THE General History OF THE QUAKERS: CONTAINING The Lives, Tenents, Sufferings, Tryals, Speeches, and Letters Of all the most Eminent Quakers, Both Men and Women; From the first Rise of that SECT, down to this present Time. Collected from Manuscripts, &c. A Work never attempted before in English. Being Written Originally in Latin By GERARD CROESE. To which is added, A LETTER writ by George Keith, and sent by him to the Author of this Book: Containing a Vindication of himself, and several Remarks on this History.

LONDON, Printed for Iohn Dunton, at the Raven in Jewen-street. 1696.

TO THE Truly Noble a …

TO THE Truly Noble and Honourable, NICHOLAS WITSEN, Burgomaster and Senator of Amsterdam, &c.

THOSE two very things, Right Noble and Honourable Sir, to wit, the greatness of your Name, and the smallness of this Work, which might disswade me from such an Appli­cation, do both of them invite, and in some sort engage me, to adventure, not only to make a Present of this Book, but also a particular Dedication thereof unto you. And seeing that it is a thing most certain, and that the very sight of the Book doth immediately shew it, that what I here offer is a Piece that is altoge­ther new, but yet neither over bulky nor prolix, I was perswaded that this my Un­dertaking would not prove unpleasing to you, because that as the Great are very much taken with the Novelty of other things, even so they are of Books; and as a conciseness in speaking is very agree­able [Page] to them, a short and compendious way of Writing is found to be no less so, which has given occasion to that old Pro­verbial Adage, Little things are pretty. To this I may add, that this Book briefly treats of things transacted up and down, and for some time in that Nation, where in the Name of the Renowned States, you have been first Envoy to the Most Potent, and most Serene Princes, King William and Queen Mary (to that great and glori­ous Queen, alas, lately ravished from Earth by inexorable Fate, of whose Vertues there are at this time so many Testimonies in the funebrous Orations of great and most Eloquent Men, who for all that, had they never so much exhausted their brains, and been profuse of their Abilities in de­claring and magnifying the Excellencies of this Queen, had yet nee'r been able to form a true Idea of them in their Thoughts, much less represent them as they ought to be, to their Auditors, than which nothing more can be said of Man) and after that, for some time Resident there, where you were to Congratulate Their Royal Majesties Accession to the Throne, and the Deliverance of so many Countries and People, as also to confirm that Ancient League and Amity that was between both Nations: In which Time and Place, seeing that perhaps some but [Page] not all these things came within the Verge of your Knowledge; this new and small Treatise, but (Pardon the Ex­pression) [...], may gratifie that desire, which your Honour, and even most Men have, who have lived or come from abroad, of having a perfect Knowledge of such Transactions, as have happened in those places during their time, or near unto it, by exhibiting as in a little Table-Book, the first Rise, Pro­gress, and End of all these doings: But yet this is not all the Reason I had for such an Undertaking; I must confess, Illustrious Sir, that as to the matter of this Work, it is such as may seem to them that are not very curious, needless and unnecessary, and that it is such a way or method, as may easily induce some who are not over-skilful, but given to scoff and chatter, to look upon it as very mean and contemptible, because that having regard only to the single Relation of Things, and to Truth, I treat thereof in a Style and Language that is plain and ordinary, free from all manner of Affectation, and do not (which is a thing very common, and much ap­proved of and prevalent among the Vul­gar) either ridicule, or proudly scoff at and prosecute in Writing, those things which [...] the Religion and [Page] Manners of those Men, who are treated of her [...]en. Neither do I, though there may be some among those very Persons, who look with an evil Eye upon, and bear ill will unto us, for that Reason, retribute the same, and make the like return unto them, as some are pleased to do, who think such reciprocal doings ought always to be. But seeing that it many times so happens, that they who write with such Moderation, are liable to fall under I know not what Suspicion of crack'd Credit from these Men, so as that I found my self under a necessity of seeking out for some Patronage and Refuge-place upon this Account, I was fully satisfied, I could meet with that principally in you, Great Sir, who know as well as any Man alive, what, amongst such a multitude of Writers, and itch of Writing, is most fit to be writ, what an Historian's scope ought to be in such a Work as this is, and over and above that, what on the one hand Religion, and what in the mean time also Nature and the Power of Humanity require and call for. And because I have fallen upon this Head, I earnestly wish the Temper of the present Times was not such, that this were not the sad distinguishing mark of the Age we live in, as that there should be so many Men, such strangers [Page] to and devoid of Charity and Modesty, and hurried with that unruliness and outrageousness of Mind, that as soon as they discern any Heterodox Opinion in matters of Religion, and especially if any Heresie be smelt in the case, they immediately suppose that it is the Pro­perty of Religion to scoff at, persecute, and afflict such Men; some going so far as to urge, there ought to be a precision or a cutting off of the same, by violent Methods, Fire and Sword, Imprison­ment and Bonds, Racks and Torments, and even by the most dreadful and cruel Deaths. For the Good and Peace of the Church and State (for so they Argue) cannot otherwise be preserved, nor the Christian Faith and Humane Obligations subsist. Were it not for this, we should not see against so many Reformed Churches, so many Hundred Thousand Christians, such and so great and nefandous Vio­lences contrived and offered, such lamen­table, yea, unheard-of Calamities and Slaughters, (and even if they could, make entire Extirpation, Rulne, and Destru­ction) by those who go by the Names of Christians and Catholicks, but are in truth the most bitter and implacable Ene­mies of the True Religion. I'll go yet further; I heartily wish there were not [Page] sometimes amongst others, and even a­mong them, who have withdrawn them­selves from the Papacy, that immodera­tion of Spirit, that even where there is no manner of Heresie, no Fundamental Error, yea, not the least difference but in words and way of Expression only, mens Minds become forthwith divided thereupon, an Interruption of Fellow­ship, and at last a s [...]ssion into Parties doth ensue. And that those, who lay these things to Heart, who shun them, and who being mindful of Humane Frailty, and of their Duty enjoyned them by God, and being intent and build­ing upon the Lord Jesus Christ alone, bear with such things as are to be born with, and study to promote Peace and Unity, and hate every Name of Di­stinction imposed by Man in the Church of God, and desire neither to make nor follow Parties, are branded as if they were ignorant and slothful, having no regard to their own Matters and Con­cerns; so far forth, as if to be indiffe­rent, and of neither Party, were become now as it were a new Sect, and that Law of Solon revived, who commanded him to be punished, who in the time of Sedition joined himself to neither Party. Which sort of Men are [...] lovers [Page] of themselves, puffed up, (as they are called in Scripture) turbid, and boyl­ing hot (neither is this a Foreign Ap­pellation, but such as is also applyed to them in the Sacred Code) when they raise more Commotions about a thing of nothing, than there are Storms in the Aegean or most boisterous Seas; but here­of there is fully enough said to the wise, but to you, Great Sir, too much. And this I judge my self obliged further to say, that perhaps there may be some, who, having a just Esteem, and right Judgment of this Work, would for the further Estimation thereof, have me here and there quote and set down in the Margin of the Book, the Authorities and Testimonies whereon I ground each Par­ticular, to which Persons seeing their Conceptions hereon are not without Rea­son, I make this Answer, That if I should not do it, I do not thereby swerve from the usage of Historians in all Ages, nei­ther is there indeed any need that a Man should gain a belief of what he offers, this way, when he is not conscious to himself of any falsity, and that there is nothing that can derogate from or lessen his Credit therein: Neither was I wil­ling in this Work, which I was desirous should prove acceptable as much for the [Page] Brevity as Truth of it, so without cea­sing to interrupt and break off the Thread of my Story, or to disorder and delay my Reader. But yet I do not always omit such sort of Testimonies. But otherwise I can be bold to affirm, that there is nothing of any moment, through­out the whole Work, that hath not been done in the face of the Sun, that is, ei­ther in the presence of Men, or in So­lemn Judicatories, even where there has been no exclusion of the Populacy, and such as has not been frequent in the mouths of many, laid open by the chief Magistrates, and Printed, for the Know­lege of such as were absent, and to per­petuate the same to Posterity; as for other things, I take but little notice of them, and if at any time I recount any such, I do it in such a way as may gain certain Credit: But no more of this; to return therefore to you, Right Noble and Great Sir. As to the Reason that induced me to Present and Dedicate this my Trea­tise to Your Honour, it was this, That there might remain some sort of Testi­mony upon Record, not so much of the knowledge I have had of you, which is as far backwards as I can remember, as of the Favour you have always shewed me, and of those Benefits you have made [Page] it your Business to heap upon me both at home and abroad, and which I have deemed both Just and Honourable for me to accept, being freely offered, and by no means to reject, and withal of the Gratitude, Propensity, and Devotedness of my Mind towards you. And though I have here a great Opportunity offered to me to Celebrate your Vertues, yet I shall forbear, lest I should incur the cen­sure either of being unskilful in Praises, or what is base, the Name of Flatterer; besides that your Name has long since gained such Esteem, and is so Famous among all, that it has no need of any Encomiums and Embellishments of mine, the things themselves bespeak it. For to say nothing of the Endowments of your Mind, as being such, though most rare, especially in so propitious and a­greeable a Fortune, as are not conspicu­ous to all Men, and are more private; those Famous Monuments that you have partly published even in your blooming Years, and which do yet in part lie hid within the more secret and inner recesses of your Study, which all of the Repub­lick of Learning that have seen or known them, have so approved of, as to judge them no ways inferiour to what hath been extant of yours, but to deserve as much [Page] you to the Protection of the Almighty, praying to him, that while you Rule in his Name, submit to and obey the Di­vine Majesty, he would heap upon you more and more all manner of Spiritual Blessings in Heavenly things in Christ Je­sus, and beg leave to subscribe my self

Your Honour's Most Humble, And most devoted Servant, Gerard Croese.

Reverendo admodum Viro GERARDO CROESIO, Cum Historiam, quam vocat, Quakerianam luci exponeret.

O Insularum gloria, plurimas
Experta turbas! O variantibus
Subjecta fatis, & tremendi
Tot furiis agitata belli.
Britanna tellus, dissidiis quoque
Sanctam tuorum dilacerans fidem:
Vt volvit, incertosque longè
Oceanus glomerat furores.
Vicinas acri turbine fluctuum
Versas frequenter fluxa subit vic [...].
Exempla non vanis supersunt
Indiciis. Memoret vetustas
Inscripta fastis. Relligio gemet
Divulsa Sectis. En specimen recens.
En callidos Foxi sequaces,
Quos Tremulos patrio vocavit
Sermone Index Derbraicae Domus
Enthusiasticas, insolito genus
Quod spiritu raptum piorum
Christiadum stupuere turmae.
Horum involutas narrat origines
Qui jure primas Croesius hic tenet,
Latéque divisum disertis
Prosequitur populum papyris.
Vel digna tanto saecla Saturnia
O si redirent illa! forent viro.
Vel dignior natas recenter
Croesius incoluisse terras
Adrianus Reeland.
The Contents of the First BOOK.

THE beginning and scope of the whole Work. The Name of the Quakers; as also of Enthusiasts. What Anti­quity these Men assume to themselves. Their Opinion con­cerning the Doctrine of the Fathers, and of the Reformation of the Church. England their Country. G Fox their first Author and Leader. His condition when a Boy. His Youthful Studies. Fox a Shooemaker. Fox his love to the Holy Scrip­ture. A Voice to him from Heaven. His Endeavours. He is raised up with the hopes of becoming a Minister. His Expo­stulating continually with the Preachers of the Word. He enters upon the Office of Preaching. People flock to hear him. He is put into Prison at Nottingham. The Miracles of the growing Church of the Quakers. Their meanness. Fox thrust into the Correction House at Derby: There the Name of Qua­kers was given to the Sect: Fox is sollicited to enter into the Wars. His Speech upon that occasion. Fox his perseverance in Preaching. His first Letter of the many he wrote to his Party. Elizabeth Hooton the first Woman that preached. Who were Fox his first Disciples and Colleagues. What sort of Men did more especially joyn themselves to the Quakers. Fell, Fox his Patron. Whose Wife, having afterwards mar­ried Fox, did with her whole Family turn Quakers. Others of Fox's Scholars. The Quakers Sect dispersed through the Northern Parts. Some others of Fox his Companions. The rare History of ap John. Burroughs goes to London. His engaging with the London Champions, his Speech unto them, and the event thereof. Fox brought before Cromwel. Crom­wel's Affection towards the Quakers. The Circumspection of the Quakers among themselves. Fox his new Companions. The going of the Quakers into Ireland. And into Scotland. The causes of so many Progresses. The Quakers hatred to the Episcopal Men, and to the Presbyterians. To others. To the Ministers of the Word. Their Judgment concerning all Prote­stants. The Doctrine and particular Opinions, Life, and Con­versation of the Quakers. Why so many Men joyned with them. How the People came to envy aud disturb them. [...]he ways whereby they were persecuted. Singular Examples. The strange Boldness and Impudence of some Quakers, and hence Men became enraged against them. Naylor's History. These things pursued till Gromwel's Death. New Instances of Per­secutions. The Quakers Affairs in Scotland. In Ireland.

[Page 1]THE General HISTORY OF THE QUAKERS From their first beginning, down to this present Time.


AMongst the many and great Conflicts of the Church while sojourning here on Earth, there is none more usual, and withal more difficult and hazardous than that she is engaged in for Vindicating the Truth of her Religion from the False Doctrines of her Insulting and Im­pudent Adversaries. The Reason of all which can­not be unknown to any who considers that those who are lovers of, and zealous for the Truth deli­vered by God, neither ought, nor can conceal and hide the same, but make it known to the Praise and Glory of God; whereas others who are fond of Falshoods, that they may the better compass what­ever seems good to their own Appetites, or condu­cive to their Interest, do not usually fail to propa­gate and defend their own Inventions, and to accuse [Page 2] and condemn the more Pious and Honest Doctrines of others, as being too opposite to them and their Designs. It is likewise manifest that the Truth be­ing of it self clear and evident, is content with a simple discovery, dealing candidly and openly with all; whereas Lyes and Falshoods, as having no soli­dity or weight in themselves, must be adorn'd with a multitude of fair and boasting Expressions, using a hundred little Tricks and Cheats for ensnaring the unskilful and unwary; in which they are oft-times so successful, that even the wiser sort of People, and those who on other occasions are circumspect enough, do sometimes chance to be entangled, and do find it a matter of difficulty to extricate themselves from the same. Moreover though it be Natural for Mankind still to complain of the Iniquity of their own Times, insomuch that all Men are ready to fly out in Panegyricks upon the Ages past, while they condemn that they live in, yet I can scarce think that there are any who are not convinc'd that the days in which our Lot is fallen are such, as in them all manner of Errors and Falshoods are broke in upon Religion, all sorts of mad and unheard of Heresies, the most terrible and foulest Blasphemies, have over­run, and (as it were) delug'd the Church. Inso­much that she is now oblig'd not only to encounter Profane and Wicked Men for the defence of the Truth and Integrity of her Religion, but to oppose her self to the Arms of her Bloody and Cruel Ene­mies for the maintenance of her Liberty and Free­dom: It is not sufficient for her to engage with Men, but she is constrained to fight even with Beasts. But there is no Affliction can overtake the Church of the Living God, that does not admit of some Relief and Comfort. Wherefore since this is now the condition of the Church in these evil days, it is likewise her great Happiness that so many able and skilful Men have in these same very days be­stirr'd themselves on her behalf for opposing and confuting the Erroneous Sentiments of wicked Men, occasion'd partly by Ignorance and Folly, [Page 3] partly by a resolute and furious Madness; and thus assisting the distressed Church, have successfully em­ploy'd both their Tongues and Pens, furnishing her not only with means of Knowledge, and Spiritual Weapons for instructing and confirming her self against the Assaults of her Enemies, but even for gaining, convincing, and vanquishing the same. In prosecuting this their laudable Design some have contented themselves with the bare mentioning the horrible and monstrous Assertions vented by those cunning contrivers, as accounting it a sufficient Confutation to have nam'd them, which bewray their weakness at the first view. But I cannot guess at the Reason why so very few have for so long a time made mention of the Quakers, whose rise is dated from a little before the middle of this present Century, and have since that time wonderfully in­creased in number of Proselytes, beyond what is commonly thought of; these Men, I say, accounted by some Superstitious and followers of Old Wives Fables, by others the worst sort of Fanaticks, and in the next degree to Lunaticks and Madmen, have been quite past over in silence by most Writers, so that not so much as the History of their Rise and Progress is yet on Publick Record; at least wise if any there be that have touch'd upon this Sect, they have done it in so slight and transitory a man­ner, that they would rather seem to have made Publick their own Ignorance, than to have left on Record the Actions, Doctrine, and Religion of these Men: Unless perhaps this may be imagin'd for a Reason of the silence of Writers, that they account of these Men so little, as that they think it fitter to pass them in a negligent and disdainful silence, than to spend words or time upon them: Others there are indeed who have wrote something of them, but to no purpose, who being themselves altogether ig­norant what manner of Men they be, and having only heard of them by Report, as being Prodigies and Monsters of Mankind, chose rather to put in Print whatever they heard, than to have just nothing [Page 2] [...] [Page 3] [...] [Page 4] to say of 'em; reckoning the danger not to be great, whether the Relation prov'd true or false; for if true, it is well; if false, it falls upon such a Tribe of Men (think they) of whom nothing can be said so ill, that would not Quadrate to them. My Judg­ment upon the matter is this; that, while I con­sider that England (the Native Country of these Men) Scotland, and Ireland, abounds so much with those called Quakers, since their number in those Countries does daily increase, nay, and elsewhere they have propagated their Doctrines, making and gaining Proselytes; (for that it is they bend all their force to, having for this purpose for a long time publish'd many Books, and these not little small Treatises, but large Volumes, well digested, and handsomly dress'd with fit Expressions.) Since we may observe that others (no despicable Sects) ha­ving discovered in them their own Image, have em­braced them for Brethren and Kinsmen (such as the Quietists, that not so long ago did first appear in Campania in Italy, and the Pietists, so lately sprung up in Germany; of which last we know certainly they are daily insinuating themselves and their Do­ctrines into the hearts of the People, and influencing their Minds even in this our own Land) and since it is uncertain what may be the issue of all this: I say, upon all these Considerations I count it abso­lutely necessary to make a narrow search after them, in order to understand what manner of Men they be, what Actions have been done by them, from what beginnings, and by what progress they have risen to this height, and what are their Tenets and Sentiments that have so long lain in Obscurity. And this is the more necessary to be done now in this Interim of time, while the Memory of these things are fresh in our Minds, lest by the progress of time that being worn out and defaced, there be no means left of attesting what went before; and thus should we re­main doubtful and uncertain of their Actions and Tenets, not knowing where to fix the Controversie; and whoever would pretend to examine any of these [Page 5] Matters, must after the manner of the Andabatae, fight hood-wink'd; of which sort of procedure arising from the same defect we have a great many Instances both in the ancient and later Churches. Since therefore I have had the Fortune of a long time to be familiarly acquainted and much conver­sant with these Men call'd Quakers, and that in many places; and have thus had occasion to know so much of them both from themselves and their chief Teachers, and also from Men of our Profes­sion who were well acquainted with all their Deeds and Actions; and besides many of their Writings and Manuscripts, of which some are in Print, some not, having fallen into my hands, I thought it would be an acceptable Enterprize, calculated for the exigency of these our Times, and also useful to Posterity, to write upon this Subject. In perfor­mance of which I shall pick out what seems most necessary and directly conducive to the management of the same, and that with all brevity and concise­ness imaginable; not determining any thing through Precipitancy, Love to a Party, Prejudice of Opinion, or the influence of any Passion whatsoever; leaving it for every Man to judge as he thinks fit of their Actions, Tenets, Customs, and manner of Worship.

These Men are called Quakers in the English Lan­guage. Which Name was given 'em by their mock­ing Enemies as a note of Ignominy and Contempt, for that when they are about contemplating Sacred things, that same very moment that the Spirit over­takes 'em, through the commotion of their Minds, and agitation of their Bodies, they presently fall a trembling, throwing themselves on the ground, oft-times froathing at the mouth, and scrieching with a horrible noise. And though they seem to resent▪ this Reproachful Title, yet they are not so averse either to the Name or to the Thing it self, but that they'll acknowledge that both do in some measure quadrate to them. For they confess them­selves to be Quakers; nor do they deny that while they go about Sacred Things, submitting themselves [Page 6] wholly to the Divine Will, and quietly waiting up­on God, praying within themselves for the Breath­ings and Operation of his Spirit, and with deep sighs and groans are importunately waiting the Ef­fusion of the Spirit; that upon his first approach they fall a trembling, and are hurried out of them­selves by the commotions of their Minds, and di­sturbances of Body, occasioned by the resistance of the sinful stubborn Flesh; which when they have overcome, and are return'd to themselves again, and begin to be sensible of the Illuminations and Com­forts of the Spirit, then they are transported into Raptures of Joy, which occasion these Quaking and Extatical Motions of Body and Mind. They add likewise, that the Spirit of God while speaking in the Scriptures, denominates the sincere fearers of God, and lovers of his Spirit and Word, Tremblers, requiring of them so to be, and pronouncing them blessed if such. Wherefore since they do not reject this their Name, but rather account it honourable, if rightly understood, I shall define them after the same manner; especially since they have not yet obtain'd a peculiar and proper Name whereby they can be distinguish'd from all others.

Another Name generally given to them is that of Enthusiasts. Where it is likewise to be observed, that many do reckon them among the number of those Enthusiasts that in Ancient History are men­tioned to have been among the Primitive Christians, as also in the last Century. But these Men are not satisfied to be so called in any sense; for besides, say they, that this name of Enthusiasts is oft given to those that by the Calumniators themselves would be accounted Men of Worth and Dignity, and that even those who are so busie in fixing this Ignomi­nious Name upon them, do oft-times come to be branded with the same themselves▪ Besides all this, say they, this Name tends openly to the discredit and dishonour of all Christians, whom the Spirit of God in his Word declares to be influenc'd by the Spirit; nay, and requires it so strictly of them, as [Page 7] that without this irradiation of the Spirit they can be none of Christ's. Now these Enthusiasts that were of Old Times, and likewise those that have been since, did arrogate to themselves a peculiar fa­miliar Spirit, and contrary to the dictates of the Holy Spirit, would under the conduct of that break forth into Tumults, Seditions, and Wars; whereas these Men called Quakers pretend to be possess'd and guided by no other Spirit than what is common unto all Christians; nay, and are so far from bring­ing Evil upon any Man, that they will not so much as resist force by force, asserting all manner of Self-defence to be unjust, except what is meerly Verbal; and even that must be free from Anger. For this is usual amongst all, that even those who have in­vented a new Model of Doctrine and Life, though what they maintain be never so new and lately in­vented, yet they publish it for an Opinion of the Ancients, or at least, founded on their Doctrines; for though none pretends so to confine the Truth, and set such Bounds to Goodness, that no new thing should be accounted true or good; yet Antiquity adds a value and respect, for that we commonly judge the ancientest Opinions to be the truest and best; and hence it is that even those Tenets that are of themselves intrinsically good, do purchase more respect, and a better reception by pretended Antiquity and Custom, than by all their real worth. The Quakers therefore say, they derive their Name (though not very sollicitous what Name be given them) Doctrine, Religion, and way of Living, from God himself (whom his own Infallible Oracles term The Ancient of Days,) and from his Word first delivered from Heaven, and then committed to Writing by the inspired Men of God, which is the only Rule and Ground of all Truth.

They likewise Appeal to the Ancient Fathers, or to the Testimony of those Books that we hold for true, unanimously consenting to and asserting the same very things that they with the Holy Scriptures maintain. When I say, Fathers, I speak after our [Page 8] way of speaking, not after the manner of the Qua­kers, who admit no such Names; But by those, called by us Fathers, they understand the Writers who lived in the first and second Centuries after Christ. For they conceive those who lived nighest to the Times of the Primitive Apostles that com­piled the Holy Writings, to have deliver'd their Doctrine with more Integrity than those who lived later, who the further distant they be from the Times of the Apostles, the more is their Sincerity and Integrity to be called in question; like Water, that the further it runs from its Fountain, the more muddy it grows. And therefore it is that they pay but little deference to those who lived in the later Ages of the Church, freely acknowledging many things to be contain'd in their Writings that are justly to be rejected; nor do they ever quote their Testimony, except it be very conducive to the esta­blishment of what they advance. If therefore at any time others who are unacquainted with their Doctrines and Conversations, or possess'd with Pre­judice, Envy, or Hatred against them, do at any time go about to brand them with these ignomini­ous and opprobrious Names, they, if called to give a distinct Account of themselves, do assume the Names of Christians; Evangelick, Apostolick, Ca­tholiek Men; as if the Doctrine and Religion prea­ched by them were the same as was delivered at first by Christ himself to the Apostles, publish'd through­out the whole World by the Ministry of these his Apostles, and embrac'd and retain'd by all the Faith­ful and Godly of all Ages, whom Custom has term'd Catholick. And upon this Account in all Debates they recur to the Scriptures, not declining the Com­parison of their Tenets with those of the Ancienter Fathers, nay, nor those of later times.

It follows next, that unto what I have said, I should subjoin some Account of the Sect that these Men so much follow, inviting all Christians to do the same. Their Sentiments therefore run in this strain; That since the Doctrines and Manners of all Chri­stians, [Page 9] as also and consequently of those called Pro­testants likewise, have been for so long a time cor­rupted and perverted, it would seem that Apostacy and Defection from the Apostolick Doctrine and Discipline had its first beginnings in the Times of the Apostles themselves; and from thenceforth did by degrees increase till it came to its perfect height in the Sixth and Seventh Centuries; and from that time forth having confirm'd and harden'd it self through the firm and constant continuance for so many Ages, so that no hope of its removal was re­maining, did so continue till this very Age we now live in. Though (add they) in all this Series of Time there was always one or other in every Century that appear'd and declar'd against this their General Defection, but without any Success, as also to their own disadvantage and detriment. And thus do they imagine of those great Men, called by us the Re­formers, that all their Endeavours for the Restaura­tion of Religion and Purity, tended indeed to over­throw the Falshood, Lightness, and Vanity of Men, but not to establish Truth, or introduce Gravity of Life and Manners, by restoring these Vertues to their Primitive Lustre and Splendor; much like un­to those that throw down their old Habitation, and never think of building up a new one. Moreover, their Opinion of those who came after the First Re­formers, is, that while they imagin'd to themselves that what they did tended to the advancement of a Reformation, it proved diametrically opposite to the same; for that in lieu of the Vices and Errors which polluted and defiled the Church, that were corrected and rooted out by them, they introduced other new ones of their own Invention, like Men cleansing a House, that cast out the Filth so as to let more come in. So that these Men Preach up their Religion for the ancientest, as having flourish'd in the first Golden Age of the Church; which was af­terwards from the very first rise of the Christian Name, even unto this our Age, miserably mangled and corrupted, and in fine, quite demolish'd; until [Page 10] at length it was retriev'd and restor'd to its Ancient Purity by them, being incited and raised up by the Divine Spirit to recover fallen Religion, for the Sal­vation of all Men. Wherefore 'tis that in all their Writings this is distinctly treated of, having prefix'd as a Title to their Chapters, that, They as the Ser­vants of Jesus Christ, are called and raised up by God for dispensing the Gospel, which after so long and dark a Night of Apostacy, is now again come to light, to be preach'd unto all Nations. And thus do they Ac­cuse, Condemn, and set at nought the Doctrines, manner of Worship, Rites, Ceremonies, nay, the whole Life and Conversation not only of all these general Christians, but of the Protestants, who boast so much of their departing from that great Apostacy, and cleansing themselves from the Baby­lonish and Papal De [...]ilements. Unto whom they oppose their Doctrine, Worship, and way of Life, which indeed are such, that their Doctrine is for a great part of it new, or taken from some Ancient Opinions condemn'd and rejected by the Church, which having lain so long dormant, are revived anew by them; and as to the rest, 'tis a Medley or Hotch-potch of the several Opinions of Protestants, though not radically agreeing with them, their Worship is diametrically Opposite to that of ours; and their manner of Life so singular, that between their Conversation and that not only of Protestants, but of all Christians, there is as vast a difference as pos­sibly can be. And these are the Tenets they have so busily spread abroad both at their first rise, and in the further progress of the Sect; and all of 'em that are capable either of speaking or writing Publickly, do diligently apply themselves in all places to the Explaining, Defending, and Propagating their Do­ctrines, inveighing and railing against the contrary Opinions of others, with as bitter and reviling Ex­pressions as they can invent; and such their Ac­cusatory Libels are dispersed abroad into all Coun­tries, especially those where they expect to meet with ready Compliants with their Doctrine and [Page 11] Way, or at least such as would be fond of new Re­formations and Changes in Religion, being thus in some measure predisposed to receive and entertain their Advances.

Having thus spoken in General of the Conditions of these Men, I come next to give a more particu­lar Account of their Rise, Progress, various Vicissi­tudes, and Events befalling them. The Original Mother and Nurse of the Quakers is England, a Country once Famous for banishing and extirpating Heresie, now the Seat and Centre of all manner of Errors. The Quakers themselves Date their first Rise from the Forty Ninth Year of this present Cen­tury; and 'twas (say they) in the Fifty Second they began to increase to a considerable number, from which time unto this day they and their Party have daily acquired more strength. For while that King­dom before the middle of this Century was enga­ged in an Intestine War, occasioned by the Differences of Church-Government, in that con­fused and dismal Juncture, when both Church and State were miserably shatter'd and rent, and Reli­gion and Discipline were quite overturn'd, innume­rable multitudes of Men did on all hands separate from the Church; and afterwards when their greatest Eye-sore, and the imaginary Source of all their Evils, the Episcopal Government of the Church, was abolished, and the Presbyterian Form of Church-Government (which was what they so impatiently wish'd for, and grounded all their hopes of Com­fort and Peace upon) was establish'd in its place, yet even there were some whom nothing would satisfie, that divided themselves into an innumerable Company of Sects and Factions, of which this of the Quakers was one.

The first Ringleader, Author, and Propagater of Quakerism was one George Fox. Some of that Party have not stood to give that Man after his Death) the Title of The first and glorious Instru­ment of this Work, and this Society, the great and blessed Apostle. So that, as the Disciples and Fol­lowers [Page 12] of any Sect derive their Names from their Masters, so might we call these Men Foxonians, were it not unbecoming Christians to denominate themselves or others professing the Name of Christ from the Names of Men. I have many Accounts of George Fox in Writing in my hands, partly di­ctated from his own Mouth to his Amanuensis a little before his Death, partly obtain'd from his Friends and Followers, and partly from others that were strangers both to George Fox and all his Society. Which because they differ among themselves, I shall only pick out what seems to be most probable, and generally attested, for it is difficult in such a case to distinguish between what is true, what false.

George Fox was Born in the Year One Thousand Six Hundred and Twenty Four, in a Village called Dreton in Leicestershire. His Father, Christopher Fox, and his Mother, Mary Lago, were of no con­siderable Fortune, but gain'd their Living by Wea­ving: They lived devoutly and piously, were of the Reformed Religion, and great Zealots for the Presbyterian Party, which then obtain'd in England. And this their Zeal for Religion was accounted He­reditary to the Family, especially on the Mother's side; whose Ancestors had in the days of Queen Mary given Publick Testimony to their constant and unmoveable Zeal for the Truth and Purity of Religion, not only in giving their Goods and Pos­sessions to be confiscated, and patiently undergoing the loss of the same, but in yielding their Lives for a Sacrifice to the flames of devouring Fire, prefer­ring the undefiled and lasting Crown of Martyr­dom, to a sinful Life. This George Fox, while yet a Child, discovered a singular Temper, not coveting to Play with his Brethren or Equals, nor giving him­self to any of those things that take with Children, but shunning their Company, and disdaining their Childish Customs; he loved to be much alone, spoke but little, or if at any time he chanc'd to speak, both his Countenance and Speech bewray'd a sadness of Spirit; his words were more Interrogatory, [Page 13] shewing a great deal of Attention and Considera­tion, and making many Observations; unto all which was added Modesty in all his Actions, and a diligent pursuit of the early Rudiments of Piety and Devotion; so that even in his Infancy his Actions and Demeanor seemed to presignifie those Qualities of Mind, which in progress of time he discover'd on the Publick Stage of the World. Ha­ving spent his Infancy at home, he was then sent to School to learn to Read Engl [...]sh, and to Write. In which Study he succeeded as the other Country Boys and those of the meaner sort use to do, having attained so much as that he could read Print pretty well; but Writing he could read but little of, nei­ther could he write, except very rudely. And this was the only Piece of Learning the attain'd to all his Life long. For neither then, nor any time af­ter when arriv'd at greater Maturity of Years, did he ever apply himself to any Liberal Study. So that he not only knew no other Language save his Mo­ther-Tongue, but even in that he was so little expert, and so ill qualified either for speaking or writing, all the whole course of his Life, that what he under­stood perfectly well he could not explain or enlarge upon in any tolerable good English, and far less could he deliver it in Writing; in so much that he oft-times made use of Amanuenses and others, who being well acquainted with his Thoughts, and grea­ter Masters of Language, might put them into a better Dress. And this I thought worth the Remark­ing, because a great many Books are extant in George Fox's Name, writ not only in terse English, but also in Latin, and interlarded with Sentences of ma­ny other Languages, which are but little known to the Learned World; the Names of the Interpreters or Methodizers being concealed. Which whether it was an effect of great Simplicity in him, or of his Ambition and Ostentation, I shall not determine; only it is plain that he had not the gift of Tongues. George Fox having spent this part of his Life at School, began then to look out for some way of [Page 14] Living, and providing for the future part of his Life; and accordingly concluded to betake himself to some Mechanick Trade, that being necessary for the use and accommodation of Man, could never be wanted, and consquently never fail of answer­ing the end he undertook it for; such as making the Ornaments, and cloathing of Humane Bodies. Amongst which he chose to himself the Making of Shooes, applying himself to that Art the remain­ing part of his Life in Nottingham, the chief Town of the County of Nottingham, bordering upon Leicestershire, the place of his Nativity. He being then a Young Man, did behave himself Honestly and Modestly amongst Men, walking devoutly to­wards God, keeping close to that sense of Religion and Worship taught him by his Parents. He dwelt much upon the Scriptures, and when at leisure from the Exercise of his Trade (as also when about it, taking this advantage of his sedentary Work) he Meditated upon, ruminated in his Mind, and re­collected what he had read. He had an Infallible Memory for retaining any thing he knew, especially what he read in the Bible never slip'd out of his re­membrance. And having thus incessantly conti­nued in the Study of the Scriptures from his Infancy to his latter end, he became so exactly versed in them, that there was no Remarkable Saying in all the Holy Writings that escap'd his Knowledge or Remembrance. I have heard some of his Friends say (and those not of the Vulgar size, but Men of Learning and Knowledge) that though the Bible were lost, it might be found in the Mouth of George Fox. Hence it was that as every one's Perfection and Talent discovers it self in their Discourses and Writings, so all the Discourses he ever had to his People, and all the Writings left on Record behind him, were nothing but a train of several Texts of Scripture sewed and patch'd together. Now after he had thus spent so much of his time in studying the Scripture, Meditating on Religious Things, and seriously weighing the condition and state of his [Page 15] own Soul; he could not contain himself within the Bounds of his Trade and Station, but began to aspire after higher things, and transgressing the li­mits of his Sphere, would needs attempt some no­bler Enterprize, that might be Serviceable both to himself and others. And accordingly, not con­tenting himself with the private use of what he had acquir'd, he took occasion oft-times to Discourse of these Matters to his Fellow-Tradesmen and Ac­quaintance, exhorting and admonishing them to be much taken up with these Concerns. And in these his frequent Exhortations he was so officious and importunate, that he would never give over, till at length it came to such a height, that neither they would any longer give ear to his severe Discourses, nor could he any longer bear with the Contradicti­ons, Reproaches, and Affronts he met with on that account: Which obliged him then to withdraw himself from all manner of Society, either Work­ing alone in some hidden corner of his Shop, or (because even then there was frequently some cu­rious Fellows coming to hear of him what he had to say, who since his severe Discourses could never please them, were still creating more trouble) when he had done with Working, he presently forsook the Shop, getting up into some Garret or other, where being remov'd from all manner of Company, he might both be free from the Molestations of o­thers, and give Offence to none.

It happened in the Year of our Lord 1643. that this George Fox, being then in the Nineteenth Year of his Age, was walking alone in the Fields, pro­foundly Meditating upon the Nature, Mind, Man­ners, Institutions, and Discipline of Mankind; of their Societies and Converse one with another, but especially bending his thoughts upon the condition and state of Young People; considering what Du­ties were required at their hands, what Diligence, Care, and Circumspection was necessary in one and all of them for leading Lives while here worthy of the Gospel, and becoming Men, and for obtaining [Page 16] an Everlasting blessed Life when this is come to its Period. All which things he seriously and frequently ponder'd in his solitary Breast, fervently applying himself to the Throne of Grace, that it might please the Almighty God to Teach and Instruct him, a Young Man, in this state of Humane Affairs, fur­nishing him with the knowledge of his Duty, and ability to perform the same; upon which there came a Voice from Heaven, dictating unto his Spirit, that, All Mankind was only and altogether Vanity, that Children and Young People grew up in Lyes and Vanities as they did in Years, those of middle Age ad­vanced still more and more in the same manner of Vices; so that when arriv'd at Old Age, they were harden'd and confirm'd in the Customary Practice of the same; and when they come to be stricken in Years, and their Blood and Spirits to fade, they lose all Know­ledge and Sense, becoming again meer Children, ha­ving extinguish'd that light of their Minds which should then be shining most brightly, and giving them­selves up to nothing but Doteries and Childish Trifles, Death creeping upon them insensibly, which Cites all before the Vniversal Judge and Lord of all things. Therefore it was his Duty and Interest, as being a Young Man, to separate himself from that polluted Multitude, keeping no Commerce with them, but se­questrating himself to a solitary Life far remov'd from all manner of evil. This Divine Response did he many times report to his fellows. Whether it was really a Voice from Heaven, or only the Rea­soning of his own Breast, I do not say; only this is to be remark'd, that both this Fox and his first Fol­lowers did at their first appearance, and for a long time after, account all the Motions of their Spirit, or Inclinations to Good, which they found in them­selves upon serious Meditation, or upon any new Occasion, to be the effect of the Holy Spirit of God working the same within them, and whenever they were sensible of this Commotion within them, they used to say, that a Voice was sent down from God by his Spirit unto them, uttering such and such [Page 17] Discourse; and to this purpose they usher'd in all their Discourses to the People with a, Thus saith the Lord and his Spirit, by his own mouth, (this was, that they might seem more nighly to resemble the Holy Prophets and Apostles, that were inspired from above by the Divine Spirit, and sent by it.) But of late they abstain from such high-flown Pre­tences, calling what thus comes upon them, the Impulse and Motion of their Minds. Fox used to tell how that Heavenly Oracle did so effectually re­commend it self to his Youthful Spirit, that pre­sently he betook himself home, not being able to express what he had heard. Nay, the Image of this Voice was always so before his Eyes, not only all that day, but all the succeeding Night, that he could not go to bed. And from that time he obey'd this Heavenly Admonition. And though he had always been diligent in Reading and Meditating on the Holy Scriptures, and had frequently set times apart for Fasting and Praying unto God; yet then being engaged in so difficult and important a De­sign in complyance to the Divine Will, he went about the same Christian Duties with more Appli­cation, Fervour, and Frequency: Especially having by Experience learned that there was no means more effectual than these for taming Man's vicious Na­ture, and suppressing his unruly Appetites, so en­clinable to Humane (though hurtful) Society, and the Corruptions of a polluted World. And though before this he had abstain'd sufficiently from Con­verse with Men, yet from that time forth he was more strict in shunning all manner of Humane Conversation, being only intent upon the Exercise of his Trade as much as was necessary for purcha­sing a Livelihood, and spending all the rest of his time in Holy and Religious Exercises. Nor did he only shun the Company of, or meeting with those he knew or suspected to be given up to the Vanities and Lusts of this World, but even those that made large shews of Religion and Vertue. For he did not deny that there were many who seemed to be [Page 18] very Religious and Devout, pretending the Scrip­ture or Word of God for the Rule and Ground both of Faith and Manners; but this he complain'd heavily of, that there was so many who extoll'd the Holy Scriptures, paying all Honour and Defe­rence to the same, who yet would cry up and ex­tol that Profession of Faith and Manners that they had suck'd from these very Scriptures: And that they were so destitute and ignorant of that Holy Spirit that endited them, and so great strangers to that Purity of Life and Conversation which is so oft recommended in the Scriptures. Fox in this his Solitary Retirement proposed nothing else to himself but doing Service to others, designing and purpo­sing some time to be useful in Informing and In­structing not a few, by undertaking a Publick Mi­nistry for the Salvation of many. And thus he rea­soned with himself, (nay, he said, it was demon­strated to his Spirit from God himself) that though School and College Learning, the Natural and ac­quir'd Qualities and Gifts of the Mind, those Arts Men call Liberal and Ingenuous, and the Knowledge of Tongues, were very useful Accomplishments and Adornments for a Theologue, or any invested with that Sacred Office, yet the Spirit of God was to be their chief Teacher and Conducter; and the Opera­tion of this Divine Spirit, though without Learn­ing, is of more avail, than Learning without the assistance of the Spirit. However he did not so totally banish himself from all Company, but that he admitted sometimes those that came to him; nay, and would sometimes of his own accord go to those he thought Men of Integrity, and who seem'd to walk reverently towards God, and confer with them. Sometimes he called on the Ministers of the Gospel, such as he thought fit, or that he heard did excel in Doctrine and Piety, and communicated to them his Sentiments. He always so ordered his Discourse, that what he spoke was about the con­dition or state either of Men in general, or of Chri­stians; and this was the whole, and the only Tenor [Page 19] and Context of all his Discourses, that the condi­tion of all those we call Christians was such, as that all their Religion was in their Tongues; in so much that their Ministers and Pastors who dispensed unto them the Divine Word, were Men that minded no­thing but making a discovery of their Learning and Knowledge, and a slight discharge of their Of­fice; nay, that proposing nothing to themselves but the bare external Reward, were very Hirelings un­to Men. This his way of Discoursing occasioned his unwelcom Reception among many.

There was at that time one Nathanael Stevens, Minister of the Church at Dreton, where George Fox was born, who used not only to exspect George's coming to him, but oft-times prevented him, look­ing on him as one of his Flock, and subject to his Discipline. Whom therefore Fox, as his Custom was, had made his Reflections on him and his Pa­rish, accusing both the Minister and the Flock, for being ignorant of Christianity, and far estranged from it in their Lives; vindicating himself to be the Restorer and Conducter appointed for the Re­covery of fallen Religion. Mr. Stevens would never­theless leave him to himself, as being neither grieved nor angry at him. This same Year George went up and down from Town to Town, supplying his Ne­cessities in every place he came to, with the Exer­cise of his Trade, contenting himself with a little, and not apprehensive of Poverty. He was much troubled with Melancholy, a Disease very incident, and in a manner Natural to all that Nation; which at that time increased mightily among them, and was now become very common. George complain'd that he was tormented without intermission with the terrible and mighty Tentations of Satan, which drove him almost to despair, insomuch that he some­times wish'd for Death rather than Life. And in every place he came to he made his Address to the Pious and Godly, and sometimes to the Ministers of Churches, complaining of his miserable con­dition, imploring some help and comfort from [Page 20] them. But when he had thus made known to them the anguish of his Soul, some were not wil­ling to undertake so difficult a Cure, or thought it necessary to use Medicine for his Body as well as his Soul; others advised him to have recourse to the Word of God, Faith in him, and serious and fre­quent Prayer for the removal of his Malady; in fine, he could meet with none that could give him any Satisfaction or Relief; then would he (as all such afflicted People use to do, when they cannot meet with their desires) rail against them, brand them for unskilful and ignorant Physicians, spreading Slanders and Reproaches against them up and down the Country.

From this time forth he wholly withdrew from all Society or Communication with the Visible Church; and on Religious days went alone into the Fields, or some retired place, carrying along with him his [...], and spending the day in Reading and Medi­tating. Nay, he spent the best part of his time in Study and Contemplation. And both at that time, and in the succeeding part of his Life, he frequently told how he was at sometimes possess'd with the Divine Spirit, how many Dreams and Visions came upon him, what Answers he had from Heaven to his Petitions; as also that many things foreseen by him, and foretold to him▪ were lock'd up in his Breast. And that he was daily taught from above, and instructed in what relates to the Doctrine and Life of a Christian; sometimes in one part of it, sometimes in another; sometimes what was wicked, and disallowable; at other times what was good, and to be sought after; and all these things was he to teach and explain to Men, as being sent of God for that purpose. After this he grew and increased daily.

It happened, not precisely at this time, but a little after, when he was Teaching at Nottingham, (for some things though distant in time are to be connected together, having designed to comprise this History in as compendious Bounds as is possible) [Page 21] that he was ravish'd into Paradise by the Spirit with a Flaming Sword, where he was form'd like unto Adam, such as he was while yet in Innocence, so that he clearly perceived and understood the most pro­found and obscure things, having the whole Crea­tion laid open and explain'd to him, how that Names were given to every Creature suited to their Natures, Vertues, and Perfections; which made him advise with himself, whether or no he should undertake the Profession of Medicine, bending his thoughts and care to the exercise of the same for the good and benefit of Mortal Men. For it happened in Leice­ster that God discovered to him, how far the Galenical Tribe was estrang'd from Divine Wis­dom, that Wisdom which contriv'd and fram'd all things, so that it was impossible for them to under­stand the Natures and Constitutions of things. But withal the Heavenly Oracle did likewise insinu­ate that it was possible to reform this corrupted Art, and settle it on a surer Foundation, if so be that Artists, before they undertake to Administer Me­dicine to the Sick, would first apply themselves to Divine Wisdom, and then accommodate their Re­medies according to its Rules. Fox did in every thing give shrewd Evidence that he was one of those sort of Men who covet to have both themselves and all things belonging to them taken notice of; and that he accounted it no disgrace, but rather matter of glorying, to be pointed at, and observ'd by every body. So far was he from hiding or concealing these his Revelations, and the singular Eminency of his Gifts, or imagining that they might be con­temned and derided as vain empty shews in the Eyes of an ill-temper'd Mind; so far was he from such a strain as this, that on the contrary, as being impatient of such wonderful Secrets, he never ceased to relate and communicate them unto his familiar Friends and Followers, and that with the greatest strokes of Confidence, and huge expressions of Joy, but withal not forgetting to return unto God thanks for such singular Mercies. And these [Page 22] his Friends and Followers did no less believe them things to be true, and propose them to the World, as worthy to be accounted true by all; taking all care to Trumpet forth the Praises of the Renowned Author: All which was very acceptable to George, so that if any body gave a favourable and respectful Judgment of him and his Enterprizes, he presently apply'd it to himself with a great deal of Self-applause. Of which we have an evident Instance from a saying of one Brown, on his Death-bed, con­cerning George Fox, That he would be an Instru­ment in the hand of God for doing great Works; which George interpreted and affirmed to be a Vision or Prophecy foretelling Infallibly what great things were to be verified in him. All his Friends were of the same strain with himself; for they gave it out (to Instance in one thing) that Nathanael Stevens (whom I formerly mentioned as Pastor of the Church of the place of George's Nativity, and Tu­tor and Instructor to him in his Childhood) did give this Testimony unto him before a Remarkable Person; That England did never produce such a Bud as George Fox, that he began to be suspicious of his falling upon some new Methods, and carving out new ways not hitherto found out: As also that ano­ther time, in presence of all the People, and of George himself, the same Person said, That George Fox had penetrated to the Light of the Sun, but that he went busily about to Eclipse and darken the Light of his old Pedagogue Stevens, by the greater Light which through the Sun was in him. Which these Men accounted to be the highest Elogy could be given. And it seems very wonderful to me while I consider that Fox himself did at this time com­plain, that Stevens, who formerly express'd so much Love and Kindness to him, and was in a manner a Father to him, (for 'tis true indeed, that he com­mended his Piety and Ingenuity at the beginning) was now become his Adversary; having publickly proclaim'd out of the Pulpit in his own Presence, that he was a Young Man toss'd about with mad and [Page 23] unruly Fancies. It would seem that these Com­mendatory Expressions were rather spoke by Stevens with Indignation and Disdain, ironically insinuating that Insolence and Haughtiness that reign'd in him, which by the People were ignorantly understood to be properly and truly design'd for Proclaiming the Merits of George Fox.

Having for a considerable time addicted himself entirely to his Studies, he now began to try and make the Experiment, whether he was able to com­pass what he wish'd and hop'd for; to which effect he attempted to Methodize and Collect his Thoughts and Meditations, that at several times had possess'd his Mind, concerning the General Corruption and Degeneracy of Man's Nature, the Restoration of fallen Mankind, the Love and Grace of God, the Illumina­tion of Men by the Holy Spirit, and several other Heads; in order to make a Treatise or entire Work of the whole. In this state he continued for three Years, which was to him as an Academical course, he spending that time with no less Industry and Di­ligence, both in Nocturnal Lucubrations, and Morn­ing Exercises, (sitting up late, and rising early to compass his Design) than is usually given by those who spend all their time upon University Learning, and dedicate their whole Lives to the prosecution of their Studies. But so soon as ever he began to peep out from his lurking Solitude (which was in the Year One Thousand, Six Hundred, and Forty Seven) and to Publish unto the World what he was, and what Design he was upon; it is incredible to think what a conflux of People followed after him, & after having heard him frequently, and became acquainted with his Thoughts, with what Unanimity and Con­cord they all joyn'd issue to what he said and taught, and that in a very small compass of time. Where­fore looking upon the desire and nod of the People as the Voice of God, inviting him to dedicate him­self wholly to them, and take upon him the Office of a Teacher, that so he might freely communicate and impart to all Men whatever was in him, bending [Page 24] his Wit and Abilities to their use and advantage, he thought himself obliged to give ear to this Hea­venly Command. And accordingly from that time forth he abandon'd the Shooe-maker's Trade (in which he had never been as a Master, but as an Ap­prentice or Journey-man; not purchasing any mag­nificent things, but withal not living sordidly or too meanly) and now all his care was to undertake the Office of a Teacher in this new Church. And because he was thus destitute of a Livelyhood, which he formerly had by his Trade, there was not wanting of his Followers who afforded him whereupon to relieve his Necessities, lest his being reduced to straits had crush [...]d so glorious an Enterprize in the bud. But withal it is not to be omitted, that he never either asked any thing of his own accord, nor when he got, did he ever take more than was simply ne­cessary for his sustenance; nay, nor afterwards when his condition was better [...]d, in so much that he could have afforded a splendid and costly Entertainment, did he ever allow himself a larger abundance of good things; but continued all along very moderate both in Diet, Cloathing, and all other things be­longing to the Body. And, as if either he could not, or would not forget his Ancient Trade of work­ing in Leather, for a long time he cloathed himself altogether with Leather; and in this Garment he went about Preaching and Teaching, which gave ground to the Name given him, viz. The Leathern Man.

Thus he daily converted many to be of his Sect, and was accounted amongst the People for a Man of singular Piety; his Name and Fame was spread round in the Counties of Leicester, Nottingham, and Darby; so that People came on all hands to hear and be taught of him, who when return'd to their homes, extoll'd him among their Neighbours for a Heavenly Man. But there were at this time others who became Colleagues and Partners with him in the work of the Ministry; and in all corners of the Land were Men to be seen going about, and Preach­ing [Page 25] up this New Doctrine, either severally, or col­lectively in one Body. These Accessory Preachers made it their business first to Preach unto those who had already made defection from the Church; and afterwards to them who continued embody'd in the same, whose Religion and Manners were more op­pugnant to and different from theirs, which made them testifie their abhorrence of that Church both in words and deeds. But they unanimously pur­posed among themselves, that they should endea­vour to perswade all Men, that all Christian Churches were long ago quite overturn'd; that nothing either of Doctrine, Discipline, Life, or Manners, was un­corrupted or sound; and that therefore a new Church was to be rear'd up from the Foundation, according to the Model and Platform carved out by them. This they all set about, taking all occasions of speaking with the People, talking of these mat­ters, complaining of and expressing their grief for the Corruptions of Religion, tatling this and that privily into the ears of the Vulgar; nay, when their number increased, they became bolder, going into Peoples Houses, when not invited, intruding them­selves into Companies either of more or fewer, and presently without any Introduction beginning some new Discourse, either advancing something new, or opposing the Sayings and Discourses of others, li­tigiously starting Controversies, without any pre­ceding dissention, or any previous Enquiry into the state of the Question; thus would they under the pretence of discovering and vindicating the Truth, beleh out ignominious Reproaches and Slanders a­gainst the Religions of Men, and especially the Ministers of the Church. Others there were who only mov'd Questions in Company, and affirmed nothing themselves, or of a sudden turned the Dis­course another way, cunningly designing by their tedious repetitions, turnings, and windings, and frequent interruptions of Discourse by bringing in a new Subject, to irritate their Antagonists, that when they through Passion should chance to speak [Page 26] roughly and loudly, they themselves might conti­nue calm and moderate with a slow severity (as it oft-times happens, and is easily compassed) which might occasion their Adversaries either not to speak last, or to be passionately silent at their Obstinacy; from whence they conclude themselves Victors, and amongst the Ignorant pass for such.

And now would they publickly appear on the High-ways, standing in the Market-places, or any place where multitudes of People use to assemble together, promiscuously Admonishing and Exhort­ing all they met, by-standers, and others, to a Re­ligious pursuit of Repentance, Frugality, Justice, and Equity. Nay, they came to that length that they did not stick at entring into the Churches, not only of those who dissented from the Publick Church-Establishment, but even of them who were con­form'd to it; some of 'em casually falling into the Church, and appearing as if afraid; others design­edly and boldly went into them, finding fault with the Discourses and Prayers of the Ministers, dispa­raging and defaming both them and their Actions with all manner of Insolence and Impudence.

These were the first beginnings. But in the subse­quent part of this Book I shall shew that many (nay, most) of 'em have afterwards by degrees omitted, changed, or reformed many of these In­itiatory Principles. Fox, as he was the first Author of this Sect, so was he the chief Actor, Counsellor, and Conductor of others in all Affairs relating to the same. His first Success was in the Town of Not­tingham, from whence his Doctrine did issue forth into all corners of that County, and afterwards the whole Kingdom. For having confidently appear'd in the Church, and boldly vindicated his Doctrines in Face of the whole Assembly, he was thereupon cast into Prison; but was not so closely confin'd, but that Liberty was given to his Friends to visit and converse with him: So that many of the Citizens went frequently to Prison to Discourse him, and among the rest John Reccles, Mayor of the Town, [Page 27] with his Wife and whole Family, with whom George did sharply Expostulate, treating them with some severity of words; however they became his Prose­lytes, associated themselves to his Sect, and began publickly to Preach his Doctrines among their own People and Neighbours. This Imprisonment of George Fox was of a very short continuance. This was in the Year of our Lord, One Thousand, Six Hundred Forty Nine, in the Five and Twentieth Year of his Age. Which Year was Sacred to him, for that in the same he both commenc'd the state of a Man, being come to perfect Age, and also the Of­fice of the Ministry: This same Year was also Me­morable amongst the Quakers, for being the Year of the Nativity of their Church, which now began to increase and be confirm'd. And from this Year it is that they commence all the Miracles of the New-born Church. Fox remain'd yet a while lon­ger in Nottinghamshire, and resided for some time at Mansfield, where having entred an Hospital, he spy'd a Woman, who besides the distraction of her Mind, was miserably tormented with intolerable Pains: The Physician ordered her a Vein to be open'd, that by taking away some of her Blood, her pain might be abated, for which end her hands were bound up. Fox opportunely draws nigh, views the Woman, and what they were about to do to her, presently affirms and maintains, that she was afflicted with an Evil Spirit; which he did not say, as the Vulgar use to do, who when they are ignorant of the cause of any Evil, assign the Devil for its Author: He continues stedfast in affirming what he had said, and orders the Woman to be un­ty'd, which being accordingly done, and she being over-wearied with the Torment, and Resistance she had made, he desires her to Rest and be still. She obeys, recovers her lost Reason, and is restor'd to her former and so long interrupted Temperature of Body. Upon this, Fox Taught, that the Sick were cur'd, and unclean Spirits cast out by that Divine Vertue which works in his People. His followers, [Page 28] who were as Rattles and Cymbals to blaze about his Fame, disguis'd the matter thus, That the Woman was possess'd with a Devil, who had troubled her for the space of Two and Thirty Years, that being brought unto him, after many hideous shrieks and outcries, and motions like to the bellowing of a Cow, and a most noisome stink breath'd from her mouth, she was freed of that Malignant Spirit in presence of a great multitude of People. Fox did likewise boast that he cured a certain Man in a Village called Trikossio in Leicestershire, after he had been given over by the Physicians, only by uttering some few words to him, and stretching forth his hand to Hea­ven. His Friends added yet another, that having ended his Discourse to the People, he happen'd once to meet with a Woman (accompany'd by her Husband) all over Scabby, Ulcerous, and covered round with Cataplasms; upon which he enquired of the Husband if he had the Faith of Miracles; but while he was hesitating, and delaying to an­swer, he asked the same Question of the Woman, and she having answered affirmatively, he imme­diately pull'd off the Cataplasms, and she was forth­with restored to her Health. Both himself and his Followers do likewise pretend that on some occa­sions he performed the like Miracles by the simple touch of his hand.

But besides Miracles, the Quakers did after this time pretend to Visions and Prophecies, which they said was a singular Gift vouchsafed only to them. Yet they were more sparing in their Discourses on this Subject, and except one or two Examples which are very special, and depending on the distinction of Places, Times, and Persons, they alledge no­thing but General Examples, which therefore can­not be of any certain Authority, so as to merit our belief; and I do not find their special Instances of such weight as to be worth our inserting. Nay, this I choose rather to say, That the Quakers who suc­ceeded these first beginners, do not make so much noise either of Miracles or Visions, nor do they wil­lingly [Page 29] speak or write of those of their Sect that pre­ceded them, unless very cautiously and warily; ac­knowledging and owning that since the old Gospel preached by Christ and his Apostles was sufficiently confirmed with Miracles and Predictions, this new Gospel which they now advance, being in substance the same with that of old, does not need these Helps and Miracles: That they do not make their Religion depend upon them; that they neither hope nor wish for Praise and Glory from Men, nor expect to pro­cure a favourable Reception from them upon any such account. So that it seems this is their inten­tion to boast of some of the Signs of the Primitive and Apostolick Church, but withal to take care, lest if these Signs be not clear and manifest to all, they should come to be despised and laugh'd at: Unless they propose to themselves the Example of our Sa­viour, who sometimes took pains to conceal his Mi­racles and Prophecies.

The Quakers commemorate it that their Sect did so multiply and increase after this Year, and main­tain'd so much Concord and Unity among them­selves, that now they became an orderly and settled Church, conspicuous not for external Splendor and Magnificence, but for eminent Innocence and Sim­plicity. And whereas most of them had heretofore continued still Members of the Churches they were formerly joyned to, or if at any time they went aside to follow their New Model of Worship, it was very privately, and with a few Companions; but now they separated from them in great num­bers, and with open and undaunted boldness, joyn­ing into one Body among themselves with one Voice, and one Mind, professing themselves to be all incor­porated into one common Society, entring into an Ecclesiastical Covenant one with another, that as oft, and in whatever place, as an Opportunity offered it self, they should joyn and assemble together for go­ing about Religious Matters. And all their Religio­nary Confessions were of this Nature, that they in­sisted more on the received Tenets of other Churches [Page 30] which they were to reject and condemn, than in delivering positively what Articles they were to be­lieve and maintain. As to other things their Do­ctrines were short and plain: They contain'd few necessary Articles of Faith; none of them related to the contemplation and speculation of abstruse and difficult things, which are more curious than useful to Piety and Goodness; they were all con­cerning the Light which shines in every Man's Soul, and the Word of God within them; of inward Communion with God; of the Reverence, Love, and Obedience due to him and his revealed Will; and of the Relative Duties of Men one to another. When they assembled together for Divine Worship, their manner of Worshipping, and all sort of Sacred Exercises were free from any External Ac­coutrements, Rites, or Ceremonies; all was wrapt up in a deep silence, and tacit waiting upon the Spi­rit, till it raised them up to speak; and when they spoke, their Discourses were Exhorting of every Man to Self-Examination, and a serious considera­tion of the Operations of the Spirit, the Light within them, and the Word of God which was in their Hearts; admonishing them to study to deny themselves, subject themselves to God, and endea­vour to Repent and amend their Lives; to be Mo­dest, Temperate, True, and Constant in their Words and Actions; and to be diligent and chearful in per­forming all such Actions as became Men to do, and were fit for reconciling Men to one another, and ad­vancing Peace and Concord in the World. And so far as could be observed by the strictest Enquirer, they seemed to lead Lives conform to their Prin­ciples; for both in their promiscuous Conversation, and likewise in one anothers Company, their Mo­deration and Temperance was such, as that it be­came their Character, whereby they were distin­guished from all others. In the Management of Commerce and Trade with the rest of the World, they were Meek, Mild, and Moderate; in their Countenances severe, and slow in speech; they were [Page 31] but mean in their Cloathing, and their Houses not richly furnished, though there was among them Men of large Substances. The most conspicuous Vertue of all was a diligent Love, Care, and Watch­fulness over those of their Faction, especially as to their Religious Concerns; for they narrowly en­quired how every one behaved himself in Religious Matters. As to the ordinary Actions of Humane Life, they were free from Pride or Ostentation, Af­fable, Familiar, Bountiful to those of an inferiour Station, so that it was no singular or new thing a­mong them to see the Rich and Powerful Courting and Caressing the Poor. They were Merciful, Li­beral, and Compassionate to the Miserable and Af­flicted, either in Body or Mind; every one helped another, either with his Substance, Counsel, or As­sistance, as his Capacity allow'd, and the Necessity of his Neighbour requir'd, so that none of them wanted for any thing. Their chiefest care and bu­siness was so to accommodate all their Actions, as that they might seem not to introduce any new up­start Religion, but to resemble the Ancient Primi­tive Church, imitating their Simplicity, Gravity, and Vertuous Demeanor. By all which it came to pass that many were added to them, every body being astonish'd at the singularity of their Carriage. I my self am acquainted with a very learned worthy Man, who having heard such great things of them, had the Curiosity to undertake a Voyage to England, in order to satisfie himself of the verity of what was reported; and after having arrived there, and conversed with them, and seen their Actions, which far surpass'd his expectation, he was so much taken with them, that he forthwith yielded himself a Member of their Society. But the rest of the World who did not joyn with them, abhorred them and all their Actions, believing all their fair Pretences to be but vain shews disguised with smooth coun­tenances and deceitful words, insomuch that they would not hear, nor be witnesses to any of their doings, of which they could not entertain the least [Page 32] favourable thought; nay, they inveigh'd against them with the most reviling Expressions, spreading this Report of their Life and Manners (tho' with­out any Author to attest it) that they were the veryest Rogues of all Men alive, Exorcists and Sor­cerers (as the Vulgar calls them) who under the covert of such specious Doctrines opened the Gates for all manner of Wickedness and Roguery, de­signing only to catch and ensnare simple Men by their [...]uggling Enchantments. Unto which Inju­rious Reproaches, all their Reply and Comfort was, That this their Treatment was nothing worse than what the Ancient Christians and Holy Men of all Ages have unworthily, and unjustly met with on the same Account. But now I return to George Fox.

He remained for some time at Mansfield, where he went into the Church, while the Minister was Preaching, and begun to oppose and contradict him publickly; upon which the People being incensed, fell upon him with Hands and Feet, dragging him out of the Church into Prison; and that same very day towards the Evening he was set at Liberty and dismiss'd, and the Mobb again encountred him with Affronts and Stripes, beating him out of Town. The same Treatment he met with elsewhere. But he continued still the same Old Man, becoming ra­ther more constant and confirm'd (as it were) in defending and maintaining his Doctrine and Disci­pline, not refraining from that Tumultuating Me­thod he had now begun of appearing in the Publick Churches, and opposing the Ministers of the same; not suffering either the remembrance of his past pain and trouble, nor the fear of what might ensue, to abate his Fervour and Zeal in prosecuting his De­sign, for one Minute of Time; and thus undaunt­edly he push'd on for the two or three subsequent Years.

But before I proceed further, it is requisite that I first give a distinct, though short, Account of the chief Articles that he litigiously wrangled about [Page 33] (I do not say disputed, or discoursed) in the Pub­lick Assemblies and Congregations, the Sermons be­ing either ended or interrupted through his Imper­tinency. These Articles related either to the Mini­sters themselves, who (as he said) were only in­duced by love of a Reward or Hire to Preach the Gospel, which should be Preach'd gratis unto all Men; or to the Instrument or Source from which they suck'd the Doctrines they taught their hearers, viz. the Sacred Scriptures, or Word of God, which he thought an improper name; or to this part of their Doctrine, that the Saints, while in this Life, cannot attain to that fulness and perfection of San­ctity and Holiness which the Law of God requires; which he said was a Principle that encouraged Men in their sins, patronizing and defending the same. But in all these Controversies he never considered how near a-kin his own Case was unto theirs who maintain'd these Doctrines; for though he pretended to take all this pains and trouble in running about to Preach the Gospel gratuitously, and without any Reward, yet those he preach'd to supply'd his Ne­cessities, before he ask'd it of them; at least-wise he was never deny'd the Liberty of coming uncalled for (as the Flies) and (like Mice) feeding upon others Provision: He might have also remembred his usual Preface and Introduction to all his Dis­courses, when about to inform the People of some Secret hid from the World, This is the Word of the Lord; and that he seldom discoursed to his People of the Internal, Spiritual Force and Obligation of the Law, but only of External Vertues; thus o­mitting many real sins repugnant to the Law and Perfection of God.

In the Fiftieth Year of this Century, he being in Derbyshire, in the Town of the same name, went into a Presbyterian Church, where, after Sermon ended, he boldly discovered his Thoughts and Sen­timents to the whole Congregation; upon which he was brought before the Magistrate, who after some Debates past betwixt Fox and the Ministers of [Page 34] the Churches, ordered him to be taken and put into Gaol, as being a troublesom Fellow, putting all things into Confusion, where he remained for Six Months.

Moreover it is to be Remark'd, that these Men are not altogether averse or unwilling to be denomina­ted Christians; though they say, that Name was at first given to Christ's Disciples by the wicked Jews and Gentiles out of Contempt and Derision; others say, it is of too narrow a compass, not including all the Godly, who are worshippers of God, and partakers of his Grace, being confined only to those who acknowledge and profess the Name of Christ. But because the Quakers have always in their mouths the name of Light, Preaching Christ as a Light enlightening every one; and exhorting all Men to walk in that Light, as Sons of the Light, they were called by some Mockers, The Confessors and Sons of the Light; which denomination did not altogether displease them. And at this time the opprobrious Nickname of Quakers was first given them, the occasion of which was this:

Fox being detained in Prison, was sometimes called before the Magistrates to be examined; where he took occasion oft-times to admonish the Judges who examined him, to reverence and fear God, to Tremble at his Word, and to work out their Salva­tion with fear and trembling; (which was not only an usual Expression to him, but to all his abettors) one of the Judges, by Name Jeremy Bennet, hear­ing him talk so frequently of Trembling and Qua­king, gives him and all his Sect the denomination of Quakers. Besides, all the People having observed that in performance of Sacred Services they trembled and shook, thought this new Name the more proper, so that ever since they have been known all over England by the Name of Quakers. They by a cer­tain dexterity they have of putting favourable Con­structions on Names, apply this and all other Nick­names formerly mentioned, to themselves, in their own sense and meaning; as I hinted in the beginning [Page 35] of this Treatise. But the Quakers tell us, that this Judge Bennet, in the mean time that he was so se­vere and troublesom to him, was afflicted by God with a Remarkable stroke; that the Keeper of the Prison, or Gaoler, who had formerly been fierce and severe against him as a Lion, after having un­derstood what sort of Man he was, became meek and peaceable to him as a Lamb. Now six Months being expired, he is let loose from Prison, and was carried to the Market-place to those that were there levying Soldiers (for the Difference betwixt the King and the Parliament was not yet put to an end) in order to enlist himself a Soldier; and being brought thither, he was tempted of them by large offers to engage in the Service, but he was so far from yielding to their desire, that he accosted them with this short, but tart Discourse: What! do you think to wheedle me into your Service by your large Promises? I would not give my self for a Soldier, tho' you should threaten to inflict the greatest Evils upon my refusal. What! am not I now a Soldier already? Do not I now wage War and Fight? But the War I am engaged in is not such as brings certain Destruction both to the Conqueror and conquered; to the former the certain ruine of his Soul, and to the latter a risk of losing his Life; but my Fighting is to abstain from all these Quarrels, Wars, and Arms; nay, not only to abstain from them, but to conquer and subjugate those Passions and Lusts, from whence they arise. I am a Soldier, waging War, and fighting, but so as to pro­vide for the Peace and Safety of my self, of you, and all Men, both here in this Humane Society, and also with God. Which Practice would to God both ye and all the World would study to imitate. Wherefore I de­sire of you that ye give me no more trouble of this Na­ture; and that ye be aware of running your selves into a worse condition than ye are in already, lest by indulging your selves this liberty of sinning against God the Emperor of the World, his wrath be kindled against you, and when the time for Vengeance shall come, and the Door of Mercy shut up, ye perish for [Page 36] ever. This Discourse was so far from putting a stop to the fury of his Adversaries, that it spurr'd on their fierceness and cruelty the more, which they express'd not in Imprisoning him as before, but in casting him into a nasty, stinking Dungeon, dig­ged under Ground, where Thieves and Malefactors were kept. But after other six Months he got out from thence also. And this Affliction did not in the least scare him from prosecuting his Design, but he still became bolder and brisker, Propagating his Doctrine, not only in the Counties of Notting­ham, Darby, and Leicester (which were the The­atre and Stage where this great Engine did first ap­pear) but through all York-shire, Lancaster, and the vast Tract of Lands called Westmorland; in all which places he unweariedly preached his Doctrine and Discipline, being followed by vast numbers of the People. This is certain, that none of all the Quakers ever preached or discoursed so often, and unto so many different Hearers, as George Fox; and he himself never made so many Discourses as in these places, and at this time. But because he could not be present every where to speak Face to Face, he now began to write Letters to several Societies, and likewise to particular Men; Instructing and Admo­nishing them in what he imagined most necessary to be known and practised. And to this day are to be seen in many peoples hands whole bundles of Letters wrote by him to the same Persons: Though he did not express any great strength of Discourse or Reasoning in these his Letters, for that he both wrote such Characters as were not easie to be read, and also in so rude and simple a Style, sometimes most difficult and intricate, that it is a wonder any Man so much exercised in speaking and discoursing, should have been the Author of them.

The first Letter he wrote was in the Year Fifty, to his Friends, which I shall here insert. It was wrote Originally in English, and is translated from the Original into Latin, which done from the Latin into English again (for the Original is not in our [Page 37] hands) runs thus. The Lord is King over all the Earth; wherefore all ye Nations praise and magnifie your King in true Obedience, purity of Holiness and Sincerity. O! consider in true Obedience, how ye should know the Lord with Vnderstanding; mark and consider in silence, in submission of Mind, and ye shall hear the Lord speaking to you in your Minds. His Voice is sweet and pleasant. His Sheep hear his voice, and will give ear to no other. And when they hear his voice, they rejoyce and obey, and also sing for joy. O! their hearts are filled with Eternal Tri­umphs. They sing forth and praise the Eternal God in Zion. Their Joy shall none take from them. Glory be to the Lord for ever. G. F.

In this same Fiftieth Year Elizabeth Hooton, born and living in Nottingham, a Woman pretty far ad­vanced in Years, was the first of her Sex among the Quakers who attempted to imitate Men, and Preach, which she now (in this Year) commenced. After her Example, many of her Sex had the confidence to undertake the same Office. This Woman after­wards went with George Fox into New-England, where she wholly devoted her self to this Work; and after having suffered many Affronts from that People, went into Jamaica, and there finished her Life. But I return again to Fox.

