greater than all the rest; who also being of a big stature, appeared notable in his Armour that [Page 380] was garnished with gold and silver, having also a courage equal to the strength of his body, and so great a wisdom as was possible to be found amongst so rude a Nation.

The Macedons were not so much afraid with the sight of their Enemies, as they were with the great­ness of the River they had to pass, which being four Furlongs in bredth, and so deep that no footing could be found, appeared to them like a great Sea; and yet the largeness thereof nothing mitigated the violence of the stream, but it ran with no less [...]u­ry than if it had been narrow, appearing by the re­percussion of the water in many places, to be full of great stones in the bottom.

This River being sufficient to affright them of it self, the sight of the further bank, full of Horse and Men; was an increase to their terrour; where the Elephants that had bodies of an unreasonable great­ness stood in their sight, being provoked to bray of purpose, to the intent that with their terrible noise they should fill their Enemies ears with fear. Though the Macedons were couragious, and their hearts full of good hope, as they who oftentim [...]s had experience of their own acts, yet their Enemies and the River both together, made them wonderfully amazed; for they could not think how to keep a stedfast course to the further shore in so weak and uncertain Boats; nor when they were there, could they see how to arrive with success.

There were many Islands in the middest of the River, into the which both the Indians and the Macedons did swim, holding their weapons above their heads: Th [...]re they skirmished together in the [Page 381] sight of both Kings, who by experience of this small bickering, made trial of the success of the Bat­tel to come.

But amongst the Macedons there were two noble young men, called Sisimachus and Nicanor, excel­ling in courage, and in hardy attempts; and through their continual good fortune, had got a resolution to despise all peril. Other young men took them for their Captains, and without any other armour saving their Pikes, swom over into an Island which was full of their Enemies, where through their boldness only, they slew many of them, and so might have returned with glory, if rashness (where it findeth prosperous success) could ever be content with measure: But while with scorn and pride they tarried for their Enemies, they were suddenly inclosed by such as did swim over the River, and were killed with Darts, which they cast at them from afar. Such as escaped their Enemies, were drowned in depth of water, or eddies of the stream.

This fight put Porus in great courage, who saw all their doings from the further shore: And though A­lexander was long uncertain what way to take, yet at length he deceived his Enemies by this policy. There was an Island in the River greater than the rest, and apt to hide his designe, by reason it was full of Wood, and had a great [...]ampi [...]r cast upon that bank which was towards his Enemies, there both his Footmen and Hosemen might stand covered from the sight of the Indians; and the rather to turn their eyes another way from looking towards the I­sland, he caused Ptolomy with a great number of Horsemen to shew themselves against their Enemies [Page 382] far off from the Island, and to put the Indians in fear of them, making ever a shew as though they would swim over the River; which thing Ptolomy did many days together, to the intent that Porus should be inforced to remove his Army to that part to withstand him, and thereby brought them out of sight of the Island. Alexander also caused his own Pavilion to be set upon the Rivers side over against his Enemies, and all the pomp that pertained to the state of a King to be set forth within their view, with his Lifeguard standing in sight, the same which was wont to attend his person: Further­more, Attalus, who was equal with Alexander in years, and like unto him both in face and person­age, stood there openly apparelled like the King, that it might appear to Porus, that Alexander was still remaining there, and went not about to pass the River.

The execution of this designe was first letted by a tempest, whereby afterwards it was furthered, and brought to good effect; fortune ever using to turn her discommodities into good success towards him. For when the Enemies were thus attent to observe Ptolomy who lay upon the river against him, and Alexander with the rest of his Army was busie about the passing of his men into the Island before mentioned, there fell suddenly a great storm, scarce­ly tolerable to such as lay within their Cabines▪ which so much afflicted the Souldiers abroad, that they forsook their Boats, and fled again to land. And yet for all this, their busling and noise was not heard of their Enemies, through the vehemency of the shower.

[Page 383] As this Tempest began suddenly, so it suddenly ceased▪ but the clouds remained so dark, that there appeared not so much light as the Souldiers might know one another by the face, when they spake toge­ther; which darkness might have feared some other men, considering that they had to row in a River that they knew not, their Enemies (peradventure) waiting for them at their landing, whither they went as blinde men that for glory fought in peril. But Alexander used that which put other men in ter­rour, to serve for his desire, and willed that every man (upon a signe given) should enter into their Boats with silence: his Boat was the first that lanch­ed from the shore, towards the further side of his Enemies, Porus only keeping his Watch against Ptolomy. There was but one Boat that stuck fast by the way upon a Rock, and all the other recovered the land.

Alexander then commanded the Souldiers to pre­pare their armour and fall into array; and whilest he was dividing his men, to put them in order of Bat­tel, and to march towards his Enemies, it was re­ported to Porus, that a great number of men of War were come over the River, and landed, which would straightway give him Battel. But he, at the first (according to the fault that is in mans nature through overmuch confidence in himself) believed it not, but thought that Abiasares, who was con­federate with him, had come to his assistance. Yet when the day appeared, and the truth was mani­fest, Porus put forth a hundred armed Waggons, and four thousand Horsemen, under the leading of Hagis his brother, to keep Alexander in action.

[Page 384] They counted those Waggons their principal Force; for every one of them carried six men, two Archers, two with Targets, and two that ruled the Horses, which were not unarmed; but when it came to the Fight, they let their reins loose, and bestowed their Darts among their Enemies. But the use of those Waggons served to small purpose; for the shower that had fallen more violently than was accustomed, had made the fields wet and slabby, that the Wag­gons could not stir, but stuck in the mire, and be­came immoveable; whereas Alexander being with­out baggage, or any thing that might be an impedi­ment unto him, fiercely invaded his Enemies.

The Scythians and the Dahans were the first that gave the onset, and Perdicas was appointed with the Horsemen to charge upon the right-hand-Battel of the Indians. Then the Battels beginning to joyn on all parts, they that had the charge of the Waggons, counting them their last refuge, let loose the reins, and rushed forward into the midst of the Fight.

The coming of these Waggons appeared to be a matter doubtful and dangerous to both Parties; for at the first brunt the Macedons were born over and overthrown by them; and when the Waggons came in any rough or miry place, the Indians were thrown out of them. For when the Horses that drew them were once galled, and put in fear, they carried the Waggons without government, and tumbled part of them in the mire, and part into the River: a few tra­versed the fields, and fled for succour unto Porus, who seeing his Waggons scattered all over the Fields, and to wander about with their Rulers, he distributed the charge of his Elephants amongst his Friends, and [Page 383] placed his Footmen and Archers behinde them.

He had many that sounded upon Timbrels (be­ing Instruments that the Indians used in the stead of Trumpets) wherewith their Ears were so filled, that the noise of their Enemies little moved them. They did bear also the Image of Hercules in the front of their Foot-battel; which was done for an encou­ragement for them to fight well, and for a note of reproof and scandal to them that should [...]ly from their Standard; for it was loss of life to leave it in the Field: So that the fear they conceived of Hercu­les, who sometimes had been their Enemy, was then turned into a Veneration and Religion.

The sight, both of the Elephants, and Porus him­self, astonied the Macedons, and caused them a while to make a stand; for the beasts being set in order amongst the armed men, shewed afar off like high Towers; and Porus himself exceeding the stature of most men, the Elephant whereupon he did ride was an addition unto his height, which excelled so much all the other Elephants, as he him­self excelled the rest of men: So that Alexander beholding both Porus and his power, said, That at length he had found a Jewel equal unto his heart; for we have to do (quoth he) both with terrible Beasts, and with notable Men of War: And there­upon he looked towards Cenon, and said unto him:

When I with Ptolomy, Perdicas, and Ephestion, shall set upon the left Battel of our Enemies, and you shall see us in the heat of fight, do you then set forwards my right Battel, and freshly assail them when you see them begin to fall out of order. Antigonus, Leonatus, and [Page 384] Tauron, do you bend against their Main Battel, and set upon the Front: Our Pikes are long and strong, and cannot serve to any better use, then against the Ele­phants, wherewith they may be thrust through, and such overthrown as are carried upon their backs: The Elephants are but an uncertain force, which use to do most harm unto their own part▪ for as they use to go against their Enemies so long as they are at command; so when they are once put in fear, they turn against their own men, and shew most rage towards them.

He had not so soon spoken these words, but he put Spurs to his Horse, advancing against his Enemies▪ and when, according to his appointment, he had gi­ven the Charge, Cenon with a great Force brake up­on the left Battel; and the Phalanx, at the same in­stant, brake in amongst the midst of their Enemies. When Porus saw the Horsemen give the Charge, he put forwards his Elephants to encounter them; but they being slow Beasts, and not apt suddenly to move, were prevented by the swiftness of the Horses: and their Bows stood them not in any great stead, for by reason their Arrows were so long and heavy, they could not nock them on their Bows, except they first staid their Bows upon the ground; and the ground was so slippery, that they could not have any perfect footing; and while they were preparing themselvs to shoot, their Enemies were come a­mongst them.

Then every man fled from the order that Porus had given, as it chanceth oftentimes amongst trou­bled minds, where Fear beareth more rule then the Captains appointment; for in so many parts as their Army was divided, so many Generals became [Page 385] among them. Some would joyn all their Battels in one, others would have them divided; some willed to stay, and others to go forwards, and inclose their Enemies about; there was no general consultation amongst them. Porus notwithstanding, accompani­ed with a few, with whom shame prevailed more then fear, assembled such of his Forces together as were dispersed abroad, and advanced against his Enemies, setting his Elephants in the front of the Battel. They put the Macedons in fear, troubling, with their unwonted cry, not only the Horse that naturally do fear them, but also amazed the men, and disturbed their order; insomuch, that they who a little before thought themselves Victors, looked about which way to fly and save themselves: which when Alexander perceived, he sent against the Ele­phants the Agrians and Thracians, who were men light armed, and more apt to skirmish afar off, then to fight hand to hand. They bravely assaulted the Elephants and their Governours, and sore afflicted them with the multitude of their Darts and Arrows that they bestowed amongst them; and the Phalanx came constantly forwards against them who were already in fear; but such as pressed over-forward in fighting with the Elephants, procured their manifest destruction; and being trampled to death with their feet, they were an example to others, not to be over-hasty in adventuring themselves: The most terrible sight was, when the Elephants with their long Trunks, called Proboscis, took the Macedons in their Armour from the ground, and delivered them up to their Governours.

The Battel was prolonged doubtfully till the day [Page 386] was far spent, the Souldiers sometimes flying from the Elephants, and sometimes pursuing after them, until that with a certain kinde of crooked weapons, called Copidae (prepared for the purpose) they cut the Elephants upon the legs: These the Macedons had right aptly divided; for not only the fear of death, but also the fear of a new kinde of torment in death, caused them to leave nothing unattempt­ed. Finally, the Elephants wearied with wounds, with their violent strugling, did cast their Gover­nours to the earth, and did tear them in pieces; for they were put in such fear, that they were no more hurtful to their Enemies, but driven out of the Battel like sheep.

Porus being forsaken of the greater part of his men, ceased not to cast Darts, whereof he had plen­ty prepared upon his Elephant, amongst them that surrounded him, whereby he wounded many; and by reason he lay open to every mans blow, he was laid at on all parts, till he received nine wounds be­hinde and before; through which he bled so much, that he had no power to cast any more Darts, but for feebleness, they fell out of his hands. The Elephant also which he did ride upon, pricked forwards with fury, made a great disturbance amongst the Mace­dons, until that his Governour seeing the King so faint, that he let fall his Darts, and to be almost past his remembrance, stirred the Beast to fly away, whom Alexander followed with all the speed h [...] could: But his Horse being thrust through with ma­ny wounds, fell down dead under him; wherefore while he was about to change, and take another, he was cast far behinde.

[Page 387] In the mean season, the Brother of Taxiles that was sent by Alexander unto Porus, began to exhort him that he should not be so obstinate to prove the extremity, but rather yield himself unto the Con­querour: But he, notwithstanding that his strength was almost decayed, and his bloud failed; yet stir­red up at a known voice, he said, That he knew him to be the Brother of Taxiles, a Traytor to his King and his Country; and with that word took a Dart, which by chance was not fallen from him, and threw it so at Taxiles Brother, that it passed through the midst of his Breast into his Back; and having shewed this last proof of his Manhood, he fled a­gain more fast then before: But when the Ele­phant, through many wounds that he had received, fainted in like sort, then he stayed, and turn­ed his Footmen towards his Enemies that pursued him.

By that time Alexander was come near unto him; who understanding the obstinacy of Porus, willed none to be spared that made resistance: whereupon every man threw their Darts against Porus, and the Footmen that stood in his defence, insomuch that at length he was so oppressed, that he began to fall from his Elephant. Then the Indian who was his Governour, thinking that Porus desired to have alighted, caused the Beast, after his accu­stomed manner, to b [...]nd towards the earth, who submitting himself, all the rest, as they were taught, bowed down their bodies likewise; which was the cause of Porus taking, and of the rest. When Alexander saw Porus on the ground, he caused him to be spoiled, thinking he had been dead, and [Page 388] divers ran about him to pull off his Armour and his Vesture; which thing when the Elephant saw, he began to defend his Master, running upon the Spoil­ers, and endeavoured to lift him up again upon his back: whereupon, they all setting upon the Ele­phant, slew him, and laid Porus in a Cart; whom when Alexander did behold to lift up his eyes, he being moved with no hatred, but with compassion, said unto him:

What fury possest thee, hearing the Fame of mine Acts, to hazard the Battel with me and my Power, seeing Taxilis was so near an example of the Clemency that I use to such as submit themselves? To whom he made this answer:

Forasmuch as I am demanded a Question, I will an­swer as freely as I am spoken unto: Knowing mine own strength, and not having proved thine, I thought no man of greater Power then my self; but now the suc­cess of this Battel hath declared thee to be the Migh­tier: and yet therein I do impute to my self no little felicity, that I have won the second place, and am next unto thee

He was asked moreover his Opinion, after what manner he thought good the Victory should be u­sed? Ʋse it (quoth he) after such sort as this days fortune shall suggest unto thee, wherein there hath been sufficient proof shewed how transitory is the feli­city of man.

This Admonishment availed him more then if he had submitted himself, or made suit for his life: For when Alexander saw the greatness of his courage, and his heart so void of fear that it could not be bro­ken with any adversity, he was moved not only to [Page 389] give him his life, but also honourably to entertain him; for as long as he lay diseased of his wounds, he took no less care for the curing of them, then if he had fought in his quarrel; and when he was once healed (contrary to that which all men looked for) he received him amongst the number of his friends, and inlarged his Kingdom greater then it was be­fore. There was nothing in Alexanders nature more perfect, or more constant, then that he would ever have Vertue in admiration, when it was such that it deserved true praise and glory, especially when he saw the same in his Enemy: But when it was found in any of his own men, it was somewhat cross unto him, thinking that their fame might be a destructi­on to his own greatness, which he ever thought to grow greater, as they were of greatness whom he subdued.

ALexander rejoycing in this so Noble a Victory, whereby he saw the Confines of the Orient opened unto him, offered up Sacrifice to the Sun; and to cause his Souldiers to be more willing to go forwards in finishing the rest of the Wars, he assem­bled them together, and (after he had commended their doings) he declared how in the last Battel they had defeated and broken the force of the Indians Power, and should finde from thenceforth nothing but a plentiful prey: For he said, that in the Country whereunto he was going, the riches chiefly remained which were so much spoken of throughout the world, in respect whereof the spoils of the Persians were but trifles; and that occasion was now given them, not only to fill their own houses, but also Macedonia and Greece with Pearls, with precious stones, with Gold, and with Ivory. The Souldiers being desirous both of Riches and Glory, because they had never found [Page 391] his words vain, promised him to do whatsoever he would have them: Whereupon he dismissed them, full of good hope, and set them about the making of Ships; to the intent, that having overcome all Asia, he might visit the Ocean Sea that was in the end of all the world. The Mountains, next at hand, were plentiful of Timber to make Ships withal, in cutting down whereof, the Macedons found Ser­pents of such bigness, as they had not seen before; and also Rhinocerotes, Beasts that be seldom found in any other place; which name was given to them by the Greeks, for in the Indian Language they are otherwise called. Alexander builded a City upon either side of the River Hydaspis; which once per­formed, he gave to every one of his Captains a Crown of Gold, and a thousand pieces of Gold be­sides; preferring and rewarding every one accord­ing to their quality, degree and deserving.

Abiasares, who had sent Embassadours unto Alex­ander before the Battel fought with Porus, did send Embassadours to him now again, offering to do all things that he would appoint, so that he might preserve his body at liberty; for he desired not to live, except he might remain a King; and he thought himself unfit to Reign, after he had once been a Cap­tive. He returned answer to Abiasares, That if his coming should be grievous, he would not stick to visit him in Prison. Having thus vanquished Porus, and passed the River of Hydaspis, he marched forwards into the inner-parts of India, which was a Country full of great Woods, and high Trees, the Air very wholesome and temperate, the shadow of the Trees mitigating the heat of the Sun, and [Page 392] the plenty of Springs keeping the ground moist; there were also many Serpents seen, whose Scales glistered like gold: There was nothing more dan­gerous then the poyson proceeding from them; for immediately upon the stinging, death followed, until such time as the Inhabitants of the Country shewed a remedy. From thence, through Desarts, they came unto the great River Hidraores, where­unto there joyned a great Wood, which having such Trees as are not wont to be seen in other places, was also full of wilde Peacocks. Alexander removing his Camp from thence, took a Town by assault; and taking Hostages, appointed them to pay Tri­bute.