While he thus continued so forward and zealous for Preaching his Doctrines, his condition was very various; strange Events and Accidents falling out, of which I think it convenient to give you a short Account. It happened in Yorkshire, in a Town to­wards the East Part of it, called Beverlar, that he went into the Church, being mightily mov'd in Spirit: where he first kept himself silent, till the Minister had finish'd his Sermon; then before all the People he thunder'd out his extemporary and reviling Ha­rangues, and presently convey'd himself away; thus he escaped safe and unpunish'd. Some few days after that, at Crantsick, as the Minister had just read the Text of his ensuing Discourse (being a Man of considerable Worth and Fame) he fell [Page 38] upon him with a Discourse, the only purport of which was to express his contempt of the Dignity, Order, and Religion of this worthy Divine. Which Action might have brought him into extream dan­ger, for every body almost accounted it a signal of so great Impudence and Insolence, that they thought no Vengeance too great, nor no Resentment too high for so villainous and injurious a Crime, yet he escap'd unpunish'd. But I come to give you a larger Account of a certain Sermon of his. Being in Leicester, his Native Country, he had occasion to Travel in that Country with some of his Friends. He spyes from afar a certain Town, not knowing which it was; but having asked of his Friends, comes to understand that it was Lichfield. Thither he presently resolves to go, and pronounce Curses a­gainst all the Citizens, high or low, or of whatever degree; for they were all equally unknown to him. While I call to remembrance the Ancient Annals of the British Affairs, it comes into my Mind, that at this very Town, in the time of Dioclesian the Em­perour, there was a great many Christian Martyrs miserably afflicted, and tortured with all manner of exquisite Torments: And then in the Reign of Henry the Sixth, King of England, there was a Battel fought betwixt the King and the Earl of Salisbury, near to this place, in which great num­bers of Men were slain on both sides, and the King's Army almost totally routed. So that on both these occasions this Ground was covered with the Blood of so many Men. And besides, in Fox's own time, while that Fatal Civil War was raging in England, betwixt the King and the People, in the same Fields, and this very same Town, there was a great deal of Humane Blood shed; all which Fox was not igno­rant of. Thither (I say) did he presently direct his course; and because he did not know the right Road (for he had now parted from his Friends) being impatient of delay, he follow'd the sight of his Eye, moving in a straight line, without winding or turning to either hand, leaping over rugged [Page 39] uneven places, Hedges, Ditches, and all that came in his way. But before he arrived at the Town, he sees some Shepherds, to whom he approaches, and stays a little with them. It was now the Winter Season, and very cold, yet he was burning like a Fire: Therefore he throws off his shooes, leaving them with the Herds; and thus bare-footed (with­out his Shooes) he made haste to get at the Town, where running up and down, he cries, Woe! Woe! to this bloody City, Lichfield; not adding why or to what purpose he had said so, or what had been done there, or what was to come to pass; or with what Design and Signification he had said so, what Ex­hortation he would give them for amendment of their Lives, or what other Caution was fit and sea­sonable on such an Occasion. Of all these he could give no Account, neither then, nor any time after­wards; neither would he ever interpret or explain this any further, than that God had revealed it to his Spirit. But a little after, he came to know of some Friend of his, that in this City, and adjacent Country had been seen some Bloody Spectacle. While he thus continued running up and down, crying the same words, the Citizens suffered him to pass, imagining him to be a Mad-man, rather to be pityed or laugh'd at, than called to an Account. At length becoming cold all over his Body, and his Joynts stiff with cold, and being weary with run­ning, he goes out of Town, and returns to the Shepherds; and when he had come at them, he was now so inslam'd with a Heavenly and Divine Fire, that he mattered not whether he put on his Shooes again or not. But being admonish'd of God, he puts them on, and leaves that place. It frequently fell out, that Men believing him to be a Mad-man, suffered him to go unpunish'd. But his Confidence and Constancy did not always escape so. For in other places he was forbid access, or Lodging, or Refreshing himself in his Journey, to satisfie Hun­ger and Thirst; so that he was sometimes forced to lie whole Nights in the open Fields, without Meat [Page 40] or Sleep. And if he came to a place unawares, or of a sudden, he was sometimes repulsed with threats and hard words; and if he adventur'd to enter a Church, and make any Publick Discourse, or contra­dict the Preacher, the Congregation frequently re­warded him, not only with words, but with good hard blows, and that sometimes very cruelly: As it happened in Yorkshire, at Warnsfort and Doncaster.

At Tickhill, while he was yet speaking in the Church, they beat him so severely, that the Blood sprung out of his Face; then having caught him by the Neck, they dragg'd him out of the Church, Caning him, till at length he got into some House, and from thence convey'd himself privily out of the Town. But he was no where so hardly and cruelly dealt with, as at Vlverstown in Lancashire; where he entertain'd a sharp Debate with the Mi­nister for some time; after which the Mobb (not all the Congregation, but the ignorant and meaner sort, Youths, Children, and such like) did imme­diately attack him, thumping him with their Fists while in the Church, then dragging him from thence, they trampled him under foot, so mangling and tearing him, that he was in danger of his Life; but in the mean while neither did he refrain from beat­ing and wounding some of them; which, though against his Conscience, yet was not much blame­worthy. The rest of the Congregation endeavoured by words to mollifie the enraged Mobb, and to rescue the distressed poor Man from their merciless hands. At another place in this same County, when he was making towards them, they assembling toge­ther into Companies, and being slightly armed, came out and met him, denying him access into their Bounds. But he still remained constant, with an unmoveable Patience, doing the same Actions still, maugre all the danger that surrounded him. And while these Evils and Sufferings were ready to grieve and pierce his Soul, he took it to be an Ad­monition and Exhortation from God to adventure upon every thing; he imagined that God shewed [Page 41] him large Countries in the top of a high Hill, in which he had chosen a peculiar People to himself. He boasted that he found in the declining of that Hill a Foun­tain, whose Waters were most comfortable and ef­fectual for quenching Thirst, after he had wanted Meat and Drink for some days; that a little while after he saw a multitude of Men cloathed in white Raiment approaching unto God, towards the gentle and gliding streams of these Waters. All these things he diligently remark'd, writing them down in his Papers, and communicating the same to his Friends.

Now was the Year of our Lord, One Thousand, Six Hundred, Fifty Two, after which this Sect did wonderfully increase, having been ever before but (as it were) in its Birth and first Appearance. There be two things that usually concur to procure an easie Progress and honourable Reception to any new Undertaking: The Dignity and Fame of those who engage in it, and the Conveniency and Opu­lency of their Place of Meeting and Assembling together. Now, whereas heretofore Fox with his Adherents and Followers had none to be of their Society save those of the meanest and lowest Rank; nor any to Preach and Teach, save those of the Vul­gar, Ignorant sort of People; now were added to them many Opulent and Considerable Men, of good Reputation and Dignity in the World, who not only made up the number of their Hearers, but likewise supply'd the place of Doctors and Teachers. And, whereas before they used to Assemble them­selves together promiscuously in any place, whether in Town or Country; and he of 'em who had a mind to speak or discourse to the People, was ob­liged to take occasion of the casual Conflux and Congregations of the People, either in Churches, Courts, Market-places, Fields, Streets, or where­ever occasion served; from which oft-times follow'd Insurrections of the People to beat and stone them; sometimes to cast them in Prison, and bind them with Irons and Chains; now they began to Meet in [Page 42] Houses, and there to Teach and go about Sacred Things, which was a much safer way, for that thus they were freed from many Inconveniencies, par­ticularly that of lying open to the Fury of the Mobb. Both these Advantages accrued unto them by degrees, and sometimes by wonderful chance.

I have already told what Countries Fox did most­ly resort to at this time, Yorkshire, Lancashire, and Westmorland. The first in Yorkshire that became his Disciple, and afterwards his Colleague, was William Densbury, born in that County, who had once been a dealer in Wool in Wakefield, and afterwards a Trumpeter in Oliver Cromwels Army. This Man heard Fox Preach one day; and when towards the Evening of that same very day Fox went out into the Fields to Meditate, he followed after him, and told him, that of a long time he had bended his Mind upon the same Design that he had underta­ken; and that now he was so mov'd with his Dis­courses, that he wholly gave up himself to be his Disciple: Upon which Fox and he consulted seri­ously together about their Design. A little while after, Densbury became a Preacher, performing the Office of a Trumpeter of the new Doctrines to this new Church with a great deal of Applause. And though he spent the best part of his succeed­ing Life in Prison, because of his Boldness and Con­fidence in sounding this Religious Trumpet; yet this Affliction he patiently endured, not suffering Trouble or Anguish to invade his Mind, but continuing con­stant and chearful in receiving the Injuries he suf­fered for the sake of a good Conscience, and of that Holy Office he had undertaken for the Salvation of Mankind. His very Enemies acknowledge that he was Eloquent, and every way fit for managing what relates to that Society.

The next that followed him in this Office was James Naylor, once a Country Boor not far from Wakefield, afterwards a Soldier in the Parliament's Army, who not long after he had undertaken this Office, met with wonderful Accidents, as I shall [Page 43] relate, when I come to that Period of Time. After him followed Thomas Aldham, who oft-times co­veted the Company of Ecclesiastical Men, for to Discourse and Dispute with them; nay, he affected also to converse with the Politicians, and Cromwel the Protector himself, whom he went to, partly to manifest his Learning and Knowledge, and partly to obtain his Consent and Belief to their Articles; so great Confidence and Hope he placed in that Man. Next to him was Philip Scafey, Minister of a Publick Church at a little Village in this same County, near to Whitby, called Robin Hood's Bay▪ upon the Sea-side.

In Lancashire, the first that apply'd himself to Fox and his Society, was Richard Hubberthorn, born in the Northern Parts of that County, of good Paren­tage, and liberally Educated, who was at that time a Captain in the Parliament's Army; and so over-Religious, that oft-times at the Head of his Com­pany he would make Discourses to them, as if he had been a Preacher. And not long after he be­came a Preacher among the Quakers, which Office he discharged so well in their Eyes, that they all unanimously gave him a very high Testimony. His Writings left behind do testifie him to have been no contemptible Disputant, but too violent and tart, and sometimes bitter and reviling. Next were Tho­mas Taylor, and his Brother Christopher Taylor, both Publick Ministers in that Country. Next was Ri­chard Farnsworth, Author of a Book which treats of the Pronouns Tu and Vos, or Thou and Ye; wherein he proves by Examples pick'd out of the Holy Writings, that it is unlawful in our particu­lar Discourses one with another, to use any other compellation than Thou.

In Westmorland, the first that joyn'd to this Society, and became Preacher among them, was John Ad­lance; then Francis Howgil, formerly a Taylor at Appleby, at that time a Sectary Preacher to an In­dependant Congregation, who returned the Money he had formerly received of his Congregation for a [Page 44] Reward of his Service; a Man of Learning, and as well qualified as many of that Sect. After them came Edward Burrough, a Young Rustick Fellow, of Sixteen or Seventeen Years; but equall'd to a Man, and designed for great things. Last of all, I shall mention one George Whitehead, who at this time joyned himself to this Sect, taking upon him also the Office of a Teacher; he was then Minister to the Church of Lancaster, talked of among the Learned for his skill in both Tongues, his Piety and Modesty; and Famous at this very day, though stricken in Years, for his dexterity of Disputing and Managing Controversies, both with Tongue and Pen. I omit the Names of others. But it is ma­terial here to Remark, that the chiefest and greatest part of those who engaged in this Society, were such as were either Members of Presbyterian Churches, or Independants, or Brownists, or Bap­tists; of which latter a great many bore Arms for Cromwel and the Parliament; for the most part of their Army consisted of such kind of Men: And not only these Sectaries themselves gave themselves to this Society, but even their Doctors and Teach­ers, whose Example and Influence induced many of their Congregations to do the like. So that the first Congregation of Quakers was a multitude of People, not so extravagant or faulty in their Man­ners, as fluctuating and unsettled in their Religions, which were very various and discrepant one from another; and of which England had now great store, Those of them that were better accommo­dated than others, fitted their Houses, and other Private places for receiving their Assemblies when congregated for Divine Worship. They did not exclude even those who were not of their Party, if they came in Peaceably, only to hear and see, without intermedling with any thing; unless they suspected or understood 'em to be Spies, coming up­on some ill Design to trap them, or hatch some Mis­chief against them.

[Page 45] Fox was very diligent in insinuating himself and his Doctrines into the Affections of those who were Men of Dignity and Power; who though they were not fitter to Judge of his Design, yet were more capable to advance and propagate that Interest, and he gain'd not a few of them. Among whom were some Magistrates greater or lesser, who like Load­stones drew many of their underling Inferiours af­ter them. But there happened likewise at this time a memorable Instance of the Progress and Advance­ment of Fox and his Adherents in Lancashire, which is not here to be omitted. There lived in Lancashire Thomas Fell, (one of the Judges) who with his Wife Margaret Fell, were famous and renown'd for Religion and Piety. Fox having made himself acquainted with them, became so Familiar in their House, that it was always open to him, when he pleased to come there, and all things in it at his Service. But the Husband continued still steadfast to the Reformed Church, being a true Lover, and sincere Practiser of the Reformed Religion all his Life long; so that he was not fond of Fox's Church-Conventicles, nor would he joyn himself to his So­ciety; yet he was not so averse from it, but that he thought it should be suffer'd, and enjoy its Li­berty; so that he resolved to defend and vindicate the same from all Injury. And afterwards when Fox was accused by many Ministers of the Church before the Judges at Lancaster, for having used some horrible Expressions in his Discourses to the People, such as, That God taught Lyes and Fallacies, and that his Word, the Holy Scriptures, contained many Lyes; this Judge with some others defended him, asserting all these Slanders to be injuriously affix'd upon him, and maliciously feign'd without any ground: Thus he relieved him, not only from the danger of his Life, he had otherwise been in, but also from all fear and apprehension; and after this time he always appeared a great Enemy to the Op­posers of Fox and his Society, rendring all their Efforts against him ineffectual. But when the [Page 46] Hatred and Envy of Fox's Antagonists grew to so great a height, that he could no longer restrain them, and fearing they should become his Enemies likewise, he seldom went to the Publick Meetings, shunning to hear their Voices, whose different Man­ners, Designs, and Contrivances he so much abhorr'd. So much for the Husband: But as to the Wife, she totally forsook the Reformed Churches, dedicating her self entirely to be a Member of the Quakers Society, and spending all her time in their Com­pany. Her Husband loved her exceedingly, and was much taken with her Piety, so that she could easily obtain of him this favour, that her House might be a Receptacle for Fox and his Colleagues, and also a place of Meeting for all the Society to Assemble in together, as oft as they would, for the Publick Performance of Sacred Duties; as indeed it was, and continued so after his death, till the death of Fox her second Husband. Not long after her Conversion to this new Religion, she began to aban­don her Distaff and Womanly Instruments, beta­king her self to Preach and Teach, Instructing the People not only Viva Voce, but by several Books wrote and published by her; by which means she gained many Proselytes. And after this time her House and Family became, as it were, a School and Nursery for all that Sect, both Hearers, Preachers, and Students, of both Sexes; and accordingly sent out about this time one William Caton, a Young Man of Pregnant Parts, conspicuous for his Modesty and Learning, whom Judge Fell had taken into his Family, for a Companion to his Eldest Son, that by his good Example he might Encourage and Con­duct him to a Vertuous Behaviour. This worthy Young Man became afterwards very Famous and Renown'd for his great Accomplishments, both at home and abroad (in Holland.) But this was not all. Leonard Fell, a Son of the Family, followed his Example, as one Comrade imitates another, or a Disciple traces the foot-steps of his Master; being fondly loved and caressed by his Father, for that he [Page 47] introduced into his Family that Sacred Office of a Minister: His Brother, Henry Fell, imitated his Elder Brother. They both became Great and Fa­mous Teachers, and tenacious defenders of that Sect. After the Males of the Family followed Sarah Fell their Sister, undertaking the same Office; whom these People do so much extol, that they say, she was not only Beautiful and Lovely to a high degree, but wonderfully Happy in Ingeny and Memory; so stupendiously Eloquent in Discoursing and Prea­ching, and so effectual and fervent in her Addresses and Supplications to God, that she ravish'd all her beholders and hearers with Admiration and Wonder. She apply'd her self to the study of the Hebrew Tongue, that she might be more prompt and ready in defending and proving their Doctrine and Prin­ciples from the Holy Scriptures; and in this study the Progress she made was so great, that she wrote Books of her Religion in that Language. This is that Family which Fox came afterwards to be a Member of, when upon the Death of Fell, the Hus­band, he married Margaret his Widow; of which I shall have occasion to speak afterwards. I now return to the Order of Times and Places that cor­responds to the Actions of Fox and his Colleagues.

While Fox is propagating his Doctrine in the Countries above-mentioned in the Year Fifty Two, of a sudden there appeared some in Cambridgeshire (a place considerably distant from the Countries where Fox was now residing) who owned themselves Members of this New Church. Among whom ex­celled James Parnel, a Youth of Fifteen Years of Age, well skilled in the Tongues, and of no obscure Birth or Condition. Because the History of this Youth's Life and Actions is but short, I shall here insert the same in one perpetual thread of Discourse. This Young Man having so boldly adventur'd in so tender an Age on such an Enterprize, was disown'd, disinherited, rejected, and shut out of Doors by his Parents, Friends, and Relations, all upon this Ac­count. Being thus forsaken and left to himself, and [Page 48] receiving but sorry assistance from his new Friends, he was obliged to live sparingly and meanly; yet nevertheless he continued steadfast and eager in pur­suing the same Design. And after having frequently debated with his Condisciples and others concerning their Religion and his own, and in this condition of Life spent two Years, he comes into the County of Essex, and Cloaths himself with the Office of a Preacher, which accordingly he performed in the Fields. Then in the Year Fifty Five he goes to Colchester, and the next day after his arrival Prea­ches there, and entertains many Disputations and Dialogues with the Doctor and Reader to that Church, both publickly in the Church, and in his own Lodgings, and elsewhere; by which one day's work he converted many to his Religion. Having staid here some few days, he goes to Cogshall, where he went to Church, and heard the Minister Preach a Sermon against the Quakers; upon which when Sermon was ended, he answered and resuted him in Publick Church. Then retiring from Church, he was caught, and brought to Colchester, and there put into a Castle or strong Prison. Afterwards he was taken to Chelmsford, to appear before the Judges, but they, because they could not finish and con­clude the Business, remitted him back to Colchester, where he was block'd up in a Cave, in some high craggy place, where having endured Hunger, want of Sleep, and Cold, for a long time, becoming be­numb'd in this nasty Dungeon, and at length mis­fortunately falling, and bruising his whole Body, he finished his unhappy days, notwithstanding all the Complaints and Addresses he made himself, and all the Entreaties and Sollicitations made to the Ma­gistrate by his Friends for relieving him out of all these Miseries. It is reported that before his Death, he sometimes was heard to say, One hour's sleep shall put an end to all my Troubles. When Death ap­proached, he said, Now I go away; then he fell asleep; and about an hour thereafter he awaked, [Page 49] and yielded up the Ghost. His Body was tumbled away to the place where Malefactors are executed, and interred

In this same Year this Doctrine and Scheme began to diffuse it self beyond the Countries where Fox was now making his Terms with the Neighbouring County of Cumberland; in which great numbers associated themselves to this Party. Amongst the more Remarkable of these new Converts, the first was one Thomas Lawson, at that time Publick Mi­nister to a Church at a Village called Ramside in Westmorland; afterwards he continued both the Ex­ercise of this Function among these People, and likewise gave himself to the study of Herbs; and after he came to London, became the most noted Herbalist in England. Next after him followed John Wilkinson, Pastor to a Church at Embleton in Cumberland, who afterwards proved a Famous Preacher among the Quakers, both in Scotland and Ireland. All his Hearers had deserted him, and joyned to the Quakers; upon which being forsaken, he followed after them, and became of the same Profession with them. And now both in Cumber­land, Northumberland, and the Bishoprick of Durham, a great many of all Ranks and Degrees embraced this New Religion. So that having thus over-run all the North of England, it began to spread it self towards Scotland. But as the multitudes of their Followers increased, the Envy and Malice of their Adversaries was spurred up the more against them. For they were not only laugh'd at and derided every where, but many Reproaches and Calumnies were also thrown upon them, and many Wicked and Impious Principles and Practices imputed to them. In some places Orders were given to the Constables and Of­ficers to detain Fox, or any other Quaker, in firm Custody, whenever they could meet with them, or else to hinder them access into their Precincts. Ac­cordingly Naylor and Howgil of Appleby are taken and put in Prison: As also Fox is apprehended and imprisoned at Carlisle in Cumberland; whom they [Page 50] looked upon as an Heretical, Blasphemous Arch-Impostor and Deceiver; the Head and Ring-leader of this deceitful Crew. And it was confidently reported, that the Judges were consulting among themselves, whether they should put this Man to Death for his incessant Frauds and Enormities. But it happened quite otherwise, for Fox was absolved and dismissed, without any other Affront or note of Ignominy, save that they severely check'd and reprov'd him. William Caton and John Stubs were whipp'd at Maidston in Kent.

In Lancashire their Meetings were opposed with great violence. At length because the Doctrine and Sect of the Quakers was not yet known in the other Parts of England, especially in London, the chief Seat and Compend of the whole Kingdom, where they knew nothing of this New Religion, save what they heard by the wandring Reports that were mur­mured about: Those who were the principal Ad­ministrators and Managers of that Church, thought fit to select some of their Number that excelled for dexterity of Speaking and Teaching, who should go into these other Parts of the Kingdom, and per­form the Office of Converting and Convincing the People. These were the Evangelists and Apostles of the New Church, who were sent out in the Year Fifty Four. Accordingly they directed their course first into Wales; first, North-Wales, then South-Wales, and the adjacent Countries; and at length to London, the Capital City (though far distant from the places of their first Pilgrimage) from whence, as from the Head, they might diffuse their Doctrines through all the Members, and infect the whole Body of the Kingdom with their Religious Tincture. Howgil and Burrough were at that time Men of great Authority and Esteem among them. These were the two chief Ministers appointed to Preach their Doctrines in Wales, and at London; though Burrough went afterwards to London alone, being invited so to do by a strong itch and desire he had to be there. When they came together to Wales, and had begun [Page 51] to sow the Seeds of their Doctrine, they found some who received them readily. Among those who embraced their Religion, in that Country, and even among the first, were several Justices of Peace, par­ticularly one Peter Price, a Famous Preacher among them from that time to this very day. Moreover there happened a very wonderful Conversion of one John Vp-John, a Member of an Independant Con­gregation, who was sent by his Pastor, Morgan Lloyd, into the North, to inform himself, both by seeing and hearing, what sort of a Man Fox was, (who was then in those Countries) what for People the Quakers might be, and what were the Doctrines they Taught, and to bring him certain word of the same; for he had heard many things of them which he doubted to be false. He performs the Journey, and returns possessed with their Principles; and shortly thereafter undertakes the Office of a Prea­cher among them, opposing himself vehemently to his Ancient Pastor and Doctor, and to all the Con­gregation, reproving and accusing them and their Religion, exhorting all to follow him; and per­swaded many to separate from them. Some few Years after, he travelled through all Wales, Preaching and teaching every where he came to, in Towns, in the Fields, in the Publick Roads and Streets, Market-pla­ces, Inns, &c. exhorting Men to Repent; sometimes he had Fox for a Companion and Witness of his Actions. And though he was sometimes cast into Prison, yet when released again, he set about his old Trade as vigorously as ever. Howgil stays in that Country for some considerable time; but in the mean time that he is Preaching there, and the other Evangelists busie at the same work at their respe­ctive Posts in the several places of the Kingdom, Burrough goes for London, where few of his Sect had gone before him, that being the place he loved and longed mightily to see. The time of his abode there, though he went sometimes to other places and returned again, yet he mostly confin'd himself to the City, till at length in the Year Sixty Two, [Page 52] when block'd up in Prison, and having patiently and constantly grappled with many Tormenting Evils that surrounded him, and with a Grievous and Mortal Disease, he yielded up the Ghost. While he was in London he bended all his Thoughts and Cares how to be most Serviceable to that Interest, and so to discharge his Office, that he might not disappoint the Hopes and Expectations which his Associates had conceived of his Success. And be­cause he could not always meet with fit and oppor­tune Places and Occasions of Preaching, he some­times promiscuously improved every occasion (whe­ther seasonable or not) to that effect, thinking no time or place unseasonable or improper for promo­ting the Salvation of Mankind, of which I subjoyn one Example. All that are acquainted with the City of London, cannot but know that vulgar and frequent Custom among the meaner Tradesmen, Shooe-makers, Taylors, &c. their Apprentices and Journeymen, of getting together into some by­place, where they struggle and wrestle with one another, till either by pulling them down, or trip­ping them up, they throw them. Burrough acci­dentally passes by the place, where a whole Band of them were at this Exercise. He draws near, looks on, and waits to see what the issue of the Spectacle would be. At length a lusty Young Fel­low, and dextrous Wrestler, appears in the Field, who throws them all round; first one, then ano­ther, and at length a third; yet even then he un­wearied, challenges any fourth to encounter him. The whole Company stands amazed at the boldness and dexterity of the Fellow, none of them daring to enter the Field, save Burrough; who steps into the Ring, and moves towards the Triumphant Vi­ctor, who was insulting over all the rest. He think­ing Burrough meant also to try his Skill in Wrestling, makes ready to receive him. But Burrough looking austerely and gravely upon him, in some few severe words checks his Fury and Fortitude, so that both his Courage and Strength were overcome and van­quished. [Page 53] Then turning himself to the Circle of the By-standers, addresses himself to them thus: It is a barbarous and cruel Spectacle to see Men de­light so much in this Exercise, fitter for and more be­coming Brutes than Men; which the wildest of the irrational Creatures abstain from, unless provoked and irritated to the same. We have another Conflict to mind, which is more consonant to our Natures, and allowed of God; nay, which both the Law of Nature, and the Common Law implanted within us by God, and his Divine Word revealed from above, do Ap­prove, Command, and Encourage. I mean that fight wherein we are all engaged, as being the Soldiers of Jesus Christ, and fellow-soldiers one with another; striving with all the endeavours of our Souls and Bo­dies to encourage and invite one another to pursue this fight of Faith and Piety, that at length we may become Victors, and obtain Eternal Life. Which being spoke, though most of the Multitude gave little heed to what he said, yet some of them being mo­ved with a sudden heat of Reverence and Fear of God, and afterwards bethinking themselves more diligently of these words, began to understand their Duty aright, and abstain from such vain Exercises and Spectacles, altering the whole Scene of their Lives, and afterwards conforming to the Doctrine and Religion of the Quakers, incorporating, them­selves into their Society. Thus was it that Burrough by his indefatigable diligence pick'd up so many Followers and Adherents both in City and Country. The number of the Proselytes at London was after­wards much increased when Fox came to that City: For he was the Man among them all who pursued his business with the greatest Application and Dili­gence, maugre all the Difficulties and Dangers stood in his way. I may freely say, that there is not one Church in any County Fox came into (from the beginning of his Ministry to this very time) nor any place of Religious Worship frequented ei­ther by those of our Profession, or others, that he did not visit, taking occasion there to disprove the [Page 54] received Principles, and advance his own; not one day on which they used to Congregate for Religious Service, that he did not punctually observe, beta­king himself to some Congregation or other, and disturbing their Services with his Accusatory Libels. Nor did he refrain from using the same Importunacy with the Military Men, among whom, though the greatest part of them differed vastly from our Common Soldiers, since they only carried Arms for the Liberty and Religion of their Country, and li­ved innocent and harmless Lives, yet there were many light vain Fellows, dissolute and corrupted in their Conversation, who loved rather to be enjoying themselves in Taverns or Alehouses, than hearing Religious Discourses. Fox used to be running a­mong them, boldly and freely reproving them to their faces, not only for what he found faulty in their Religion, but for the Vices of their private Lives. So that by his courage and boldness he over­came all that stood in his way; neither did he take it ill to be called bold and forward, but rather glo­ried in being such. Nay, he came to that length, that oftner than once or twice in midst of great crouds, he would brand some Women, that he had never seen in his life before, for being Witches and Sorceresses, which he pretended to do by a discretive Spirit within him. But in all these his Accusations, I do not find that ever there was any Experiment made of the Art of these Women, or any Tryal made of it, or any Credit given to him, unless by some that were prepossess'd with the same Fancy of the Women before. Wherefore it is no wonder that he met with such Indignities and Affronts every where, insomuch that sometimes several of the People would joyn together and Assault him open­ly; others would lie in wait to take Advantage of him. It is much more wonderful that he who was so oft sought after, apprehended, imprisoned, and delivered into the hands of his Enemies, should have escaped so oft, or survived so great and many Troubles. However he always acknowledged and [Page 55] returned thanks to the Almighty for that Divine Assistance which he said he never wanted in time of his bitterest and severest Afflictions; nay, which ap­peared so oft in his behalf, taking Vengeance after a wonderful manner of his Injurious Enemies, and such as contrived or executed such Wickedness a­gainst him. Among many Examples which might be adduced, I know none more wonderful and worthy to be related, than this following, which he used so often to make mention of among his Brethren, and confirm with many words. At Olican in Yorkshire a Band of Men had combined together to kill him, and for that end came rushing into the Convention where Fox was; but so soon as they cast their Eyes upon him, they were all so astonish'd, and filled with Fear and Confusion, that none durst to move or attempt any thing. Not long there­after one of these Men happened to kill another Man, and was seized as guilty of Murder: Another of them, who used as he passed by the Quakers, to put out his Tongue and ridicule them, exposing both himself and the Quakers to the Derision and Laughter of the Multitude, had his Tongue swell'd so big, that it hang'd out of his Mouth, and he could not draw it in; which new sort of Disease in a short time cut the Thread of his miserable Life. But I return to speak of Fox's coming to London.

There happened a Memorable Accident both at Weston in Leicestershire, and at London. Fox was yet remaining in that Country, and chanced to be in that place; where he was in a Congregation of his Brethren going about Sacred Service, when in the mean time some Ministers to Independant and Presbyterian Congregations Address Francis Hacker, an Officer in the Army, desiring of him that he would send of his Soldiers to suppress that irregular Meeting; accordingly the Soldiers are sent, and Ap­prehend Fox in the middle of the Assembly, bring­ing him Captive to the Officer; who having exa­mined him, sends him away Prisoner for London, to be Judged there, and undergo the condign Pu­nishment [Page 56] of his Offences. After some Years Hacker acknowledged that he did this by the Instigation and Influence of these Ministers; which Confession he made the very day before he was hang'd, having been found guilty of the Murder of the King. Fox arriving at London, is laid up in Prison; and after having lain some time there, is carried to Court, to appear before Cromwel, then Protector. Cromwel, after having entertained long Discourses with him backwards and forwards, and given many Evidences of his Benevolence and Good-will towards him and his Faction, absolves him; ordering him to go into a large spacious Closet, whither he sent some of his Domesticks to entertain him with Discourse, and to invite him in the Protector's Name to Sup with him. But he refuses, and as having now ob­tained all the Liberty he sought after, went away. Unworthy he was to have such an Opportunity put into his hands of Engaging and Obliging so great a Man, and of promoting both his own, and his Church's Interest, and also inconsistent with himself, who could not observe the same Measures with Su­periour People that he did with those of an Inferior Rank. When the Protector's Domesticks told him, that Fox had refused to stay, he express'd himself after this manner: It seems therefore that this Peo­ple is a Sect which no fair means, nor courteous deal­ings can gain, whereas by these I have subjected all other Men to my self. In this course of Fox's Life and Ministry, which was properly nothing but a perpetual Pilgrimage, he began now to publish Books, in which he was more intent upon over­turning the Religions of other Churches, than in building up a new one, or explaining and confirm­ing those Doctrines that he press'd all Men to em­brace: He wrote also many Letters, some to his Colleagues, admonishing and stirring them up to their Duty; others to those of a different Perswa­sion, inviting and exhorting them to receive and entertain the Doctrines which he taught. And he carefully dispersed both the Books and Letters [Page 57] (which he likewise caused to be Printed) through all the Counties of England. But as Fox was con­stant and diligent in his Office, so his Adherents and Disciples imitated their Master, Preaching up and down with the greatest servour and alacrity, converting great numbers of Men, who not only associated themselves to them, but also signalized their Courage and Constancy in the patient endu­rance of all manner of Labour, Fatigue, and Per­secution it self, that they might not seem to recede from the Example and Pattern of their Ring-leader Fox. They met frequently together in every City or Town, either in Houses in the Night-time, or in the Fields, Desart Places, and Mountains, where the top of some rising Ground served for a Pulpit to the Preacher. Being therefore that they thus persisted in their irregular courses, the Magistrates, whose Duty it was to prevent them, caused them to be Apprehended, cast into Prison, and kept there for some time. In the mean time Cromwel the Pro­tector by an Edict discharges the Quakers to As­semble or Congregate together Publickly, having observed that to be the mind of all the Publick Churches; but withal forbids either the Ecclesia­sticks, or any other Men to do the least Injury or harm to them, while they committed nothing a­gainst the Government and Publick Constitution of the Kingdom; and when any sollicited him to use greater Severity against the Quakers (as Hugh Peters his Chaplain frequently did, that Famous wrangler, that thought he could not exercise his Function of the Ministry aright, unless he filled all with Con­fusion and Disorder by his Tumultuous Complaints) he returned this Answer, That, That Sect the less it was persecuted, the sooner it would fall and decay of its own accord. But this Order of the Protector had little or no Effect, for their Adversaries never wanted occasion of Accusing them of this Crime, and they themselves became daily more bold and resolute in celebrating these forbidden Assemblies. Hence ensued many Miseries upon the Quakers, and [Page 58] oft-times Bonds; which they endured with the greatest Constancy imaginable, of which I give you one Instance. Fox continuing to disperse his Books and Letters, and keeping Conventicles and Meetings notwithstanding the Protector's Edict to the con­trary; choosing rather to undergo the greatest Miseries, nay, the loss of Life it self, than to desert his Office, or desist from this his wonted Course; is cast into Prison at Launceston in Cornwal, and bound with Chains, under which Affliction he continued for a long time, as I shall afterwards shew, designing now to treat in order not only of the Actions of Fox, but of all the Society. While he was thus con­ [...]ined, and uncapable to do any Service to his Church, one of his Friends and Relations, who preferred the publick Good of his Sect, and of his Friend in particular, to his own Safety and Peace, goes to the Protector while sitting in Council, and desires of him that Fox might be exempted for his Captivi­ty and Bondage, and he himself put into his stead; engaging himself to answer for his Crime, as if he were guilty of it himself. Though Cromwel de­nied the Request, yet he could not cease to wonder, and looking to the Council, says, Is there any of you would do so kind an Office to his Neighbour, though it conduced never so much to his and the publick Advantage? But neither did the Adversaries of the Quakers want Occasion of accusing and ar­raigning them for being guilty of raising Tumults, and rebelling against the Civil Magistrate, and Publick Government, as this one Example can in­stance. There was at that time a great many foolish silly Men who were great pretenders to Re­ligion, that used to raise their Spirits by wonderful Motions of their Bodies, and antick Gestures, cal­ling it Piety and Sanctity: But on the other hand there was also many turbulent and factious Spirits striving to innovate and confuse all things, either upon a religious or civil Pretence; and if any such kind of Crimes were committed against the Go­vernment by these turbulent Fellows, the Quakers [Page 59] were accused as being the Authors, or at least A­bettors and conscious of the same. But the Quakers did so enervate and nullifie this Calumny, that all Judges pronounced them innocent. It was true indeed, nor did they deny it, that many who pro­fessed to be of their Society, were simple and foo­lish, morose and impertinent, and not so polished in their Temper and Conversation, as their Do­ctrine and Profession required; who made it their Business to run up and down the Streets, and fre­quented Roads, shouting and crying with a hideous Noise and Clamor, exhorting the People to such Endeavours as they themselves knew nothing of; and who oft-times committed many Incivilities and Impertinencies. But they denied that this was peculiar to their Sect or Discipline; for they who had Authority among them reproved and se­verely check'd such as were guilty of the like E­normities, and threatned to expell them from their Society, unless they amended their Ways; of which more afterwards. About this time many Converts of various Stations and Professions were added to this new Church, and were afterwards invested with the Ministerial Function among them, who became famous, not only enlarging their own Credit and Reputation, but that of their Sect, both in the Island of Britain, and in the United Provinces of Holland; so that it shall not be im­proper in this place to give some account of them, such as the designed Brevity of this Work may al­low. William Ames flourished at this time, a Man of an acute Ingeny, and indefatigable Industry both in Teaching, Preaching, and Writing; and so much admired by these Men in this Country (Holland) that they do not stick to proclaim him a perfect Doctor. He was born in Somersetshire, near Bristol, but was ill educated in his Infancy and Youth, having applied himself to nothing that could be useful to humane Life. So that being of a lazy Temper and dissolute in his Life, he betakes himself to the Soldiery, that common Refuge for [Page 60] Sluggards, and Covert to all manner of Wickedness, joyning himself unto the King's Army, which in those days was the most debauch'd and wicked Crew upon Earth. He first serv'd therefore in the King's Army till the Death of King Charles I. Then he becomes a Marine Soldier under Prince Rupert, in the Admiral's own Ship, in which were many Dutchmen, by whose Converse he acquir'd Know­ledge of that Language: In the mean time he be­gins to return to his right Wits, and repent of his by-past Actions and manner of Life. But because he was not capable of exercising any other Trade for pur­chasing a Livelihood than that of being a Soldier, though he now despis'd a Military Life, as being liable to many Inconveniencies; yet he continued in the same Condition of Life still, even after his Mind was thus alter'd, joyning himself to the Parlia­ment's Army then in Ireland, in which he was made Serjeant to a Company of Foot in one Ingoldsby's Regiment. He preferred being in this Army than elsewhere, because he thought there was many good Pious Men in it, and Military Discipline better ob­serv'd. Moreover, many in that Army, both of Officers and Centinels were of the Sect called Bap­tists, (who do not differ from the Presbyterians save only in this one Point, that they do not Bap­tize the Members of their Church, till they give publick Confession of their Faith, and engage for their own behaviour) of whom Ames entertain'd very favourable Thoughts; and having joyn'd him­self to their Church, became first an Elder, and then a Minister in the same. It happened, that while Ames was residing at Waterford, a Town in Munster, Francis Howgil, and Edward Burrough came into Ireland, and to that same very Town, in order to meet and converse with the Baptists, whom they they thought, of all Men, the most accommodated and disposed for reception of their Religion, and accordingly came into their Meetings, and discours'd unto them of those Mat­ters: Ames gave great Ear to all their Discourses; [Page 61] for his Mind was yet fluctuating and unsettled in his own Religion, the Cares and Thoughts of his by-past Life afflicting and distracting his Mind; and in a short time apostatizes from his own Church to the Quakers, among whom he became a Preacher, discharging that Function to the great Satisfaction and Contentment of that Party. He wrote a Tractate entituled A true Declaration of the Witness of God in Man; in which he relates and explains what Sense he had of the Divine Light within him from his Infancy to his Conver­sion, and what Resistance he gave to the same. Contemporary with him was Stephen Crisp, an a­cute and polite Meeter, who if he had added the Study of those Arts and Sciences call'd Liberal, to the Promptness and Agility of his Wit, he had gi­ven wonderful Specimens of Learning: He lived in Colchester in Essex, a Weaver by Trade; he serv'd in the Parliament's Army some Years, ha­ving abandoned his Trade, not so much for love of a Military Post, as for the Defence of his Li­berty and Religion; so that he did not suffer him­self to be tainted with the Vices of Soldiers, but lived honestly and devoutly; at length wearied with Fatigue and Labour, he returns again to his old Trade, having professed himself a Baptist; at which time James Parnel came to this Town (he was the first of the Quakers that preached their Doctrine in this Place) where he taught and disputed publickly. Crisp and his Father hearing him and being moved with his Discourses, turn Quakers; but the Son becomes a Preacher: He died at London in September 1694. Contemporary with them was Thomas Green, in his youth a Coachman, but now a Dealer in Merchandize at London, and John Higgins a Cobler at Dover; both Men of brisk Ingenies, and much esteem'd by their Associates: Also John Crosby, a Gentleman of Bed­fordshire, and Justice of the Peace, famous for all manner of Learning, an eloquent, neat and accu­rate Man, both in his Discourses and Writings: Also [Page 62] Josiah Coaly of Bristol, a Gentleman, who in his youth having come with his other Companions to a Quakers Meeting to ridicule and mock them, was so taken with their Discourses, that he forsook that Course, and was afterwards so much affected and mov'd by the Counsel and Advice he received from two of their Preachers, that he incorporated into their Family, undertaking the same Office with them of teaching others, while he was yet but twenty Years of Age: It is said of him, that in Prayer and Supplication he did it with so much Ef­ficacy, with such a Grace and Mode of Speech, tho' without Affectation, that he infinitely surpassed many of his Brethren. He spent most part of his Life in Travels, extending his Doctrine to se­veral parts of the New-World, resolutely encoun­tering all Dangers, even that of his Life it self. Another Contemporary was Isaac Pennington the younger, a Gentleman also of good Birth, whose Father was Mayor of London, and a Man of eminent Vertue, civil and humane to all, and much belo­ved of the Citizens, had not he by his Consent embru'd his hands in the Blood of the King. His Son had added to the Splendor and Nobility of his Birth, a diligent Study of all Liberal Arts, and was much exercised in Learning, not that he might gain or live by it, for he had whereupon to live with a handsome and magnificent Port; but that he might adorn and beautifie himself, and be capa­ble to help and assist his Brethren. He spent not his Youth as many do, whose Fortunes and Ex­pectations are l [...]rge and magnificent, in Idleness and Debauchery, or in pampering his Belly, and living intemperately; but in pursuing eagerly and diligently his Studies, exercising his Ingeny with such Exercises as might be profitable both to him­self and others. He had wrote and published ma­ny Books, full of Learning and Eloquence before the Name of a Quaker was so much as heard of. After he became a Quaker he wrote several Theo­logical Tractates in a grave, plain Scriptural Style. [Page 63] The last, I shall mention, that liv'd about this time, was Charles Marshal of Bristol, a noted Phy­sician then at London. These were the Men that have over-run all Britain and the Netherlands, not as Emissaries, but as Ringleaders and Heads of the Party. I forbear to mention the Carews, the Bailzies, the Smiths, and many others. I have selected these, not as the Periods and Order of Time conjoyn'd them, but as they were noted and famous both among the Quakers and others. But I cannot pass by Samuel Fisher, whom they all extoll for the Credit and Pillar of their Church, and never speak of but with the greatest Panegy­ricks: a Man singularly learned, and wonderfully eloquent, because of his accurate Knowledge of the Greek and Latin Antiquities, which stuck so to him, even after he changed his Religion and Life, that the Writings which he published since that time, relish much of the same; though I be­lieve it fell out so contrary to his Will and Design; at leastwise it is repugnant to the Natures, Customs and Practices of these Men. His Parents had de­signed him for a Minister to the Church of England, and kept him (while a Boy) at Schools and Colleges, in which his Diligence and Progress was so great that he surmounted most of his Fellows. His Mind led him mostly to the Study of Eloquence, Rhetorick and Poetry, which were the Sciences he put the greatest Value upon; so that, as the Ro­man Orators used to say, he kept Commerce with all the Muses, that is, he read and perused all O­rators and Poets. Having ended this Academick Course, he was made a Presbyter of the Church of England, and became Pastor to a Church in the House of some Nobleman, who was likewise a Man of Eminent Piety and Vertue: He demean'd himself in this Function so well, that the Report of his Fame invited those who knew how to Judge of his Ability and Skill for greater things to ad­vance him higher, to some more dignified Place; accordingly he obtains a Living in Kent, of five [Page 64] hundred Pounds a year. While he lives there, one of his own Acquaintance and Friends, called How­ard, solicits and disturbs him frequently about his Religion and Profession and many Rites and Ceremonies used in the Church: This made Fisher begin to doubt and fluctuate within himself, what he should make of his Hearers. There came to him, much about the same time, a Baptist, (a Man of no Learning, at least what is properly accoun­ted Learning, but of a sternly Countenance, and supercilious Looks, of a ready but flattering and deceitful Tongue, which knew how to brand all the World besides with an infinity of Vices, but to conceal or disguise those of his own Society; extol­ling and commending all their Actions, gilding o­ver their Errours and Delusions with counterfeit Glosses) who seeing him waver and fluctuate in his Mind, accosts him with many fair and specious Words, and those frequently turning over the same Crambe, till at length he could endure his Discourses no longer; as we see it frequently fall out, that when Men cannot enervate the Objections of their Adversa­ries or discover their Fallacy, they yield to them, and forsake the Truth; and accordingly he cast off his Reli­gion, divests himself of his Office, and returns to the Bishop Diploma, which he had got for to confirm his undertaken Office, and joyns to the Church of the Baptists, becoming a Diphabus, or true bap­tiz'd; believing That the only true Means to be in­corporated into the City of God, and numbred a­mong his peculiar People. Being thus destitute of so good a Living, he contented himself with a little he had of his own, and Farm'd a little piece of Ground in the Neighbourhood, by which he had enough to live upon, exercising this innocent and pleasant Trade of Life, till at length he be­came a Baptist Minister. About which time Caton and Stubs came to that Country, and went to vi­sit Fisher, who receiv'd them in his House very kindly, treating them as his Friends and Intimates, though he had scarce known them before. But they [Page 65] did not press him much to comply with their De­sires for this first time, lest by their preposterous Haste, they had seem'd to encroach upon his Li­berty; yet when they returned again a second time, they inculcated and repeated more vehemently, and frequently what they had spoke to him before: Up­on this he began to waver and consulted his Collegue Hammond upon the Matter, who was much wrath with him, expostulating the Matter very sharply before the whole Congregation: At length Fisher forsakes both the Baptists Society and the Office he was cloath'd withal, becoming, in a short time, not only a Professor but a Preacher and a zealous Propagator of Quakerism. He wrote many Books in Defence of that Religion, among which is a no­ted one entituled, The Country-man to the Vniver­sity-Scholar; in which he refutes the Arguments of his Adversaries with many pretty and cunning Ex­pressions. So much for this Man. But because I have already spoke of the Writings of this Man, it is to be remark'd, that all these Men I have hitherto mention'd from the beginning of this Treatise, did write many Books, nay, great Volumes, if they were all gathered together, which were published after their Deaths: For it is a Custom among the Quakers, that when any famous Writer dies, they pick up all his Writings and print them together, prefixing for a Preface the Testimony of some no­ted Men of their Society, of the Integrity and Worth of the dead Authors; that so those who are bereav'd of their Natural Life may still live in the Memories of their Followers.

These new Ministers, and many others not men­tioned, divided themselves into several Provinces, some of them going up and down England, others travelling into Foreign Countries, all diligently solliciting and inviting Men to be Converted; while, in the mean time, Fox the Head and Prince of that Society, was incessantly proceeding in the Exercise of his Ministry in England, not daunted or discouraged by all the Evils he grapled with. He had a Custom, when he designed a Visit for a­ny [Page 66] City, Town, or Village, to premonish and ad­vertise them, by Letters and Emissaries, of the Time of his coming, and Place of abode, that all who had a mind to hear him might have timous Advertise­ment to resort thither. In the Years fifty six, and fifty seven, he traversed Somersetshire, Wiltshire, Dorsetshire, Devonshire and the neighbouring Counties. At Bristol in Somersetshire, there was at one time a Meeting of above a Thousand of the Inhabitants and Neighbours of that Place, in some Woody Place near-by. A little thereafter, above Two Thousand assembled in one Place in Wiltshire. So much Footing had this Sect taken in these Coun­tries; and so many Followers and Adherents had Fox in all the Countries he had been in, among whom were many not ordinary or mean Persons, but noted and conspicuous Men; some of them Men of Authority and Trust in the Nation, who shook off that Dignity and the Honour that at­tended it, and part of whom became Ministers to the Sect. And the more Resistance or Opposition was offered to them in their Meeting and Congrega­ting, the more resolute they were in pursuing their wonted Course. So some were ordered to watch and observe them, keeping Watches and Guards in the Streets and Roads near to the Houses and Places where they used to assemble; and as many as were catch'd were imprison'd, insomuch that the Number of the Prisoners and Captive Quakers was seldom under a Thousand. By this time Fox had purpos'd to go for London, and communicate the Light of his Doctrine to the great Crowds and Confluence of People in that great and populous City, thinking that the most probable way of promoting his Design. And in his Journey thither, stay'd some time upon the Road, losing no Op­portunity of propagating his Religion; taking Ad­vantage in the Inns and Taverns, to apply himself to the other Lodgers, admonishing them to take good heed what Religion they profess, also to send hither and thither to invite all that feared God to come into the Inn and hear him speak or dispute [Page 67] about religious Matters. In which Course he gave the People Occasion of putting Tricks upon him, and was several times so serv'd, as the following Examples can Testifie; which I should have ta­ken for Fabulous, and thought unworthy to be here inserted, were they not confirm'd, not only by the Relations of People that were present, but by his own Mouth to his Followers, and handed down to Posterity by his own Writings, as me­morable and true. At Farnham, after having preach'd somewhere in that Town, he retires to an Inn, desiring the Master of the Inn if he knew of any pious, good People, to give them Adver­tisement to come to him in the Inn: According­ly many came, some Men of Honesty and Reli­gion, others more subtile and cunning than good or religious. They all heard him preach and ex­press himself with a great multitude of Words. After he had ended, most of them go away; and some few stay, desiring the Master of the Inn to cause a Fire to be made in the very same Room, (where he had preach'd) for it was now cold Weather, and to bring them something to drink. In fine they sate there drinking all the rest of the day, notwithstanding all the Entreaties and Solicitations Fox us'd to perswade them to be gone, and demean themselves as good and sober Men; and at length went away without paying their Reckoning which they left upon Fox who had invited them thither. The Tapster came and call'd for the Reckoning from Fox, who declin'd such an unjust thing, using many Reasons to the contrary. The Man, who minded his Money most, pressed him the more to pay it. At length, Fox seeing that he could not perswade him to desist, paid the whole Sum, writing a Letter to the Magistrates, full of Wrath and Indignation, warning them to take notice what manner of Citizens they had, and to take some Measures for reclaiming them from the like Insolen­cies. The next day he lights at an Inn in Lemnan, which he found full of Stage-players, Musicians, and Quack-doctors: After he and his Companions had [Page 68] put up their Horses, and refresh'd themselves, they agreed upon some Problems among themselves of the Natures of Diseases, and the use of Medicine, and towards the Evening presented the same to that Company, in order to be consider'd upon and an­swer'd while they lodged in the House. They reje­cted their Proposal, flouting at them for Mad-men; but Fox and his Companions took this ill, and caused the Theses to be stuck upon the Mercat-Cross, to be subjected to publick View after they were gone. At London Fox was not so forward as elsewhere, for he did not disturb the Publick Chur­ches, nor raise any Tumult or Crowd in any place, but behaved himself more cautiously than he used or desired to do. Before his coming thither, many of great Note had been converted by the Ministry and Influence of Burrough: And these frequently assem­bled together with Fox, who had many Discourses among them, and to the People; but after all his utmost Efforts he gain'd but very few new Prose­lites, which was much contrary to his Expectation, having fill'd himself with great hopes of the Success of this Journey. However he contents himself to stay a while longer in this City, where he could see and hear so many things, and be inform'd of every thing done in the whole Kingdom; as also see and observe what o­pinions Men entertain'd concerning the Progress and State of his Religion all over the World. At length ha­ving view'd enough of that City, and satisfied himself, he makes for the Country. There was about this time a great Multitude of People in Wales, who being of an unsettled and fluctuating Temper, and fond of every thing New or Singular, abandon'd their former Religion, and professed Quakerism; which Conversion was chiefly wrought by Howgil, Vp-John, Wilkinson, and others. Thi­ther did Fox direct his Course, though quite igno­rant of the Welsh Language. At first when he came and happened to preach separately from his brethren, his Labour was all or most part in vain since so many of his Auditors either understood not his Dialect, or were quite ignorant of his Lan­guage [Page 69] (for his Mother-Tongue was the only Language he knew.) But afterwards, when he took into his Society some of the Na­tives of that Country, all the Progress he could make, was, that he preached sometimes among those of his own Perswasion; and those of his As­sociates that understood English explained it in Welsh to the rest. So that these his Interpreters were more Instrumental in propagating this Interest than he; among whom the chiefest was Vp-John, who had for a long time resided in this Country, apply­ing himself diligently to the Conversion of those People, of whom he perswaded not a few to be Quakers. These Interpreters were Fox's Predecessors in this Country, who being back'd by him, run up and down in the Country, the Cities, the Streets, the High-Roads, &c. inviting and exhorting all Men to repent, and these their clamorous Harangues had so much effect upon these People, that no Country in England was so fertile of New Converts to Quakerism as Wales.