After that he came to a great City (builded af­ter the manner of that Country) which was both well walled, and also invironed about with a deep Moat: The Inhabitants came forth against Alex­ander, and joyning their Chariots together in a front (wherein their Custom was to fight) they proffered him Battel: Some used Darts, some Spears, and o­ther Pole-axes, and with great agility leaped to and from their Chariots, when either they found an advantage to invade their Enemies, or else would rescue their Fellows that were in distress. This un­wonted kinde of fighting put the Macedons at the first in a fear, especially being hurt afar off by their Enemies, and not able to come to fight with them hand to hand. But after they had considered their disordered manner, they esteemed not their force, but inclosed their Enemies about, and thrust their horses in with pikes; and the sooner to defeat them, they cut the Traces wherewith the Chariots were [Page 393] tyed, to separate them asunder. When they had af­ter that manner lost eight hundred of their men, they fled again into the City, which the next day the Macedons did win by assault: Some there were that saved themselves by flying, who seeing the Ci­ty lost, swam over the water, and filled all the Towns thereabout with fear: They declared of what invincible force their Enemies were, judging them, in respect of their power, rather to be gods then mortal men.

When Alexander had gotten that City, he sent Perdicas, with a part of his Army, to destroy the Country, and committing another part to Eumenes for the subduing of such as would not submit, he, with the rest of his power, came unto a strong City, to which many of the Inhabitants of the Country fled: Notwithstanding that they sent to Alexander for peace, yet they prepared nevertheless for the war, by reason of a Sedition which rose amongst them, which made them to be of divers Opinions; some would rather have indured any extremity then yield, and others thought they were not able to make resistance; and whilest they differed so in Opi­nions, and had no common consultation amongst themselves, such as held Opinion to yield up the Ci­ty, opened the Gates, and received in their Ene­mies: And notwithstanding that Alexander had just cause of displeasure against the contrary Facti­on, yet he pardoned them all, and receiving their Hostages, removed towards the next City. When the Indians, that stood upon the walls, beheld the Hostages that were brought before the Army, and perceived them to be of the same Nation, they de­sired [Page 394] communication with them, who declaring both the Kings Clemency and his Force, it did move them to deliver up their City; whose example the rest of the Cities did follow.

From thence he came into the Kingdom of the Sophites, who are a Nation as the Indians think most excelling in wisdom, best governed, and who have the most civil Conversations amongst them. The Children that are there begotten, are not nourished and brought up according to the will of their Pa­rents, but by the order of such who have the charge committed unto them to view the state of the In­fants: If they perceive any not apt to become active, or else wanting any of their limbs, they cause them straightways to be killed. They use to Marry without respect of Kindred they come of, or greatness of Parentage, making no choice but in the shape of the body, which is the thing only esteemed amongst them. The King himself was in the Chief City of that Country, against which Alexander brought his power: The Gates were shut, and no man appeared in Arms upon the walls to make any defence; wherefore he stood in doubt a great while, whether the City was abandoned, or whether the Inhabitants had kept themselves secret for some po­licy. While he remained in that expectation, sud­denly the Gate was opened, and the King (who in goodliness of person excelled all the rest) came forth with his two Sons: He did wear a garment of gold, and Purple impaled, that covered the Calf of his leg; the Sandals he did wear on his feet were set with precious stones: All his arms were garnished with Pearls, and he had hanging at his ears two precious [Page 395] stones, which were excellent both for bigness and brightness: he had in his hand a Scepter of gold, set with precious stones, called Berilli, which (after his salutation made) with humble submission he de­livered unto Alexander, yielding both himself, his Children, and his Kingdom into his hands.

There were in that Country notable Dogs for the hunting of wilde Beasts, but above all, most eager on the Lyon; the King therefore, to shew their force and quality unto Alexander, put four of them to a great Lyon, who straightway took hold of him: Then one who was accustomed to that Office, took one of those Dogs by the Leg to pluck him off from the Lyon; and because he would not lose his hold, he cut off his Leg with a Sword: but when the Dog hung nevertheless upon the Lyon, he was cut in sun­der by pieces, till such time as he died, having his teeth still fastened in the Lyons flesh; such an eager­ness had Nature wrought in those Creatures, as it is committed unto memory. In the compiling of this History, sometimes I am inforced to write things that I can scarcely believe; for I neither dare affirm the things whereof I doubt, nor conceal such things as I have received for truth. Alexander leaving this King within his own Kingdom, came unto the River of Hydaspis, and there joyned with Ephesti­on, who had subdued the Country thereabouts. One Phegelas was King of the next Nation, who commanding his Subjects to continue the tilling of the ground as they were wont to do, met Alexan­der with rich Presents, refusing nothing that was commanded him.

When he had tarried with him two days, and was [Page 396] determined the third day to have passed the River, he found therein great difficulty, by reason that the stream was so large, and full of great stones: He stayed therefore a while to be more fully advertised of the state of those Countries, and of all such things as were necessary for him to know. He understood by Phegelas, how beyond that River there lay a De­sart of ten days journey, and next to that Desart the River of Ganges, which was the greatest River in all the Orient: He declared to him, that beyond Ganges there inhabited two Nations, called Ganga­ridans and Pharasians, whose King was called Ag­gramenes, who used to come to the Field with twen­ty thousand Horsemen, two hundred thousand Foot­men, two thousand armed Waggons, and three thousand Elephants, which were counted of all to be the greatest terrour. These things seemed incredi­ble unto Alexander; and therefore he inquired of Porus, if the things were true that had been told him. He confirmed Phegelas report concerning the force of the Nation, but he said their King was not de­scended of Noble Blood, but of the basest of men, his Father being a Barber, who with great pain did get his daily bread, until he came in favour with the Queen, who preferred him to the King her Hus­band, who was afterwards slain by his Treason: Then he, under a pretence to become Tutor unto the Children, usurped the Kingdom to himself, and putting the Children to death, did beget him that was now King, being in hatred and disgrace with the people, as one that followed more the manners of his Fathers former Estate, then such as did be seem the Dignity of a Prince.

[Page 397] When Alexander heard Porus affirm this, he was in great trouble of minde, not that he regarded the multitude of his Enemies, or the force of their Ele­phants, but the greatness of the Rivers, and the scituation of the Country, so difficult to enter. He thought it a hand Enterprise, to seek out Nations so far inhabiting the uttermost bounds of the World: Yet on the other side, the greediness of glory, and the unsatiable desire of Fame, made no place seem too far, nor any Adventure to be over-hard: He doubted also that the Macedons, who had passed so many Countries, and were grown old in war, would not be content to follow him over so many Rivers, and against so many difficulties of Nature lying in their way: For he judged, that since they abound­ed, and were laden so with Spoil, they would ra­ther seek to injoy such things as they had got, then to travel any further to purchase more. He could not think the same desire to be in his Souldiers that was in himself: for he compassed in his minde how to get the Empire of the whole world, into which he had but yet made his entry; whereas they, wea­ried with travel, and thinking to have past all pe­ril, looked to injoy with speed the fruit of all their labour: Yet for all that, his desire at last overcame his Reason; so that assembling his Army together, he spake unto them after this manner:

I am not ignorant (my Souldiers) how that there are now many rumours spread amongst you by the Indi­ans, purposely to bring you in fear; but the vanity of their lying is not so new a thing, that it is able any more to deceive you. The Persians, after that manner, would have made the Streights of Cilicia, and the [Page 398] Plains of Mesopotamia terrible unto you; yea, and put you in fear of the Rivers of Tygris and Euphra­tes; and yet we waded over one of them, and passed the other by a Bridge. Fame never reporteth things truly, but maketh them to be greater then indeed they are: Even our Glory, though it be grown to a certain perfection, yet it is more in Fame then in effect. Which of you of late did think that you should have been able to endure the Elephants, shewing afar off like Castles? Who thought I could have passed the River of Hydaspis, when it was reported to be much greater then it was? We should long ago (my Soul­diers) have fled out of Asia, if Tales could have cau­sed us to turn our backs. Think you that the Flocks of Elephants to be greater then the Herds of Beasts you have seen in other places, seeing they are so rare in the world, so strange to be taken, and so much diffi­culty in the making of them tame? The same vanity that hath reported them to you to be of such numbers, hath numbred also the Horsemen and the Footmen of your Adversaries. Concerning the Rivers, the more broad they are, the more gently they do run: for such as are narrow, and of small breadth, are always most violent in their course; where contrariwise, the broad Rivers pass their course more mildly. But you will peradventure say, that all the peril is at the landing, where your Enemies shall wait for your arrival: Whatsoever the River be, the hazard is all one at the shore. But imagine that all these things were true, whether is it the greatness of the Beasts, or the multi­tude of the men, that putteth you in fear? As con­cerning the Elephants, we have had experience of them of late, how more violently they rage against their [Page 399] own party, then against us: Why should we fear them, but only make less the greatness of their bodies with such weapons as we have prepared for the purpose? What matter is it whether they are of the like num­ber that Porus had, or whether they are three thousand; seeing we perceive that when two or three are wound­ed, the rest begin to fly away? And forasmuch as they cannot well be governed when they are but few, when there are so many thousands together, they must needs be an impediment one to another, and breed a confusi­on amongst themselves; they are so unwieldy, by rea­son of their huge bodies, that they be neither apt to pass forwards, nor yet to fly: I have always so little esteemed them, that when I have had plenty of them I would never use them, knowing very well, that they are more dangerous to such as imploy them, then to their Enemies. But peradventure it is the multitude of their Horsemen and Footmen that move you: Were you ne­ver wont to fight against such numbers? or is it the first time you have encountred with disordered multi­tudes? The River of Granike is a witness how in­vincible the power of the Macedons is against any multitude; and so is Cilicia that flowed with the Per­sians blood, and Arbella, whose Plains are strowed with their bones. You too late begin to number the Le­gions of your Enemies, after that with your Victories you have made Asia a Wilderness: When you passed over the Hellespont, you should then have considered your small numbers: Now the Scythians do follow us, we have did at hand from the Bactrians, and we supply our power with the Sogdians; yet for all that, it is not these men in whom I put my confidence: I have a regard unto your force; I reserve your manhood about me as a [Page 400] Pledge and assurance of my atchievements: So long as I stand in the field amongst you, I will neither weigh my self, nor mine Enemies, do you but shew an ap­pearance that there is hope in you, and chearfulness: We are not newly entred into our travels, but have passed all our labours, being come unto the rising of the Sun, and to the Ocean Sea, except our own sloth be our impediment: from thence having subdued the world, we shall return Conquerours into our Country. Do not you as those negligent Husbandmen, that lose their fruit after it is once ripe: The rewards of our journey are greater then our peril: The Country into which we are now marching is rich, and of no force; thither I purpose to bring you, both to win glory, and to get you spoil; for worthy are you to carry those riches into your Country, which the Sea doth there so plentifully cast them up upon their shore: You are men of that vertue, as to leave nothing unprovided, nothing undone: I desire and conjure you, by the glory you have gotten, in which you exceed the state of men, and by all that I have deserved of you, and you of me, in which we remain invincible, that you will not for­sake me, purposing to visit the end of the world: Me, I say, that have been brought up as a childe amongst you. I will not make mention how I am your King; in o­other things I have commanded you, let me now in­treat you once in this; It is I that make this request unto you, who never brought you on, but I put my self foremost in the adventure and danger, and oftentimes with my own Buckler have defended my Army: Take not the Victory out of my hands, by which (if envy be not the let) I shall become both equal in glory to Her­cules and Bacchus: Give you assent to mine interces­sion, [Page 401] and at length break your obstinate silence: Where is your shouting become, that was wont to be a Declara­tion of your chearfulness? Where are the chearful countenances of my Macedons? I know not you my Souldiers, and it seems that I am not known of you: I speak, methinks, to your deaf ears in vain, and in vain go about to stir up your unwilling and immove­able mindes.

Notwithstanding all these words, they hung down their heads towards the earth, and persevered still in silence: Then he proceeded.

I know not (said he) wherein I have unwittingly offended you, that you will not once vouchsafe to look me in the face: I seem to be solitary, and in a Wilder­ness; Is there none of you that I speak unto will an­swer me? Is there none at the least who will deny my request? What is the thing that I require? even your own glory, and your own profit. Where are they now whom I saw not long ago contending, who should first take up their King when he was wounded, and now you leave me alone, you forsake me, you betray me to mine Enemies: But I will not leave mine enterprise though I go alone; leave me alone to those Rivers, to those Beasts, and to those Nations, the very names of whom you fear so much. The Scythians and Bactrians shall go with me, who of late were mine Enemies, and who now are my Souldiers; I had rather die then be a King to be ruled, and at other mens appointment: Go, get you home, go I say, and triumph of the abandoning of your King; for I will here either obtain the Victory, whereof you have despaired, or else die a death that shall be honourable.

Notwithstanding what he said, there was not one [Page 402] Souldier that would open his mouth to speak, but stood waiting when some of the Princes and great Captains should declare unto the King, that there remained not in them any obstinate refusal of the Wars, but that they were exhausted with wounds, and so wearied with continual travel, that they were not able to indure any longer. As they stood thus astonished, and afraid in silence, and looking upon the ground, there began first a whispering and a rumour amongst them, and afterwards a lamentati­on; and by little and little, they began more mani­festly to shew their complaints, the tears falling from their eyes. The Kings anger was then so turn­ed into compassion, that he himself was not able to abstain from tears: At length the whole Assembly bursting out into an excessive weeping, Cenus took upon him to press forwards towards the Judgment-Seat where Alexander stood, signifying that he had somewhat to say: When the Souldiers saw him pull his Helmet from his head, (for so it was the custom to speak unto the King) they began to require him that he would deliver the cause of the whole Army: Then Cenus began on this manner:

May the gods defend us from all wicked thoughts, as I doubt not but that they do; there are none of your Souldiers but are of the same minde towards you, that they have been in times past, if it be your plea­sure to command them to go forwards to fight, to ha­zard themselves, or with their blood to commend your Name unto Posterity. And if you will needs persevere in your Opinion, though we are unarmed, naked, and without blood, we will either come after you, or go before you, as you shall think expedient: But if you [Page 403] will be content to hear your Souldiers griefs and com­plaints, which are not fained, but expressed by the ut­most necessity, I humbly beseech you then, that you would vouchsafe favourably to hear them, who constant­ly [...] followed your Authority and Fortune, and are yet ready to follow wheresoever you will appoint. O Alexander, with the greatness of your Acts▪ you have [...] only your Enemies, but also your own Souldiers▪ Whatsoever mans mortality is able to fulfil, that is performed by us, having passed over so many Seas and Countries better known to us, then the Inhabitants themselves: We now remain almost in the uttermost end of the world, and yet for all this, your purpose is to pass into another world, and seek out an India unknown to the Indians. Ye covet to pluck out the wilde beasts and Serpents out of their Dens and lurking places, minding to search further with your Victories, then the Sun hath visited with his beams; which truly is an i­magination answerable to your heart, but [...] exceed­ing our capacity and power: Your manhood and courage is always increasing, but our force is now declining. Be­hold our bodies destitute of blood, pierced with so many wounds, and deformed with so many [...]; our swords now are dulled, and our [...] consumed; we wear apparel after the manner of the Persians; because our Country garments do [...]ail us we degenerate into a strange habit; who is he that hath a Cors [...]et or Horse particular to himself? Examine how many of the Macedons re­main amongst us, and what remaineth to every man of the Spoil: Being the Conquer [...]urs of all men, of all men we are the poorest: It is not abundance or excess that troubleth us, but the very War it self: Our ammunition of War is consumed, and yet you minde to put forth this [Page 404] goodly Army of yours naked unto Beasts, the multitude of whom, though the Indians purposely do increase, yet by their vain report, we may perceive the number to be great. But if you be absolutely determined to pass yet further into India, the Country that lieth Southward is not so desart as the other; which being subdued, you may pass to that Sea which Nature hath appointed to bound in the world. Why do you seek that glory afar off, which remaineth to you ready at your hand? Here the Ocean Sea doth meet us; and if we mistake not, we are come to the utmost place where your Fortune leads you. I had rather speak these things before, then behinde your back; for I seek not so much to win the favour of the Souldiers, as I desire that you should rather hear the voice of them speaking, then the murmure of them complaining.

When Cenus had made an end of his Oration, there arose a cry and lamentation, which in confu­sed voices every where call'd Alexander their King, their Father, and their Lord. Then the other Cap­tains (and especially the more ancient of them, who by reason of their age had the more honest ex­cuse, and greater authority) made the like request; so that the King was not able in that obstinacy, either to chastise them, or asswage them: There­fore uncertain what to do, he leaped from the Judgment-Seat, and commanding his lodging-door to be shut, he admitted no man to come unto him, but such as were accustomed to be about his person. Two days he consumed in this angry melancholy, and the third day he came forth amongst his men, causing twelve Altars of square stone to be set up as a Monument of his journey, and willed the Trenches [Page 405] of his Camp to be made wider, and the places where the Souldiers lay to be inlarged greater then served for the bigness of their bodies, thinking by form and shape of things thus increased, to leave a deceitful Wonder to Posterity.

From thence he returned by the way he had pas­sed before, and incamped near unto the River of Acesines. Cenus chanced there to die, whose death the King lamented; but yet he said, that for so few days he had made an over-long Oration, as though he alone should have returned into Macedon. By that time the Navy of Ships which he had appoint­ed to be made, stood in readiness, and aflote; and Memnon, in the mean season, brought him out of Thrace 6000 Horsemen, and besides from Harpalus 7000 Footmen, with twenty five thousand Arms that were wrought with silver and gold, which he distributed amongst his men, and commanded the old to be burned, purposing to pass unto the Oce­an Sea with a thousand Ships: But before he de­parted, he reconciled by Affinity Porus and Taxiles, betwixt whom there was a new discord risen up­on their old hatred. He had obtained of them great aid, both in making and the furnishing of his Fleet.

During the time he was about this business, he builded two Cities, the one whereof he called Ni­cea, and the other Bucephalon, naming the latter by the name of his Horse that was dead. He gave or­der that his Elephants and Carriages should pass by Land, and he sailed down the River, proceeding every day about forty furlongs, so that he might always land his power in such places as he thought [Page 406] convenient. At length he came into a Country where the Rivers of Hydaspes and Acesines do joyn together, and do run from thence into the bounds of a Nation called Sobions. They declared, that their Predecessors came from Hercules Army, who being left there sick, did inhabit the Country: They were cloathed in beasts skins, using Clubs for their weapons: And though they had left the cu­stoms of the Greeks, yet there appeared many things amongst them, that declared from whence they were descended.

Here the King landed, and marched two hundred and ten furlongs within the Country, which he wa­sted, and took the chiefest City in the same. There were forty thousand men that stood in defence against him upon a Rivers side; but he passed the water, putting them to flight; and after they fled into the City, he wan it by force: The young men were all slain, and the rest sold as slaves. After that he assaulted another City, where he was repulsed by the great force of the Defendants, and lost many of his men: But when the Inhabitants saw that he continued still the Siege, despairing of their safe­guard, they set fire on their houses, and destroyed themselves, their Wives and Children; which fire when the Macedons quenched, they kindled the same again: It seemed a strange contention, the Ci­tizens to destroy their own City, and their Enemies labouring to preserve it; the Wars so contrarily changed the Laws wrought in man by nature: The Castle was saved, wherein a Garrison was left. A­lexander went about this Castle by water, which was invironed with three of the greatest Rivers in [Page 407] all India, Ganges excepted; Indus passing on the North-side, and Acesines running into Hydaspes up­on the South. Where these Rivers met, the waters rose like surges of the Sea, being full of Mud and Ouze, which by the course of the water were dri­ven upon the shore: for all that the Rivers are broad, yet the Channels are but narrow, wherein the Ships must pass. The waves did rise so high and thick, breaking sometimes upon the Poops, and sometime upon the side of the Ships, that the Marriners began to vail their Sails; but they were so troubled through fear, and the violent swiftness of the stream, that they could not order their tack­ling, so that two of their greatest Ships were drown­ed in sight; and the smallest Vessels, which were less able to be governed, were driven upon the shore without any harm. The King chanced upon the place where the Waves swelled highest, where­with his Ship was so tossed and traversed, that the Helm could not direct its course; wherefore the King fearing to be drowned, pulled off his gar­ments, being ready to cast himself into the water, and his Confidents did swim near thereabout, being ready to receive him. It appeared to him doubtful which peril was the greatest, either to swim, or to continue still aboard. But the Marriners laboured wonderfully with their Oars, adding all the force that lay in mans power to cut through the Waves, by whose importunate travel the water seemed to divide asunder, and to give place, so that at length they got out of the surges; and yet not able to bring the Ship to the shore, dashed upon the next flat, it appearing that the Ships and the Stream had fought a Battel together.

[Page 408] Alexander having escaped this peril, set up to eve­ry River an Altar, whereupon he offered due Sacri­fice; and that done, he past forwards thirty fur­longs. From thence he came into the Country of the Sudricans and Mallians, who being accustomed to be at war among themselves, were then joyned in Society. They assembled in Arms to the number of nine thousand Footmen, ten thousand Horsemen, and nine hundred armed Waggons; whereof when the Macedons were advertised, who believed that they had passed all perils, seeing a fresh War arise with a new fresh Nation, they were amaz'd with a sud­den fear, and began again with seditious words to repove their King: They alledged, that he would lately have compelled them to pass the River of Ganges, to make war upon those Nations inhabiting beyond the same; which enterprise, though it were left, they had not for all that ended the War never the more, but rather made an exchange for a new labour, being put forth amongst this wilde Nation, to make the Ocean Sea open to him with their blood, and to be drawn beyond the Sun and the Stars: They were compelled (they said) to visit those places that Nature coveted to remove from mans knowledge: They grudged, that to their new Armour there were new Enemies raised up, whom if they should vanquish, and put to flight, they could not see what benefit they should receive thereby, but only darkness and obscurity of the Air, which always covered the deep Sea, replenished with multitudes of Monsters wallowing in those immoveable waters, in which dying Nature did faint away.

[Page 409] The King little moved for himself, was much troubled for these passions of his Souldiers: where­fore he assembled them all together, declaring of how feeble a force those Nations were, whom they feared so much, and who only remained, and were an impediment to them (having passed over so many Countries) to attain to the period of their travels, and to the end of the world. He shewed how that in respect of their former fear, he had left his Enterprise over Ganges, with the Conquest of the Nations inhabiting beyond the same, and had di­rected his journey this way; whereas their glory shall be as great, and their danger less, seeing the Ocean was in a manner within sight, the Air where­of he felt blowing in his face: He required them therefore, that they would not envy the glory he sought, by passing the bounds of Hercules and Bac­chus, seeing that with so little pain they might give unto their King perpetual Fame and Immortality: In doing whereof, they should depart out of India as Conquerours, whereas otherwise they should seem to [...]ly away from thence. It is the property of all multitudes, and specially of Men of War, to be drawn with every little motion, amongst whom, as sedition doth soon arise, so it is soon pacified.

There was never a more chearful cry made of any Army before, then the Souldiers now made to Alex­ander, who willed him to lead them wheresoever he would, and make himself equal in glory unto them whose Acts he did emulate. Alexander rejoy­cing in the willingness that appeared in his Souldi­ers, removed straight ways towards his Enemies, who were the stoutest people of all the Indians. They [Page 410] prepared themselves manfully for the Wars, and chose for their Captain one of the Oxidracans, who was of an approved Manhood; he incamping at the foot of a Mountain, made fires all abroad, to cause his number to appear the greater, and went about in vain to fear the Macedons when they were at rest, by making of alarms, with their cryes and manner of howling. When the day appeared, Alex­ander having an assured confidence to obtain the Vi­ctory, commanded the Souldiers▪ to put on their Ar­mour, and chearfully to fall in order of Battel: But the Indians (whether it were for fear, or by reason of some sedition risen amongst them) suddenly fled into the Desart Mountains; whom Alexander follow­ed in vain, and not able to overtake them, took their Carriage. After this he came to the City of the Oxidracans, whereunto great numbers were fled, as well in trust of the strength of the place, as of their own power. As Alexander was about to make the approach, Demophon, his Diviner, admonished him that he should either defer the assault, or else not meddle with it at all, for there appeared signes that his life should be in jeopardy. When Alexander had heard his words, he beheld him, and said:

If any man should interrupt thee when thou art bu­sie about thy Science, or considering of the Entrails, should not he seem unto thee to be troublesome, and his coming to be ungrateful? Yes truly (said he.) So art thou now unto me (said Alexander) for having so great actions in hand, of more moment then the En­trails of Beasts, I finde no greater impediment then a Superstitious Diviner.

And as soon as he had spoken the word, he cau­sed [Page 411] them to rear up the Ladders; and whilest other men sticked and stayed at the danger, he mounted up the wall in his own person. The same was ve­ry narrow on the top, not divided with loops, (as is commonly used) but inclosed with one whole and continual Battlement round about, which caused it to be the more hard to scale: Alexander therefore having no convenient place to stand for his de­fence, stayed upon the wall, receiving upon his Target the Darts that were cast at him from all parts. His Souldiers could not get to him, they were so beaten from the walls by the shot that came from above: Yet at the last, when they saw their King given up into their Enemies hands, shame overcame their imminent danger. But their over­much haste became their hinderance, and was the cause why they could not come to the rescue of their King: For whiles every man coveted to ascend the Ladders, they were so heavily laden, that they brake asunder; and such as were mounted upon them fell down again, deceiving Alexander of his only hope: so that in the sight of all the Army he stood destitute on the walls, as in a Desart, without any aid or succour, and had wearied his left arm (with which he held his Target) in receiving the Darts thrown at him. His friends cryed unto him to leap down unto them, who stood in readiness to receive him: But he giving no car unto them, undertook an incredible enterprise, and such a one as hath not been heard of before, deserving rather the report of rashness, then of any fame that might sound to his glory; for with a desperate leap he cast himself in­to the City that was full of his Enemies: For before [Page 412] he could recover his feet again, it was likely either he should have been slain, or taken alive. But he by chance so conveyed his body, that he fell upon his feet, and fought with such as came against him: For­tune so provided, that he could not be enclosed a­bout, by reason of an old tree, which as it had been of purpose stood near the wall, whose broad boughs being full of leaves, covered him from above; and the greatness of the stock kept his enemies from coming at his back; and upon the forefront he received the darts that were cast against him with his Target. For though there were never so many that contended with him afar off, yet durst there no man come near unto him; and the boughs kept off the arrows and darts as well as his Target did.

In this extremity, the greatness of Alexanders Fame chiefly fought for him, and next of all despe­ration, a great encouragement for a man to die ho­nestly. At length, through the multitude of his e­nemies that continually flocked about him, both his Target was laden with shot, his Helmet was bro­ken with stones, and his legs fainted and failed un­der him by reason of his continual travel: which when his enemies perceived, they without fear drew more near unto him; of whom he received two with his sword in such sort, that they fell down dead at his feet: and from that time forward none was so bold to approach so neer him, but threw Darts, and shot Arrows at him afar off. He lay o­pen to every mans blow, and yet (though with great pain) defended himself upon his knees, until such time as an Indian shot an Arrow at him that was two Cubits long, which a little above his right [Page 413] thigh passed through his Corslet; by reason of which wound he shed so much bloud, that he let his sword fall, as one at the point of death; and therewith be­came so faint, that he had not strength to pluck out the Arrow. Then the Indian which had hurt him came with great joy to spoil his body: but when Alexander felt his enemies hand upon him, moved (as it is to be thought) with despite to receive an in­famy to that extremity, he called again his spirits that were passing away, and with his sword thrust his enemy (being unarmed) through the body. When he had thus slain three of his enemies, who lay dead before him, all the rest stood amazed afar off. Then Alexander desiring before his last breath should fail to be killed fighting, began to raise up his body upon his Target; but his strength would not serve him thereunto, and therefore he reached at a bough that hung over his head, coveting there­by to have raised himself; but his ability not suffer­ing him, he fell down again upon his knees, and by a signe given with his hand, challenged his enemies if any of them durst come and fight with him. At the last Peucestes repulsing his enemies on another part of the walls, got into the Town; and coasting along, came unto the place where the King was. When Alexander espied him, though he had no hope to live, yet he took his coming for a comfort to his death, and for all his feebleness began to rear up himself. Then came Timeus, and within a while Leonatus, and after them Aristonus. When it was once published amongst the Indians, that Alexander was entred within the walls, they left their defence in other places, and came flocking thither, where [Page 414] they fiercely assailed such as stood in defence of the Kings person. Timeus, after he had fought nota­bly, and received many wounds, was there slain: Peucestes also, notwithstanding that he was stricken and wounded with their Darts, yet with his Tar­get he defended the Kings person, without any re­gard of himself: And Leonatus, whiles he resisted the Indians that eagerly ran upon Alexander, re­ceived so sore a blow on the neck, that he fell down in a swound at the Kings feet. By that time Peuce­stes became so feeble of his wounds, that he was not able to defend him any more: The last hope and refuge remained in Aristonus, who also was so grie­vously wounded, that he could not endure any lon­ger the force of the Indians.

In the mean season the fame was spread amongst the Macedons, that the King was slain; which be­ing a matter that should have put others in fear, stirred up their hearts, and made them the hardier: For from that time forwards, there was none that had respect of his own peril, but adventured unto the wall; and breaking down the same with Pick­axes, entred in at the breach, making slaughter of their Enemies, of whom few stood at defence, but fled away.

There was neither man, nor woman, nor infant spared; for whomsoever they met, they judged him to be the person that had hurt their King; and so at length, with the slaughter of the multitude, their just anger was satisfied. Clitarchus and Tima­genes do write, that Ptolomeus, who afterwards be­came King of Egypt, was present in this encounter: But he himself, that used not to deny any thing [Page 415] that stood with his own glory, did put in memory how that he was then absent, being imployed on another Enterprise. Such a negligence was then in those who did write the Antiquities of things, or such a credulity, which is a fault no less than the other. When Alexander was brought into his lodg­ing, the Chirurgeons cut off the stale of the shaft, in such sort that they moved not the head that was within the flesh; and when they saw the wound bare; they perceived hooks to be on the Arrow-head, so that without the destruction of his body it could not be pulled out, except by incision they made the wound greater; and yet in that point they feared, lest blood flowing too abundantly, should be an im­pediment unto them; for the head was very great, and it seemed to be entered far within his body. There was one Critobulus that was very cunning▪ and most excellent amongst the Physicians and Chirur­geons; and yet in so dangerous an accident as this, he was fearful and in doubt to undertake the Cure, lest if any thing should cha [...]ce to the King other­wise than well, whilest he remained under Cure, the blame thereof might [...]ight upon his head; there­fore when Alexander perceived by his weeping the fear he was in, and that through trouble of minde he looked pale in the face, he said unto him:

What is it that thou lookest for? Or why dost thou stay in ridding me quickly out of this pain, at the leastwise by death, if thou canst not otherwise bring it to pass [...] For seeing my wound is incurable, why fearest thou that any thing should be laid to thy charge?

When Critobulus heard his words, he either cea­sed or dissembled his fear, and exhorted Alexander [Page 416] that he would suffer himself to be held while they pulled the Arrow-head that was within his flesh; for the least motion he said might be hurtful unto him. The King would not be held, but kept his body at a stay without moving, in such sort as they appointed him. When they had cut the wound wider, and pul­led out the head, there issued out such abundance of blood, that the King fell in a swoon, and a dim­ness came over his sight, and he stretched out him­self as one in the pangs of death. Then they wrought all the means they could to stanch the blood; but when they perceived it would not avail, his friends began to weep and lament, thinking ve­rily there had been no way but death. Notwithstan­ding at length he ceased his bleeding, and recover­ing again his spirits, began to know them that stood about him.

All that day, and the night ensuing, the men of War stood in arms about the Kings lodging, confes­sing that all their lives depended upon his breath; and would not remove from thence before they un­derstood that he took some rest: but when they knew that he was fallen in a sleep, they returned into the Camp, bringing unto the rest more certain hope of his recovery. Alexander, about the curing of his wound, remained there seven days, and un­derstanding that a constant fame of his death was spread abroad amongst the Indians, he caused two Ships to be fastened together, and a Lodging to be made for him in the middest; so that remaining up­on the water, from both sides of the land he might be seen of them that thought he had been dead. When the Indians perceived he was alive, it took a­way [Page 417] the hope that some had conceived upon the false Report.

From thence he passed down the stream, leaving a distance between his Ship and the rest of the Na­vy, to the intent that with the beating of the Oars, they should not disturb him of his rest, which was necessary for his weak body. The fourth day after his embarquing, he came into a Countrey abandon­ed of the Inhabitants, but plentiful both in Corn and Cattel, in which place he thought to rest himself and his Souldiers. It was a custom amongst the Macedons, that when their King was diseased, the chief Princes and the great Men watched about his Lodging; which custom being then observed, they entred all together into the chamber where Alexander lay; at whose sudden coming he was somewhat a­mazed, especially because they came all together. He thought they had brought him some strange tidings, and enquired of them if they understood of any new Assembly of his Enemies. Then Craterus that was appointed to speak in the behalf of them all, spake unto him after this manner.

Do you think that the coming of any Enemies could make us so careful (though they were entred within your Camp) as we are of your health and safeguard, though, of all, this is the thing which you regard least? Though all Nations conspire against us with their Power, though the whole world were filled full of men of War, the Seas overspread with Ships, and never so many strange beasts brought against us, it consisteth in the presence of your Person to make us Conquerours. But how can any God promise that you, who are the Light and Star of Mace­donia, can be of any continuance? seeing you are so de­sirous [Page 418] to put your person in such manifest perils, not re­membring that with your death you draw with you into ruine the lives of so many of your Countrey-men? Who is he that either can, or doth desire to live after you? We are come so far following your Fortune and Authority, that, without you, none of us are able to return home a­gain. If you were yet contending with Darius for the Kingdom of Persia, though we all would wish you would not adventure your person so perillously, yet in that case we could not marvel so much at your prompt resolution; for where the danger and the benefit that ensueth thereof are equal, the fruit is the greater when the business suc­ceedeth well, and the comfort is the more when the thing chanceth evil. There are none, not only of us who are your Souldiers, but even of such as were your Enemies, having any understanding of your greatness that can suf­fer so base a town, and of so little fame, to be bought with the price of your life. My heart shrinks at the remem­brance of the danger which we but late did see with our own eyes; I am amazed to rehearse how those vile hands were in a readiness to have carried the spoils of your invincible Person, if Fortune of her clemencie had not preserved and delivered you from their crueltie. So many of us as were not able to follow you, are all Trai­tors, and Forsakers of our Prince: And though it was a matter that lay not in our power, yet if it please you to note us all with reproach, there is none that will refuse any punishment in the purgation of it; notwithstanding, we would require you, that you would spare us for some other purpose. We will gladly go whithersoever you will have us; we require War be it never so obscure, and covet the Battel, though our fighting shall want Fame, so that you will reserve your self to those hazards which [Page 419] are correspondent for the greatness of your estate. How soon doth glory vanish away▪ and become of no praise, a­mongst such Enemies as are of no reputation? And what thing is there more unworthy, than to consume the glory you have gotten elsewhere, amongst them where your glory cannot appear?