And thus did the Sect, Doctrine, and Religion of the Quakers in so short a time spread over all England, to the year one thousand six hundred and fifty eight, in which Year these Men proceeded to that height of boldness that they appointed a General Assembly out of the whole Realm to be held in the House of John Cross, being a Place that was large and capacious for that purpose, in the County of Bedford; thereby, as it were, shewing and up­braiding their Enemies to what increase both of Number and Strength they were now arrived, and seeing that they had not before despaired of the Progress, and Improvement of their Affairs, that they were also now full of hopes to bring them to perfection, and altogether assured thereof. There did the Messengers of each particular Congregation meet, being accompanied with a great number of others, who came not to speak, but to see only▪ Here were such Matters transacted as referred to their spiritual Laws, and tended to the upholding of their Communities; and the Council was cele­brated [Page 70] for three whole Days: I have said a little before, how Howgil and Burroughs were the first that brought the Opinions of the Quakers into Ireland, and particularly to Waterford: This was done in the Year fifty five. In the very same Year were these Men followed towards the carrying on the same Work by one Man, whose Name was Lancelot War­dal, and three Women, Rebecca Ward, Elizabeth Fletcher, and Elizabeth Marshal: But those for a long time made so little Progress in their Affairs, that the Religion of the Quakers was universally un­known there, that the very Name it self came not, or at leastwise nothing but the Name within the Verge of their Knowledge. The foresaid Burroughs was now the first Man that introduced these Opi­nions into Scotland, who a little while after was fol­lowed by Alexander Parker, who before he took up­on him this new Function, exercised the Trade of a Butcher; which came to pass in the Year fifty four; but by the Means of these Guides and Teachers there appeared a greater Concourse of People in Scot­land that espoused the Quakers Cause, and conse­quently frequenter Meetings of them, whom when the Nobility and Magistrates, who from the dispo­sition and usage of the Nation, do not easily admit of a strange Religion, opposed them, they did the more firmly and intensly hold to it; until at length a Persecution ensued, and that Persons were or­dered into their Houses, to disturb their Meetings, and hale the Men to Prisons, and some they detained and handled severely for a long time; but for Bre­vity's sake I shall add no more hereof: But of Fox I have this further to say; in the year fifty seven he lived in Cumberland, upon the Borders of Scotland and so went thither, who, though he were ignorant of the Tongue, yet knowing and confiding in his Companions, which he took along with him, and whom he was about to meet with there, he made use of them for his Interpreters; this man with his Friends have frequent Conferences in Houses about the Unity of Religion, often preaches amongst them, and goes about all Places, seeking to [Page 71] find out, or to make known, if he could, more of his Mind. The which he endeavoured to effect with much Labour and Toyl, yet he failed of his purpose; for when he sometimes sent out his Messengers to invite Men to hear him Preach, and appointed both Time and Place for that purpose, it so happened now and then that there was not one Man came near him: Besides this, he made it his business here and there in the Streets where he found a concourse of People, to allure Men to him, but with the like success. Fox also with a few Followers directed his Course to the Highlanders of Scotland, who are Men of rude and unpolished Natures, which when they came to hear, they came down from the Hills to meet them, and drove them back with their Weapons: Upon this, Fox goes to Edinburgh, the Capital City of the Kingdom, which when the Council came to know, who were not ignorant of Fox's Methods, and fore­seeing he would not be wanting there also to play his usual and giddy Pranks, they cite him to appear before them, and gently require him, if he had no Business in those Parts, thence to depart. Fox withdraws, but very slowly, visiting in the mean time other Towns and Places, and trying to bring over Men to his Party, but, as I said, to no ef­fect. Fox and his Companions during the time of his sojourning in Scotland, endeavoured both by Libels, which Fox together with his Followers and Associates wrote, and by their Railleries to render the Doctrine and Articles of Faith of the Scotish Church as odious and hateful to Men as possibly they could. Wherein they so demeaned themselves, that the Scots thought nothing enough to be said concerning the Impudence, Revilings, and Cheats of those Men; for they charged the Ministers of that Church, and perswaded their Followers, that that Church taught such Articles of Faith, par­ticularly concerning Divine Election and Reproba­tion, and the Providence of God, concerning the sins of Men, according to their ungrounded Opi­nions and fardled Consequences, as that Church not [Page 72] only never taught, but such also as she abhorred. Moreover as the Scots, as well as the English, and also divers of the Reformed Churches, called the Lord's Day, whereon Christians abstaining from their daily Labours, give up themselves to the Wor­ship of God, as 'tis vulgarly phrased, the Sabbath­day, or day of Rest, according to the Appellation of the Ancient Sabbath of the Jews; and seeing it did manifestly appear, that all the Scotch Churches did strictly observe that day, and during the whole time abstained from their Labours, and demeaned themselves as reverently and decently as they could, Fox and his Companions wrote and preach'd every where, that the Scots did wickedly Profane the Sab­bath-day, by keeping of Fairs, and doing of many other momentous things appertaining to their daily Labour and Business; the which when they were enforced to explain themselves, they did it in this manner: That the Scots did those Works on the last day of the Week, but that that day was truly the Sabbath-day, according to God's Com­mand delivered to the Jews. Moreover, Fox had this up in the whole course of his Ministry and Pe­regrination even to this time, in what place, at what time and part soever of the day he sate any where, and discoursed with Men of his own Sect, though there were but two or three present, and that they only saluted one another, this he called, to have had, to have found an Assembly, as it were of Men, for the Professing of their Religion; and that the number of their People had so much increased. But if there were any of his Auditors who did not cry out against them, but were at­tentive to what was delivered, and took any thing under consideration, them he called convinced Per­sons and Associates; and when it happened that at any time he met with some who prest him with some ingenious and sharp Answer or Question, or Argument; when he was not able to make Answer again, or resolve the Question, or enervate their Arguments, he went his ways, or thus put off the [Page 73] matter; That it was a weighty and dangerous Dis­quisition, that there were some Persons who made it their business to wrangle, that it was a thing he did not care for, and that he was very unwilling to Discourse with such Men: And whereas there were not a few of the number of those that joyned with Fox and the Quakers, who were part of that vast multitude that dissented from the Publick Church of England, and such also as exercised the Functi­ons of Preachers, and that some of these Men were of scandalous Lives, Tiplers, and Alehouse-keepers, Fox when he acquainted his Party with his Progres­ses among Men, all these without any distinction did he call by one and the same name of Professors, Presbyters, Teachers, and by such other names, as were commonly used to be given to the Members and Ministers of the Publick Church, thereby drawing no small Envy and Scandal upon that Church. And all this Fox hath carefully set down in his Journal-Books, and wrote to his Friends, who believed, appro­ved, and published it all. Moreover, Fox as often as he made mention of any business that was transacted conjoyntly by himself and Friends, if any thing was well managed therein, there was no Name so much celebrated as his own, and he was more espe­cially a great Publisher of his own Affairs; but these things I shall not pursue at large, nor the History of Fox, as studying brevity; the Order both of the Thing and the Time requires that I should shew more particularly, what has been the Cause, Oc­casion, and Original, wherefore so many Men should so suddenly, which is a very hard thing, fall away every one from his own Church and Religion to that of these Quakers. The Principal Reason here­of seems to be, in that Men, among whom there were really many who were desirous to live Piously and Religiously, and to lead a truly Christian Life, did imagine, that they saw so much Corruption every where, if not in Doctrine, yet in Rites, and most assuredly in the Manners of all Societies, that would be accounted and called Christians, and even Protestants, that if any one persisted in Commu­nion [Page 74] with any of them, he might very well diffide and despair of his Salvation; and that indeed there was at this time either no Church, or that this Church which these new Teachers pretended was that wherein a Man might and ought to render his self secure, and come into a saveable state. And though many who joyned themselves to this new Sect, did not give such exact Accounts of their Thoughts and Affections, yet they who were found to be more wise and intelligent than the rest, judged they were able to give such Reasons as were most valid for this their departure and new Confederacy. And seeing that those who had never been without the Bounds of their own Native Country, enter­tained so ill an Opinion chiefly of the English Churches; those who also passed into and travelled Foreign Nations, passed the same Judgment upon the rest of those other Churches; therefore did these chiefly and in the first place charge the English Churches with such great depravedness and corrup­tion; and of these they did more especially re­prehend those, that to this time under the Kingly Government did prevail by Publick Authority, which from the Bishops their Authors and Rectors they called Episcopal; that is, they did so blame and revile this Hierarchy, or Spiritual Power, Order and Degree, Rule and Lordly Jurisdiction; yea, their Harshness and Tyranny towards those who dissented from their Religion, or seemed to be in the wrong, who yet out of no Obstinacy, but only from a tender Conscience, could not joyn with them; the Magnificence and Pomp, gross Idleness, Remissness, and Delicacy both of their Prelates, and all the rest of their Clergy or Ministers of the Word that were under them; moreover such a bun­dle of Ceremonies or Rites in their Churches and Sacred Communions, and Collection of Lessons, Singings, and Prayers, the forms whereof to be so strictly followed, with the Observation of Holy Days. Lastly, besides this, the Sloth, Incontinency, and Lasciviousness of the whole People in words [Page 75] and deeds, that from hence it came, that not only the Quakers now at length, but many other Socie­ties of Men, long before the Quakers were born or known, separated themselves from the Communion of that Publick Church. And thus did they heap up as much suspicion of Corruption upon that Church as they could, and stirred all Men to Envy and implacably to hate her: Now as these Men did chiefly by this blot and censorious Discourse vilifie the Episcopal Churches, and so fiercely and violently inveigh and bellow against them, so did they next fall upon accusing of them, called by the name of Presbyterians, in as severe and harsh a manner, who notwithstanding had not only long since withdrawn themselves from under the Government, Order, Rites, and Methods of the Episcoparians, but also sharply opposed them, and were now after the Abolition of Episcopacy, and the taking away of all that Ceremonious Worship, and after the be­heading of the King, and almost an entire extin­ction of the Regal Name, intensly bent upon the Reformation of the whole Church: These from the first beginning of their Church they did own to be no bad Christians, and that some of them did excel, and continued to be such, as all ought al­ways to be, both in the Faith and Rule of Life, but that afterwards they became by degrees more and more changed, and that for some time neither that Care and Attention to God's Spirit, no, nor to the Word which they professed to have, was to be met with amongst them, but that they were found to be puffed up with much confidence, hope, and assurance in their own even External Performances, and that many of them had more the shadow than real Vertues of Christians, and more Vices under a shew of Vertues. Now, though among all the Parties they entertained the most esteem for those Independants, which they call Brownists, yea, and for those whom they call Baptists, yet they objected against these, that they had indeed great Love and Affection for their Religion, but [Page 76] that they were very much wanting in a Spiritual and true Love to God, and in Unanimity and A­greement amongst themselves; and that they were very rash and morose towards such as dissented from them, and sometimes full of Cruelty and Harshness. For as to those others, who also would be accounted Independants, them they looked upon as Hypocrites, who had a shew of Religion in their Countenances, and at their Tongues ends, and who while they saw many Vices with great clearness, and resented them in others with much clamour and a scornful contempt, were themselves inwardly full of the most secret and worst of Vices. Moreover, as the Quakers did censure so hard of the Churches of England, they did most grievously in­veigh against those, whom these Churches looked upon as their Guides, Teachers, and Pastors; and did conclude that the Original Stock and Seed of all that Calamity did arise from them; to wit, that while they profest it to be their business to dis­charge that Office of Teaching and of Guiding-Men in their Spiritual Concerns, and seemed to give up themselves entirely thereunto, did some of them desert their Work, others were slothful and negli­gent, others did indeed publickly discharge their Office, and many times with a loud Voice, but had privately no regard to their Work, but only con­sulted their own Profit, and served their own Turn, preferring the same before the Common Good of the whole Church, and that so indeed they fed their Peoples Ears with words; but in like manner to stick to their Manners, and to that which comes to pass by their Examples, this they thought by the same Doctrine to be honest and not unlawful. There were more especially two things, which these Men could not bear in those Rulers and Ministers of the Publick Churches; one of which was this, In that they in lieu of their Labours in Preaching of the Gospel, and discharging of their Office amongst their People, did not only receive a Reward, which they did indeed bear with, but such an one as was [Page 77] certain and by Compact, almost always a great, sometimes a greater, now and then the greatest Sum, not only from the Publick Annual Profits, but also from the Incomes of Private Persons, and that even of such, who had scarce of their own whereon to set their Foot; from the Fruits, Cattle, Services, Annual Profits, Marriages, Christenings, Funerals, and other things; which same if any alike were not, yet some in gathering of those Pro­fits, were so severe and hard-hearted, that they re­duced the poorer sort to beggery; such as were able and not willing, and whom they could not bring to Reason, they subdued by Force, of whom they said, they were driven thereunto from the only de­sire of Lucre and Gain, and so lived upon their Ministry, worse than Porters, Watermen, and such sort of rough Fellows; and that they were always craving, and that they went as often as they could to other Assemblies of Men, and to them especially from whom they hoped to receive most Advantage. Another thing against which these Men were very Angry, and highly complained, was this; That there was, and is still, such among those Men, who some of them cannot endure some of their own People and Citizens, differing from them in Matters of Religion, though very docible, and upon better Information, ready to obey, but throw them out, and eject them; others they vexed, tormented, and fined; and those same Persons did this, who for such severity had themselves called upon God and Men to bear Witness, and when they were able shook off that Yoke from their Necks, and esteemed, and do still esteem this Liberty as a great Blessing of God; of which two things the Quakers did so much the more complain, because they were at this time most touched and afflicted therewith. To this came to be added afterwards the Complaint and Lamentation of their Fellows and Companions in New-England, That there were Brownists there, who injured them various ways, and put some of them to Death: These being the same things, which [Page 78] these Men did more particularly discommend, and so much charge upon the Churches of England, their Native Country: But those things which they generally and universally blamed, as well in these same, as in other Protestants abroad, were these: That this indeed is the Doctrine, Faith, and Profession of all those who are called by this specious Name, and love and take delight to be so called; that upon the differences being taken away by the Coming of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the bright appearance of the Gospel, that was between the beloved Nation of the Jews, and the rest of Mankind, whom by way of singularity and distinction, they called Gentiles; the Grace of God hath shined upon all Men, and that this coming of Christ, and those desireable and saving Tydings ought now to be preached throughout the whole World, and that this one thing was proposed unto all Men, who are made partakers of Christ, and of the Gospel, that as much as lies in them, both by Words, and good and pious Works, they gain over, and present unto Jesus Christ and to God, and bring into a salvable state, all those who are yet Christless. And moreover, that all would have and teach this, that Circumcision being taken away from among the People of God by Christ Jesus, which was of Old observed by the Jewish Na­tion, and that the External Worship of that Nation being overthrown, to which this same Circumcision was annext, that now these are circumcised, who have that which Circumcision did then prefigure and typifie, and that which External Worship did represent, and that which all the Law and the Prophets did presignifie and promise, should be brought to pass and accomplished by Jesus Christ; and that there must needs have been those then who were true and real Jews, and such as were in Covenant with God, and that there are even now true Jews, that do heartily and sincerely Worship God; and that these are truly Christians, chosen by Christ, and made one with those Ancient Jews, that were so united to God, and therefore accepted with him, who serve God in the Spirit, and glory in Christ Jesus, and put no confidence in the Flesh; and that this now is pure [Page 79] Religion, and undefiled before God and the Father, to bridle the Tongue, so as to speak ill of, vilifie, ruine no Man, but charitably to Teach, Edifie, and Help ones Neighbour; and besides this, to visit the Father­less and Widows, and to help as much as may be the poor, miserable, and distressed, and over and above to keep ones self undefiled from the World. But here did these Men interpose, and raise a clamour and noise, saying, That the Protestants did nothing less than any one of these things; neither did they stick to say, that all that Multitude was a dead Body, or a living Carcase, bearing only the name of Christians; and this they said, they would demon­strate, thus pretending, That all Protestants, their Rulers, each Member of their Churches, were so little concerned about that Grace of God that was brought in by Jesus Christ, and is daily offered by him in the Gospel, that they had scarce one serious thought of their own, and not at all of the Salvation of others; and that they either declined to do any thing, or did what they could most slightly towards the Instructing of their own People, confuting of others, convincing of Strangers, and enlightning of Foreign and Remote Countries and Nations, where a gross Ignorance of Mind, and a debauched Life caused hideous Darkness, and for delivering of them out of the Jaws of Death, for the destroying of the Kingdom of Satan, and pro­moting of the Kingdom of Christ in all the Parts of the Earth, as if the name of a Christian, which they avouch, were enough, and that that Happy Life were granted and tyed to them by a certain, private, and sure Law, and that others were to look unto themselves. Moreover that all of them did follow in those things, which belong to the Knowledge and Observation of Di­vine things, not the Holy Spirit, who is the true and genuine Master and Guide, whom indeed they knew not, but their own and others Instructions, or their own Vnderstanding and Sense, drawn, if it happen so well with them, from the single and bare Reading of the Scriptures; moreover that they did herein flatter themselves, that they bare in their Mouths the Name [Page 80] of Christ, held Communion with him, and partaked of his Benefits, but were therein miserably mistaken, in that they knew not who this Christ is, what it was to have Communion with him, and what his Benefits were, or that they by no means spake from their hearts those things they talked of, neither were they actuated in those things that were done by them, or which befel them, from an inward Principle, Motion, and Instinct; and moreover that they put their trust in Ceremonies, External Rites, Sacraments, and bodily Exercise, Publick and Private, which profiteth nothing, and that so they embraced a Shadow, neglecting the Thing it self. Lastly, That all of them, laying aside the Love they owed one to another, and passing by that Pity and Con­cern which they ought to have for the adverse and troublesome Concerns of their Brethren and Friends, they were so divided and distracted among themselves, as well privately, with wranglings, Strifes, and Con­tentions, and that often-times for things of no moment, and often by reason of the difference of ones Opinions, as Publickly with Wars and Devastations, and that many times for Trifles, and now and then because of the Diversity of Religions, and that they gaped after, and strove to accommodate themselves for the attaining all Honours, Riches, Pleasures, and such sorts of Va­nities, and were at the least so conform to the Fashion of the Men of this World, that they could not be ac­knowledged to be the true Disciples, and sincere Fol­lowers of Jesus Christ. And these things, they said, were so clear and manifest, that if any one was conversant among such sort of Men, he should pre­sently find work to interrogate his Eyes and Ears thereupon. Moreover they did blame, and lay this to their Charge: That there was scarce any foot-steps left among these Protestants of that Ancient Ecclesia­stical Discipline, as well in respect to the Rulers and Ministers of the Church, as to the whole Church her self, and so from the Practice thereof they have all swerved to depraved disuse of such Discipline; so that now any Teacher that Publickly in his Pulpit does that work not altogether negligently and undecently, is [Page 81] reputed a good Pastor; as to the rest, as long as any one owns his Religion with his Mouth, and serves the Shadows and Images of Godliness, though he be given to worldly and vain Lusts and Desires, this same is accounted to be a good Member of the Church, and is easily admitted to participate of all the Mysteries there­of. From hence they went on to Doctrinals; and when they had particularly reproved many things in single Persons, this came generally to be repre­hended in all, as if it were a common and recei­ved Opinion: That Christ did all things for Man, and that this only is to be done by Man, That when any one sins most in the course of his Life, he must lay hold on Christ as a Mediator and Saviour, and lay claim to him without Works, and do his endeavour to follow the Command and Example of Christ in his Conver­sation according to the measure of his strength, and that thus it shall be well always with every one, and when Death cometh, that the Bands of the Body must be loosened, there is a way opened for him into Heaven, wherein he shall enjoy Life Everlasting, where are all things, and that now is fully consummate, which was that very moment to be consummated. Finally, these Men went up higher, and came to the Schools and Universities, those Seminaries of the Church-Mini­stry, and future Props of the Church, of all which this was their Complaint: That these Places were as vitious as might be, and that this was almost the com­mon Practice of all Students, that they either did no­thing, or but very little of those things that conduced thereto; and that they either alone, or one with another, as much as they could, pursue Pleasures, or that they who endeavoured to excel the rest, were only taken up with more remote and subtil Meditations and Disputes, and with the Methods and Arts of declaiming, and exercised their Minds therein; and did not improve the domestick Knowledge and Discipline of their own Minds, and cultivate their Thoughts and their Affe­ctions with the true and absolute Knowledge and Vse of Godliness and a Spiritual Life; but that by such Me­thods and Occupations as these are, some were set at [Page 82] nought, and looked upon to be Foreign from such Stu­dies and Scholastical Documents, and beneath the cares of such Wits and more Learned and Eminent Places. And that from hence some apply themselves to Ecclesi­astical Offices, and attain thereto, others come in by begging of Suffrages, others by other Methods, whose Promotion is rendred difficult through the dulness of their Vnderstandings, and want of Elocution. Others who have a distinct Voice, and the knack of speaking, and are furnished with Oratorical Sentences, though they have no other Commendable Quality, do prevail, and so the People are indeed taught some things, yea, sometimes many things, but not such, or but very care­lesly and negligently, as ought mostly to be insisted upon, as appertain to the Faith it self, tend to the amending of Life, and to Holiness; and so the People are as it were thus defrauded of their just Right. But though the Quakers accused and condemned all Protestants of Theft and such sorts of Vices, yet they granted that the first of them, of whatever Profession, were the best of all of them, as being such as were more upright than the rest, and set themselves in Oppo­sition to those Corruptions, and did most prudently and gently advise and warn their Friends and Bre­thren, and studied to amend and heal so great a Disease and Contagion as was crept into the Church, and for this purpose gave in their Help, Counsel, and Assistance. But they said, that this Diligence, Intention, and Study, fell but to the share of a few, and that the multitude resisted, and forthwith made a noise, and gainsaid, gave them an ill name, and endangered their Esteem, Business, and Fortune, and were so beset and hemmed in, that all their Labour was in vain, and they neither could, nor durst stir further. So things came now to that pass, that Men could easier and sooner bear Vices, and all manner of Evils, than Remedies for the same; and there was no way left then that those who were concerned for the Good and Salvation of their Souls, seeing there was so great, insuperable, and deadly a Plague, withdraw themselves and depart; from [Page 83] hence therefore sprung these Quakers Grief, hence their Tears; first, by reason of the English Churches, and especially of the Episcopal, then of other Re­formed ones, and this chiefly because of the Rule, Order, and Discipline, and the Lives and Manners of the Men, not so much by reason of Doctrine, yet so, as that they themselves acknowledged, that there were in these same Churches many Teachers, who reproved, be [...]ailed, and endeavoured to amend some things which the Quakers so much carped at, so as that the thing which the Quakers wished for, was not to be despaired of. And this was the oc­casion of the Schism of these Men, or their with­drawing from the Church, and from an hatred sprung-up, heat and burning against the whole Church of England, and afterward against the rest of the Reformed Churches, and at length against all Protestants; which cause they so laid hold on, not that every one should continue in his Church, no, not in those whom they confest to be less cor­rupted than the rest, and their endeavour to set things to rights, as stated Reformers, who ought; and knew, would and durst, as being of a great Capacity, and most patient of Labour, and also of Injuries; but that they should forthwith forsake all the Churches, and as it were, pluck down such as they could not change and renew, and leave no­thing for Charity, Hope, and Patience, as a per­severing Good often overcomes the Evil. But and after they had thus forsaken those Churches, many of them did not with Grief and Compassion disco­ver those Vices, neither did they as became Chri­stians, gently, and discreetly advise the wandring, and such as were out of the way, and bring them kindly back again, but did most bitterly and invi­diously relate all things, and cast all manner of Re­proaches upon those Churches, and as it were set upon the Men in an Hostile manner, and drew to­gether and united into a Mutual Confederacy in this War, though no ways injured, nor provoked, nor indeed entertained with an hard word; and this [Page 84] in such a manner, as that all were frightned by them from the Community of such Churches, and from the entrances into them, and set them such Examples, as were much to be shunned, that there is no doubt to be made as concerning them who thus raged, but that they acted more from a desire and study of Novelty and Glory, than from a sincere and pious Mind; so that that Man who blames the Works of another, ought to take heed lest he be deceived himself, and to see [...] while he is apply­ing of Remedies for one Evil, other Evils arise therefrom; thus it was with the Brownists and Inde­pendants many years before, who first separated them­selves from the Church of England, because of the many Defects and Abases therein, and afterwards from the rest of the Reformed Churches, by rea­son also of the unworthiness and want of Diligence which they imagined they saw in them; and even so now the Quakers, supposing they had the same Causes and Reasons for what they did, undertook the same thing, and that in such a manner, that supposing those fore-runners had not done enough; they began a new Schism, and did altogether con­stitute and pursue a new Doctrine among themselves, a new way of Living, and a new Church; these they testified to be the causes they had, whenever they spake of their Undertakings, or conferred with others, or appeared before the Magistrates, and that in plain and direct words; and upon this Head did many of them write Books and Pamphlets (which upon such an occasion are much more efficacious and prevalent than larger Tracts) among which the most remarkable were published by Fox the In­ventor and Introducer of these things, and Howgil, Pennington, and Whitehead, which last three were however more moderate in their Writings, than Fox was, to say nothing of the rest of them. These Pieces they also translated into other Languages, and dispersed through other Countries. Now I am come to that which has occasioned me to dwell so largely upon this Subject. And because I have [Page 85] spoken of that Religion and course of Life, which these Men went about to overthrow, I have also deemed it seasonable and necessary, distinctly to set forth, what manner of Life and Doctrine that was, which they (after that they were increased to a Multitude, and so much polished and instructed under so many Masters and Teachers) then set up, and which is now maintained by all their Followers: For the Tenour of their Doctrine was the same as that of others, that they who framed it, should in process of time, from smaller beginnings polish and reduce the same into a greater Decorum and Order. Especially, in that they were more intent at first up­on the destroying of the Religion of others, than upon erecting any new one of their own, and that they were at this time more given to an Active than a Contemplative Life, or than to that which consists in much Meditation, Enquiry, and strength of Understanding; thus judging with themselves, that to be a Christian, was not to understand pro­found things, nor to speak of great Matters, but to live; from whence, as in former times, so also now these Men can no otherwise be compared, than with most Professors of Religion, be it what it will, that they are endued with greater Love and Zeal for their Religion, than a knowledge of it, and even many Teachers of the Quakers themselves not ex­cepted: But yet there were some from the begin­ning, as there are many at this day, that gave a good Account of their Religion, and explained it. Now the Doctrine of these Men consisted chiefly of four kinds; the first whereof was the Principle of Religion; another the Subject of the Divine Bene­fits; the third, the embracing of them; the fourth and last, the way and manner of Communion. The first sort therefore was that which belonged to the Principle and Foundation of true and saving Know­ledge, this with them was a clear and distinct Re­velation of the Holy Ghost, either without the written Word, to wit, by Speech, or some Appa­rition, or Dreams, or by the written Word, and [Page 86] either this or that which we call the Holy Scriptures, or by some other; or else some certain way which is equivalent to the Word. For the Holy Scriptures, as we take that Word, is not to them a perpetual Medium, and such as is absolutely necessary, and the only and compleat Rule and Form of Faith and Manners; and here you may easily see, how far they differ from those, who while they own the Scripture, take away the Spirit, and substitute Reason in the room thereof; and how much from those, who acknowledge the Scripture as the only necessary Instrument, and the sole Rule of Faith and Manners: And that the Assistance of the Spirit is required towards our having a certain knowledge of the Divine Will, and performing of the same. The Second Head contained the Subject, on which the Divine Benefits are bestowed, con­cerning which they thus judged and determined; That all Mankind, by the Sin and Fall of Adam, were utterly depraved and lost, so destitute of strength, and in so desperate and forlorn a condi­tion, as that they were unable to think of that which is good; but that God did so universally love Mankind, as that he gave his Son Jesus Christ, and constituted him to be a Peace-maker between God and Man. Hence God bestowed upon all Men a new Birth, Himself, his Son, his Holy Spirit, the Light and Word within, and did by the same so stir up their Minds, even every one of them in his true Way, and peculiar Measure so as to under­stand and perceive their Misery, and did so excite them, as that they at length sought God, and were converted unto him; which Light was yet effected sometimes by the Word from without, and lively Preaching; but then it was (they said) that that Light and Word was to be received of Men, when they did not resist the Divine Operation, but re­ceived it, and being stirred up by God, they gave way to his Impulse and Incitement; but here, see­ing there was none to whom the Doctrine of the purer Protestants upon this Head was known, and [Page 87] to whom the Opinions of such as savoured of Pe­lagianism, or in some part inclined to them, were not unknown, who did not think that the Quakers also pursued and imitated some such thing as these last mentioned; the Quakers hereupon cryed out, that they were much in the wrong, since indeed their meaning was, that either the Humane Na­ture was not so depraved, or that there was some Natural Light remaining, whereby they may free themselves from that Vitiosity, and that God in­deed joyns himself to such as do their endeavour, and helps them; so as that it is not the meer Grace of God, but in some sort Merit in Man, and that either some Word, or somewhat else is bestowed of God to this end, whereas the Quakers have no such thoughts. The next Article consisted of such Be­nefits, which are peculiar to those, whom they said did not resist the foresaid Illumination, but obeyed it; for when this Article is known, and that which all Protestants teach concerning this matter, none will deny, but that there is a great deal of difference between the Opinion of Protestants, and these Men of whom I now speak apart; for this is that which they would have, that Christ having performed his Obedience, and suffered Death, ob­tained for all Men indifferently to be brought into such a state, wherein they are capable of receiving of Christ into them; which when it comes to pass, that then Christ, who is altogether Holy and Just, exists in that Person, and lives, and operates, and that by that means the same Person, the Justice of Christ existing and operating in him, becomes him­self Just, to wit, that the Depravation and Malice of his Nature is gradually unlearnt and laid aside, and greater proficiency daily made in Justice and Goodness, but yet so as that he may always sin, backslide, and fall into his former Darkness: But he may also arrive at that Perfection, so as not to sin at all, neither can that constancy in Good fail and cease; and seeing no one is happy but he that knows himself to be so, this same Man is even then [Page 88] fully conscious of his own Felicity. The last Di­vision of this their Doctrine was this, and which consists in the Measures and Mediums of receiving the Benefits, by which how much also these Men differ from those of whom I have spoken, will from hence be no hard matter for us to Judge: For they would allow no other Mediums and Aids herein, than watchfulness of Mind, and attention to that Light, which shines in the Heart of every Man, and to the Oracles of the Holy Spirit in the Scrip­ture, or the Admonitions and Exhortations of Spi­ritual Persons. And thus indeed did they receive and admit of the Ministry of the Gospel, but such a Ministration as every one ought to undertake, though in a different degree, being impelled there­unto by the Holy Spirit alone, without the Voca­tion of Men, without Price and Reward, and that even Women themselves should not be excluded from Teaching: This they would now have and require, that all Christians ought frequently to meet at certain Times and Places, to the end that they might Worship God and the Father with Bro­therly and united Minds, and Instruct and Admo­nish one another to the Observation of the Laws of God and Men, and to the exercise of Vertue and Modesty; but yet not so, as that their Worship should be confined to those Places and Times, so as that it must necessarily be undertaken, begun, and finished there and then, according to the Decree and Limitation of those Men; for that Worship should be performed by the Impulse and Assistance of the Spirit alone, who Acts freely, being con­fined to no spaces or limitations; now they would admit of no Sacraments, Signs, or Seals of the Grace of God that were perceptible by the Senses, whence they assumed the Notion, that Baptism and the Lord's Supper is something that is inward and Spi­ritual, and that those external Rites continued in the Apostolical Churches but as Figures for a time, until the substance of the thing it self was obtained. The Quakers spoke and wrote many things from [Page 89] the very beginning of their Sect concerning God, and Christ, as they were in Men, and that Men sub­sisted in them, and almost all their Discourse de­pended hereon, but so as that it was hard, yea, im­possible for a Man to understand what they meant thereby, or to cause any other to understand it. They began in process of time to explain their meaning more clearly upon this Head, and to be more open concerning it, and therein as it were placed the Foundation of their whole Doctrine, which shall be spoken of at a more convenient time: This therefore was the first Form and Description of their Doctrine; but as the Doctrine and Faith of these Men was admirable and singular, their Life and Conversation was no less; for this chiefly con­sisted in Abstinence and Continency; they said, all publick and private Wars were forbidden by the Law of God, and they shunned all Acts of Revenge, and Resistance also, neither would they when they had any concerns with other Men, though before a Magistrate, and that the matter might require it, con­firm their Asseverations with any Religious Affirma­tion, much less with an Oath, and such ways, they said, were altogether forbidden: Moreover, they abstained from Pleasures, gay Cloaths, and super­fluous Attire, and hated such ways and artifices as tended to Vanity and Pastime, as also Shews, Play­houses, Plays, and all manner of Joking and Laugh­ter; and besides these, they declined to use such Voices, Faces, Gestures, Motions, Salutations, Blandishments, Obsequiousness, and the like, which are commonly practised in the Societies and Inter­views of Men, and go by the name of Vertues, or of Good Manners and Breeding, and did require this, That every one look after, practise, and per­form, in a serious, prudent, sparing, sober, grave, and severe manner, all that which the Dignity, Ho­nour, and Excellency of a Christian did require, and this both in words and deeds; and that they conformed themselves as much as might be to that way of Living. This is that Method of Living which [Page 90] the Quakers from the very first rise of them have retained constantly to this very day; and they did indeed so extol this their Theology, as if this at last, and no other, did agree to the Constitution and Condition of the New Covenant between God and Man, and of the Instrument thereof the New Te­stament, and as if it were the only one adapted to convince and lead all sorts of Men to the Reception of the Christian Faith, and to ingenerate true Piety towards God and Men. And as to what apper­tained to the Life and Manners of them, they were themselves very sensible, how the Men of this World hated them, made a Laughing-stock of them, and accounted them as it were the scum and off-scour­ings of Men, for the austereness and severity of their Manners, as being so opposite to the Conversation of Men, and as it were upbraiding the Folly of all of them. But as they bare this Misfortune with great Constancy of Mind, and said, that they shun­ned nothing, feared nothing, besides what was really a sin, either against God or Men; so they also retor­ted this, that all good Men, who own, that the Christian World hath long since groaned, and as it were, been fatigued with so many, and so great vi­tiosities, Fooleries, and Juglings, ought to acknow­ledge their Vertue, in that they durst batter and break through such common and inveterate Pravi­ty and Perverseness with so much Inconveniency to themselves; though these Men did not deny, as Ex­perience doth now also force them to confess, but that some of them were not such as they would have, and wished themselves, and all other Men to be, and that indeed there were at first, and are at this day some among so great a confluence of these Men, who hiddenly and craftily insinuate themselves into their Societies, and do follow rather their words than deeds, and not only pass over the Limits of that their so great Severity and Gravity, but do al­so themselves commit those Vices, which they lay to the charge of others; and more especially do carry themselves maliciously and fraudulently in [Page 91] their Negotiations and Dealings with Men, and set their Profession to Sale, and serve Persons and not Offices, and also accommodate themselves to the present times; but they say, they hate, despise, and are angry with such Men, yea, that they are a loathing to them, and that they make a diligent search after them, and if they find they will not be reclaimed, nor repent, that then there are severe Chastisements reserved for them, but and if not­withstanding, they do not return, they order them to be cast out of their Community: But, as I have long before begun to say, there was so great a con­course of Men to the Inventors and first broachers of Quakerism, and after they had associated them­selves unto them, there was such a Zeal from time to time for this same Religion, and this Sect or way of Living, and on the other side so great an Emulation and Strife of other Men against these, that both sides seemed to strive, who should most fatigue and soonest overcome the other; concern­ing which matter I have now at length determined to speak at large. This is that which those Men have professed of themselves, and such is the Te­stimony they gave unto them, who daily joyned themselves to their Communion, that they were, and indeed had been of the number of those Men who had a great desire for and single Love to God, and their own Salvation; wherefore as Birds of a Feather do easily flock together, there were those of the multitude of every Religion, especially such, who had most Piety towards God, and were most desirous of the blessedness of their Souls, than which nothing is more desirable to Man, that betook themselves to their Society; they did confess they were now sensible of and bewailed, with what neg­ligence, sloth, indifferency, and perverseness they had sought God before, and studied their own Sal­vation, for which they should have been mostly con­cern'd, and that they were desirous now to make amends for and compensate this Evil with so much the greater and more vigorous diligence in doing [Page 92] good. Hence they had frequent Meetings together, and with united Minds turned to God, they pre­sented themselves unto him, and stirred up one a­nother to do the same: Thus they loved nothing so much as their Meetings, and did so exercise mutual Offices one towards another, that they were resolved rather to suffer any thing, yea, rather Death it self, than not do so. And now they affirmed that they pitied others, the wretchedness of all, and the com­mon destruction, because that they were affected with no manner of care, no thoughts of their Sal­vation, and that they had no other desire than to deliver them from such great danger and hazard of their Souls; hence it was that they used many words to such as they thought to be within the compass of such danger; whence many were daily enticed and brought over by them, and several were taken by no Word, but only Example; and seeing that all of them were of the same Mind herein, there was none or rarely any Dissention between them in regard to their Sermons or Speeches, no contempt of any Man's Parts, Condition, and Gifts; and thus every one, as gifted one way or another, bestowed upon and dispensed to one another, and divided his Talent among all, which is indeed the real Com­munion of Saints; so also did the younger Men dis­charge the Offices of a full Age, as did likewise Vir­gins and Maidens, and neither did Women confine themselves to the discharge of their Duties towards their Husbands, which was only in use to this time, but publickly Taught and Preached; wherefore many of both Sexes were daily moved to betake themselves to this side, where they might have an Opportunity to shew what they were, especially Women, partly through the Inconstancy of their Natures, partly from a super-abounding Zeal and Love of Religion, and partly for to have a Publick Tryal of themselves, and also to Instruct Men be­fore the Church; which only thing seemed yet to be wanting in this part of the World to make up the licentiousness of the Female Sex: Moreover, as [Page 93] in England this Sex is looked upon as having a great power and ascendency by their blandishing demea­nors over their Husbands, and such as belonged un­to them, hence it came to pass, that many Families by their means did often joyn and unite themselves to these Quakers, though they were not so ready to receive and admit of these Men into their Society, and they did try each of them with all the exact­ness they could; and though in the beginning a less number of Men joyned themselves to them, and that afterwards, and at this day, there is a much greater increase of them, that Custom of Womens Teaching and Discoursing publickly, did then, and more and more by degrees, and at this day almost universally wear out, and grow into disuse: Now their Assemblies, and the Worship performed in them, were without any charge to them, and if there were any of their number, poor and needy, these held the same Rank, and were had in the same Esteem with them as the rest, and them they relieved, according as their Wealth and Substance would bear, so as that laying aside all Ambition and Pride, its Price and Reward might be equally distributed to Vertue alone, and that every ones Probity might be only his own Com­mendation and Praise; wherefore there were many, who were either not so much esteemed, or not so well relieved among their own Societies, who fled to these; among whom there were not a few found, who according to the old and common Contagion, made Religion only a Cloak for their Humility and Obscurity, and the nourisher of their Idleness; but there was a far greater cause than all this, and indeed there is nothing so opposite to Religion and Godliness, so much an Enemy to Reason, common Sense and Humanity, than to desire to Rule in such things as appertain to Religion over the Con­sciences of Men, much more, to constrain Men in a violent manner, not to follow their Religion, which they believe they have received of God, and to compel and force them to embrace that Religion [Page 94] which they loath and shun, and if they will do neither of these, to torment, oppress and destroy, and not to allow them a being among Men; for another thing is, if there are some, who cease not to be troublesome unto others, but are busie to de­ceive them, to speak ill of their Religion and Or­dinances, to disturb and infest them, and to ruine and destroy their Churches; and these if they be restrained and corrected; which not to do, and to tolerate such, especially if they be such, who sup­pose this to belong to their own Religion and Church for to overthrow the Religion and Churches amongst which they live, were the same thing, as knowingly and wittingly to ensnare themselves, and to make way for and run headlong into their own voluntary destruction; and a great many People in former times in these Kingdoms have felt the smart of such a Persecution, and an innumerable Com­pany of the best of Christians have felt the same from those very Persons, who had before under­gone themselves that severe Tyranny from others; but in reference to the manner how this befel the Quakers in these Countries from the initiation of their Religion, Ways, and Manners, and by what right or wrong, these Men did afterward so bewail their hard usage, we shall take upon us a little more distinctly to set forth. For as the Doctrine of these Men was so opposite to the Doctrine of others; hence the same was every where charged with divers Accusations and Reproaches, as also Calum­nies, especially by them, who, as it usually happens, followed only vulgar Reports, and were in the mean time ignorant of the Doctrine that these Men held. And since their manner of Living was so di­rectly opposite to the Custom and Manners of all, and more especially in that they appeared very sad both in gate and countenance in the Streets, and in Company, and that some of them were very nasty in their Habit, and all of them silent, or of few words, and when they spake, used many other un­usual Expressions, and them delivered slowly and [Page 95] by piecemeals, and as it were by points, and espe­cially if they treated of any serious matters, they made use of such sort of Protractions, Hesitations, and Delays, and expressed every word by syllables, and did not only not salute Men in the Streets, but utterly disused Salutation both in their approaches to and departures from Men, by which things, be­ing as it were the Ensigns of this Sect, they were commonly known; hence it was that they were envied and hated of all that had to do with them. The Principal thing which drew upon them much Envy and great Calamities, was their first Violence and fierce Incursions both in their words and wri­tings against the Doctrine and Faith of others, especially of them, who were within the Com­munion of the Publick Church, even because of certain names and words that were used by the whole Church, and that for a long time, which if not literally contained in the Scripture, yet did a­gree in the thing, and were consonant to other words and names in the Scriptures, but such indeed as seemed to be foolish unto them. Another thing was, their rashness and boldness in Judging, Con­demning, Sadding, and Cursing of all and singular Persons, who did not agree with them in their mat­ters, and such besides who were unknown had not been heard, made no defence, and so innocent as to any Injury done them, in the doing whereof, they were most forward, who held the first Rank amongst this Sect of Quakers; but besides these, there were divers others, but of a different condition, and who had this Property, to have little Wit, and to be thoughtful of nothing, but furnished with Impru­dence and Impudence, that began some sort of Dis­course in Publick Places, where there were most People, in a kind of clamorous manner, but with a very unpleasing Noise, and even stood in the Churches (which now the Quakers in general cal­led Steeple-houses by way of Reproach) while Di­vine Service was performed, with their Hats on, sometimes during the Sermons of the Ministers and [Page 96] Common-Prayers (but such as they called Divina­tions, disagreeing with themselves, and not know­ing what they said) and sometimes after they were ended, suddenly uttered some uncouth words, and without shewing any previous Reasons, reprehended the doings of the former; yea, and detested them, as if they were wicked and accurst; and thus did they do those things themselves which they had blamed so much in other Men. There were some, who in a Mimical and Fool's Habit and Gesture of Body, did as it were either describe the Actions of Men in the open Market-places, or deride them, or did take upon them to fore-tell the Fate that should attend them. These were commonly such as were of meaner Parts and Fortune than the rest, and more especially of the Female kind; and even they who did these things, said, they did them by the Instinct of the Holy Ghost, and according to the Example of the Prophets, and of Christ and his Apostles, whom they contended to have been ac­customed to have done such things openly in crouds of People, in the Temple, and other places, from whence the Fame thereof might pass into all places, and that there never was any Law made in England, that did forbid such things; thus over and above defending themselves with their Quibbles and also Law-Sophistry, to which also others of them, even their Leaders, added their Consent, there were others who neither approved of this Practice, nor blamed it. But this in process of time they all left and avoided; and hence it was that all Persons were not only alienated in their Affections from these Men, but also most enraged against them, and as often as they durst do any such thing, they were assaulted and had violence offered unto them. Though they notwithstanding all, were by no means deterred from it, but did continuedly repeat the same, having this their Opinion as a Brazen Wall unto them, neither regarding herein the words and deeds of our Saviour Jesus Christ, and of those Holy Men, that we should beware of Men, and [Page 97] should not provoke them, but so admit of those things which we may avoid, and run our selves into danger. Now, when the Quakers were brought into Courts of Justice, and put upon answering for themselves, they would not off with their Hats, nor call the Judges by Names suitable to their sta­tion (which Honours they thought unlawful to be­stow upon Men, and that it was a Worship that appertained to God alone) and when they were asked some things, as solemnly, descreetly, and mildly as might be, many of them shifted back­wards and forwards, and made such Answers as were no ways to the purpose, and when th [...]s with­out any further hearing of the Cause than this, they have been often thrust into Prisons, the same Persons have slighted and blamed their Judges to their faces, as the framers of such Laws, whereby they omitted what God and a good Conscience di­ctated to them, or did that which was contrary thereunto; and others of the same Kidney did every where in their Sermons and Libels cast all manner of Reproaches upon those Magistrates be­fore all Men, and imprecated all Evils upon them, and did as it were pronounce them by the Com­mand of God, forgetting the Monitor and Author of that saying, That in such a case we should not delay to confess all our own failings, and also love our Enemies, and bless and do good unto them, and so be perfect as our Heavenly Father is perfect; whence it came to pass, that not only they who were thus deservedly committed by the Judges, but also such as thus maintained their Obstinacy, were laden with more and greater Evils, and the same thing sometimes fell upon the Heads of the whole Multitude. But those who were of a more mode­rate Temper, blamed the immoderation of these Men; but the Quakers were never universally trou­bled and persecuted at any time during the Inter­regnum and Cromwel's Protectorship, in England, Scotland, and Ireland, and there was no particular Persecution of them, by the appointment of Pub­lick [Page 98] Authority, unless it were that these Men pro­ceeded to Assemble together in too unwary and audacious a manner, or to disturb the Publick As­semblies of others with their chatterings, or lessen the Reputation of them by their invidious Speeches, Invectives, and Writings, or did some such thing by speech or gesture: Neither was there any of them punished or put to Death either by Publick Authority, or Tumultuously by the Multitude; but such indeed otherwise was the severity of the following Times, and the calamity of these Men, that all were commanded every where to abstain from their Meetings; and when they urged that they could not do that for Conscience sake, and that therefore they would do it in no wise; then there was a very heavy Persecution, and not of one sort, raised as much as might be against all of them in general, and in other places against each in particu­lar, as began to be turbulent and introduced any Novelty in the Churches. And this afterward be­came an accessional Crime, in that they would not Swear before a Magistrate, pay Tythes, nor do and suffer many more things, by reason of scruple of Mind, and fear of God; by which Practice of theirs, though none of the Quakers were at any time put to Death publickly or privately, by Officers, Ser­geants, and Executioners, by the Magistrate's Com­mand, yet many of them were so handled in Pri­sons, and so injured with Stripes and Wounds by wicked and villainous Men, that they died mise­rably thereof; yea, and seeing the boldness and con­stancy of these Men was such, that whatever they begun, that they would go through with, and omit nothing of such things as I have spoken of before, and the more they were chastised, the more obsti­nate they would be against such as censured and chastised them. This was their daily Fate, that some of them were committed publickly to Prison by the Magistrates, some fined, some banished, and reproached sufficiently by the Common People, and were cuffed, kicked, cudgelled, and stoned out of [Page 99] the places where they were. Neither were there any of the Teachers and Guides of the People, who was not some where or other imprisoned; and many times while they were gathered together they had Information given against them, and thereupon Officers, Guards, and the like Men were sent, who under the colour of their Office, fell upon, beat, and carried away all that were present. Again, there were many Private Persons, and of the meaner and vulgar sort, born, brought up, and trained to Mischief and Rapine, that either came under such Leaders as these now spoken of, whither also with­out doubt their own greediness had led them with­out this, or alone and of their own accord, like Theives and Robbers, and broke in where they ho­ped to gain most Pillage and Plunder, and forced the Doors open, and first of all laid hold on, stripped, and beat the People with their Hands and Sticks, and scattered and dissipated all of them, and what­ever they could not carry away, they wasted and spoiled, the rest they stole away, and every one carryed his Booty to his own House; by which fu­rious doings those mad and wicked Men did often­times in a moment deprive as well the Poor as the Rich of all their Substance, which they had been gathering for many Years, and of all the Houshold­stuff they had, and to that degree, that they did not leave the poor People as much as their Tools and Utensils which they made use of for to gain their Livelihood. Sometimes it so happened, while these Men did not meet covertly, that these Villains all of a sudden rushed into the midst of the As­sembly, put out the Candle, and of those they caught, some of them they dragged by the Hair of the Head, others, tyed Hand and Foot, they carryed into the Fields, and there left them, where the Peo­ple continued all Night, to the endangering of their Lives; and thus many of them did at last perish, both in Prisons, by Sickness, and the want of Ne­cessaries, Stench, and other Inconveniencies, as also in their own Houses, because of the Miseries they [Page 100] sustained through the rage and violence of the Peo­ple; neither yet did these things alone at once seize upon these People, but by degrees, and one after another; in the mean time the Quakers suffered and endured all these things from the very begin­ning, with so much Patience and Resolution of Mind, that they not only wearied many of their Enemies, but also excited and enclined many Peo­ple to become of their Communion; thus judging with themselves, that Men neither would nor could undergo and sustain such intolerable Troubles and Miseries, unless they were very well assured in their Consciences of the truth of those things for which they suffered, even as the Quakers themselves pre­tended, that this their Patience for their Faith, which they turned to the Glory of Martyrdom, joyned with their singular way of Life and Manners, was the principal Seed of their Church both then and at all times: Yea, I have heard some of them Preach, that it would certainly come to pass, that their Religion would be a new Reformation and In­stauration of the World, but that this would be very unlike unto that Reformation which happened in the Age before, as being partly supported by an Arm of Flesh, whereas this would be the only Pro­perty of theirs, to be perfected and accomplished by Faith alone, and the Patience and Long-suffering of the Espousers thereof.

In the mean time the Quakers complained very much of the Ministers of the Publick Churches, as also of the Independants, but more especially of the Baptists; (to which Baptists themselves there was at that time granted great freedom both to speak and act what they pleased) that they above all others were injurious to them, called upon the Magistrates, and stirred up also the People to ha­sten their Ruine, by reason that they lessened their Number and Dignity by shaking and medling with them more than other Men. I have spoken of these things in general; I come now to particular In­stances, as being them alone wherein the Proof, [Page 101] Testimony, and Truth of things do lie; for the Quakers did not deny, but did Object, that there were many things which they reprehended in the Doctrine and Religion of others, insomuch that they harped much upon this string, That there were many and great Scandals and Reproaches cast upon their Doctrine and Conversation by many, and that from hence it was that great Injuries were offered unto them every where. The Quakers did indeed Muster up several Petitions offered by the Publick Priesthood (let me make use of the pub­lick words of that People) who were in Publick Power, which tended to the expelling and banish­ing of the Quakers for those Reasons, which, if they had been true, they themselves did confess that they deserved, having thus carried it in respect to the Christian Religion, not only to be thrust out of one Province, or the whole Kingdom, but from the face of the Earth, and the number of the Li­ving; if as these Men did deny, it was Lawful for any Humane Power to inflict so severe and violent a Punishment upon any for any wickedness what­soever. Such an Humble Petition as this, if I mi­stake not, was presented in the Year Fifty One, by several Pastors of Churches, and Citizens and In­habitants of the County of Westmorland to the Ju­stices of the Peace for that County, wherein they desired, That James Naylor, and George Fox, and Francis Howgil, and the rest of their Companions, which Men, they said, were generally unknown unto them, from whence they came, where they dwelt, what their business was, and whom, they said, came by their own Authority into these Places, and did miserably distract all sorts of Men, and set them at dissention, and together by the Ears, and had wickedly seduced many People with great Efficacy from the true Reli­gion, into dangerous, pernicious, horrible, and dam­nable Ways and Errors, and brought things to such a pass, as that they perverted and disturbed all Peace and Order in the Common-wealth, when in the mean time they are, notwithstanding any egregious and even [Page 102] Divine Reasons offered by them to the contrary, wicked Men, Impostors, the Ministers of Satan; wherefore they pray, they may be driven away, and commanded to go into their own Countries, and confine themselves within those bounds to their own Occupations and Em­ployments: The Effect and Prevalency of which Petition was this, that Naylor and Howgil were thrust into Prison, though one of the Magistrates, to wit, Gervase Benson, did bear open Testimony against his Brethren, that Naylor did not deserve to be censured for what he had done, as if he were guilty of Blasphemy, and that he as a Criminal should be admonished and laid under such a Pu­nishment for violating of the Law against such Per­sons, and so great Villains. To which this must be added, that the same Justice, Gervase Benson, and Anthony Pearson, another that was Judge in that matter, did afterward turn Quakers, and wrote several things for those Men: Another Example of this Petitioning was, One two Years after presented to the Council of State (so they call'd it) by many Noblemen, Iustices of the Peace, Ministers, and Citizens of Lancashire, in which Petition you have these words; That G. Fox, and James Naylor, and their Associates and Companions, did not cease both to dissolve the Bond and Vnity that was between all sorts and ranks of Men, as also between the People and God, and brought their own Followers to such a pass, that all of them, Men, Women, Children, and little Ones were in their Conventicles agitated with strange and ridiculous motions, trembled, foamed, swole with their Bellies, and that some of their Teachers did not stick to say of themselves, besides other abominable Heresies, that they were equal to God. To this Pe­tition was subjoyned a Catalogue of their Heresies, with the Witnesses hands to it, in these words; That George Fox confess'd, and did persist therein, That he was equal to God, the only Judge of the World, Christ, the Way, the Truth, and the Life; and so if that any one took upon him in his Sermon to the People to explain any Text of Scripture, be was an Enchan­ter, [Page 103] and his Preaching an Enchantment, and that the Scripture was carnal; that James Melver confessed that he was God and Christ, and that the same Man gave out these Prophecies, that the Day of Judgment was at hand, and farther, that there should be no more a Judge in Lancashire, and that he would shortly pull up the great Assembly of Parliament by the Roots; that Leonard Fell professed, that Christ never had any other Body but the Church; that R. Hubberthorn had said, that the coming of Christ in the flesh was only a Type and Figure. But though the Quakers did thus determine among themselves, that these things which were laid to their charge, were such, that even the thing, if they held their peace, would totter of it self; but yet as they left nothing that was objected against them without some Answer, so did they also confute this in their Writings in such a manner, and with such Reasons, that it was very apparent, that they were wicked Men who invented these things, and that those who believed them, were Fools, excepting the Prophecies of Melver, the Vanity of whose words they willingly acknowledged and reproved; yea, and seeing it was the Fate of these Men in all Judgments, to have many Actions and Opinions full of Scandal and Disgrace laid to their charge, besides their Doctrine and way of Living, they answered and overthrew these charges, not in one Pamphlet only, and set forth what they had expounded concerning any matter, what their Opinion was, and whose it was, but they also sent these Pamphlets to all the Judges, and also to the Protector Cromwel, and did more­over Publish them among the People, so that all and every Person might be throughly acquainted with their Doctrine and Life, with the causes there­of, and plainly weigh those things that might come to be controverted, and if any suspicion insinuated it self into the Minds of some Persons, they might remove it, and that they might no longer lie under such false Accusations as these; but whether it came to pass from such an imputed Crime, or from [Page 104] Resisting and Opposing in an over violent manner, or rather wickedly and imprudently impugning the Doctrine and Fame of the Ministers of God's Word; Hubberthorn from this time forward did not sustain one only Imprisonment at Chester, but was also confined in Norwich, and that to the Year Fifty Five; but of this briefly, and by the way: Let's go on; there are some Instances of these Men being accused by their Adversaries falsly, even then when they went to them for to clear themselves of that Ignominy, either they challenged them to set them­selves in some place, and to hear how these Accusers proved and made the thing good, after they had given them leave to speak, or they did suddenly and at unawares, or after some foolish Expressions, ensnare them with some words, and so haled them to Prison: This was the Lot of William Desborough, in a Town of Northamptonshire, called Welling­borough. A certain Minister met him in that Town (but what Minister it was, and of what Church, I pass over, and these things I spare because I would spare the Order and Dignity) at a time, when he was going to Church to Preach to his People; he sets upon the Man, threatens and severely charges him to give over to deceive the People, before God's Judgment overtook him; the Quaker asked him, wherein it was that he deceived the People? To which the Minister replyed, That Desborough taught, that there was no Original Sin, and when Desbo­rough would fain know, whether he had heard him at any time say so, he, whether out of choice, or that he was unprepared and straightned for time, held his Tongue, and went his ways into the Church, Desborough follows him, and keeping close to the manner and way of his Party, stood there all the time that the Minister Prayed and Preached, with his Hat on, and waited for the end of his Sermon, and an Opportunity to speak himself: Therefore when the Minister came down from the Pulpit, he drew nigh, and asked him that he should now be­fore the People prove and demonstrate what he had [Page 105] before said to him to his face; but here the Mini­ster went his ways, and left the Man in the midst of his Congregation: And thus Desborough suppo­sing that it was his part now to speak, there he be­gins to make a sort of a Speech to the People, in which they affirmed he should say, that all the Mi­nisters of the People were Hirelings, who, only for Gain gave their Labours to the People; hereupon he was hurried away, first, before the Magistrate, and afterward into Prison, and laid among Thieves, Murderers, and Cut-Throats; in which place after he had continued almost for the space of Seven Months, he was carryed to the Grand Assizes, then held at Northampton, the County Town of that County, before Edward Atkins, a Man endued with great Modesty and Moderation of Mind: But seeing there was no more but one of his Accusers present, and that the Judge was now to determine the matter, he did it in these words; Common Fame is indeed a good Accuser, but not therefore a good Proof: And thus far I am satisfied as to those things I have heard of thee; but yet because thou art brought out upon a Common Report, that you are a dangerous Peo­ple, and the disturbers of the Publick Peace, I'll send thee back into Prison, unless thou wilt give in Bail, that thou wilt demean thy self well, and appear next Assizes. But when Desborough said, that he look'd upon that unreasonable, and that he ought not to give Bail in such a case, he was again committed to Prison; and when in the next Assizes, where Hales was Judge, the same Action was brought against him, and that there was yet no Accuser there, the Judge did also acquit him of the Charge in this Place, yet commanded him to be carryed back to the same place, and kept there till another time: Another Instance of this kind was this; some of the Quakers had a Meeting together, and were at their Worship in Manchester; a certain Minister of the Publick Church goes in to them of his own accord, and challenges all that would oppose him, and said, that he would shew that their Spirit they pretended [Page 106] to, was the Spirit of the Devil, and so appoints both time and place, where, if they pleased, they might hear him demonstrate the same by Argu­ments. There was then present there Leonard Fell afore spoken of, who, more especially being not able to hear, nor endure such an heavy Objection and Charge, he promised to be present, and having taken some of his Companions along with him, appears at the time and place appointed: There the Minister being more animated, than ready and furnished for the Work, protracts and defers the Business to another time, but they did then offer themselves, and came briskly to the matter in Con­troversie; which while that was done, some rude and impertinent Fellows break in, and fall upon them with great violence and sharpness, give them many blows, and pull them not only out of the Houses, but also hal'd them out of the Town, crying that they were sent by the Officers of the place to do so. There were indeed some wicked Fellows at Beverley, who while Isaac Gate was Preaching to his Follow­ers, set upon them in the House, crying out, that he vilified their Ministers, and pull'd him out by the hair of the Head into the Street. It were a te­dious, and almost an endless thing to declare how many Assemblies have been disturbed, how many Men tormented, and what and how great Calami­ties they have endured in their own Habitations, how many have been burdened and fined, wearied with Imprisonments, forbid their own Homes, and driven into Banishment, only for that cause, be­cause they held their own Conventicles, some be­cause they stood about such places as those, some because they went to visit their Companions and Friends, as they called themselves one among ano­ther, and named themselves to other People, though they were otherwise free from any Offence, and though there was no manner of Sect except the Popish one, which had not as much freedom as they pleased to meet and come together. There is an Obsolete Law in England, which contains, That [Page 107] if any one as a Labouring-man betake himself some where to get his Living, and cannot shew and prove who he is, from whence he comes, whither he goes, and what his business is, by a Pass under some Justice of Peace his Hand, that same Person as a Vagabond, an Idle and Rascally Fellow, is Im­prisoned among such as are so, and there made to beat Hemp his belly full, and to earn his Liveli­hood. Wherefore as often as they found any of the Quakers, when they met together, they haled them from thence before a Magistrate, and if they were not so well known, or but Poor and could not pay, these they punished in this manner; and this indeed seemed to administer just matter of Com­plaint to the Quakers against their Adversaries; for it is an Old Maxim taken from the very Marrow of the Law, That one should not do to another what he would not have done to himself. And this is the Golden Sentence of our Saviour, fetched from the Holy Law of God, and from the Prophets, That whatever any one would have done to himself by Men, let him do the same unto them; wherefore he com­plains in vain, of having wrong done unto him, who does the same unto another. And it's a most wicked thing, and not to be endured, to deny that to another, which one would have to be given to himself. Moreover, seeing that the Quakers seek­ing so much after the Severity of the Old Laws, and the Primitive Religion, and Christian Faith, did complain so much of the hard dealings of those whom they looked upon as their Enemies and Ad­versaries, and as they could not deny, but that many of their own People did often-times so de­mean and carry themselves towards them, who esteemed them also in like manner to be their Ene­mies, of whom they so far complained, as that if their Complaint were not unjust, even that Com­plaint which their Adversaries made against them, was just and right also; and seeing that those Men would be esteemed as altogether Innocent, they gave occasion for Persons to believe, that there were [Page 108] wicked ones amongst them, who practised Evil Arts, and who intimated, they would do any Mis­chief, if they had Power to their Will. Examples hereof were these, to wit, some of them cast Scan­dals and many vile Reproaches upon the Ministers of the Gospel, and their whole Churches, at the very time, wherein they were performing their most Religious Duties, and so endeavoured to stir up against them, yea, the whole Society, the Resent­ments of the Magistrate, the Rage of the People, and the ill Will and Persecutions of both, so that now those few Persons might deservedly be accoun­ted the Tormentors of all the rest, and the Betray­ers of the whole Multitude; of which outragious doings, seeing they who were Authors and Actors thereof, or doubtless their Friends and Favourers have in their Libels published by them given us Examples, glorying in such their Actions, there is no doubt to be made but that those which I shall gather and pick out of them, are such, as that there cannot be had the least suspicion concerning them: One Boswel Middleton, a Shooe-maker in the City of York, was the first that cut out, and, as it were, fenced the way for the rest of them, crying out against Edward Bowles while he was Preaching in the midst of his Sermon to the People, and in the hearing of all, Thou art the Servant of Antichrist, and so is thy Flock; for which words he was forth­with put in Chains: The like bold and impudent Example we have in the same Year done at Oxford by two Women, Elizabeth Havens and Elizabeth Fletcher, these did first chatter and talk in their way of Cant to the Students in the Streets, and then in the Publick Churches, and last of all in the Universities, but with more hazard, and greater danger than they imagined, and yet they might easily have done it. For these Persons being as it were taken with such Polite Conceits as these gave them forth, with a more pleasant Entertainment, or that I may be in earnest, and tell the truth, as these Waggs are more especially exceeding arch and wan­ton, [Page 109] they draw them into their Colleges, Pump them, and throw them into the Privy, and did a­gain afterward take one of them, to wit, Elizabeth Fletcher, and threw her into a Grave, that was o­pened for the burying of a dead Corps, with such violence, that she received such hurt by her fall, that she afterwards died thereof: But when they were got free from this hardship, they go again to the Church, and while one was silent the other spoke there openly; so that both of them were taken away and thrown into Prison amongst Rogues and Burglars; and afterward when they were brought to a Tryal before the Mayor, and that he had tur­ned them over to some other Magistrates of the City, and to the Vice-Chancellor, they were by their Command thrust out of the City as Vaga­bonds; but seeing we have many of these strange Examples, and them done not in one place, nor at one time; it will not be improper to set forth what have been done by these sort of Men all this time in the City of Bristol, and which has been recorded by their own Companions, and real Defenders, as being famous and worthy Performances; and the rather, because that in this Relation some other things like unto these do offer themselves unto us, and others also are not to be omitted and past over. This City, after these mens Dogms and Opinions were broached in that Country, was as it were the Seminary, Receptacle, and Refuge-place of these Sectaries, and as it were the Theatre of those things, which was proper and peculiar for these Men both to do and to suffer. Which thing did very much nettle all Men of all Religions, where­with the City was full: And though these same Men dissented one from another in respect to their various Religions, and many other businesses, and were at very great and almost deadly Enmity a­mong themselves, yet they all agreed in this one thing, for to oppose and resist the Quakers: At this time came John Audland and John Camie, and soon after them Francis Howgil and Edward Burroughs, [Page 110] Names that were well known and dear there, into the City: Audland and Camie in a short time after departed; but the other two tarryed and were ci­ted before the Magistrates; they appeared; the Magistrate commands them to depart out of the City; they refuse, and added, that if the Magistrate would exercise Power, they would not resist what­ever was imposed upon them: Upon this the whole City was so chafed, agitated, and exasperated a­gainst the Quakers, that where ever they saw them, especially when they were gathered together, and as they went to the place, and departed from thence, all People almost of all degrees, kind, and Age, derided, mocked, threw dirt upon them, thumped, kicked, and cast stones at them: But notwithstand­ing all this, the Quakers were not repressed and di­verted from their Undertakings; but some of them, even as if they were intent upon that very thing, for to increase and heighten the Anger and Rage of Men against them and all their Party, undertook also some new ways and Methods, from which they could not only hope for and procure no good, but from which they might easily know it might con­duce further to their hurt; for Elizabeth Marshal, during the time that the Minister of the Church, Rodolph Farmer, and the whole Church were met together to preach and hear the Word of God, to pray to him, and to celebrate the Lord's Supper, stood all the while over against Farmer, and when he was going about to Administer the Lord's Supper, she cryed out, Wo, Wo, Wo, hangs over thy Head from the Lord, O Farmer, who takest the Word of the Lord into thy mouth when the Lord never sent thee; at which words all the People being in an Uproar, and many of them enraged against her, they fell violently upon her, and thrust out the Woman, dragging her headlong out of the Church, and the Boys without threw stones at her, and pursued her until she got into and saved her self in her own Habitation, and there remained secure from more Outrages. This Fact might have been severely [Page 111] punished by the Magistrates, but they chose rather to forget, or to defer it to another time. But she, as if she had done a good deed, undertakes the same thing on the next Lord's Day, and in the same Church, spoke these words against John Knowles the Preacher, after he had pronounced the Blessing upon the People: This is the Word of God to thee, Knowles, I command thee to Repent for what thou hast done, and to hearken to the Light of Conscience that is within thee; and so being again punished with many blows, and thrown out of the Church, she was first confined by the Watch of the City, and afterward committed by the Mayor into the Common Prison, and had no heavier Punishment inflicted upon her. From whence almost all sorts of Citizens grew enraged, and cryed out, that these Men sought nothing else by their Inventions and Undertakings, but occasions of Reproaches, Di­sturbances, and Confusions, as also matter of En­mities and Revenge against them. Now Audland and his Companion were returned into the City, who when they were a going out of the City to­wards a place where the Quakers intended to keep a Meeting, they were like to be in great danger from the Boys that assaulted them; and its very like they had perished, if they had not been saved by the Care and Industry of some of the chief Men of the Place. Which when the Common People, and such like unto them, came to know, and sup­posing those Principal Citizens had not done their Duty as they ought, they broke out against them, and some threatned the Magistrates, and made a Clamour, That this new, base, and partly flagitious and wicked People, the Quakers, had passed over the Bounds of Modesty, and proceeded so far; that they could not arrive to a greater Audacity and Impudence, than they were come to; and that the Magistrate saw and bore with all this, to whose care it was committed to maintain the Honour and Dignity of the Common­wealth, whom they represented, and to take heed, lest the whole People should at last be endangered in their [Page 112] Religion; so that seeing now, when so great a matter is in agitation, the Laws are silent, Judgments dumb, Punishments ceased, all things both Divine and Hu­mane lie unregarded, and the extream Fate of the Re­ligion and Liberty of the City was at hand; it was high time that the People themselves should watch, and up­on the neglect of the Magistrate, those whom it most concerns, are to be Magistrates to themselves, and must seek after their own safety, which they cannot otherwise procure. This, though it may not be Lawful at another time, yet at such a time as this is, it's both right and just, and ought, and there is need it should be done; but before they would enter upon it, they de­sired that an Account of the whole matter might be transmitted to Cromwel, who was the defender of the Common Law and Liberty. The which was done without delay, for there were some who transmitted their desires forthwith in this matter to Cromwel: And so while these Men thought that they acted the part of Citizens bravely, yea, that they like so many Viceroys imagined they discharged the Office of Judges well, the Magistracy winked hereat, or contemned it, especially because things were brought to that pass, that the Guard of Soldiers that was placed in the City, did no ways deter them there­from. This Tumult lasted for the space of two days, and then was appeased of it self: But lo, while the Magistrates were studying to aslay this great outragiousness of the Times, by reason of such Insolence in their own People, (and upon this Consideration did not afterwards call the heads of the Rioters to an Account for such their doings) another Quaker, Henry Warren by Name, had ra­ther exasperate the matter, and was as it were the poisoned Nail in this Altar of the City, for he had such a Lust, as I may say, for it, and proceeded to such a height of boldness, that in the Church, and that even when there was a very great Assembly, he spake these words to the face of the Minister, after he had made an end of his Office and Work, The Prayers of the Wicked are an abomination to the [Page 113] Lord; with which opprobrious speech, than which nothing could be more contemptible, all were stir­red up and provoked so as that they violently drave the Man from the Church, and lead him before the Mayor and Sheriffs of the City, who, that they might not go unpunished, commanded them to be thrust into Prison; but such was the intenseness and desire of these Men to talk at this rate in these places, and they were so much tickled with the Glory which they placed therein, that they seemed to deliberate one with another, and to determine with Judgment for to pursue this matter, whatever Hatred, Trouble, or Mischief befel them and their Companions; therefore it was not only one, but many of them broke out in this manner, who were ever and anon assaulted and violently beaten for it, and indeed wounded in the croud, until they were thrust into Prison. At last the Magistrate calls all these Prisoners to an Account for their do­ings, which till then by reason of the Times and other necessary Circumstances, was omitted, but so, even as now things stood, their Examination was done in a mild, tender, and gentle manner, the Magistrate supposing, that many harsh things might be alleviated by gentle Animadversion and Forbear­ance; but those Prisoners made their Answers to the Magistrate not at all more submissively, but in a sharper manner, and as often as their Crime was laid to their charge, they would acknowledge and confess no Crime, and stifly vindicated what they had done, as what was Lawful and decent, and that they did not do them things of their own will, but according to the Will of God, and the Instinct and Admonition of his Divine Spirit, and the Examples of Holy Men, insomuch that the Obstinacy and Obdurateness of these Men prevailed; wherefore the Judges commanded them to be kept in Bonds by reason of their causing these Molestations and Disturbances, and for their perverse Manners and Obstinacy (and not for any other causes, as these Men by way of Complaint did alledge) Moreover [Page 114] the People were generally so irritated and exaspe­rated with hatred, wrath, and rage against them, that they set upon the Quakers every where, laid hands on them, beat, knock'd, and kick'd them, and that so far, that some of them rushed into their Houses, and haled Men out from thence, ransacked all that was therein, and omitted nothing that might gratifie their incensed Minds. Of them that were at this time in this City, were Audland and Camie, Howgil and Burroughs, and Naylor and Fox, whom we ought to have named first, as being always the first and with the foremost, as if there had been a Council called here, and that this were done about most weighty Affairs; which when the Magistrates came to know, because there was a Re­port made unto them, and that some had made Oath of it, that there were certain Franciscan Fryars come from Rome to London, who concealed them­selves under the name of Quakers, and deluded simple Men, and that there were many in this City of Bristol, who under colour of being Quakers, lurked there, and did pervert Men by their Artifices, they commanded these Men to appear before them: But they declared, that they did not know any thing concerning the coming of those Franciscans, and had nothing to do with those sort of Men, their Studies and Cheats, and complain grievously that they were laid under such vile Slanders and invidi­ous Crimes, and that such vile Personages as these were affixt upon them, who were honest Men, and who had so far withdrawn themselves from those idle Monks, and the whole Papacy; so they were discharged, till the Judges had got further Cogni­zance of this Truth, than what they had heard from the Reports of others; but because this O­pinion stuck in the Minds of most of the Citizens, that it was most certain, that such fallacious People wandered in these Places, the City Guard, and also many of the common People, run about, and search'd all places to see if they could light on any of this new sort of Men. Which thing did one day light [Page 115] upon many of the Quakers, among whom was Josiah Cole, a Person of Note in that Country. But here it was on the very same day that Christo­pher Birhead, an Inhabitant of this place, a Ship­wright and Mariner, a Man according as Time and Opportunity served, of a rude and rough disposi­tion, as those Men are wont to be, as if he were minded still further to stir up and exasperate the Populacy, that were already sufficiently moved and observing all things, and rather than extinguish their Fury, blow up the Coals, and raised it up, goes to the Church, and stands and loyters during the time of Prayer with his Hat on, which when a considerable Man of the City beheld, knowing what sort of a Man he was, he takes care to have him conducted from the Church to his own home, as fearing some Tumult might be raised by him; but he immediately returns, and when all things in the Church were over, cries out with a loud voice, pointing to the Minister, O thou Son of Pride, and so had gone on if some had not seized upon him; they therefore carry this Rascal before the Mayor of the City, who even for that time suffers him to go his ways, but commands him the day after to come before him, and when he came, he asked him, why he was yesterday so notoriously Impudent? He an­swered, That he had not done it imprudently, but justly, and defends the Fact with many hard and rough words, but winded them about that he might not come close to the matter in hand; so great was the Clemency of the Magistrates, that they would have even pardoned the Obstinacy of this Man, if he had but promised and received what they requi­red of him, that he would do no such thing any more. To which Proposals when he had detained and illuded the Magistrates for a long time with many impertinent words, and foreign from the matter in hand, and was no more moved with gentleness than with threats, they would not suffer such great Impudence and Obstinacy to go unpu­nished, and therefore they remanded the Man back [Page 116] to Prison. And because the Actions of those that were now in use and ordinary amongst them had escaped some time; others not content herewith, invented other unusual and extraordinary ways and actions; thus did Thomas Murford, a Man among the meanest degree of Men, of some account and understanding enough in his own Concerns, but ignorant of all others, had made for himself a Garment of Goats hair and Sheeps wool, and walked about in it up and down every where, and this with a design to rebuke the Pride of the People in Ap­parel and Dresses of the Body, and as a sign of the Punishment to ensue from God for it, unless they said the same aside and gave it over. Such another Garment did Sarah Goldsmith procure to be made for her self, to the end that being cloathed there­with, having her Hair dishevelled, dirt upon her Head, and so sufficiently nasty, she might go to every Gate of the City, and pass through all the Streets, and afterward sit in the Market-place in the view of all People, and that the Truth might be publick and made known there, and the true and real cause of the full and certain wrath of God, and an Example be given all People for the appea­sing thereof, and this for the space of six whole days: And so on the first very early in the Morn­ing, and being accompanied with two more, she goes to the Gates of the City, and passes through several Streets, but finding many People excited hereat, and pursuing of her, she turns home, and afterward at Nine of the Clock goes to the Market-place, being accompanyed only with one of her Companions afore spoken of, and a great croud of People at her heels, and stands still as a stock for half an hour, saying never a word; all sorts of Men, especially Boys, flock to her, and every one accord­ing to his Judgment, wonders, conjectures, enquires, what Woman was there, what new Habit that was, what she meant and would have by standing there, and by and by the mea [...]r sort, especially Boys, did every one together with their tongues use their hands, [Page 117] and did so jeer and entertain this Spectacle, that was thus adorned and furnished to receive the shock, (for such a Dress was of Old in use among Legier Ladies) that she did not know what to do, or which way to turn her self. At length comes a certain Person, who using all shifts, got her from the Mar­ket-place and Croud into a Shop, from whence she was by the Sergeants carried into the Court, whither some of the Aldermen came by and by, who, after they had examined her, why she had done such ri­diculous things? and when she had answered, That she obeyed the Light of her Conscience; and seeing that she seemed without all doubt to be Mad, and out of her Senses, and not fit to walk about in the Streets, they commanded her to be shut up in Pri­son; but the Quakers did again defend this Fact by the Examples of the Saints of the Old Testament, who according to the Command of God himself, by various and strange Methods informed the People of their Sins and the Divine Judgments: After this interval of time, the Quakers did again, and as it were, strive to gainsay the Preachers of God's Word in the Churches, some asked them Questions, and did interrupt them in the midst of their Ser­mons; of these last Benjamin Maynard was one, that brought up the Rear, in these words; In God's Name, Preacher, hold thy peace; so that where be­fore they stood the shock but of a few People, now it became an Habit in almost all to Assault them, and all these were thrown into Prison; with which Prisons some of them were yet not so far terrified, but that they used their way of babling and reviling even there also, and made it their business to de­fame, and heap up scandalous Reproaches upon the Credit, Fame, and Reputation of the Magistrates and Pastors of the Church, in their most bitter Letters to their Friends; such Practices as these might also be seen in other places; and these things did the Quakers of those Times extol as noble do­ings, and glorious actions, and to be imitated by others, and on the contrary did in their Pamphlets [Page 118] represent those things which these Men suffered for such Practises, as the most Criminal and bloody deeds of their Enemies. And indeed these things were done by Men of a depraved disposition, and not by the best of them, who may justly be called Ideots, for all of them were not guilty of it, they who were of better quality and disposition, their Leaders and Rulers, saving perchance one or two, or the like, and saving always Fox, did neither com­mit nor commend these sorts of little Fooleries, even as all this day, as far as they can avoid it, nei­ther do, nor admit of the same, and when they hear of such things transacted by their Sect, they say, they do esteem such Actions as the impulses and singular motions of those Men, and as it were the burning sparks of their Zeal, Love, or Desire, whereof there have been many instances in this kind in the Church, both in Ancient times, and within the memory of our Fathers; these things were transacted in the Years Fifty Four and Fifty Five; but some Quakers this last Year met at Eve­sham in Worcestershire, in the House of one Thomas Cartwright, to Celebrate their Divine Worship; when this came to be known, a certain Constable rushes into the House, and brings out Cartwright, and together with him under one labour, Humphrey Smyth, and carries them before certain Justices that were together in the same, and in company with Haphinch, the Minister of the Church, these after a long Debate and Contention with them, did at last promise to dismiss these Men, if they would engage and swear, that they would not meet again, but when they denyed that they neither would nor could do so, but would meet for such just ends as they had in hand, and would not confirm any man­ner of thing with an Oath; these Justices suppo­sing they had sufficient cause against them, they commanded them, as Persons intent upon Rebel­lion and disturbance of the Peace, to be lead to Prison: But some Quakers were so affected with the Misery of their own Imprisoned Friends, and [Page 119] mindful of them, as if they had been in Prison themselves, that they betook themselves to the Pri­son, and when they were not permitted to go in, they stand still without mute, to see if they could at least by their Sighs and Prayers obtain any relief from God; but whether Smyth by receiving of some sign, came to know that they were there present, or that he was stirred up thereunto of his own ac­cord, he at the same time with a loud voice falls to Prayer in the Prison; which when the Keeper and others that belonged to the Prison that were by chance there present, heard, they run to him, and being ready to do the Man a mischief, hal'd him from thence, and drive him down into another place under Ground, of the Nature of a Dungeon; those who were without repeat the same thing next day, and seeing that before they had held only a silent Meeting, one of them now, Thomas Woodren by Name, began to speak; the same Keeper, when he perceived this, goes out unto them in great Rage, and Commands them in a very rough and angry manner all to avoid the place, and to de­part: This they did, not because of his words, but of their own will and accord, and return again with­in a few hours after they had departed. The which as soon as Smyth in his Cell came to know, he calls and speaks to them, and they Discourse together: It was on a day wherein the Townsmen had been at their Religious Worship in the Church, and the hour wherein they were to depart from thence to their re­spective homes, and so some of them passed by that way where the Quakers were gathered together, and Woodren was speaking to them about their Concerns; but a certain Colonel lays hold on him, and brings him before the Mayor, and was thereupon by his Command sent into Prison to Smyth, and this Ma­gistrate was so angred and enraged against these Meetings, that he threatned them, if they offered to come together in that manner again, to Pillory, hang them, and what not; and because they were afraid, lest the Quakers persisted in that their pur­pose, [Page 120] they keep a Watch; but yet they proceeded to do as they were wont to do, and therefore they also were punished with Imprisonment; Smyth had some Pamphlets of the Quakers in his custody, these were taken from him, and burnt in the sight of the People in the Market-place. There had been a Law some time before made by the Protector Cromwel, wherein it was enacted under a severe Penalty, That none should Swear profanely, and more especially, not only to swear falsly, but that none should swear slightly, and for no cause, and by no means Profane the Holy Name of God. This Sta­tute was read before the People, but not set up, as the Custom was, on any Publick Place; the Quakers hence took occasion to Complain, that there were some among the Magistracy of this City, and so of the Nation, who themselves did grievously offend more than one way against so Holy a Consti­tution; for one was to be met with, who drove Men most lightly to take an Oath, when he must needs know, how great the wickedness of some Men was, and how that many might, and were wont to be brought to swear falsly, and to Perjure themselves with no more Conscience, than if they told an officious Lye; another there was, who him­self had no Religion, but confirmed ever and anon what he said, with an Oath, another that was a Drunkard; wherefore a certain Quaker fixt that Decree of the Protector on the Post of the Court, that it might be read by all; but this was pluck'd off by another: The Quakers did hereupon send their Petition concerning these things to the Pro­tector, and then was a Letter sent by the Mayor, Subscribed by Forty Hands besides, to him; they urge, that he would do them Justice, and that Cromwel's Decree might be put in execution, in pur­suance to which, both theirs and other mens Vices might be punished; but their Petitions had no such Effect as they expected, for they did indeed but disturb the Ears of the one with them, and so irri­tated the Minds of the others, that they brought a [Page 121] new Misfortune upon themselves, and did also ren­der the Cause of their Friends and Familiars the more difficult, and did besides aggravate the Bur­den of the same; upon which they afterward chose rather to contain themselves, and stir the less, and so be the less liable to danger. Towards the l [...]tter end of this Year, and almost the whole Year fol­lowing, George Fox and Edward Pyot, who had been a Captain before, and a Person well skilled in the Law of the Land, and could Argue well, and William Sault, underwent an hard and troublesom Imprisonment at Lanceston in Cornwal, because they had dispersed some Pamphlets concerning the Religion and Discipline of their Sect: For when at every Quarter Sessions they refused to un­cover their Heads, and to Swear Allegiance to the present Government (though they said, they em­braced the same in their Minds, and did not shun to declare it in naked works) out of a scrupulous and meerly an anxious care of Conscience, the Judges for these slight matters commanded them as often to be detained till the next Quarter Sessions. The Prisoners made grievous Complaints of the In­juries done them by the Justices of that Country, by whose Commands they were brought into that place, aggravating their words and deeds above measure by their captiousness, calumny, and wrest­ing of the same. In the mean time, as if Prison had not been appointed for to confine Men, but to punish them, the Gaoler, a merciless and inhumane Wretch, that never was taught Humanity, and al­way, conversant among Thieves, and for that reason stigmatized, than whom there was no one fitter for such a Servile Office, did treat and entertain these his Prisoners all the time in a barbarous and wicked manner; for he did not only defraud them of Food, and hinder their Friends to come to them, lest they should bring them any Victuals, which might seem to be the same thing as if he designed to destroy them, but also when he was swoln and frantick with Drink, would in a Rage fall upon them with [Page 122] his Hands, inveigh, insult, give them blows, and threaten to kill them. There were many other Quakers confined to this Prison, some because they came to Visit their Friends that were detained and confined in this place, others because they carryed their own Prohibited Books either about them, or gave them to others; some because they would not pull off their Hats with their own hands before the Magistrates, for some of them were brought to that pass (but what did little agree with their Do­ctrine and Discipline, seeing it matters not, whe­ther a Person does that himself, or suffers another to do it) that when they did themselves refuse to uncover their Heads, they did suffer the Officers, Sergeants, and others to do it: And these Quakers were used by this same Keeper in the same manner as the rest of them. But when these Men com­plained to the Magistrates of their Usage, and made known unto them the wrongs that were done them, and that the Keeper did not only deny the whole thing, but brought a quite contrary Accusation a­gainst them, as if the Prisoners studied to oppress and kill him and his whole Family: It was he, and not they that was believed, and so he went free and unpunished, but these were more strictly confined and afflicted with more stripes, so that some of them, besides what they might have done through want, the stench and filthiness of other nasty and unclean Prisoners (for it was a Common Prison, full of such Nastiness, as is not to be named with­out saving your Reverence, and had not been emp­tied for a Year's space) contracted Sickness through these new Miseries, and one of them, called John Iagram, fell so ill, that at length he died there. At last, when the Quakers complained, that the Minds of the Magistrates were so prejudiced, that there was no room left for their Lamentations, no en­trance for Truth, and that that Tormentor, the Gaoler, dealt with them as he pleased; General Desborough (by this Name alone do the Quakers, who have composed this History at large, distinguish [Page 123] and notifie the Man, being herein a little subtil or civil, and officious, in that they have not rendred the Name of a Person that was most kind to them, and one of their Patrons, more explicitly and at large) interposes himself for the decision of the Cause and Controversie in hand, and having searched into all Matters relating thereunto, he so unravelled the business, that it was ordered, the Quakers should not be injured nor wronged, and that they should have greater Enlargement and Freedom; and not long after this, they were freed from their Bonds and Misery: But notwithstanding the remembrance hereof among so great a multitude of People, there were not some wanting, who through their Levity and Fooleries, contracted to themselves and the whole Society of them great Envy, Trouble, and Affliction: For at London, on the Morning of a certain day, there were some of them, but such as were of the meaner and more abject sort, that went half naked, and only clad with a Shirt, and preached to the People; from whence arose the Suspicion, Fame, Discourse, and Accusation, that the Quakers were all of them such a sort of wan­dring, naked, fantastical People, like unto the Old Anabaptists of Munster, and this gave cause and occasion for their being handled severely more than once, as such uneasie and turbulent Persons. More­over, seeing there was in these Times not a few be­sides the Quakers, that expected, though they scarce knew what that Fifth Monarchy, and the new Reign of Christ alone was, which should destroy all the Kingdoms of Men, and made themselves ready for it, and who had their Arms in a readiness for to Invade this Kingdom (which sort of Men, even our Country of Holland and Church hath seen to spring up from it self, and we do very well know and remember it) there were also some found a­mong the Quakers, who, whether knowingly, or unwittingly, began some such thing as looked like such an Imperious Mode; from whence the Qua­kers were again brought under Suspicion, that they [Page 124] also were such a sort of Men, and hence they came to be called, if not universally, yet many of them, by the Name of Monarchical Men, and if any such thing happened amongst them, they were severely used for it. And that I may say this by the by, it's most certain that the most learned Men in our Provinces have attributed and ascribed such Errors as these the Quakers, and could not be driven from it, notwithstanding all the Endeavours of the Quakers by word and writing to divert them from harbouring such an Opinion concerning them; but because I would pass over such Instances of the Matter in hand as are of lesser note, I would give you a Narration of the true History of James Naylor, which some have related not as an History, but as a Fable, being used to lay hold on every twig, and to make a story of the matter: The bu­siness happened in the Year Fifty Six, and thus it was. Naylor had been first a Foot Soldier, and af­terward an Horseman in the Parliament's Army; when he was weary of this sort of Life, he began to look about for an easier way of Living, and so retiring to his Native City, he betook himself to the Communion and Fellowship of the Quakers, wherein when he had in a short time, together with great Commendations of his Knowledge, gained a great Opinion of his Probity among his Party, he became very dear unto all of them: But such is the Weakness and Imbecillity of almost all Men, that after they have wished for and coveted the Applause and Observance of others, and have obtained it, that they bear the same immoderately: Naylor, af­ter he saw the Love and Good-will of his Party un­to him, was so much taken up with it, and over­valued himself hereupon. He was invited by Let­ters from John Stranger and Ann his Wife, as also by Thomas Simonson and his Wife Martha, to come into the City of Bristol, and to dwell with them; in which Letters they dignified him with these very Elogies, which every body knows to whom, and to whom alone they do belong; which was to this [Page 125] purpose, That he was the fairest among Ten Thou­sands, the only begotten Son of God, the Prophet of the most High, the King and Judge of Israel, the E­ternal Son of Righteousness, the Prince of Peace, Jesus, in whom was the hope of Israel. Naylor with a few Friends go on Horseback towards Bristol; and so these Friends coming to hear of his Journey and Approach, as did also some other Men and Wo­men, they, while the rest waited for him in the City, and in their Houses, go out of the City full of Joy and Gladness for to meet him, some on Horseback, and others on Foot, and so marching both before and behind him on foot, bring him into the City; those Women which I have named before, as also Dorcas Erbury, spreading part of their Clothes on the way, and crying aloud, and repeat­ing that Sentence, which the Multitude used as the Scripture witnesseth, to our Saviour, as he entred Jerusalem, Hosanna to the Son of David, blessed is he that cometh in the Name of the Lord; as also, The Holy Jehovah and Lord of Hosts; while one of their Fraternity, Jurian Witgorley by Name, was in the mean time chiding and blaming of the rest of them for their Ignorance and Folly, in worshipping of the Man; Naylor being thus accompany'd, is brought into the City, and goes into the House of two Men, who were already before entred into his Brother­hood and Society; there manifold Honours are done him by the whole Company, and Ann Stranger with a few more, being forward to do their utmost in Entertaining of the Man, fall down before him, and stretching out their hands in a suppliant man­ner to his Feet, kiss them; all which doings Naylor was so far from rejecting, that he took much Plea­sure therein. When these things were known through the City, and that a Concourse of People came to the House from all parts of the Town, there were Persons forthwith sent by the Mayor, who hal'd Naylor to Prison, as contemning the present Go­vernment, which must not go unpunished, or af­fecting Novelty, and carrying the marks and [Page 126] semblance thereof before him. And that I may pass over what intervened between, I shall rehearse briefly what followed: Naylor was sent to the Par­liament, who appointed a Committee to make In­quisition into the matter. Naylor being summoned to Answer for himself, and asked concerning the Epistles and Titles ascribed unto him in them, as also concerning the Submission and Supplication of the Women to him, being not willing to deny the Fact, he constantly and boldly answered as to the way and manner how these things might be attri­buted to him, to wit, not as he was a Creature, but as Christ dwelt in him, and maintained that God had so far enjoyned those Persons to do it, and that he had permitted the same to be done to him; these things being over, the Committee bring him in Guilty in their Report to the Parliament, which when they had expended the matter again with great care and diligence, they adjudged Naylor to be guilty of great Blasphemy against God, and of Seducing Men, and ordered the Punishment of such Wickedness in this manner: Naylor was brought into the New Palace-Yard in Westminster, and there aloft set in the Pillory, so as he might be seen of all that were there, for the space of two hours, and then he was from thence carryed to the Old Ex­change, and between both the places was well whip­ped; and then two days after, was in this same place Pillory'd again for so many hours as before, and had his Tongue bored through with an hot Iron, and his Forehead marked with the Letter B. as a Mark and Testimony that might always re­main there of his Blasphemy; and after he had been thus handled at London, he was sent to Bristol, and there in the open Market-place set on Horse­back, but with his Face to the Horses Tail, naked, and whipped also as before; and at length after all, was carryed again to London, and there committed to Bridewel, where, if he was minded to eat, he was obliged to earn it with his own hands: He had the first day of his Whipping three hundred lashes [Page 127] given him, and them so severely, that his Sides and all his Waste was so slashed and torn, that his Bowels did almost gush out; for that very day wherein Naylor suffered his Punishment, the De­puties of several Counties had put up their Petitions to the Parliament, that the Quakers might be sup­prest, as most troublesom and intolerable, where­ever they were, whithersoever they came, and di­sturbed all places. On the contrary, many of Nay­lor's stedfast Friends in this uncertain Affair Peti­tion the Parliament on the same day, that they would be pleased to remit what remained yet be­hind of their Sentence, in respect to the Punish­ment of Naylor: And thus far they did prevail, that the Punishment he was to suffer the next day, should be protracted. The Parliament sent to Naylor five Ministers, one of which was Edward Reynolds, afterwards the Famous Bishop of Nor­wich, to sound his Mind, and to induce him to confess and acknowledge his Offence, and to re­cant it, but he with the same Constancy and For­titude as he had used before in making his Defence, did now also persevere in his Opinion; from whence when he might otherwise have procured Favour in the sight of the House, he was now by their Com­mand ordered to suffer the remainder of his Sen­tence; while these things were transacted, there were some of Naylor's Friends, both Men and Wo­men, who were punished with Imprisonment at Exeter, because that all of them, as Naylor had done, endeavoured to divert the Crime laid to their Charge with their frivolous Excuses and Exceptions. But to return to Naylor, the second time that he stood in the Pillory, one Robert Rich, from among the great multitude of Spectators, who was a spe­cial Friend of Naylor's, with two Women, get up to him, and stand about him; then Rich pulled a Paper out of his Bosom, and set it upon his Head, wherein was written these words, This is the King of the Jews. Rich being thrust from that place with the Women who were his Companions in [Page 128] that mad Prank, when Naylor was stigmatized with an hot Iron in the Forehead, and not running of his own accord, but haled, held Naylor with his hand while the Brand was a doing, and presently after licks the Wound with his Tongue, as if it had been some Sacred and Religious thing; though in­deed Naylor always excused himself herein, that he did nothing to an ill intent and purpose, or suf­fered to be done unto him; but did always, and particularly then, when that was done unto him, condemn him for his Folly, that he had so much vain and foolish Honour done him by the People, and that he suffered justly and deservedly for that Crime and Offence, and acknowledged that he was under the Vindictive hand of God for it; and 'tis a wonderful thing that amidst so many, and such great Torments, he was not heard to pour out the least sigh or groan: Besides, while all these things were doing, many of the Quakers sent Letters daily to Naylor, and did incessantly rebuke him, that he would be so audacious, as to do such a Wickedness, and to advise and exhort him, that he would do his utmost to correct and amend his Fault, and at length forsake it. Though either these very Advi­sers, or others of that Society, did again as well as Naylor, defend all that was done of Naylor, by publick Papers, and concerning Naylor by his Friends, and for this purpose they alledged divers Sayings and Examples of the Holy Scripture, and would adapt them for the Proof hereof. And in­deed Naylor did continue all the remainder of his days in the same manner affected towards the Re­ligion of the Quakers, and also wrote Books, where­by he endeavoured to promote his and their Reli­gion among other People. I have said before, that George Fox and his Followers were clapped up in Prison, and detained there for a long time, because of their publishing and dispersing of their Libels and Pamphlets among the Common People: Fox in another Pamphlet did so clear himself of all Crime herein, that he affirmed, that there was nothing else [Page 129] taught in those Pamphlets, but that it was the Duty of all Men aright to consider the Light that shone in their Consciences; and that he might extenuate the Suspicion had of them, he so exaggerates and amplifies their Sufferings, as if the cry of his and his Friends Blood reached up even as far as Heaven, and drew on the Anger and Vengeance of the Al­mighty upon them for it. Just at this time, when Fox was not yet set free from his Imprisonment and the Afflictions he complained of, which he cryed out were so hard, and not to be endured, came a Pamphlet abroad at London, without any Name indeed to it, yet without all doubt George Fox was the Author thereof. That Libel opened and ex­plained the causes why, and for which the Quakers ought to refuse, deny, and reject these Earthly Teachers, by whom they meant the Ministers of the Publick Churches: The Author did in that Li­bel blame and accuse all Pastors and Teachers upon the same foot without distinction, as of other Vices, so of Falsity, Deceivings, Frauds, Lyes, in as much as that they pursued Lyes for Gain or Fa­vour, and for Covetousness sake brought Men to their bow with hypocritical words, and adulterated the Holy Scriptures; yea, that they were guilty of Enchantment, Magick, and Necromancy. The Ac­cuser ought to have a good Memory, and take heed, lest while he is falsly and foolishly Accusing of o­thers, he do give occasion for himself to be derided of Men, and be very nigh a-kin to the very same Crime he lays to their charge. The thing it self manifests that the Author of this Libel had an evil purpose therein, in that they also blamed, and se­verely carped at these things in their Adversaries, because they said, that the Gospels of Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John, were the Gospel; that they said, the Gospel was light, the Scripture saying, that Christ was the Light; the Apostle taught, that the Bodies of Believers were the Temples of God, and of the Holy Spirit, but that they taught, that those Temples were Steeple-Houses, and material Build­ings, [Page 130] which were made of Stone and Wood; and many such things there were, not spoken, but writ­ten cunningly for to stir up the ignorant Multitude, and provoke Men of a wicked and evil Disposition by these Practices, which were not much different from a Malignant Spirit, and flagitious lust of Mind, or furious Rage and Madness; and thus did these Men again and again stir up the Envy, Wrath, and Hatred of their Adversaries. Moreover, seeing that the same Men, especially being encited there­to by these Heralds and Enticers, did not only not cease, but went on more and more in their rash ways, and inconsiderate boldness, not only to Preach about, and to direct their Discourses to People in the Markets, and such like places, but also to in­terrupt the Ministers Preaching in the Churches, with their inveighing Interruptions and Bablings, or afterwards to make a noise, excusing themselves at the same time, according to their usual manner, with this one Sentence constantly, That they were excited by the Spirit hereunto. Hence all sorts of Men increased in Indignation and Bitterness against them, and Severity in Punishing of them. This happened from the Year Fifty Six, for the two fol­lowing Years. For so indeed it came to pass, that not only they who spoke what they pleased in Pub­lick places, but even they also who were not wont to go hear the Sermons usually preached in the Churches, or had Sermons of their own in their own Houses, were some of them fined, some cast into Prison, some whipped, and then forbid their Homes, and thrust into Banishment, of whom some were so stiff and obstinate, being as it were Conquerors over Fear and Pain, that they returned again (one was George Bayley, who came back twice) who were as often whipped for the same; the same was done in the Towns of Sherborn, Long­horton, &c. and in Dorchester, the chief Town of the County it self. The Quakers wrote, that the Ministers of the Churches themselves did not only in their Sermons that were adapted to stir up and [Page 131] inflame the People, excite the Magistrates, and more especially the credulous and headlong Multi­tude, so far, as that they should either drive away the Quakers, or hinder them to hold their Meetings, but also that they did come themselves among those that were armed, for to disturb their Meetings, as well among the Publick Guard as the Promiscuous Multitude; but there are no deeds so much noted and enlarged upon by them in all the Monuments of their Writings, as those done by the Scholars and Students of the University of Oxford against them: If the Quakers did at any time enter into the Churches, they fell upon and severely treated them for their boldness in coming to the sight of those Youths, who were themselves most bold and ready for all wanton tricks. As often as the Quakers held their Conventicles, and that it came to the Ears of these Students, they flew thither, and hal [...]d and thrust the Men out of Doors, and there tossed them backward and forward, and tormented them all the ways they could; but if they could not con­veniently get in, they broke the Doors and Win­dows, but when they could not, or would not do that, they stood about the House, and there recei­ved them as they came out as before; and this also was a small matter with them; there were some of them who were furnished with Pipes and Tobacco (an Herb well known, and so called from him who first shewed the use of it) and Ale, of which they themselves did not only sip often, but also reached the same to the Quakers, and upon their refusing thereof, yea, saying nothing at all to the matter, and as it were silently sipping up and digesting all that Affliction, they poured the Drink down the Throats of the People, and upon their Cloaths, struck them, pulled them by the Nose, and tore their Beards, that they might force them to speak something to them. But these vile doings were yet but little in their Eyes; there were some of them, who run upon, and trod them under their Feet, who discharged Muskets at them, and threw [Page 132] Squibs and Serpents, as they call them, which flew and burnt their Cloaths where ever they touched them; others brought Mastiff Dogs with them, and set them on, not only to bark at the People, but to fly at them, and bite them; some of them when they went away, took the mens Goods along with them, and when the Quakers made Complaint of these Mischiefs and Injuries done them to their Tutors and Professors, they were deaf to them, and took them but as so many Tales told them. And indeed they suffered such great and so many Evils, that unless these Men had written concern­ing the same openly to the World, and that none did ever refel and confute what was written by them hereupon, they could not be believed: Such things also as these, they complained were done unto them by the Students in Cambridge, and this they set forth in Print. While these things were transacted, Oliver Cromwel died, being the Year One Thousand Six Hundred Fifty and Eight, on the Third Day of September, at Three of the Clock in the Afternoon, of a Tertian Ague, after he had had a severe Fit of it. This Man had the boldness to arrogate to himself so great a Power in all the three Kingdoms, that of Old were esteemed to be another World, that all things were governed and managed according to his Pleasure alone, having rejected the Name of King, and assuming that of Protector, that he himself might be the more pro­tected from all Hatred and Envy. Under the Go­vernment of whose Son Richard, which was but very short, and not managed with that Industry as his Father had done, nor administred with that Moderation that he shewed, so as that neither his Authority had lessened the Peoples Love to him, nor the Favour of the People his Gravity, the Qua­kers Affairs begun daily to grow worse and worse, while both on the one side and the other the Qua­kers were hurried on with greater boldness; and those who opposed, with greater Cruelty. And seeing there are very many Instances extant, and [Page 133] such as are very memorable, yet because we would shun satiety, and that I find the same creeping on, I shall dispatch the matter in a few words. Seeing there were now more Persons among the Quakers than before, who uttered their vain Ribaldry and Bablings, even in the Churches, and while the Mi­nisters were in the midst of their Sermons, so there were also other Men that were more animated and forward to do nothing with Deliberation, so that the Quakers for that reason were much more se­verely punished, especially in Wales, and some parts of Pembrokeshire. There was at London a certain Man, whose Name was Solomon Eccles, a Man void, not of Understanding, but of all Shame and Fear, who began such a deed, that it's very strange that the same Quaker himself should be willing to Re­cord it, and put the matter beyond all doubt, and maintain it besides in the very same Pamphlet, and thereby shew that no Fact can be feigned, be it ne­ver so foolish and rash, which some would not at least do, and not commend as a right and laudable thing, to be committed against those whom they so much complained of, in respect to the wrongs and injuries done unto them. I shall take the thing from the beginning: This Man was a Musician, and could Sing and Play very well, having been Instru­cted in this Art and Science by his Father and Grandfather, and did by it maintain both himself and his Family very genteelly and plentifully: It was believed he could Yearly by Teaching of others, and by Playing, get no less than Two Hundred Pounds Sterling. But he had a mind to change this sort of Life, and to get into the Fellowship of the Quakers, and so experience another way of Li­ving; and so he first sells his Books, and all his Mu­sical Instruments at a great rate, as being now use­less and noxious to him; but afterwards bethink­ing himself, that they might be hurtful to others as well as to him, and that he ought not, if he could avoid it, suffer any to be injured at the ex­pence of his Profit and Conveniency, he buys them [Page 134] back again of those to whom he had Sold them, for the same Money, and when he had so done, he gathered them all together, and goes with them directly to Tower-Hill, and having there set up a Pile of Wood, and fired it at Noon day, he does in the sight of many People commit to the Flames, and burn all these Excellent and Precious Instru­ments and Books altogether, as being a means to draw Men to be idle, to promote a Lascivious Life, and as stings to their Lusts, and commands all Men to take Pattern by him, and shun and curse all such vain and profane Arts. So great was the Zeal of this Man for his new Religion, and so great was his Anger and the fervour of his Mind against the Pub­lick Religion of the Kingdom, that he could not forbear, but must go upon every new, bold, and rash Act, whereof above others this is a most me­morable Instance.