When Craterus had ended his speech, Ptolomy and the others spake to him to the like effect, and all at once with weeping eyes required of him, that he would not from thenceforth be any more so thirsty to win praise, but seeing he had gotten sufficient already, he should content himself therewith, and regard his health and safety, whereon their universal estate did depend. The King took so gratefully their loving affection, that he familiarly embraced every one of them; and after he had willed them to sit, revolving in his minde more deeply their former communication, he said thus unto them:

My faithful loving Friends and Country men, I ren­der you most hearty thanks, not only that you prefer my Safety before your own, but also that since the be­ginning of the Wars you have not pretermitted any thing, wherein your love and benevolence might be shewed towards me; so that I must confess that my life was never so dear unto me as it is now, because I desire long to enjoy you. You are desirous to offer your selves to death in my cause, because you judge that I have deserved that benevolence at your hands; but your imagination and mine is not after one way: You peradventure do covet to enjoy me, to [...] of me continually Fruits; and I measure not my self by the continuance of my time, but by the greatness [...]f my glory. I might have been content with the ri [...]h [...] [Page 420] which my Father left me, and with the ease of my bo­dy, within the bounds of Macedon, have looked for an obscure and ignoble old age; and yet I cannot see that they who live in sloth and idleness can assure themselves of their own destiny; For even such as esteem felicity in long life, are oftentimes prevented with sudden death: But I, who number not my years but by my Victories, have lived long, if I well weigh the gifts of Fortune: For beginning mine Empire in Macedonia, I have Greece in my possession; I have subdued Thrace and Illyria, I reign over the Tribals and the Medians, be­ing Master of all Asia that lieth between Hellespont and the Red-Sea, and now am not far from the end of the world; the which I determined to visit, and to lay open to men a new nature, and a new world: I passed out of Asia into Europe in the moment of an hour, being but eight and twenty years of age, and having reigned but nine years, and I am now become the Victorer of both Regions; Do you think it then meet that I should now cease from the purchase of that glory whereunto I have only devoted my self? No, I will never cease, but wheresoever I shall have occasion to fight, I shall think my self to be in the Theater, where the whole world doth behold me. I will give Nobility and Fame to places that are obsure, and will lay open to all Nati­ons those Countries which Nature hath removed fur­thest from them; in doing whereof, it shall be grateful for me to end my life, if Fortune will have it so: I am come of such a Stock, that I ought to desire many things before long life. I pray you to remember that we are come into these Countries, where the name of a Woman is celebr [...]ted for her Vertues. What Cities did Semi­ramis build? What Nations did she subdue? And [Page 421] what great Works did she accomplish? We are not yet become equal unto [...] Woman in glory; and yet you would have me to be satisfied with it. Be the gods fa­vourable unto our purpose; for there remains for us yet greater things to do. And it is the next way to make those Countries which we have not yet touched to be­come ours, if we esteem nothing to be of small value where there is any occasion to purchase glory. Let it be your care to preserve me from the evil conspiracy of my own people, and then there are no adventures in the War shall put me in fear. Philip was more sure in the Front of the Battel abroad, than in the Theatre at home; he oftentimes avoided the force of his Enemies, but he could not eschew the violence of his own Sub­jects: And if you consider the end of other Kings, you shall number more that have been slain by their own men, than by any Forreign power: But because there is an occasion now offered me to utter that which I have long conceived in my minde, it shall be the greatest fruit I can receive of my travels, if my Mother Olympias, when she departeth this life might be consecrated to im­mortalitie: if she depart in my time, I will do it my self; but if I shall be prevented by death, remember you to perform what I have determined.

Having spoke these words, he dismissed his Friends from him, and continued many days in the same place. Whilest these things were doing in India, the Greek Souldiers that had lands and habitations ap­pointed them at Catabactria, through a sedition that chanced amongst them, rebelled against him, not so much for any hate they did bear to Alexander, as for fear of punishment; For they killed divers of their chief Rulers, and assembling in force together, [Page 422] took the Castle of Bactria that was negligently kept, and procured the Bactrians to rebel with them.

Athenodorus was the Chief among them, who took upon him the name of a King, not so much for the desire of the Kingdom, as by authority to make him­self of power to convey himself and others home in­to his own Country: But one Bicon of his own Na­tion became his Enemy, and conspiring against him, did invite him to a Banquet, where he was slain by one Boxus Macerianus.

The next day following, Bicon assembled the Greeks together, perswading them that he slew Athenodorus but in his own defence, whose purpose was to have destroy'd him. But there was some that perceived his policy, and the suspition was spread amongst the rest, so that the Greeks fell to arms on purpose to slay Bicon: But such as were chief, miti­gated the wrath of the multitude; and contrary to his expectation, he was delivered from that present peril: Yet he could not be so contented, but within a while after he conspired them that saved his life; whose falshood being known, they took both him and Boxus, determining that Boxus should be put to death out of hand, and that Bicon should end his life by torments.

As they were tormenting him, the Greek Souldi­ers suddenly in a fury, for what cause it is uncertain, ran to arms; the noise of whom being heard by them who had the charge of Bicon, they set him at liberty, fearing that the coyl had been raised for his deliver­ance. He, naked as he was, came running amongst the Greeks where they were assembled; whose mise­rable estate so changed their mindes, that they wil­led [Page 423] him immediately to be set at liberty. By this means Bicon being twice delivered from death, re­turned into his Country with the Greeks, abandoning the Colony whereunto he was appointed by Alexan­der. These things were done in the Confines of Ba­ctria and Scythia.

In the mean season, the King of the two Nations, which we spake of before, sent an hundred Embassa­dors unto Alexander, who being honourable Person­ages, did ride in Waggons richly apparelled, having garments of linnen Cloth embroidered with Gold, and empaled with Purple. They declared that the cause of their coming was to yield themselves, their City, their Country, and their Liberties (which they had kept inviolately for so many Ages) to his will and appointment; of which their submission the gods (they said) were Authors, and not any fear; for they were contented to yield themselves before they had proved their power with him. The King called a Councel, and received them under his protection, appointing them to pay such Tribute as they did before pay to the Arachosians, and besides to send two thousand five hundred Horsemen to serve him in his Wars; all which things they performed obediently. This done, he made a great Feast, whereunto he invited those Embassadours, and his Lords: he used therein sumptuous preparation, or­daining an hundred Beds of Gold to [...]at upon, which being set a small distance one from another, were drawn about with Curtains garnished with Gold and Purple.

In that Feast there was shewed and set forth all the great exc [...]ss and voluptuousness, which either by [Page 424] long custom was used amongst the Persians, or by corruption was taken up amongst the Macedons, the vices of both these Nations being there mingled to­gether. There was at that Feast one Dioxippus of Athens, a noble Champion, and by reason of his ex­cellent force, well known unto the King, of whom certain envious and malicious persons, betwixt ear­nest and jest, said, That he did nothing but fat his body like an unprofitable beast; and when others went to the Battel, he would anoint his body with Oyl, and prepare himself to eat. Amongst others that used evil words of despite against him, there was at the same Feast one Horratus a Macedon, who in his drunkenness challenged Dioxippus, that if he were a man, he should fight the Combate with him the next day, upon life and death, where the King should judge either him to be rash, or the other too much a Coward. Dioxippus laughing to scorn the pride and arrogancy of the Souldier, accepted his proffer. The next day they were more earnest to go unto the Combate than they were before in making the Challenge: when the King saw them so bent, and that they would not leave their purpose, he consented to their will.

There were great numbers of men assembled at the Combate, amongst whom, there were many Gre­cians who favoured Dioxippus part. The Macedon came into the Lists armed at all points, holding in his left hand an Iron Buckler and a Spear, and in his right hand a casting-Lance; and having his Sword girt to his side, was furnished as though he should have fought with many men at once. Diox­ippus came forth anointed with Oyl, with a Garland upon his head; and having a red Cloth wrapt about [Page 425] his left arm, he held in his hand a great knotty Cud­gel. The diversity of their Weapons brought every man into a wonderful expectation; for they thought it not only a rashness, but a madness for Dioxippus who was naked, to encounter the other who was armed. The Macedon thinking to kill his adversary before they should come to fight hand to hand, threw at him his Lance, which Dioxippus avoided by bend­ing of his body; and before that he could charge his Pike, he leaped to him, and with his Cudgel brake the same asunder: when the Macedon had lost both his Weapons, he began to draw his Sword; but Dio­xippus prevented him with a close, and taking both his feet from under him, threw him upon the earth, and there plucking his Sword from his side, set his foot upon his neck, and held up his Cudgel to have struck out his brains, if the King had not caused him to stay his hand.

This Triumph ended with displeasure both unto the Macedons, and unto Alexander himself, especially because this thing was done in the presence of the Indians; fearing lest the valour of the Macedons, famed so much in the world, might thereby grow into contempt. Hereupon Alexander grudging at Dioxippus, had his ears open to the Accusation of those who did envy him. They, within a few days after, had caused a golden Cup purposely to be con­veyed out of the way, which the Ministers having imbezelled, they made complaint to Alexander of the loss thereof. Oftentimes men shew less constancy in their countenance, than in the offence it self; for in their complaint Dioxippus perceiv'd by their looks that they noted him as the Thief; which he could [Page 426] not endure, but parting out of the Feast (after he had written a Letter to the King) he killed himself.

Alexander was very sorry for his death, which he took for no token of repentance, but rather of indig­nation: For it afterwards appeared, through the o­vermuch rejoycing of his Enemies, that he had been falsly accused. The Embassadours of the Indians that were dismissed home, within a few days after returned again, presenting unto Alexander three hundred Horses, one thousand and thirty Waggons every one drawn with four Horses, certain Vestures of Linnen-cloth, a thousand Indian Targets, and one hundred Talents of Iron, Lions of a rare big­ness, and Tygers that were tame, the Skins of great Lizards, and the Shells of certain Fishes.

The King then commanded Craterus to conduct his Army along the River whereupon he sailed, and embarquing such as were accustomed to accompany him, he with the stream passed into the Bounds of the Mallians, and from thence came unto the Sabra­cans, who were a Nation of great power, not ruled by Kings, but by a Government of the People. They had gathered together six thousand Footmen, and six thousand Horsemen, and five hundred armed Waggons, and had chosen three Captains that were approved men of War: But when such as inhabited next unto the River (the Banks being full of Villa­ges) saw all the River, as far as they could view, over-spread with Ships, and the Armour glistering of so many men of War, they were amazed at the strangeness of the fight, and thought that some Army of the gods, or else Bacchus (whose name was fa­mous amongst those Nations) had been come a­mongst [Page 427] them. The cry of the men of War, with the clashing of the Oars, and the strange noise of the Ma­riners exhorting one another, filled their fearful ears. They ran therefore amongst their Country­men, who had assembled their Forces, declaring their madness if they would contend with the gods; for they said the Ships could not be numbred that carried those invincible people: with which words they put such fear amongst the men of their own Nation, that they sent immediately Embassadours to yield themselves.

When he had received their submission, he came the fourth day into another Country, the people whereof durst no more withstand him than the other did; and there he builded a City, which he named A­lexandria: and from thence he entred into a Coun­try, the inhabiters whereof they call Musicans, there he understood by the accusation of the Paromisidans, that Desteriores (whom Alexander had appointed Lieutenant amongst them) had ruled in excessive pride and covetousness, and therefore he comman­ded him to be put to death: And Oxiartes Lieute­nant of the Bactrians being also accused, was not only acquitted, but had a greater Rule committed unto him.

When he had subdued the uttermost part of the Musicans, he put a Garison into their City, and ad­vanced from thence into another Nation of the In­dians called Prestians; of whom Oxicanus was King, who with a great Power retired himself into a strong City, which Alexander won the third day after he began his Siege: Upon the taking of the Town, Oxi­canus fled into the Cstle, and sent Embassadours to [Page 428] treat for peace; but before they were come to Alex­anders presence, two Towers of the Castle fell with a great noise, by the ruines whereof the Macedons got into the Castle, where Oxicanus with a few standing at defence, was slain.

The Castle being razed, and all that were within sold as slaves, Alexander came into the bounds of Saba, where beside many Holds that yielded to him, he took the strongest City of that Country by force of a Myne. It seemed a wonderful thing to the In­dians, being ignorant of such Policies of War, for armed men to come forth of the ground in the midst of their City, where there appeared no signe of any way under the Earth. Clitarchus doth write, that there were eighty thousand Indians slain in that Country, besides many prisoners sold as slaves. The Musicans in the mean time rebelled; for the suppres­sing of whom Python was sent thither, who took the Prince of the Nation prisoner, and brought him to Alexander, whom he caused to be hanged upon a Cross as the Author of the Revolt; which done, he returned again to the River where he had comman­ded his Navy to tarry for him. The fourth day af­ter he came to a Town at the entrance into the Kingdom of Samus, the King whereof had newly yielded himself; but the Citizens had shut their Gates, and would not be at his Commandment; whose small number Alexander regarded so little, that he sent five hundred Agrians unto their Gates to proffer them Skirmish, to the intent that by reti­ring, they might draw them by little and little out of their strength, thinking they would follow the Chase, when they should see their Enemies flying.

[Page 429] The Agrians did as they were appointed; and when they had once provoked their Enemies, they immediately turned their backs, and the Indians pursued them, until they came to the Ambuscado where the King lay in person; then the Agrians tur­ned, and the Fight was renewed so fiercely, that of three thousand Indians, there were five hundred slain, and a thousand taken, the rest recovered the City: but the end of the Victory was not so plea­sant as the beginning; for the Indians had so enve­nomed their Arrows, that such as were hurt died of the wounds: and the Physicians could not devise the cause of so strange a death; for even the lightest hurts were incurable. The Indians trusted that Alexander through his rashness might have come within that danger, who by chance fighting amongst the fore­most, escaped unhurt.

Ptolomy was lightly wounded upon the left shoul­der, and being in a greater danger than the great­ness of his wound shewed, caused the King to be careful of him; for he was near of kin unto him, and some thought that Philip was his Father; but it is certain that his mother was Philip his Concubine: He was one of them that had the charge of the Kings person, a valiant man of War, and yet more famous in the arts of Peace: he was moderate both in his apparel and living; liberal, easie to be spo­ken to, and without any such height of minde, as is accustomed to be in men descended of the Royal Blood; by reason of which qualities, it is uncertain whether he was better beloved of the King, or of the Souldiers.

This was the first occasion he had to prove how [Page 430] the mindes of men were affectionate towards him; for even in that danger, the Macedons began to di­vine of his fortune, whereunto afterwards he ascen­ded. They had no less care of Ptolomy than of the King himself; who used him so familiarly, that when he was wearied either with travel or care of minde, he would [...]it for his solace with Ptolomy, and at that time caus'd his bed to be brought into his own cham­ber: When Ptolomy was laid there, he fell suddenly in a sound sleep, in the which it seemed that a Dra­gon offered to him an herb out of his mouth, for the healing of his wound, and taking away of the ve­nome. When he awaked, he declared his dream, and shewed both the colour and fashion of the herb, affirming that he could know it, if any man could finde it out. This herb was sought by so many, that at length it was found; and being put upon the wound, the pain staightways ceased, and the scar within short space was closed. When the Indians were disappointed of the hope they had conceived that way, they yielded themselves and their City.

From thence Alexander went into the next Coun­try, called Parthalia, the King whereof called Meris left the City, and fled into the Mountains, so that Alexander took the same, finding a wonderful prey of Sheep, of Cattel, and of Corn. There he took Pilots that knew the River, and came unto an Island which stood in the midst of the stream, where he was compelled to remain the longer, because the Pi­lots being negligently kept, were escaped away. He sent therefore to seek out others; but when he could finde not any, there entred a vehement desire into his head to visit without any Guide, the Ocean-Sea, [Page 431] and the end of the world, committing his own life, and the lives of so many thousands, to a River which none of them did know. They sailed as men igno­rant of all places they came unto, either how far the Sea was distant from them, what Nations did inha­bit the Countries thereabouts, or whether the Mouth of the River were navigable for Gallies, or not. In all these things they were led by a blinde and doubt­ful imagination, having no other comfort in their rash Enterprize, but only that they trusted to their continual felicity. When they had gone forwards four hundred Furlongs, the Ship-masters told the King, that they felt the air of the Sea, whereby they knew the Ocean was at hand. Thereat he rejoyced greatly, and exhorted the Mariners that they would with all the power they could, make way with their Oars, to bring him to the sight of the end of the World, which he had so long desired.

Now (said he) our Glory is perfect, when our manhood is such that nothing can stay us: now the World is come into our hands without any further hazard of War, or shedding of Bloud. Now since the Bounds that Nature hath wrought be so near at hand, we shall shortly see things unknown, saving to the immortal gods. Yet notwithstanding he set some men upon the Land to take some of the Coun­try-men, by whom he trusted to have known the cer­tainty of the truth. When they searched out their Cottages, at length they found out some of the wi­sest who were hidden, who being demanded how far the Sea was from them, they made answer, that they never heard it named; but they said, that within three days sayling, they should come unto a place [Page 432] where a brackish water did corrupt the fresh; by which words the Mariners understood that they meant the Sea, of the nature whereof the people were ignorant: then the Mariners rowed chearfully, their desire growing ever the greater, as they ap­proached near unto the place which they hoped to be the end of their travel. On the third day they came where the Sea and the River joyned together, mixing with a small floud their waters that were of a contrary nature: Then because the tide was somewhat against them, they haled towards another Island standing in the midst of the River, which be­ing an easie place to land at, the Macedons ran about to seek Victuals, in surety as they thought, being ig­norant of the chance that came upon them.

About three of the clock, according to its ordi­nary course, the tide came rowling in from the Sea, and with his force did drive the stream backward, which at the first being but stayed, was afterwards so vehemently repulsed, that it caused the water to return backward with greater fury then a swift stream is accustomed to run. The common sort that knew not the nature of the Ocean, thought the same to be a wonderful thing, and that it had been a token sent to them of Gods wrath: and while they were in that imagination, the Sea swelling more and more, overflowed the Land which they saw be­fore dry; and as the water mounted, the Ships and all the Navy was dispersed here and there. Such as were upon land were amazed with the suddenness of the event, and ran from all parts in great fear unto their Ships. But in a tumult, haste doth always hart, and giveth impediment. Some there were that [Page 433] went about to set forward their Ships; others for­bade rowing, and removed not at all; otherwhiles they made haste away, and would not tarry to take in their company, and they moving but slowly could make no way. Some, when they saw them press on Ship-board in such throngs, for fear of taking in too many, would receive none at all; so that both the mul­titude and the small number were an equal impedi­ment unto the haste they made. The cry that some made in bidding men tarry, and the noise that others made in willing them to go forwards, with their voices that differed, and agreed not in one effect, took away the use both of their sight and hearing. The Mariners could not help it, whose words in the tumult could not be heard, nor their commandments observed amongst men in fear and out of order. The Ships therefore did beat one against the other, the Oars crashed asunder, and every Ship either thrust forward or did put back one another. No man would have judged it to be one Fleet, but rather two Na­vies sighting a Battel upon the Sea. The Sterns did strike against the poop; such as went before, troubled them that came after; and at last the words of men in their choler came unto blows. The tide had now over-flown all the Plains thereabout, so that nothing appeared above the Waters save the Hills, which seemed so many little Islands, whereunto many did swim, and left their Ships for fear.

Whilest the Navy was thus dispersed abroad, and partly floated as they hapned in any valley, and partly stuck in the ground as they lighted on the flats; there came suddenly another terrour greater then the first: For when the Sea began to ebbe, the [Page 434] water fell back again into his wonted course, with so great violence as it came forwards, and restored the sight of the Land, which before was drowned as in a deep Sea. The Ships then forsaken of the water, fell upon their sides, and the Fields were strewed with broken boards and pieces of Oars. The Souldiers durst not go forth to Land, and yet were in doubt to tarry on Ship-board, looking ever for some grea­ter mischief to come, then what they saw present or past. They could scarcely believe what they saw and suffered, which was a Shipwrack upon the land, and a Sea within a River. They thought no end could come of this calamity; for they knew not that the Sea should shortly return again, and set their Ships afloat: And therefore they proposed to them­selves Famine and all extremities. The Monsters also of the Sea, which after the water was past, were left on dry land, did put them in great fear.

The night approached, and despair brought the King into a great agony: yet no care could so over­come his heart, that was invincible, but he watched all night, and sent Horsemen to the mouth of the River, to bring him word when the tide came. He caused two Ships that were broken to be amended, and such as were overwhelmed to be hoised up a­gain; warning all men to lie in wait, and be in a rea­diness against the water should arise. When he had consumed all that night in watching and giving ex­hortation unto his men, straightways the Horesemen returned on a main gallop, and the tide at their heels, which mildly increasing, began to raise again their Ships; and when it had once over-flown the Banks, the whole Navy began to move. Then all [Page 435] the Coast rebounded with the unmeasurable rejoy­cing that the Souldiers and Mariners made for their safeguard, whereof they were before in despair.

When they saw the danger past, they inquired one of another, by what reason the Sea could so soon [...]bb and flow; and debated the nature of that Ele­ment, which one while disagreed, and another while was obedient and subject to the time. The King conjecturing by the signes he had seen before, that after the Sun-rising the tide would serve to his purpose, at mid-night with a few Ships did sail down the Stream; and passing out at the mouth of the River, he entred four hundred Furlongs into the Sea; and being Master of his desires, he there made sacrifice to the gods of the Sea, who were worship­ped in those Countries, and returned again unto his Navy. On the next day he returned backwards against the Stream, and arrived at a salt Lake, the nature whereof being unknown, deceived many that rashly entred into the water; for their bodies by and by became full of scabs; which disease taken by some, the contagion thereof infected many o­thers: but they found that Oyl was a remedy for the same.

Alexander lying still with his Army, waiting for the Spring of the year, sent Leonatus before by Land where he thought to pass, to dig Wells, because the Country was very dry, and destitute of water. In the mean time, he builded many Cities, and com­manded Nearchus and Onesicritus (that were most expert in the Discipline of Sea-service) with his strongest Ships to pass into the Ocean, and to go so far forwards as they might with surety, to under­stand [Page 436] the nature of the Sea; and willed them at their return, to land either within that River, or else within Euphrates. When the Winter was well passed, he burned those Ships which were unser­viceable, and conveyed his Army by Land. After [...]ine Incampings he came into the Country of the Arabitans, and from thence in nine days came into the Country of the Gedrosians, who being a free Na­tion, by a general Counsel had amongst them, yielded themselves; of whom there was not any thing de­manded saving only Victuals.

The fifth day he came into a River, which the Country-men call Barabon, beyond which there lay a barren Country, greatly destitute of water, through the which he passed, and entred amongst the Horitans. There he betook the greater part of his Army to Ephestion, and divided the Souldiers that were light armed to Ptolomy and Leonatus; and so they wasted the Country with three Armies at once, and took a great booty. Ptolomy turned to­wards the Sea, Leonatus on the other hand, and Alexander himself in the midst. In that Country he builded also a City, and brought men out of Ar­rachosia to inhabit it. From thence he came amongst the Indians, who, lying upon the Sea-coast, do in­habit a great Country that is waste and desart. They use no Traffique, Commerce, nor Conversa­tion with any of their Neighbours: but the desart­ness of their Country made them savage, being wilde of their own nature. Their nails and hair are never cut: they made their Houses of the Shells of Fishes, and of other things that the Sea casteth up; and be­ing clad with the skins of wilde Beasts, do [...]eed on [Page 437] Fishes dried with the Sun, and such Monsters as the Sea doth cast upon the Land.

Here the Macedons consumed their Victuals, and first endured scarcity, and afterwards extream hun­ger, searching out in every place the roots of the Palms, which is the only Tree that groweth in that Country: But when that kinde of nourishment fail­ed them, they killed their Carriage-beasts, and ab­stained not from their Horses; insomuch that lack­ing Beasts to bear their Baggage, they were infor­ced to consume with fire those Spoils of their Ene­mies, which had caused them to travel into the ut­termost bounds of the Orient. After their Fa­mine, there followed a Pestilence; for the unac­customed nourishment of the unwholesome meat they did eat, with the travel of their journey, and the anxiety of their mindes, did spread Diseases a­mongst them in such sort, that they could neither continue in a place, nor yet go forwards without great destruction: Hunger oppressed them when they tarried, and the Pestilence was more vehement ever as they went forwards. The Fields therefore were strewn full of men that were half dead and half alive; and such as were but half sick were not able to follow the Army, it marched with so great a speed: For every man thought so much to further his own safety, by how much he made haste to get before his fellows.

Such as fainted and could not follow, desired both such as they knew and knew not, to help them forwards: but they had no Beasts whereupon to set them, and the Souldiers (who had the imminent mischief that fell upon other men, represented be­fore [Page 438] their own eyes) could hardly bear their own Arms; wherefore when they were called upon, they would not vouchsafe once to look back, fear had so taken away all compassion from them. Then they who were left behinde, cried upon the gods and their King for help, alledging, That they were all of one Country and Religion, which was a Band for one to relieve another: But when they had cried long in vain unto their deaf ears, through desperation they raged, wishing the like end to their Friends and Companions which they themselves endured.

The King possessed both with sorrow and shame, because he and none else should be the cause of so great a destruction amongst his men, did write to Phrataphernes, Ruler of the Parthenians, to send to him upon Camels, Victuals ready to be eaten; and certified the Princes of the Countries round therea­bout of his necessity, who did slack no time, but made provision according to his will. Thus his Army delivered only from Famine, was brought within the bounds of the Gedrosians; and foras­much as the same was a Country fertile of all things, he thought good to stay there a while, with rest to recover again his feeble Souldiers.

There he received Letters from Leonatus, that he had won the Victory of the Horitans, who encoun­tred him with eight thousand Footmen, and five hundred Horsemen. He was advertized from Cra­terus. That he had taken and put in hold Ozines and Zariaspes, two Noble-men of Persia, who went about to rebel. Alexander also understanding that Mem­non was dead, gave the charge of the Country whereof he had the rule, unto Siburtius, and after­wards [Page 439] marched into Carmania. Aspastes was Go­vernour of that Nation, who being suspected of In­novation whiles Alexander was in India, met him on the way: But Alexander dissembling his wrath, entertained him gently, and gave unto him his ac­customed honour, till such time as he had better proof of the accusation which was laid against him.

When the Princes of India, according to his ap­pointment, had sent out from all their Countries great plenty of Horses, and other Beasts, both for Saddle and Draught, he gave Carriage again to all men that wanted, and restored their Armour to the former beautifulness and excellency: for they were come into a Country joyning upon Persia, which was both abundant in all things, and also quietly established under his subjection. He thought it then a time to counterfeit Bacchus, in the glory and fame which he got amongst those Nations. Whe­ther it were a Triumph that Bacchus first instituted, or a pastime used of him in drunkenness, Alexan­der was determined to counterfeit his Acts, having his minde elevated above the estate of man. He commanded therefore all the Villages through the which he was to pass, to be strewed with Flowers and Garlands, and Wine to be set forth at every mans door, for all men that would drink. He caused Waggons also to be made, of largeness able to carry great numbers, and decked the same with precious Furniture. The King went foremost with his Friends, and next to them his Guard, wearing upon their heads Garlands of Flowers, some play­ing upon Flutes, some upon Harps: every one ge­nerally through the Army adorned his Chariot ac­cording [Page 440] to his ability and substance; and consu­ming the whole day in Banquetting, did hang their rich Armour beside them. Alexander, with such as he called to his Company, was carried in a Chariot, laden with Cups of Gold, and other golden Vessels; and with his drunken Army he marched thus seven days together, in ostentation of the prey they had gotten; wherein they shewed such dissoluteness, that if one thousand of the subdued people had given them the onset, they might have taken them Priso­ners, and led them away in triumph. But Fortune, which hath appointed both Fame and Estimation to things, turned all this disorder unto his Glory: for both the Age that was then, and the Posterity that came after, marvelled, and took it for a wonder, that he durst go so dissolutely among those Nations, not yet established under his Empire; the barbarous Peo­ple reputing his Rashness for an assured Confidence. But shedding of bloud ensued after this Triumph: For Prince Aspastis (spoken of before) was comman­ded to be put to death: So that his excess in Volu­ptuousness, was no let unto his Cruelty, nor his Cruelty an impediment to his Voluptuousness.

ABout the same time Cleander, Sitacles, Agathon, and Heracon, who by the Kings appointment had put Parmenio to death, returned to him, bringing with them five thousand Footmen and a thousand Horsemen. There were many Accusers that followed them out of the Province whereof they had the Go­vernance; their behaviour being such, that the ac­ceptable service they had done to Alexander, in kil­ling of Parmenio, could be no satisfaction for the multitude of offences they had committed. They u­sed such an universal spoil, not abstaining from Tem­ples, nor from consecrated things. The Virgins also and great Ladies of the Country whom they had ra­vished, complained of them, lamenting the shame they had sustained. They used such Covetousness and inordinate Lust in their Authority, that it caused the name of the Macedons to be hated amongst those Nations. And yet among all the rest, Cleanders [Page 442] offence was most horrible, who ravishing a Virgin of Noble Parentage, gave her to his Slave to use as his Concubine.

The greater part of Alexander Friends were not so much offended with their cruelty and foul acts, whereof they were accused, as with Parmenio his death, which they kept in silence, lest the rehearsal thereof might have procured them favour with the King; rejoycing that the Kings Justice was fallen upon the Ministers of his Wrath, and that no Power or Authority gotten by evil means, could have any long continuance.

Alexander hearing the Cause, said, that the Accu­sers overslipt the greatest Offence, which was the despair of his own safety; for if they had either hoped or be­lieved that he should ever have returned out of India, they durst never (he said) have committed any such hai­nous offences. He commanded them therefore to prison, and six hundred Souldiers to death, who had been the Ministers of their cruelty; and they also were executed the same day, whom Craterus had brought as Authors of the Rellellion out of Persia. Within a while after, Nearchus and Onesicritus, who had been commanded by the King to search the Ocean-sea, returned to him, declaring some Discoveries by knowledge, and some by report: They shewed him of an Island not far from the mouth of Indus, which abounded with Gold, and had no breed of Horses amongst them; wherefore the Inhabitants would give a Talent for every Horse brought from the Main-land. They also told him of great and monstrous Fishes (whereof those Seas were full) which carried down with the Tide, [Page 443] would shew their bodies as big as a great Ship, and follow the whole Fleet with a terrible noise; and when they dived underneath the water, they trou­bled the Seas, as it had been a Ship-wrack. These were things they had seen; the rest they received by the report of the Inhabitants: as how the Red-sea took his name of King Erithrus, and not of the co­lour of the Water. They shewed also another River not far from the Main-land, growing full of Palm-trees, where was a great Wood, and in the midst thereof stood a Pillar, where King Erithrus was buried, with an Inscription on it of such Letters as were used in that Country.

They added besides, That such Vessels as carried the Merchants, and the Vassals of the Army, through the covetousness of the Gold which had been re­ported unto them, were landed in the Island by the Mariners, and were never seen after. These words moved Alexander much, and put him in a great de­sire to get more certain knowledge of those parts; and therefore he commanded them again to Sea, willing that they should coast the Land, till they came within the River of Euphrates, and from thence to come up to Babylon against the Stream. The things were infinite that he compassed in his head: for he determined after he had brought the Sea-coast of the Orient under his subjection, to go out of Syria into Africk, for the envy he bare to the Carthaginians; he purposed from thence to pass over the Desarts of Numidia, towards the Gades, where he understood by fame that Hercules had planted his Pillars; and so directing his Journey through Spain (the which the Greeks of the River [Page 444] Iberus call Iberia) to go over the Alps into Italy, till he should come to the Coast where the next pas­sage was unto Epirus. For this intent he gave com­mandment to his Officers in Mesopotamia, That they should cut down Materials in Mount Libanus, and convey the same to Capsagas, a City in Syria, and there make Gallies of such greatness, that every one of them might be able to carry seven Oars upon a Bank; and from thence he willed them to be con­veyed unto Babylon. He also sent commandment to the King of Cyprus, to furnish them with Iron, Hemp, and Sails.

Whiles these things were in doing, he received Letters from Porus and Taxiles, signifying, That Abiazares was dead of a Disease, and that Philip his Lieutenant in those parts was slain, they being put to death who were the Actors of it. Alexander in the place of Philip preferred Eudemon that was Captain of the Thracians, and gave Abiazares King­dom to his Son. From thence he came to Pasargades, a Country of the Persians, whereof Orsines was Lord, who in Nobility and Riches exceeded all other men in those parts, as one that derived his Pedegree from Cyrus, that once was King of Persia. The Riches his Predecessours left him were great, and he by a long continuance in his Inheritance and Authority had much increased the same.

He met Alexander coming thitherwards, and pre­sented both him and his Friends with Gifts of sundry sorts, which were a multitude of young Horses ready to be backed, Chariots wrought with gold and sil­ver, precious Moveables, excellent Pearls, and spark­ling Stones, weighty Vessels of Gold, Robes of Pur­ple, [Page 445] and four thousand Talents of coyned Silver. But this his liberality was the occasion of his death: for when he had presented all the Kings Friends with Gifts above their desire, he honoured not Bagoas the Eunuch with any Gifts at all, whom Alexander espe­cially favoured for the use of his body, by which he did oblige the King unto him: There were therefore some that gave him admonition how much Alexan­der esteemed Bagoas; but he answered them,

That his custom was to honour the Kings Friends, and not his Minions; and that it was not the manner of the Persians to have any in estimation, who did pol­lute themselves in so shameful an abuse.

When his words were reported to the Eunuch, he used the Power which he had got by dishonest Arts, to the destruction of that noble and innocent man; for he did suborn certain lewd persons of Orsines Country, to bring in false Accusations against him, which he warned them to present at such a time as he should appoint unto them. In the mean season, whensoever Bagoas got the King alone, he would fill his credulous ears with tales against Orsines; ever dissembling the cause of his displeasure, lest thereby he might lose the reputation of his false report.

The King had not Orsines yet in suspition of such a Crime as afterwards he was charged with; but he began to grow with him out of estimation. His ac­cusation was ever so secret, that he could never get knowledge of the peril that was privily wrought against him. This importunate Favourite, in his vile conversation had with the King, was mindful ever of the malice he bare to Orsines, whom he would not cease to bring in suspition of Covetous­ness [Page 446] and Rebellion, so oft as he saw Alexander bent to use him familiarly. And now the false Accusati­ons were in readiness, which he had prepared to the destruction of the innocent, whose fatal destiny, which did approach, could not be avoided.

It chanced that Alexander caused the Tomb wherein Cyrus Body was buried to be opened, pre­tending to use certain Ceremonies for the dead, but thinking in very deed that his Tomb had been full of Gold and Silver; whereof there was a constant fame amongst the Persians: But when it was view­ed, there was nothing found but a rotten Target, two Scythian Bows, and a Scimiter. Alexander caused the Coffin wherein Cyrus Body was laid, to be covered with the Garment which he himself ac­customed to wear, and set thereupon a Crown of Gold; marvelling that the sumptuousness used in burial of such a King, endued with so great Riches, was no more then in the burial of an ordinary per­son. When this thing was in doing, Bagoas stood next unto Alexander, and beholding him in the face said unto him:

What marvel is it though the Sepulchres of Kings be empty, when Lords Houses are not able to hold the Gold that they have taken out from thence? For my part, I never saw this Tomb before; but I have heard Darius report, That there were three thousand Talents buried with Cyrus. From hence (said he) proceeded Orsines liberality, in winning your Favour by the gift of that which he knew he could not keep.