When the People were met together in Alder­manbury Church, for to Celebrate the Lord's Supper, this Man came thither, having furnished himself first with a Sack full of Shooe-maker's Ware, so that now from a Musician he was turned Shooe-maker, and partly a Cobler, to that end that he might go into the Church, and there in the croud, before that the Minister had got into the Pulpit, might Act somewhat of the part of a Shooe-maker: And so that he might not be put out, he had taken care to get very timely and secretly into the Church, and hid himself there in some place. Afterward when they were singing of Psalms, he rushes up, and draws nigh unto the Table, and stood with his Hat on, looking about to see how he might get up into the Pulpit; but when he could not find a way to it, he determines with himself to get up to the top of the Altar, and there to do his business; but as the croud was also here in his way and ob­structed him, and that he in the mean time was diligently considering of every thing about him, and standing all the time with his Hat on, while all the rest were singing, some of them when the [Page 135] Psalm was ended take his Hat off his Head, and deliver it into his Hand: He put it on again; ano­ther pulls him by the Hair, and takes it off a se­cond time; then comes the Clerk, and notwith­standing his Refractoriness and Contempt of Reli­gious things, leads him away gently; but he be­lieving, and being much assured that the Spirit of God would have him do this, he had contrived and projected, seeing he had failed of his purpose this day, returns thither the next Lord's Day, fully animated, as he thought, with Divine and Heaven­ly Zeal, and when he was now come nigh, and that the Minister was going up into the Pulpit, he drives forwards, and being as it were stung with Fury, rushed headlong over the Peoples Seats, and briskly gets up into the Pulpit, pulls out his Shooe-maker's Tools, and begins to sow: Upon which comes up a strong hardy Man, and thrusts the Beast down, where being received by many below better than he deserved, does notwithstanding struggle and en­deavour to get up again into the same place, until at length being driven out of the Church, after he had been sufficiently insulted over by the Boys, and received some blows, he was carryed before the Lord Mayor, who orders him, as being an Instru­ment of such notorious Impieties, and come not from the dregs of the People, but from an Hog­stye, and fit for such a place, into such another, and as being unworthy the use of the Light, there to be kept in Chains and Darkness. I shall say more of this Man in another place. And now seeing that in the City of London, and every where else, the Quakers Meetings were forbid, and constantly hindered, as is wont to be done to such Conventicles, the Soldiers did many times, being accompanied with the next Neighbours, between whom other­wise there is no strict Union and Conjunction commonly in England, break into the Quakers Houses, even when they were gathered together in a Religious manner, and without fraud, and took and carryed away some of them, spoiled others of [Page 136] their Cloaths, others they punched, beat, and drag­ged by the hair of the Head, and handled some of them in such a manner, that they seemed to be left for dead by them. A great many Men with a multitude of Boys got together at a place called Sabridford in Heresordshire, and twice set upon the Quakers, while they were peaceably attending at their Devotion, and besides the opprobrious words they used to them, added all the Obscenity and Wickedness almost that could be: For they broke the Windows, Walls, and Posts of the Door, laid hold on the Men, threw Stones at them, stinking rotten Eggs, Dirt, and even Humane Excrements, which Men do not care to see, much less to handle, risted them, and rent and tore their Cloaths, and tormented them other ways. And when the Qua­kers alledged these things, and made them plainly to appear before the Magistrates, they complained that there were none of those Rioters either called, much less made an Example of. Such things might be daily seen, not only in some, but in all Coun­ties; but while these things were doing, these Men supposing that their Complaints would be to no purpose before these Inferiour Magistrates, they Address themselves to the Supream Assembly of the Nation, and set forth in their Petitions, That for six Years last past, there were within the Kingdom of England, above a Thousand and Nine Hundred Persons of their Society shut up in Prisons, and that there were yet this Year an Hundred and Forty of them so confined, and that One and Twenty had died there, adding the Names of each of them withal, the places where they suffered, and the causes for which every one suffered; in demonstra­ting of which they could not yet leave off their old way of Accusation, as well by concealing the greater Crimes, and more notorious Offences that had brought many of them under such Confine­ments as by aggravating and exaggerating too much the many lighter Evils which they suffered, and often-times taking and amplifying a light Scratch, [Page 137] a Pinch, and blue Spot, for a grievous Torment, and bloody Wound; which two things seem to me may be well observed in most of the Monuments which these Men have left of their Sufferings, for indeed I cannot allow that these Authors have been so often used by their Adversaries (as they say) so as that they were left for half dead, for no Ex­ample can be produced by them of any of their Deaths the same moment, or in a short time after, and when all of them, even then when they are at best, seem to be half dead, and without their Senses; nor this, that they should so often speak loosely and ambiguously, and use those Forms, to which their Cases and Law-Suits are accommodated, which they themselves also understand to be the Gins and Snares of the Fact and Law, and which George Fox in such cases as these calls huge Monsters, whose Mouths are as wide as Hell: It is a much greater sign of Community and Communion, to make the Misfortunes of our Enemies one with our own, and to look upon their Calamities as if they befel our selves; but seeing that in time some out of such a Number of the Quakers as were shut up in Pri­sons, by reason of the languishing of their Bodies, could not hold out as they would, and others grew very sick, and besides very low in their Spirits, when this came to be known among all the other Qua­kers, every one began to look upon, and take care, not so much of himself as of another and the whole Society, and so every one offered himself, if it might be allowed, to go and Ransom those sick and infirm Friends and Companions from that wretched place, and to become Prisoners in their room; and having at a certain time resolved hereupon, an Hun­dred and Sixty Four of these Men, of their own accord, and without being stirred thereunto by other Exhortations, go all together to the Parlia­ment, and Present this Humble Petition unto them, drawn by George Fox, (who was not yet himself one of these Sureties) in this rude style, many of them at the same time speaking to him against it, [Page 138] and desiring that some Words and Sentences therein might be amended (which was told me by a Prin­cipal Man among, and one that was of the number of those Sureties) and after it was written down as he dictated, they subscribed every one their Names to it. Friends, You that are called the Parliament of this Nation, we, out of the Love we bear to our Bre­thren, that are in Prisons, Bridewels, and Iron Chains, beaten severely by merciless Officers, fined, and pu­nished to Death, and dying in their Imprisonments, seeing that now many of them lie sick, lying upon Straw, we give up our selves and ours unto you, that you may shut up us like Sheep in the Prisons, Bride­wels, Litter, and Sinks of those our Brethren, and we are ready as so many Sacrifices to go into their places, out of the Love which we bear unto them, for we cannot choose but be ready to lay down our Lives for our Brethren, and take those Torments upon our selves, which you have prepared for them; neither can we, when our Brethren suffer, choose but feel our selves the same thing, even as Christ has said, he suf­fered and was afflicted; and this indeed is our Love towards God, and Christ, and our Brethren, which we owe both to them, and to our Enemies, who are al­so the lovers of your Souls, and of your Eternal Sal­vation; and if ye will take our Bodies, which we offer for our Brethren, who are Imprisoned because they have preached the Truth in many places, refused to pay Tythes, met together in the fear of God, have not sworn, stood with their Hats on, because they have been looked upon as Vagabonds, when they have gone to visit their Friends, and such like; we whose Names are under written, wait for your Answer in the great Hall of Westminster, to the end we may be satisfied in this our desire, and manifest our Love to our Friends, and remove the Judgment and Vengeance that hangs over our Enemies. The Parliament did indeed re­ject this Petition, but seeing these Men were affe­cted with so much Pity and Concern for the Mise­ries of their Friends, and that they themselves were so nearly touched with a sense of so many Evils [Page 139] and Miseries, it had this further Effect, that other Men seeing such great Affection of Heart between them, and so great Courage and Constancy in bear­ing any Miseries, they began to judge more favoura­bly of them, and many daily joyned themselves to their Society and Community. Moreover, what these Petitioners and Deprecators of these Miseries and Dangers complained of in this their Humble Petition to the Parliament, as also in that men­tioned a little before concerning their Brethren, that there was so many of them shut up in Prisons, and that some of them were so severely and hardly used, some perished under the weight and pressure of their Afflictions, was so true, that there was scarce any Common Gaol, or such like places, where­in Felons and Criminals were kept, which could not very manifestly bear Testimony to the Complaints of these Men. Now, for the remainder of the Year Sixty, until King Charles the Second his Coming in, these Men had no better Fortune; for during that time the Soldiers in many Countries, following the heels of their Commanders, break into the Hou­ses of these Men, whilst they kept their Meetings, and drive them out with Muskets and Swords, in some places discharging their Muskets upon them, and wounding them, or struck them with their Hands, and kicked them, or pulled them by the hair of the Head, and sometimes after they had ha­led them out of their Houses, drove them into the Water. Sometimes the Soldiers came alone, and being asked, by whose Command they came, and what Authority they had? And answering, That their Warrant was in their Pockets, they fell upon them, and did them violence, ransacked all things, or took them away, and turned them to their own Use, though many times it was but little, that these Burglars and Sharers carryed away, though they did not only not spare the Houshold Goods of the richer sort, but also seized upon whatever they had in their Possession of other things, seeing they had mostly nothing of their own, but what was necessary [Page 140] for daily use for the support of their Bodies. The Students in the University of Cambridge had not yet sufficiently insulted over, and exercised their Rage against the Quakers; they therefore at this time reassumed their former Licentiousness, Wan­tonness, and Impudence, and did not alone, but accompanied with the Populacy and meaner sort of People, that are ready for all audacious, facinorous and vile doings several times, but more especially thrice break into the Quakers Meeting, and Assault them, after they had broke the Locks and Doors with great Hammers, and break all things with their Hands and Feet to pieces, frighten some of the Men away, use others basely, and throw Dirt and such like filth in their Faces, beat others with sticks tear their Cloaths, prick and wound them with Knives, till the Blood gushed out, others they haled cruelly by the hair of the Head, and having so done, let them down and soaked them in Ditches, and the Kennels of the Streets; neither did they spare any of them, had no regard to any Age, nor Sex, nor Degrees of Men, for when an Alderman came to them the second time they were engaged in this Work, to hinder them to proceed, they thrust him into the Water-course of the City, and abused not the Man only, but the Dignity also; and so the last time, when some of the Justices of the Peace dis­swaded them from such Practices in the King's Name (because the King some days before had been Proclaimed publickly) and that others also stood by, and urged them to desist, they for all that go on. There were besides at this time also many of these Men by the Magistrates Command haled from the Conventicles, and shut up in Prisons, whipped, and sent into Banishment, as wicked Men and Va­gabonds, from which People they thought their present Danger might arise. In the mean time the Soldiers, which were thus placed every where in Garrison, or wandered up and down the Country, that the Quakers could reside no where but as it were within their Camps, did so Ravage these Men [Page 141] at their pleasure, that no Person, nor House, nor Goods could be safe, nothing so well fortified and defended, that was not exposed to their Fury, and became a Prey to their Rage. And the Quakers made no less Complaint of the Officers than they did of the Soldiers, because they did not restrain their Insolence, and punish them for their Wicked­ness; but they did more especially complain of Ge­neral Lambert, whom, they said, was a great Ene­my to their Sect. Which Person however some Years after, when we went to visit in the Company of an Honourable Person, being then kept a Priso­ner in a certain Castle in the County of Devon, we found he was not so averse to the Sect of the Qua­kers, and such sort of Men. All sorts of Men, both learned and unlearned, had to this time written and published Books and Pamphlets against the Quakers; all these, which were an Hundred and Fifteen in all, Fox in the Year Fifty Nine gathered together, and digested in Order into one Book, and did partly refute them, and scoffed at the rest, as being some of them not written in any serious man­ner: At the same time the Quakers put out a Pam­phlet, wherein they recounted, what every Mini­ster of the Publick Church throughout England had done against every one of their Society, how they had handled them, with the Name and Sir­name of every one of them, at what time George Monk, General of all the Armies of Britain, put an end to this Evil by a Proclamation, that none should injure the Quakers, provided they demeaned themselves dutifully towards the Common-wealth; I have given an Account of the Afflictions and Per­secutions of these Men in England, and have pro­duced various Instances of every kind concerning their Troubles; and now these Quakers shew them­selves in Scotland, behaving themselves here as in all other places where they came, being often-times very vexatious and troublesom in the Publick Meetings and Conversations of Men, in the Markets, in the Churches, and that either before, or after, or while [Page 142] they were at their Solemn Prayers and Prea­ching, neither did they only confound Speakers and Hearers, and made them dissatisfied with their Meeting together, or exercise of their Religion, but as often as they were taken, and did not beg Pardon for the fault committed, they were handled in the same manner as they had been in England, many of them being Imprisoned, some whipped, and o­thers banished: This was a thing very singular and strange in this Country, and among this Nation; there was a Law made at Glascow in the General Assembly, that no Quaker should be cherished and relieved by any Member of the Reformed Church, and that no Person should have any Commerce with them, or make use of their Labour, and Em­ploy them, under the Penalty of being Excommu­nicated; and by this means these wretched People were forced to seek for other, though uncertain, Abodes, or else to perish through extream want. Notwithstanding which Law, which the Quakers cryed, was by no means made with a Christian Temper, but was a barbarous Rite, and the Effects of Cruelty, when their Affairs seemed to have been brought to the utmost danger, they did so struggle with these Difficulties, that they even increased in Number day by day. Neither must we pass over in silence, that those two Men, John Swinton and David Barclay, did at this time go off to the Qua­kers, who, because both of them were very Famous and Renowned, first, among all the Scots, and af­terwards among the Quakers, I cannot pass it over, but must here insist a little upon it. John Swinton was of a good Family, and at first well deserving of the Common-wealth, having his Name from the Place whereof he was Lord; when King Charles the Second fled from England, and was received and crowned by the Scots, this Swinton was a Member of the General Assembly then, as also of the Par­liament, and then it was that the said King Solemnly swore, he would preserve the Church of Scotland as then established inviolable; but when the King [Page 143] afterward changed his Faith, and endeavoured to promote the Function and Rule of Bishops, and that now both Nations were at deadly and Intestine Wars one with another, and that the Members in Parliament took into Deliberation what they should do with the King, Swinton said, it was his Opinion, that they should reject the King's Interest, and be at Peace and Amity with the English, by which Speech when Swinton found that he had much ex­asperated the Minds of all of them, and being afraid of the Danger, withdraws from the Parlia­ment, and with all Expedition flies to his Estate in the Country, which was not far from the Frontiers of England, and cunningly contrives it, that he had fallen into the hands of the English Soldiers; these carry him to London: when the English had over­come the Scots, the English Parliament appoint this Man, that was so Faithful to their Church and Country, together with others, to Govern the Af­fairs of Scotland. But while Swinton tarryed at London he contracted Acquaintance and Familiarity with the Quakers, and afterward became of their Society: When the King was restored and come over, Swinton, who was then at London, though he was not ignorant how angry the King was with him, yet he staid there, trusting to a good Conscience, that he had discharged his Duty to the Publick without any private Enmity against the King. There the King Commands him to be seized and carryed into Scotland, to the end that he might be put to Death; when he was brought before the Parliament, and being allowed the free­dom to defend himself, he did so Plead his own Case, and by his Eloquence allay the Anger and Fury of all the Members, that they did acquit him from his Capital Crime, and only confined him Prisoner to the Castle of Edenburgh, where he con­tinued for some Years. David Barclay was a Gen­tleman of Scotland, and descended from the An­cient and Illustrious Family of the Barclays, of which these Men have not only reported of them­selves, [Page 144] but it has also been asserted by others, that they have not only proceeded from so Noble, Great, and Ancient a Stock, but also that they were a-kin to the Royal Family; this same Gentleman using his Nobleness not for a Veil to Sloath and Idleness, but as fewel and an incitative to Industry and Ver­tue, after he had from his Childhood given himself up to the Exercise of the Liberal Arts and Sciences, and finding that in the doubtful Affairs of his Country he could not find room for his Studies, he betook himself to the German Wars, and was first a Captain in the Swedish Army, and in some time came to be a Colonel; but after that the English had enforced their Government in Scotland, he re­turns to his own Country, and he is together with Swinton and other Nobles appointed for the Go­vernance of it; and is sent for to London, that he might be present at the making and establishing of the League between both Kingdoms; but in process of time, when King Charles was restored, he is committed Prisoner to the Castle of Eden­burgh to his old Friend Swinton, and not long after gave himself over in Company with Swinton to the Sect of the Quakers; this David Barclay was the Father of Robert Barclay, who if not the only, yet was the most memorable of the Latin Writers a­mongst all the Quakers. In Ireland, Howgil and Burroughs, the fore-runners of this Sect, were sent back from Cork into England by the Command of Henry Cromwel, who then governed that Kingdom by the Title of Lord-Deputy; and when after they were gone, Ames took upon him to propagate Qua­kerism in that City, he was also thrown into Pri­son, from whence being afterwards set at Liberty, and seeing he could not forbear, but must speak openly in the Church against the Preacher, he was again clap'd up in the same place; from which place, when he wrote a Letter to Colonel Henry Ingoldsby, who was Governour of that same City, and under whom he was a Soldier, and endeavoured to make his Defence, and procure his Liberty, he was indeed brought before him; but he was forth­with, [Page 145] and without any delay, in the presence of all that were there, according to the Military Practice of some Men, so beaten and kick'd by the Colonel himself, because he ought above any other to have desisted from such doings and practices, as he had then taken upon him, that he made him bleed, and then was sent back to his old Prison, and tyed Neck and Heels there. But as there were many of Ames's fellow Soldiers, and also other Soldiers, who by little and little became of the Quakers Sect; several of them having taken Counsel together, and allotted their Work, did either use their babling Interrup­tions in the Publick Assemblies, while they were at Prayer or Preaching, or fell a Trembling there, or shewed some such idle and foolish Prank; this Ex­ample was followed by many others, both of the one and of the other Sex, wherefore they were ever and anon, one after another, fined, driven to Pri­sons, and in some places miserably harrassed, some of them were severely lashed, but the Soldiers more than any; until the Year Fifty Six, when Colonel Ingoldsby the Governour, commanded all, upon a very severe Penalty, to give no manner of Enter­tainment to any Quaker whatsoever, and not suffer them to come within their Doors, and that whoever did to the contrary, should be expelled out of the City. But it was to no purpose; some indeed were driven away, but their Number did even then and by that means increase; and so by degrees came to hold their Assemblies. Officers were sent to break open their Doors, and to interrupt and disturb them; some they fined, others were banished, but yet for all this they increased and multiplyed more and more; this happened at Limerick, Cork, Wa­terford, Kingsale, and other places: And thus did this Sect of the Quakers about the time of their rise and first Progress, struggle in the time of the Com­mon-wealth, under the two Cromwels, Father and Son, Protectors, under the many Afflictions they were put to by their Enemies, and to the great haz­zard both of their Religion and People.

The End of the First Book.


The Contents of the Second BOOK.

THE Endeavours of the Quakers upon the King's Restauration. G. Keith, R. Barclay. The Qua­kers vain hopes concerning the King. The Oath of Al­legiance an inexplicable Snare to these Men. Tythes also. The Cruelty of Keepers towards them. Instances. The King and Parliament's Disposition towards them. A Letter of Fox the Younger to the King. Fox his Book of many Languages concerning the Pronoun Thou. Several Laws against the Quakers. Hence their various Tryals. Hubberthorn, Burroughs, and Howgil die in Prison. A vain Suspicion that the Quakers cherished Popery. Their Persecution at Lon­don. The fall of Priscilla Mo: The Burials of the Quakers. The Persecuting of them at Colchester. A Council held concerning Transplanting of the Qua­kers into the American Islands. This transacted and handled several times. The various and strange haps and Adventures of such as suffered this Penalty. The Ecclesiastical Court. The Law De Excommunicato capiendo. Several Examples made upon their refu­sing to pay Tythes. The Death of Fisher in Prison. Fox's Three Years Imprisonment. The Prophecy of a certain Quaker concerning the Burning of London. The Troubles of the Quakers in Scotland and Ireland. Keith's Doctrine of Christ being in Man. Helmont concerning the Revolution of Souls rejected by the Quakers. William Pen's turning Quaker: A full Description thereof: His singular Opinion concerning a Toleration of all Religions. The Ecclefiastical state of the Quakers. The Order of their Teachers. A Meeting of their Teachers together. Synods. Li­turgies or Sacred Duties. How they observe the Lord's Day. Their Complaint concerning the Protestants [Page 147] study of Divinity. Their Opinion concerning a know­ledge of Languages and Philosophy. Of the Sallary of the Ministers of God's Word. What the Call of Ministers is among them. Their Discipline. Their Solemnizing of Marriages. Keith's Imprisonment. Pen's Imprisonment at London. Solomon Eccles's Fooleries and mad Pranks in several places. Fox's Marriage. A great Persecution of the Quakers throughout England, accompanied with the greatest baseness. Green's Fall. Pen again, and Mead with him Imprisoned at London: They are Tryed. Pen's Speech to the Judges. A great Persecution in South­wark. The notable Zeal of these Men in keeping their Assemblies. A short respite from the Persecution. G. Fox goes to the English Colonies in America. His Imprisonment in Worcester, and what was done at that time: He writes several Letters more elaborately than profitably. A Conference between the Quakers and Baptists. R. Barclay's Apology for the Christian Theology variously received. A Comparison between the Quietists and Quakers. Several Persecutions of the Quakers in England. The Assaulting of them in Scotland. All manner of Slanders put upon the Qua­kers Doctrine and Life. The Persecution of Bristol. Of London. The Quakers state under King James the Second. W. Pen's Diligence for the Quakers. The Quakers Affairs under King William. Pen's Default. Freedom and Liberty given to the Quakers by the Parliament. Pen's second Default. The Death of Fox. The great Book written by him. A De­scription of Fox. The great Dissention between the Quakers themselves. The present state of them.

I Have brought down the History of the Quakers to the Time of King Charles II. in whose Reign, and even in the very beginning thereof, as great changes happened, not only in the State, every thing being abrogated and taken away, that had been Obstacles to the Kingly Power and Dignity, or that might be so for the future, but also in the Ecclesiastical Constitution, for that Equality and [Page 148] Conjunction that ought to be between the Brethren, Friends, and Disciples of Christ, was taken away, whilst the Government thereof reverted to a few, and for the most part to the King himself; so there was among those Persons who were not dissatisfied with the Name, Splendor, and Authority of a King, but with that turn in the Church, no small com­motion of Mind, no light Care and Diligence, not only that they might defend their own Churches, with the Orders and Constitutions of them, lest they should suffer any damage any other way, but also that they might further vindicate all their Practices from the Envy of their Adversaries, con­firm and trim up the same, and recommend them unto others. Therefore this Study and Concern also seemed to be among all Persons, who had as well departed from that same pitch of Religion, as from that publick Religion; in the very same man­ner did George Fox and his Colleagues, and all of that Herd, even every one according to his Place and Station, diligently and industriously apply them­selves to this Affair; wherefore Fox, according to his wonted manner, began his Peregrination in Eng­land, to visit his Friends, to Preach amongst them, but did not take upon him as formerly to talk in the Publick Churches, Markets, and Streets, and there to stir up the People; and seeing that he had before this attempted many things, more earnestly than successfully, he took diligent heed from this time forward, as to what Places he went, so with whom he conversed, and whom he should shun, and when he found there were some who laid in wait for him to trepan him, and hale him to Pri­son, he immediately hastened away. He did also moreover advise his Party by his Letters and Pam­phlets, that all of them should make it their bu­siness and endeavour, to do nothing against the King's Authority and the Common-weal, and al­low of nothing in that kind which might be avoided by them. Besides this, Fox proceeded to write ma­ny things even against their Adversaries, but in [Page 149] such a manner, as not to set forth so much what his own Sentiments were, as what he wrote, and in what place he wrote it. Which sort of Life Fox from thence forward led, even to his Death, that all his Actions, both in the middle and last part of his Life, might be like unto those he had practised in the beginning, so that I judge it need­less to say many more words concerning Fox in this Treatise, unless something that is altogether new and strange should occur. And thus did almost all the Quakers behave themselves now more cautiously and circumspectly among their Adversaries, neither did they so often and constantly make a noise in the Churches and Publick places, neither did they Act those Fooleries where there was a Concourse of People, and utter such ridiculous Bablings, neither when they were brought before the Magistrate, did they talk so uncivilly, abruptly, and foreign to the purpose, as they had been wont to do; neither did they Answer, when the Judges asked them, what their Name was, what Country-men they were, where they lived, that they were of the Land of Canaan, and that they lived in God; so that as the Time, even so their Manners changed; yea, from henceforward these Men wrote and published in England, not only Pamphlets, but Books, in which they handled the Heads of things not at large only and confusedly, but curiously and distinctly, and did Argue in them, first, against the Opinions and Tenets of the Principal Episcoparians, and then against those of other Dissenters, which they did not approve of, and this in a neat and orderly way of Argumentation, not by wrangling, but exami­ning every Proposition, and coming up to the Merit of the Cause, and by admirable Skill arriving at their designed Conclusion; neither did they urge those things which they taught and believed, by a rude and disjointed way of Reasoning, but clearly and openly, and explicated the same at large, and strenuously defended it: Which Method was vigo­rously pursued by Samuel Fisher, who was the chief [Page 150] Man, and the Ornament of the whole Sect. More­over, some of them were not afraid to Discourse, Argue, and Dispute with the Adverse Party, yea, and when need required, with the very Ministers of the Publick Church, concerning their own and the others Doctrine and Concerns. Which sort of Dis­putation was held this very first Year at Hereford, between two City Ministers and three Preaching Quakers, Howgil, Burroughs, and Cross; wherefore from henceforward these People the Quakers began gradually, and by little and little to stand up, and to increase in number and strength, and to be reckoned and used as one of the Sects of the Chri­stian Religion. Things were at the same pass with these Men in Scotland, saving that their Affairs did not thrive so fast there until the arrival of two Men of great Fame and Reputation amongst all the Quakers, Geroge Keith and Robert Barclay by Name, by whose Labour, Toyl, and Industry, the whole Doctrine of the Quakers, especially their chief Dogms, Principles, and Fundamentals were very much illustrated and confirmed; and because this is the first place where we meet with the Names of these Men, and that hereafter mention will be made of them upon various Accounts, we shall in a few words, acquaint those who do not know it, what sort of Men these are; they were both of them Scots, but there is only one of them, to wit, Keith, that is yet alive; Barclay the other being dead. George Keith was at first of the Reformed Religion, and a Student of Philosophy and Divinity; as soon as he commenced Master of Arts, and was more especially had in esteem for a good Mathematician, he did afterward become a Chaplain or Minister of God's Word in a certain Noble Family. But seeing that he was always transported with a desire of searching after, and learning somewhat that was new, and alighted upon these late Sectaries, he did in a short time embrace their Doctrine, and arri­ved to be one of the chief Speakers and Holders forth amongst them: This Man after many Toyls, [Page 151] Wanderings, and Perambulations, went at last in­to that part of America, which from the Owner thereof is called Pensylvania, and there in their Church and Latin School of Philadelphia exercised the Office of a Teacher. Robert Barclay was a Gentleman of Scotland, the Son of that same Da­vid Barclay, whose Book we have made mention of a little before; his Father had sent him to the City of Paris, the Capital of France, and there was brought up in good Literature, and after a manner that suited to his Quality, and those Noble Youths that were his Fellow-Students. But this Young Man had an Uncle in that City, that was Principal of the Scotch Popish College there; to whose Pre­cepts when Barclay had for some time attended, he leaves the Reformed Religion, and turns Papist; which when his Father came to know, he sends for him home, and as he himself in the mean time was turned Quaker, he also endeavours to induce his Son to embrace the same way; but he, seeing he had in all other things been Observant to his Fa­ther, refuses, and says, he could not in so great and weighty a thing as that was, hearken to him. But when he had, not long after, come to one of the Meetings of the Quakers, he suddenly turns about, and becomes throughly one of them, being now Eighteen Years of Age, and from thence forward for a great part of his Life, was as it were, the Le­gate or Messenger of the Quakers in their weightiest Affairs; it's also said, that he was descended from John Barclay, that notable Writer of Heroick Verse and Satyr, and whose Name it's enough to men­tion. Keith wrote many things in English, wherein he does clearly Teach, Explain, and Confirm those chief Points of their Doctrine, which Fox and o­thers had neither so distinctly handled, nor so arti­ficially and dexterously propounded, and vindicates the same from the Objections and Exceptions of their Adversaries, which afterward all the rest of the Quakers greedily snatched at, and would ap­propriate and reckon among the Opinions of the [Page 152] Quakers, excepting two or three Articles which they left alone, as peculiar to himself. He was in­deed the first of them all who taught, polished, and perfected those Principles concerning the Seed and Light within, immediate Revelation, the Eter­nal, Divine, and Spiritual Filiation of Jesus Christ (for so do all Divines, and not the Quakers alone speak, as often as Latin words fail them) his Hu­manity, and the Presence or Existence of him as of the Seed and Light, and his Manifestation and Operation in Men, hitherto either unknown, or but very obscurely delivered. Barclay betook himself to Write a long time after Keith, and at last came out a large Treatise of his, written in Latin, En­tituled, Apologia Theologiae vere Christianae, Pre­sented to King Charles II. A Book highly praised by those Men, and very common among all that are curious of the Writings of those Men of which Book I shall elsewhere more particularly speak; so that as the Doctrine and Religion of the Quakers owes its Original and Increase to England, so it does its Per­fection and Completion to Scotland, And now even in this Kingdom of Scotland, these Quakers, espe­cially Keith, had many Contests with the Presby­terians there, concerning the causes of their Sepa­ration and Secession from those Churches, with which they had till this time firmly united, and concerning their new Articles of Faith, which they were said to have obtruded upon those Old Profes­sors, and that by Conferences, Disputations, and Writings, which gave occasion to Keith to write those Books, wherein by examining seriously, all that was objected against them, and often rumina­ting upon, and digesting all that he had before pub­lished or spoke, he brought forth his Meditations in that Method and Form before spoken of. These Men did in the mean time grow here also by degrees more moderate, and leave off their rude and auda­cious ways that had gained them much Hatred, and many Evils, and so by degrees being accustomed to the sight of their Adversaries, they began to live [Page 153] more safely, and also to increase in number. Their Affairs went on in Ireland but slowly, where they who presided as it were over the rest, took their ad­vantage in promoting their Doctrine and Religion from the Institutions and Manners of their Friends in England and Scotland. And so from this time forward was the Sect of the Quakers brought into form, and their Doctrine and Faith consummated; to which this may be further added: Seeing that a Publick Confession of Faith made by all, is a great Bond for the uniting of their Souls together, and an apt Symbol of Communion and Fellowship, Keith did at a certain time propose this unto them, That it would be a most useful thing, if such a Book were composed in the Name of all the Peo­ple called Quakers, by worthy and choice Men, with clear Words and Sentences, which might be an Abridgment and Publick Confession of all their Doctrine and Faith, and that the same were Sub­scribed by all, even each one in his particular Church, who for the future should be received into the So­ciety of the Quakers, and joyn themselves unto them. But their Friends were not pleased with this Advice, by reason that they thought it to be a thing on the one side that carried in it too much Authority between Equals, and on the other side an Obligation of Servitude in a free Affair, and that they should be very cautious lest they should be brought under any Inconveniency in that kind; for the avoiding of which, they had all hitherto gathered together, and lived in the greatest Union, as they had done in the greatest Freedom imagina­ble. But to return to the beginning of the Reign of King Charles the Second, and Record the Facts of these Men, and what befel unto them. Their Study and Endeavours did indeed appear to com­ply with the Government of this King, as did those of other Sects and Dissenters from the Publick Worship, if not from their Judgment, yet better by their yielding and giving way, and that because of the disposition of the King to be Easie and In­dulgent. [Page 154] Besides this King himself with all his Fol­lowers seemed to have sufferd for so long a time so many, and such great Injuries and Calamities, and so must be mindful of the Lot and uncertain state of Man, that he would at length grant Rest to these Men from the many Troubles which they had been exposed to. To this may be added, that the King at that time, when they were debating in Parliament concerning the Restauration of him, he himself being then at Breda, in the Court of the Prince of Orange his Nephew by his Sister, writes very lovingly and tenderly of his own accord to that Supream Council, as also to the City of Lon­don, That he would give to and preserve the Liberty of Tender Consciences and Opinions in Religion, pro­vided it were without endangering the Publick Peace. Which thing was again repeated by the King after he was Solemnly established in his Throne. Where­fore the Quakers upon the King's Restauration con­ceived great hopes concerning their Affairs. At last when in the beginning of the King's Reign, some of the Quakers, full of good will towards the King, and of a good Opinion of his kindness towards them, went to the King, and implored his Favour, Protection, and Help against the Injuries and Cru­elty of their Enemies. The King grants them all they desired, and it's not to be doubted but that he did it of his own accord, for he suffered them at first to live and act according to their own Way and Mode, as also to Meet to perform their Reli­gious Worship, and so also did he sometime Pro­mise, that for the future, he would not only not obstruct, but also promote their Liberty; therefore these Men from the very beginning of the change of the Government, did most Industriously pro­ceed in their Affairs and Exercises for the Com­mon Good; neither did they do it unknown to their Adversaries, but openly and in their sight, as it were not by the tacit but express consent, and al­so Command of the King: But it will not be long ere all this matter shall fall out much otherwise than [Page 155] this, and the Event deceive all the Hope and Opinion of these Men. Yea, indeed it so happened, as if this Letter, the Name & Power of the King, did not avail for the Liberty and Ease but Ruine of these Men, that even from the first Decree of the Parliament concerning the King's Restauration, in all that In­terval till the King did apply himself to the Admi­nistration of the Government, they who were the Quakers Adversaries, amongst other Pretences which they made use of for to repress and ensnare these Men, they turned the Edict, Name, and Dignity of the King to their Molestation and Destruction. Therefore as often as they met together to Cele­brate their Worship, they were apprehended and carryed away as disturbers of the Peace, and though they had not the least Weapon that might give any Offence, they were treated as if they had been armed Men, and like Enemies and Cut-Throats, and stirred up one another and other Peaceable Subjects to Rebellion, and to offer Violence to the Common-wealth. This I will say to those who do not so well know what the Oath of Fidelity among the English means, which they themselves call the Oath of Allegiance. After the Discovery of the Gun-powder Treason, formed by the Pa­pists against King James the First, and all the Royal Family, and all the Peers of the Realm, such a Law was made by the said King James and his Par­liament, to wit, That for the restraining of such Papists, who had much rather that the Pope should be Supream Lord of the Kingdom than the King, and were easily induced to Offer such mad and abo­minable Sacrifices as these that are not to be named, and that they might be known from other Men; that as God should help him, every one should Acknowledge, Profess, Testifie, and Swear, that the Pope had no Power to Depose the King, or to stir up his Subjects to Rebel against him, and that the same would perform all due Obedi­ence and Fidelity towards the King, and withstand all Plots and Contrivances against the Regal Au­thority. [Page 156] There was moreover an Oath long since in use to this King's Predecessors, called the Oath of Supremacy, first begun by King Henry VIII. whereby every one did Swear, That the King alone was Supream Governour of this Kingdom, in all things and causes whatsoever, as well in Spiritual and Ecclesiastical as in Civil. These Oaths from the beginning of this New Revolution being put to the Quakers by the Royallists, they proposed to them, when they were taken, to Swear to these words positively, that they might try how they stood affected towards the King. But seeing they refused to Swear at all, as holding it an unlawful Act, and not that only of the Abjuration of the Pope, and their Affection towards the King, and that in the mean time they were always ready, in clear and distinct words, truly to Affirm in the Pre­sence of God, that they were such Persons as did abominate and loath the Pope, and that Church, and the Power of those Men, and their Tenets, as also their Pride and Treachery against Kings, and that the King could fear no Danger and Inconveni­ency so little from any sort of Men as from them, nor desire more Love, Obedience, and Good-will from any, as towards their Lawful King; and that they were ready, if they proved false herein, to un­dergo such Punishments as they who have violated their Oath, after they have sworn in direct words; yet this Oath was always objected against them, as an inexplicable Snare, wherewith to ensnare whom they were minded to catch; for whether they did altogether refuse this Oath, or with this same Ex­ception, that they might give their Opinion con­cerning it, or the thing it self, and spoke of their willingness to Promise Solemnly to be Faithful, and did not refuse to Subscribe the same with their hands, they were presently looked upon as Men either un­faithful or wavering, or treacherous in their Obe­dience to the King, and to be deprived of all the Protection and Favour that the King could give them. And as a Superaddition to the rest, when [Page 157] they to whom Tythes of the Fruits of the Earth and the like were allotted for their Labours, and especially the Farmers of these Tythes, were very sharp upon them for their Returns and Profits, and the Quakers denyed that they ought to pay them, they were very severely and hardly used every where. Moreover, when they were shut up in Pri­sons, had little or no Relief from without, those that served them, used them for the most part as they pleased, neither was there any thing, where­by they might defend themselves. Of which things as there are very memorable Instances, and almost without Number, I shall give one only Specimen of every sort, and that briefly. At Sherborn in Dorsetshire there were Thirty Quakers got together into an House, for to Worship God in an innocent harmless manner, who, as if they had been a knot of Men come together for to Drink, Revel, Rebel, and Conspire against the Government, were haled out by the Townsmen, Officers, and School-Master of the place, followed with many Swords and Clubs, and entertained with Curses and Blows, were car­ried before the Magistrate, who blamed, sentenced, and condemned them, as vile Persons, bent upon Rioting, and while they were met together, did only contrive and rashly machinate Innovations; and this they did without any Proof, Judgment, and De­fence; the Quakers at the same time however crying out, that there was not one Person that could make any such thing good against them, or that they met upon such an Account, and urging the King's Promise in vain, that while they were only met together to Celebrate their Worship to God, that none should suffer any Injury because of his Reli­gion. Some of the Quakers were shut up in Dor­chester Gaol from the sight of all Men, and even from the common Light; others of them meeting the Danger, make their Appearance at the next Quarter Assizes; where, when nothing that had been urged against them could by any means be proved, but that these Men did now appear before the Court [Page 158] with their Hats on, this was now objected as a Crime unto them, and looked upon as a certain dimi­nution of the King's Majesty, and so they were fined for their Punishment to pay great Sums of Money, which when they did not forthwith pay, they were all adjudged by the Court to be shut up in the same Prison of Dorchester, upon Condition they should not be released from thence till such time as they had paid the said Sum. In the Town of Shrews­bury, which is the head Town, and finest in that County, when the Quakers were at their Meeting, several Soldiers break open the Doors, and rush in­to the House, and take away, and hurry into Pri­son One and Twenty of them: The Judges, when they did not, and could not Accuse them of having done any Villany or Wrong, require them to take the Oath of Allegiance; which when they refused to do the same, as it were condemning themselves by this their silence, as if they had been guilty of Treason, they are forced to remain shut up in the same Prison. Edward Noell, a Country-man of Kent, had taken from him of his Flock to the value of an Hundred Pounds, for the Tythes of Twenty Pounds, for which he had not paid the Money; and when he, according to his Country Rhetorick and Truth, had made a noise about it, and sufficiently stung the Ears and Hearts of the Tythes-men and Magi­strates, he was commanded away to Prison, and there kept a Year and an half. One Thomas Good­rey, at a place in Oxfordshire, called Chadlington, and a Man of a good Nature and Disposition, ha­ving travelled through many Parts of the King­dom, turns in to see his Friend Benjamin Staples: This Man, the very next Night after he came, was, together with his Landlord, carryed away, and led before the Justices; they tender to them the Oath of Allegiance, which when they refused to take, so as that there was no way left for them to make any Defence, they are led away, and committed to the Common Gaol of Oxford, and were shut up there among some of their own Friends of their [Page 159] Religion, some whereof had been there for Two Years and longer, because that they also refused to pay Tythes, and to Swear; the Jaylor put such thick and heavy Fetters of Iron upon these two Men, that their Feet were wounded with them; which when they desired might be taken off, the Keeper of the Prison demanded Money of them for so doing; they did not shew themselves very forward to do that; whereupon he thrusts them into a filthy and noisom place, where they had no­thing either to sit or lie upon besides dirt; and so they desire they might have a little Straw allowed them; and here the same Mercenary Wretch pro­mised he would give them some, if they gave him Four Pounds in Money; which when they despised and rejected, the Keeper's Wife, who was even more wretchedly Covetous than her Husband, and far more greedy of Prey, as often as she came to them, would rail and revile them bitterly, pulling and haling of them violently at her pleasure. In some time they were both ordered to appear at the Assizes of Oxford, where when they were accused of various things, and that nothing could be found against them that was worthy of Punishment, they were again asked as before, to take the Oath of Al­legiance, which when they now also said, they could not do it, they are remanded back into the same Prison, among the same Thieves and Cut-Throats that were kept there; which before it was done, Goodrey asked, whether the Judges did Com­mand them to be laid in Irons? The Chief Judge made Answer, That the Keeper of the Prison might do as he pleased, because they were Persons out of the King's Protection. There does the Keeper put them again amongst those Villains and profligate Wretches, and gives those wicked Men leave, if they wanted any Cloaths, to take off theirs, I mean, these two Innocent mens Apparel, at which one of the vilest amongst the whole Crew made Answer, That he had rather go altogether naked, than take any thing away from these Men: And so it was, [Page 160] that while the Law was silent at the Bar of Justice, and no Fence against Injuries in Prison and Dark­ness, these wretched Men suffered all Violence and Cruelty. These few Instances, from among many, may serve; but because the first Parliament under this King was yet sitting, the Quakers supposing the Tribunals to be every where set against them, so as that there was no hopes of Justice for them; they prefer their Supplications to the King and Parliament, as being Supream Magistrates, and the Authors and Defenders of Liberty, Right, and Judgment, highly complain of the great and many Injuries, Violences, and Troubles that they suffered from their own Country-men and Neighbours, and implore their Help and Assistance; and that they might affect them the more, they produce a great Commentary, or rather Catalogue in Writing, con­taining how that during the time of the two Crom­wels, there were no less than Three Thousand, One Hundred and Seventy Nine of their Society that had been Imprisoned in England, Scotland, and Ire­land, and other Countries beyond the Seas, Subject to the King's Dominion, and that of them, Thirty Two were dead. And in the close thereof they add, That from the King's Coming in, to the present time, there had been, and were still kept in Prison, Three Hundred and Seventeen of them. They name every place of their Imprisonment, and give the Names of most of the People, and did also set forth the Afflictions that most of them had suffered before, for what Causes, and what those are also for which they were still Imprisoned; they did moreover the next Year Present a Writing to the King and Parliament, wherein they set forth, that their Number was now so increased, who since the King's Return had been thrown into Prison, that they were no less than Five Hundred Fifty and Two, many of whom had also even before their Imprisonment sustained many Afflictions in their own Congregations, and did even now undergo many Miseries in the places where they were [Page 161] detained; they did in that Writing confirm the Matter with Examples and Testimonies, that the Magistrates themselves in some places, came to them, and carryed them away; that in other places they left them to the management of Soldiers; and elsewhere, that the Commonalty and Rabble, who had neither Fortune nor Good Name, set up­on them with Swords and Staves, haled them away, and after many blows, threw them into Prison. Moreover, that many Ministers of Churches in several Countries, seeing there were some of the Quakers who had not paid Tythes, and refused to pay any, that came and took out of their Houses and Fields for these Tythes much more than they ought to have done, neither did they afterward restore the Over-plus; yea, that some of them were so chou­sed of their Money, that they had rendred them uncapable of paying any more, and needed take no further care of exacting the same from them. This Writing, which was full of Truth, was partly neglected, and partly despised both by the King and whole Assembly: For which there seems to be more than one cause; for when the King, who was not yet well confirmed in his Kingdom, minded his own and other Publick Affairs, he did indeed think that these mens Affairs were not yet seasonable and worthy of his Cognizance and Judgment, and had entirely forgot all that he had promised to these Men, which they thought they had fixt in his Memory with a Ship-nail. But as to the Se­nate of the Kingdom, they did indeed seem not yet to have laid aside their Hatred and Enmity a­gainst these Men, at leastwise the greatest part of them. They acknowledged indeed the freedom of Religion given to them, but they thought, that under that Pretence and Cloak, all wicked and a­bominable Sects and Opinions would creep in, and that this Sect of the Quakers was of that sort; moreover, although the former Endeavours of the Quakers, and their Insolent Attempts, and such as seemingly were Turbulent, were now over, and [Page 162] that no Crime could be laid to their charge, that tended to the disturbance of the Publick Peace, yet as the good as well as the bad of such as are once envied, are always hated, and that to those who are afraid even false things are true, such an Opi­nion of them did continue, and could not be re­moved, that the Quakers were still Men of the same Spirit and Temper, and that all their doings tended to Discords and Disturbances. Lastly, this Affair of the Quakers seemed to have been so often adjudged and decided by so many Judgments, that it were unworthy to be brought upon the Stage again. So that these calamitous Men were hereby deprived of the benefit of all Judgment, of every Suit, and Complaint, there being no room left for the same. And so those who were imprisoned, were like to be so always, and kept in greatest want and misery, neither had any of them the least hopes of their Freedom, unless they would comply with the wills and terms of such as were in Authority over them, and would agree to pay Money for to be suf­fered to depart. Of which Number there was not one to be found that would do so; though the King being not long after asked and urged by some, That he should not suffer any such thing, which did so much wrong to his Subjects, when there did appear no such Fact, no, not so much as an Attempt or Endeavour in them to do that for which these Men were so much accused, and whereby so much in­famy was cast upon them, but that he should by reason of his Royal Word given them, use them kindly, he did at length Answer, That he would be Gracious and Merciful to the Quakers, provided they did nothing that was against the King's Ho­nour and Safety, and did again give his Royal Word for it. It's indeed manifest, that Richard Hubber­thorn, one of the chief Quakers, was at this time admitted to talk with the King, in the presence of some Noblemen; in which Conference, when the King with some of his Courtiers asked Hubberthorn several close Questions concerning the Doctrine and [Page 163] Religion of the Quakers, and that he made An­swer to every thing that was asked; the King and those same Persons that had Interrogated him, said ever and anon, It is so indeed as thou sayest; and turning themselves about, or to one another, they said, He offers nothing but the Truth: And when the King proceeded to speak, among other things he used these words to Hubberthorn; I do assure thee, that none of you shall suffer any thing for your Opinions and Religion, provided ye live Peaceably; you have the Word and Promise of a King for it, and I will take care by a Proclamation to prevent any fur­ther Prosecution of you. But seeing there were some Men, who put an ill Construction upon this Con­ference, Hubberthorn himself did in a little while after publish it in Print, and did therein explain the whole Matter to all. But how the King did afterward perform these many Promises in many of his Actions, the Event will soon shew. Nei­ther must we pass over in this place that upbraid­ing Letter that was written and sent to the King by a Quaker, then lying in Prison: George Fox was this Quaker, not he that was the first beginner and Founder of the Society of the Quakers, who was indeed no ways related or a-kin to that same, though most like and near unto him in Nature and Manners; but one that had lately been a Trooper un­der O. Cromwel, or in the Common-wealth's Army, wherefore that he might distinguish himself from the other and older George Fox, he called himself who was not so old, Fox the Younger. His Letter was to this effect. O King, he who is King of Kings, sees and observes all thy Actions in the midst of Darkness, and seeing that they proceed from thence, even thy most hidden Counsels can by no means escape the sight of God, so that there remain no lurking places for thy specious and pretended words, and therefore hath he freely observed all thy Wiles and Treacheries, laid for those, who did no hurt, and hath also manifested them unto all Men, and that at the very time when thou didst make those great and fictitious Promises, and only didst [Page 164] play the Hypocrite; wherefore thou hast angred God, when at the time thou didst promise Liberty unto us, thou didst then suffer that outrage to be done us, and the Imprisonment of so many Men for the Testimony of a good Conscience: Alas, how has the Pride and Impiety as well of thy House, as of thy Government sadded thee; for as often as I revolve within my self upon the Vnjustice, Cruelty, and publick Persecutions of this Country, and as often as I think upon their Wickednesses, that are committed in Secret, so often is my Spirit grieved and in anguish, and my Heart di­stracted by reason of the fierce wrath of the great God against all Men. And I have had it often in my thoughts, both before and after thy Restauration to the Kingdom, when I have considered the fixt and esta­blished Idolatry of this Land, that it had been better for thee that thou hadst never come hither, because I find it has been to thy Ruin; and I have often prayed to God, that thou wouldst become of that Mind, as to depart again out of the Kingdom, that while thou hast Life left thee, and space to Repent, thou mayest Re­pent of thine Iniquities; do not, O King, suffer any one to flatter thee; God will not be mocked, what any Man shall sow, that shall he also reap; consider with thy self, how thy Brother the Duke of Gloucester, was so suddenly, and unexpectedly cut off, who might have survived after thy Death; and do not imagine, that thou canst be preserved by Men, when God sets upon thee; and God's Will shall stand, that his Kingdom may extend over all. Ah! what shall I say as to what appertains to thy Salvation? God is burning with An­ger, and will shorten the days of his Enemies for his Elect sake; and Oh that thou mayest be saved in the day of the Lord! for my Soul is even under Horror and Amazement at the sight of the inevitable Destru­ction that attends thee. These things that I write are true, and I would have thee to know, that I write these things both godlily and lovingly; as for my own part, though I suffer many Miseries from without, yet I have that inward Peace with God, that exceeds all Earthly Crowns. It was said, that while the King [Page 165] was reading this Letter, his Brother the Duke of York stood by him, and that he, after he had read it also, advised the King to order the Quaker to be hanged; but that the King had answered, That it were better that they themselves should have a re­gard to their own good, and amend their Lives and Manners; that there is no Understanding so great, but that many times is overtaken with Error, and sometimes Folly. About this time came forth a Book, written in English, marked in every Page with the form or note of a Child's Tablet, such as Children use in England, as also in our own Coun­try, out of which they learn to pronounce their Letters in Alphabetical Order: This Book did in every Page shew, that it was in use throughout the World in all and every Language (whereof there were no less than Thirty Languages recounted and set forth, and each of them distinguished into its proper Table) that when any one spoke to a single Person, to call him Thou, and not You, which the English used, if they talked with a Man that they respected. The Work was neatly and ingeniously done, with much Cost by John Subbs and Benja­min Furley; but Fox, who besides the English Tongue, understood none of these Thirty, was so desirous to seem to be the Author of this Work, and that what­ever it contained of Industry and Praise-worthiness had its Original from him, that he even here and there subscribed his Name to every Page, and con­firmed by his Testimony, that it contained and taught every Language; by which Work and La­bour Fox now shewed plainly the thing, not to Boys, but to all Men that were like Boys in Igno­rance herein, and untaught them that wicked way of speaking: But when some objected against Fox his Ignorance in these Languages, and that he was upbraided herewith, as if he were mad, he wiped it off thus with this new Joke, That he knew only as much of Languages as was sufficient for him. The Year Sixty Two was Remarkable for the Com­motion and Change of many things, to the great [Page 166] Inconveniency, Trouble, and Incommoding of the Quakers, and went so far in the Times that fol­lowed, that the Ruine of the whole Party and Race of them seemed to be at hand; for the So­lemn League and Covenant between the King and People of Britain, and between the Kingdoms of England and Scotland, than which League there was nothing before looked upon to be more Holy, Just, and Desirable, no greater Foundation both of the Regal Dignity, and the Peoples Liberty, nor a greater Bond to gather and unite together the whole Body of the Church, and to establish the Religion of both Kingdoms, was now looked upon as it were an Antichristian piece of Work, and the Spring of all Evil; and there was the preceding Year, even by the Parliament's Command, rased out of all the Publick Records, both in Church and State, and at London in several places burnt by the hands of the Common Hangman. This Year was the Episcopal Order and Authority, which had always been the Spring and Original of many Brawls and Calamities, was every where set up and establish'd, there being some, even of the Presbyterians, who now were desirous of this Power and Glory, which they had before withstood, or when offered them, did not reject them, upon this Consideration, that seeing they would endeavour to be good Men in the discharge of this Office, they were afraid if they did refuse the same, lest such should be pre­ferred who would not carry themselves in that Sta­tion with that Moderation required of them. The King now, which had been the fear of good Men a long time, and what was now looked upon as a new Prognostick, and sad Omen upon the King­dom, contracted a Marriage with the Infanta of Portugal, a Lady so given up and devoted to the Religion and Ceremonies of the Popish Church, that she was inferiour to none of the Queens or Princesses of the Age for that Superstition. At last, the King, after he thought he had established his House and Kingdom, and made all things sure, [Page 167] did more and more, instead of the Care, Labour, and Continency he ought to have exercised, give himself up to Ease and Luxury, and left the Ma­nagement of most things to his Counsellors and Mi­nisters of State, especially to those who were mostly his Familiars and Companions; all which change wrought no small Perturbation, Trouble, Fear, and Trembling in the Minds of all those, whose Religion differed from the Religion and Constitu­tion that were now thus revived again; he who had persecuted another, did even now persecute himself, and whom many were before afraid of, was not now without his own fears, and had need to take care of himself; and therefore from such a Commotion as this, others became also afraid, who were otherwise more to be feared, and from this their Fear arose a Suspicion, and hence Dis­courses, and at last a Rumor, that there was a multitude of Enemies and Conspirators in the City and elsewhere, who laid in wait for the King, and were ready utterly to overturn the whole frame of this new Government. Though many did believe this to be an Evil Report, cunningly contrived by those, who looked upon such a Report to be the best way for them to arrive at that which they could not hope to obtain in Peaceable Times: Now, as there was nothing transacted by wicked and pro­fligate Men, of which the Quakers were not esteem­ed either the Authors, Promoters, Parties, or knew of it, or consented to it; so here also these Men came to be suspected of this Crime, when at the same time there was no certain sign of any Conspi­racy or Sedition contrived by any sort of Men, and not the least Foot-steps of it by the Quakers; and so there was a Report quickly spread abroad, that these were such Men, as had embrued themselves in such great Wickednesses, and that they had associ­ated themselves, and daily met together to that purpose. Of which things, when they did not of their own accord clear and vindicate themselves, which they thought they ought not to do without [Page 168] certain Accusers, nor could do without some Pre­judice, thence the same Suspicion and Report in­creased, and by this means the People, who were not indeed called to answer at the Bar, because that would be done upon too slight a Conjecture, con­tracted the real hatred of all, and became in great danger, and were impunedly troubled all manner of ways by them, who, because they were not hin­dred, thought they were allowed so to do. Now the King had commanded, that the Quakers of London and Middlesex should take the Oath, which seemed to be the strictest tye for the Testifying of their Affection, and engaging their Faithfulness to­wards the King and Kingdom; and that the Judges should shew favour to none: But if the Quakers would not Swear, in pursuance to his Proclamation, they should hold their Meetings no where; then follows another Law for the prevention of Seditious Assemblies, That no Meeting should be held, under a shew and pretence of Divine Worship, that was not approved and ratified by the Liturgy of the Church of England, nor more Persons meet together at one place than five. But and if any above the Age of Sixteen Years and upwards, did transgress herein, and being a Subject of the Kingdom, such an one should be pu­nished for the same. This Law seemed to have been enacted for the restraint of all Sects, but did more especially appertain to the Quakers, and none could but understand that it was a Snare for them, and rended to Shipwrack their Affairs. So that it came hereby to pass, that such of these Men as were now imprisoned, were for this reason more closely kept, and used more severely by the Gaolers, even by those who before seemed kind unto them. As for the rest of them, they had one Tryal and Affliction upon another, and the same were every where open­ly, not only when they were met together in the streets, entertained with all manner of Ignominy and Reproach, but were also enforced to abstain from their Religious Assemblies, and when not­withstanding all they proceeded, they were harrassed [Page 169] by Soldiers, and fined, sometimes entertained with more than an Hostile Fury, and thrown into Pri­son, and being required to Swear, were, upon their refusal, detained in Prison, or thrust into Working-Houses, among wicked and profligate wretches, who had wasted their Substance in Drinking, Ga­ming, and Brothel-Houses, and among Thieves and Cut-Throats, as if they were their Associates, or alike infected with them, and so being in those places enforced to Labour very hard, and thereby sustain their Lives, which when they endeavoured to do, some of them at length being in that man­ner opprest with many Miseries and Calamities, were freed therefrom by Death. This was done in London, Worcester, and in other places: Some of them in other places, whom either the Circum­stances of Life, or the Clamour of many Persons, did more especially expose to Envy, were seized and taken out of their Beds at Midnight, and car­ryed into Prison; by reason of which Practices, and seeing there was no likelihood of any end of these things, the Quakers did again Present an Humble Petition to the King, and did therein set forth, in what Trouble, and under what great Ca­lamities they all lived; and proved, that from the King's Restauration to this time, there were Four Thousand and Five Hundred of them imprisoned, and that Fifty Six were dead, through the Hard­ships and Difficulties they underwent. But as to what effect this Petition had, it will appear from hence, that he who wrote it, obtained from the King for his Reward, a place where those Persons were imprisoned, concerning whom he made his Complaint in that same Petition; so that that very thing was looked upon as a Crime, in that they deplored and deprecated their own Miseries. But at length, after that the King had found nothing by Deeds or Witnesses, whereby it did appear that the Quakers were desicient in their Loyalty towards him, or that they had done any thing whereby he might gather that the Crime of Rebellion was not [Page 170] far from their Disposition and Manners; and that also the Accusation and Clamour of the People, as being the most easie and lightest things, vanished of their own accord, and that Time had allayed the Envy of the People towards them, in respect to their ways, the King suffered this sting of Se­verity to be removed from his Heart; and seeing that hitherto he had been forgetful of his Promise made to this People, he now calls it to mind, and so orders his Officers, and other Magistrates, that they should no further vex these People, and set those that were imprisoned at Liberty; notwith­standing which Command, such was the Severity and Hardness of some of these Magistrates, that though they did not reject the King's Authority openly, yet they did indeed fulfil it either not in earnest, or but slowly: Which thing even the Gaolers in some places did not stick to maintain, when they offered that they were willing to loose and free the Prisoners at last, if so be they would lay down Money, either of themselves, or others for them, to be delivered from their Imprisonment; the which when they affirmed they would never do, and that they would choose rather to rot there and perish, and held stoutly to it; and seeing that in­deed some of them were so harrassed with dange­rous Diseases, contracted from the stench of the place, that they died thereof, and that the Cries and Lamentations of these Men did reach the Court, and even the King's Ears, while they were treated in this manner, the King at length Commands all of them to be set at Liberty without any Money and Terms whatsoever. In this Persecution of the Year Sixty Two, the Quakers recount several Ex­amples of their severe Usage, and great Constancy of these Men. I shall only mention two: Richard Payton, at Duley in Worcestershire was thrown into Prison, because he would not take the Oath of Al­legiance; all his Goods were confiscated, and he himself so long to remain in that place as the King pleased. Thomas Stourdey, of Moorhouse, a Gentle­man [Page 171] of Cumberland, was brought before a Magi­strate, and the Oath of Allegiance put to him, which he refusing to take, but at the same time affirming, that he was otherwise one of them, who without Swearing, would obey the King more than many that had swore to him, was condemned by John Lowther, a Man in Authority in that County, to have all his Goods confiscated, and himself to perpetual Imprisonment; who being thus shut up, not as the rest, that were afterwards set at Liberty by the King's Favour, but detained till the Year Eighty Four, about the end of the same ended his Miseries by Death in the same place. Moreover, these Men do more especially in this Year commo­morate the Death of two of their chiefest Leaders (who departed this Life at London) as upon the score of Religion, so as being a very glorious and happy Departure, and Guides to Heaven, and to God. One of them was Hubberthorn, who, we have said a little before, was in esteem with the King, and so received into his Favour, that even in him the welfare of all his Friends might seem to be safe, and secured from all Molestation and Trouble; this Man resided in London, and on a certain day having got the People together, he began to Preach; which when the Lord Mayor came to know, whose Name there is no need to mention, the Quakers know it well enough, he sent with as much immo­deration of Power as he had extensiveness of Au­thority, to fetch Hubberthorn away from that As­sembly, and so was brought before him, who, when the Man would not put off his Hat before him, according to the usage of the Quakers in that re­gard, he used him as if he had been the greatest Villain, and seditious Fellow, and taken openly in the greatest Wickedness, beat him with his own hands, haled him by the hair of the Head, and threw him upon the Ground, and after that, Com­mands him to be put into Prison among Rogues and Malefactors, in which place Hubberthorn ob­tained that Favour (that a Criminal desires most) of [Page 172] the Attorney, that his Cause might be transferred to another Court; and seeing there was no Cogni­zance taken of the Man's Religion, they now bent all their Accusations against his Morosity, Irreve­rence, and Contempt of the Magistrate, and re­quired he might be severly punished for the same. Hubberthorn, after he had lain in this sad and doleful place two Months, falls very sick and weak, and in a short time after died; leaving this Memorial of himself with his Friends, That he had born whatever befel him with an even Mind, and always ready to maintain his Religion, and chose rather to die for the same than to live. The other was Burroughs, who also in the City of Lon­don stood firm to his Religion, and died for it in Prison, and whom the Quakers were wont to esteem as the Apostle of the Londoners. Of him, they say, when a little before he had resided at Bristol, that upon his departure from thence towards Lon­don, he took his leave of his Friends with these words, as a Presage of his approaching Destiny: That now he was directing his Course for London, that he might there together with his Brethren suffer for the sake of the Gospel, and to lay down his Life. When he came to London, he presently goes to their Meeting, and there Preaches, esteeming he could not otherwise satisfie his Conscience, discharge his Duty, and use the Gift which he had received; which as soon as it was told the Mayor, who was the same before mentioned, away goes he with some of his Officers and Followers, and lest he should do the same again, which is not very much commendable in a Magistrate, he Commands them to hale away the Man, and forthwith thrust him into Prison, which they do, and put him into an horrid place, full of filth and stench, and so nar­row, that he could not well stand there; with which Miseries after Eight Months he falls sick, and his Disease increasing upon him daily, he at length dies as he had lived, supporting and comforting himself and his Friends, who were not hindred [Page 173] access to him, and so were present at all times, with many words, the sum and substance whereof was this: I have hitherto preached the Gospel in this City freely, and not to the burden of any, and have often spent my Life therein, and now in the midst of my Labours part with my Life for it; and how true it is, that I have truly and sincerely both acted and dealt in this matter, is known to him who knoweth all things. And thou, O God, hast then loved me, when I was yet shut up in my Mother's Womb, and I have loved them from my Cradle, and have served thee from my Childhood and Youth to this very time, to some good purpose, and that with the greatest Fide­lity; and though this Body of mine returns unto the Dust, yet I am conscious to my self, and assuredly know, that my Soul shall return from whence it came, and that that Spirit which hath lived in me, wrought in me, ruled me, and hath ruled in all, will be diffused into Thousands. I pray unto God, that he would Par­don, if it be his will, the Sins and evil Practices of my Enemies. And when he died, winking as it were with both his Eyes, he said, Now my Soul resteth in her own Centre. Fisher doth describe this Man's untimely Death in a lofty style, and accord­ing to his way, in a Rhetorical and Tragical man­ner. The Persecution of these Men was very hot the Year following in the City of Worcester: Seve­ral Quakers were met together in the House of Ru­pert Smyth, not for to Preach, but to the intent they might Advise together, concerning four Chil­dren, the Death of whose Father had left them de­stitute of Sustenance and Education; they chiefly considered what might be done, lest the Children should come upon the Parish, and that then as the Parish should have the charge of bringing them up, so it would also take care to have them instru­cted in the Religion and Discipline of the same. Presently upon this, some Soldiers get together, and having given no sign of their being sent, rush upon them, as upon a Rabble withstanding or de­spising the Government, and with much Clamour [Page 174] and great Violence take Twenty Four of the Com­pany, and carry them to the places where they were wont to be put, amongst Bawdy-house haunters, for this now was come in fashion, Ruffians, Thieves, and such sort of vitious notorious Offenders; af­ter some Weeks Smyth and a few other are brought before the Magistrates, and examined; they ask them, whether they had taken the Oath of Alle­giance? And when they said, they had not; they ask them again, whether they would now Swear, according to their usual way of Interrogating of them in these Times? They Answer, That they could not swear for Conscience-sake, and affirm a thing according to their forms, and in such a manner, but that otherwise they could sincerely affirm, that they would discharge all their Duty towards the King and Government, neither would they attempt any thing which tended to their dishonour and Incommodity, nei­ther would they do any thing for which they might justly be blamed. But whilst that in this hearing there was no dispute about the Thing, but the Mode and Circumstance thereof was only contro­verted, and that the Quakers in the mean time held to their own way, and stood covered; the Magistrates laying aside the Dispute about Swear­ing, they take up the matter of these mens wear­ing their Hats before them, and urge, that to stand covered before the Magistrate, as it did here mani­festly appear, was a great derogation from the King's Honour, and such and so great an Offence, that it ought to be punished, and that severely by the Court. To which Smyth wittily replyed, See­ing that there was not only any appearance of no Crime, no, nor the least suspicion against them, that they had lessened the Reputation of this King, his Name, Rule, and Government, in words or deeds, it was a very trivial thing for them to urge that as a mark of it, and seeing that the Hat is a Covering to the Head; and that each part of the Body has his Covering, and that none in his approach to others, though they be Ma­gistrates, uncovers any other part of his Body, and [Page 175] that his not doing so, is not for all that taken as a mark of Contumacy and Disobedience; it's most strange Men should be bound by this Law and Religion about the Bonnet. After this Reply, there was Sentence pronounced against all of them, that they should be detained in Prison, because they refused to obey, and be observant towards the King, and irreverent towards the Judges. As for Smyth, they adjudged him to be out of the King's Protection, to have his Goods Confiscate, and brought to the Exche­quer; after this, the rest of them were accused, and partly because of their Meeting together, and partly because they refused to Swear, adjudged also to Prison; the thing from a Hearing came to a Tryal, the Evidence Swear to the Matter, in the absence of the Criminals; but the Witnesses dis­agreed very much one with another; the whole Action, of which the Accusation and Case was made up, is found to be far otherwise, than was thought to be; the Judges hereupon were somewhat con­cerned, what clear Answer they should give, and what to determine concerning the Men; at last, they adjudge them to be carryed back to Pri­son. At this time Francis Howgil, a diligent Tea­cher among these People, was taken from the Mar­ket-place, where he attended his business, by a Traveller, and carryed before the Justices of the Peace, that were met together in the next Inn: These look askew upon the Man, hesitate, question him, and at last come to that which they designed, and require him to take the Oath of Allegiance; he did at first in like manner delay, as knowing their Tricks, made no Excuse, lest his going about to purge him of a fault might be esteemed as a fault, but he afterward goes on whither they de­sired him, and denyed, that he could with a safe Conscience take the Oath. And so was committed to Prison; whence being brought before the Judges to Appleby, and when they also required him to Swear, and that he could not be brought to do so, he is led back to his former Prison. He was again [Page 176] the Year following brought before the same Court, and the same Question put to him, where he de­clares with great Constancy, but in much Modesty, That he, as to what belongs to the substance and mat­ter of the Oath, did not refuse to Declare and Promise the performance of it, yea, and to subscribe it, but that he could not affirm the same by an Oath, neither was that Lawful for a Christian, nor Advantageous to Men; seeing that such an Asseveration would nei­ther impose a greater Obligation upon good Men in the preserving of their Faith, nor take away fear from the wicked, and that the same was only an En­couragement to Rashness, and Temerity in all false hearted Men, and a Cloak for Evil, and sometimes for the most notorious Villanies. By which speech and moderation in speaking, Howgil was so far from being freed from the Prosecution and Envy of his Judges, that for all that, he was adjudged Guilty, and adjudged, as being guilty of Disloyalty, to have all his Lands forfeited as long as he lived, and Moveables for ever returned to the Exchequer, and that he himself was out of the King's Protection, and ordered to be shut up and detained in perpetual Imprisonment; and so it came to pass, that the Man continued in that Pri­son for five Years, when at length he fell very sick, and shortly after ended his Miseries by Death, be­tween the Arms and Lamentations of his Wife, and many Friends, who were the Witnesses of his Exit, and of their own sorrow, for the loss of a Man, who was not only dear and delightful to them, but to all of their Society; at his Death he called God and Men to Witness, That he died of thut Re­ligion for which he had suffered so many Afflictions. While the Quakers were thus disturbed, harrassed, and molested, the Parliament made yet a more rigid Law, That the Quakers should, in direct words before the Magistrates, take the Oath of Al­legiance to the King, and own him for the Supream Head of the Church. But, and if upon any Ac­count, they could not be brought to do this, it was [Page 177] Enacted, That within a Year's space they should leave the Kingdom, as refractary and rebellious Persons, that acknowledged no Authority of Rule, and rejected, and laid aside all Bands of Humane Societies. By which Law they seemed now as if they did not only raise up Arms, and Proclaim War against them openly and simply, but design their utter Ruine and Destruction. Now, by this Law there was an increase of these Peoples Misfor­tunes the following Year, in that it made them to be much more suspected and hated by the People, but it's uncertain whether this proceeded from the Opinion, and from thence the Rumour of such sort of Men, who think what they do not compre­hend, and say what they think, or from them who believed cunningly enough that this was the best way and manner for them to be quickly and readily rid of these Men. Or lastly, from them who ho­ped that they might in these troublesome Times gain some Profit and Advantage to themselves; the Mischief was this: These Men were more and more blamed, that they cherished Papists, and even Jesuits, that certainly lurked amongst them, which same Persons were so hateful to the People, and which took upon them their Names and Persons, and preached amongst them, that sometimes one and the same Teacher, on one and the same day, did first Celebrate Mass among the Papists, and af­terward Preached in the Congregation of the Qua­kers, either without Hair, or with a Peruke on; neither was there any Notable Preachment at any time had among the Quakers, the Author whereof was not esteemed to be a Jesuit; and this was so rooted in the Thoughts and Imaginations of most Men, that if any one knew it not, he was looked upon as ignorant of the Publick Affairs; if he de­nyed it, as Impudent, or a Papist or Jesuit him­self, born to Lye, and to Cheat: And they offer this as an Argument of such Practices, which made the same find a more easie belief; to wit, that the [Page 178] Papists did so, as well, because that hereby, they might avoid Swearing, as the Quakers were most averse to such Oaths, and so should swear nothing against the Honour and Interest of their Religion, as that so they might catch and allure the unwary by their Artificial and cunning Speeches. I re­member I have heard, a long time after being in Company with some Englishmen, and amongst some Quakers, these Men complaining, that even then such Discourses were bandied about concern­ing the Jesuits mixing with the Quakers, and that they durst not contradict them. I'll go a little further; some time after, some, I know not who, according to their Jesuitical way and disposition, that wrote Foxes and Fire-brands, urging that there was a certain Jesuit that had lurked and taught among the Quakers for Twenty Years to­gether; but as often as I have put this thing to the Quakers, they have answered, That there could be nothing upon this Head found more falsly, or more foolishly, and that they could never find any thing that was like it, or smelled of it; but yet it is strange, how much Envy and Hatred this Opi­nion contracted to these Men, who followed this Sect and Constitution; and certainly there is no Year so Memorable and Note-worthy for the Per­secution of these Men, than this of Sixty Four; for seeing that neither those who were in Prison, that they might be set free, nor those at Liberty, that they might prevent their Imprisonment, could be brought of that Mind, as to be willing to Swear; and that those who were free, would by no means cease to hold their Assemblies, and that in greater Numbers than the Law allowed, and that many times they went so far, that they left their homes, and went out of the Bounds of the Kingdom. They were indeed in some places very severely handled, and in other places, over and above their hard Treatment, seeing that all places were filled with Prisoners, they ordered them into Banish­ment, [Page 179] and drove them, as the noisom and horrible Pest of the Kingdom, into the uttermost Parts of the Earth. The City of London had none of the least share in this Persecution, where besides the Oppressions and daily Violences offered by the meaner sort and scum of the People, as well as by the Soldiery, who strenuously rejoyced in such do­ings, and as having no regard of their own, so did more lightly set by other Mens Lives, and who every where waited for them in their Meetings, and did ever and anon by the Magistrate's Command, hale away many of them, yea, sometimes an Hun­dred together, and drive them before them like a Flock of Sheep, and throw them into Prisons, but not into those that were next at hand, and more at large, wherein however they might have been safe enough kept, and that in a gentle and kind manner, but into one common Prison, called Newgate, the Receptacle of Thieves, Rogues, Highway-men, and Cut-throats, as if they had been their Com­panions and Associates in their Villainies and Impie­ties, and the Scum and Off-scouring of the People, where they were crouded up like Beasts, ready to be stifled, and languishing with the Infection of such a place: Whence some of them, being so streightned and terrified with the place, and their pernicious and profligate Company, that they might enjoy a freer Air, and the sight of the Hea­vens, stood Night and Day either guarded in the Yard, or else got up to the top of the place, where, being not sufficiently clad, were very much incom­moded by the Cold and sharpness of the Air; and so many of them, them, through the Inconveniencies, Trou­bles, Fatigues, and Stench they were exposed to, were much weakened, and fell sick, some were wasted throughout in such a manner, as that they seemed to be meer Sceletons, and lead a Life more intolerable than Death it self; and others that could not endure the Misery, died, whose Corps, when their Friends and Kindred desired they might [Page 180] have to bury (though in vain) were privily Inter­red by the Keepers. Some of them being sick, and discharged therefore out of Prison, soon after, their Distempers increasing more and more upon them, died. Of whom there were two, whose Corps in the dead of the Night, soon after their Decease, and when their Friends had scarce lamen­ted their Death, comforted one another, and gone to thier Rest, were taken away by Guards and Ser­vants (having broke open the Doors for that end) sent by some of the Magistrates, and against their Friends consent, gave them a Christian Burial; and this induces me, designing otherwise to use not many Examples, to add this one notwithstanding, especially because of the oddness of the thing, and not unworthy to be known. Some Quakers at Scarborough in the Isle of Wight, met together in the House of John Bishop, one of their own Com­munion and Society; some of the Townsmen set upon them, and take several of the Quakers, and upon this Condition would grant them to depart freely, that every one of them should pay Half a Crown for his Offence; which Money when all of them refused to pay, not for the Money, which was not much, but because that in so doing they might seem to incur such a Penalty, and so ac­knowledge themselves to have been justly amer­ced; they were all put into Custody; and see­ing the Man's Name was Bishop, in whose House they met together, there was from thence a Story raised in England, and from thence dispersed into other Foreign Countries, that the Quakers in that Island had pulled down the Bishop's House, to whom belong'd the Administration of all Matters in Ecclesiastical Affairs there. There was one Pris­cilla Moe by Name, present in this Company afore­said, a Widow Woman; of whom Money being demanded, as of the rest, and she at the same, and in like manner looking not so much upon the Sum it self, as that she should seem to make her [Page 181] self Criminal, if she parted with it upon such an Account; and so did stedfastly, as all her Friends had done, reject their Demand, she was with them thrown into Prison, though she was very weak and infirm, where not long after she died. Next day her Friends the Quakers prepare to carry away the Corps, and to bury it in their own Burying-place, they had purchased for that purpose; but the Go­vernour of the Town would not suffer it, and so Commanding them to leave that to him, he takes care to have her buryed in a Christian manner, to the great regret, and sore against the will of those Men; for the Quakers did not reprehend this, that they buryed their own Dead so, but this they took very hainously, and troubled them much, that they were not entrusted with the Affairs of their Dead, whose Lives, and all their Concerns were within their Care, and that they durst not discharge that last Office of Piety towards them, according to their own Will and Mode, and that their Enemies carryed their Friends Corps with so many Ceremo­nies and Circumstances of their own, Prayers, and other Acts of such like Devotion, into hallowed and consecrated Ground, which they then call a Christin Burial, and the just Funeral Solemnities of a Christian; which concernedness and anxiety of theirs is indeed very strange, as if the Quakers themselves did believe that their Chast and Holy Bodies were defiled with these Rites, and in these Places, and they so abhorred the Superstition of others, as to favour another Superstition; for according to their own Confession the Dead have no sense or feeling, neither is it any matter where they rot. These Men moreover did more especially take ill, and grievously complain of this; that seeing their Adversaries did so shun their Friends that died before for their Religion, Faith, Manners, and Actions, and detested some of them, and that now they were dead, they persisted in the same Temper to the last gasp of their breath, and died so, yet [Page 182] that there were some of them, who when they gave them Christian Burial, as they called it, did not only judge them worthy of the Name, but al­so of the Honour and Memory of Christians, yea, and in the reciting of their Funeral Rites and So­lemnities, praised them as Members of their own and the Christian Church. And this has suggested another matter, of which I shall mention; this from the very first rise of these Men, has seemed to them to be altogether unfit and unbecoming honest and sincere Persons, and especially Christians, to make such splendid Preparations in the Celebra­tion of their Funeral Obsequies, that they seemed to be more like unto the Pomps of fine Shews and Triumphs, than Funerals, wherein together with Life all Worldly Glory passeth away; and namely, that they are often set off with so much Ornament and Company, with such Ostentation and Sem­blance of Face and Habit, implying Sorrow, whenas they in the mean time rejoice in their Bosoms, and sometimes when they return, Rejoice and Revel; and that others who take Pleasure to see such days as these, follow the rest; yea, some Sots and Gluttons, and such as have had no Invitation, come and glut themselves, and very often poor needy People, who are in extream want of Money, indulge themselves upon such occasions, and spend the remainder of their Substance: Whereas on the contrary, these Men have used, and do still use to demean them­selves modestly in providing for the Funerals of their Friends, to wit, in conveying the Corps into such places as are convenient and adapted for that purpose, not into consecrated Ground, left they should be thought to partake of the Superstition of their Ashes in the least; neither have they any Ornaments, nor any Ensigns of Lamentation or Mourning, nor do they wear any balck Claths, besides what they are daily wont to do; neither do they use any Junkettings, but only both before and after think upon the Mortal state of all Men, and [Page 183] every one of his own in particular, and how in a short time every one must enter upon that Journey unto Eternity, from which there is no returning, and commit this to their Heart and Memory, and excite one another to the study of an Honest and Pious Life, that his Death may be answerable thereunto. And that I may add this further, which is not to be omitted, but not therefore to be extended to many: It's a wonder, how much hatred also the odd and different way of managing and carrying their Funerals, and what storms of Reproaches and Trouble it brought upon the Quakers; they themselves Report, that the dead Carkasses of their Friends were dug up again, and buryed in other places; and all this lasted till the next Year after this, wherein that Memorable Plague raged, and when the Quakers had free Liberty to Bury in their own Places, and perform their Funeral Rites as they themselves pleased.