When he had thus stirred up Alexanders wrath against Orsines, he presented them whom he had suborned to accuse him; by whose report, and by [Page 447] Bagoas informations, Alexander was so incensed against Orsines, that he was put in prison before he could suspect he was accused. The Eunuch was not contented with the destruction of this innocent man, but at his death laid violent hands upon him; unto whom Orsines said, I have heard that Women in times past have reigned, and born great rule in Asia; but it is now a more strange thing that an Eunuch should have the Empire in his hands. This was the most Noble of all the Persians: He was not only an innocent man in this matter, but such a one as did bear singular affection unto Alexander, and had shewed great liberality to him and his. At the same time Phradates, who was suspected to have gone a­bout to make himself King, was put to death.

Alexander began then to be much inclined to the shedding of bloud, and to be credulous in hearing of false reports: of such a force is Prosperity to change a mans nature, wherein few men have con­sideration of Vertue. Thus he who a little before would not condemn Lincestes Alexander, when he was accused by two Witnesses, and suffered divers of more mean estate to be acquitted, though it vexed him that they seemed not guilty to other men; thus he who bestowed Kingdoms upon his Enemies whom he had subdued, was in the end so much alte­red from his former inclination, that against his own appetite, at the will of a vile Minion, he would give Kingdoms unto some, and take away Lives from others.

About the same time he received Letters of the Affairs in Europe, whereby he understood that whiles he was in India, Zopyrius his Lieutenant in [Page 448] Thrace made an Expedition against the G [...]tes, where by Storms and Tempests that suddenly rose upon him, he was destroyed and all his Army. When Suthes understood the defeat of that Army, he procured the Odrisians that were his Country­men to revolt; so that all Thrace was in a manner lost thereby, and Greece it self stood in no great safety.

The Writers of the Acts of Alexander the Great, make mention in this place of Calanus an Indian, a man very famous in Philosophy, who by the perswa­sion of King Taxiles, followed Alexander, and ended his life after a strange manner: When he had lived threescore and thirteen years without any Disease, at his coming into Persia he felt a pain in his belly, by which conjecturing that the end of his life was come, lest such a perpetual felicity as he had lived in should be interrupted by any long Disease, or tor­mented by the multitude of Medicines which Phy­sicians do use to administer, he required Alexander that he would cause a Fire to be made, that he might burn himself in the same.

The King began to disswade him from his purpose, thinking to have withdrawn him from the execu­tion of so horrible an act; but when he perceived with what stedfastness and constancy he upheld his resolution, and that there was no way to keep him any longer in life, he suffered a Fire to be made ac­cording to his will, into which Calanus did ride on horseback, making first his Prayer to the gods of his Country; and taking the Macedons by the hands, required them that they would spend that day pleasantly in banquetting with their King, [Page 449] whom not long after he said he should see at Babylon.

When he had spoken these words, he went chear­fully into the Fire; and carrying his body in a comely posture, he kept still the same gesture and countenance at his death, which he was accustomed to do in his life. When the Fire flamed, the Trumpet sounded, and the Men of War made such a shout as they were accustomed to do when they joyned in Battel with their Enemies, which rebound­ed, to the skies; the Elephants also made a terrible noise. These are the things which grave Writers do testifie of Calanus, who was a notable Example of an invincible minde, and constantly bent to en­dure adversity.

From thence Alexander advanced to Susa, where he took to Wife Statira, the eldest Daughter of Da­rius, whose youngest sister called Dyrpetis, he gave in marriage unto Ephestion, and bestowed fourscore Virgins of the Noblest of all the Nations he had conquered, to the principal Macedons, and to the chief of his Friends, because he would not seem alone to begin so strange a Custom. These Marri­ages were celebrated after the Persian manner, and a magnificent Feast prepared at the Espousals, at which there were nine thousand Guests present, to every one of whom Alexander gave a drinking Cup of Gold. At the same time the Rulers of the Ci­ties whom Alexander had subdued and builded, sent unto him thirty thousand young Souldiers that were all of one age, furnished with [...] Armour, and fit for any Enterprize of the War, whom he called Epi­gony, that is to say, Successours. The Macedons at their coming seemed to be somewhat appalled, who [Page 450] wearied with long War, used often in their As­semblies to murmur, and speak mutinous words against their King; for which cause he prepared these Souldiers to restrain the arrogancy of the others, and gave them great benevolences.

Harpalus, to whom the King had committed the charge of the Treasure and Revenues at Babylon, hearing of the Acts that Alexander had done in subduing the greater part of the Kings of India, and his success to be so prosperous that nothing could withstand him, knowing the unsatiable desire that was in Alexander to visit far Countries, and to in­crease his Glory, thought it should be a hard matter for him to return to Babylon again: Wherefore he gave himself to delight and riot, misusing many that were Noble and free-women, and wallowed in all kind of voluptuousness; insomuch that he sent for a famous Harlot called Potonice, to whom he both gave many great and Princely Gifts while she was a­live, and also after her death spent thirty Talents on her Tomb.

Having in these and such other voluptuous Vani­ties consumed a great part of the Treasure, when he understood that Alexander was come out of India, and did execute Justice upon his Officers, who mis­used them over whom they had the Rule (by rea­son he was privy to his foul Conscience) he feared the like might fall on himself: And therefore ga­thering together five thousand Talents, and six thou­sand mercenary Souldiers, he took his way towards Athens, no man being willing to receive him by the way. When he came to Tenaron (where a great number of the mercenary Greeks who had been dis­charged [Page 451] out of Asia were assembled) he left his Soul­diers there, and went to Athens with his Money.

When he was come thither, a great number of Citizens flocked about him; but more for love of his Money, than for any respect unto himself: but especially the Oratours, whom by small Rewards he easily corrupted to defend his Cause before the Peo­ple. But afterwards, at a general Assembly, he was commanded to depart the City; and so he re­turned again among the Greek Souldiers, by whom he was slain. After that, with thirty Ships they pas­sed over to Sunium, which is a point of Land in the Territory of Athens, from whence they determined to have entred into the Haven of the City.

These things being known, Alexander, who was much moved as well against the Athenians as against Harpalus, prepared a Navy to make War in person immediately against them. As he was busied about it, he understood by secret Letters, both how Har­palus had been in Athens, and had corrupted with Money the chief of the City, and also how after­wards, by a Council of the People, he was com­manded to depart from thence, and returning a­mongst the Greek Souldiers, he was betrayed and slain by one of them. These news greatly rejoyced Alexander, whereby he had occasion to leave off his Journey into Europe; but he sent commandment to all the Cities of Greece, that they should receive all their banished men, such only excepted as had committed any murder on their own Country-men. Although the Greeks kn [...]w this to be the breach of their Laws and Liberties, yet as men that [...] not disobey his Will, they called home their banished [Page 452] men, and restored to such of them their Goods who did remain: Only the Athenians, who evermore defended obstinately the Liberties of their Common­wealth, and who had not been accustomed to live under the obedience of any King, but under the Laws and Customs of their Country would not per­mit that such dregs of men should live amongst them, but did drive them out of their bounds; rea­dy to suffer any thing, rather than to receive such who sometime were the vomit of all their City, and the refuse of the Outlaries.

The time was come that Alexander now intend­ed to dismiss his old Souldiers, and to send them home into their Country; but he willed first thir­teen thousand Footmen and two thousand Horse­men to be chosen out, to remain still in Asia, which he judged might be kept with a small Army, be­cause (he thought) the many Garisons he had planted, and the Cities which he had newly build­ed and filled with Inhabitants, would be able to awe such as should attempt any Rebellion. But before he would distinguish who should depart, and who should remain, he caused a Proclamation to be made, That all Souldiers should declare their debts (wherewith he perceived many of them to be hea­vily burdened); and though it did rise through their own excess, yet he was determined to discharge every man. But the Souldiers thinking it had been but a device to finde who were most prodigal, de­layed the time, and brought not in their Declara­tions.

The King perceived shame to be the cause thereof, and not disobedience or obstinacy; and therefore he [Page 453] caused Tables to be set up through his Camp, and ten thousand Talents to be brought forth; of all which Treasure, when their Debts were paid, according to the just accompt, there remained of Talents no more but an hundred and thirty: Whereby it appeared, That they who were the Conquerours of so many rich Nations, brought out of Asia more Glory than Spoil. After it was once known that some should be dismissed, and some remain behinde, they thought the King would have established his Kingdom perpe­tually in Asia: Wherefore like madmen, and un­mindful of all Discipline of War, they filled the Camp full of seditious words, and came to the King more arrogantly, and with greater violence than e­ver they did before, and all with one voice required to be discharged, shewing him the hoariness of their hair, and their faces deformed with scars. And herein they could not be staid, either by chastisement of their Officers, or by any reverence of their King; but when he would have spoken unto them, they would not suffer him to be heard, but disturbed his Speech with their tumultuous cry, and violent throng, pro­testing, That they would never move one foot forwards to any place, except it were towards their own Country. After some hours (because they thought that Alexan­der would incline to their purpose) they kept silence, and stood in expectation what he would do. Then Alexander spake thus unto them:

What meaneth this so sudden a consternation of your minde, and this so petulant and so wilde an insolence? I am afraid to speak unto you, you have so [...] broken your obedience towards me. I am now become a King at the appointment of my People; you have nei­ther [Page 454] left me the libertie to speak unto you, nor to know you, nor to exhort you, nor to behold you. Being de­termined to send some into their Country, and to bring the rest with me shortly after, I see those who are to be dismissed, to cry out and mutiny, as well as those who I appoint to stay with me. What is the meaning of this? The cry is all alike everywhere, although the Cause is divers. I would fain know whether they com­plain that depart, or they that are to tarry?

When he had spoken those words, they cried all (as it had been with one mouth) All, All, All. Then he said;

Truly it cannot be so; nor can I be perswaded that you should all be grieved for the cause you declare, seeing it toucheth not the greatest part of you; for I have ap­pointed more to depart, then to remain with me. There must needs be something of worse consequence then ap­peareth, that you should turn away from me. When was it ever seen, that a whole Army hath forsaken their King? The Slaves run not from their Masters all at once; but there is alwaies a shame in some to leave him, when the rest forsake him. But why do I forget that you are desperately mad? why do I go about to cure those that are uncurable? I condemn from hence­forth all the good hope that ever I conceived of you, and am determined to deal no more with you as with my Souldiers (seeing you will not be mine) but as with men ungrateful, and unmindful of my goodness. The cause of this your madness is even the abundance of your pro­sperity, whereby you forget your old estate, from which you are delivered through my benefit. You are men wor­thy to have spent your lives in your former beggery, see­ing you can better [...] your adversitie than prosperous [Page 455] fortune. Behold, you who not long ago were Tributa­ries to the Illyrians and the Persians, do now disdain Asia, and the spoils of so many Nations: You, who un­der Philip did go half naked, do now contemn Robes of Gold and Purple. Your eyes cannot endure any longer to behold the light of Gold and Silver: You desire again your Wooden Dishes, your Targets made of Wicker, and your Swords covered with rust. I received you [...] this gallant condition, with five hundred [...] when all my Exchequer exceeded not the [...] Talents. This was the Foundation of [...] with (without envy be it spoke [...]) I have [...] the greatest part of the World. Are you weary of Asia, which hath ministred unto you occasion of so much Glory, that by the greatness of your Acts you are made equal unto the gods? Do you all make such haste into Eu­rope, to forsake me that am your King? The greater part of you should have lacked Money to bear you home, if I had not paid your debts. Are you not ashamed, who have plundered all Asia, to carry the Spoils of so many Nations within your bellies only? and to return home to your Wives and Children, not being able to shew any of the Rewards of your Victorie? Many of ye in the way shall be compelled to pawn your Armour, if you forsake this good hope which you might receive at my hand. These are the goodly men of War that I shall want, who of all their Riches have nothing left them, but only their Concubines. The wa [...] lies open for your departure; Get you gone out of my sight: I, with the Persians, will defend your backs when you are gone: I will hold none of you: Deliver mine eyes, you un­grateful Country-men, of the sight of you. Shall your Parents and Children (think you) receive you with joy, [Page 456] when they shall see you return without your King? Shall they covet to meet such as are fugitives, and forsakers of their Prince? I shall [...] at your departure; and wheresoever you shall be, I shall desire to be revenged; honouring always, and preferring above you, those whom you have left here with me. Now you shall know of what force an Army is, that is destitute of a King; and what moment doth consist in me alone.

When he had spoken these words, he leaped in a fury from the Judgment-seat, and ran into the throng of the armed men, where he took with his own hands such as had mutined most against him; of whom there being not any that durst make resi­stance, he delivered thirteen to his Guard to be safely kept. Who would have thought that an As­sembly, who a little before had spoken unto their Prince with such audacity and rigour, could have been so suddenly appalled with fear; and seeing their Companions led to execution, durst none of them make the least attempt to oppose him? But the in­ordinate liberty they used before, and seditious vio­lence, was then so staid, that not one of them durst resist the King, running amongst them, but were all astonied for fear, and stood like men ama­zed with doubtful imaginations, looking what he would determine of themselves. Whether it were the reverence they bare to his Name, because the Nations that live under Kings are accustomed to honour them as gods; or whether it were the Ma­jesty of his Person, or else his own assured Constan­cy, executing his Authority with such violence, that did put them in such fear: but they shewed a notable example of Patience; for they not only not stirred [Page 457] at the execution of their Companions, whom they knew to be put to death in the night-time; but were more diligent in performing their duties than they were before, pretermitting nothing pertaining to obedience, and the natural affection towards their Prince: For on the next day they came to the Court, and being not suffered to enter, but all shut out sa­ving the Souldiers of Asia, they made a sorrowful cry and lamentation, which spread over all the Camp, protesting, That they would not live, if the King continued still in his wrath. But he that was obstinate in all things which he had once conceived in his head, having commanded the Macedons to keep still in their Camp, did assemble the strange Souldiers together; to whom, by an Interpreter, he made this Oration.

At what time I came first out of Europe into Asia, my trust was to bring many noble Nations and a great power of Men under my Empire and Dominion, where­in I was not deceived: For besides that Fame reported you to be the men of Valour, I have found in you one thing more, which is an in [...]parable Obedience, Fide­lity, and Affection towards their Prince. I thought Voluptuousness had o [...]flown all Vertues amongst you, and that through your great felicitie you had been drowned in Pleasures: But I finde otherwise, and per­ceive that none do observe the Discipline and Order of the Wars better than you, nor execute the same with more activity and resolution; and being manful and valiant men, they embrace Fidelitie as well as Fortitude. This I do but now confess, but I knew it long ago: which was the cause that I chose you out of the Youth of so ma­ny Nations, to be my Souldiers, and did incorporate you [Page 458] amongst mine own People, causing you to wear the same Armour; but your Obedience towards Authoritie appeareth much better in you, than in them: Therefore I have joyned to my self in Marriage the Daughter of Oxares, who is a Persian, not disdaining to beget Chil­dren upon a Captive: And afterwards desiring abun­dantly to increase the Issue of my body I took to Wife the Daughter of Darius, and was the Author that my near Friends should beget Children upon their Captives; minding by this holy Covenant to exclude the diffe­rence between the Conquerour and the Conquered. Wherefore you must now think, that you are not Soul­diers by me adopted, but more natural; and that Asia and Europe is one Kingdom, without any difference. I have given unto you Armour after the manner of the Macedons: I have brought all strangeness and novelty into a custom; and now you are both my Country-men and my Souldiers; in all things receiving one form and fashion. I have not thought it unseemly for the Persians to shadow the Customs of the Macedons, nor for the Macedons to counterfeit the Persians, seeing they all ought to be under one Law and Custom, who should live under one King.

When he had made this Oration, he committed the custody of his Person unto the Persians; he made them of his Guard, and his Officers of Ju­stice, by whom when those Macedons who had given the occasion of this Sedition were led bound unto Execution, one of them who was more anci­ent, and of greater estimation than the rest, spake after this manner:

How long will you give place unto your will, in exe­cuting us after this strange manner? Your Souldiers [Page 459] and your own Country-men are drawn to Execution by their own Prisoners, before their cause is heard. If you have judged us worthy of death, at leastwise change the Ministers of your wrath.

This was a good admonishment, if he had been patient to hear the truth; but his wrath was grown into a fury, so that when he saw those who had the charge of them to stay a little, as willing to respite the Execution, he caused the Prisoners to be tum­bled into the River, and there drowned. Not­withstanding the cruelty of this punishment, the Souldiers were not moved to any sedition, but re­paired in great numbers to their Captains, and unto such as were near about the King, requiring, That if there yet remained any infected with the same Of­fence, that he should command them to be put to death; proffering their bodies to be punished, and executed at his own will.

After it was known that the dignity of being the Kings Lieutenant was given unto the Persians, and that they were distributed into divers Orders, with such names given unto them as were unto the Mace­dons, and that the Macedons were rejected with reproach; they could not then longer contain them­selves, nor the dolour they had conceived in their hearts; but with a great throng pr [...]ssed to the Court, wearing only their nethermost Garments, and leaving their Weapons without the Gate, in token of repentance: there with weeping, and all tokens of humility, they made request to be admit­ted to the Kings presence, beseeching that he would vouchsafe to pardon their Offence, and to pacifie his wrath with the death of so many of them as he [Page 460] should think good, rather than to suffer them to live in such a reproach; which except he would re­lease, they protested they would never depart out of the place. When these things were declared unto Alexander, he caused the Court-gates to be opened, and came forth amongst them; where beholding their lamentation and repentance, and the posture of their miserable affliction, he could not abstain to weep a long time with them, and in consideration of their modesty, forgave them their former offences; and after he had moderately told them their faults, and again comforted them with gentle words, he discharged many from the Service of the Wars, and sent them home magnificently rewarded, writing to Antipater his Lieutenant in Macedonia, that he should assigne them the chief places in the Theatres at Tri­umphs and publick Shews, where they should sit with Garlands on their heads, willing, that their Children after their deaths should enjoy their Fathers Pay. He appointed Craterus to be their Ruler, to whom also in the place of Antipater he had commit­ted the Government of Macedonia, Thessalia, and Thracia, Antipater being sent for to repair unto him with a supply of young Souldiers.

Alexander had received Letters before, both from him and Olympias his Mother, by which there ap­peared to be some discontents between them: For his Mother accused Antipater that he went about to make himself King; and Antipater did write how Olympias did many things otherwise than did be­come her. Antipater did take his calling away so grievously to heart, that he conspired thereupon to poyson Alexander, who having accomplished what [Page 461] he resolved to have done, advanced to Ecbatana in Media, to set in order the necessary Affairs of his Empire, and there ordained solemn Triumphs and Feastings.

It chanced that Ephestion, whom the King entire­ly loved, and used in the place of a Brother, did die at the same time of a Fever; whose death Alex­ander took more heavily than may well be credited, committing in his grief many things that were un­beseeming the Majesty of a Prince: He commanded Ephestions Physician to be hanged, as though he had died through his negligence. He lay imbracing of the dead body, and could hardly be taken away by his Friends, but continued his sorrow night and day.

There are many other things written on this Sub­ject, which are scarcely credible; but it is certain, that he commanded Sacrifice to be made unto him, as to a god, and consumed in his Burial, and in making of his Tomb, above twelve thousand Ta­lents. As he was returning to Babylon, the Chal­dean Prophets met him on the way, exhorting him not to enter into the City; for it was signified, That if he went thither at that time, he should be in great peril of his life. Notwithstanding, he regarded not their Admonitions, but went forward in his Journey, according as he was appointed; for he understood that Embassadours were come thither from all Regions, and tarried for his coming: the terrour of his name was so spread through the world, that all Nations shewed an obsequiousness towards him, as though he had been appointed to be their King: This caused him to make haste to Babylon, to [Page 462] keep there as it were a Parliament▪ of the whole World. When he was come thither, he received the Embassadours gently, and afterwards dismissed them home again.

There was about the same time a Banquet prepa­red at the house of one Thessalus Medius, whereunto the King (being invited) came with such as were appointed to keep him company: But he had no sooner drunk of Hercules Cup, but that he gave a deep groan, as though he had been struck to the heart; and being carried out of the Feast half dead, he was so tormented with pain, that he required a Sword to have killed himself. His Friends did publish abroad, that drunkenness was the cause of his disease; but in very deed it was prepared Trea­son, the infamy whereof, the Power of his Succes­sors did oppress. The poyson prepared long before, was delivered by Antipater unto his Son Cassander, who, with his brethren Philip and Iolla, were accu­stomed to serve the King at meat: he was warned that he should not commit the said Poyson to any Person, except it were to Thessalus, or to his own brothers Philip and Iolla, who were both accustomed to take the assay of the Kings Cup; and having the poyson ready in cold water, mixed it with Wine, after they had tasted it. When the fourth day was come, the Souldiers, partly because they suspected he was dead, and partly because they could not endure to want long his sight, came sorrowfully un­to the Court, desiring to see the King; who by his commandment were admitted unto his presence, by such as had the charge of his person.

When they beheld him lying in that estate, they [Page 463] made great sorrow and lamentation, for he seemed not to them to be the same whom they were accu­stomed to behold, but rather a dead Corpse. If their grief were great, the sorrow of them who stood next to the Bed, appeared much greater; whom when Alexander beheld to lament after that sort, he said unto them:

When I shall depart, you shall finde a King worthy of such men as you are.

It is a thing incredible to speak, how that during the Souldiers of his whole Army came to visit him▪ he never altered his countenance nor gesture, but continued in that presence, which he gave unto the first, unto the last man. When he had dismissed the multitude, as though he had been discharged of all debt of life, he lay down to rest his weak body; and his voice beginning to fail him, he commanded his Friends to draw near unto him: then taking his Ring from his Finger, he delivered it to Perdiccas, and gave therewith a commandment that his Body should be conveyed to Hammon. They demanded to whom he would leave his Kingdom? he said, To the worthiest. By which words it appeared, that he foresaw the Contention that was like to ensue upon his death. Perdiccas moreover demanded of him, when he would have divine Honours done unto him. At such time, said he, as you shall finde your selves in Fe­licity.

These were the last words Alexander spake, and shortly after he died. Immediately after his death, the Court was full of howling and lamenting; and by and by, as it had been in a desart place, all things were hush, and a sorrowful silence was spread over [Page 464] all grief being converted into imagination, what the event should be. The young men of the Nobi­lity that were accustomed about the Kings person, could not bear the greatness of their dolour, nor keep themselves within the compass of the Court, but ran [...] as men out of their wits, whereby their City [...] filled with sighs and tears, and no kinde of lam [...]ation pretermitted, that sorrow is accustom­ed [...] administer in such a case: Such therefore as were without the Court, as well Macedons as others, c [...]me running thither, where the Conquerours from the conquered could not be discerned, so equal and mutual was their sorrow.

The Persians called upon their just and merciful Lord, and the Macedons made invocation unto him that was so just and gracious a King; and thus there was a certain contention among them. They did not only use the words of grief and heaviness, but also of murmuring and indignation, that so young a Prince, being in the flower of his age, and so fortu­nate in success, should by the envy of the gods be so taken out of this world. They called to remem­brance what a chearfulness they had always seen in his countenance, both when he led them to the Bat­tel, or when he besieged or assaulted any City, or when he would give any commendation to the Va­liant in any Assembly.

Then the Macedons repented that ever they had denied him divine honour, confessing themselves both wicked and ungrateful in depriving him of any name whereof he was worthy. And when they had con­tinued long in the veneration and desire of him that was dead, they began to lament their own condition, [Page 465] who coming out of Macedon, were beyond the River Euphrates, amongst the middest of their Enemies, who unwillingly received their new Government. They saw themselves left destitute, and the Empire without any certain Heir; for want of whom every one would go about to draw the Power of the State into his own private interest. Then they began to conceive and foresee the Civil Wars that did ensue, and that they should be inforced to shed their bloud again, not for the Conquest of Asia, but for the Title of some such a one as would go about to make him­self King. Moreover, that such who by reason of their age had been discharged from the Wars by their noble and righteous King, should now be infor­ced to spend their lives in the quarrel of one who was but his Souldier.

Whiles they were in these imaginations, the night came on▪ and increased their terrour: The men of War watched in their Arms, and the Babylonians looked over the Walls, peeping out from the tops of their houses, to discover some certainty how the Affairs passed. There was not one that durst kindle any light; and because the use of the eye did fail, they laid their ears to hear the rumour and words that were spoken; and many times they were afraid, when no cause of fear was; and when they met to­gether in the narrow streets, or dark lanes, they would be amazed, and suspect each other as enemies. The Persians after their accustomed manner, cut short their hair, and with their Wives and Children lamented the death of Alexander in mourning Gar­ments with unfeigned affection, not as a Conquer­our, or one that lately had been their Enemy, but as [Page 466] their right and natural King; for they being ac­customed to live under a King, could think no man more worthy then himself to rule over them.

This sorrow was not contained within the walls of the City, but straightways it spread over all the Country thereabouts. And the Fame of so great a mischief flying throughout Asia, brought early ti­dings thereof unto Darius Mother: She at the first report did tear asunder the garment she did wear, and putting on mourning apparel, she pulled her hair, and fell down groveling upon the earth. One of her Neeces sate by her mourning for the death of Ephestion, who not long before had married her, and in an universal heaviness bewailed the cause of her private sorrow: but Sisigambis alone sustained all their miseries, and bewailed both her own condition, and her Neeces, her fresh sorrow causing her to call to minde things past. A man would have judged by her behaviour, that Darius had been newly slain, or that she had now celebrated the Funerals of two Sons together: She did not only lament the dead, but sorrowed also for the living.

Who shall now (said she) take care of these young Women? Or who can be like unto Alexander? Now we are taken Prisoners again: We are newly fallen again from our Dignity and Estate. After Darius death we found one to defend us: but now since A­lexander is gone, who will have respect unto us?

Among these things, she called to minde how Oc­chus the cruel King had slain her Father, and four-score of her Brethren in one day; and that of six Children born of her Body, there was but one of them left alive. She saw that Fortune had advanced [Page 467] Darius, and caused him to flourish [...] to the intent she might end his life by [...]. Fi­nally, she was so overcome with sorrow, that [...] covered her head, turning her self from [...] and Nephew that sate at her feet; and abstaining both from meat, and from beholding the light, [...] ended her life the fifth day after she was determined to die. This her death was a great argument of the clemency which Alexander had shew'd towards her, and of his justice towards all the Captives, seeing that after Darius death she could not endure to live; but after Alexanders departure, she was ashamed to continue any longer.

Consider Alexander justly, and we must impute all his Vertues to his own nature, and his Vices either to his youth, or to the greatness of his Fortune: there was in him an incredible force of Courage, and an exceeding sufferance of Travel: he was endued with manhood, excelling not only Kings, but also such as had no other vertue or quality: he was of such liberality, that oftentimes he gave greater things than the Receivers would have wished for of God. The multude of Kingdoms that he gave in Gift, and restored to such from whom he had taken them by force, was a token of his Clemency towards them whom he had subdued. He shewed a perpetual contempt of Death; the fear whereof doth amaze o­ther men: And as there was in him a greater desire of Glory and worldly Praise than reason would ad­mit; so it was tolerable in so young a man, per­forming so great and wonderful Atchievements. The reverence and affection he bare towards his Parents, appeared in the purpose he had to consecrate his Mo­ther [Page 468] Olympias to immortality, and in that he so strict­ly revenged his Father Philips death. How gentle was he towards his Friends? and how benevolent to­wards his Souldiers? He had a wisdom equal to the greatness of his heart, and such a policy and fore­sight as so young years were scarcely able to receive. A measure he had in immoderate pleasures, and lust­ed less than Nature desired, using no pleasure but what was lawful: These indeed were wonderful great Gifts and Vertues; but in that he compared himself to the gods, coveting divine honours, and believing the Oracles that perswaded such things; that he was offended with them that would not wor­ship him, and given more vehemently to wrath than was expedient; that he altered his habit and appa­rel into the fashion of strangers, and counterfeited the custom of those whom he had subdued and de­spised before his Victory, these were Vices to be at­tributed to the greatness of his fortune: As the heat of youth stirred him unto anger, and to the desire of Drinking, so age might have mitigated again those distempers. Notwithstanding it must needs be confessed, that though he prevailed much by his Vertue, yet ought he to impute more unto his For­tune, which only of all mortal men he had in his own power. How often did she deliver him from the point of Death? How did she protect him with perpetual Felicity, when he had rashly brought him­self into peril? And when she had decreed an end to his glory, she even then was content to finish his life, staying his fatal destiny until he had subdued the Orient, visited the Ocean, and fulfilled all that mans mortality was able to perform.

[Page 469] To this so great a King, and so noble a Conqueror, a Successor was wanting; and it was a task of too great an importance for any one man to take it upon him: his Name and Renown was so great amongst all Nations, that they were counted most noble, who could be partakers (though it were never so little) of his prosperous Fortune. But to return again to Baby­lon, from whence this digression hath been made.

They who had the Guard and Custody of Alexan­ders person, called into the Court such as had been his chief Friends, and Captains of the men of War, after whom there follow'd a great multitude of Soul­diers, desiring to know who should be Successor un­to Alexander. The throng of the Souldiers was such, that many of the Captains were excluded, and could not enter into the Court. A Proclamation there­fore was made, whereby all men were forbidden to enter, except such as were called by name: But be­cause their commandment seemed to want autho­rity, it was but little regarded, and the multitude at first began to make a doleful cry and lamentation; But immediately the desire they had to understand the event, stopped their lamentation, and procured silence. Then Perdiccas brought forth in sight of all the people, the Kings Chair of Estate, wherein Alex­anders Diadem, his Royal Habiliments, and his Ar­mour was laid; amongst which Ornaments Perdiccas also laid down the Kings Signet, delivered to him the day before; at the sight whereof they began to weep, and to renew again their sorrow. Then said Perdiccas:

Lo, here is the Ring wherewith he was accustomed to Seal such things as pertained to the Government of his [Page 470] Empire, which as he delivered to me, I so restore it again to you: And though no affliction can be devised by the gods (were they never so much offended) comparable to this; yet considering the greatness of the Acts which he hath done, we must think that as the gods sent such a man so to reign in the world, (his time being expired that was appointed) they have called him back again to the place from whence he came: Forasmuch therefore as nothing more of him remaineth capable of immorta­lity, let us perform the Rites pertaining to his Body, re­membring in what City we are, amongst what kinde of people, and what a King and Governour we have lost. We must consider and consult how to maintain our Conquest amongst those men over whom it is gotten; for the doing whereof, it is needful for us to have a Head; but whe­ther the same shall be one or many, it doth consist in you. You are not ignorant that a multitude of men of War is a Body without life. Six months are now passed, since Roxaue was conceived with childe; we desire of the gods that she may bring forth a Son, which may enjoy this Kingdom when he cometh to Age: In the mean season appoint you by whom you will be governed.

When Perdiccas had spoken these words, Nearchus rose up, and said:

There is no man can deny but that it were requisite that the Succession should continue in the Blood Royal; but to look for a King that is not yet born, and to pass over one that is born already is not expedient for such men as the Macedons are, nor yet doth serve the neces­sity of the time. There is a Son whom Alexander be­got on Barsines, wh [...]t should hinder why the Diadem may not be set upon his Head?

Nearchus discourse was acceptable to no man; [Page 471] therefore the Souldiers, according to their custom, clashed their Spears against their Targets, and con­tinued making a noise: And when he would not forsake his opinion, but obstinately maintained the same, it had almost bred a sedition; which being per­ceived by Ptolomy, he spake after this manner:

Neither the Son of Roxane, nor of Barsines, is an Issue meet to reign over the Macedons, whose names we should be ashamed to mention within Europe, their mothers being Captives. Have we subdued the Persians to that end, to become subject to such as are descended of them? That was it which Darius and Xerxes, being Kings of Persia, did labour for in vain, with so many millions of men of War, and with so many Navies. This therefore is my opinion, that Alexanders Chair of E­state be set in the middest of his Court, and that all such as were accustomed to be of Counsel with him, as­semble together, so often as any business requireth to be consulted on, and that the Captains and Rulers of the Army be obedient to that Order whereunto the greatest number do assent.

There were some agreed with Ptolomy, but few with Perdiccas. Then Aristonus spake in this manner:

When Alexander was demanded to whom he would leave his Kingdom, he willed the worthiest to be chosen: Whom judged he worthy but Perdiccas, to whom he de­livered his Ring? This was not done at such a time as he was alone, but when all his Friends were present he did cast his eyes amongst them, and at length ch [...]se out one to whom he delivered it. For this cause I think it right, that the Kingdome be committed to Perdiccas.

Many agreed to his opinion, so that the Assembly cried out to Perdiccas, that he should [...] [Page 472] amongst them, and take up the Kings Signet: But he stayed between ambition and modesty, thinking the more modesty he used in the obtaining the thing he so much desired, they would be so much the more earnest to proffer it to him. When he had stood a good while at a stay, doubting what to do, at length he drew back, and stood behinde them who sate next to him. When Meleager, who was one of the Cap­tains, saw the stay that Perdiccas made, he took cou­rage on his seeming unwillingness, and said:

Neither the gods will permit, nor men will suffer, that Alexanders Fortune, and the weight of so great an Empire should rest upon his shoulders: I will not re­hearse that there are many present more noble than he is, and of greater worth, without whose consent no such thing may be suffered to be done. There is no difference whether you make Perdiccas King, or the son of Rox­ane, whensoever he shall be born: Perdiccas goeth a­bout to make himself King, under pretence to be Gover­nour to the Infant; this is the cause why no King can please him, but such as is not yet born. And in so great a haste as all we make to have a King, (which haste is both just and necessary for the preservation of our estate,) he only doth wait for the expiring of times and months, imagining that she should bring forth a man-childe, which I think you doubt not but he is already prepared to counterfeit and exchange, if need be. If it were so in very deed that Alexander had appointed him to be our King, I am of opinion that the same thing only (of all the things he had commanded) ought not to be observed or performed. Why do not you run rather to seize upon the Treasure, seeing the people ought to inherit it?

When he had spoken those words, he brake tho­row [Page 473] the press of armed men; and they who gave way to him, followed him to the spoil, whereof he made mention. The greediness of the Treasure cau­sed a great Band of armed men to flock about Melea­ger, and the Assembly began to fall into sedition, which had grown to a greater inconvenience, if a mean Souldier (whom very few did know) had not stepped forth, and spoken to the multitude.

What need we (said he) grow into a Civil War seeing we have a King already, whom you seek to finde? the same is Arideus the Son of Philip, and brother to Alex­ander, who lately was our King▪ born and brought up with him in the same Religion and Ceremonies that we do use, who being the only Heir, I marvel by what undesert of his he is neglected? or what hath he done, why he should not enjoy his right descended unto him by the universal law of the world? If you seek one to be compared to Alexander, you shall never finde him: If you will have such a one as shall be next unto Alexan­der, this is only he.