And seeing I have said thus much concerning the Burials of these Men, I shall take the Liberty to add this one passage more concerning them: There was a certain Man, whose Name was Oliver Athar­ton, of the Parish of Ormskirk, who, because he would not pay Tythes, was put into the Common Goal of Derby by the Countess of Derby, where, after a long Imprisonment, the Man died; the Quakers having Liberty granted them, carry the Corps away, and passing through some Streets into the place where he had dwelt, there bury him, and in the mean time set up pieces of Paper on Poles in all those places, with this written thereon, whereby they extolled. Oliver as a Martyr, but de­famed the Countess, as being guilty of Murder: This is Olliver Atharton, of Ormskirk, persecuted to Death by the Countess of Derby, because he would not pay her Tythes: After which, when that the Countess in a few days after died in like manner, and was carryed the same way to be buried, the Quakers made also a Miracle of this her Death, [Page 184] as if it had been the Effect of Divine Vengeance and Displeasure, as all are prone to Judge of the sudden, unexpected, and heavy Misfortunes of their Enemies. This Year a new and odd Persecu­tion attended these Men, which here we shall a little largely insist upon. It happened in the City of Colchester; I have given an Account in the First Book how the Quakers first came into this City, but by this time having much increased in Number, they met together daily, and could by no means be di­verted from that their Practice and Custom; at which things the Mayor of the City did at first wink, but afterward, finding them proceed in their ways, he began to look upon this Connivance as a disgrace unto him, and therefore bethought himself what he ought, and what he could do in that mat­ter, and at last, seeing that they still persisted there­in, he was much grieved and inflamed with Anger, and fully determined with himself to Prosecute them severely. It's a fearful thing to have an an­gry and an armed Enemy. It happened on the 25th. day of October, being the Lord's Day, that many of the Quakers were met together in a House, to Worship God according to their way, which when the Mayor came to hear, being eager with a desire to Punish them, he hasted thither with his Officers, breaks open the House, rushes in, and in harsh Words, but with a grave Authority, said, he came, according to the King's Laws, for to disturb this their Cabal and Conventicle, and immediately without delay, charges his Followers to Apprehend some of them, and lead them to Prison, and at the same time Commands the other Quakers to follow their Companions into the same place, which they quickly and readily did, not in conformity to his Command, but of their own will and inclination: After this, the same Officers on the Nine and Twentieth Day of the same Month, in pursuance to their Master's Command, return and repeat the same thing with great Care and Diligence. But [Page 185] when the Quakers on the First day of the next Month and Week met together again, the same Officer advises what to do, and does himself with his Guard undertake the same thing as before, in­vades and sets upon the House, where many Qua­kers again, not expecting his Command, knowing already what his Will was, go away into the same Prisons; and because that the rest of them did for all this meet again together on the Tenth Day of the said Month, there came either by the Command, or certainly by the Permission of the Governour, part of the County Troop, and these violently rush upon the Assembly, take some of them and con­duct them to Prison, beat and thump others, and besides ransacked the Place, rent and pull down the Seats, Windows, and every thing else besides the Walls and Rafters; when this was done, the Governour set one of the Gang, that lived not far from the House where the Quakers met together, at the Door, for to hinder them with Words and Threats for to Meet there, if they were not minded to fall from one Calamity unto another; whom, when they would not resist, they all stood in the Yard in the open Air, and pursue their Worship quietly, according to their usual manner; the Por­ter and Keeper does the same thing on the follow­ing days, and these same Men did the same as they had done before, not caring to what Inconvenien­cies of Air they were exposed, nor to what Injuries and Reproaches of their Enemies, nor with what Danger they were beset by lyers in wait for them, and not knowing what great Evil and Misery was a brewing for them at this very time for their Ob­stinacy and Perseverance: For seeing they would not desist from their Method and Purpose, it came to pass, as if the Law and Civil Power were too weak and feeble, that they had recourse to the Law of the Sword, and the Force of Arms; there were Forty Horsemen well mounted with choice Horse made ready, and these being furnished with Swords, [Page 186] Carabines, and Pistols, as they are wont to be, they drew nigh, that if so be they should again attempt any such thing, they were forthwith to fall upon them, and put them under Military Execution, so as that they did not kill them outright. The Qua­kers come again together on the Fifth of December, upon which this Troop approach, and seeing the Quakers, did immediately with drawn Swords, like stout Soldiers, as if they assaulted armed Men, but such as few of them had ever done, gallop up with full speed unto them, and then crying aloud, as if that were the Signal, What a Devil do you do here? They set upon them, beat, knock, and wound some of them with their Swords and Muskets, spa­ring neither the tender Age, nor Female Sex, nor the grey and wrinkled, and drove them from one place into another; and some that met them, even far from the place, and whom they took to be Quakers, were seized by them, and severely handled; some who had escaped safe to their Homes from this ter­rible Usage, had their Doors broke open, and were hardly used there; but neither did this also deter them from Meeting together again, but they retur­ned next day to the same place, whither came a­gain the same number of Horsemen armed some of them, besides the Instruments already mentioned, with heavy-headed Clubs, and so set upon them, throw them upon the Ground, beat them, and handle them with such a Violence, that they drew Blood from many of them, some they left as if they had been dead upon the Ground, and had died, had it not been for the Citizens, who being moved with Compassion, received some of them into their Houses, and took care of them; some were so used, that they could not lift an Hand to their Mouths, yea, and could not use any Member of their Body for a long time after. There was one of the Horsemen who struck at one of them with so much violence, that he shook his Blade out of the Hilt, which when the Quaker perceived, he [Page 187] gives it up to his smiter, saying, Take thine own, but as for me, that which is ours and a Christian's part, I beseech and pray to God, that the work of this day may not be laid to thy Charge. And so on the one side, Fury and Cruelty, and on the other, Con­stancy and Gentleness seemed to outvie one another. But all this Violence could not yet repress the En­deavours and Purposes of these Men: And so they met again another day, whereupon the same Per­sons are sent to them also, being now looked upon as the best and surest Chastisers and Punishers of these Men, who set upon them, and handle them according to their wonted manner; and while the Quakers endeavour, as every one best could, to escape, they pursue them even to their very Houses. And when these Men could not still be diverted from their way and purpose, but that they met to­gether on the Twenty Seventh day again, the same Troop came up with, and before they set upon them, they placed Sentinels at the Passes to stop their going out, whereupon the Horsemen, to the number of Thirty Six, break in upon them, and with their Clubs and Muskets so beat and bruise the Limbs and Heads of these People, with such hard blows, and some of them receiving even an Hundred, that there was scarce any part of their Body free from Wounds and Bruises; and seeing there were some of them who sought to escape their hands by flight, they fell in the Avenues into the power of the Sentinels, and were as severely handled as the rest; and those Punishers and Chastisers intermixt so many Maledictions and Curses with these things, that the Quakers, who are a People of few words, and such as are awful and modest, affirmed, that they were not so much hurt with their Swords and Clubs in their Bodies, as they were troubled at their wicked Words in their Hearts. These Men were now so hardned with all these Tryals and Evils, that they were not only not moved in the least thereat, but also looked upon whatever they suffered [Page 188] as pleasant and glorious, being as it were a Mar­tyrdom for their Religion. They again Meet on another day, to the Number of Sixty Persons, with a stedfast and firm Resolution of Mind, expect­ing to be put under the bitterest Tryals and Afflicti­ons; at what time a Company of People, partly on Horseback, and the rest on Foot, all of a sud­den set upon them in a Tumultuous, Boisterous, and Clamorous manner, and whomsoever they catched, they knock'd down to the Ground with their Arms, and did so beat and assail some of them, and made them so weak and infirm, that they could not for a long time stir their Limbs for the use of their Bodies. Yet this Outrage could not bring these Men to take better Advice, and change their Purpose; wherefore the Forty Troopers were sent again against them, who thinking they could not be forced by the former Arms they had used, do now drive very sharp Nails into the ends of their Clubs, wherewith they might repel them, and so when the Quakers returned boldly to their Place of Worship on the Sixth of November, they set upon them, and with horrid Curses and Railleries beat them all from all sides, and separate some of them from the rest: Here a certain Widow, and an Old Woman, received Twelve Wounds, and another Woman was wounded to her very Reins. This Persecution lasted six Weeks. From thence for­ward the Governour took another Course; and first of all indeed according to his former manner, but now accompanyed with the Recorder of the City, and some Officers, goes to the places where the Quakers were to Meet together, breaks the Doors open, and goes in, and as soon as any of the Qua­kers entred, dispersed them; at another time, ma­king use of gentler Remedies, he Commands them, and lest they should not do it, in the King's Name, to be gone; to which they made Answer, That they were full of Duty towards the King, but that they loved God, the King of Kings, more, who commanded [Page 189] that no one should forbear to Worship him when they had time and place. This the Governour interpre­ted either as the greatest Ignominy, or the utmost Contumacy, and thinking neither of them was to be endured, renews his former severe Methods a­gainst them, which he had for some time intermit­ted, and sends Soldiers, who should drive them from the places where they were, by thrusting, ha­ling, and smiting of them. But when he still found that he neither could by all his Devices, and so many Tryals, do any good, nor was able to bridle them, but that they were of that Mind and Dis­position, either to live with this Freedom of Meet­ing together, or to suffer Death for it, he chose ra­ther at last to cease, and give over taking any no­tice of them. These things which are worthy of Admiration, and which might seem to be set forth at large by the Quakers by way of Accusation, I take notice of not only from their own Relations of themselves, but also from the Testimonies of others, and of the most sober Christians of that City; moreover, there was no Citizen, who had any sense of Pity and Humanity about him, that did not express his Indignation, Dis-approbation, and also Detestation of the great Severity used against them.

THE Remaining PART OF THE Second BOOK OF THIS General History OF THE QUAKERS Begins at [Aa] Page 1.
[Page] [Page 1]THE General History OF THE QUAKERS.

SO Eager and Resolute they were for the maintenance of their Religion, profes­sion, and publick meetings, that mau­gre all the severe Laws enacted against them, all the miseries they had already undergone, and the future evils impen­ding on their heads, yet they never intermitted so much as one day from assembling together, and managing religious concerns. Nay, so far were they from being dispirited by the great ca­lamities and miseries they lay under, that from the lowest to the greatest they seem'd to be harden'd and confirm'd against the greatest punishments whatsoever: as if all their misfortunes and disasters had been means rather to excite and encourage their boldness, than to enfeeble or repress the same. So that now there was no remedy left to restrain them, save close imprisonment. But because it was difficult and hard to detain them all in perpetual prison; It was at last resolv'd that they should not only be banis [...]'d from their houses and li­vings, but from the whole kingdom; and com­manded to the American Colonies subject to the [Page 2] English; where they should be condemn'd to the same service and slavery that the barbarous na­tives of that Country are; who are a people so stiffneck'd and stubborn that neither levity of treatment can break them, nor severity of punishment scare from their barbarous cu­stoms; so that by an inveterate and immoveable despair they break all the bounds of Temperance and Reverence among the Christians. According­ly there were several decrees made in several Courts and Judicatories at one and the same time about the Captive Quakers: (that is, those of them that were refractory and obstinate▪ whe [...] neither imprisonment nor any other manner o [...] punishment could move to desist from their disallowable practices; for there were some of 'em that after having been three, four, or five several times dismiss'd and set at liberty, still re­turned to their former vomit) that they should be sever'd from the rest of the English World by being transported to Barbado's and Jamaica, where the Garrisons and Forts were strong enough to oppose them and stiffle their designs; and where there was no great fear of any danger that could arise from their commotions. And that they might be depriv'd of any support or comfort from conjugal love or fellowship, they order'd the women and men to be separated and transported to separate Colonies. But the term of their ba­nishment did not exceed seven years. And this favour was likewise indulg'd them, that whoever would pay one hundred pounds English for his offence should redeem himself from being trans­ported. But it was never heard that any of them attempted this manner of redemption.—I shall here mention only two examples, the one remarkable for insolence, the other for the place and manner of Judgment.

The first Was in Hereford Town, where one and twenty of 'em were kept in Prison, (of which sixteen were Married Persons, and very comfortably match'd to loving consorts,) be­cause [Page 3] of their frequent meetings and Religious [...]onventicles; who had been before try'd and condemn'd in a Convention of the County, and were afterwards sentenc'd to suffer the aforesaid Exportation, by a Court held in every respective County. The Quakers relate that all things were done very superficially in the latter, no­thing of tryal being made sure only for fashon sake, as if they would not repine or reverse the Sentences formerly cast against them in other Courts; or as if the matter had been so plain that there was no further place left for the guilty to put up defences; so that all things were ready for passing Sentence. The Witnesses that had been Examin'd before, depon'd that they saw the Qua­kers, assembled together at that place, from whence they were brought to Prison; and that in this their assembly, they were sitting quiet and mute without any speaker. The Quakers made no dispute upon the matter, only re­plied, That as they us'd to do at all other times, they had then met together, not tumultuously, nor after any unhandsom manner. However, this was accounted a Crime sufficient to demerit such a punishment. The Quakers say, That when the President of the Court, Henry Chany, was pro­nouncing Sentence of Transportation against them, his Countenance bewray'd great trouble of mind, and the words he spoke were very faint and lan­guid, as if the Injustice of the Sentence had struck him with fear and confusion. This they observ'd; and indeed they are men very apt and ready to make their Observations, and commemorate the same for infallible Truths. However, this Judg having pronounced Sentence, interrogates them all, if they were willing to redeem themselves at the price set, allowing them the next night to con­sider upon it; Which night (as they write them­selves) they spent not in consulting one with ano­ther what Answer to give; but in secure and pro­found sleep, as being conscious to themselves of no evil thing they had done, which self conscious [Page 4] innocence devoided them of fear, and encourag'd them readily and chearfully to undergo all the Afflictions that might befal them. In the Morn­ing, being call'd before [...] Judicatory to give an­swer to the question put to them the preceeding day, they reply'd to the Judge, interrogating them a fresh, that they would pay nothing, and tho they had a hundred lives they would not redeem them for a hundred pence; so far were they from offering or promising so many pounds.

Some few days after that two Courts were held at London about the same business, which may be ac­counted the Metropolitans of all the others held on this account, as London is of that Kingdom. The Decisions and Judgments of these Councils were very various, as the exit testify'd. The Quakers being [...] up in Prison for having con­gregated themselves in publick Crowds, and obsti­nately persisting in the same irregularity; were arraign'd before the Court, and accus'd of having transgress'd the Laws, in meeting and preaching to more than five at a time, in contempt of the King and the Laws of the Realm; that tho they met together for worshipping God, yet their man­ner of worship was dissonant from the Liturgy and Canons of the Church of England; and that tho they design'd to advance mutual concord among themselves by their frequent Conventicles, yet they tended to raise discord & sedition amongst the People. The informers and delaters against them were mostly the Magistrates Servants and Of­ficers, or the Keepers of Prisons and suchlike, who yet testified nothing against them, save that they found them assembled together, tho they did not hear any speaking amongst them; or that they were deliver'd to them by the Messengers who apprehended 'em; or that they saw them brought into Prison. Unto which the Quakers reply'd, that they did not deny their being together; but that they desir'd it might be proved that their Con­gregating together was upon any such wicked de­sign, [Page 5] as to shew contempt of the King and Go­vernment; which was the crime laid to their Charge, and upon which they were then call'd in question. They added likewise, that they did not deny their meeting together in greater num­bers than five; which if it was contrary to the King's commands, was excusable in them, since they were bound to obey the Commands of God, and give ear to his voice alone, tho Kings and all Men on Earth should Countermand the same; And as to the Liturgy of England, they reply'd, that if it contain'd any thing contrary to the Divine Will, it was to be put in the same ballance with the Kings Laws, when of the same strain; and so could not be urg'd upon them as a rule to walk by; Besides, that the Liturgy did not forbid, nay, commanded to Worship God after the same manner that they did, viz. In Spirit and in Truth.

The Jurymen after having understood the whole matter how it stood, did not all so freely tell their minds as they might have done; nor were they all equally forward and ready to decide the matter; some pleading, that it being an intricate case they were doubtful and uncertain how to determine it; others refusing positively to Judge of it, as being a most important and momentous affair. But all the Judges unanimously concentred in this sen­tence, that such Religious Meetings as were not conform to the Modes of the Church of England, or exceeded the number of five, were unlawful; and that these Quakers (whatsoever was their de­sign in Meeting, be it good o [...] ill) had celebrat­ed such unlawful Meetings and persisted to do the same still; which they openly and Judicially acknowledged, so that no place was left for atte­nuating the crime, or alleviating the punishment; wherefore they were all guilty of a Capital crime. And whereas some of these Quakers were marri­ed, others were single persons, in some Courts the sentence was that the former should pay a fine of so many pounds, or suffer a years Imprisonment; [Page 6] and the latter be Transported to the American Islands, to do slavery in the English Colonies there: In other Courts they were all promiscuously or­der'd to be Transported; Yet so as in some Courts Liberty was given to those that had re­ceiv'd sentence of Banishment, (in some places to them all, but elsewhere only to the Boys and Girls) to choose whether they would rather be Transported, or stay in England, and frequent the publick Churches to hear Sermon; which they all unanimously rejected; some of 'em returning this answer, that they wondred how the Judges should propose such an offer, since they all knew very well that if any of the Quakers came that length as to embrace their Proposal, it would not be from a sincere love to the Church, or their Ser­mons, but through Hypocrisy and Dissimulation, which in Religious matters is the most heinous and superlative crime that can be Committed. In fine, since the Quakers continued so obstinate in rejecting all offers made by the Judges, they likewise continued stedfast in ordering their sen­tence to be put in Execution against them. The first Court that took this affair into Cognisance, was held about the middle of October, William Proctor being chosen president: The Jurymen were unwilling and refractory to meddle with it, which Created a great deal of trouble to the Judg­es. At this time there were twelve receiv'd sen­tence of Transportation, partly Men, of which some very ancient, some very young, partly wo­men, among whom was one Girl under sixteen years of Age. Another Court was held the same very month, to which Robert Hide presided. Dif­ferences arose betwixt the Judges and Jurymen, for that the latter were slow and backward to decide the matter. At length after they had reason'd and debated among themselves about the nature of the Crime, the matter of fact, and the tenor of the Law, they with one voice gave in this Resolution, that these men were guilty of [Page 7] having kept Conventicles; but that they could not determine whether they kept such Conventi­cles as here repugnant to the rites and customs of the Church, or what was their intention in so do­ing. By which sentence they thought they freed themselves from any further trouble in the affair: But the Judges began to debate with some of them about the Religion of the Quakers, and at last to threaten them openly; and cited six of the twelve to appear before the King to give an ac­count of what they had done; the six were not at all affraid, persisting in their opinion, in favour of the Quakers, which they thought it their duty not to revoke from. Upon which the Court was dismiss'd for that occasion; and the matter left undecided, yet it sate again that same very day; but Judge Hide▪ did not sit, the Lord Mayor sup­plying his place; and then it was determin'd (nemine contra dicente) that they were guilty of most heinous Crimes, unworthy to live in their Country, and therefore to be banish'd to the out­most bounds of the Remorter Earth. Among them was a Boy in Coats (being so very young) who being ask'd if he would not swear that he was not sixteen years old, had not the Ripeness enough of Judgment to give a grave and perti­nent Answer, but reply'd, that no Man could Remember the Day of his Birth, and that he was not born for, nor train'd up in Swearing. On this occasion Eighteen were condemn'd to the same punishment of being Transported.

The next Court was held in December, Hide pre­siding; in which, without any dissention, or va­riety of Opinions, they condemn'd Two and Thir­ty to be turn'd out of all their Possessions and Enjoyments, and banish'd their Countrey. One of these Two and Thirty boldly desir'd leave of the Judges to ask One Question; which being granted, he tells them, That they were constituted Judges to resolve him and others about dubious mat­ters; which they acknowledg'd to be true. Then [Page 8] he asks of them, since the cause of his Condem­nation was his frequenting the Meetings of the Quakers, and absenting from the Publick Chur­ches; and since the Commands of God enjoyn'd the former, and the Laws of Men constrain'd the latter, which would they have him obey, or what would they advise him to do? The Judges gave no answer, either because they durst not answer contrary to their own Consciences, or because they would not seem by their Judgment to over­turn a Law establish'd and confirm'd by so many Judgments pass'd upon the same Affair. Some of these condemn'd both in this and other Courts, demanded (by their Solicitors, as well as them­selves) to have a Copy of the Judges Sentenco, that they might consider it, and answer distinct­ly to each Article of the same: but it was deni­ed them, lest by protracting and pretending this for an Excuse of further Delay, they should seem to elude the Law. Wherefore some of them, as soon as they open'd their mouths in their own defence, were instantly carried away.

Another Court was held upon this account that same month, Judge Hide presiding; in which the Judgment was summary and compendious: For since the Accused did not deny their congrega [...] ­ing together, the confession of this was accounted an acknowledgment of the Crime, and without any further Enquiry, or Proof, they were forth­with adjudg'd to undergo the same punishment. There was a Widow among the rest, a Mother of Three Children, who (while the rest were alledg­ing, That they were not found guilty of any Ille­gality in the manner and design of their assemb­ling; for the Act it self they did not deny) cry'd out, That she was most unjustly accus'd not only of the Crime, but of the Fact it self; and that it would be a wicked and scandalous Action to inflict upon her such a Punishment which she ne­ver deserv'd; fot that she was only standing at the Doors of the House where the Quakers (her [Page 9] Friends and Neighbours) were assembled, and had not yet entred in, when the Sergeants and Officers laying violent Hands upon her, drew her into the House. Upon which, one of the Qua­kers turning himself to the Jurymen (for they are upon Oath when they give Judgment, and great­er caution is to be us'd after the taking of an Oath) accosts them thus, That they would think upon God the supreme Judge Omnipresent, and Om­niscient, and on Conscience the Judge within them; And not imagine to themselves that the times, or the necessity of doing so, or so, would be a solid excuse for 'em, or to take Encouragement from any other respect whatsoever. Which injected some terror and scruple into their minds, some of them answering, that things were now come to that length that they could not help what they did. At this time they condemn'd twenty to the same punishment. Another Court was held in January, in which also Judge Hide presided, for all this affair was totally devolv'd upon him, as being the ablest and expertest of his function in England. They condemn'd thirty two after the same manner as the former, to be sever'd from their Friends, possessions and all Commerce with their native Country, by being banish'd into these remoter Plantations. In February there ensued two more, (onely Counsellor Wachlon presiding in the first, and Windham in the latter. The former condem'd twenty four; the latter ten Men and Women; both to undergo the above­mention'd proscription. There was some among them who alledg'd that at that time, when the Conventicle was kept, at which they were accus'd, and said to have been present, they were in places far distant from it, but all Defences and Allegati­ons were in vain. So that in this one City the Principal of the whole Kingdom, so many of this Society as were Charg'd to be seditious, wick­ed, and tumultuating, were not allowed to breath in their native Air; of which they were said to [Page 10] be unworthy, and confin'd to these Solitary distant Colonies of the New World, to be there hardly us'd, and oblig'd to truckle, with the native Barbarians to all manner of servile work; this being accoun­ted the most effectual way for allaying their fury and quelling the restless Commotions of their Spirits.

The Quakers relate, that in some of these Courts, there happen'd a Remarkable instance, as at He­reford; that while they read over the sentence given against the Quakers, they did it with so much Consternation, Hesitation and Slowness of Speech, that of all the multitude standing by, there was none could tell what was read. They tell likewise of the first witness, or informer against them at these Courts, that from that time that he appear'd against them, he never en­joy'd either peace of mind, or health of body, but losing all appetite to meat, shortly afterwards pin'd away and Died. All these observables are accounted by the Quakers to be a signification of the Divine wrath against them, It being usual for Men when in Adversity, to make curious Obser­vations and Reflections upon those things, that in Prosperity might have past without being ta­ken notice of; which they then interpret favour­ably for themselves, as tending to their comfort and support, and signifying the wrath and anger of the Almighty, against the Actions of their Ad­versaries. I have not inserted the Names of these persecuted Quakers, because it would have been tedious to mention all their Names; and also in­vidious to name some of 'em, whether they place their Glory or their shame in this their af­fliction. This severe and intollerable Affliction had that effect upon them (As all afflictions have, even upon Children, the most rude and un­skilful of Eloquence) that those who formerly were mute and uncapable to say any thing to the purpose in their Defence, now became talka [...]ive [Page 11] and ready in their discourses; Insomuch that both the Afflicted themselves, and also their Friends and Relations who were touch'd with pity and brotherly Compassion, for their hard lot, were heard frequently to express themselves after this Manner; That it was just for Evil doers to be ill treated; But they who offended no Man were in­jur'd by all; that what all other People praise and applaud themselves in, was imputed to them as a superlative Crime; what they accounted vertuous and worthy of a Reward in themselves, they had se­verely punish'd and persecuted in them, viz. Con­stancy in Religion and Faith. This seems (say they) to be such a Metamorphosis and Renversement of things, as cannot but prove matter of Wonder and Astonishment to all good and wise Men; that what of old was deem'd for a hainous Crime, should now be Crown'd with the Testimony of vertue; what of old was branded as Contrary to all Divine and Hu­mane Laws, should now be establish'd and enacted in a Law. By this Law it is that such Numbers of M [...]n are accus'd, examin'd, try'd, and condemn'd by Witnesses, Jurymen, and Judges, all fill'd with Passion and Revenge; excepting only a few who while they plainly insinuate, that such unaccountable procedure is contrary to their mind, yet would not openly disclose their thoughts, or oppose the rest of their angry and passionate Companions. Moderate punishments are moderately endur'd; but this of theirs was so intollerable and grievous that is sur­pass [...]d the tortures of Hangmen, insomuch that Death it self (even the cruellest) would be welcome to them and accounted a favour. That what God and Na­ture had most sweetly and strictly Conjoyn'd and Ce­mented together, could be sever'd and torn asunder without the most ineffable pain of Torment. That of this nature were the Enjoyments they were be­reav'd of, and despair'd ever to Recover. That the dearest and most loving Friends were separated from one another, cast out, and banish'd their Coun­try, their Houses, Families, and the Society of their [Page 12] Friends, Relations, and Acquaintances; Nay, the Wives were Ravish'd from their Husbands, the Pa­rents from their Children; the Infants were snatch'd from the Bosom and Embraces of their Parents; and Sucklings pull'd from the Breasts of their Mo­thers. That free Christian Men were reduced to Slavery and Bondage, and thrust out among the Bar­barous and cruel Indians, who were estrang'd from all Religion towards God, or Humanity towards Man. So that the Common liberty purchas'd with so much labour and pains, with the Blood and Lives of our Ancesters, and deliver'd to us their posterity, as a most precious and invaluable depositum, not to be parted with but with the loss of our Lives, is now violated and trampl'd under, in these very Lands which boast of their happiness in enjoying more free­dom and liberty than other Nations. And thus it decays a pace, lessening by degrees, and changing its face every day, so that there is just ground to sus­pect, that what now is their lot, may afterwards be­fall the whole Nation, and that those who now re­joyce and exult secure of their own Liberty, may af­terwards come to bemoan the loss of the same when it is too late.

But since, I have already given you a taste of their Condemnation, it will not be amiss to trace their sentence to its Execution, and take a view of the events that ensu'd thereupon. The first of all the Quakers adjudged to be banish'd their livings, fortunes, and Country, and order'd forthwith to receive the Execution of this their sentence, were the seven Condemn'd at Hereford; from whence they were carried Prisoners to Lon­don, to embark in a Ship lying in the Thames bound for Barbadoes. But when they came to bargain with the Master of the Ship about their Transportation, he believing the Men to be inno­cent, thought it not safe for him to carry away his own Countrymen against their wills; and therefore deny'd to do it. This his rufusal was so heavily resented, that he was forthwith cast into [Page 13] Prison. But afterwards, being releas'd and re­specting more the misery and Affliction of the poor innocent Men, than his own disadvantage or Detriment, he again refus'd to do such an in­humane thing, especially that reflected so much upon the fame and honour of his native Country. But the owners of the Ship having engag'd to carry them off, and thinking themselves oblig'd to fulfil their promise, depos'd the Master from his Office. Upon which some other Merchants, when they saw these Men so insens'd against the Master, that they had remov'd him from his place, and thinking he had done as became a good and faithful Man, in refusing to Transport his inno­cent Countrymen, made him Master of another Ship, better than what he had before. Howe­ver, a new Master being put in his place, the Quakers are deliver'd to him to be carried to Barbadoes. But this New Master bethinking himself afterwards what manner of men they were, began to repent of what he had done, es­pecially considering that he could gain nothing by their Transportation, but a Reproach and Scandal, east upon his Name; and in fine sets them at liberty, giving them a Testimonial under his hand, that they had not privily fled away, but were freely dismiss'd by him. The Quakers presently sets straight homewards, and when they arriv'd, their Friends were so overjoy'd that they not only beat their Breasts with their hands, but likewise toll'd the Bell; which Alarm'd the Ma­gistrates of the place, who having met together and understanding what the matter was, sent for one of the seven to appear before them, who told them the whole series of the story; upon which they sent for all the seven, ordering them to be carried to London, and deliver'd to another Master who was bound the same course; who af­ter having set to Sea began to consider with him­self that the Men he had on board, were Trans­ported against their wills, being Captives and Pri­soners. [Page 14] The same consideration began to move the Seamen; who are a sort of Men more merciful and compassionate than others; and more exora­ble and ready to assist and relieve the miserable and oppressed; which does not flow from their natural Inclination or Education, but from the frequent use of encountring many dangers, and being accustom'd to hardships. They began all to call to Remembrance what they had often heard in England, that there is a Law against ex­porting any Man from his native Country without his consent, imposing a considerable fine upon any who should Adventure to do the same; as also that in Barbadoes, there is a Law, enacting, that if any Man imported an Englishman into that Island against his consent, he should be liable to what punishment the Governour pleas'd to inflict. Wherefore they all refus'd to be Accessory to any such Crime, which was Repugnant to the dictates of their Consciences, and liable to the [...]orce of both Laws, in England and Barbadoes. It hap­pen'd likewise that the wind prov'd contrary, and every thing cross, as they were upon the Sea, for a long time. Which Alarm'd the Seamen mighti­ly, inclining them to believe that it was a certain sign of Divine wrath against them, for exporting their Countrymen (as the ignorant Vulgar are al­ways ready to presage some fatal men from the ap­pearance of any thing that is strange or unusual) in so much, that they assur'd the Master of the Ship, that unless he would let these Men go, they would not manage the Ship, nor perform the Voyage. And accordingly, as soon as they came to the Isle of Wight, they took Counsel together to set them at Liberty there. And that their design in dismissing them, and the manner of the same might the better appear, they wrote a Letter signifying the Reasons that mov'd 'em to let 'em go, and withal Testifying that they were men of unblamable Conversation in every thing; as also that they did not flee away from them by stealth, [Page 15] but were freely dismiss'd; which Letter was sub­scribed by some, and delivered to the Quakers, who came straight away for London, (not going near their own Houses) where they were brought before the Council, as Fugitives) to be punished by the Pains of Death; for such is the penalty of that crime; but they showing their Letters, which testified the contrary, were order'd to be kept Prisoners till another opportunity offer'd of sending them to America.

Next to these seven, other three at Bristol were put on Board a Ship for the same end; but the Seamen considering their case and doleful condi­tion, and being mov'd with that affection, call'd mercy, (which is Grief of Heart for the misery of others) and also scar'd by the Laws against any such Exportations, set them at Liberty again, giving them a Letter or Certificate to remove all suspicion of their being Fugitives. These acci­dents were wonderful, and accounted by the Quakers to be Miracles. Altho all these, and many others, who had receiv'd the same Sentence of Transportation, were put all together into one Ship, that was strongly enough guarded, and secur'd from the lash of the Law. This Ship, when set to Sea, was taken by a Dutch Privateer in the time of War between Holland and Eng­land; and the Captive Quakers were set a shoar in Holland; which accident (whatever constructi­on the Quakers may put upon it) is a memora­ble instance of the vicissitudes of Human Affairs. Some of these Quakers return'd again to their own Habitations, as being afraid of nothing, and desiring resolutely to undergo all manner of Af­flictions for the defence of their Religion. Others fix'd their Residence in Holland, making that place a Refuge and Receptacle of the Miserable; and thinking it safer to hear of the miseries of their Countrymen, than to see them with their Eyes, and be the feeling Subjects of the same themselves. Some of these men, Now Pilgrims in a strange [Page 16] Land, had but very little to maintain themselves withal, but they acquiesc'd in their Poverty very patiently, choosing rather to live a secure (tho mean) life in a strange Country, than to try the uncertain Events of dubious Fortune in their own. Some, in the progress of time, encreas'd their small Fortunes to a considerable bulk, so that their former Persecution, and the Exchange of their Habitations, prov'd advantagious to them. Be­sides, there were not wanting some among them, who, besides their domestick Affairs, took care al­so of the General interest of the Sect even in that Country; and by introducing New Meetings and constituting a New Society, there became the chief Pillars and Ornaments of their whole Church; tho formerly they had been in no repute amongst their own People, either for Riches or other En­dowments; so that their Friends and Associates did not stand to say publickly of them, that they were toss'd and harrass'd by many tribulations, and at length brought to that Country by the Divine Counsel, that they might be oblig'd to Ac­knowledge that Divine Assistance which enabled them to compass such great undertakings; the same thing happening unto them that we observe in Trees and Plants, the which the more they are shaken with the Winds, the deeper and faster Root they take, and when prun'd, bring forth Fruits better and in greater plenty; or when bare at the Roots, or digg'd up and Transplant­ed to other ground, Fructify better, and produce a more plentiful Harvest. A pious and laudable Action to put such favourable Constructions upon ad­verse events, and to enlarge and magnify what pros­perously befalls 'em. The Quakers at this time complain'd hugely of the cruel and inveterate malice of the Ecclesiasticks and Ministers against them, who should have been meek even to their Enemies, following in this the Example of their Lord and Master, while on Earth, who was meek and tender to his greatest Enemies. Their mouths [Page 17] were also fill'd with the cruelty of the Bishops, who are the chiefest managers of all publick con­cerns and the principal Members of the Parlia­ment, the supreme Judicatory of the Nation, whose Authority is of so great weight and influence in the Nation, that they were the Authors of all the s [...]vere Laws and Rigid constitutions made against them; that they propos'd nothing con­cerning the restraining and suppressing of Secta­ries (and consequently Quakers) that was not forthwith listen'd to by the Noble Men and States­men of the Kingdom. Their complaint there­fore was, that Justice was done them no where, that they could not obtain liberty so much as to display the injuries that were done them▪ that this persecution was Universal and every where, insomuch that every Town, or whate­ver place was frequented by People, ring'd with the persecution and affliction of the Quakers. And because they are of this principle, that Re­sistance is to be offer'd to none, nay, not so much as to ward off force by force; that what­ever fortune befell them, they should not on­ly acquiesce in it, but receive it with all chear­fulness and willingness of mind, while it was for Conscience sake; that whatever evils they were oppress'd with, they should undergo them with the greatest Constancy, Patience and Fortitude of mind and body; they complain'd that upon this account the world was the more jealous and suspicious of them, that their wrath and malice was incited the more against them; that they lay open to the snares and devices of all Men, such as could not be avoided by simple and open hearted Men, and to the greatest Perils and Dangers that any Mortals could undergo; not otherwise than if every thing alledg'd against them had been prov'd, or if their patient endur­ing the Punishments inflicted had been their crime, and this their constancy in suffering, ac­counted by some stubbernness and contumacy, [Page 18] had call'd for a greater weight of punishment to be inflicted. In opposition to which, when such like complaints came to the ears of the Church­men, they endeavour'd to purge themselves thus; that seeing the Quakers did so obstinately forsake and separate from the publick Religion, Church­es and Sermons; and neglected, despis'd and en­deavour'd by all means to render ineffectual the Laws and Constitutions of the Church; and sto­ped, oppos'd and diminish'd, as much as in them lay, their revenues, incomes and advantages; so that they design'd and contriv'd to ruine them, and theirs, if they could; there was therefore no remedy left for curbing and checking their cor­rupted minds, irregular Actions, and unaccount­ble boldness, but the method they had chosen for that effect; and the punishments they met with were no less than they deserv'd; that as for them, they had done nothing but what was their duty, and became them in the conscientious dis­charge of their function, which was not to be their Enemys, (as they said) but to correct, pun­ish and reform sinners. But the Quakers chiefly found fault with this, that they always cited them before the Ecclesiastick and Spiritual Courts, which after this year became very frequent; this touch'd them so sensibly that they could not conceal the grief and anguish of their mind, nor moderate their tongues from expressing the same. This Ecclesiastical Court was after this manner: ‘The Quakers being most obstinate and tenati­ous to all the Articles of their Religion, and very nice and insulting in the minutest Tenets of another, did by their obstinacy and trouble mightily incourage the Ministers of the Church­es, and (which of all things here on Earth is most sensible) occasion'd the diminution of their revenues; They were then cited to ap­pear, and if they either made any great Re­sistance or refus'd to give surety, or to appear before the Court, they were excluded from [Page 19] Communion with the Church, as being the Excrements and Off-scourings of the world. This we commonly call Excommunication. Which Excommunication was approv'd and confirm'd by every Bishop in his Bishoprick, and also by the Bishop of the Diocess where it was done; after which any Accusers or Actors had full power and liberty to prose­cute them, as lewd and wicked people sepa­rated from the Mother the Holy Church.’ Then being delated to the Magistrates, and by their command apprehended and cast into Prison, were to lye there till they had suffer'd all the penalty and pay'd the last farthing, tho in the mean time none of them had began to pay the first penny. This Action is call'd by Lawyers de Excommunicato capiendo. The crimes they were accus'd of, that made them liable to this Thunderbolt of Excommunication were these, That they did not frequent the publick Churches, nor observ'd the set holydays, in attending Sermons and publick Prayers; that in holy days they and their families did not abstain from profane wocking; that they withheld their Children from baptism, and would not give surety for them, when they excluded 'em from the Num­ber of Christians. That they did not receive the other Sacrament; that they were not mar­ried by their Parish Ministers, nor any others of the Church; that they were not joyn'd toge­ther in the bond of Matrimony according to Law, but liv'd together like lewd and debauch'd persons, making their Wives whores, and their Children bastards and illegitimate. (This de­priv'd the Ministers of the Advantages they o­therwise had by the fees and allowances paid them on such occasions; which the Quakers were very refractory to do.) That they sent not their Chil­dren to School to be taught by the Parish School-masters, who otherwise were straiten'd for a live­lyhood (for the Quakers had School-masters of [Page 20] their own profession, to whom they committed the Education of their Children); that they re­fus'd to pay their quota for repairing the Church­es, and keeping them in order; that they omit­ted to give the Easter-Offerings, or such other gifts as ought and us'd to be given to the Curates, or Minsters of their Parish; and lastly, that they refus'd to pay the Tithes of their Cattel, Lands, Trees, Honey, &c. to the Minister; this (say the Quakers) the Clergy look'd upon as their greatest Calamity, accounting it their cloros (as they us'd to taunt them) or the loss and rottenness of their honeycombs, and the product of their Bees. Thus the Quakers both in their gestures, Speeches, and Writings sometimes, cunningly insinuated such [...]art bu [...]ter Reflections. Liberty was given the Quakers, before the sentence of Excommunicati­on was pronounc'd against 'em, to propose their Defences and Apologies for themselves, before the Bishops and Magistrates. But because they were not allow'd to do it themselves, but only by Procurators and Sollicitors, which could not be done without giving Money, they declin'd appearing before them; for they thus reason'd with themselves, that if their business succeeded favourably, it was well; if not it would be the multiplying expences upon expences in vain; and besides, they bethought themselves, that no faith would be had to their Allegations without interposing their Oaths, which they were very a verse to, nay, so resolute that they would rather run the hazard, of the greatest persecutions what­soever. So that none of them obtain'd any fa­vour. Nor were they excus'd who pretended to be sick, and so unable to attend the Court; for this their pretended sickness was interpreted to be feign'd and not real. So that one after ano­ther, great numbers of them were Condemn'd, apprehended, and put in Prison; some Rich, some Poor, some Citizens, some Country-Pea­sants; several of the latter being Imprison'd for a [Page 21] very small summ, not exceeding ten or six pence. Which small summs they all refus'd to advance, not that they were so poor as that they could not, or so pinching and niggardly, that they would not part with so much; but that they thought the pursuers had no right to them. And the pursuers were so eager and strict, that they would not forgive such little summs, nor abate the least farthing of their due, lest others should have taken Encouragement from such a prece­dent, to expect the like immunity. So they were all promiscuously Imprison'd. In the mean while the fomenters of the Action, while they pre­tended to recover what was owing them, took by force from their houses what (as they said) would amount to the summ; pillaging their houses, Embezzeling and Spoiling their Barns, Stacks, Harvest, Vintage; taking their Horses, Cows, and all other possessions they could be Masters of, so that they recover'd their Money with Interest, destroying all that the diligent Men had scrap'd together by the sweat of their brows, and living sparingly, and leaving nothing almost for the sustenance of their families. Yet the Quakers continued still stedfast, and unmove­able, resolving to suffer to the last extremity, ra­ther than recede from the course they had begun; so that some of them were cast into common Goals, some into Castles and Places of strength, some into stinking noysom Dungeons, where dogs could not live, being forc'd to live at the Discretion and Arbitrement of their Keepers, and expos'd for a ridicule to the basest and meanest of the Vulgar Servants; some were put in among the profligate and debauch'd, who had liv'd in all manner of wickedness and villany, and were justly punish'd for their evil deeds; who yet even then could not abstain from their perverse and wicked courses, nor refrain from calumniat­ing and vexing their fellow Prisoners; and last­ly, some of them were banish'd into so distant [Page 22] Countrys from their Wives and Children, and all other Enjoyments that were dear or comfortable to them; which one Affliction crush'd some of them to Death, being overwhelm'd with anguish and sorrow, for the loss of their endeared con­sorts. Many of them died by the noysome smell and other inconveniences of the Prison, or through grief, or being wearied out and oppress'd with long and tedious diseases arising from such causes. Some came sooner to this unhappy end, some later; but others endow'd with more strength and firmness of Body, wrestled out for a long time. There were some of them set at liberty, and freed from this insupportable weight of mi­sery, through the intercession and entreaties of their Friends with the Magistrates, who likewise were mov'd with pity and compassion towards them; but were afterwards remitted to their old miserable habitation, not for any new debt or crime, but for that same they were Imprison'd for before; where they continued till Death alle­viated their sorrows.

Some few years after this, the Quakers di­vulg'd all this severe usage to the World by writ­ings, which they presented to the King and Par­liament. In which they run thorough all the several Countries of the Kingdoms, amassing toge­ther all the instances of the cruelty and barbarity us'd towards them. But I shall here content my self with two of their most Remarkable Examples; adding unto them a third, which tho omitted by them▪ upon what account I know not) is as memorable and worthy to be remarked as any. The year that first affords us these Ex­amples, is the year sixty four. The first is this. There liv'd a Blacksmith in a little Village in Hampshire, by name Thomas Penford, who was Imprison'd at Worcester in the common Goal, by an edict of Excommunication, because he would not pay three pence for Reparation of the Church; which he obstinately refus'd to do; so [Page 23] that after three years and a half Imprisonment he died in Goal. The next is, Thomas Rennes a Country Farmer, in some little Village in Oxford­shire, was Imprison'd at Oxford by an Edict of Excommunication, for not paying the Tithes, which he was avers [...] to do. While he was de­tain'd Captive, the Minister goes and seizes on his Horses; which were much more valuable than the summ he wanted; yet the poor Man continu'd in Prison a long time, and ends his days upon the place. The third Example, which is a Complex and Image (as it were) of all the rest, was after this manner. One Thomas Dobson liv'd at a lit­tle Village call'd Brichtnel in Berkshire, where he maintain'd himself and his Family very honestly by a Farm he kept, and some small substance he had scrap'd together by his labour and diligence. He refus'd to pay the Tithes, not that he was so straitned for Money that he could not make up the summ, but that he could not do it because of the dictates of his Conscience disallowing the same. There was one Radulph Wistler who bought the Tithes, and had an Eye for a long time upon this Man's substance, and was fond of an occasion to terrify the rest from doing the like; he caus'd this Man to be hal'd to Prison, where he smarted for his contumacy by fifteen weeks Captivity; during which time, and like­wise after that Dobson was releas'd, and return'd to his own house, he pillag'd and harass'd his house and possessions, taking off his Horses, Kine and other possessions, (which were priz'd and sold for his benefit) till he made about forty pounds Eng­lish. And afterwards in the year sixty six, and sixty seven, when the poor Man was secure, fear­ing nothing, he attacks him again, takes from him his Horse, four Kine, and all the Cattle he had of whatever sort, all the furnishing of his house, and the very beds they lay upon, so distressing and empoverishing the poor Man, that he and his Family scarce had wherewithal to [Page 24] cloath themselves. But some time after, when he had almost overcome this disafter, having pur­chas'd two kine which gave Milk, out of which, and the cheese made of it, he sustain'd his Fa­mily without any other food; the Minister of the Parish Church (whose name I choose ra­ther to conceal) pursues him with an Edict of Excommunication, insomuch that not only this small remnant he had for maintenance of his family was taken from him, but himself, thus poor and empty, was cast into Prison; which was done in the same year, from which time he remain'd captive till the year Seventy two; when he was set at liberty by the King's special Command; at length having return'd to his for­mer dwelling place, and beginning to improve his small fortune a little by labouring the ground, and diligent working, this same Tithe-master I have already nam'd, so well vers'd in his ex­actory Discipline, that no office of humanity withheld him from the same, falls upon him again, and takes all the possessions he now en­joy'd, leaving him nothing; so that the value and price of what he took from him, was rec­kon'd to be eightly pounds English, which is eight hundred and fifty eight Dutch Gilders. And moreover, to give a farther instance of his un­parallel'd Barbarity, he caused him to be cast into Prison in the year seventy five, where he was shut up among Thieves and Robbers, and those who were not only guilty of such Enormous Crimes, but even of Whoring and Revelling; the Botches and Exulcerations aris­ing from their intemperate Venery, being yet running upon their bodies, creating a most noy­some and grievous smell, and all the whole Members of their body being infected and cor­rupted with the same. But Dobson's greatest comfort was that he found in Prison Men of his own Society, who were kept Captive upon the same account that he was. Sometime af­ter, [Page 25] when one of these miserable pocky wretch­es, had rotted unto Death through the Cor­ruption of that blackest and foulest disease, the Keeper of the Prison (a Man inferior to none for wickedness and excess of Rudeness and In­humanity, who dealt so with these Quakers, his Prisoners, that he shew'd to the World, that his humor and constitution was fitted for tor­menting mankind) gather'd up the straw upon which this Corrupted and Loathsome carkass was laid, bringing it into that place where Dobson, with his fellow Quakers, and also the rest of these flagitive miscreants were throng'd up, where he burnt it in a fire, to testify that burning hatred, and malice against the Quak­ers, which rag'd and flam'd within his Breast. And from the flames of this burning straw, there proceeded such Exhalations and Contagi­ous fumes, that the Quakers were all taken ill of a most grievous and dangerous disease, which in a short time put a period to the lives of some of them. Dobson recover'd of this Distem­per; but continu'd under the same miserable Captivity, till the wellcome day of his Death, which happen'd in the last day of May, in the year of our Lord, one thousand six hundred seventy and seven.

The Quakers therefore being griev'd in soul for this insupportable affliction of their Brethren, and apprehensive of the like Events about to be­fall themselves, could not contain themselves from expressing the Estuations and Boylings of their incensed Minds, nor restrain their extravagant Tongues and Pens from complaining and lamen­ting every where, publishing Books and Wri­tings, Exaggerating the misery of their Conditi­on, and demonstrating unto the World what for Men these Evangelical Reform'd Protestants (as they call'd 'em) Evidenc'd themselves to be: Those who in ancient. Times cry'd out against Persecution for Religion's sake, pretending that [Page 26] none but God had Power to call their Religion and Conscience to account; and yet in these days are so fierce and cruel with their own Coun­treymen upon the same Religious Account, sight­ing against them with carnal Weapons, and op­pressing them to such an high degree, that tho they spar'd their Lives, yet in [...]licted▪ Evils far worse than Death it self, introducing the same Tyranny that was us'd against the Church o [...] Old, but with a New Face and Name. The Quakers relate, and also some of the Chroniclers or these Times record, That in the Time of that fatal and bloody Plague which Rag'd so severely both in London and many parts of that Realm, the Bi­shops besought the King, and boldly counsell'd him, That in Order to avert and appease the Weath of God, which then so heavily afflicted them, he would free and cleanse the Kingdom from that P [...]st of Quakers, and other Fanaticks, the Banishment and Extirpation of whom would be an acceptable and Propitiatory Sacrifice for the sins of the Land. But the moderation of the King was too great to give Ear to such Counsels; for though he would not countenance or assist these men, yet he was not willing to use such inhumane Cruelty against them; and accordingly chose rather that the Old Punishment should be continued against them, than a New One of that Nature take place. This Year, which was so fatal unto many places, de­stroying both the Quakers and their Enemies promisouously, did likewise give the same deadly stroke to Samuel Fisher, whose Fame among the Quakers, Acuteness of Wit, Learning, and Neat Polite Way of Writing I have already men­tioned. He died in Prison. The Quakers migh­tily lamented his Death, being sensible what a great Doctor, and what a Skillful and dexte­rous Defender of them and their Religion they had lost. Their Enemies, and Ministers of the Church, on the contrary, rejoyc'd and congra­tulated his Death, who had given them so [Page 27] much trouble while alive, being educated in the same Colledges with themselves, and hav­ing been one of their own Tribe, taught the same manner of learning, and invested with the same office, and well acquainted with all their writings, [...]trigues, methods, and Ecclesiastical Policy; so that he was more capable to use their own Weapons and Arguments against themselves, which he did very dexterously. At this same very time they were likewise be­reav'd of John Coughen, so fam'd and renown'd among the Quakers, who tho he was not ta­ken out of the World, yet deserted his Sta­tion, and separated himself from the Society of Quakers. This Man being born in Holland, of English Parentage, went over into England, where he finish'd his Philosophical and Theo­logical course in the University of Cambridge, that Nursery of Learning which boasts so much of her integrity, that she never emitted any Dis­ciples that prov'd corrupt or unsound in Reli­gious matters: He afterwards became Minister to a Church in that Country, being ordain'd by Reynolds Bishop of Norwich; but he had not long exercis'd this function when he made defection to Quakerism, at the same very time that he was most busy in confirming and for­tifying himself and his hearers, against the influ­ences of that sect. There was a young Virgin among the Quakers, fam'd for her dexterity and skill in Preaching, whom many of the peo­ple us'd to follow. Coughen having understood that she was to preach in a certain place, goes thither himself in his Canonical Robes, in or­der to preserve his hearers from being seduc'd by her discourses. But so soon as he came to hear her, he was so mov'd and affected, that he not only not oppos'd her; or her Doctrine, but appear'd for its defence, and spoke pub­lickly for it at that same occasion, and re­turning home abandon'd his Ecclesiastick habit, [Page 28] joyning himself to be a member of their Soci­ety; in which he afterwards became a Doctor and Preacher, and was much caress'd and ap­plauded by them. But not long after this he return'd to Holland again, and meeting at Har­lem with Edward Richardson, Minister to the English Church in that place, and discoursing with him about Religion, he was so influenc'd by his company that he forsook the Quakers and their Society, betaking himself to Leyden, when he pursued the study of Medicine. Which where he had finish'd he returns to England, and professes that Art of administring medi­cine to the sick, sequestrating himself all along from that Society, till at length some three years thereafter, he attempts to introduce a new Model of Doctrine and Discipline, (which had been so often endeavour'd by so many and so great Men) of obliging all Christians to con­centrate in one common faith, and interpose their interest and power, for reconciling the differences of Religion amongst all who pro­fess'd the Name of Christ. All this while Fox was not Remembred or talk'd of, except amongst those of his own Profession and So­ciety; for he had been detain'd Captive for three successive years together, one half of that time in Lancashire, and the other half in York­shire; he was first Imprison'd for his frequent Conventicles, and also for refusing his Oath of fidelity so oft as it was requir'd of him. Dur­ing the whole course of his Captivity, the Judg­es order'd and decreed many injurious and rough sentences against him. The chiefest of his fellow Prisoners was Margaret Fell, whom he afterwards made consort of his marriage­bed; both of them were mutually assistant to each other in all duties of Religion, affording one another such help and comfort, as people so intimately conjoyn'd both in Friendship and Religion, generally expect from one another. [Page 29] But after this, he was shut up in a Dungeon full of filth and nastiness, and standing stag­nating water, where he underwent much mi­sery, being forc'd sometimes to pass the night without having whereupon to sup; upon which he was taken very ill, and was now but slow­ly recovering his former strength.—I have al­ready told what havock that merciless plague had made, both in London and the Neighbour­ing Countries; But upon the back of this evil, there succeeded another in the ensuing year, sixty six, viz. That terrible fire which did not indeed reach the whole Country, but burn'd and wasted almost all that noble and popu­lous City of London; so that to this day all England has not been able to forget it, nor shall succeeding ages ever obliterate such a dis­mal [...] account of their Remembrance.

Having given you an account of the many hard and miserable conditions of these Men, I shall now adorn this treatise with some pleas­ing variety, to divert and refresh the mind of my Reader, perhaps now wearied with read­ing; It will not be amiss therefore to take a view of what the Quakers wrote for these four years, by way of Prophecy and Predicti­on, concerning the future State of the King­dom, and both these memorable afflictions of the City of London; for such kind of Histories do much delight and charm the ears of Men; I shall only select those that are most memo­rable and worth observation. The predictions of Men do generally run upon some great and wonderful revolutions and changes; tho they seldom come to light till the event be past. These people were so certainly persuaded that some of their faction, had so distinctly and clearly foretold the future scenes of affairs, and both these Calamities of London, that whoever misbeliev'd 'em was concluded by them to have shaken off all manner of faith and belief. [Page 30] A certain Quaker call'd Serles, a Weaver, in the year one thousand six hundred and sixty two, saw these words wrote in legible Cha­racters, upon the Circumference of a Kettle, hanging over the fire; Wo to England for poy­soning of Charles the 2d, Cardinal. I understand Moloch. Twenty Nations with him. Englands mi­sery cometh. The Man being affraid at the sight, calls the Neighbours to come and see it; who coming, were ravish'd with admiration to behold that wonder, which they could not guess from whence it came. The writing appear'd legible for a whole hour together, and then evanish'd on its own accord. Many of the peo­ple, and those of considerable note, who were not Quakers, attested the verity of this won­der. I my self have seen and read both the story and the same very words, mark'd by John Coughen, whom I formerly mention'd, in his Note-book, that same year; which book was kept in the Closet of a certain great Man in this Country, from that year till two years after King Charles's Death; all which time it was kept secret from any other body, so that no doubt is to be made of the Authentick­ness of that Annotation. But what the Quak­ers would have meant by these words, or that sight, and how they Accommodated it to the manner of K. Charles's Death, and to the changes of Religion, and Miseries to come af­ter many years; and how the future event of things happening about the King Charles's Death, that were told, reported, known and seen through all England, did agree with these words, is not needful to be determin'd in this place. The Quakers affirm'd, that one of their Captives at London, did clearly foretell the pestilence that was to overtake that City, saying, that in a short time the streets, which then were re­plenish'd with Men, and resorted to by ma­ny, should be seen cover'd with grass, and [Page 31] wanting Men to tread upon [...] them. But I shall not extend this presage any further, lest I seem to recede from the design'd order and brevity of this treatise.—This they relate of the fire of London; that there was a Quaker at Here­ford who before the burning of the Town, saw it clearly represented to him in flames; not when dreaming, but when awake; and a voice from Heaven warn'd him to go to London, and make publick what he saw. He presently takes his Horse, and rides thither; and when he came at the Town he discovers his head, throws away his hat, and having girded up his Breech­es, [...]he looses all his other Cloaths, and pulls down his stockings. Having put up his Horse, he runs to a Meeting, or Convention of his own Sect, in the same habit, two days before these things had happen'd which he was about to foretell; He enters among them, with a great commotion of Spirit, and an austere sad­ned Countenance, and tells publickly in the Meeting, that it was predicted, and made known to him by the Spirit, that in two days time London should be all in flames, and that all the Citizens, lull'd up in their secure beds in profound sleep, being awak'd at this terrible ac­cident, and fill'd with Consternation and ter­ror, should run naked from their beds and houses, to save their lives, and not know what to attempt for quenching of the fire. All the peo­ple wondred to hear him, taking him for some prating fool, and ridiculing him and his pro­phetical Omen. But he persisted in his asseve­ration, till at length, when they were expecting no such accident, and accounting him a mad­man who went about to frighten people with his Dreams, the lamentable event gave suffici­ent testimony to the truth of the Oracle. And when the whole Town was now all in a fire, he be­ing either too much puffed up with the inspiration of this accident, which was but too too certain, [Page 32] or being mov'd in his Spirit a-fresh, was so con­fident and presumptuous of his own Power and Interest, that he would pretend to stop, and let bounds to that fire he had predicted, running up up and down among the people, crying, That he would repress the flames, and set Limits to them, beyond which they could not reach: Then he goes to the Houses all beset with fire, and fixes himself among them, and would have stood till the fire had consumed him too. The people, when all their Exhortations and Counsels were in vain, to move him to retire from the Danger, took him by the middle out of that place, removing him to some safer station. Afterwards he was sensible of his Fool-hardiness and Errour, and acknowledg­ed the same. The Quakers add, That this same man foretold some such thing of the Town of Hereford, which he had seen in his sleep; but in vain, for the Event did not fall out as he had predicted. But this did not at all lessen the Qua­kers Respect to the Veracity of this Oracle; for they said, such kind of Variation of Prophecies is oft times to be found among the Holy Prophets made mention of in the Scriptures.