When these words were heard amongst the multi­tude, they kept silence at the first, as if they had been commanded by Authority; but afterwards they cri­ed with one voice, that Arideus should be called, and that they were worthy of death who made the As­sembly without him. Then Pythan being b [...]d [...]wed with tears, began to speak.

Now I perceive (said he) Alexanders case to be most miserable, seeing he is defrauded of the fruit, which such as were his Souldiers and Subjects should bring forth at such a time as this is: For looking only on the Name and Memory of your King, you are utterly blinde in other things.

[Page 474] His words tended directly to the reproof of Ari­deus, that was his elected King; but his Speech pro­cured more hatred to the Speaker, than contempt to the young man against whom it was intended: For the compassion they had of Arideus, caused them the more to favour his Cause; and therefore they decla­red with a general Acclamation, That they would not suffer any to reign over them, but him only who was born to so great a hope; and still they call'd for Arideus to come forth amongst them. Whereupon Meleager (for the malice▪ [...]d envy he bare unto Per­diccas) took an occasion boldly to bring him into the Assembly, whom the multitude saluted as King, and called him Philip.

This was the voice of the people; but the Nobility were of another minde, amongst whom, Python took upon him to put Perdiccas Plot in execution, and ap­pointed Perdiccas and Leonatus (descended both of the Blood-Royal) to be Governours of the Son which should de born of Roxane: Adding moreover, that Craterus and Antipater should have the Rule within Europe; and upon this, they sware the Souldiers to be obedient to Alexanders Issue. Meleager then doubt­ing, not without cause, that some evil might come unto him, d [...]parted with such of his Faction, but he returned immediately again, bringing Philip with him into the Court, and cried out to the multitude for the assi [...]ting of the Commonwealth, in aiding of the new King, whom a little before they had Elected; and willed them to make an experience of his Abilities, perswading them that he was the fittest to Rule over them, being the Issue of P [...]i [...]ip, and hath both a King to his Father, and a King to his Brother.

[Page 475] There is no profound Sea so stormy nor tempe­stuous, or that raiseth up so many surges and waves, as a Multitude doth motions and alterations, when they swell with the hopes of a new Liberty, not likely long to continue. There wanted not some who gave their consent to Perdiccas; but more a­greed to make Philip King: They could neither a­gree nor disagree a long time together; one while repenting them of their Counsel, and immediately again repenting them of the repentance. Yet finally, they were inclined to prefer the Kings Bloud.

Arideus was put in such fear with the Authority of the Nobility, that he departed out of the Assembly; after whose departure, the favour of the Souldiers was rather silenced than diminished towards him: so that at length he was called again, and his Bro­thers Royal Habiliments which lay in the Chair were put upon him, and Meleager put on his Cor­slet, following as a defence to the Person of the new King. The Phalanx clashed their Spears to their Targets, threatning to shed his bloud, who went about to take the Kingdom that pertained not unto him. They rejoyced that the strength of the Empire should not be divided, but still continue in the same Bloud and Family; the right of whose Title by In­heritance, coming of the same Bloud-Royal, they shewed themselves ready to defend. For by reason they were accustomed to have the Name of their King in such honour and veneration, they thought no man worthy of it▪ but such a one who by descent was born to reign. Perdiccas therefore was afraid, and with six hundred men that were of an approved manhood, took upon him to defend the place [Page 476] where the body of Alexander lay. Ptolomy joyned himself unto him also, and the Band of the young Gentlemen that were about the Kings Person: but so many thousands of armed men as were on the other side, did easily break in upon them; amongst whom Arideus was present, with a great Band for the guard for his Person, whereof Meleager was chief. Perdiccas therefore in great fury called such to his guard as would defend Alexanders Body; but many of them were sore hurt with Darts that came from the contrary side.

At last the ancient men plucked off their Head­pieces (the better to be known) and desired them who were with Perdiccas to abstain from Civil War, and give place to the King, and to the greater part. Wherepon Perdiccas was the first that laid down his Weapon, and the rest did in like manner. Me­leager then perswaded them that they should not de­part, but remain still about the dead Corpse: But Perdiccas judging it to be a deceit contrived to en­trap him, drew back to the side of Euphrates, ly­ing on the furthest part of the Court. Then the Horsemen, which consisted chiefly of the Nobility, flocked about Perdiccas and Leonatus, whose opinion was to depart out of the City, and to take the Field; but because Perdiccas was not without hope that the Footmen would have taken his part, he there­fore remained still within the City, lest he might seem to be the cause that the Horsemen should di­vide themselves from the rest of the Army. Meleager ceased not to beat into the Kings head, That he could not establish himself surely in his Throne, but by the death of Perdiccas, whose ambitious minde▪ [Page 477] and desire of Innovation, was to be prevented in time. He willed the King to remember what Per­diccas had deserved at his hands, and that no man could be faithful to him whom he feared. The King rather suffering than assenting to his counsel, Me­leager took his silence for a commandment, and sent for Perdiccas in the Kings name; they who were sent having Commission to kill him, if he should make any delay to come with them. Perdic­cas hearing of their coming, accompanied only with sixteen young Gentlemen (accustomed to attend upon Alexanders Person) met them as they would have entred into his Lodging, and calling them Meleagers Slaves, rebuked them with such a con­stancy both of minde and countenance, that they returned back as men amazed. Perdiccas willed such as were in his company to keep on Horseback, and with a few of his Friends repaired unto Leona­tus, intending i [...] any violence were moved against him, to repulse it with a greater force.

The next day the Macedons murmured, and thought it unjust that Perdiccas should be brought in danger of death; and therefore determined with force to revenge the rashness of Meleagers doings: But he understanding of the Mutiny that was among the Souldiers, gave place; and they repaired to the King, demanding of him, If he had commanded Perdiccas to be taken? He confessed the thing: but it was done (he said) by Meleagers instigation; for which they ought not to raise any tumult, seeing that Perdiccas was alive. The Assembly hereupon brake up, and Meleager became so greatly afraid, especi­ally by the departing of the Horsemen, that he [Page 478] knew not what to do; for he saw the mischief which he a little before had intended against his Enemy, to light upon himself: and while he debated with him­self on this, and on that, three whole days were consumed. Howsoever, the accustomed form and fashion of the Court did remain in the mean season; for the Embassadors of divers Nations did address themselves unto the King, the Captains of the Ar­my were present, and the Guard waited in Armour as they were accustomed: But the great sadness that was there, without any apparent cause, signi­fied some extreme despair. There was such a sus­pition amongst themselves, that men durst not con­verse one with another, but had secret imaginations by themselves; and by comparing the time present with the time past, and the new King with the old, they began to desire the King that was gone. Then one enquired of another, What was become of the King, whose Fortune and Authority they had fol­lowed? They found themselves abandoned amongst so many unquiet and unconquered Nations, who were desirous upon any occasion that might befal, to be revenged of the injuries they had received.

While they were troubled in these imaginations, word was brought, that the Horsemen (who were under Perdiccas) kept the Fields about Babylon, and stayed all Victuals from coming to the City: where­upon first began a scarcity, and afterwards a famine; therefore such as were within the City thought good either to make a reconciliation with Perdiccas, or else to fight it out. It so chanced, that such as dwel­led abroad in the Country, fearing the spoil of the Villages, repaired into the City; and they [Page 479] within the City, for want of Victuals departed in­to the Country; so that every one thought them­selves surer any where, then where their own Ha­bitations were: Then the Macedons doubting some great inconvenience that might proceed from this fear, assembled together in the Court, and declared their Opinions. It was agreed amongst them, that Embassadours should be sent to the Horsemen, for the sur [...]asing of all strife and division. Pasas a Thessalian, Amissas a Megapolitan, and Perelaus, were sent from the King, who declaring their Com­mission, received answer, that the Horsemen would not lay down their Arms, till the Authors of that Sedition were delivered into their hands▪ When they were returned, and their answer known, the Souldiers, without any appointment, put on their Armour, and made such a Tumult, that the King was inforced to come forth of the Court, and said unto them:

If we shall be at strife among our selves, our Ene­mies that are at quiet shall enjoy the fruits of our Contention: Remember that the Quarrel is with your own Countrymen, with whom if you rashly break the hope of Reconcilement, you shall be the beginners of a Civil War: Let us prove if they may be mitiga­ted by another Embassie: I am of belief, that because the Body of Alexander remaineth yet unburied, they will gladly come together to perform the Obsequies unto the Dead. And for my part, I had rather sur­render up again this Dignity, then that any bloud should be shed amongst my Country-men; for if no [...]ther hope of Concord doth remain, I desire and beseech you to make a better Choice.

[Page 480] Tears then falling from his eyes, he took the Diadem from his head, and holding the same forth with his hand, he was ready to have delivered it to any man who would profess himself to be more worthy then he. The moderation that he used, both in his words and behaviour, caused them all to conceive a great good hope of his Noble Nature, which till that time was obscured by the height of his Brothers Fame: They therefore incouraged and importuned him to go forwards as he had devised: whereupon he sent again the same Embassadours that went before, who had Commission to desire that Meleager might be the third Ruler of the Men of War. That demand was not much stuck at; for Perdiccas was desirous to remove Meleager from the King, and conceived that the King being alone, the King would not be able to match with Leonatus and himself.

Upon this Meleager marched out of the City with the Footmen, and Perdiccas met him in the Fields, riding before the Bands of the Horsemen: There both Battels saluting one another, Concord and Peace (as it was thought) was confirmed betwixt them for ever: But it was decreed that Civil Wars should arise amongst the Macedons; for Govern­ment is impatient of Partners, and the Kingdom was coveted by many: At first they gathered, and afterwards dispersed their Forces; for when the Bo­dy was burthened with more Heads then it could bear, the other Members began to fail. So the Em­pire of the Macedons, which under one Head might well have stood, when it was divided into Parts, fe [...] to ruine. For this cause the people of Rome justly [Page 481] must confess themselves bound unto their Prince for the felicity they injoy, who, as a Star in the night, appeared unto them that were almost lost: Surely it was not the rising of the Sun, but of him that gave light unto the world in darkness; for without such a Head, the Members that were at variance must needs have failed: How many Fire-brands did he quench? How many drawn Swords did he cause to be sheathed? How great a Tempest did he pacifie with the sudden calm of his presence? The Empire now doth wax verdant and flourishing; let me de­sire, without envy, that his house may continue ma­ny Ages, and his Posterity for evermore.

But to return again to the order of the History, from whence I was brought through the contempla­tion of our Universal Felicity; Perdiccas judged the only hope of his own safeguard to consist in the death of Meleager, thinking it necessary to prevent him, being a man both variable▪ unfaithful, given to innovation, and besides his mortal Enemy: But with deep dissimulation he kept his purpose secret, to the intent, that with less difficulty he might oppress him unawares: He therefore did subo [...] privily certain of the Troops under his own Command, to com­plain openly (as though it were without his privity) that Meleager should be made equal with him in Au­thority; which words of the Souldiers when they reported unto Meleager, he became in a great rage, and declared them to Perdiccas, who seemed to won­der at it, and to be passionately sorry for it; and finally, they agreed amongst themselves, that the Authors of such seditious words should be appre­hended.

[Page 482] When Meleager perceived Perdiccas so conform­able, he imbraced him, and gave him thanks for his fidelity and benevolence: then in a consultation be­twixt them both, they devised how to destroy such as wrought this division betwixt them; for the bring­ing of which to pass, they agreed the Army should be purged according to their Country-custom: To the doing whereof they seemed to have a sufficient occasion, by reason of the late discord amongst them. The Kings of Macedon, in the lustration of their Ar­my, were accustomed to use a kinde of Ceremony, dividing the bowels of a Dog into two parts, and to cast the same in the uttermost bounds of the field on which they intended to muster their Army: the Soul­diers within those bounds were all to stand armed; the Horsemen, the Mercenary Souldiers, the Phalanx, and every one apart. The same day that this Cere­mony was put in execution, the King stood in order of Battel, with the Horsemen and the Elephants against the Footmen, of whom Meleager had the Rule.

When the Troops of Horsemen began to move, the Footmen were suddenly possessed with a great fear; and by reason of the late discord, conceived a suspition, that the Horsemen did intend no good un­to them: wherefore they stood a while in doubt, whether they should retire into the City or not, by reason that the fields served best for the Horsemen. At last they stood still, with a fix'd resolution to fight, if any should offer them violence. When the Battels were almost met, and only a small distance left, (whereby the one part was divided from the other) the King, by the provocation of Perdiccas, with a Band of Horsemen did ride along by the Foot, [Page 483] requiring the delivery of such to be executed as were the Authors of the Discord, whom in very deed he ought to have defended; and threatned, if they re­fused their delivery, to bring against them both the Horsemen, and the Elephants. The Footmen were amazed with the suddenness of the mischief which they looked not for, and there was no more coun­sel nor courage in Meleager, then in the rest; but they all judged it most expedient for them to abide the adventure of that request, and to expect rather then to provoke Fortune.

When Perdiccas saw them astonied, and in fear, he severed out to the number of three hundred of such who followed Meleager when he brake out of the Assembly that was first made after Alexanders death, who in the sight of the Army were cast to the Elephants, and there trampled to death with their feet; of which Philip was neither the Author nor the Forbidder, but thought to claim that for his own act, which should appear best in the end. This was a signification, and a beginning unto the Macedons, of the Civil Wars that insued. Meleager under­standing over-late the deceipt of this fine Plot, be­cause there was no violence offered unto his person, stood at first quietly within the Phalanx, but short­ly after, when he saw his Enemies abusing to his de­struction the Name of him whom he had made King, he despaired of his own safety, and fled into a Temple: But the Religion of the place could not so defend him, but that he was there slain.

Perdiccas hereupon brought again the Army into the City; and calling a Councel of all the principal Personages, it was agreed so to divide the Empire, [Page 484] that the King should remain as Chief of the whole; Ptolomy was to be Lieutenant in Egypt and Africa, and to have the Rule of the Nations there that were under the Macedons Dominion: Syria and Phenicia were appointed to Laomedon; Cilicia to Philotas; Lycia, with Pamphylia, and the greater Phrygia, were assigned to Antigonus; Cassander was sent into Caria, and Menander into Lydia; the less Phrygia, that joyneth unto Hellespont, was Leonatus Province; Eumenes had Cappadocia and Paphlagonia, who was commanded also to defend that Country so far as Trapezunt, and make War with Arbates, who only remained an Enemy to the Empire: Media was ap­pointed Python, and Thracia to Lysimachus, with other Nations thereabouts, bordering upon the Sea of Pontus. It was ordained also, that such as should be the Governours over the Indians, Bactrians, Sog­dians, and the other Nations lying upon the Ocean and Red Seas, should, in matter of Justice, use Regal Jurisdiction. It was decreed, that Perdiccas should remain with the King, and have the Governance of the Men of War that followed him. Some be­lieve that these Provinces were thus distributed by Alexanders Testament, but we have found the same to be false, though some Authors do affirm it.

The Empire being thus divided into parts, every one might well have defended his proportion, if any bounds could contain mens immoderate desires; for they who before were but servants to a King, did not long after, under a specious colour, invade one anothers Kingdoms, being all of one Nation, and having certain bounds to their Dominions allotted to them: But it is hard for men to be contented with [Page 485] that they have in possession, when occasion is prof­fered them of more; for the first things always ap­pear of no value, when men are in hope of greater things to come; so that every one of them thought it an easier matter to increase his Kingdom, then it was at the first to get it. Alexanders Body, in the mean season, lay seven days unburied; for whiles every man had care for the establishing of the State, their mindes were drawn from the performing of the Solemn Office to the Dead. There is no Coun­try more fervent in heat then Mesopotamia; for the Sun there burneth so hot, that it killeth the Beasts that are without covert, and burneth up all things as it were with fire: And to the increase thereof, there are but few Springs of water; and the Inhabi­tants use such policy in hiding of those they have, that strangers can have no use of them.

Notwithstanding this, when Alexanders Friends had the leisure to take care of the dead Body, and came to visit the same, they found it without infecti­on, corruption, or change of colour; the same chear­fulness of spirit which he had alive, being not yet departed out of his countenance. Then the Egypti­ans and the Caldeans were commanded to im [...]alm his Body after their manner; who at the first (as though he had been alive) shewed a fear to put their hands to him; but afterwards making their prayers that it might be lawful for mortal men to touch him, they purged his body, and filled it with sweet Odours, and afterwards laid him upon a H [...]rse of Gold, and set a Diad [...]m upon his head. It is record­ed that he died of Poyson, and that Io [...]la, Antipaters Son, being one of his Ministers, had given him the [Page 486] same. Alexander oftentimes would say, That Anti­pater coveted the Estate of a King, affecting more greatness then pertained to a Lieutenant; and that through the glory of the Victory he had gotten of the Lacedemonians, was become so proud, that he claim­ed all things committed to him as his own. It is thought also, that Craterus was sent to kill him, with those old Souldiers that were dismissed.

It is certain that there is a Poyson in Macedonia, found in a water called Styges, of such force, that it consumeth Iron, and will not be contained in any thing except in the Hoof of a Horse, or Mule; which Poyson was brought by Cassander, and deli­vered to his Brother Iolla., who presented it in the drink which the King last drank. However these things are reported, the power of them of whom the rumour was spread, shortly after oppressed the infamy thereof: for Antipater became King both of Macedonia and Greece, who afterwards took away by death the Kings Off-spring, all being slain who had any Alliance to him, although in the most re­moved Consanguinity. Ptolomy (who had the Rule of Egypt) conveyed Alexanders Body to Memphis, which within few years after was removed to A­lexandria, where all Honour is given to his Memo­ry and his Name.