This Double Calamity of the City of London, which not only afflicted that City, but injected a Fear and Terror into the minds of all men eve­ry where in that Kingdom, so that they were more solicitous about their own Condition, and the danger they were in, than busie to afflict and oppress others, did not a little allay the Ardour and Fury of their Minds against the Quakers, at least for some time.

While these things happen'd in England, the Quakers were not altogether free from persecu­tion in Scotland and Ireland; though it was not so hot in the former as in the latter; for in Scot­land there was but a small number of Quakers in the Kingdom, so that they could not meet and as­semble so frequently; and besides, the Laws E­nacted against them were not so many to be vio­lated; [Page 33] and they themselves did not give their Ad­versaries so great occasion of resisting and oppo­sing them: Wherefore if any of them were ta­ken, who persisted boldly and obstinately in con­gregating together, or enterpriz'd any forbidden Thing, they were kept in Prison for a long time to terrifie and frighten the rest from doing the like. They were more numerous in Ireland, and that not in One County or Two, but through­out the whole Kingdom; where they imitated the English Quakers, in withdrawing from, neg­lecting and dispising the Publick Ordinances of the Church, celebrating Conventions and Assem­blies among themselves, for managing their Re­ligious Interest; putting themselves out of the way when call'd to pay Tithes, or contribute to the Reparation of Churches, or to give Oath up­on any occasion: Some of them would publick­ly do prophane Work on the Festival Holy-Days; some run into the Churches, and Disturb the Ser­mons and Prayers with their idle and bold Ha­rangues: others stand in the Streets and Market-Places, exhorting People to Repentance, dispara­ging all their Actions, and extolling their own; filling the Air with foolish and impertinent Dis­courses. For which Reasons they were no less persecuted in this Kingdom than in England, se­vere Penalties and Fines being indicted against them all, which if they refused to pay (as they all did) they were cast into Prison, and so hard­ly Treated, that some of 'em dy'd of Sickness and Diseases contracted in Prison.

In some places the people oppos'd their keep­ing Conventicles together, Dragging them out of their Houses, Pursuing them in the Fields, ap­prehending and imprisoning them and if they were assembled, they broke into the Houses by Force, smiting and beating them; and stripping their very Cloaths from off their cacks. All this was done unto them in some plac [...]s by the Mob, and Refuse of the People, and Vagabond Soldi­ers, [Page 34] (next a-kin to Robbers) who were cloath'd with no other Authority but that of their Hands and Swords. Which was also conniv'd at by their Commanders and Masters, who not only suffer'd these Outrages to be committed, but sometimes they themselves did things inconsistent with the Dignity and Gravity of their Station; For if at any time the Quakers spoke more bold­ly to them in Publick Places, or when irritated, gave them Tart Answers, they would presently set upon them, all in a Body, (for Revenge ad­mits of no Delay) branding them with the igno­minious Titles of a cursed impious Crew; Nay, Kaining and beating them soundly. And even among the Ministers of the Churches, there were some, who not contenting themselves to have Excommunicated them from their Society, deli­ver'd them up to the Judges to be further prose­cuted and punished. The only Moderation and Meekness us'd towards them was by the Parlia­ment.

I have already told, in the beginning of this book, what advantage and improvement redoun­ed to the Doctrine and Religion of the Quakers, by the Diligence and activity of George Keith and Robert Barcley, who were more than ordinarily Instrumental in advancing the Interest of that Society. And now because the scope and design of this Treatise is to give a view of what are the O­pinions these men maintain, and so Religiously ob­serve; and by what Authors, and after what man­ner they were first invented and Published, for the Defence of which they have undergone so many Miseries and Dangers; I shall here shew how that the Chief Cardinal Doctrines of these Men, which are Fundamental to all the rest, were after this time taken into task by George Keith; and in various Writings, partly handled and ex­prest more distinctly and politely, partly chang'd and represented after the Image of the Idea's of the Ancient Philosophers, not in that new [Page 35] Dress which the Quakers at first affected; design­ing afterwards to give account of George Barcley in his own time and place.

Keith first apply'd his Mind to Write in the year Sixty Five, and continued in that exercise for many years; all his writings were original­ly in English, except some few sheets. He hav­ing observ'd that the Quakers wrote but very obscurely and perplexedly, of that Divine light which is in every Man, and of Christ dwel­ling in him, which they place for the princi­ple and foundation of all their Religion and Doctrine; and being a Man of a subtile and acute Wit, has accurately represented, what they had but rudely and lamely begun, con­cerning that Doctrine; displaying it in this manner: God has given a light unto every Man, which he plac'd within him; Which can­not be the mind, or humane reason; for that is innate, whereas the light is adventitious and given to him from without, to command and govern his Reason. This same light is the Seed of God, or Instrument whereby Men fallen and corrupted through sin, are born again of God. And this is a substance, a part of that invisi­ble and spiritual substance of Jesus Christ the Son of God, that divine, invisible, spiritual and heavenly Man. For Christ is so the Son of God, that he is made to be such a Man by a Di­vine vertue proceeding from God. So Christ, and by him God dwells, and is implanted in every Man, nay, in every Creature. But since Men have made defection from God, corrupt­ing and depraving themselves altogether, Christ and God is dead, and extinguish'd in them; but not totally; So that Christ being mov'd with pity and compassion towards Men, and remaining in some measure within them, do's so help and assist their miserable impotency, that he moves from within, incites, and ad­monishes every Man, that they would give ear [Page 36] to and follow Christ, their light; and that laying aside their wicked manners and evil opinions, they would submit themselves to Christ, embracing and adhering to him, thus expecting his divine vertue within them; pro­posing him for their guide and conducter in going about duties, and maintaining the same, imitating him in every thing as their Master. Which if they do, Christ revives and lives with­in them, establishing and renewing an Union and Communion with them, and becoming righteousness and salvation unto them. So Christ becomes meat, heavenly and spiritual food un­to Men. And thus in all Ages, the Godly did eat the flesh and drink the Blood of Christ. And so indeed Christ is in the ungodly, tho hiddenly, and as if he were quite away; from whence it is that the Scriptures sometimes say, that Christ is not in them. But he is so far within them, that when they are selling and enslavening themselves to sin, he suffers and is afflicted by the same; and through the infa­my and piercing of his own Body, which en­sues from this their wickedness, he is oppress'd with grief and anguish, as if he were again fastened to the Cross. This Christ is to be ador'd and worshiped, as being that Divine, heavenly and spiritual Man, not as being an External Man born of Mary. This opinion of Keith concerning these Articles, was first in­vented and publish'd to the World by Men of no good Name, (which Keith was not ig­norant of) Hereticks, and such as were addict­ed to the Schools, and Discipline of the Gen­tile Philosophers, especially the Platonicks; but it was only scatter'd here and there, by parcels in their writings, not Collected into one entire system till in the last Century, William Postell, a Frenchman, publish'd it openly in the same en­tire form that Keith has done, (tho I have cer­tainly inform'd my self that Keith knew no­thing [Page 37] of it) in a particular book set out on that occasion; but it was accounted so foolish and silly by the Learned World, that none of them thought it worth their while to write against, or confute him and his writings. And these were the positions so long invented and retain'd before Keith, that this same Keith was advancing and proposing in several books wrote by him, vindicating them from what objecti­ons were either obvious to himself, or mov'd to him by others. But he took care that these his books, should be Printed without the knowledge, or advice of those of his own So­ciety; and therefore sent them to Holland to be Printed, lest any of the English should come to know it. Now there being two principal parts of this Keithian Doctrine; the first con­cerning the presence of God and Christ, not only in Men, but in all his Creatures; the second concerning the indwelling and operati­on of Christ within Men; there was none found among all the initiatory Apostles of this Soci­ety, who either maintain'd, taught, or publick­ly mention'd that former branch of his Doc­trine. Yet none of the Quakers wrote against him, neither did those who assembled among themselves, upon such like occasions, condemn that principle, being tender of his name and fame, and judging it reasonable, that this one errour should be past over in silence, because of his other good Endowments and Accom­plishments. But as to the latter part of his sentiments, there was none among all those who profess'd themselves Quakers, that did not em­brace it for his own opinion, subscribing to it as the singular and peculiar Doctrine of their Church; except some few insignificant thick scull'd fellows, that liv'd in some remote and hidden Corner of the other Western World. There was yet another Tenet which Keith was not averse to, but he was unwilling to ob­trude [Page 38] it upon any, for that those of that So­ciety did not desire it should be receiv'd or entertain'd, for their common Principle; it was that of the perpetuity of Souls, and of their Transmigration and Variation through se­veral bodies; which proceeded at first from Empedocles, Pythagoras and Plato; and was af­terwards variously trimm'd and furbish'd about some hundred years ago, by those pratling Jewish Masters, call'd Rabbius, who not only tell but write when awake, whatever they have dream'd upon that subject while asleep; par­ticularly by R. Jitzhakus Loriensis, in a tractate wrote in Hebrew; and in these our days is re­viv'd by Baron van Helmont, who hath deck'd it with all the necessary Ornaments fit to pro­cure it Reception; an Author famous for the splendour of his Nobility, and his insatiable desires after Knowledge and Learning, which he accounted the most comely and laudable Enjoy­ments he could be Master of; who because he lives well and has not whereupon, is deem'd by his friends to have found out the Philosophers Stone. This Man living in England at that time, conversing among the Quakers as one of their Society, had occasion frequently to converse with a Noble Countess, that was a great admir­er of Knowledge and Learning, and to reason with her out of the Book of Plato, concerning this Platonical Doctrine, and came that length with her, that both he and she embrac'd the same opi­nion for a truth; and because Keith was oftimes present at their Conferences, they bring him in also to take share in the same opinion.

Which being made known to the Quakers, Hel­mont, who was a stiff Defender of his own Opi­nions, which they look'd upon, some of them, as Dangerous Innovations; others, as foolish Errors, and Distracted Notions, became suspect­ed and hated by them; upon which he bids fare­well to them, and all their Society, proceeding [Page 39] not only to Vindicate his Opinion, but because he thought it yet rude and unpolish'd, to re­fine and adorn the same, instructing himself a­gain and again out of the Jewish Writings, of what might be serviceable to his Design, digest­ing his Thoughts into this Form, which I give you a Draught of in as few words as possibly I may:

Before the Souls are united to their Bodies, they exist in another World; after they are united to the Bodies, each of them has its day of the Divine Visitation, after One Thousand Years, given to it for this End, that by absolute Holiness and Sancti­fication, it may prepare for Eternal Felicity; But if it abuse the Goodness of God, that it may expect to be condemn'd to that long and terrible Punishment which God hath prepared for them at the expiring of this their set Time. But this Space of a Thou­sand Years is not continued and undivided, but di­stinguish'd and circumscribed by Twelve Revoluti­ons or Circnits of the Soul into the same Body, ex­cept unto some of the Saints who are purg'd and sanctified enough in the first or second Cireuit. And these Returns happen after Three Hundred Thirty Three Years and Four Months. But while they are out of the Body, they do not advance or proceed in Piety; therefore if they be good, it goes well with them; if ill, they fare the worse. Those Souls which before the Death of Christ were translated from this Life, and were not saved, when they re­turn to their Bodies, may obtain Salvation through the Gospel of Christ. But those since the Death of Christ, to the End of the World, that have not heard of the Gospel, shall return again to their Bodies, all at one time, and in one place, and then shall hear with their Ears the Tidings of the Gos­pel, and obtain Salvation, if they believe. After that the Saints return to the Earth, the First Re­surrection shall be, and all the Saints shall live upon Earth a Thousand Years without any Sin, even as Adam in the State of Innocence; and after the [Page 40] Example of Adam, they shall be born of Virgins, being begot of God their Father. Then the Second Resurrection shall follow, when the Saints shall, after the Example of Christ the Second Adam, be made perfect, and consummated in their Heavenly Bodies. And lastly, The Felicity and Bliss of the Godly shall be Eternal, but the Punishment of the Wicked shall be Finite, and at length terminate in an End.

But I return to Keith. I am firmly perswaded that Keith receives, and entertains these Positi­ons, if not all, yet at least the chiefest and most material of them; though he would not disco­ver his Mind, in these Points, unto any, save those that are his Secretaries and Trustees, or that seem a little wiser than the rest. But he is not the on­ly Favourite of these Doctrines; there be others among them that are as fond of them as he, tho very few; so that they are far from being univer­sally receiv'd by all the Society. Nay, the Quak­ers shall not long tolerate any Abertors of such Principles to continue of their Society, if it be true, what I have oftimes heard from some of their principal Members. I have taken occasion to express my self more largely upon this point, not only for sake of the Quakers, but also of those who when they hear, or read of these propositions, and the books that treat of the same (as not a few are curious to do) are igno­rant what is the original and beginning of these opinions, and thus are ready to Judge of the whole matter amiss.

After this time, William Penn joyn'd himself to the Society of the Quakers, who after his fa­thers Death becaine Governour of Pensilvania; a Man famous all over England, and renown'd even among forreigners, that are not quite ig­norant of the English affairs; by whose accessi­on to that party, counsel, assistance, diligence and activity, the interest of the Quakers was much enlarg'd and amplified; not indeed all of a [Page 41] sudden, but by degrees; It shall not therefore be improper, according to my method of de­scribing these great Men, which we have fol­low'd from the beginning, to subjoyn an ac­count of the occasion and manner of his Con­version to this Religion, his Love and Zeal for it; and of his Wit and Conversation. Wil­liam Penn, his father was Vice-Admiral to the English Navy, a prudent and grave Man, who behav'd himself so, in the midst of the Di­stractions and Dissensions in the Government, that according to the Divine Religion he was faithful and honest to his Neighbour. This fa­ther having design'd his Son (who was not born to him but to his Country, and to the Com­mon-wealth) for some publick Remarkable Sta­tion in managing publick concerns, not for being merely intent upon raising and encreas­ing his private fortune, took care to have him well instructed in all Divine and humane Of­fices, and sent him afterwards to the Universi­ty of Oxford, that among the rest of the young Gentlemen of that place, he might exercise his mind with the study of Learning and liberal Arts. Then afterwards he went to France, and staying sometime at Paris, appear'd frequently at the French Court. At this time being yet very young, he gave great testimony both of his stoutness and continency, defending his Life boldly from the assault of an Enemy and a Fencer, who sought to slay him, but withal sparing the Life of this his Adversary, when it was in his power to have kill'd him. Hav­ing return'd to his own Country he went into Ireland, where he heard many things of the Quakers; and not being altogether an Enemy to their Doctrines and Conversations, he free­quented their Meetings. This was the year sixty six, and of his Age twenty two, It hap­pen'd that when he was present at their Meet­ing, the Magistrate of the place came and took [Page 42] both him, and the rest of the company Prison­ers. But he was so far from being frighten'd by this sudden and unexpected accident, or from being tempted to withdraw from their party and profession, that even in Prison he applied his mind more eagerly to their opinions, after having understood of them more fully what were the peculiar properties of these Men, ei­ther in Doctrine of Conversation. The father was ravish'd with Admiration, and not a little angry at his Son (who was the only hope and comfort of his parents, and who on the other hand pay'd the greatest respect and reverence to them, imaginable) who was thus become the disgrace of his family for ever, and the reproach of all his kindred; and express'd his violent and severe resentment both in words and deeds; and when after all he saw it impossible to re­claim him, he discharg'd him his house, threat­ning to disinherit him. Unto this his fathers anger were added the reproaches, revilings, and enmity of his fathers Domesticks, and his an­cient Companions both at Court and else where, with whom he was Educated, and had Con­vers'd much before, and also of the Ecclesi­asticks, who formerly render'd him all manner of Love and Friendship. Unto all which dis­advantages Penn oppos'd this one remedy; the integrity of his Life, as opposite to the ill reports that were scattered abroad of him; and the constancy of his mind and body, to counter­ballance that weight of afflictions that surround­ed him. And by these two properties he brought his affairs to that pass, that his father not on­ly receiv'd him into favour again, and became as fond of, and kind to him, as ever he had been disgusted at him, comforting and refresh­ing his afflicted and humbled Son; but also in his Will left him heir of all his Riches and Enjoyments, encouraging and commending his singular piety and fortitude of mind, exhort­ing [Page 43] him to persist in the same. Moreover, when the father observ'd what heaps of envy and hatred his Son had drawn upon himself, what evils were yet impending upon him, and what difficulties he might come to grapple with; he, when lying upon a bed of sickness, and looking for certain death, sent to the Duke of York. High Ad­miral, who (as Penn was by place next to him) was in dignity next to the King himself; and if he surviv'd his brother, would undoubtedly, succeed him since destitute of a lawful off-spring; he sends, I say, some of his Friends to this Duke, to desire of him in his Name, that he would recom­mend his Son to his brother the King, and that he himself would preserve and defend him (who had already suffer'd so much) from what perse­cutions and oppressions might attend him; and unto which both he and all the train of his Asso­ciates were so subject to. Which both the Duke and his Royal Brother the King granted him, because of his great merits towards his Country; tho they could not so defend his Son always, as to prevent his Imprisonment at sometimes. But it is not here to be omitted, that Penn, the father, lying upon his Death-bed, and when drawing near to his last exit, which he certainly knew to ap­proach, took leave of his Son in these his last words; My Son, remember to serve God the Om­nipotent King, so constantly, and to prefer the same to the service of Earthly Kings, and all things be­sides. Which if ye do, and if you and your Friends persevere in your simple and innocent way of preach­ing and living, verily ye shall make an end of all the preachers to the end of the World. Which words of the dying old Man do not obscurely in­sinuate what his opinion was of these Men, and how great affection he had for their sect. Now as to what was the Wit and Spirit of Willi­am Penn (the son) from his youth, what prompt­ness and dexterity of discoursing attended the acuteness of his wit, what knowledge of Tongues [Page 44] (such as are usual among the Learned) and of things, what Temper and Conversation of life he was of; I had rather the Quakers, or any body else, should give you an account than I. For I know well how difficult and troublesome it is, for any Man to interpose his Judgment of a mat­ter, in which the Judgments of other Men are so various. But certainly, tho my pen were silent of him, his own Writings will speak him forth to be the most eminent member of all that Soci­ety; for while in his Writings he studies to Ac­commodate all to the capacity and understanding of the Vulgar, yet the variety and abundance of things therein contain'd, his language and style, especially the gravity of words and sentences, which when he writes of Theological subjects, are connected and intermix'd with whole chains of quotations, from the Holy Scriptures, do so evi­dently testify of him; that unless one be maliti­ously envious of the vertue and praise of another, he must acknowledge that he is an eloquent and well spoken Author. The Quakers fed them­selves with so great hopes of him, that presently they allow'd him to do the part of a teacher among them; and their esteem of him was so great that they did not doubt to call him the per­fectest of them all. Nor is there any among them, who do's not acknowledge that there was always an exact consension, and agreement be­twixt him and all the rest of the Quakers, about all the Articles of their Religion. This was sin­gular in him, that he always esteem'd more slight­ly of these things, which pertain to the know­ledge and speculation of sacred and divine mat­ters; and chiefly oppos'd himself to the forcing and constraining Mens Consciences to any Reli­gion, or persecuting them upon a religious ac­count (than which indeed there can be no great­er cruelty and oppression us'd) pleading for a to­leration and liberty to all Religions; so that he would not only have the Quakers tolerated the [Page 45] exercise of their Religion, but likewise all Men at least that are accounted Christians) to be ad­mitted to places of Authority and trust in the Government; not excepting the Socinians with their wanton little tricks; nay, nor the Papists, a people so inveterate against that his Religion, and all other Religions different from their own; so bloody, cruel, and thirsty of Christian blood, that when they have exerted their utmost and cruellest efforts, are yet never satiated. And Penn was so sensible of the ill demerits of these Men, and so well acquainted with their temper, that he us'd to say, That the Quakers had reason to fear none so much as the Socinians and Papists, who would be last of all in the field against them, tho they had vanquish'd all other Religions. It seems Penn had a design to shew himself an Abettor of all Reli­gions whatsoever, or to encourage that opinion of him, which then possess'd every Mans mind, that he was deceitful, and in his heart a Socinian, or (as others believ'd) that he was a Papist, and not only so but a Jesuit: The Quakers did not agree with Penn, about these Libertine Principles. His notions of the Christian faith was, that in order to the maintaining of that, there was no more necessary than in general to believe the Scriptures, and love them as the word of God; and believe all the fundamental Articles contain'd in the same. By these fundamental Articles (a term much in use among Divines) he understood such propositi­ons, as are expresly and in explicite terms deli­ver'd in the Scriptures; or so evidently attested by them, that all Men who are honest and sincere-minded, cannot but discern and comprehend the meaning of them. Which being laid down for a Principle, he thought that whoever gave due respect and reverence to the Scriptures, and ac­knowledg'd Jesus Christ for the Saviour of the World, might be truly accounted a Christian; and that all such Christians both may, and should agree and write among themselves.

[Page 46] For which end he Recommended to all Chri­stians, to write a general Confession of their common faith, consisting only of some few ge­neral, necessary and plain truths deliver'd in Scripture terms; but it is easy for any Man to Conjecture what effect such a proposal would have had. Moreover, he reason'd further after this manner; that the most part of Christians that imagin'd to themselves, that they knew any thing, bended all their faculties only upon the Speculation and Contemplation of what they knew; whereas a speculative life is not so be­coming and necessary for a Christian, as an active and practical life is, and that all manner of knowledge is but a meer shadow that do's not tend to action, a solitary and wandring Planet, that produces no fruit for the good of the publick. Where he chiefly applied himself to the study of such Sciences as treat of the manners of Men, what vices are to be eschew'd, and what duties towards God and Man are in­cumbent upon us; and approv'd mightily the practice of the ancient Christian in the first Ages after Christ, who made moral Philosophers teachers and Masters to their Christians youths; and who accounted none fit to be a Doctor among them, who was not instructed in the Philosophy of the Gentiles, as being the best rule and method of living. He was very ser­viceable to the Quakers by his Writings; being fitted and well accomplish'd for that work by his acute Wit, and eloquent Pen; and also able to serve their interest, because of his riches and affluence of fortune, together with his favour and weight with the King; and as he was able, so he was very willing, frequenting the company of the Quakers continually, labouring by all means to advance their cause, defending it from all opposition and injury, demeaning himself so forwardly, that he seem'd more Sollicitous for them, than for himself; but withal not forget­ting [Page 47] to plead for the liberty and admission to publick offices, of other Sectaries, especially the Papists, insomuch that he was suspected to be one of their Gang, and at last came to be envy'd and hated by the Quakers on that account. But he was so bent and eager for this liberty of Con­science, that he would have none professing the Name of Christ excluded from the same; But of this I shall have occasion to speak more appo­sitely afterwards.

When at this time the Adversaries of the Quak­ers relented and slacken'd their persecution against them, the Quakers took occasion not on­ly to assemble and congregate more frequently and publickly, but to prepare and amass all things necessary or conducive to their mutual help and establishment, or to the Ornament and Splendor of their Churches. From that time they introduc'd a new and more acurate Oeconomy, Partition and Administration of all their affairs; keeping some order among their Ministers, who likewise had their Meetings and mutual Con­gresses; and began now to be orderly call'd and prepar'd for that work; they introduc'd also a form of discipline for censure of Actions, and a certain Solemnity for confirmation of Matri­mony. The manner and form of all which, is not so easily to be Learn'd from their Writings, which do not touch upon these things, as from their own discourses and converse, for they do not use to conceal any of these matters, especial­ly if they be seriously and gravely ask'd, with­out any suspicion of a design. These Men did always object to the Protestants in England, and elsewhere, the Hierarchy of their Church (account­ing it a most vitious and sinistrous order) or the ordinary distinction of persons, and distribution of Offices in the Church; particularly the ex­cellency and jurisdiction of some Persons, and the variety of Government and Administration thorough so many degrees of places and dignity; [Page 48] for they imagin'd the Church to be all one body, of which each particular Member has its Office allotted to it, in defending and edifying the Church, according as they are capable to be use­ful either to the publick, or their Neighbour; pretending, that since no gifts are given by God in vain, or which do not produce their proper Fruit, there be as many Offices in the Church as he has given gifts; even as in the humane body all the Members bear some proportion in advan­cing the good of the whole, so it is in the Church; in which nothing of Government or Authority is to be us'd, but only Ministry and Mutual service for the good of the whole. So from that time the Quakers were of these thoughts; which they maintain to this day; acknowledging an Association and Community, and also direction and administration in the Church; desiring that those who excel others in Wisdom and Vertue, should be had in greater respect and esteem, and be accounted preferable to others in order and function; So that among them whoever of either Sex, is eminent for In­genuity and Goodness, excels in Dignity and Office. They have also some who constantly addict themselves to the Ministry of Preaching the Gospel. Those they call Ministers, or by a joynt kind of Speech, they say they are in the Ministry. Some of these Ministers do not con­fine themselves to one place, but range up and down, trying what new Proselytes they can gain, or designing to oversee and confirm those that are already incorporated into that Society. These are as Apostles to the Sect, others fix their abode at one place, and watch over their particular flock as pastors. There be women also that fol­low the Example of the Men. It shall there­fore suffice to have given caution in this place, that whatever we have said, or are about to say further concerning the Males of that Sect, is to be understood according to that Regula juris, [Page 49] which comprehends the feminine Sex under the masculine. Next unto the Ministers are the Pres­byters or Elders, who exceed the rest, as in Age and Experience, so in Wisdom. These take counsel together with the Ministers for managing all their Religious concerns; who together with them, or with others eminent for prudence and wisdom, are carefully to observe all ac­cidents that may fall out in the Church, and to see that all things therein proceed right; as, if any make defection from their faith, or commit an open manifest sin, or be suspected of any crime, or have done any thing culpable against his Neighbour; if any thing be wanting for the promotion of unity, concord, and peace among themselves; they presently come to rectify it, or else send those they repose trust and Confidence in, to do all that is necessary for advancing the good desired, or removing the evil that incum­bers them. Their office is likewise to visit the poor and needy, and relieve their necessities; also to take care of those who conceal and are asham'd to own their poverty; of the Orphans, widdows, old people, the afflicted and miserable, and the sick; unto whom they are to afford what is ne­cessary for their sustenance and relief; for which end the Quakers say, they make Contributions of Money, putting it into chests, and distributing it as they have occasion; These Men are also to allot every one their particular offices and functions, which they are severally and distinctly to per­form. Stephen Crisp wrote a monitory Epistle, to all Churches concerning these offices, which is very well worth any Man's reading. All the Quakers when ask'd about these matters, do migh­tily extoll and magnify the diligence, liberality, and bounty of their Associates one to another. However, these Elders and the Ministers, do fre­quently conv [...]n among themselves, for delibe­rating about the affairs of their Sect, and the necessities of their Church; which Conventions [Page 50] are somewhat like, to what the English and Dutch call Presbyteries and Synods, and the French, Consistories. There were of them in Holland, who, because no Society could be laudable and permanent without Government and Laws, pro­pos'd to have an Ecclesiastical senate constituted in every Church, consisting of the ancient Elder­ly Men and such as were married (excluding Batchellours) who should have the Government lodg'd in their hands, and order every thing ac­cording to certain Rules and Laws, laid down by them. But others oppos'd it, pretending that it would introduce a new Hierarchy, and inter­rupt their Community, and restrain and suppress the gifts of the Spirit. They have likewise Meet­ings like to those we call Classes, and provincial and national Synods, or Councils. These con­ventions are Celebrated oftner or Seldomer, as the number and variety of their Churches is; but so as to Allot each Sex (Men and Women) their distinct and particular Meetings. Wherefore if the Churches be more numerous or large, the Seniors or Elders with the Ministers meet fre­quently, chiefly on the first days of the weeks, and also on other days, at which time, after having Communicated their thoughts one to ano­ther, they confer and consult together what is to be every Man's task, what part of the charge he is to undertake, and what is incumbent upon him to do. Other Meetings are appointed every fourth week, in which they deliberate of the affairs common to the Church. Others every three months in which they consider of their provin­cial affairs, and such as are remitted to them by appeal. In these they inspect into, and Recog­nize all Books that are Printed, after they have been perus'd and approv'd by the Censors appointed for that purpose. The Acts of these assemblies are put into Registers, of which some are very curiously and Elegantly done. They have Anniversary Synods in every considerable [Page 51] Kingdom, to whom belongs the care and admi­nistration of all the affairs of that Kingdom. In England, they have a fix'd Anniversary Synod, on the 3d. day of Pentecost according to the Eng­lish calculation; which they pitch'd upon, not out of any superstition, (for they are as averse and estranged from Religious observati­on of days, as any people in the World) but that the time might be determin'd, and every one have sufficient information of the same. This Synod continues sitting for three or four days only, unless some extraordinary business be tabled before them, which requires much debate, and is hard to be decided, as it hap­pen'd in the year ninety four, in the case of Keith, when it fate whole twelve days toge­ther. Delegates also come to this Synod from the Churches in all other Countries, or places where the Quakers obtain any footing; but these must be such as are in the Ministry. At their first Meeting together, liberty is given for all manner of people to come in and be present, which time is spent in Preaching, Pray­ing, and Thanksgiving. After which the De­legates retire all into one room. They have no president to their Meeting, which place (they say) is supplied by the Holy Ghost; but they have a Clerk who marks down every thing, that is mov'd before the Assembly. It would be tedious and needless here to insert any further account of their Councils; for there be stories enough flying about of them; only I shall here remark what are the subjects mostly treated of by them, when thus solemn­ly conveen'd. They take into consideration, all that may pertain to the general good of all the Churches. They lay before the whole assembly the State of every particular Church, especially if there be any thing memorable, or worthy their consideration. They make a Ca­talogue of the sufferers for Religion; describing [Page 25] what their sufferings were, or for what caus­es they were inflicted. They examine all sin­gular or rare events and accidents. They de­cide all Controversies and Differences. They enquire into the Lives and Conversations of their Ministers; and check those who perform their tasks negligently or remissly; or who through officiousness and impertinency affect to be Ministers of the word, forsaking the offices that become them better, and are more indispen­sably requir'd at their hands than this, which they usurp to themselves without invitation or call, running up and down as invested with this pretended function, and turning it to their pri­vate lucre and gain. They admonish and exhort one another, to be careful and diligent in the tasks alloted them, and to conform themselves to the dignity and gravity of their respective offices. They settle a standard for these things, which relate to Domestick cares of Christians in their Families, especially to the education of Chil­dren; endeavouring and exhorting by all means to be aware of these two destructive Evils, which are more Consequential than all others, viz. Indulg­ing their Children too great liberty, and decking and adorning their bodies too gaudily; lest by so doing they occasion sin, and contract infamy to themselves. They take care also for the re­demption of Captives, and relief of the poor (such of them as are known to be well and vir­tuously dispos'd) and consult of many other things, for giving mutual assistance to one ano­ther. When the Synod is dismiss'd, all their Acts and Decisions are enregistred by the publick Au­thority of the Synod; which are afterwards co­py'd from the Records, and Printed, in order to be sent to all the Synods of their Associates throughout the World, or to any particular Coun­try Associated with them; of which Prints I have several Examples by me.

[Page 53] As not a few before in England, so the Quak­ers did always invey against the Liturgy (which was laid aside, in Cromwell's, a directory being substituted in its place, and again restor'd in K. Charles's Reign) as stuffed with the fopperies of Popish Darkness, superstitious and ill placed Lessons and Prayers, Ornaments, Dresses, bodily Actions and Gestures, and many rites of observing holy days. These the Quakers did vigorously op­pose preferring the simple Exercises in their Meet­ings. When they meet, after a long silence, and quiet Recollecting of their thoughts, they make it their whole care and business, earnestly to wait for the coming of the Spirit, till at length they be mov'd or stir'd up to hold forth; and then they pray, preach, or sing, according to the Spirit's sudden impulse. In like manner the rest sits still to hear. For while they stay in the place where they worship, bending their thoughts inwardly with regard to the Spirit, they look what he does or Dictates within, and where they perceive the speaker to be, thither they direct their minds and attentions, searching themselves, they bring all home to their own Conscience; And thus while the Spirit delays his coming, each of 'em prays inwardly unto God for himself; sighing and groaning now and then deeply, for great striving, and contrary affections. They sometimes move themselves, or are moved so far, as issues in a great trembling of the body, not only of some but of most or all of 'em. This, 'tis said, does often fall out by the resistance of [...] se­cret insinuations. I was told by one worthy to be believ'd, at a certain time they fell all so a trembling, he himself being one, that the place was shaken as 'twere with an Earth-quake. If it happen that none of 'em obtain the presence of the Spirit, when he is not pleas'd to move 'em to speak, they sometimes all go away as they came, without uttering a word among 'em. But even then they say, they lose not their labour, for e­very [Page 54] one carries away some advantage for him­self, and while one prays for another, thence also some profit does result to the rest; yea, while they pray for them who come only to look on, laugh, sport, or scoff, they say, such receive a wonderful virtue; to better their Life, and ha­sten their Conversion. Thus they do in their common and publick exercises: They worship God by praying, praising or preaching, according to the various Agitation of the Spirit. Some­times they worship in all three kinds; not pro­miscuously, but one by one, unless it happen they sing all together. But their chief and solemn ex­ercise is the preaching of the word. This prin­cipally consists in proposing a certain theme for Edification, or exhortation to some duty. And because they think, the power of the preacher is not placed in words, or bodily motions (unless the composure of his Voice and Countenance, be suitably managed with simplicity and gravity) but only in the worth or weight of things; they affect not form, or Method taken from Rules of Art, but make use of plain and obvious words; not intending to gratify the itching of the Ear, but to express the interior feeling of the Soul, and make an Impression upon the hearer's mind, with an active Air not of gesture, but of face and utterance. They sharply censure Theologues for becoming Ethologues or Mimicks, whose Elo­quence does wholly consist in Gesticulation. Their prayers are mostly doleful Lamentations, the lower they be, they esteem 'em more dutiful. They sing and praise, not by a regular pronunci­ation of words, or musical Melody, far less by the Numbers of metre or verse (which sort of singing is never lawful with them, but when one of 'em has an extemporary faculty to compose) but in the collision, sound, and stretching of the voice, almost as the Spaniards, or Moors in Afric, if you have ever heard 'em, as I have 'em both, frequently singing in their own Countreys. And [Page 55] thus not only one or two, but all that are present do sing with a sweet and pleasant voice. In such exercises the Ministers are the most frequent and chief Actors; tho none of the rest are excluded but those that are foolish, troublesome, or stran­gers. They don't only take heed what any of 'em says, but also what forms or words he uses. As many if not all things among 'em are singu­lar, so they agree to no other Communion but their own [...]; hence if a Cunning or Insnaring mocker come in, and begin to ape their discourse or carriage, with their words and looks they mark him as a scoffer, and then forbids him or else thrusts him out. And this is their publick worship. In private they spend much time and pains in meditating, praying, reading, especially the word of God, in teaching their Servants, and Children, both in those Arts and Manners that concern civil Society; and also in the worship of God, and Christian Conversation, with a lively instruction, which they call Catechizing, to which use they have books very properly adapt­ed. Moreover, it's also their custom in their houses, never to express a Religious duty with an outward voice, as praying to God, craving his blessing, e're they take meat, or go to bed, till they feel the excitation or impulsion of the Spi­rit; while they want this, they're content to think with themselves, what they esteem conve­nient and agreeable, and talk silently with their own mind, without External or vocal expression. From whence arises the mistake of some, and malicious calumny of others, that the Quakers never pray unto God, but like beasts rush upon every thing inconsiderately. Which they wou'd bear more patiently, came it only from the Rab­ble that's ready to swallow up the belief of any thing; and not from a seeming better sort of Men, that pretend to digest, speak, or write no­thing but what they've put to the touch-stone for Confirmation.

[Page 56] Tho they're greatly devoted to the Publick Wor­ship of God, yet they're very averse to all Su­perstition, which none but the unfortunate, un­wise or irreligious do ordinarily pursue: Thus they often meet for the service of God: For that they've their Houses in some places very fair and large. Out of these now you'll seldom hear 'em disputing or discoursing with others, of those things they're willing to teach concerning their Religion, or Duties of Christians; though formerly in the Streets, Markets, and other's Chur­ches, they forbore not to declaim their petty prea­chings. When I ask'd the Cause of their discon­tinuing that practice, the same Necessity and Oc­casion remaining, they gave no other Answer than, That it is not now the Holy Ghost's Will. They a­gree with some Protestants, in owning no Holy-Days, but they disagree in this a little, wherein some Protestants also herd with 'em, being dis­pleas'd that the First Day of the Week is observ'd, which from our Lord Jesus Christ we call the Lord's Day, and that by the Force of the Fourth Command. They indeed acknowledge it very necessary, that a time be set a part for assembling to worship God in publick, and that then Chri­stians shou'd refrain from working, and that the Lord's day is very proper for that purpose; wherein the Apostles and Primitive Christians met in one place. Therefore on this and other days, they have publick Meetings as occasion of­fers. In great and Populous Cities, as London they often assemble almost every other day, and that with such a confluence of people, that when there can't so many be crowded together, so as one may have way for another to get out, some of 'em in the throng are taken with a [...]unting; but by vinegar, they have for that use, are re­fresh'd and restor'd: This gave rise to that plea­sant story, which, as every rumor, taken from an ill resented Action of some one of 'em, over­spreads the Minds and Discourses of all, that the [Page 57] Quakers, at their Meeting have a bottle of li­quor, which whoever drinks of, is immediately made Quaker, As these with many other unqui­et Men, did most bitterly Tax some Protestant practices, as preparing Licensing, ordaining and maintaining of Ministers, so of late they've be­gun to jangle among themselves, and more and more draw one another to their contrary Injuncti­ons: On these they now more eagerly insist. They were, and as yet are greatly offended, that those, who aim at a sacred function, shou'd be form'd and imbellish'd with those previous stu­dies. whereby they gradually arrive at that pro­vince. And thus they reproach Parents and Friends, who devote Children to the Ministry from their tender years, as if they were design'd for some Trade, Traffick, or civil business, that they may exercise themselves in the Employ­ment for a Livelihood, so that the office, Reli­gion, Faith and Piety, are made matter of, and not preferr'd to their gain; that Children shou'd be thus educated for offices of this Nature, and delivered to the tutelage of teachers, however they be inclin'd, or whatever Spirit they be led by, tho they do nothing but commanded and con­strain'd, while as in other occupations, we consider what a Child's Genius prompts him to, and our designs and purposes are hitherto referr'd. That Boys are so posted to Schools and Colleges, with­out time to consider and search their Inclinati­ons, that they may direct their Course according to the stream of their Temper, and after en­trance are so inveigled with study and desire to attain, what they've been forestall'd with advan­tagious thoughts of, that, being unconcern'd for the inlightning, and converting grace of the Spi­rit, when they arrive at some pitch of that sort of Life, they're so tenacious, that nothing can occur to pull 'em from their purpose; especially when the change wou'd be late, and Age comes on, so that they can scarce begin another profita­ble [Page 58] project: Besides, the rude and unpollish'd youn­sters, whose minds are impressible as wax, and of so soft a temper that they may be easily drawn out into any shape, whose prelections they've once fix'd their Attendance on, those, with an inconsiderate rashness, they must ape and imitate, in all the thoughts and Actions of their Ministry and Life: And yet many run also headlong into Gaming, Idling, Rioting, and Wantoning. So at length they betake themselves to their Ministerial De­clamations, and many wholly stretch all the Nerves of their skill, to talk only with a volubility of Tongue to the hearers, and some Courts com­plaisance of voice and gesture, placing there the Power of Doctrine and stress of Eloquence. When at this rate from prating Puppets they be­come perfect Orators, and are reck'ned worthy, after a Specimen, to be prefer'd to the care of the Lord's Vineyard, the Laurel's propos'd to him that knows best to scatter words, so as to feed the Ears and Eyes, with the grateful delight of Debonnair and Oratry; Men taken with their chanting, like a Shepherd's pipe, chuse 'em for their pastors, while yet (say they) nothing that's spiritual or savoury drops from their Lips, into the minds of the hearers, and they receive little but words, sitting to hear the reading of a few dry sentences, as stones on stones, and dead on the dead, which they then stand upon. This they say of Students affectations in the Schools. They acknowledge the understanding of Lan­guages, especially of Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, formerly was, and still is very useful to un­derstand and expound the Scripture, yet they take 'em not therefore to be necessary to the Ministry, which they wou'd have to be ma­naged by the Spirit alone, nor so profitable, that one unacquainted with them, must be stil'd Idi­ot, Illiterate and of no autority. But Philoso­phy as it's generally taught in the Schools, and School Divinity from hence arising, they not [Page 59] only think useless, but also pernicious, and a plague Destructive of sound Doctrine, brought in by the Devil, as the Idol of Lyers, and a hin­drance to the knowledge of God and Godliness. They despise the distinguishing Titles of Ecclesi­astick Dignities, as Masters, Licentiates, Doctors, Professors, &c. Saying they only tend to make him, that's invested with the honour, taken no­tice of with greater respect, and so to swell him to a further Caprice, and affect a Lording it o'er his former fellows. They blame Protestants, for restraining Preachers, by Divers Constitutions, to a certain Number, and prescribing Laws of yearly revenues, imposing, or suffering themselves to be impos'd on, and not endeavouring that through Churches, at least greater, more preachers and teachers may be appointed, to teach and admon­ish all, publickly and privately, and execute other Offices of the Ministry, or be sent to la­bour in Foreign Nations, that these, that are strangers to God and Godliness, may be carefully imbru'd with the knowledge of both, that the Borders of the Kingdom of Christ may be ex­tended and inlarged to the utmost ends of the Earth. Lastly, they charge the Protestant Churches, for maintaining their Pastors too pro­fusely with Salaries. They deny not the provisi­on of Food and Raiment for such, and other ne­cessaries for a convenient life, nay, they own it to be suitable to the Command of God. It ap­pears then, they differ from the present Anabap­tists, both the open-hearted and more simple, and crafty and more reserv'd, who tho liberal of their labours, under Colour of Munificence, draws the unwary into their Ginns, that they may gull 'em of a daily sustenance at their plea­sure. They wou'd neither have the study nor of­fice of the Ministry, so to confine the Actions of ones Life, as to inforce the neglect of all other business, whereby he may furnish himself with a competency. They won'd neither have sixt Sti­pends [Page 60] given, nor pactions to intevrene twixt pastor and people, lest the latter be forc'd to give superfluously and sumptuously to cherish the lux­ury, and idleness of the former. They decry driving Ministers to their duty for gain, as ille­beral Mercenary, Sordid, and Conductitious, that they may only work for wealth, which when got inclines 'em to do little or nothing, yea, gives rise to Avarice, Lust, Idleness, Wantonness, Riot­ousness, perpetual Contention, Ambitious, Domi­neering, and very grievous Iniquities. Whose houses seem's dect with an almost Royal Magni­ficence, who call themselves Preachers of Christ for Christ's sake, when they become so pompous neglecting their Office, despising their inferiors, oppressing with Tyranny their people, they shew how Antichrist of old got first entrance, and then footing in the Church.

These the Quakers oppose, by a bare mention­ing the manner of their Ministry which they con­stantly observe and reason for thus. Since all in the Church, as Members of the Body, have their proper gifts, they may also have proper operati­ons and functions for the good of the whole. They say therefore, that every Member of Christ shou'd stir up and try the gifts of the Spirit in himself, and Minister to others according to what he has received; If he feel himself dispos'd and led by the Spirit, he may, and ought to aspire to be pastor of a Church, and that when, or where the Spirit draws or invites: And this they make his Call, neither here do they require any Preparatory exercise, or particular Call from any certain Assembly, or Approbation of People, whether they be properly enchurch'd or not. Yet say they tho one thinks himself fit for, and by the Spirit call'd to, he must not yet rashly run upon the Ministry, till, by a company or general Meeting of Ministers, intrusted therewith, by whose invocation the Spirit may come, he be worthily approven. And so they try if he be fit [Page 61] for the office, or if it be expedient to confer it on him, warning him after he has taken it on him, so to labour therein that it it may be equal­ly, for his and the Church's Ornament and Safety. Thus he's Priested. They admit no preparing, ordaining, or Ceremonies, which Protestants use at Inaugurating Ministers, esteeming 'em foolish, fruitless and trifling. And that those new Preach­ers may be more glib at their work, they give letters from a general or particular Meeting, that remote Churches, where they're sent, may receive 'em more readily, to which sometimes they Annex Commendatory Epistles from other famous Friends or Churches. As for the Minister's main­tenance this is their Method. They order sti­pend to be taken, but what is willingly given, and so computed, that every ones Estate may be re­garded, and no more than to Answer the occasi­ons of Life to encourage Industry, not to kindle Luxury. But if any Minister be pinch'd with Poverty, by the narrow-soul'd Penuriousness of a People, they permit him to leave 'em, and shake his Shoo's dust against 'em. So say they Christ commanded, and so the Apostles did. It falls out with Quakers as with other Societies to insinuate themselves with others upon slight Ac­quaintance, who, tho they carry themselves so and so in Company that know them, yet after­ward, with Men of ne're so good note, their Words and Actions betray their Insolence; and time lets their boldness and importunity creep out of their lurking holes. The frequent ap­pearance of this foments the suspicion, that the Quakers are all a dissembling Generation, and that they're so far from that Simplicity, which pretending to be the best of Christians they make shew of; that they're the refuse gather'd from the basest of Men. This the Quakers know, and grant there are some, who do neither by the seign'd pretence of that perswasion, nor cloaking the Motions of their deprav'd nature; but while [Page 62] they adhere to their Fellowship, not knowingly nor willingly, but by common frailty, unexpect­edly fall into gross wickedness; and that there are others distracted with the Blandishments of this World, as not being able to indure its shock, who are so fetter'd with the thoughts of Riches, that they yield to the Pleasure and Idleness of a more delicate Life; some also that are remiss and careless of their Children: And lastly that there are some that revolt from the best Examples and Institutions, as too harsh and rigid in the Eyes of the World, who, breaking the shekels that before chain'd 'em, affect a more beau-like at­tire, and a Courteous deportmentment in civil Conversation, as a certain mark of a good Edu­cation; This is oft the case of women and those that are youthful. For those delinquencies the Quakers say, they have the Rod of Ecclesiastick Censure and Discipline: Which by Christ's Rule, in the Gospel of Matthew, they say they use gra­dually to practise. They condemn no Man till they hear his defence. They write to those that can't be present to Answer by letter, what they have to say. They more meekly wink at the unfor­tunate Slips of time and necessity, than the free faults of will and Inclination: As at present in England and elsewhere they refuse to pay Tythes for War, or maintaining the regular Clergy. But they've been so oft vex'd and harass'd for this, that they may not again incur the like danger, they pay it in its season, not asking, why its ga­ther'd. Tho the Censors of manners think 'em here peccant, yet they pass it as an unavoidable weakness. Now for their Marrying. They of­ten admonish the younger sort, not to rush on a matter of such moment, without consent and advice of Parents, which here may prove their happiness, or bane of their misery. They, that desire to be married, intimate it to their Church-Fellowship: They ask 'em if they be in earnest or have consent of Parents, kindred or Tutors, or [Page 63] if formerly married, if they've order'd their Estate according to the occasion of a Matrimo­nial Life. Then they ask the Company, if they know any thing against 'em. After the Con­tract there's made mention of the Marriage, twice on Lord's days, before all that are present: And sometimes only on monthly Meetings. When the time is expir'd, the Bride and Bride­groom with Friends and Acquaintances that are willing, come all to the assembly. There they're ask'd if they do, and will love each other mu­tually, and to promise to preserve their Marri­age honourably, their Soul pure, and the body clean as its vessel, and perform the Reciprocal incumbent duties, and never to part till that fate divide 'em, which is the common and un­avoidable Lot of all Mankind. Then each of 'em opens their thoughts, according to what is prescrib'd in the Commentaries, subscribing their Names with those interess'd that are willing.

Thus their Marriage is consummated. There follows some Feasting and Mirth, if the Com­pany be for't but without the usual vanities at such occasions, which only feeds the Guts, Ears, or Eyes, and awakens and nourishes Unchasti­ty and Luxury. In England and elsewhere, their Marriages are now less frequent, since dis­approved by the Magistrates as an illegal go­ing together, and their Children counted bra [...] of a spurious Birth: Having spoken of their Marriage, I shall also mention how they treat their Children. A few days after the Child is born, they call together the Midwife and other women, who were helpful to the woman in her Labour, and desire 'em to testify the time and place when such an Infant was born to such and such Parents, this they have recorded in a particular book, kept for that purpose in one of their houses. Of their funeral rites we have already. Discoursed; It is the general Lot of humane Affairs, to continue short while in [Page 64] the same Condition, and have a short lease of Ease and Tranquillity; After these people for a little had Rest, a new storm arose, which fell first on their heads, whose coming over to that party I mention'd at large, and then Rag'd against almost all the Members of the Society: For George Keith in Scotland, in the year 67, was thrown into, and continued in Prison at Aberdeen for many months: He then wrote a book of the immediate Revelation of Christ in Man, which is a Summary of all their Doctrine; the next year, W. Penn on the same score, was put in Custody at London, Penn and some of his Com­panions had a Conference with the Presbyterians touching their Doctrine of the Trinity, and Justi­fication of Sins, wherein neither party could con­vince the other by Argument, Nay at last, not so much as hear each other speak: When this had given rise to a great Confusion, Penn being firm to his purpose, and restless till he had effected it, betakes himself to a Retirement for Writing. Shortly after he publishes a book, shaking these three Presbyterian Doctrines, pretending to fight with the Testimonies of Scripture, and Reason▪ Implanted into the knowledge and understand­ing of Men, viz. That there is one God, subsist­ing in three distinct and separate persons; that there's no Remission of sins without full Satis­faction, and that Men are Justified by imputed Righteousness; I make choice of those words, which Penn does in English, as suited to the pro­per Idiom of that Tongue, which now others, when they speak of Theological Subjects, do use. These words I suppose he the rather pitch'd up­on, because the Presbyterians snarl'd at his form­er expre [...]ions, about the first Article; concerning the separate persons in the Trinity, as if Penn had been more verbal than real in his Controver­sies. This did not only inspire the Presbyteri­ans, but also the English Clergy, with anger and hatred which broke out into Reproaches, that his [Page 65] book show'd his mind, and what he was, viz. A denier of the Trinity, and so, not at all to be suffer'd amongst Christians. Upon these Cla­mours Penn was Imprisoned, where he wrote a book call'd, The Crown not without the Cross, handling the Actions of Life and not Articles of Religion, not barren of things or swell'd with words but fruitful of matter, ponderous, and sententious for its phrases, and polish'd with the Ornaments of orat'ry, so that his Enemies Scruple not to praise his skill and industry. Penn was set free by the Kings desire; who also, because danger seem'd to threaten his fortune which he had Considerably in England, and Ireland, (by the endeavouring of some so to shorten his wings, that they might ne're again grow) did so protect him as to prevent the seizure and confiscation of his goods. About this time by his Rashness, Bold­ness, and Impudence, Salomon Eccles felt the smart of what he drew on himself, which he might have avoided. This Zealot whom in the former book from a Musician we made Quaker, so Contemn'd the sweeter Children of the Muses, as to expose their Instruments to the cruelty of the flames; He was no sooner made Preacher, than he Acted his part with such eagerness as an­swer'd the expectation of his own Party, and fill'd the Ears and Tongues of the contrary. In the year 67 he wrote a Dialogue concerning the excellency and use of the Art of Musick, betwixt himself as opponent and the Defendents of that Art, whom he brings in speaking and so silenc'd as to raise himself Trophies of Praise, and Victo­ry; The next year, he published a Challenge daring Presbyterians, Independents, Baptists, Pa­pists, and all other Doctors and Pastors, to try by this Experiment with him, who were the true Worshippers of God: That without either meat or drink for seven Days and Nights, they might devout themselves to watching and praying, and they on whom Celestial fire should fall down, [Page 66] might be esteem'd to receive that Eternal Testi­mony, for the true Religion that's acceptable to God: But there was none found so frothy or vain, as to enter the Lists with so foolish a Chal­lenger; tho these words pass'd unresented, what followed the next year had not the same success; For Eccles in a town of Galloway in Scotland, knowing of a Popish Meeting at some distance, puts a Chassing-dish with fire and brimstone on his head, and goes to their assembly with three of his Associates; and giving the fire to his Friends who received it on their knees, on the blazing of the flame, he denounces to all the sudden danger of being devour'd with fire, if they did not pre­sently forsake their Idolatry: Returning from thence into the City, and repeating his famous precept, and sign, that they might also learn the wisdom to amend, who rewarded his Sermon and sign no better than with blows and ill words, and then with a Jayl, upon his Enlargement, and return to London, he Commences the like Ad­monition in Bartholomew-fair, to the whole Croud in the Ring of the Rabble, but, a sharp Man attacking him, had disarm'd him of his shield, and given him a mark, to put him in mind of that time and place; had not another of some note and honesty defended Eccles with his naked Sword, and deliver'd him from the hands of the enraged Multitude: The Quakers themselves take such Actions to be unwarranta­ble and inconsiderate, not long after, Eccles went to Ireland, and at Cork, in the great Church, the service being ended, he thunders that solemn Scripture some so often abuse; The Prayers of the Wicked are an Abomination to the Lord. Whence, being dragg'd into Prison, and then whipt through all the streets by the common Hangman, he was thrown out of the City as a Vagabond, and factious fellow, whose deprav'd mind, ill custom, and foolish humour stir'd him up to pervert and trouble the people. Af­terward [Page 67] Eccles went into New England, where, at a Sermon, being greatly mov'd with anger, he Prophesied a Judgment as ordain'd by God to fall on a certain person, within a time he pre­fix'd; but the falsehood of his Oracle giving him experience of his vanity, and afterward to con­fess, by a publick writing, the folly and error or his own Rashness; having at length imitated an Ingenuous Man in this; for as it's best to do no­thing to be repented of, so it's next best, by Re­pentance to repair what's done amiss; Whilst the Don's of the Quakers were thus punished; In England, Scotland, and especially in Ireland, their whole Society met likeways with great oppositi­on; for refusing to forbear their assemblies, which having mention'd already what I find to be obser­vable, I shall here content my self barely to Name. Fox this year went into Ireland, yet did little there, but visit his friends, and advise each of 'em to what he Judg'd for their Advantage: Fox having thence return'd in England, and till then, by reason of troublesome Incumbrances, been oblig'd to lead a single life, having now got some liberty, and ease, grew weary of the lone­lyness of a Solitary bed, tho otherways free, and pleasant in it self; and in this mind, he addrest himself to Margaret the Widdow of L. Fell, his old Friend, with whom he had lodg'd; and af­terward, by the advice of both their Friends, he marry'd her, neither to supply the beggery of the one, nor gratify the lust of the other, (and therefore they were less anxious for dowry) but from mutual love: They liv'd, tho without any common off-spring, very lovingly to a great Age: I thought it not unseasonable to mention this, considering what that Frenchman has lately writ­ten of this pair (who's now if we may believe it a good Catholick, tho twice before a grand Apo­stat) and of many honest Men in his French Treatise, not unelegant, if we look to the lustre of the Language, yet stuffed with lies for the [Page 68] laughter of the people. The year 70 was more worthy of our Remembrance: So many as per­sisted in haunting their Assemblies not paying Tythes, abating informers of what they demand­ed, refusing to swear, either lightly, or Solemny, were variously oppress'd, and afflicted in Eng­land: There were assembled to disturb, and sup­press their Meetings, as extinguishers of the com­mon flame, in one place the Magistrates them­selves, in another, their Officers and Ministers; In another Souldiers, and in others Church Pa­stors, with their Wardens, and Beadles, who coming upon them, when met in their Assemblies took a note of their Names, that after a War­rant they might deal with them according to sentence of Law; sometimes this treatment was with force and rigour, It was mild to box and busset them with fists or battons, so violently that sometimes the Cudgels were split into pieces; In Glocestershire, one taking a Ladder from the lower to the upper parts of the House, threw it down upon them with such rage and bitterness, that an old widdow woman among 'em, having her shoul­ders broken, soon after gave up the Ghost; a few were Incarcerated, a pecuniary mulct being laid on each of their heads, of five, ten, or twenty, lib. ster. according to the quality, or Estate of the Person; who had lent their houses to, spoken, or been present with them, were fin'd more se­verely; In the mean time, much by covetous Of­ficers, ignorant Souldiers, and void of humanity, profane Citizens, the dregs of the World, who cloak'd it from the honest sort, upon a faint sus­picion, were snatched from the Quakers. These Informers treated 'em most uncivilly, and basely; Sometimes they that were not present were fined, who, in a supposition, they were never away, were thought not to be absent now, but only to have hid themselves; and tho their Meeting had been silent, without uttering a Syllable, it was held for certain, that their holy duties could not [Page 69] be perform'd without speaking, and so the speak­er must needs have been present; The Quakers tell, in one of their families, a friend, and stran­ger, being only present, Informers came to the Master, in presence of the stranger, as desirous to talk with him of a certain affair, and on his an­swering little, went away and inform'd, For hav­ing preach'd in an assembly of the Quakers, so, a severe Mulct was laid on the stranger and speaker: They say, many of 'em in the Country of Nothing­ham-shire, was trepan'd by tricks of the like na­ture. I was told by 'em, certain Rogues came among 'em compos'dly, and where the Quakers were silent, one of the fellows got up, and began to speak, and then also the rest, and falling on the Quakers, and goods of the house, Immedi­ately carried all the latter away with them. In this persecution, the destruction of their Estates might be easily effected, since none of the Quak­ers redeem'd what was taken from them, nor, were they never so wrong'd, or hurted, wou'd bribe or oppose their presecutors violence; which might easily have been done, had their principles suffer'd, when the unmannerly crowd, Claiming some thing due to each of them, instead of mo­ney, took away what they cou'd find, Oxen, and Cattel from their Lands, and Instruments for Husbandry, from their Houses, Merchandise, Housholdstuff, Featherbeds, Blankets, Vessels, and Rayment, yea, their very meat they spared not, of what value soever: Some carried home wag­gons Loaded with their goods, leaving nothing that was either portable, or movable; These goods were often put to publick sale, but some were so honest, that they loved not to buy what had been lost with grief, and cou'd only be pur­chas'd with shame; some of their goods were taken secretly away by Night, while they're thus ravag'd, the Tythers were not asleep, but ready on foot; Thus, there's a threefold summ exacted, one for the Exchequer, another for the Poor, [Page 70] and a third for their purse, who pretended to have the charge of Executing the Law against the Quakers. The Quakers Writings say they were Barbarously us'd, especially in the Northern part of York-shire. Bark-shire, Clochester, Surrey, and Notingham-shire. 'Tis incredible what Mo­ney these people did lose, only for the sham Name of a Mulct; In this persecution, they rag'd most against the greatest, and their friends, of a higher Note, and Degree; These Men being thrust out of their houses where they met, stood often in the open Air before them, sometimes say­ing nothing, and sometimes speaking; but al­ways, either all, or they whose voice was heard, were punish'd with a greater Mulit, or imprison­ment; sometimes they were treated as Enemies by the Law of War, even when they never resist­ed: And having all already, in their hand and power, they pretended to deal with them by the right of victory.

This being often practis'd, I shall only name an Example of each sort: It happen'd in Here­fordshire, in a certain Village, that Thomas Green, whom in the former Book I mention'd among the Leaders of the Quakers, having met with a few of his own Persuasion, in a certain place, for performing their worship; Informers hearing, runs presently thither, and with a bitter, and en­raged mind, falls upon Green, kneeling with o­thers at Prayer, and carry'd him to the Judges, who laid the usual Fine on him: Which while he (as they us'd) refus'd to pay, alledging. and de­claring, he was unjustly fined, they ordered these Mercenary Messengers to distrein for't, upon Green's goods, which he had at Royston; This they go about without lingring, catching at an occasion they cou'd wrest to their gain: Thus they carry'd away his Goods and Merchandise, exposing 'em to sale, and out of the Money, reserv'd more than the double of the fine to themselves. At another time Green, going to [Page 71] Preach in his own house, was suddenly set upon, and so despoil'd, by the Invaders, of the goods of his shop, (for he was a threadseller) that nothing was left but one Clue, which not wil­lingly, but accidentally drop't from 'em. At another time also, while Green Preach'd in his House, some Informers came upon 'em, Arm'd as for a fight, and after silence, they demand the Preacher; The others deny'd to produce him; they laid hands on many of the hear­ers, and presenting them with Swords, and Pi­stols, they threaten to kill them, if they would not presently give up the Preacher, but their threats were fruitless: But at last, coming to Green, who appear'd by some signs to be the Preacher, he was also dumb to their Questi­ons, and deaf to their Threats; giving no An­swer to the former, and being unmov'd by the latter, they having greatest suspicion of him, did not kill him, but carry'd him to the Ma­gistrate; to whom Green when ask'd if he was the Preacher, answer'd he was: He ask'd him further, why he told not that before to those that brought him; He answer'd, he would not to any such Men, who had no Authority to propound the Question, tho he now did it willingly before the Magistrate, who might not only Justly and Lawfully ask, but also Com­mand. The following example seems to be Memorable, for the various Circumstances of persons and place: There met not a few Qua­kers in a house at London, about Noon, the Room being scarce able to hold 'em, which being told the Magistrate, Soldiers were sent to scatter the Meeting and Thrust 'em out of the house. But they in like manner throng'd to­gether in the next street, Notwithstanding the noise and hissings of passers by; There were there W. Penn, a Noble and Noted Man, whom I've before describ'd W. Mead, Son in Law to Fell, and Margaret, who was first Married to [Page 72] Fell, and then to Fox, a Man not much then notic'd, tho a Considerable Merchant: Those the Souldiers singl'd out of the Company, seiz'd, and shut up, that they might want their hous­es and liberty, on pretence, they had both Preach'd to the Congregation in the street. They're brought to Examination, and the crime is charg'd on 'em in these words, viz. That they being Quakers, had in contempt of the King, assembled themselves together with force and arms, illegally, and seditiously, to the trou­bling of the peace; The Judges, as 'tis certain­ly, according to the Laws of their Court, were desirous they should make their appear­ance uncover'd, that they might give a greater proof of their Submission and Humility; when one of their officers had pull'd of these Mens hats, the Judge Commanded them again to be put on, that they might with their own hands take 'em of; They refused, since the Judge had ordered them to be covered, when as they came in before, them uncovered. This the Judges resenting ill, fining each of 'em, for Contempt of the King and his Court, in 40 Marks Eng. Penn, and Mead, did long dispute the matter, till Witnesses were brought in, who being question'd, affirm'd nothing else, than that they had heard them speak certain words in publick to the Congregation, but what the words were, they said, they could not hear, which evidence both Penn, and Mead, with a ready wit, and and quick Expression, as far as was needful, did sharply, and fluently confute. After the Judge, and Council, had charg'd 'em I omit their Names for no Disad­vantage to them) with having transgress'd the Common Laws, Penn so defended himself, and his party, that the Judge thinking, by the ac­curacy of his words, their Authority and Dig­nity would be too much shaken, and Impair­ [...]ed, that the Judges might be tax'd with Ma­lice, [Page 73] and Ignorance, orders him to be remov'd out of the Court: Mead was also thus treated, for vindicating his Action with too great a sem­blance of boldness, and obstinacy; after many debates, the Jury comes in, who being sworn, did narrowly expend, and enquire into, all they cou'd find objected against 'em; they bring in this verdict, that Penn had spoken to the Con­gregation in publick, that Mead was not guil­ty, without adding a word further. This Ver­dict highly offended the Judge, and Council, who were firmly of opinion, that they were guilty, of what they were charg'd with, and therefore they rag'd and invey'd against the Jury, and especially, Edward Bushel, whose sole efficiency they Judg'd pernicious, in seducing his Collegues, threatning him with what envy and certain prejudice so rash a Verdict might draw upon himself; they remain'd stedfast in their first opinion, that Penn had done nothing 'gainst Law, and Mead was not at all guilty; And this said they is neither so dark, nor ob­scure, but any may easily perceive it that's de­sirous; as for themselves, since they had done nothing for hatred, or fear, nor any thing con­trary to their Duty, or Judgment, as they were Conscious of no fault, so they fear'd no threatnings; after the Jury had finished their discourse, Penn added some words with more Sharpness, and Freedom, Implying that the Judges reguarded not Law, but Judg'd of the matter according to their partial pleasure; for which words, the Judges, that were there, were so offended, that they presently gave strict charge to the Jayl-keeper to take him in Custody, and keep him in Irons: The Court proving thus confus'd, and Litigious, It was at length thought fit to adjourn the Tryal for that day, and consequently, to enlarge the defendents till the following; The Jury being then again Inter­rogated, if these Men were guilty of what they [Page 74] stood Indicted for, still persisted in their for­mer reply, viz. That they were not; after ma­ny words, more hot than fruitful, the Judge commanded that Penn and Mead should be detain'd in Custody, till they paid that summ that was laid on each of them, for their Ir­reverent Carriage, at the beginning of the Try­al. Making this the due desert of their fault; both of 'em having reproach'd, and disrespected the Court: Here Penn cou'd not so Command himself, as to hold his peace, at so unjust a procedure. When neither would pay the Mony that was requir'd, they were both order'd to be thrown into Goal, but the cause was remov'd from the Bench to the Bar, where each of 'em in person, before a Multitude of Citizens, and these of the best quality, and sort, who were led thither by the curiosity of seeing the try­al, defended, and pleaded his cause for him­self: The Harangue of Penn is not unworthy to be observ'd, which was now, and then, in re­peating Interrupted, and Intermitted; But in a due progress, constant, and undivided: It was to this purpose. ‘The nature of Man is so or­dered, that as there is no Mortals almost to be found, who think not the injuries they receive to be great; so, every one, for the most part, is ready and desirous to defend his cause, and avoid the danger that threatens him; whether this be our case before you at present, or whether our Complaints be short of our sufferings, dangers that hang over us, and Crimes that we're charg'd with, you your selves may maturely consider, providing you'll disarm your selves of passion, and partiality, and grant us the justice of a pa­tient Attention: This is the burden of our ac­cusation, and on this score is our guilt founded; we omitted some Ceremonies before the Court, and did not presently consent to that, which we knew, they design'd to build our guilt up­on; we spoke too boldly and freely for our [Page 75] selves, as if we had accus'd our Accusers and Judges; we must therefore, before this great, and gown'd Society, dwell upon mere punctili­o's, and triffles; and yet, whilst our words and behaviour are snarl'd at, we are not guilty of the things for which we stand Indicted; Is there any Law which commads the defendent, not only to be discovered, but to discover him­self; and when our hats are put on, neither by us, nor at our pleasure, but your own Com­mand, how unjust and ridiculous is it, that a fine should be laid on us, and not rather on your selves? But we answer'd not fully to all their questions, a crime exceeding all possible excuse, that can be brought to palliate our viloated du­ty; being ask'd many things, we answer'd some, tho not all, sometimes restraining our selves not contrary to Law; you know what each of these amounts to: Certainly he that speaks nothing does not affirm, neither indeed does he therefore deny, It's then expedient for the defendent to speak, when his own silence would wrong his cause, but he that defends himself, when not so much as ask'd, gives occasion of suspicion, re­proach, and calumny: Truly no Man is oblig'd to accuse himself; If any rash, or precipitant word drop'd out, this is nothing but a humane weakness that few are strangers to; it being hard, in this, as in other matters to keep a mea­sure; when the mind is mov'd with extraordi­nary anguish; But I suppose we are known to be none of those, who are offensive to others, by the Intemperance of our Tongues; neither are we as yet conscious of our pretended guilt. that we have hitherto defended our selves with any Impertinency; but this, this, is our crime to day, why both here and every where, we are drag'd into Judgment because we seldom deprecate our charge, or Court favour, by throwing our selves at your feet, or using guilded expressions, to ensnare your Ears, if not our own minds also; which would if not [Page 76] at present, yet certainly hereafter prove detri­mental to us, and our common cause: If it be an accusing and reproving of others, to re­ject the falsehood of their unjust Accusation, and Modestly, and Ingenuously show what they do amiss, let us bear that Name, which only the sence and glory of well doing gives us tittle to: But this is, or at least should be, the sole and proper question, what is this crime which we have done, that you esteem so hainous: Since no Law forbids it, no Man can doubt the Lawfulness of our doing it, and injustice of your reprehending it; For where there is no Law, there is no Trans­gression. As to the council's Allegation of a Common, and general Law, as the Foundati­on and strength of the whole Accusation; when a general saying is generally to be un­derstood, things common cannot oblige with­out a special statute; so long as he applies not his rule to the matter in hand, whereup­on the subject of our discourse is hinged, tru­ly his citation is to little purpose, and his talk is fruitless; for the wise and ancient Kings that made those Laws, and the skillful and ingenious Lawyers of our Countrey who in­terpreted them, did ever take 'em in no other meaning than applicable to certain persons, things, times, and Circumstances; wherefore thus to wrest Controversy to Law, is to disjoyn it from it self. Moreover, no Law can be just which forbids what the divine Law Com­mands, and reason Dictates; or Commands what God and nature forbids and denies, even where the reverence and worship of God is concerned. Is this their Justice, and Equity, with whom we have to do; to bid shut our mouths, or carry us to punishment, when we speak against injustice in our own defence? Since by the common Law its provided, that he that may do that which is more, should not be de­ny'd [Page 77] liberty to do that which is less; what hin­ders us, when Religion the greatest good is at the stake, to which other things tho never so valuable have no proportion, to be allow'd the common privilege of gain-saying? Then we must be rob'd of our whole liberty, our Wives and Children dragg'd into slavery, our Families scatter'd, our Estates seiz'd, and carry'd away in­to triumph for our own Conscience sake, by the accusation of every beggar, and Malitious in­former craftily waiting for our Ruine and De­struction; Let the Lord of Sea and Land Judge betwixt us in this matter. The Judgement of twelve Men was always much regarded, by the Patricij of old, the Nobles, and Optimates, who being sworn Assessors, after hearing the cause, and evidence, brought in their sentence accord­ing to the equity of the matter: That book has also hitherto been highly honour'd, which con­tain the Rights of King, Parliament, and Peo­ple, which is call'd Magna Charta: What reve­rence Judges pay unto these, who Arrogate the intire power, and sole decision of the Tryal to themselves, and that with so much passion, and prejudice, as they are so unhappy, neither to be able to govern, or conceal it; let the Judges themselves declare Impartially. It appears plain­ly, the Magna Charta is become a nose of wax, since it's so often hammer'd out into every form. If things run in this Channel, the times will come soon when we may bid farewel to Religi­on, to all Society, yea right and property too; if all Tryals and Judges be like this, in whose mind so much of the Popish inquisition is in­grain'd. As for us, since we were not accus'd, we could not be condemn'd, yea, since we're ab­solv'd by the Jury, we desire our liberty. As for you the most just and great God will Judge the Justice of all your proceedings.’When Penn and Mead persisted in their purpose not to pay that Money which they were amers'd in, being [Page 78] thrown into Jail, Penn's father pay'd it for them both, and deliver'd 'em from their Imprisonment; a severe and warlick exploit follow'd done upon the Quakers, in the County of Surrey: In certain places, Captains with their Souldiers, only by their own Power and Authority broke in upon Quakers houses without any occasion, Colouring the Injustice of their Action, with a pretence that they searched for hidden, and conceal'd Arms, and other Instruments of Sedition and Rebellion; thus they perceiv'd what they had in their houses, and afterward came upon them at their pleasure and spoiled them. This use and custom did so overflow and prevail, that Military Men of that sort, and size, both foot, and horse without any Command, assaulted those people, while at their Religious exercises, and Proclaim'd and made War without any Enemy, with so much vehe­mency, fierceness, Clamour and Execution, as if they would fright heav'n it self with the thun­dering of their words; and thrusting 'em out of the houses where they were met, if they stood nigh by, or spoke but a word, (which you may suppose they often, if not always did) they dragg'd some of 'em immediately into fetters, and smote others most cruelly with their Military Weapons, this was a common custom in Harsly-down. The house being full of Quakers at their worship many Soul­diers, and Horsemen with Swords, Pikes, and Fire-Arms fly's thither; the Footmen goes in, and pre­sently running upon them, thrusts them all out of doors; being put out into the street, the Horsemen rides them down; seeing their only hope of safety to be plac'd in the swiftness of their feet, by flight they betook themselves to that remedy, and endeavour'd to escape whither soe­ver they could: But then the Horsemen spur'd af­ter them with their Horses, and running upon the Men and Women as they were scatter'd, and also upon those that abode in their place, insult­ing over the young and feeble, they struck them [Page 79] upon their bodies and faces, with their Pistols, as furiously as they could: The footmen pouring themselves out of the house upon the people thus ensnar'd and invergl'd, follow'd after, and beat them with their Musquets and Pikes so violently, that some of them flew in peices out of their hands: Neither did they forbear, retreat or withdraw, till more than twenty of the poor Quakers were wounded, Eight days after the Quakers again met, and must likewise by a new force of Horse and Foot be assaulted, ejected, and put to flight, sur­rounded, and oppress'd, and the ground fructify'd by the effusion of their blood; here there were twice as many wounded as before: That day seven-night the Quakers not leaving of their assembling, a party of foot and horse came up to the house: One of them going in with a pale full of dirt and Excrements, maliciously emptied it upon the Innocent Multitude, not content with this, put­ting them from their House and Meeting, they follow'd and loaded them with so many wounds, that they were within a little of having rob'd 'em of their life. Some of the Countrey people, be­ing mov'd with Compassion at the sad Counte­nance, Lamentation, and tears of Men, they had always found both harmless, and blameless, did succour and shelter them, with the sanctuary of their houses. But those Malignant rakes, finding the way even thither, broke in, and pull'd 'em out, and threatning some, holding their Weapons o're their heads, and cutting the womens Cloaths, handled them with a detestable Impudence, and obscenity. There was one woman with Child taken as she fled, whom a Souldier rudely smote twice on the belly and once on the breast with his Musquet, and another threw dirt in her mouth, whereby she was so frighted, that afterwards she miscary'd. But the Zeal of the Quakers in Meet­ing or Souldiers in persecuting, was not as yet chill'd. For they no sooner return'd to their usu­al Meeting than the Souldiers follow'd them as [Page 80] they had done formerly, afflicting them with their wonted Rudeness; so that the very Earth was re-sprinkled with their Blood, and Twenty, or more of them, were inhumanely wounded; which a certain Countrey Officer seeing, and being troubled at (a Man very discreet for his office) or at least not always so rough and rigid, advis'd the Souldiers not to persist in such wild rigour, and un­reasonable rudeness, hoping he might easily obtain what he desired. The Souldiers were so far from regarding his request, they fell upon him so forci­bly that they almost broke his pate. There were more examples of cruelty done at this time, in se­veral places elsewhere; yet the Quakers never as­sembled at night, nor in a Solitary place, lest they should seem to attempt any thing unworthy of Light, and whereof they should be affraid; yet they met sometimes more cautiously, and time­rously, and with as little stir as they possibly could, not because they were disrespected, Vilified, and Calamitously treated, but sometimes by reason of the greatness of the danger, they forbore the times and places of their Assembling. Sometimes they were deny'd the use of their own houses, where they us'd to conveen frequently and nume­rously, the Magistrate commanding the Doors and Entrances to be clos'd up with brick, and morter to prevent their admission: But they thinking themselves Masters of their own houses, open'd 'em without Command or Counsel of any other, and went into their Meetings, as they for­merly had done.

The Qnakers observed this Year, that there was above Eight Thousand of their Sect made Prison­ers, since the King's Return, whereof Six Hun­dred were as yet detain'd.

Things being in this condition, about the Year Seventy Two a Remarkable War happen'd betwixt the Confederate Kings of Brittain and France, and the States of the United Provinces: in which War the Dutch had the better (as 'twas thought) both by [Page 85] Sea, and Land; not only by withstanding so great Armies of two such potent Kings, and two Bi­shops (more intent on the destruction than pre­servation of Men) but also snatch'd a considera­ble victory from 'em both. King Charles fearing lest the War abroad might create some matter of sedition at home, that he might preserve ease and concord amongst his subjects, granted not only pro­tection to Men of all Religions, and consequent­ly to the Quakers (Papists being only excepted) but also the free exercise of their several perswasi­ons, whereby the Quakers from a tempestuous storm, were brought into a safe Haven: The Re­membrance of the past, pleasure of the present, and hope of the future time induc'd them to compose, restore, and accomplish the common concern of their neglected affairs: But this rest and tranquillity was of no greater Continuance, than till matters were adjusted twixt the Dutch and English, for, in two year's space the war being ended, the Jars twixt ancient friends and bre­thren, easily kindled and quickly quenched, did not only serve to wash away the strife but renew and confirm their former love. So the Quakers were toss'd with new dangers again, as when ano­ther storm suddenly falls upon those, that an­chor'd in the safety of an happy Haven and drives 'em from the hopes, of the expected shore into the great and dangerous roarings of the deep. Having hitherto related concerning these Men, al­most all things I thought worthy to be read or repeated, since nothing follows much differing from what we've heard, I shall run through what remains, as orderly as briefly. Geo. Fox having now travers'd England more than one; and think­ing he had spent study and Labour enough in en­deavouring to declare and advance his Religion, not contenting himself to work only at home, began to think upon going further abroad, there to commence and carry on the same design: In the year 71 passing over the wide Sea, he went to [Page 86] New-England in America, to visit friends of the same Doctrine and Discipline; encouraging and confirming 'em to retain and preserve the faith they had receiv'd piously and inviosably; Then he went in to the Barmuda's Islands, from thence to Jamaica, Merry-Land, Virginia, Nova-Cesarea, Insula-Longa, and to the ou [...]most Rhodes, from which last Island in the year 72, 4th month, and 19th day, he wrote a journal in form of an Epi­stle, and sent it here to his friends in England, whereof I have a Copy: But I and nothing else written there but the Climates, Seasons, Tracts, Borders, and Regions upon which they went out, where they found, or form [...]d Societies of their persuasion, whom they met every where, especial­ly in Virginia and Rhodes, how cheerfully and kindly they discours'd and entertain'd him. In Virginia he speaks of one or two of the Rulers of that Wild and Barbarous people, who came to a certain assembly of the Quakers, and tho much unacquainted with the English Language, behav­ed themselves to the Quakers with respect and civility; whilst Fox with his friends went further into the Countrey, and there had the fortune to light upon others of 'em, they entertain'd him and his friends Discreetly and Courteously. This Journey of two years space being ended, a few months after, Fox in Vigornia by Judge Parker's command, for their frequent Meetings was put in Custody in the Country-Jail: There he conti­nued for a year and more, being sometimes brought to a judicial appearance: When no­thing could be made out, he was remanded into Jayl, or so delay'd to a certain season upon his promise of another appearance, wherein Fox did always satisfy the Judges observing his promise with a Religious tenderness: The strife and Con­troversy was levell'd at this, to make Fox take the Oath of fidelity to the Government, Fox de­nyed to make Corporal Oath or swear in express words, not that he refus'd to undertake or affirm [Page 87] the thing; for he was ready to give a written bill to the Judges, tying himself to the performance of all that was requir'd; thinking they could expect or demand no more from him, he defended his cause at all occasions with many sounding and sen­tentious Arguments, and such as are thought to be deriv'd from the sacred fountain of the word of God; but to no purpose for the Judges regard­ed all the Allegations brought by that sort of Men, as nothing but base and contemptible pre­tences. How Fox spent his time whilst kept here in prison, the many books written by him do de­clare; especially that containing the Confession of the faith of Jesus Christ, enrich'd and Interwoven with Scriptural places, cull'd out of the New Testament by a singular order; he had also Divers Conferences with Learned Men, while he enjoy'd the leisure the prison afforded him; in which he often show'd the disparity of the encounter be­twixt the Learned in the Dialectick Art; and those that are wholly Rude and Artless, whereof I have this Example. He had a Disputation with Dr. Crowder, prebendary of Worcester concerning an Oath, as it was lawful or forbidden under Gospel or Law; In which debate when Crowder concluded, that as an Oath was of old Lawful under the Law, so now it was not unlawful un­der the Gospel; In like manner as Adultery and other vices forbidden by the Law, are also prohi­bited under the Gospel. Fox being offended by so Ignorant a Consequence, began to be in a passi­on, but before he had liberty to reply to what was said, all that were present contested and ex­claim'd and rais'd this groundless report aginst him, that he affirm'd and taught as Orthodox, that Swearing, Adultery, Drunkenness, and other vices of that nature were Lawful, notwithstand­ing the fruitless resistance of Crowder; and that he had broke out in obscene cursing and lying, who only defended a Nod might be a certain pledge of fidelity, and one word fill the place of [Page 88] an Oath, another Clergy-Man disputing with Fox concerning the perfection of Saints in this Life, forming an induction from the word of God, wherein he thought great force of Argument to be couch'd, came to Fox and ask'd him what he thought of himself, pressing him more than ordi­narily to answer ingenuously. Fox scarce know­ng what such a question was design'd for, at length made no other return than this, By the grace of God I am what I am. Thereby neither expresly affirming nor denying, and yet obscurely hinting what he thought; at length Fox, after many dis­appointments, by the coming of the Governour, Alesius was dismist; after so long absence, return­ing to his House and Wife, he liv'd there with her for some time so quietly, that there was not a Syllable spoken of Fox; in the mean time he wrote and sent many Letters, Suasory, Hortatory, and of other sorts, concerning such things as he thought his labour and pains might not be lost on, but be useful and advantagious. He wrote also to the Jews at Amsterdam, and to the Papists, yea, and to the Pope himself; as also to the rulers of the lesser Africa, and even to the Emperour of the Turks, accosting him with this very Inscription and Title of the great Turk, a name horrid and unsavoury enough, especially, in that Nation and Language. Fox wrote, and caus'd all those Let­ters to be Printed in his Mother-Tongue (the English Language), but they were not Translated, and sent as they were Inscrib'd; So that they ra­ther prov'd tokens of a laborious, Confident and Arrogant mind, than in any measure profitable and advantagious. At London in the year 74 on the 9th and 16th days of October, there was a Confe­rence held in a Meeting house of the Baptists, 'twixt the Quakers and them, concerning the per­son of Christ; the speakers on the Quakers side, were G. Withad, and S. Crisp, G. Keith, and W. Penn; for the Baptists, T. Hicky, Jer. Joes, W. Kiffin, T. Planty, all preachers in their own perswasion, the [Page 89] cause of the debate was a book publish'd by Hic­ky, in which he branded the Quakers with the reproach of being disintituled to the Character of Christians; teaching Christ to be no person with­out us, but that the Internal light of every Man's mind is Christ: The Quakers desired them to prove their challenge, by showing which of them had ever taught such Doctrine, or else, that the re­proacher might be punished by his fellowship ac­cording to the due desert of his delinquency. The first day they handled the Quakers opinion, the Baptists alledging such words to have been writ­ten by the Quakers in a certain book, that Christ was never seen with bodily eyes by any Man: By which words the Baptists did not yet make out the weight of their charge against the Quakers, (for they explained the words thus, that tho it be certain as Christ was Man, he was Externally seen by Men, but as he is God, that he is Invisible doth sufficiently comport with the Analogy of Scrip­ture: That when we speak of Christ's being known, loved, or worshiped, 'tis evident we mean not of Corporeal vision, but mental Intuition:) At the next Meeting the Baptists took another Ar­gument to prove the Quakers to be no Christians, because they taught Divine Revelation to be the Immediate Rule of Faith and Life, which Argu­ment when the Quakers had shown to be weak and childish, the Baptists having few more Topicks to lean upon, turn'd aside to what concern'd not the Controversy: But being unable by Windings and Circumlocutions to defend themselves, and tak­ing it ill to be worsted and confuted began to place their victory in Reproach and Loquacity, filling all with Tumult and Noise. The Quakers who all this time sat still with an equality of fixedness, sedateness, and constancy, receiv'd their assaults as the swelling floods are broken and beat of by the Rocks. Thus they parted, so far from adjusting the matter, that they were more exas­perated by the Conference they had enjoy'd. The [Page 90] next year Rob. Barclay wrote his Theological The­ses, and sent them to the Doctors, Professors, and Students of Theology, Popish and Protestant, in every Countrey of Europe, desiring 'em to exam­ine, and return them an Answer: The next year he wrote and publish'd his Apology, a work greater, and better known than that I need give account of it: He sent two Copies of this book to every Princes Ambassadour at Ni [...]iguen, that met to treat of the Common peace, that they might weigh, and send it to their Prince for their Cognizance, and Inquiry into the matter: To each he added a double Letter of advice, that as the burden of the Christian world was laid upon them, so they might with all care and diligence endeavour, according to their Incumbent duty, to procure the rest and safety of Christians. Nic. Arnold, professor of the Theology in the College of Frizeland, oppos'd a Theological Exercitation to these Theses, wherein he bassles Barclay's opini­on: To this treatise Barclay answer'd by another piece, shewing, that Arnold did only repeat what has been often said, by a changed expression. A little after Tho. Brown a Scot Barclay's Country-Man, one of the Preachers of the word of God, who to the Number of 2000 were depriv'd of their Benefices, for not submitting to the Regen­cy of the Prelates, wrote a thick and large Vo­lume in English, against the great treatise of Bar­clay, in which Barclay taking him to mistake their meaning, and therefore too much to expati­ate and wander from the purpose, answers him in the same Language, putting neither more nor less in his book than what he thought necessary. Afterward, Joh. G. Bajerus, Doctor and Professor of Theology at Jena, (a Lutheran) publish'd the Doctrine concerning the beginning of the true and saving knowledge of God, against Barclay's dissertation in his Theses and Apology, who carp­ing at some Expressions of Barclay, as not pro­per, but absurd and obscure, from which no bo­dy [Page 91] could gather what Barclay did mean, was an­swer'd by G. Keith, (Barclay being then taken up with other affairs) a Man most skillful in Philo­sophy, and Argument, who against Bajer did plainly unfold the sence and meaning of his friend's words, and in this reply so handled the whole Argument, that afterward Bajer made ne­ver any return. Lastly, Joh. Chr. Holthusius, a pastor addicted to the Ausburg Confession, wrote a large treatise in the German Tongue, worthy to be stil'd the Antibarclaian German, since the Qua­kers has not hitherto answer'd it. In this year 75, at Rome, Mich. Molin, a Spaniard, a Priest, and Doctor of Theology, publish'd his book in the Italian Tongue, to which he gave the Title of the Spiritual Captain: In which book he reviv'd the Mystick, Theology, as they call it, which for many years had lain Dormant in the Papacy, who was Tutor and Pedagogue to a Number of Men, for advancing that Doctrine of study and life: The Sect was call'd Quietism, and the followers, Quietists; from their singular Discipline, which prescribes the laying aside External helps of com­ing to God, meditation and reasoning by things outwardly Consider'd and Compar'd; (which are the first Elements that be­long to these who begin to enter into Eter­nal Life) and making only use of Divine Con­templation, and the simplicity of faith: Those who have made or desire to make great progress in the Celestial way, must employ themselves in­tently with a ready will, and ardent Love, to re­ceive and perceive God in themselves, and suffer him to work in them by his Spirit, while they wait for him with a quiet silence. I shall add no more of this Man's Doctrine or its success, as being known to the Learned Historians of our Age: As ever since the Quakers name had its rise, no­thing, among Christians, in Religion, Behaviour, and Conversation, scem'd to be hatch'd or invent­ed with greater care, or more resin'd, and remov'd [Page 92] from the custom of the Vulgar, but what was presently father'd on the Quakers Authority, fel­lowship, and patronage: Thus in Italy and else­where, many made the Quakers in England, with their Creatures, and Confederates, the Sole cause and Original of this Sect, and all the opinions thereupon following: In like manner in England, the Quakers were Reckon'd among the Religious crew which they call Mysticks, and Branches of the Quietists, drawing their common nature and temper from the same Root with one another. This rumor and suspicion was the more increas'd, that the Quakers especially Barclay, in his Apolo­gy extraordinarily commended these ancient My­stic [...]s, and not long after, that Keith in his book, call'd the way to the City of God, which he pub­lish'd in English, did so teach, confirm, and ad­vance that Theology, that he seem'd to joyn with and strengthen the hands of the Quietists. Be­cause this opinion before was, and as yet is so in­fix'd in the minds of many, that the Quakers are of the flock of the Mysticks, or that the Quietists and they don't much differ, I shall pick out especially from Keith's book a short Summary of that Doc­trine, adding as little of my own as I can; except where I'm forc'd to put my own words for his, without Impairing his meaning at all. We ought (says he) to withdraw our selves from every vain thought, earthly, purely intellectual, yea even Di­vine, which are subjected to such words and pro­positions, as fall under the force of Argumenting and Reasoning; which draw their being from another original. When God manifests himself in Man, in the Seed of God which is in Man, and hereby conveys himself into the mind of Man, Man must betake and apply himself to God, in the Seed of God 'twixt the influence and opera­tion of God in him, and only to give himself the leisure to wait for these feelings of the mind that proceed from God, viz. The seeing, hearing, smel­ling, touching tasting of the Spirit, of the pow­er, [Page 93] the light, and Life of God in Christ in that Seed. And so it is agreeable to Man, when he has thus converted himself unto God, to persist and continue in that State with much patience, tran­quillity and silence, before he fall to the use and exercise, or daily business of his Lawful vocati­on. When this happens, In a little time the mind in some measure approaches to an holy and Divine life, the beginnings of Spiritual Death, Regeneration and Active operation. It's not then sit to do any thing, without the certain Consci­ence and clear knowledge of faith, but what the internal Guide, and Spiritual Counseller and In­structor teacheth, without that apparent assurance that the Spirit is arisen or raiseth himself in us, and makes us inwardly to feel leave and liberty to do, what the Spirit commands or suffers to be done. And so it's convenient at, first, to Act faith only by receiving and then exercising it; as the Cion when first graffed into the stock first re­ceives juice, then grows and fructifies. In these things that the rest of the Quakers both did and do agree, its scarce to be doubted. Tho it sufficient­ly appears from what has been said, that these Mysticks, Molinists and Quakers, do not so far dif­fer in this Doctrine and Study, as that one of 'em does either fear or despise, to follow and imitate the others Example; yet betwixt 'em both there's a very great difference and jarr as the Molinists adhere to the Rectors of Conscience, sacred orders, and very many rites, and the Quakers reject all these Rules and Principles; which being neither abstruse, nor hard to be known, I shall not now inlarge on with any further addition. England being now at leisure from War and Peace with the Dutch again establish'd, the long-gather'd grudge against the Quakers, and the anger, that sometime was restrain'd and forborn, began to be now reviv'd and strengthen'd in order to renew the War against 'em. Fox as yet thinking him­self most concern'd, yea to have the oversight of [Page 94] the Quakers affairs, went on preaching with such boldness, confidence, and care of their business, that he run himself into many dangers. So also did Keith and Penn. Whether with a design to avoid the danger, or because they suppos'd that they could and ought to deserve well by their Counsel, and Authority, at the hands of their friends that were living elsewhere, it's not known; In the year 77 they went together into Holland, and part of Germany, to visit some few friends they had in those Countreys; In which Voyage what was done by them I shall endeavour to shew in the following book: In the mean time the dai­ly encrease of evil started reproach and oppression against many. There was afterward a great per­secution begun in the County of Nottingham, which being also diffus'd into other Provinces, and at length, in the year 80 through the whole Land, run through the people with an exceeding violence. This affair, that year, Penn and Mead did accurately describe, and many others whose fellowship with those that suffer'd Calamities was such, that what they endur'd they thought done to themselves; and therefore they sent their de­sires to King and Parliament, to inform them of the Injuries done to their friends, and intreat at length a remedy and help, against those evils of so long Continuance. Tho I could insert Innu­merable examples of their troubles, that I may not excur without the bounds of my intended brevity, I shall content my self to repeat two of 'em, mention'd by those whom I have already nam'd, so far I suppose from being unknown, that tho they have been kept silent, their truth may be attested by the memory of many as yet, for I write nothing but what I am assured of. W. God­rig of Banwal, in Somerset-shire, being desir'd to give light to somewhat by his Oath, knowing certainly that he would religiously refuse it, upon his refusal, was dragg'd into Jayl, and despoil'd of all his goods and movables to the value of 244 [Page 95] lib. ster. and also Immovables, whose yearly value was suppos'd to amount to 60 lib. or thereabout, at last, after thirteen years Imprisonment, all his Estate was publickly Confiscated. Mich. Renald, a wealthy and monyed Man in the County of Bark-shire, owed the Tythes of his Land for one year, to about the summ of 10 lib. which he, re­fusing to pay, was summoned by the Creditor, be­ing also so unwilling to follow such a suit, that he rather would have sustain'd any greater detriment; the cause was so ordered in Judgment, and the tryal given in the plaintiff's favour, that the Col­lectors for a fine, out of his Cattel or stuff, should instead of ten, take 60 lib. wherewith these fel­lows, being cunning, severe, and hot for their gain, were scarce contented; they took away to the value of 97 lib. besides, being their own Officers, they take as their wages, out of the shaves of Corn about the worth of 12 lib. more. About this time the Quakers counted 243 that were dead, by wounds and strokes received at their Meetings. While these things were done in Eng­land, in Scotland, also especially the Northern part, much trouble was raised against the Quakers, and that by reason of their publick Preachings; some were greatly sined, others refusing to pay them, had their goods taken from them, and that to the double of what was laid on: Some were miserably kept in Custody, amongst whom was Barclay's fa­ther mention'd in the former book, and Alexan­der Skein, once famous amongst the Magistrates of Aberdeen; yet amongst all the Calamities and Sorrows they suffer'd, they had no greater grief, torment, nor sorrow, than to see and understand their Religion, Behaviour, and Actions, to be so execrably, and malitiously defam'd'd, and revil'd: For so they were every where in Libels and Vers­es, Base, and Reproachful pictures describ'd, and design'd, and that often by the vilest sort of Men. So in familiar Conference, eatings, and drinkings, there was scarce a talkative, prattling, or babling [Page 96] fellow, that lov'd to talk or act Comically, but he must reduce his discourse and gesture, to traduce the sincerity and simplicity of the Quakers. There were no [...]ordid Vagrants, Quacks, Juglers, or Gamesters, that had a mind to please the peo­ple, or make themselves be laught at; but must bring in the Quakers, in their Gesticulation, and Buffoonry. Yea, the Theatres, and shows in Plays and Comedys, which are wholly exploded, when void of wantonness, and not Arm'd with the follies, and Madness of such words, and Acti­ons. These must assign the Quakers their Acts, Speeches and Motions, and so, lay open to the view of the world they profess'd themselves Ma­sters to know and display the Lives, and Actions of all sorts of Men. Yea, in the Courts of Kings and Princes, their Fools, and Pleasants, which they kept to relax them from grief and pensive­ness, could not show themselves more dexterously ridiculous, than by representing the Quakers, or aping the motions of their mouth, voice, gesture, and countenance: I heard a pleasant story from them: Helen which the English for shortness calls Nell at London, a most noted Dancer at the Play­house, (afterward a miss of King Cha. II.) tho she could imitate all the Actors by any gesture of her body, yet she could not by her out-most effort and endeavour, even before the King and Courti­ers (whom she often pleas'd with such ludicrous Actions) Act the Quaker so to the life as to draw out, compress, and remit the Spirit, and so to ape their praying and holding forth, without betray­ing force and affectation, and how unhappy she was in Imitating those Actions, which she could ne­ver have knowledge of by any Conjecture. I was told the like of one of the Kings fools, by those that were Eye-Witnesses of the matter. The Quakers were also greatly afflicted in Leicester, and Somerset-shire, in the year 81 and 82. There is a Village in Leicester, not far distant from the chief City of the whole province, thither many [Page 97] of the Quakers are conveen'd and assembled, which was not pleasing to some Inhabitants, and especi­ally Ministers of Churches that liv'd in those pla­ces. Some young Men and Boys watch'd to di­sturb their Meeting, and at other times Men with silence and constancy; when they met, they Im­mediately assault them unawares, take 'em, pull the Men's hats and womens upper coats from 'em, push 'em out of the house, throws mud upon 'em and chases 'em abroad: At a certain time the la­bourers joyn'd with the Company of Boys, and falling on the Quakers, crouded together, beating them with many blows, and dragging 'em out by the necks, roll'd 'em in the Clay, and then thrust 'em into Prison: At another time, some young Men and Boys, (who tho little chitts yet flew on them with Manly boldness) fill'd one of the wo­mens mouths so with water and clay, that by their Villany they almost bereav'd her of her life. This these youths said they began to do at the command of a certain Parish Minister; this last was done in presence of one of the Ministers, that look'd on, and yet did not disswade them from their Rudeness. These indeed were done by the Rabble, which we must always distinguish from the Counsels, and Statutes, which the Magistrates Lawfully justify, and approve of. There was another and greater persecution at Bristoll, which, for the greatness of the matter, I must digress from my purpos'd brevity to give some account of. This City in the War betwixt King Cha. I. And the Parliament amongst the first stood firm to the Parliament's party, so it also principally withstood the King and his Brother the Duke of York's endeavours and designs, adhering fast to those Members of Parliament, who urg'd with great Eagerness and Zeal, the destruction of Po­pery, and Exclusion of York, as one that was twisted with, and wedded to Popery; and because the Presbyterians and Independents were of that Number, they incurr'd the great envy and hatred [Page 98] of the Royal Family, and of those Peers who thought it their duty and interest to adhere to the King in all his designs. In this City it self there were not wanting of those, who having the power in their hand, us'd it at their pleasure, to gratify the Court, and regard their own and others pro­fit, and be reveng'd on others whom they knew to be their Enemies. It was hard to gain any thing upon the Presbyterians, they therefore turn'd to the Independents, disturbing their Meet­ings every where: In short, the infesting assem­blies, afflicting, vexing, and pillaging their fre­quenters, broke out upon the Quakers, and they were made the Theatre, and Subject of the Cala­mity: The pretence was ancient, but now more stretch'd that the Quakers fomented the Civil War, and assembled with Arms, being dragg'd dai­ly from their Meetings, and brought before the Magistrate, refusing to take the Oath of fidelity (it being contrary to their Conscience to swear to any Oath) they were immediately thrown into Prisons and Gaols, which proving in vain, they resolv'd to treat them with greater force and ri­gour: A band of Men being thus appointed, and furnished, whose Captain was always a pretor of the City, (whom they call Sheriff, not he that is Mayor) and also some pettifogging Lawyer, that as often as the Quakers assembled together, upon the least Cobweb pretence of Information, they run all to the house, break the door, beat out the Men, Women, and Children, without respect to Sex, or Age, drawing, driving, and dragging them into Jayl: The first onset was in the Parish of St. Jam. in the middle of Decem. because the Master of the house had not paid his fine, for his Man's absence, when the Train-bands was view'd, because his fine had not been exacted, they seiz'd what was in his house for the Kings use: Thus taking, and snatching away what they pleas'd, they destroy­ed burnt and scattered the rest; again they return after six days, and the little that was brought in, [Page 99] in that time. In the like manner they expose to be trampled and trodden on: In this expedition a certain City-Captain was their leader. The Qua­kers return seven days after to the same empty house, where there was not so much as a seat, which the Sheriff understanding, with a Tribe of young Men and Boys following him, comes to the Qnakers with rage, and fury, and falling up­on them not daring to resist, they scattered, and defeated them without much business; and rush­ing in upon a widdow's retirement, they snatch'd away, broke and threw out Chests, Coffers, Boxes, Dales, Planks, and Casements: The Quakers re­turning three days after, were treated, and chased in the like manner by the Ruffians, who then threw out the little Remnants, and pulling down the house, they equall'd it with the ground. The Quakers having taken another house in the Vil­lage, about the 1st of Jan. (the beginning of the new year, as we divide, and describe it) thither they go, the Sheriff being told, he with his Cli­ents, and followers, entic'd with the new pros­pect of prey, march'd with a quick pace, and the sign being given, every one for himself without any order, flies on the Men, and their goods; here also being none that either could, or would resist them; they satisfied their desires as they formerly had done. The Quakers once more three days after made choice of another house elsewhere, thither also these Men and Boys do rush for further reward, and again assault, and lay hands upon them, but this house was Con­fiscated to the King. After five days Interval, the Quakers returning to their old house in that Village, were set upon by the Sheriff and his Crew, being seiz'd, they were dragg'd before the Magistrate, nothing remaining in the half fallen and whole spoil'd house that they could take away, who, when the Oath of fidelity was ten­dred refusing to swear at all, were thrown pre­sently into the common Goal, but it being full, [Page 100] the rest of them were thrust into Bridewell, and other places, In the mean time it cannot easily be told what great summs of Money they laid on and took from 'em, and that for nothing, but because they had found 'em at Meetings, tho sometimes they were altogether silent; and for those that could not pay by reason of their po­verty they forc'd the richer sort to make satis­faction, which was often laid at the Merchants Doors: What violence and baseness was here to be seen will easily appear by one Example. There was one Rich. Marsh, a noted Merchant, a certain Informer comes to his house, to demand a fine of a few Merks, having broke up his Warehouse, they search'd it for Money, but not finding it, they seiz'd on his books, and bills of debitor and Creditor, and several bundles of Papers and Let­ters, and many other Writings, pretending to tatch them, and keep 'em to themselves, besides, ravaging the rest of the house, whatever wares or utensils they found, they make bold to meddle with it on the like pretence, destroying and pul­ling down what stuff was in the house, and at last having feasted and glutted themselves with Wine, they went off with all the booty they had met with: It was then the Subject of all Tongues and Discourses, that those Men that were em­ploy'd in hatrassing the Quakers, and dividing their goods and money amongst themselves, must needs be inrich'd with such an accession of wealth and money they so often lighted on: It happen'd that Tho. Earl the then Sheriff, a very consider­able and honest Man, mindful of his Dignity and Office, call'd one that was suspected to give an account concerning the disposal of that money and goods: When he could not deny what was really true, yet would not confess, he first endea­vour'd to turn the stream of the discourse, but the other continuing to urge his query, in stead of extricating, he inveigl'd himself more, and then, his anger beginning to boil out, he threatn'd to [Page 101] bring the matter before th [...] Parliament, who, he suppos'd would make the Sheriffs Enquiry fruitless.

The Qua [...]ers were daily impar'd and punish'd, and that both in their Lives and Estates, so that none of their Persons or Possessions were safe; Yet they forbore not their Ancient Meetings and Assem­blies: Neither did their Enemies leave off to grieve and afflict them, till they had shewed their Inso­lence and Baseness as far as they could. The Of­ficers, Serjeants and Flocks of Boys, not only when the Quakers assembled in publick, but also every where, whomsoever they met they seiz'd; some of 'em throwing 'em so violently on their Fa­ces, that they could not rise again without great pain, beating and bruising others with Canes; and while they bemoaned themselves under the smart of their Wounds, the others insulted with a barbarous cru­elty: Yea, One of the Informers being mad with Fury, sometimes took a Boy; lifting him up by the Hair, and at other times, as he had understood the Intrigue of Dressing his Discourse in a more enticing Dialect, accosting a Girl with pleasing ex­pressions, whom, because she refus'd his Kisses and Amorous Embraces, he held by the Arm with such Force and Violence, that he easily distorted the Tender Joynts. Neither did he only kick Old Men to the Ground with his Feet, but also Wo­men, Young, Big-bellied, or Old. If one had of­fered to intercede for another, though it had been an Husband for a Tender Wife, the Blows were presently exchang'd upon himself. 'Twas little to hear 'em daily belch out such Names as these, Viz. Whores, Bitches and Bawds, words not to be u­sed by one Cstristian to another. A certain Boy, scarce out of his Hanging-Sleeves, wantoning and playing with a young Girl, with that impudent Levity, that he began to handle the Girl obscene­ly, she for the Roguish endeavour of his Immo­dest Contaction, and also, to preserve her Honour and Chastity, gave him a small chop upon the Cheek; the Informer knowing it would have her [Page 102] put in Jayl, because she had aim'd with her hand to defend her Chastity from the daunings of the young Rogues lust, objecting that without the least necessity, she had beat the boy out of a Turbulent Spirit: The 16th of April in the year following, the Sheriff and Informer rush'd in pre­cipitantly upon ten women assembled together. These they ordered to be dragg'd to Bridwel, one of them being with child was very tender, whom the Sheriff dragg'd along with his own hand (for he was one that needed not a Serjeants assistance) neither could Prayers or Complaints induce the cruel Monster to desist. The house being empti­ed, the Sheriff brought, or let in Labourers, Por­ters, Carriers, and such like equally famous for Rudeness and Insolence, and so fitted for a work of this Nature, who took their pleasure in Eat­ing and Drinking of the spoils and booty of that day, while the others were enduring such Cruelty and Misery. After they had Eaten and Drunken what they could, providing themselves in Banner and Drum, they past the rest of the time in Playing, Dancing and Singing, which the Sheriff took pleasure to feed his Eyes with the sight of: The Quaker woman seeing this, ask'd the Sheriff if he thought it Convenient, that a house devoted to the worship of God, should be made a Theatre of their Lustful shows; the Sheriff, whose mind was always so forstall'd with hatred against the Quakers, that he could digest nothing that proceeded from them, was so highly offended that he Com­manded her presently to be thrown into Bride­wel amongst her Companions: In prison no less affliction follow'd after 'em by the harshness of the Keeper, and Cruelty of his Servants. There was a Vault wherein Prisoners that were no Malefactors, were suffer'd to Converse, work and discourse together, but this small liberty, he would not permit the Quakers to enjoy. When they endeavour'd any thing at set times, when [Page 103] they had opportunity to sit or talk together, he disturb'd, divided 'em, and shut 'em assun­der, beating 'em upon finding what they had said or done, he threw them amongst Theives and Rogues, where they could not see and meet one another, but must strive and struggle with so odious a Company: When the Sheriff or informer came into Prison, they treated them no, less harshly and furiously: At last, the Number of the Prisoners was so great, that there was no Room to lye in all Night, nor scarce to breath freely by day, so that they al­most all fell into various Diseases, and danger of being soon overtaken by Death, a peice of Comfort, since it would have allay'd the mise­ries of life, yet here they're discharg'd to de­plore their Condition: The Prisoners, and four Physicians of the City whom the matter was known to, wrote a Letter to the Mayor, and the rest of the Magistrates, that they might be acquainted with their Calamity, the Keepers Cruelty, and the whole affair, endeavouring to lighten their Miseries and Torments, and might assist 'em against the Cruelty of their Persecu­ters. But the Mayor, in whom the greatest power is lodg'd, and the rest of the Magi­stracy having read their Letters, and being mo­ved with Compassion, resolv'd to succour these distressed People, knowing that no Relaxation would be obtain'd by those fellows of an In­feriour Rank, especially the Sheriff, whom I have mention'd, who fortified himself so much at London by others Authority, that if they would do any thing, it must be done amongst them­selves, and that those that were dispossess'd of their houses and ground, might have Liberty to complain of the Injury they had sustain'd. In Apr. there was a Court at Bristoll for the Quaker Prisoners, where all things being duely heard and considered, the Quakers upon payment of a cer­ [...] fine, and taking the Oath of fidelity that [Page 104] was tendred to them, were offeted to be freed from their Goal and Misery; but they chuse Con­tinuance in Goal, rather than the fine and Oath: There was one Erasm. Dole, who suffer'd himself to be brought in to use the [...]erm of declaring in­stead of that of Swearing: A certain Serjeant pluck'd out a Bible unawares, and laying his hand upon it put the book to his mouth according to the usual manner of giving an Oath: Whereupon not a few did vainly boast that there were amongst the Quakers who refus'd not an Oath; and that now the l [...]e being broken, we would bring 'em to the rest which they seem'd to decline with an equal Aversion. But that this might not take Impre [...]ion in the minds of Men, Dole in a book gives a faithful account how the whole matter was manag'd: Thus the Quakers were remitted to Goal, and more Barbarously treated by the Keepers them formerly, there being no Room left for Prayer or price to obtain the least bodily Convenience. The Quakers not being fully con­tent to have these affairs known only to those of their own City, did in many writings publish, and divulge 'em to the Perusal and Remembrance of the rest of the Nation: About this time many Quakers at London, for not forbearing their pub­lick Meetings, and refusing to pay the sines they ow'd on that score, were thrown into Prison, and forc'd there to remain; In the mean time, the sharping crew of Informers took away their goods wheresoever they could light on 'em, not accord­ing to the summ was laid on, but as they pleas'd to value them, which was at little enough. A­mong the Prisoners there were two Quaker Preachers, W. Bringly, and Fr. Stamper, from the latter was taken 49 lib. ster. and more. At Wor­tham in Suffolk, Jo. Bishop a Countreyman, owed the Parish Minister 8 lib. for two years Tythes, which when he did not pay, the Minister got out a Judgment, for 76 lib. to be Levy'd out of his Horses, Sheep, Cows, and Oxen. While the [Page 105] Kingdom was in this State, toss'd with the storms of Persecution and trouble, King Cha. II. dyed and Ja. the D. of York succeeded in his stead: The 7th of that Name: In the year 1685, being install'd into the Throne, the first thing he Le­velled the force of his desires at, was the Intro­ducing, and advancing the Popish Religion: that he might open the way for, and abate the envy of others against it, he granted a Common Pri­viledge to all, to exercise their Religion accord­ing to their pleasures, all being tickled with the specious Allurement, that were formerly hated be­cause of their perswasion, ran as it were upon the first Allarum to Congratulate by their special and particular Addresses the tenderness of his Majesties grace and favour, and throw themselves into his Protection and Patronage: The Quakers also all, tho less Courtly, and more rustick in a certain writing, very Civil and Complaisant, emitted by the order of a General Meeting, gave him thanks, and gratefully laid hold of his Benevolence. About that time were detain'd in the Prisons of Eng­land 1460 Quakers, these all by the coming out of the Kings Edict, had Liberty to go out, and live as they pleased; and afterward when 200 and more were thrown into Prison; In the year following, they had the same impunity and liber­ty: Moreover, that the King might avoid all sus­picion of severity, and attain the Popular praise of Benignity, he gave in charge to his Courtiers and Servants, that none of 'em should dare to trouble a Quaker, tho he stood or pass'd by the King without being discovered. Nay, more, he us'd sometimes to come to them, when he knew they desir'd to see and speak with him, find­ing them asham'd or affraid to approach; he pre­vented and Anticipated the subject of their de­sire: A thing seldom to be met with in the Court. It was pleasant and facetious when a certain Quaker drew nigh to the King, who, tho the Quaker was covered, yet discovered himself, he [Page 106] desir'd the King not to do it, but was answer'd, wherever there is the person of a King, there must of nece [...]ty always one be discovered: Thus the King was ingraciated into the Quakers favours; having extraordinarily kindled their Love and Affection. Yet some thought their reason was therefore bestow'd that they might be so wise as to look further then they cou'd see with their Eyes, did not prize the Kings bounty and facility so highly, putting a great difference betwixt the ef­fect of a free and unbyass'd Inclination, and Pro­duct of a self-seeking Contrivance and Design, and knowing the measure of the Kings endeavour took all his indulgence as an ill Omen, and sign of a storm to follow a Clam. W. Penn was great­ly in favour with the K. the Quakers sole Pa [...]ron at Court, on whom the hateful Eyes of his Ene­mies were intent: the K. loved him as a singular and intire Friend, and imparted to him many of his Secrets and Counsels. The K. often honour'd him with his audience in private, discoursing with him of various affairs and that not for one, but many hours together; delaying to hear the best of his peers, who at the same time were attending in the presence Chamber, or some other nigh by, to meet with the King. One of 'em being envi­ous, and impatient of delay, taking it as an af­front to see Penn more regarded then he, adven­tur'd to take the freedom to tell the K. that when he met with Penn he regarded not his Nobility. The K. made no other Answer then that Penn talk'd Ingeniously, and he heard him willingly, Penn being so highly favour'd by the K. acquir'd thereby a Number of Friends; These also that formerly were e're acquainted with him, when they had any thing to be done or desired of the K. came to, Courted and Intreated Penn to pro­mote their business by his favour with the K. He was especially thus importun'd by the Quakers. Penn refus'd none of his friends any Office he cou'd do for any of 'em, with the K. but was [Page 107] principally ready to serve the Quakers, especially wherever their Religion was concern'd. It's usu­ally thought when you do me one favour readily, you thereby encourage me to expect a second. Thus they run to Penn without Intermission as their alone Pillar and Support, who always ca­ress'd and received 'em cheerfully, and effected their business by his Interest and Eloquence. Hence his house and Gates were daily throng'd by a Nu­merous train of Clients and Suppliants, desiring him to present their addresses to his Majesty. There were sometimes there 200 and more. When the carrying on these affairs required expences at Court for Writings, and drawing out of things into Acts, Coppyings, Fees, and other Moneys which are due or at least are usually payed, Penn so discreetly managed matters, that out of his own, which he had in abundance, he liberally discharged all emergent expences. Tho he did thus, yet could he not decline the virulent Lashes of Malicious Tongnes, and these of the lower as well as the higher sort (which came to his Ears, but did not much affect him) that he was not so Active in his friends concerns, so much from the freedom of a willing Inclination, as the Mercena­ry expectation of profit and advantage; that all that confluence of People that Courted him, and Industrious Administration of their affairs was not for nothing if it were put to the Test, but rewarded with more then what was expended: This reproach Penn only repuls'd with some by si­lence, the best avenger of Calumny: But with the King, who was desirous to know what truth was in it, he so cleared and acquitted himself, that he judg'd him not only Blameless, but them also tardy, who had the vanity to think, or folly to assert Penn to be guilty of such Malicious aspersi­ons: Penn being drown'd with such Cares and Bu­sinesses, esteeming it his duty to look to his own affairs, lest by the Continuance of such liberality, he should dry up the Fountains of his paternal [Page 108] Inheritance, he did not wholly abandon his Be­ [...]evolence and Diligence, but did so by degrees Mo­derate, and rule 'em, that he gave [...]o occasion of an invi [...]ious Complaint: Penn having laid down this certain Conclusion, that there must needs be one Society of Christians, the common safety and advantage Requiring, that every one worship God freely without any Impediment and Hinderance, providing only he liv'd peaceably, and submissive­ly to the power and honour of the Magistrate; and since this Kingdom was deny'd that Privi­ledge, having the way to that liberty obstructed by an Oath, which every one by Law was requir­ed to take, and by other penalties laid upon Dis­senters, Penn treated with the King of these two, who was also desirous to have 'em remov'd, and therefore receiv'd the address more willingly; Penn so defended and confirm'd the Kings Edict, which was now emitted to this purpose in a cer­tain Book he publish'd for that end, that [...]e in­curr'd the hatred, bitterness, and anger of the Pro­testant party Universally and Implacably; some of the Quakers also were [...]o displeas'd that they did not love him and extol him as before, others wholly avoided and abandon'd him: The Protestants exclaim'd that Penn as well as the King aim'd at Popery with his outmost endeavour, calling him not only a Papist, but also a Jesuit, an order that's equally crafty, and hated. The Quakers thought it not at all amiss to have the penal Laws wholly Abiegated, which the Quaker subjects most of all were expos'd to, but lik'd not to have the Law concerning the Oath repea [...]'d, lest the Pa­pists thereby being let into the Government might quickly renew these sanguinary Laws, and by means thereof take, weary, drive out and kill the Protestants, and especially the Quakers according to the custom of their Tenets and Religion, as if they had only been absolv'd from former Con­stitutions, to be condemn'd more cruelly to sever­er punishment: Thus they fear'd the snare cheifly [Page 109] to be laid for themselves. While many were thus hurried in their minds, Penn so proved himself in another book not to be addicted to, but an hater of Popery, by the Testimony of his word, his Conscience, which is a thousand Witnesses, and of God than whom none can be greater, that if the words of Man may ever be believ'd, every one may credit Penn not to speak false, blazing it with any Colour of subtility, but that he wrote truth with Candour and Sincerity. Tho Penn cou'd not, by that book change the opinion that many had received of him, yet he so fully convinced the Quakers that from them he retriev'd his ancient praise, for some time intermitted, so that they own'd him for one constant to their Religion, and yet left him to the singularity of his own opinion: So the Quakers under this King liv'd quietly and easi­ly, except a few, that were somewhat troubled, by the ensnaring Tricks of some deceitful men: but the Time of New Trouble, and Change of all was at hand: For now the King, weary of wait­ing, thinking his Designs not capable of being de­feated by any, introduc'd Popery not hiddenly, but openly: Not to mention others, these of the Highest Dignity, even Bishops and Archbishops, that withstood his Intentions, were, some of 'em, brought over to his Cause, by Bribes, and o­thers put into the Tower of London. These being Resolute and Couragious in their honourable cause found by experience how far it was necessa­ry and yet how hard to suffer for the liberty of their Conscience. And since my discourse has led me hither, I can't but add what was said by the Quakers themselves. When the Bishops of Eng­land were now thus Stated, some of the Quakers took the Freedom to tell 'em that same mischief, return'd now on themselves, that formerly came out from them upon the Quakers: When it came to their Ears, they resented it ill, that such words shou'd be spoken and scatter'd of them by the Quakers: Robert Barclay understanding this went [Page 110] presently to the Tower, and told 'em all modestly that was done against the Quakers, both by the command and permission of the Bishops, to which narrative they cou'd make no other reply but that of silence. But after 3 years K. James's Reign expir'd and was succeeded by K. William the Third, of Nassaw, hereditary State-holder of Holland, Son in Law, and Nephew to James by his Sister, who in all the series and course of his Life shew'd himself the best of Princes and Generals, equally adorn'd with Civil and Warlick virtue and withal Arm'd with Christian Piety, a like useful to Church and State, both by his Inclination and Education in his own Countrey, which tho it hath no Kings, yet produces, and fits 'em for other Na­tions: Upon his first taking up the Reins of Go­vernment, he beliav'd himself to all with that Mo­deration, that it was manifest, he desir'd rather to be lov'd then fear'd, and to bereave none of Liberty of Conscience in Religion; so that all justly esteem'd him a most prudent and moderate Prince, equal to the best King that e're preceed­ed him. He granted Freedom and Indulgence to all but only the Papists, whose infidelity he sus­pected those he treated with a mixture of Grace and Severity, making always the former the great­est Ingredient. The Quakers also cou'd not but love him, and embrace him as their most effectual defender, being suffer'd to perform their Religi­ous exercises, without the hinderance of fear and molestation. This Royal benevolence was en­hanced by the Parliament, which the King called after his Inanguration, according to the ancient Custom of Kings, who us'd to have a Parliament in the beginning of their Reign, that if any for­mer Law were to be chang'd or Abolish'd, it might be legally done with consent of the house. This Parliament ratify'd a Liberty in Religion, giving immunity to all, from the force and seve­rity that formerly resulted from any penal Act, excepting yet the Papists, who were reckoned such [Page 111] Enemies that no peace cou'd be establish'd with them, and granting liberty to them wou'd be taking it from our selves, and so to raise war a­gainst our own safety: Excepting also Socinians, and those of the like stamp who either openly or by Clandestine practices, Aim'd at subverting the Foundations of the Christian faith. Thus the Quakers had liberty; but since it's a matter of some moment to know the Rights and Privileges given 'em by King and Parliament, and inserted in Acts of Liberty in Religion, it will not be fruit­less to handle it more largely, if it were but for that French Authors sake whom I mention'd be­fore, not to his praise, a base unconstant and Ro­guish fellow, who, after many turnings, and windings in Religion, as both strangers and they that know him assure me by Letters, plays now strenuously the Papist at Paris: However it's cer­tain he treats of this theme, as if he had aim'd at no other design then to bring in some and play up­on others, with a few frothy flowrishes of words: This is the matter of fact. The Parliament made it their purpose and endeavour, to give Liberty of Conscience to such as I have Nam'd. A Com­mittee of a select number of the house was or­der'd to treat of this affair. They when doubt­ing of the Quakers Doctrine, and saith concern­ing the sacred Scripture and mystery of the holy Trinity, because they use not to call the Scripture the word of God, (thinking that name to be pro­per only to Christ, or to the internal word of God, under which sense external Letters can ne­ver fall) nor to term the Father, Son and Spirit three persons (that being a word not used in Scripture, ordered their Articles and opinion to be presently inquired into. Two famous Qua­kers at that time, Geo. Withad and John Virughton treated of these matters with Sir Tho. Clargy▪ a member of the house. He advis'd [...] with Kindness and Candour, to publish their mind fully and fairly concerning these two Articles [Page 112] that were doubted of. They without delay write and subscribe their Thoughts, and willingly pre­sented 'em to that honourable Man, from whom, as they had received a wholsom Advice, they now also expect a seasonable assistance. The form of each of 'em for himself was to this purpose. I believe with my heart, and confess with my mouth the sacred Scriptures to be Divine, left us by Men Inspir'd of God, as an exact rule of our faith and behaviour; and I profess to believe in one on­ly God, who is the father, and in Jesus Christ his Eternal Son, very God, and very Man, and in the Holy Spirit one, and the same God with the Father and Son blessed for evermore. This confession having pleas'd Clargy was given to be read to the rest of the Members, who thought fit to call in some nine or ten Quakers, that were ready at hand for such a design, to question 'em if that were their faith and perswasion: Upon their owning it the day following the matter was presented by the Committee to the whole house; and thus it was agreed that the Quakers shou'd have liberty, and order'd it shou'd be recorded and drawn out into an Act. While publick affairs were thus changed, W. Penn was not so regarded and respected by King and Court, as he was formerly by King James; partly because of his intimacy with King James, and partly for adhering to his old opinion, con­cerning the Oath of fidelity which was now mi­tigated but not abrogated. Besides, this it was suspected that Penn Corresponded with the late King, now Lurking in France, under the umbrage and protection of the French King, an enemy justly and equally odious to the Brittish King and united Provinces, 'twixt whom there was now an inveterate War. This suspicion was follow'd and also encreas'd by a Letter intercepted from King James to Penn, desiring Penn to come to his assistance in the present State and Condition he was in, and express the Resentments of his fa­vour and benevolence. Upon this Penn being [Page 113] cited to appear was ask'd, why King James wrote unto him, he answer'd he cou'd not hinder such a thing, being further question'd what Resentments these were, which the late King seem'd to desire of him, he answer'd he knew not, but said he supposed King James wou'd have him to endea­vour his Restitution, and that tho he cou'd not decline the suspicion, yet he cou'd avoid the guilt, and since he had loved King James in his prospe­rity, he shou'd not hate him in his adversity, yea, he lov'd him as yet for many favours he had con­ferr'd on him, tho he wou'd not joyn with him in what concern'd the State of the Kingdom. He own'd he had been much oblig'd to King James, and that he wou'd reward his kindness by any private office as far as he cou'd, observing inviola­bly and intirely that duty to the publick, and Government which was equally Incumbent upon all Subjects, and therefore that he had never the vanity to think of endeavouring to restore him that Crown which was fallen from his head, so that nothing in that Letter cou'd at all seem to fix guilt upon him. From that time Penn with­drew himself more and more from business, and at length, at London, in his own house, confin'd himself as it were to a voluntary exile, from the converse, fellowship, and conference of others, employing himself only in his Domestick affairs, that he might be devoted more to Meditation and Spiritual exercises: In the year Ninety three, two books of his came out in English, the one of a So­litary life, the other a Key to understand the Ar­ticles of the Quakers faith. This year Penn went out of his voluntary Prison, compensing the lei­sure of his lonely life by the comfort of Marri­age, which he now entred into, and the greater toil he took on himself in managing all his busi­ness and affairs. Geo. Fox also after many chang­es and vici [...]itudes, having seen various chances and dangers, after he had often been Anxious con­cerning the progress and continuance of his life, [Page 114] now not doubting to Consummate and end his Labours, in the beginning of Ninety one resign'd up his Life. After his Death his Widdow Mar­garet, an old woman of about 76 years, who had shar'd with him in the office of preaching, wrote thus to a General Meeting of women held at London that same year.

Most Dear Friends, and Sisters in the Lord,

I Did not scruple to write unto you, from the Sense of that which was from the beginning, which now is, and for ever shall be, and that for your great Love and care of me, and the half of my self, my Husband, as long as he labour'd among you for the Lord. Since he's now entred into Rest and heaven­ly Glory, if we'll regard what he said while he was alive, let's fix our constant Dependance upon God: Neither doubt I, if we walk with that Spirit of Life and Strength he had, but we shall be preserv'd even unto the end; In the mean time growing up and bearing fruit unto the Lord, we shall become Trees Justice to the praise and Glory of God. Wherefore I do earnestly warn and exhort you to abide constant­ly in the service of God; for ye shall certainly reap the reward of much Consolation in this World, and of an eternal Recompence in that which is to come. Farewell, and joyn with me in praising of God.

Fox not long before he died by the Interposal of certain Friends and Amanuenses's wrote a large book in English, only with reference to what con­cern'd himself, during the time he labour'd among his friends in the Ministry; and provided by his latter will it shou'd be carefully Printed, and a Coppy of it sent to all the yearly and Quarterly Meetings of his Friends, wherever gather'd toge­ther throughout the whole World, in Remem­brance of him, and for their particular Advan­tage. [Page 115] The book was publish'd being strength­en'd with the Authority of a General assembly, of that perswasion about the end of the year ensuing. I long sought it with great Industry, and after much pains it came at length to my hand, but not till the whole work was almost finished and a part of it already receiv'd from the Printer. I perceive by that book some things we've related concerning Fox to be there omitted; but what we've said in ours of Fox doth for the main agree with what there is re­corded. I made some Remarks from thence of Fox, which tho I knew not before, I adven­tur'd to make use of relying on his own Cre­dit and Testimony. I may take the liberty to say further of that great book of Fox, that it contains but few Historical Narratives, consisting chiefly [...] Enumerating places he Travell'd to all the days of his Life, and the disputes he there maintain'd with several sorts of Men, and the almost innumerable Orations and Epistles he wrote. Fox was a Man alike famous for the temper and disposition of his body and mind, of a very solid and succulent body, and a mind fitly attemper'd thereto, of a great Memory, and tho not at all dull, yet not Extraordinari­ly quick and acute; Always more ready to think than to talk, and yet more forward to speak than to write: Unacquainted with no Doc­trine, or Art tho ne're so Vulgar, not Curious, yet sometimes taking pleasure to divert him­self, by playing with the cheats of the Learned. Laborious and diligent tho 'twere of little or nothing, in all the minutes of his Common lei­sure Indefatigable, even when strugling with the greatest of troubles. Much given to watching, making the measure shorter than that of the Night. So given to frugality both for Health and Religion, that he once fasted ten days as he testifies of himself, being equally temperate in all the parts of his Life: Bold, and always of [Page 116] a constant patience, doing all things so openly as not fearing to make 'em known, so endur­ing all things as if the sole suffering, and not the Cause, or Action, were glorious; so ambitioning the Title of a Martyr, as if he had thought the Name alone to be sufficient.

He was moreover couragious, tenacious of his Opinion, and morose, so much considing in his Person, Pains and Advice, that he thought nothing could be done rightly, or perfected without him, being de [...]irous every where to be present, and pre­side; and what happen'd to be done well, he laid claim to the glory of it, pretending Title to the Reward of the Praise of it from all; and yet all this under colour of Simplicity and Humility. Pleasant and Bountiful to those that lov'd him, but bitter against others that were not of his Socie­ty, not only hurting 'em verbally, but really as fer as he cou'd, and that sometimes not only im­prudently, but even immodestly and impudently too. One of his ancient friends and acquaintances writes, in a certain Letter of Fox, that he was, according to the measure of his Capacity devoted greatly to the worship of God, and promoting of Pie­ty among Men, meek in Conversation, yet tainted with this, which almost all teachers labour under, in a new Sect or Discipline, that he was too harsh 'mongst the Quakers themselves, especially those that wou'd not receive such forms as he had conceiv'd or constituted. He left many books, which some of his followers do but faintly praise, yet others ex­toll 'em to the Skies; few touch 'em that are not of their perswasion, and no body reads 'em that loaths repetition of the same thing, in various dress of words and expressions, or dislikes treating a theme with that Prolixity, as not to regard what's sufficient, but how much can be said.

While Fox was alive, the Quakers lived with a Brotherly Concord, though there always were some that differ'd in some Article, beside others that fell off from their Fellowship; but Fox, as [Page 117] their supreme Master, being remov'd, whose say­ings and doings they regarded as a Law, the Bond of Union being now broken, though hitherto they seem'd to be led and govern'd only by his Mind and Desire, a great Discord arose in Eng­land, especially among those, who, tho they were not much wiser than the Vulgar, arrogated more Wit and Accuracy to themselves. The Sub­ject of this Controversie was the Humanity of Christ, first kindled some Years ago in Pensylva­nia, and now toss'd 'twixt Keith and his Friends, and others, with their Followers, puff'd up with some Knowledge. I shall treat of this Contro­versie in the following book: They've Disputed in England concerning that Article, almost to the losing of all Society. He that pursues the Life of an Enemy, neglects the use of no sort of Wea­pon; but he that studies to rob him of his Fame, forbears to revile him with no sort of Reproach. That Controversie was so invidious, divisive and troublesome, and persu'd with so much eagerness of mind, that men being flush'd with the Desire of Overcoming, were not content to contend with words, nor only to load one another with many Suspicions, but also to spread an ill Report of their Antagonists, to hunt after, and wound one another with Calumnies, openly denouncing Enmity, Division and Schism.

Upon this, it's almost a wonder to think what Ignominy the Quakers did every where incur▪ what Reports were in all places dispers'd of 'em, for their so great desire of strife and contention, that their whole Church seem'd infected with that Itch and Contagion: And since the division of their parties was such, there was little Conjuncti­on Peace and Brotherly affection to be expected, nay, rather the time seem'd to draw nigh when the Sect and its Name must dwindle into nothing, and that by the force of its own endeavour. There were some concern'd in this Controversy who, tho they managed it not by force and vio­lence, [Page 118] but hidden Engines, not by open blows, but private Lashes yet certainly contributed to their downfall and destruction: There were Ge­neral Councils of 'em held yearly at London, from ninety two to the year ninety four.

In this year Keith came from Pensilvania to London, and was called by the Council of that year, as the principal head, and adviser of the whole affair. After he came and was long heard, even that Council cou'd not compose these strifes, nor so much as a little decide the difference: So that the mischief as yet remains with Reproach and Disgrace. Such is the stiffness and vehemen­cy of these Men, while now Iull'd with the soft Gale of Prosperity and Ease, that there was ne­ver the least shadow of the like before, while they wrestled with the rough wind of Adver­sity.

But of this I'll speak more fully in the follow­ing Book, lest this be swell'd beyond its bounds, and there the matter comes in, in its more pro­per place.

And now this and many other signs, give some no small occasion to affirm that liberty, case, and External Tranquillity do Minister to discord, slothfulness, wantonness, and Intemperance, which are all dangerous to Life; neither do they always avail to the happiness of living, for not a few among these Men may be found, that have too great a propension to vices of that na­ture.

The Masters and Observers of behaviour omit­ted not to reprove such faults very smartly, and some of them who had also committed 'em for­bore not to invey sharply against themselves. Examples hereof I'll designedly pass by, tho some without Calumny and Reproach I cou'd insert, lest they that are concerned may be somewhat displeas'd at the ripping of that which may rub upon themselves: Yet one I shall mention which London resounded with, lest fame report it [Page 119] otherwise than perhaps it was done.

There was a very sincere Quaker, free from all suspicion of this kind, who being scorch'd with the flames of Love, that the Charms of his Mistress's face had kindled, convers'd with her with too much weakness and frequency: but upon Remorse and Knowledge of his Guilt, being pierc'd with Shame and Sorrow for his sin, he makes a publick Confession of his fault to the Church, submitting himself to the Censure and Correction of his friends; yea further, for deviating from Honesty and Modesty so far, that he might not fall into that snare again, or for the future repeat the like wickedness, with his own hand he Chastises himself by a present cutting off the delinquent Member.

Tho all this time they enjoy'd so much liberty, yet they neither were nor are whol­ly free from all sort of Commotion and Disturbance: Neither when the Oath of fi­delity, (that great invitation to oppression) was taken away, were other pretences of Oaths wanting, that might prove Incitements to bring on Persecution. For from that day to this, many instances may be seen of these Men, whose inheritance for refusing an Oath has been forfeited; some having their goods wholly taken from 'em, others beside the loss of their goods being cast into Prison. And since, as yet as well as before, the wil­fulness of the one party in exacting, and of the other in refusing the payment of Tythes, is not at all impair'd or abated, a time cou'd very seldom be pitch'd on, wherein there was none of 'em to be found in Custody. That the grudge of ancient, and levity of new Enemies are the efficients of this, and not the supreme Power and Au­thority, every one will easily own who con­siders, [Page 120] that Kings have many Eyes, Ears and Hands, but yet must be always long-suffering and patient, but not able at all times to effect what they wou'd, nor al­ways willing to do what they can and shou'd.

The End of the Second Book.

THE General History OF THE QUAKERS.

The Contents.

The Quakers going to New England, in America. The coming of Quaker-Wo­men to New England. How they were receiv'd. The Laws of the Cities against Quakers. The various Persecution of 'em: some were whipt; some had their Ears cut off, others were hang'd. A wri­ting of the Magistracy of Boston, con­cerning those that were hang'd. Edict of [Page 122] King Charles to his Governours in those Countries, to forbear Persecution. What happen'd in New Holland, Virginia, Barmuda's, and other places. Pensylva­nia a Countrey for Quakers. In it was given liberty to men of all Religions. The various and mix'd multitude of men in that Countrey. From hence flows a con­fus'd and various Doctrine and Conver­sation among the Quakers themselves. Hence came that sharp Debate of Keith and his Adherents against their Adversa­ries, chiefly concerning Christ internally and externally, and a great confusion and disturbance of affairs thereupon. This Disputation awaken'd such Dissention, Commotion and Distraction of minds, not unlike to a mutiney and Civil War, that it was scattered from Pensylvania into England, especially London, where­as yet it remains to this very day. Some of the Quakers took Voyage for the East Indies. Others went into Africa. The Quakers travelling into Neighbo [...]ring and Forreign Countries. What was done by them in Holland and Friezeland. A short History of the Labadists The De­parture and Death of Anna Maria, Schurman. The Endeavours of some Quakers among men of that Sect. What the Quakers did at Emdin, a Town in East Friezeland. There at length liber­ty [Page 123] was offer'd 'em by the chief of the City. The Endeavours of Ames and Penn in the Palatinate on the Rhine. Fox's Let­ter to Elizabeth, Prineess Palatine, and the Princes's Answer to him. Penn's Ser­mon before that Princess. The Quakers Affairs in Alsace and at Gedan. Fox's wonderful Letter to the King of Poland▪ The History of the Petists, as they call them in Germany. The great wander­ings of some of them. The Excursion of others into Pensylvania, the Countrey so fertile of Quakers. What Quakers went into France, and with what success. Who of 'em went iuto Italy. What happen'd to Love and Perrot at Rome. George Robinson's wonderful Fortune at Jeru­salem. The Suffering of Two Quaker-women in the Island Melita, by reason of the Inquisition. The Rarity of Mary Fishers Journey to, and Return from the Emperour of the Turks.

I Have already shewn in the former Books the State of the Quakers, from their beginning to this preseut time, in Brittain, their Mo­ther-Countrey and Nurse. I shall now give as short a Narrative as I can of their Affairs also in other Regions.

In treating hereof; some Places in America, subjected to the Sway of the English Government, especially New England in the North, towards the Sea, seem first to present themselves to our View: Hither many from Old England, flying [Page 124] from the Imperious and Cruel Regency of Licen­tious Kings and Proud Bishops, retired (and fixed their Residence here; Purchasing for themselves a peculiar Inheritance, which the Quakers, a­mong the first, [...]ent to, hoping therefore among their Friends, whom not only one Neighbour­hood, but also cause of abandoning their Countrey, did now conjoyn and unite in one Society, they might promote and advance their present In­terest and Peace with more liberty and safety than they had in Old England. The first that went with that Design to these new, uncultivated and Desart Places, leaving the Pleasant and Fortu­nate Island of Brittain, being destin [...]d and sent there to bud forth the blooming blossoms of a Religious Spring, were John Burniat, a man more Famous than Learned, call'd out to the Ministry in the Year Fifty Three, Robert Hosben, Joseph Ni­cholson, and several others of the Masculine Or­der; Ann Austin, a Woman stricken in Years, Mother of some Children, Mary Fisher, a Maid, whose Intellectual Faculties was greatly adorn'd by the Gravi [...]y of her Deportment, afterwards married to William Baily, a Famous Preacher, and others also of the Female Rank. This fell out in the Year Fifty Five. Of those Burniat survives in our present Memory, as yet I suppose a Preacher in Ireland. Many of those made their way for Virginia, Maryland, the Caribes, Barmu­da's, Barbadoes, and other adjacent Islands. Of these having found little worth our Observation, I shall discourse in the last place, if Occasion of­fers.

But the Women, Ann Austin and Mary Fisher, travell'd into New England, and were shortly followed by others of both Sexes. Neither were the Actions of these very memorable, their Pow­er being abridged by the Sufferings they were for­ced to endure; which indeed may be reckon'd so great and so many, that they are not unworthy to be noticed and obserued.

[Page 125] Of all the Tract of the New England Common­wealth, Boston is the Metropolis, and Judiciary Seat. At that time John Endicot was Rector, or Governour of the whole Province, one that from a very low condition was gradually mounted to this Honour and Dignity: Of whose Temper, Be­haviour and Government, which was then vari­ously thought and talk'd of, and whereof there were afterwards, on both sides Witnesses, I shall con­tent my self wholly to be silent. Next to him was Richard Bellingham, whose manner of Life and Nature I also pass by.

At this time there was no where any thing like a Law enacted against the Quakers. A Ship then arriv'd at Boston, and was no sooner Anchor'd than a rumor was spread, that 2 Quaker women were come in the Ship. The Governour being absent, he that was depute immediately sent or­der for seizing these women, sealing up and keep­ing their Hampers, Boxes, and Chests, and bring­ing the Books of their Sect, whereof they had great store, into the City, where they were pub­lickly burnt by the hand of the Hangman. Then the women themselves were brought into Town, and soon after before the Judges, who presently as soon as they sat down on the Bench pro­nounc'd the women to be certainly Quakers, for giving the singular title of thou to the Judge, and not the more Courteous compellation of you con­trary to the custom of almost all the English. The Judges thinking this to be a sure enough sign, and the matter to be clear and evident of it self, their office rendring 'em best Advocates for them­selves, order'd the women to be taken and thrown into Goal, and have nothing of the goods they had left in the Ship, not so much as their Tools and Instruments of Writing, lest they shou'd write of the Condition to which they were re­duc'd, or something of their New Religion and Doctrine.

[Page 126] The Goaler to compleat what the Judges had begun, had the manners Irreligiously to rob 'em of their Bibles. 'Twas also decreed that none shou'd go, speak or carry any meat to them: Being kept in so strait and narrow a place, having scarce any thing to eat, sleep, or lie upon, till after some days something of their own was suffer'd to be brought 'em from the Ship, which Nichol. Vpshal a Citizen of Boston, and Member of the Church there, privately agreed for a summ with the Goal-Keeper to let in, and also to give 'em what suste­nance was sufficient. They complain'd further of their treatment, as being reproach'd and revil'd as Whores, who scruple not to expose and defile themselves, and upon pretence of searching the truth of the matter, of their being most basely and rudely strip'd naked, and not only view'd contrary to Chastity and Shame, Fac'dness, but even handled with wicked and immodest hands, without regarding those secrets of nature which modest Men wou'd shun the seeing or touching of: These things being so Villanous to Act, and scarce modest to name, the women were rather forc'd to sit with and endure, than betray their own shame without any Redress, or expose their Disgrace without Sympathy or Compassion. The women abode for five weeks shut up in this lonely and poor habitation: Then the Captain of the Ship with whom they came, before he set Sail had leave from the Judges, at his own proper provisi­on and charges to carry them back, from whence he had brought 'em. They being driven back, in a little time after, Sara Gibbens, Mary Wartherhad, Mary Prince, Dorothy Wangre, also Christopher Holder, Thomas Thunton, William Brent and John Copelan, coming there met with such Treat­ment as the women had done before. Upon this occasion there was a Law establish'd that no Ship-Master shou'd presume to bring a Quaker there, and if any Quaker shou'd Adventure to come up­on their Territories, he was presently to be re­warded [Page 127] with the Confinement of a Prison. Ni­chol. Vpshal whose civility to the Imprison'd wo­men I spoke of, inquiring more narrowly into the Quakers Religion, began to withdraw from his own Church, and betake himself to the Quakers fellowship, and oppose and exclaim against the Legislators Constitutions, for establishing a hu­mane sanction or Law contrary to the Rule of Divine precepts, warning and advising 'em all to take care lest by a willful fighting against God, they pull down his wrath and Judgment on them­selves. The Judges minds were hereby so Exas­perated, that resolving to make so new a danger Exemplary, they first fin'd him in a hundred Crowns, sentenc'd him to Goal, and last of all to Banishment. There was in the Western part of the province in sight of the Countrey an Island call'd Rhodes. Here some Quakers did live, hither went Vpshal to joyn with his cause. Whither when he came, 'twas commonly reported, that the Barbarous Indian Governour finding him, gave him an Invitation to reside in his Countrey and Precincts, promising him a seat in his indigency and exile, and also to Accommodate him with a suitable habitation, adding those words. What sort of God have the English, who deal so with others that worship their own. After the others were put to the flight, Ann Burden, a widdow of London in Old England, having some years ago liv'd with her Husband at Boston, came there now for some Money that was due to her, with Mary Dyer, wife to William Dyer, being both ignorant of what was establish'd by Law, and what mischief here did threaten the Quakers. These women were presently seiz'd and kept in Prison, untill the husband did succour the one, and good and Compassionate people the other. Ann Burden was so acquitted that she was particularly prohibited, to import these Warrs others had brought in her name and account for summs and Moneys due by some debtors, tho they cou'd have been sold dear­er [Page 128] there than in old England, she was forc'd again to Transport 'em over the Sea, not without being clipt by the Customers, and Officers, who were Artists sufficient in meddling with her goods, and dividing a considerable part among themselves. In 75 the year following; and matters were stretch'd to such a pitch, that all advice and assistance to that sort of Men seem'd so fruitless, that they af­forded but matter of Accusation and Calumny. Since they cou'd not by Sea they did therefore by Land, travel through strange and desolate places, even such Woods, Forests, and Solitudes, as none before 'em ever pass'd over, not knowing, or hav­ing wherewith to sustain themselves, except what they carry'd along in a bag; but when that fail'd, being in utter want, they sometimes met with help and supply from the Indians, tho otherwise the most Barbarous of all Mortals, who not only shew [...]d 'em the way but things needful for life and use, yea such as these Countries take for Rarities and Delicacies; so that the Quakers had reason to esteem their own Englishmen Enemies, and take those wild Men for Benefactors and Friends. A­mong these strangers, Mary Clarke was the first that adventur'd to intreat the Judges at Boston, not to persist to vex and afflict the innocent, but rather wholly to forbear to grieve and persecute 'em; tho she did not insist or reflect on the Judges, yet they gave themselves so over to rage, that they commanded her to be whipt and cast into Prison: So scandalous a reproach that matter was reputed. Their whip is made of a small rope or cord, with three grains and several knots upon each of 'em fastesn'd to a staff of such a length, that when the Executioner wou'd inflict the lashes, he must of­ten employ both his hands to perform it, the suf­ferer being often left worse than half dead. Cri­stoph. Holder and John Copelan being once expell'd, the City was afterward treated, as the woman had been before. At a little Sea Town not far from Boston, having both entred into the publick [Page 129] Church, after Service and Sermon was ended, Hol­der began to discourse to the people. They present­ly dragg'd him and Copelan out by the hair, dashing their very faces on the ground, stopping one of their mouths with a sleeve and hankerchief, pul­ling 'em out of the Church, they carry them to Boston, where they were both lash'd with such cruel stripes that some of the Spectators swoon'd away at the sight of it: After that they were thrown into Prison, and there compell'd to lie, without either meat or drink three days and three nights, and nine weeks in the middle of Winter were forc'd to remain in so cold an habitation: Holder the year following, returning to Boston to seek a Ship to carry him back to Old England, was again Imprison'd without any reason. Whereunto this piece of severity was Annex'd. There liv'd at Salem a little from Boston Lawrence and Cassandra Southikes, dear and loving Yoke-fellows, account­ed most faithful and honest Church Members. These two I have spoken of, when they came in­to Salem, they receiv'd willingly and entertain'd kindly; their Hostess taking the freedom to tell 'em, that the books they had with 'em were not unpleasing to her, was presented with some of s'em, as a Resentment of her favour. For this fault the two, the Man and his Wife were carried to Boston and there Imprison'd, and she fin'd in an hundred florens and more. Moreover, some, that were true enough Children of the Church, being averse to such severity not only to the Quakers, but even such who from tenderness shew'd 'em any kindness, did therefore withdraw themselves from the Church's Communion, and accordingly were sure to be fin'd and Imprison'd. The Southikes with their Son Josia were the first of this kind, and for being the first were brought back unto Boston, and condemn'd to be fin'd, Imprison'd and whipt, tho the parents were old weakly and infirm, in a very cold and Winterly season, they were all shut up and detained in Goal. These parents had also two [Page 130] Children more, a Son Daniel and a Daughter Prar­deda, who were so far from being terrify'd with what their parents had suffer'd, that they were in­cited, by their example, to relinguish and aban­don the fellowship of the Church, and adjoyn themselve to the Quakers Society: They were thereupon sentenc'd to the same punishment with their parents, a pecuniary Mulct being laid upon both, which if they did not pay, 'twas order'd they shou'd Compense it by their Work and Labour among the Chained and Slaves. Being insolvent, and yet as unwilling, as unable to endure that hard and most cruel toil, it was order'd by an Act of the Senate at Salem, and afterward ratify'd by the Parliament at Boston, that the boys shou'd go to the English that were trading in Virginia and Barmuda's, and the charge hereof was given to Edward Rutter, one of the then Officers of the Treasury. It had been effected had it not been for the Seamen, who approv'd the cruelty of that butcherly hangman, that took pleasure in the yel­ling and howling of the Boys, and extenuated the Barbarity or these bitter Men, even while they Remembred the youthful innocence of the others; A cruelty so unheard of that it was un­lawful in Israel of old, unless they had been guilty of theft, or out of the Number of the Is­raelites: These divine Laws of the Religious Zealots, in Correcting faults, and inflicting pun­ishments, I wou'd not give my self the trouble to Repeat, had they not been so plainly and mani­festly known, that they became the Subject talk of almost every Tongue. One Sam. Sattor, who had gone to the Quakers Meeting at Salem, at that Croud in the publick Church, when the handker­chief was thrust into Christoph. Holder's mouth to stop his throat and prevent his speaking, for pul­ling it out for fear it shou'd choak him, was pre­sently cast into Prison at Boston. Another William Sattor, for declining to go to Church was admon­ish'd of his crime by a certain number of Lashes, [Page 131] and after Correction put in the same Goal. The Law that was formerly made against Quakers, was now in this manner inlarged and amplify'd [...] that if any inhabitant did happen to understand [...] Quaker to be any where within these Territories, he shou'd presently acquaint the Governour of the Sea ports, who were order'd, if the Quaker did not immediately go thence, to cause him be whipt, and driven out of that Countrey. If by means of any person a Quaker were brought there, he was to forfeit 100 l. sterl. to the Exchequer, and be kept in Custody till the summ shou'd be pay'd. If any receiv'd a Quaker into his house and did not at the same instant go out of it himself, for the first fault he was to pay 25 l. and for every hour he retain'd him longer, he was fin'd in fourty shillings; but if otherwise, he was detain'd till he pay'd the 100 l. If any Quaker shou'd come there from far, or any of that place shou'd em­brace Quakerism; at first if they were Males their Ear was to be cut off, and then the other if they promis'd not to renounce it; both times they were closely to be shut up in Goal, till they went into Banishment at their own proper Charg­es: If Females they were twice severely to be whipt, and then to undergo the same sentence with the Men: If either Male or Female offend­ed the third time, their Tongue was bored with a Red hot Iron, and they shut up in Goal in like manner as before. This Law being made Richard Donden from Old England had the ill fortune to come here Ignorantly; who, since he knew not the Law, was only punish'd by Whipping and Banishment, having a threatning annex'd that if e're he return'd, the loss of his Ears shou'd com­pleat his suffering. But the women Sara Gibbens, and Dorohty Wangie, were treated with greater Cruelty and Rigour, who, for three days after Imprisonment were deny'd all Victuals, and in this famishing and fainting Condition, were whipt and beaten with a mercyless fury, and after their [Page 132] stripes kept other three days starv'd as before without any food. Dorothy Gardenet when lash'd inhumanely, kneeling, begg'd of God to forgive her Tormenters; It wou'd be long to mention many, and impossible to repeat all examples of this kind. I shall therefore name only one or two, passing by others, to pursue my intended brevity. There came to Salem, and from thence to Newbury, William Brand, and William Leader, who being desir'd by the people there, to enter into Conference with their Parish Minister, having got liberty from him that commanded the place, who also promis'd to Patronize and protect 'em, being led by their own Inclination and the peoples desire, readily listen'd to the proffer'd proposal: But when they departed the cunning Comman­der, a Man equally Malicious and Treacherous, thinking, his simplicity and integrity sufficiently justify'd since they were not troubl'd all the time of the Conference, and that he now kept his pro­mise, and answer'd their Expectation sent to seize, bind, and carry them to Boston. Being cast into Goal after two days fasting their naked backs were expos'd to the lash, loading 'em with threats, they thrust 'em into Bridewell, giving charge to the Keeper to task 'em severely: Which when they declin'd, as impos'd undeservedly, the No­minal Master, but real Servant of his lust and wickedness, knowing these labours to be most commonly his own proper profit and advantage, to make a penny by their toil and slavery, exact­ed from 'em violently what he charg'd 'em to perform: These poor Men had not yet tasted any thing. Brand exceeded the other not only in years, but also in patience, courage, and constan­cy: Him the Villain, pretending the publick, tho only executing his private Gall and envy, drag­ging along, shekel'd his neck and heels together, and left him in this misery lock'd in Chains 16 hours without any sense of Compassion or Hu­manity.

[Page 133] Then unlocking the Chains he bids him fall to his work if he did not design to despair of his back. He reply'd he wou'd not, nor cou'd tho he were willing. The Butcherly fellow seeing him unmov'd by either hopes or fear of punish­ment, with a Sea-Rope or Cord twisted of hemp did lash the Man with such rage and violence, that the Rope it self was broken into pieces; but seeing the first did not prevail, seeking another to accomplish his end, with renewed force he gave him almost an hundred lashes, insomuch that his whole body was as it were swell'd into one lump, and the greatest part of his flesh as it had been baked in an Oven, by reason of an universal tu­mour and blackness. When the fourth day was now come, he had not yet tasted any bodily nour­ishment. Afterward this brutish and hard heart­ed Man shut Brand (thus miserably torn with the lashes) up in a strait and Solitary place, without bed, straw, or any thing to lye on, to refresh his torn and half lifeless body; which things, when they came to the Ears of the people, that are prone to Compassion, and as ready to mischief, yea, sometimes use to demand, that these whom they hold guilty, may be presently punish'd, at other times perhaps they relent, and are grieved if they think the punishment to severely inflicted, began now to rage, rise up and run in Crowds, that the Magistrates to prevent their sedition, first sent a Surgeon to give him what help he cou'd and on his report that it was mortal and incurable, (tho afterward the Man recover'd of his wounds) order'd it to be signify'd, by affixing bills through the City, that they disapprov'd of such cruel usage, and wou'd therefore consider of what the Keeper had done. But a certain one of the Town Ministers, a Man of Knowledge, Authority and Reputation, whom I shall not now Name, re­strain'd the people with words to this purpose: That Brand had endeavour'd so to smite the Laws of the Gospel, that they might retain the marks [Page 134] of the blows, that it was therefore just that his Limbs shou'd smart under the same punishment; if he that punish'd him were tax'd with a Crime, that he wou'd Transfer the guilt of it on himself. Therefore an Act for the future was establish'd, that if any Quaker refus'd to perform his task, the Goal Keeper might not beat him above twice a week, the first time giving ten stripes, the next fifteen, and so increasing five every diet. The next year Cristop. Holder, and John Copelan above mention'd, and John Rousie, whose father was (I think) deputy-Governour of Barmuda's, having been here before, and driven into Exile, returned once more, they to Dedham and he to Boston. These three in the latter Autumn not openly and in presence of the people, had their right Ear cut off by the publick Hangman, but only before the Judge that order'd it. The mild Men, by the loss of their ears being rather further soften'd than im­bitter'd, contain'd themselves with so much pati­ence, that they only broke out in words to this purpose. We beg from our heart that God may forgive 'em, who have unwarily or imprudently caus'd this to be done; but whoe're has maliti­ously contributed thereto, let our blood rest upon their heads: And let them find in that day, when they must give an account of all they have done, that it lies heavily on their head like the weight of a Mill-stone. After these Men as well as others had been thus inhumanely dismembred and de­form'd, they were also detain'd and continu'd in Custody for refusing that slavery they were in­joyn'd to perform, and remaining unwilling to undergo that punishment, which was only proper for Thiefes and Malefactors; one trouble so arose upon another, that they were forc'd to bear re­peated sufferings, and stripes. There was a cer­tain Man whose Name I know not, (silence or ob­livion has buried it in darkness, or at least it seems hinder'd it to be disclos'd) who for being a Qua­ker was branded in the hand with the Letter H. [Page 135] to design him an Heretie. There are very many instances of Bitterness and Cruelty, that were Barbarously inflicted and patiently endur'd, might be easily added were it fruitful to Name 'em. The Quakers complain'd of their Enemies fury for raging against 'em for no other cause, but coming there without the Magistrates Command, and giv­ing their books to those that wou'd read 'em, or talking with others concerning their Religion, instructing their own Congregations and Flocks, and sometimes for going to the Church it self, and there speaking, when service was ended, or for any thing else of the like nature: Since they had never rais'd a mutiny, nor practis'd any vio­lence or force, but were always simple and quiet Men, more ready to suffer whate're was inflicted, than to Act any thing turbulently or seditiously. That yet Men of all Orders and Degrees, Politick, Ecclesiastick, City, and Crowd, shou'd concur and assemble with an Unanimous consent, to de­stroy and drive out so innocent a crew, as the Plague and Contagion of all the Countrey, cou'd not but seem strange to all unprejudiced.

'Twas then said of them, as it's now of the Brow [...]ists, that they conspir'd all with one mouth and mind, by a mutual Consent, Counsel, Aid, and Endeavour, to ingross their Region and Religion to themselves. The Magistrates often advis'd with the Ministers, and the Ministers in their Meetings consulted with the Magistrates, so that for the most part there was but one assembly of 'em both. Hence, what pleas'd the Magistrates the Clergy approv'd of, and what the Ministers took upon 'em to determine, the Magistrates by their Authority did confirm: And what proceed­ed from both the two never miss'd of a grateful wellcome from the people. But yet all the Ma­gistrates and Rulers in chief of the Cities, and Preachers of the word, did not so willingly and equally consent to infest, afflict and persecute the Quakers▪ Nay, some of 'em were not only against [Page 136] it in their Judgment, but oppos'd it by their words as far as they cou'd. Among the Rulers against persecuting the Quakers, they place and praise John Winthoepius a very great and excellent Man, and also those Men whose names are subjoyn'd; among the better sort of Citizens was William Cod­dington, at that time a Merchant in Boston very considerable for his wealth and prudence; who, the Quakers testify, did so behave themselves, both at home and wherever they went, as those that must shortly give an account of all their Actions done in the Body: Among the Preachers John Cotton Minister at Boston famous for know­ledge, Administring his Office, and Piety in be­having himself towards God and Men: They own he was always uncorrupted and untainted, and a­verse to this sort of Rigour and Cruelty. The people of New England as yet wanted one piece of severity to suppress the Quakers, viz. To take 'em out of the way by Death, whom they thought they cou'd not otherwise restrain. This Law obtain'd in New as well as Old England, that no Criminal shou'd be sentenc'd to Death, till the matter be duely known and consider'd by twelve extraordinary Inquirers whom they call Jury Men, because they are sworn to determine nothing till they've diligently search'd, and narrowly weigh'd the affair, as has been elsewhere shewn on ano­ther occasion. Since this Law withstood and ob­structed the inflicting the punishment of Death upon Quakers, they began to consult and greedi­ly endeavour to Abrogate this Law by an Act of the Senate. Whereupon 12 voted that it shou'd be retain'd, and 13 that it shou'd be rescinded; and thus the odd vote carry'd it. The matter being known, one of the Senators, Wozely, esteem'd a quiet, just and equitable Man, was then unhap­pily forc'd to be absent, being hinder'd and de­tain'd by a bodily indisposition, taking it ill that such an Act had pass'd so, knowing that if he had been there the design had been frustrated, he was re­ported [Page 137] to have said, that had he but known that they were consulting and deliberating of that, notwithstanding the bodily sickness he labour'd under, he wou'd have crept there on his hands and his feet, to oppose the Injustice of so unrea­sonable an Act.

By this Council, the matter is brought into the sole power and hand of the ordinary Judges, or the supream Court of the province. There was now therefore so much Zeal and Eagerness, in most of the Rulers of Cities and Provinces, in af­flicting and puisuing the Quakers to the utmost, that if any did not revile and reproach 'em, or stopt and retarded the violence of others against 'em, especially if any defended and excus'd 'em, he was esteem'd a Quaker himself, and at least de­priv'd of his place and office, if he had not great interest at hand. There's a Letter of one of 'em (James Cudworth) yet extant, who was then one of the Magistrates of Boston, but for this cause di­vested of that honour, written at that time and sent from Boston to a certain friend of his in Old England, which Letter since written in English, I shall not here trouble the Reader with, but con­tent my self to resume some words of it, which were express'd to this effect. The State of Affairs are here sad. The Antichristian Spi­Spirit is wedded to persecution. Who declines to persecute and afflict these Men that differ from us in matter of Religion, is withdrawn from his place, and not permitted to execute any Office in the Go­vernment. Thus Hatherly and I have been treated. Thus they us'd me for no other reason, than taking in certain Quakers to my house, which I did, that I might inquire of 'em more narrowly concerning the foundations of their perswasion; this I took always to be more reasonable, than to condemn those with the blind World, whose Doctrine and Principles we're utter­ly ignorant of, And tho I declar'd before that I herded not with Quakers, and that I was as far from agreeing with 'em in many things, as I was from persecuting 'em, yet these two years they've [Page 138] so estrang'd themselves from me, that at length they've unchair'd me from my office in the Magi­stracy; what future event the Teeming womb of such furious Actions will produce, time will de­clare when the birth is disclos'd, farewell. This kind of Judging being push'd out of Doors, a Law was made that if any Quakers, did irre­claimably and obstinately persist, and cou'd not be otherwise repress'd or restrain'd, they shou'd suffer the desert of their Contumacy, and end their obstinate life with a halter. Soon after Samuel Gorton was try'd for his life, but in Judgment 'twas carry'd, he shou'd be clear'd, and that only by one Vote: Which decision one of the Ministers (whose name I again designed­ly conceal) a Man of a Copious torrent of Know­ledge, Subtilty, and Eloquence, digested so hein­ously, that publickly in the Pulpit he broke out in those words; by whom, to whom, and on what occasion they were utter'd, is I suppose not unknown to the Learn'd: Because thou has let go the accursed Man, thy life shall there­fore answer for his. After this, two Quakers were Arraign'd before the same Judges, William Robbinson a Merchant in London, and Marmadue Stevenson a Countreyman of Yorkshire in Old England: Of their Imprisonment, Trial, and Punishment, the Quakers give a large and true account, as matters so clear and known in that Countrey, that the noise of their fame is not yet quite extinguish'd. They came both here know­ingly and designedly, for no other end than to preach the Gospel, to which they had apply'd themselves in their own Countrey before. After Robbinson for some time had continu'd at Rhodes, and Stevenson at Barmuda's, in the year fifty nine they came to Boston in New England. Here they were no sooner arriv'd, than, without either In­former or Witness, upon their own betraying of themselves, they're thrown into the Solitary Dark­ness of a Prison; there they find Mary Dyer [Page 139] who was Banish'd from Boston, as has already been said, and yet return'd thither again, as is sometimes their way, and Nicholas David. These all being brought before the Judges, and accord­ingly charg'd with Sedition and Rebellion, Rob­binson purges himself and his Companions in Misery from the least shaddow of that suspici­on. But they presently disregarding such de­fence stopt his mouth by thrusting an Handker­chief in his throat, and seeing he yet endea­vour'd to speak, they that were present raging with fury, and the officer likewise more hasty than prudent, made ready his lash, knowing well how to use it, and chastis'd his back for his Tongues excuse and defence. The cause being consider'd, they were all order'd to depart thence to a pre­sent exile. By a customary patience, and suffer­ing of evils, they were now so inur'd and har­den'd to troubles, that they resolv'd rather than forsake their faith to make a Noble retreat into their Grave. Mary Dyer and Nicho. David, thought it then their duty to leave that Coun­trey, but in a very short Interval of time, Mary being recall'd by a new impulse, had the Courage yet to return unto Boston, and came to Prison to talk with her Brethren and Sisters, and at the same time was seiz'd and shut up, so that now she had power and liberty enough to surfeit her­self with their Company and Conference, for in all things, constant and daily plenty nauseats the fancy and cloys the Appetite. On the other hand Robbinson and Stevenson thought it necessary to forsake Boston, but not the whole Countrey, and therefore within a very few days they go to some places about Salem, and there takes occasion to declare their Doctrine. But they were no better dealt with than others. When they, for some time, had been thus inclos'd within the verge of those little Walls, the Judges began to consult among themselves what they must needs do with 'em at length. And seeing 'em so obdur'd in [Page 140] their obstinacy, that they despair'd of reducing 'em to dread of fear, and that they did not re­gard what way they took, if they cou'd but render themselves Masters of their desires, they resolv'd to put an end to their life and proceed­ings. Yet this was not so obscurely contriv'd, but Robbinson and Stevenson easily forseeing what the Judges had designed to do, the day before they had fix'd this purpose, each of 'em wrote a Let­ter to the Senate of Boston, whose Theme and Scope was almost the same, containing the mo­tives that induc'd 'em both, to come and visit these Corners of the Earth; Robbinson wrote that he did not come there to gratify at all his own Curiosity, but only by the Judgment and Plea­sure of God, while he abode at Rhodes, and about noon tide, when he was resolving to go elsewhere, an heavenly Command revers'd his Resolution, injoyning him to take Journey for Boston, and there to finish his Course and lay down his life, and have no worse reward for his service, than what God had there appointed for him: That his Soul at last, after many wandrings through the vain Theatre of this wearisom world, might be receiv'd to a fix'd possession, and there rest in an Eternal Mansion. Stevenson also wrote, that while he was in his Countrey in England, in his own Farm Plowing a field, upon a certain day he felt his Breast kindled with the flame of Divine Love, and the word of the Lord came unto him thus; I've appointed thee tho thou be a Plowman to be­come a Preacher and Teacher of Nations: At the same moment being mov'd Extraordinarily, that tho he was married, and Father of some Chil­dren, to leave his dear wife, his Mate and Com­panion of Life and Affairs, and as it were his other self, and this sweet and tender off-spring, these intire Bonds of Love, and Ties of Friend­ship, being untouch'd with the sense of so many Domestick concerns, to take Journey presently for the Island of Barmuda's not doubting to [Page 141] leave all to the Providential care and Disposal of God: And that accordingly he went to that Island and from thence to Rhodes, and at length came to Boston; and that now for his Religion, and Testimony for God, he was ready to take farewell of this troublesom Life. The day of Arraignment was the 20th of October. Being all three brought into Prison, attainted and convict­ed of a Capital crime, without any previous Tri­al or defence, they were found guilty of Death, and Sentenc'd to be hang'd. Robbinson mov'd the Judge of the Court that, that Letter might be read I spoke of before, asserting it to all be mat­ter of Fact, without inquiring into the occasion thereof; this he desir'd e're sentence shou'd pass, but the Judge thought the letter unworthy to be per­us'd. Whereupon Stevenson, putting up his Epi­stle, after the sentence was actually pronounc'd, answer'd with the same courage of mind and ex­pression. In the day when you that wou'd be reckon'd Judges, shall kill the true Servants of God, know ye, you shall answer to him who is the only true Judge, and the day of your visita­tion shall come upon you, and Eternal destuction shall fall on your heads. Upon the 27th in the Afternoon, the day appointed for their Executi­on, two Companies of Souldiers were order'd to be there. The condemn'd persons were plac'd in the front, and all the Drummers were set round about 'em, who beat incessantly to drown the sound of their words, that what they said might not be heard by the people. The fellow suffer­ers march'd all in a rank, Mary in the middle having each other by the hand, all of a cheer­ful Countenance and ready Tongue, tho the beat­ing of the Drums rendred their discourse useless to others. Their friends follow'd with a sad si­lence. When they came to the Gibbet, having so long kiss'd and embrac'd each other, with such affection that they cou'd scarce be pull'd asunder, they wish'd all happiness to one another; at last, [Page 142] when the unavoidable necessity of departure o­blig'd 'em to put an end to their caresses, letting one another unwillingly go, they took all their Eternal and Mutual farewell, Robbinson first got up, beginning and ending with words to this pur­pose.

We are not here, Citizens, to suffer as wicked or evil doers, whose Consciences before did vex and tor­ment 'em, but as those, who, being stirr'd up by God, [...]ear witness to the truth. But perhaps this may seem little at present, as what concerns you not much to hear. That we may not therefore contend what we have acted, to have been Lawful, our duty, and necessary to be done; we wou'd have you to know that this is your day, wherein God has visited you, leaving you yet occasion and opportunity to shun and escape the destruction of your Souls; but if you go on to hedge up and obstruct that way to turn Gods wrath, and procure your own salvation, if your Re­bellion and Arrogance be increas'd and harden'd, this is the day, wherein God is arisen to take venge­ance of all his Enemies with an Omnipotent Arm, and you shall groan with one voice under the weight of his wrath. You've at this time made it very ap­parent and manifest what you are, by your hatred against us; wherefore while the light of Christ doth shine, we as yet continue to admonish and warn you, to take heed to that light while you may. For my part I have liv'd unto Christ, and do die for Christ, taking him now for my Life and My all.

Then Stevenson follow'd speaking such like words; Be it known unto you, we suffer not now for any Evil by us Committed, but only for doing of these good de [...]ds which our Conscience always taught us to be our Duty: And as your Consciences in the day that's to came, shall toss and terrify you with perpetual Anguish, so we being this day releas'd from all care, shall rest free from Anxiety and trouble, and instead of that frail and fading Life, shall have unceasing and perfect happiness with God. With these words he ended. These two Men being dead, their naked [Page 143] bodies were thrown into a Ditch, and cover'd up by the way side, where they ended their Life.

And now Mary goes up the Ladder with her hands bound, her Coats ty'd down, and face co­ver'd, in present readiness, to wellcome her end, being already forestall'd with apprehensions of Death. But the Judges, among themselves, had granted Mary a pardon, being humbly petition'd by a Son of hers. This was only design'd to terrify and affright her, but being taken down, and greatly in suspense, looking up to understand what the matter did mean, at last, before she went down from the Ladder, with a deep sigh she broke out in these words, that there was no delay in her to go with her Brethren, and re­ceive that certain fruit of her Labours, and re­ward of all her Dangers and Evils, as the glori­ous Trophies of her Courage and Constancy, that she might also imbalm her Religion with her blood, if the Rulers wou'd not annull that wicked Law. When taken away from the Lad­der, she was first shut up in the place whence she came, and two days after carry'd out of the Town. When this was done it can't easily be told, how the Quakers minds, and mouths were Irritated, both here and in other places: So that every where their doleful Mournings and Ex­clamations were heard; that now these Mens thoughts and Designs did shew themselves, leav­ing no further room for doubt, who were these pure and upright in Life, who at all times did so cry out, that there was no living without Re­ligion, and no Religion without Godliness, and neither cou'd be without Liberty of Conscience; who therefore in their own Countrey, in England, did so decry that violent Tyranny, and because of the injury done to them there, fled from it as a thing not sufferable, and leaving their own native Soul, came into this utmost Region of the Earth, surrounded on all hands with Bar­barous Nations. That this was so plain, that [Page 144] they must be inconsiderate who doubt of it, since they behav'd themselves so to their own Countreymen, and those who, when under af­fliction and trouble, had fled unto them for re­fuge and comfort, but met with nothing among them but the utmost cruelty: That it further appear'd, from the Savage fierceness they us'd towards Men, that were altogether innocent, be­reaving 'em not only of their Goods and Estates, but even of their Reputation, Blood, Bones, and Life it self. There were not a few Complaints of others also, who were not at all of the family of the Quakers, who spoke their Abhorrence a­gainst that new sort of Judgment, that was hi­therto among Protestants unheard of, thinking it unreasonable thus to rage 'gainst those whom they reckon'd just, honest and blameless, or at least to be guilty of inconsiderable faults, or had they deserv'd some notable punishment, yet they thought it Disgraceful for themselves to be the Authors of inflicting it. These and the like were some matter of trouble to the Magistracy of Bo­ston, who cou'd as little deny the cause as what they had acted; that they might, against all Complaints and Calumnies, shield the fame of their Name and Religion, and if any thing of the like nature shou'd happen for the future, more excusably repeat what they had already done, and seize them that said any thing to the contrary, they caus'd this Apologetical Pamphlet to be emitted in English, by their own Clerk Ed­ward Rawson.

Tho the equity of our proceed­ings with William Robbinson, Marmaduc Steven­son, and Mary Dyer, being fortify'd by the Au­thority of our Court, and according to the Laws both of Cod and our Countrey, do's in­duce us rather reasonably to expect Commen­dation and Praise from all good and wise Men, than dispose us to think it at all necessary, to make any Defence and Apology for our selves; Notwithstanding, because some of a shallow [Page 145] Capacity, from perhaps a Principle of Pity and Compassion (which as it is indeed a Christian vertue, so it's justly intitl'd to deserved praise, except where it too easily turns it self, putting on false and pernicious dresses, for want of a Judgment better inform'd) are desirous of some satisfaction in the matter, and because those Men that are of ill principles and practices may unjustly accuse us, and take us for Men of very Bloody and cruel Inclinations; we therefore thought fit, to satisfy the one, and stop the Mouths and Clamours of the others, to order the publishing of this Declaration. 'Tis almost three years since some Men, who profess'd them­selves openly Quakers after we understood, be­ing inform'd by Letters, sent us from the Eng­lish by the way of Berbado's, how pernicious their opinions and endeavours had been, took the boldness also to come unto Boston. We only then committed them to Prison, till we cou'd find occasion to send 'em from among us, without using any further severity against 'em.

And tho their discipline and turbulent beha­viour, troublesome to the people and reproach­ful to the Magistrate, call'd loudly for a great­er punishment, without the least shadow of In­justice, yet the Court was rather willing to shew their prudence, in preserving and defend-ing our own peace, and the Go­vernment that was establish'd among us, a­gainst the Quakers utmost efforts, who aim'd at the subversion of our Laws and Statutes, and final overthrow of our Religion also: This we're too well acquainted with to be ignorant of, both by what our experience taught us of them, and what Specimens their Ancestors the Papists have left us. We therefore made and promulg'd a Law, that no Master of a Ship whatsoever shou'd bring a Quaker into our Pre­cincts and Territories, if they did otherwise, they were to be Imprisoned untill they cou'd be banish'd and remov'd from among us. But [Page 146] since yet, these Men did constantly return through many secret ways and wandrings, neither cou'd any punishment or threatning be invented to stop their impudent and rash coming back, tho we endeavour'd to prevent it by increasing the punishment to the cutting off the returner's ear [...] yet that it self did not avail to withstand their mad and unweary'd fury; we were therefore forc'd to take another course to maintain the publick Peace and Tranquillity. Upon this all things being duly consider'd, finding their obsti­cy cou'd not otherwise be restrain'd, we made a Law according to the Model of that which was settled in England against the Jesuits, that such sort of Men shou'd be put to Death.

The making this Law did not hinder their return and disdainful continuance within our Territories, even after the time for their depar­ture was expir'd; They were therefore justly thrown into Goal, and confessing themselves to be those we had driven from among us before by the Court's order, according to the sentence of that Law, they forfeited their Life: except Mary Dyer, to whom, at her Sons humble intercession, We, with an equality of Mercy and Clemency, granted the Liberty to be gone from among us within two days, which she promis'd to observe. The Contemplation of that gradual progress we made, in the whole series of that affair, will confute all Clamours and Accusations of our cru­elty; since our own just and necessary defence did not only invite but also injoyn us, to show the edge of so sharp a Law to Men of such stiff­ness and obstinacy, which as these Men opposed with Contumacious violence, they freely and willingly murder'd themselves. It was always our wish that they had not done it, and that the supream Law, the peoples safety, might be kept intire from all danger and detriment. Our Antodating their danger that was to ensue, and granting of pardon to Mary Dyer are evident [Page 147] Demonstrations, that we were more desirous to preserve their lives than take 'em away.

Moreover tho so great punishment was provided against Quakers by Law, especially those, who, being eject­ed, did return, yet there were not a few so rash as to come, not only those who had not been here before, but also who had been expell'd and ban­ [...]sh'd, ready to suffer any torment that cou'd hap­pen, yea, to welcome death it self tho never so cruel. A chief instance of boldness and obstina­cy, was very Conspicuous in the same Mary Dy­er, who, as it was known, tho she was on the Ladder, and her neck in the Rope, upon the ve­ry Borders of her last breath: Yet, after she had been once expell'd she return'd, and yet was dis­miss'd on this Condition, that she wou'd no more repeat the same crime; Notwithstanding all this she return'd once more, persisting in the same purpose and mind, that she must either have li­berty for her self and Companions (that Law of ejecting and murdering Quakers being Abrogated) to rest in ease safely and quietly, or if she cou'd not obtain it, she wou'd seal with her Death her con­stant confidence in her Religion, and thereby ac­cuse the wickedness and insatiable cruelty of these Judges, and convince them, in the presence of all Men, to be guilty of doing the highest of Injuries. She came therefore undaunted from Rhodes to Boston, in the year following which was the 60th the 31 day of the month of May. She was seiz'd, and immediately the next day brought before the Judge, the Court being throng; who, having told what charge had been formerly given her, as the same time gave sentence of Death, that to morrow she shou'd be hang'd by the neck till she dy'd, that they might make sure to pre­vent her return for the future, and give her no more occasion to be guilty of the like. The next day, accordingly she's taken out of the Town, guarded with Souldiers before and behind, with their Drums beating round about her; she came [Page 148] to the Gibbet with Courage in her Breast, and very great Chearfulness in her face, from whence she knew she shou'd not return any more; hav­ing there spoken a great many words, that show'd both the greatness of her mind and certain hope she had placed in Heaven, she gave up her Spirit and so fell asleep. The Quakers, that either knew this Woman, or had it from others Testi­mony of her, say in her praise, that she was a per­son of no mean Extract and Parentage, of an Estate pretty plentiful, of a comely Stature and Countenance, of a piercing knowledge in many things, of a wonderful sweet and pleasant Dis­course, so sit for great affairs that she wanted no­thing that was Manly, except only the Name and the Sex. William Leadre was another instance of such constancy. He being also upon pain of Death ejected, and forbidden to see Boston again, as I show'd before, notwithstanding, the year fol­lowing, viz. sixty two, return'd thither prepar'd to expect and endure the same that these who had gone before had already suffer'd, to offer his Blood for his Religion to those, who, he knew, were thirsty enough to drink it. When the re­port of his arrival was spread abroad, and had also reach'd the Ears of the Judges, they order'd the Man, that thus contemn'd all threats of judi­cial punishment, to be seiz'd and hurried head­long to Goal, and all the cold season of the Win­ter to be kept, in great hunger and want, fasten'd to a thick and heavy log, so that he scarce cou'd move himself out of his place, being only as a dead trunk of a Man. Having at length consi­der'd what to do with him, they accus'd him heinously for daring to return; he answer'd as the cause of expelling him was injust, he thought he had just occasion to return: They set the dan­ger of his life before him, because neither threat­nings nor fear cou'd restrain him. He answer'd, that were he so easily to be frighted, he would never have had the boldness again to return. Being [Page 149] ask'd at another time if he would go into Eng­land, he answer'd he had no business there, after­ward, they endeavour'd earnestly to perswade him to renounce his Errors and Conform to the Church of England; He reply'd then with greater vehe­mency, that if he own'd his own confession to be false he must deny and reject God himself, If he should herd with those of the Church of Eng­lands Communion, he must joyn with Notorious Murderers and Cut-Throats. They again threat­ned him with an Infamous. Death; to which he answer'd, he would Everlastingly rejoyce to suffer any thing for his Faith and Religion, and that he was not at all afraid of Death, so much as of the just Judgment of God, yea, that he would not decline any sort of Death, since the just cause why he suffer'd it was absent; and that that pun­ishment they blazon'd with the threatning Co­lours of Death, seem'd to him the way of Life and Eternal felicity, so this discourse was not long continued: But while they th [...]s lingred, doubting what to do, and could not come to a certain Conclusion, other Quakers, to the Number of five, who had all been banish'd, and prohibit­ed to return, upon the same penalty of losing their Life, did yet without prudence or fear re­turn. Whereof one Wenlock Christyson, under­standing what they design'd to determine of Lea­der went straight way to the Court, and told 'em that it was his sole errand to come to warn 'em, to shed no more Innocent blood: But his admo­nition was no worse rewarded than with a Goal. Most of 'em at this time was so forcibly incens'd, that they could be broken by no Violence or Re­proaches, thinking then themselves to be truly happy, when they were counted worthy to suffer Affliction for their Religion, yea, Death tho ne­ver so Ignominious and Cruel, hence it comes that each Sect has its Martyrs. This they also ambition'd as a holy sight, running to embrace Death as the Crown of their Religion, sign of [Page 150] faith, Mark of Society, witness of Communion, Monument of their Name, matter of perpetual fame, and not only end of this Temporary life, but also beginning of that which is Eternal. Thus the Senate of Boston, after many debates, being unwilling to conclude of Leaders affair, regarding the Actions, not the words, of the Cri­minal, at length order'd him to be Indicted of Treason, and pronounc'd him a Man whom they Judg'd and Declar'd to deserve to be sever'd, from among the Number of the Living, which sentence was accordingly executed upon the 14th day of March, Then his head was lifted up on high on an unhappy Gibbet, and he ended his life without any fear, having spoken these words before some friends, my God to thee I commend my just Soul. After him the Court's first enquiry was on Wenlock, who seem'd to them to have drawn all severity on himself. When no body doubted but Wenlock wou'd fall a victim to appease the Judg­es fury, when he came to be tryed he disputed long, and the Judges differ'd in their Thoughts and Intentions, whereupon Wenlock did so much urge the Equity and Justice of discussing the af­fair, according to the Rules of the English Laws, arguing that those Laws were only made against Jesuits and not Quakers, who might very justly expect Impunity altho they err'd in the sight of Men: The Judges were at length so Inveigl'd and Entangled, that they return'd to the old form of proceeding, and committed the whole weight of the cause to the Judgment of twelve Sworn Jury-Men: But they also, having long delay'd Wenlock, at length brought him in guilty of Death: This was done on the 13th day of the 1st month of the Summer Season; but the Execution of the sentence was some days delay'd. John Currier an inhabitant of Boston, having been whipt through three Towns before, return'd by the same places, to Boston, to his Wife and Children, whom he had left there; being again whipt about the same [Page 151] round, he was detain'd in Prison at Boston, where he had resid'd; In the opinion of himself and o­ther Men, he was to be branded with a burning Iron in the shoulder, and there mark'd with the Letter R. to design him, according to the English and Roman Laws, that which we call a Rogue.

There were 28 more Prisoners there, One of 'em condemn'd for all his life to remain in the Prison where he then was; the rest were uncer­tain what shou'd become of 'em, seeing them­selves daily detain'd and delay'd. As many things unexpected and unlook'd for, in the life of Man falls oftner out than when we have hopes and expectations of the matter, so while the Judges were so often remiss, and the Quakers punish­ment so frequently delay'd, and yet nothing was seen, to retard it, suddenly and beyond all Expect­ation, it was appointed by the Magistrates Com­mand, that a new Law shou'd immediately take place, to release Wenlock and the rest of the Pri­soners from any punishment they were liable to, by the old; so that they might when they pleas'd be free'd from the Prison, and for that purpose the doors were set open. The signal being given, they went out without Loitering. Only Peter Pearson and Judith Brown, were contrary to their hopes detain'd and whipt at a Cart. The cause of so unexpected a change was suppos'd to be the fear of the Magistrates, foreseeing that the King and Nobles in Old England, wou'd not well resent such Rigour and Cruelty, and wou'd therefore take care to prevent it for the future. Not long after King Charles being inform'd, how the Quakers were treated in New-England, by Rumors, Messengers, and their own complaints given in by Petition to the King and Parli­ament, and that not only once but often, sent immediately to the Governour of Boston, and the rest of the fellow rulers of these Countreys and Colonies, a Letter concerning the Imprison'd Quakers, giving it to be carried by Sam. Sattoc, a Quaker who had been an Inhabitant there, but [Page 152] was thence banish'd as I mention'd already, and now return'd there in a Ship commanded by one of his own perswasion. The Letter was as fol­lows. C. R. to his dear and faithful Subjects, since we've Learn'd that many of our Subjects, among you call'd Quakers to have been some Imprison'd, others kill'd, the rest, as we're told remaining fall in danger; we thought good to signify our will and pleasure to you concerning that affair for the future. Our will is therefore, that if there be any Quakers among you, whose Death Corporal punishment, or Imprisonment, you have order'd, or may for the future have occasion to determine, that you proceed no further in that affair, but forthwith send 'em whether they be Condemn'd, or bound, into our Kingdom of England, with an account of their particular Tryals and Faults, that they may here be dealt withal according to our Laws and their Merits. Herein this letter shall be your warrant. Given from our Court at VVhitehall, the 10th of Sept. 1661, the 13th year of our Reign. By the Kings command, William Morris. This Epistle of the King so stay'd their Persecution, that it was no Crime to be reckon'd a Quaker. The Magistracy of Boston fearing the Kings displeasure for what they had done, sent three into Old England, Temple an Officer, a Ma­gistrate, and Norton a Minister, to acquaint the King with what they had done. But Jurisdicti­on, and Judgment was not therefore wholly stopt or taken away. But being forbidden to inflict a final severity and punishment, they compens'd it by the heavier Temporary torment, making some, by their Chastisement, rather wish to die than endure so great and many Evils so often. Tho I cou'd instance many examples of this, I'll only relate one or two, partly to avoid Prolixity, and partly because by one we may guess of the rest. That year Ann Cotton, a woman of sixty, came with a design to live at Boston; but was so far from being admitted that she was thrown into [Page 153] Goal: Being at length wearied of her, they took her to a Wood, and after many wandrings she found occasion to go for England. There she ob­tain'd a pattent from the K. allowing her to re­side at Boston. She renew'd her Journey, and came boldly back to Boston. But neither was she then admitted: She went therefore to Cambridge, where she was thrown into a dark Deu, thrice lash'd, then carry'd to a Remote and Desolate place, where, from wild Beasts, she might be in daily danger of her life. But returning by the same ways she went out she was also whipt, as she had been before. The following year being scarce expir'd, Ann Coleman, Mary Tomkins, and Alide Ambrose, women of greater Age than Ex­tract, came into D [...]ver: These were dragg'd hence through Eleven other places, in the middle of a Cold and Snowy Winter, receiving at each of 'em ten lashes on their naked body, and were so cut with the stripes that scarce a Breast was left 'em. Yet they remain'd so constant and resolute, that they went back to the same Town to a Meeting with their friends. Upon this 2 Brethren call'd Ruperts, Sons of a Quaker dragg'd the women out of the Meeting through the Snow and Clay, turning their very faces to the Earth, and the day following brought 'em thus daub'd along to the shore, remaining unmov'd at all their in­treaties, drew them headlong through the wa­ters into a little Cannoe, committing them and it to the Sea. But a vehement storm suddenly rising the poor women were taken out of the Boat, by some that had more tenderness than they that put them in. Tho they now were stiff, their Cloaths being frozen and almost dead with intolerable cold, they bring 'em far from the Sea to the house whence they came, and af­ter a little refreshment drive them away from thence. Yet the women were so hardy and in­ur'd to Afflictions, that they often return'd even where they suffer'd such things. The Quakers [Page 154] complain that many of 'em were branded, as if they had been the Dreggs, and Off-scour­ings of Men, whom all good Men must needs be Enemies to, and on that score were rob'd of all Liberty and Privilege, as Ignominious persons who're allow'd no Action or Complaint: Yet, they say, there were some for many years, who had their habitation and residence there. In process of time the Kings Authority, who knew not their trouble, more and more prevail'd, and their Number, Resolution, and Constancy, in overcoming by suffering, all punishments the Law cou'd inflict; the Judgments against 'em began to cease, and their Impunity and Liber­ty to increase. In the mean time the Quakers, that cou'd not stay here, withdrew themselves to the Island of Rhodes, which is so opposite to, and separated from the Continent that it became a refuge and sanctuary for them. And the more suited to this purpose because the Go­vernour thereof was a Quaker, William Codding­ton, whom I mention'd before: He was one of the chief Planters, that came hither to traffick. He had a house so large and fine at Boston, before it had receiv'd that Name, that afterward it prov'd an Ornament to the City. He also shar'd in the Magistracy some time. But when the persecution of Quakers arose, he disapprov'd of the Magistrates proceedings so much, that he exhorted 'em all to refrain from their Cruelty against the Quakers; they therefore treated him as they wou'd have done them: He departed thence into this Island, where he▪ had not only liberty to act and say what he pleas'd, but was also made Governour of the whole Island. But before I altogether leave New England, I must touch at New-Holland bordering upon it, lest a longer narrative prove troublesome to the Reader. Dutchman for the most part were Inhabitants there. In trafficking, the Dutch hav­ing commerce with the English, they came and stay'd mutually with each other, thus some of [Page 155] the Quakers found the way also hither▪ more with a design to Propagate their Religion, than a desire either of buying or selling. 'Tis a cu­stom among the States, not to be Solicitous of these whom they give command of other places to, concerning Mens following believing, or asserting in their Religion whatever their Conscience prompts 'em unto, providing they don't oppose the supream Authority, or act contrary to the publick Tranquillity. At this rate the Rulers of that Countrey behav'd themselves, maintaining their Dignity 'mongst Quakers and others, and preserving the publick peace committed to their Charge. Of this moderation these are 2 instan­ces. The chief City in New-Holland is call'd New-Amsterdam, from the Metropolis of Holland of the same Name: Two Mile from hence is a Village call'd Hemsteed. This Village was a ter­ritory of our Colony, but for the most part peo­pl'd with English Inhabitants; of those a few, that formerly were Brownists (or puritans) fell off from their own party to the Quakers, having their Meetings and Religious exercises together. And these things so long as Cantiously and Pri­vately done, our Magistrates did not so much take notice of or punish, as they did, when they did not use so much Moderation and Cauti­on; and we find too much liberty would tend to the seduction of others. An instance of this for a Tenour to others, was shewn in one Rob. Hodson, who was arriv'd at such a pitch of boldness, as he induc'd several of his own Sect to meet together, for solemn prayers, not secretly, but abroad in an open Garden: The news therefore of this so fa­mous an assembly being brought to those, who, had it not been for this rash and provoking pro­ceeding of theirs, would easily have let them a­lone; they all ran in upon them, and taking Hod­son upon whom besides a Bible in his hand, they found a Dagger in his Bosom, and since [Page 156] that seem'd to be a Weapon more sit for Offence than Defence, they ty'd his hands and carried him to New-Amsterdam to the Governour Stuyvesand. He, taking the Man for a Contemner of the Laws and Disturber of the publick Peace, caus'd him to be cast into a dark place full of Filth and Dirt; and soon after Arraigns him for sedition, and, by the suffrages of all the Magistrates, pronounces sentence upon him in Dutch; (which because he did not understand, one Translated it to him into English) that either he should pay a fine of 600 Florens, or be cloth'd in Sackcloth and Chain'd, and ty'd with a Barbarous slave should work for two years upon the Reparations of the City Walls. Which work when he was brought to, and refus'd to do, a lusty crabbed Negro slave laid on him 50 lashes with a Cat with nine Tailes; and when for all that he would not set himself to work, he redoubled his blows, and that to such a Degree as he was not able to stand on his Legs. And because all this while he would not do as he was Commanded, at last the Governour order'd him this punishment: They stript him naked to the waste, and then hanged him up by the hands and ty'd a great Logg of Wood to his feet, and beat him severely with whips, and so carry'd him from the Court to the Prison from whence he came. The same they serv'd him 2 years after. With these stripes the poor Man was so disabled, that he lay along while without sense, and almost without life, so that there had been small hopes of his ever recovering; if an English woman mov'd with a pious grief and pity had not Administred proper Medicines to him, and binding up his Wounds, restor'd him to life again. At last the Governours Sister so pleaded his cause with her Brother, as procur'd his Enlargement from his dismal Solitude. This was about the time, that the Persecution against these people began to rage in New-England. Another Town in the like Con­dition, belonging indeed to the English, but under [Page 157] the Jurisdiction of the Hollandew, was Gravesend. And there a Noble Lady the. Countess of Mordee; who was a Puritan was turn'd Quaker, and resid­ed chiefly at this place, gave the remaining peo­ple of this Society the liberty of Meeting in her house; but mannaged it with that prudence and observance of time and place, as gave no offence to any stranger or person of another Religion than her own, and so she and her people remained free from all Molestation and Disturbance. And be­cause we have made mention of this Lady and her Company in this place; I'll relate a memorable story. There was the Son of certain English Cler­gyman, arriv'd at years of Discretion, and of very honest Conversation: Who being often in the house of this Lady, and Entertaining her many times with discourses upon Religious Subjects, she invites him to come to their Meeting and hear their Preaching, at least for once. He answer'd her again and again (for she was very earnest with him) that he should be always very ready to o­bey her Ladyship in any other thing, but in this humbly begg'd her Ladyships excuse. This young Gentlewoman continuing obstinate, and the Lady by how much more she persisted in the thing, by so much the greater was the grief of her Disap­pointment, at last he did that of his own accord, which he neither would or could upon her Pray­ers and Intreaties. He fancied to himself one night in his sleep, that he heard and saw many things of the Quakers, and when he was awak­ed and thought nothing had put a deceit upon his senses, he heard as it were a voice, and went and came to a Company of those sort of people, of whom he had form'd in his mind so many representations when he was asleep. He, approv­ing of his Oraculous Dream, the day following goes to a Meeting of the Quakers, where he was so taken with their Discourses, that he was Trans­ported beyond himself. And his mind was con­tinually running on going thither again. But [Page 158] before he did, he Communicates his Intention to several of his Friends, who mightily dehorted him therefrom. Considering therefore their reasons on the one hand, and on the other the Continual Idea of his Night Vision never going out of his mind; and that not devised, or fancied, but real discourse of theirs, was always turmoi [...]ing him, so that with the horrible Agonies of his mind, not knowing which way to turn, or what to do, he fell into a greivous and dangerous fit of Sick­ness. From which being recover'd, he not onely Estranged himself wholly from that sort of Peo­ple, but also imputed what had happen'd to him among that people, to the Effects of Incantation, and said, the Devil wrought amongst them. Of the truth of this I have a very worthy Gentle­man a witness, who is now a faithful Minister of the Word of God in our Countrey; to whom the young Man has often related this story. Sometimes there has been of these sort of People, who before a Magistrate have said, they could not say or do any thing with them, without their hats on. These there was no better way to deal with than by severely reprimanding them, and sending them away unheard, and soundly rated at. There were some women which in the high ways, others, tho but few, who in the middle of the Sermon or Prayers of our people, would break out either into an Extempore or Praemiditated Noise or Singing. These Women were Command­ed or Compelled to go away, or carried away and taken into Custody till they were discharged. And so, if their crime was no greater, they were no further punish'd. Now to speak a little of the other Plantations of the English, Virginia, Bermudas, &c. I have said already in the begin­ning who they were that first Voyaged hither; but who they were that (first) went to those pla­ces I can't so certainly tell. It seems George Wil­son came to Virginia in the year 56, and there di­ed in B [...]s. Henry Fell went to Barmudas the [Page 159] same year, and not long after return'd again. In those parts also the Religion of the Quakers be­gan to appear abroad sensibly, and shew its face. As for these Men till the year 60, I don't find any pu­nishment inflicted on them, only some Fines were laid upon them, because they us'd to entertain one another in their houses, or refus'd to take an Oath, or be uncover'd before a Magistrate, or to undertake any Military Services: Altho these fines were often so great, that even for one default onely, the third part or more of their goods were taken away, they not having much Money, as the generality of them were of the meaner sort of people. This I find, that in Mariland, a province joyning to Virginia, this year, Thomas Thurston was cast into Prison, and the Officer desiring one John Holland to assist him in this business, who refusing (and saying it was unreasonable Thurston should be us'd so, and that he could not assist him in the taking of a Man Prisoner, who was his Friend and old Acquaintance) to be any ways assistant to the said Office (which the Laws of England will no ways excuse not even among those, that are of the first Degree and Quality) he himself was put in Prison too, and afterwards severely whipt. Then in the year 60 and that following, as the Spirit and Courage of these people began to increase with their Numbers, and these Friends to set up their Meetings, and at last they went on Cheerfully in their ways, then, both for the rea­sons aforesaid. And especially, on the account of these Meetings, they were prosecuted with Im­prisonments, Whippings, Banishments, Transpor­tations, into wild Woods and Desolate places; till at length this excessive severity began to a­bate; and this Sect of People to rest and be con­firm'd; and that especially by reason of the Kings Interposition, and an order sent like that I spake of before to the Governour of New-England. Those who are acquainted with that part of A­merica, which is under the English Jurisdiction, [Page 160] know Pensilvania, the Propriety and Govern­ment of which (vacant by the Death of William Pen) from whom the said Countrey takes its De­nomination, descended to his Son William Penn, that famous Patron and Head of the Quakers. And he being heir to this Countrey, it became as it were the Inheritance and Portion of the Quak­ers, especially since the year 82, at which time Penn going to his Government order'd all things to his own mind, and appointed all his Officers and Agents their proper places. Omitting there­fore to speak of the political Order and Govern­ment of this Countrey, and its legal Establish­ment, and of the Benefits and Advantages these Quaker-people enjoy, both throughout the whole Province and especially in the Town, which, from their mutual Love to one another, they have call'd Philadelphia; these people at that time were in­duc'd with such a Courage and Fortitude of mind, and opinion of their own Constitutions, Government, Unanimity, and good Agreement, that they ventured to invite all the Barbarous Americans, and indeed all Men, in whom there was the least spark of Religion, Moral Honesty, or Quietness of Temper, to come and live among them, promising them upon their good behavi­our the like Advantages themselves enjoy'd, and the free exercise of their own Religion. Which the better to understand, it will be worth while to set down their Decree. Which runs thus. We give a General general liberty of Conscience to all, who acknowledge one God omnipotent, the Crea­tor, Preserver, and Governour of the World, and hold themselves oblig'd in Conscience to live quietly and justly under Government, To that degree that none shall have any thing to do, as to Religi­ous matters and opinions, at any time to compell or force another to any sort of Religious Worship to which he is averse, or to Contribute any thing towards the Maintenance of Preachers, or to pla­ces set apart for Religious. Worship. And that [Page 161] every one shall have the full use of his Christian liberty, without sustaining any detriment for the same. And if any one abuse another, or mock him for being of a different perswasion from him in religious matters, he shall be accounted a Di­sturber of the publick peace and punished ac­cordingly. Now tho I have hitherto onely recit­ed this Writing, and all those things I have yet treated on, without pretending to interpret or give the mind or sense of these people (in them) yet here I can't forbear taking notice that they call this liberty Christian, when as they extend it to all Men, who onely acknowledge one God. Now if these Men will agree with themselves, they must necessarily take all those for Christians in whom there appears, any Principle or Religi­on or Piety, as being what they say, is from Christ, yea is Christ. But as the Inhabitants of this Countrey were for the most part Quakers, so be­cause of the Conveniency of the Countrey and this liberty of Religion, confirm'd by the Edict aforesaid. More Quakers at several times came thither, from Divers other parts of America. And not onely those of this perswasion, but also others of other Principles and Opinions in Religion, and several of none or slender fortunes came and fix't themselves in those remote parts of the World, hoping for a blessing from Heaven, and a better­ing of their Condition. For seldom those that have any Estate or hopes of one in their own Countrey, travel into strange and unknown Countreys, leaving all their Friends and Acquain­tance behind them. Moreover, W. Penn the Lord and Governour of the Countrey, a little before the breaking out of the Mortal War which still rages between the French of th' one side, and the English and their Confederates of the higher and lower Germany on th' other, incited thither se­veral people, both English and our Countrey folks, and some of the Palatinate of the Rhene, who having nothing of their own to loose at [Page 162] home, and hearing of the plenty of all things in America, were got into several parts thereabouts, and having entertain'd a good opinion of him, many of them were drawn thither in hopes of getting a good livelyhood by their handy works. And so all these people addicted themselves to A­griculture, and preparing and enlarging that part of the Countrey which was before uninhabit­ed and uncultivated, and withal of their own proper concerns. And all things succeeded well and happily to them, they being indefatigably Di­ligent and Industrious. So the whole Countrey became well manured, and Laws were made for the better distribution of the Lands, Alloting to every one their particular part. And these stran­gers had an equal priviledge of exercising what Religion they would, and living according to their own fashion with those of their own Company. And moreover, they were made capable of all honours and be [...]ing any office or dignity in the Magistracy, either in City or Countrey. Altho this was the Prerogative of the Quakers, not that they had Arrogated it to themselves by any Law, but by reason of the Multitude of them and their all agreeing together, and being Ambitious to possess the first and best places in the Govern­ment. Whence it came to pass that there were some of whom there's no great question to be made, but that onely for profit and advantage sake, dissembling their own opinions they went out to the Quakers, and tack'd about as the wind turn'd. Now as we see that for the most part fortune follows the diligent, the Ingenious, and Industrious; So the greatest part (almost) of these people, being religious Men and Men of In­tegrity, but unexpert and not well verst in the Affairs of the World; the rest not onely igno­rant and unexperienc'd in affairs, but also wild and licentious in Discourse and Conversation. And amongst the rest of them were some of the Qua­kers. In process of time these grave and serious [Page 163] Men, hanging of a knot together, diligently aim­ing at what they had always seem'd to despise, and affected to get into all the Courts and Offices of Judicature, and mightily to busy themselves about those Employs. And when they were cho­sen Magistrates and Judges, they behav'd them-excellently in the said Offices, and oftentimes car­ried themselves roughly and proudly to their Cli­ents and Suitours, and in their sentences, and de­cisions of suits and punishing of Malefactours, they fitted themselves with such a kind of Juri­dical Actions as always bred disgust; and when the Case required that any thing was to be So­lemnly affirmed or denied, they caus'd the Wit­nesses to swear, or at least use such a kind of as­sertion as little differs from an Oath, as: I speak and promise it in the presence of God; or as true as God's in Heaven, or which at least was no less than an Oath amongst God's ancient people the Jews, As the Lord liveth. Moreover, they also who aimed at the Ministerial offices in the Church, and Arriv'd at such like Degrees of Honour, were chosen and appointed by them, or delayed by them who had most influence upon the Senate; whose minds they fill'd with a belief, that they took a great deal of care of the weal-publick and the Laws, and would be very mindful of them in their places of Authority, and Accommodate themselves in the Offices of Justice, according to former customs and presidents. But besides these there were agreat many of the Quakers both Men and Women, who took upon them the liberty to Preach and Exercised the same, without any (or any just at least) warrant for so doing; after that manner intruding themselves, without producing any just Testimony, either of their Ability or good Conversation. And there are some of the Qua­kers themselves who assert, that among these there were some, who for their profound igno­rance of the very first Principles of Religion, were so far unfit to bear the Office of Teachers or Mi­nisters [Page 164] in the Church, that they did not deserve so much as to be taken in as members of it; Which being a thing of no small moment, and laying a firm foundation for hatred and envy, disagreement and Contention among these People, even to this very day, it is much to be feared, that unless they agree better among themselves, it may come to pass one day, that their domestick Quarrels invite their Barbarous Neighbours, or other forreign foes to set upon them in an hostile manner and put a speedy period to their Government, and lon­ger continuance there. And we may know also that whereas the War between the French and English, is carried into these parts of the World also; and altho these people can tell how to fight well enough with words, yet they'll have nothing to do with War or Armies either for offence or defence, and consequently lye an easy Conquest for an Enemy, who very quietly, and without any danger at all to themselves, might soon over­come them: King William of England has sent 'em over a Governour, one of the Church of England, with Orders, That if occasion be, he should take care to defend them against any Armed Enemy, better than otherwise they would themselves.

Now since we are at present upon this Country of the Quakers, and have but now made mention of the great dissentions and distractions amongst them; it would not be suitable to this Relation, and the design of this Work, if I should omit that great and very memorable Case, that within these few years has happen'd among them in those Parts, which because know'n to few, I will relate and deduce down to this very time, when as yet none knows what the end of it will be. I have shewn, in the former Book concerning George Keith, that famous Teacher amongst the Quakers, how the Quakers, his Friends and Acquaintaince in England, ascribed to him certain Errors or Forms of speaking, which they did not approve of; but which of their good will towards him, [Page 165] they attributed to his singular Learning. This man came over into these parts, and residing a while in some Islands near Pensylvania, in the year 89, remov'd thence to Philadelphia, being invit­ed by some who not only desired him for their Preacher, but also to be Tutor to their Children. When he came thither, he undertook both Offices, and to shew his Modesty, takes the place of an Usher to teach Boys, and discharges it very com­mendably. And at the same time exercising his Preaching Faculty among an unlearned and Igno­rant company of People, as for the most part their Preachers were, he excell'd 'em all, appearing as a bright Luminary, and out­shining all the rest of that Order among them. And by his opportune diligence, and industry in all the parts of his Ministerial Office he render'd himself belov'd of 'em all, especially the more in­feriour sort of People. And it had been well indeed if so it had continued. But a short time produc'd a great alteration in the state of Affairs. For soon after there arose some, that oppos'd Keith, him and charg'd him with many, not only, Errors in Doct­rine, but also high and unpardonable Crimes. For Keith did not forbear over and over again, to incul­cate and instruct all his Auditors in the Doctrines of the two-fold Nature of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, the Divine and Human; and of the Human, the one part Heavenly, Spiritual and E­ternal, the other Earthly and Corporeal, conceiv'd in time of his Mother Mary. Then his second Tenent was this, which he often repeated to them all; That Christ, as Born of Mary, was uninted with the Divine Nature, and so was present with his Light and Life in all the Children of God It was difficult for him to keep the Conception of his mind to himself, without divulging them, especially because, when a man rightly compre­hends a thing himself it is nothing, unless ano­ther be made acquainted with it too. Wherefore Keith, altho he a good while smother'd in silence, [Page 166] the Opinions which he had long entertain'd, Of the Transmigration of Souls after Death; Of the last Judgment, and State of the Deceased, and end of the World, as being unsafe, and less ac­ceptable to be disclosed; yet he could not so contain himself, but that now and then he gave an inck­ling in his Discourses, of what his inward con­ceptions of these things were; and sometimes he was not able to forbear betraying in his words, what his true sense of those things was, and what he principally aim'd at in them; whence it came to pass, that those that lov'd Keith, and favour'd his Doctrine, greedily entertain'd these Principles. And yet for the most part, those that were the greatest followers of his Doctrins and Admirers of his Skill and Parts (whom Keith indeed, for his own Credit's sake, either found or made thorough pac'd in his Principles) embrac'd these Notions so heartily, that they relyed more upon his Authority and Precepts, than their own Judgment, and thought it enough to say, that he knew and said so, and so, and that, with them, was Demon­stration. And so his Exact and Nice and Subtle Judgment, in these matters, was a subterfuge to cover their Ignorance. Against these Tenents of Keith, and those of his Party, there were others that set themselves, and especially against that Ar­ticle of the Divine and Human Nature of Christ. which Article Keith openly acknowledged he held, and professed; and that it was no new thing, by him devised, but antiently, and always taught by the whole Society. Against which Article they objected, that of one he made two Christs. Of these Adversaries the Head and chief was an Elder­ly Minister, one W. Stockade by Name, a man in­deed not unlearned, but in the Opinion of himself, and many more unlearned and ignorant People, a man of vast Parts, and Learning, and the Cham­pion and Defender of the Antient and Pure Reli­gion of these People. Keith stretched his Opini­on and Belief of this Article so far, and made it [Page 167] so necessary to be known and believed, as that there­upon Christianity it self depended, and that the denial of that Article, was the same as to deny the Passion and Death of Christ, yea, Christ himself. Moreover, that they who persisted in the denying of this Article, the sin of such denial was so great, that it gave just cause to those that held it, to fly to Extremity, and separate themselves from those who obstinately deny it. At last when this questi­on had been Controverted a long while, and no end like to be put to it; Keith, and those of his Party, grew to that heighth, and were so peremp­tory in this Controversy, that they said, God had called 'em to separate themselves from those sort of Infidels. In the mean while, as this good Com­pany were so disgusted at the Opinions of the o­ther acuter Men, they entertain'd and published such kind of Notions about the same Articles; as Keith and his followers no less delested and were averse from; then they cry'd out, the De­nial of their Opinions was no less than a renounc­ing of the Faith, and utterly overturning the Foundations of it. Altho these same men differ­ed in their Opinions mightily amongst them­selves; and some as much from others, as all of them differed from Keith's sentimeuts. So as to that Article of the Human Nature of Christ, some affirm'd, that Christ never arose, and ascended into Heaven; as he was born of Mary, and suffered on the Cross. Others, That Christ took that Body indeed out of the Sepul­chre, but in his Assention into Heaven, laid it a­side. Others doubted of the whole business, and could not tell what to pitch upon. Some thought that all Controversy about such a thing as was not only controvertible, or not worth the while, and by reason of the slightness of the concern, made no­thing to the purpose of Faith, however 'twas de­cided. These thought it the best way to lay down the Controversy, and keep Peace. As to the state of Souls after Death, there was so [...] that [Page 168] held, That all Faithful and Religious Persons, im­mediately entered into the Compleatness of Joy and happiness, but that the unbelievers and wick­ed instantly upon their Death, underwent all that punishment that attends them, and that herein consisted all the Resurrection. Which was as much as to say, That properly there will be no further Resurrection of the Body, and that the Body after it is resolv'd into Dust, shall be no where, or nothing at all, nor any future Day of Reckoning, or of the last and general Judgment. Others there were that said, that the Resurrection and all the glorious Condition spoken of should at last be consummated and perfect in this Life, for this Reason, because Christ Arose, and liv'd such a happy and blessed Life; which in other words, is all one as to say that there is no Heaven or Hell, but what is within Men. These Opini­ons Keith took notice of, and reprehended in these men's Discourses and Sermons, as being contrary to the Articles of the Catholick Faith, especially as they are propounded and declared to us in the Scriptures of the Old and New-Testament; and told those of his Party, That these men taught and dellvered such Doctrines, as when they came throughly to understand, they ought not to give any the least Entertainment to 'em.

At last in the year 91, there was an Experiment made, to put an End to these Controversies in a Meeting of the Friends and Brethren. Time and place was appointed by Common consent. The two principal Adversaries, Keith and Stocker dispute together with great heat and vehemence, but such was the end of it, that the difference instead of being compos'd was but so much the more in­creas'd. Whereupon the cause was deferr'd to the General yearly assembly, which that year was held at Philadelphia in September In which assembly the Doctrine of Keith was brought on the Stage: For whereas Keith did not so much define as suppose or leave to be examined as truth, [Page 169] what was attributed to him of the Transmigrati­on of Souls, and their state after their departure out of the Body; therefore that was not call'd into question, but this; Whether to Preach faith in Christ within a Man, and Christ without a Man is not to Preach two Christs. There were six Sessions or Acts held about this, in which not­withstanding there were so many Teachers indued with and taught and led by, the Holy Spirit it self, immediately, as they call it, and being of the highest form of Christianity, yet they could not come to a Conclusion, or Definitive sentence about this Controversy. For the Disputants on both sides even in this Supreme and Sacred Coun­cil, did so scold and rail one at another. Keith's adversaries using all the Reproachful and Oppro­brious Terms they could think of against his Doc­trine, inveighed bitterly against the Man himself; and not onely so, but also in a Contentious chid­ing way us'd a great many Scurrilous bitter words, and that they might not seem to talk more than do, they handled him very coursely and dragg'd and thrust him about very unhandsomly, not that they were so furious by nature as Egg'd on by the cause they had in hand. And on the other hand, Keith and they that were of his side, tho other­wise a Man of wit and sense enough yet at this time and on this occasion likewise, not naturally or of his own accord, but as he was forc'd to it, and not able longer to contain his just resent­ments of their Injurious dealings with him, at last broke out into invective Speeches against his Adversaries, as being the Effects of his just Indig­nation against them, not railing, but giving them answers worthy of their heat and malice. At last one urg'd another with the Terms of Dolts, Fools, Hereticks, Infidels, Heathens, Profane, wicked Wretches. So they, how far now these people, in this case have forgot themselves both in Doctrine and Discipline, and how far off they have been from that perfect Agreement and Abso­lute [Page 170] Modesty they pretend to, as the more cauti­ous, and clear sighted, have long and often sus­pected, so now all, both wise and unwise, may ea­sily see. These wrangling Disputants being ne­ver a-weary; those of the Brethren which were the presidents and moderators in this famous cause, considering, that by these endless Jarrs and Dis­putes of the contending partys, the Fame and Glory of the Quakers Name, was like to suffer; made an end of this affair thus at last. Repre­hending both partys, (as indeed both were to blame) they acquitted Keith, and acknowledged his Doctrine concerning Jesus Christ, to be true and right; and order Stockade, to confess himself to have dealt unfairly with Keith; and give him satisfaction for the damage he has done him. So for a while these Contentions ceas'd and all was quiet. Now in this time of Peace and Quietness Tho. Fitzwater a Quaker Minister, being puft up with the conceipt, some people had entertain'd of his Wit and Learning, in a certain Monthly Meeting accuses Keith of Hercsy, for de­nying the light of Chirst to be sufficient for Men. Here again both sides were mightily heated, and said many things of the suddain, which was the more easily Excusable from the Trouble and Com­motion of mind they were in. Nor here could the whole Senate reconcile these two people, or bring them to any Terms of Agreement. Then the Case was reserv'd to another assembly, to which were invited Tho. Lloyd the Governour, and others of the Magiracy of the whole province, that by their prudence and suffrages the matter might be brought to a Conclusion. There Keith brought a great accusation against Stockade that, he had not as yet given him satisfaction according to the decree of the former Council. And here many quarrels [...] out of one. The Governour and Magistrates lay many things to Keith's charge. At last the greatest part of Ministers and Elders incline on [...]. Whereupon the Governours fall to [Page 171] him too; And make an order of Council, that Stockade himself shall Condemn himself of Ig­norance and Infidelity. Stockade denies to do any such thing, and stands upon his defence insisting, that what he had said of Keith, he had said with very good reason. The difference too between Keith and Fitzwater was brought on the Stage, which had been handled in the former Monthly Meeting. And they all agree and pass this Pe­remptory sentence, that Stockade by a publick Writing should take the blame upon himself of his offence against Keith, and that Fitzwater should do the same for himself, for as much as relates to Keith and over and above should give an account of his faith in Writing before this Council, and therein satisfy them as to what he held of the Resurrection of Christ, and the pre­sent State of his humane nature in Heaven; and that in the mean while both of them should de­sist from Praying and Preaching in their Meet­ings till they had done what was order'd them. The determinations of this assembly, tho Stockade and Fitzwater at first either expresly or silently submitted to, yet now at last sentence being past upon them, they flew off, and refused to obey it, alledging: That whereas this was a business Eccle­siastical, and was a Controversy wholly amongst the Ministers of the Church, and that a very hard and difficult one too, which they themselves could scarce comprehend, therefore it was onely proper for the Cognizance and Decision of the Ministers of the Church: Now that part of those that had undertak­on to Judge and Determine these affairs and they a Considerable part too, were of those whose office these things don't belong to, and whose aptness to enlarge their own Power and Authority was sufficiently well known; Wherefore, neither was their sentence or de­termination Valid, nor would they obey such an Inter­dict. Therefore Stockade and Fitzwater notwith­standing all this went on in their Ministerial fun­ctions, and withdrew and seperated themselves [Page 172] from those that were the followers of Keiths Yet Keith and those of his party did not presently take notice and allow of this seperation, nor like­wise disjoyn themselves utterly from their Socie­ty; but waited in hopes to see them repent of what they had done, and give satisfaction for their Injurious dealings, or at least in words to own their faults, and so in good time to return into Friend­ship with them again, and wholly unite together in stricter Bonds of Friendship than ever. The most part both of City and Country held on Keith's side, and from thence were called Keithians. As things stood thus this Governour and rest of the Magistrates, fearing lest the difference should spead further, and be the forerunner of greater disturbances, came to a Conclusion that it would be best to put a stop to this Inconvenience as soon and as well as they could. Wherefore they con­sidered that it would be best not to rescind the former Judgment; but yet to recall those things which were done before under a new Cognizance. At their Command therefore there met together at Philadelphia in the year 92, the 20th day of the 4th Month eight and twenty Men, of which the greater part were Ministers or Preachers, among whom were some, who exercised the of­fices both of Ministers in the Church and Magi­strates in the Common-wealth; of which one was Sam. Jennings a great Enemy of Keiths and ano­ther Arthur Cook, no great friend to him. To these Men was Committed the care and Admini­stration of this affair, to advise as Friends and Arbi­trators on both sides, and to put a final end to the Difference and Contention that was between Keith and his Adversaries. But these Men meet­ing together, not so much to decide these Differ­ences which were now become General, as to Con­demn Keith and those of his party, and absolve those of the other side, in their first Session pass this short sentence upon him without hearing him, or any thing on his behalf, and Seal it in [Page 173] Writing. That Keith is a Man that has not the fear of God before his Eyes. Than which sentence Keith could not have had a severer pass'd upon him by open Enemies, than was done by these his Judges. And now, according to his Adversaries principal wish, the Magistracy forbid keith, with­out any further delay, all exercise of his Ministe­rial function in the Church; and if notwith­standing he should continue so to do, he should be prosecuted as an adjudged Enemy. And now the Enemys of Keith applaud themselves that they have compassed their Ends, and obtain'd their revenge on him. Wherefore Keith and one Tho. Bud, publish a book in English, Entituled, The Vindication of an Innocent cause against a false Judgment pass'd upon it. Wherein they relate the form, Continuance, and order of the Judgment pass'd against the Keithians, and also the deprav'd Morals of some of the Judges, that had combin'd together in this Cause, and specially of the Mini­sters of the word. Not to cast any Reflection upon the Magistracy, nor Sully the Honours of the Ministers of their Church, or discover the fail­ings of any order of Men; but to shew, what it was they ought to beware of, least the evil should be dispers'd from the head through all the Mem­bers; and so the Enemies might take occasion to reflect disgrace upon this Church, and Arrogate Glory to themselves. Upon a time Keith entred into Discourse with the Governour, and makes a long and heavy complaint to him, of the Judg­ment that was past upon him in his absence, without being duely cited or the cause heard; that of the Judges Divers were prejudic'd against him, and he had thereupon suffered Divers Inju­ries, unusual and unheard of amongst just and upright Judges. After which the Governour as it were directing his discourse to Keith's Com­plaints said, that if he had sustain'd any Injury in the aforesaid Meeting he should complain of it, and seek redress, in the general and yearly Coun­cil [Page 174] which was shortly to be held at Philadelphia. Keith being oppressed, with so many adversities and trou­bles; yet not overcome, considered that it was best for him to do so; and so being egg'd on with a re­sentment of the Injuries he had receiv'd. He writes a sharp appeal to the Council, and lays down twelve Articles, containing an Exposition of his and his Friends's Doctrine and Belief: And that the whole state of the Case, after so great and long a Controversy, which in a short space of time could not so easily be comprehended in all its parts, might the better be apprehended and more commodiously decided by the Synod; and they in their great Wisdom and Vigilance might briefly adjudg for the one, and against the others, as might be convenient; and prescribe to each their Duties. And because it seem'd dangerous to write out so many Books in Manuscript, Keith causes both Books to be Printed, to the intent, in time, to send a Copy to them all, that they might from this time weigh and consider the Case, and then, being prepared, be ready to give it a quick dispatch. The Title of the Book was, An Ap­peal from twenty eight men, to the Spirit of Truth. Printed by William Bradford. Two Copies of it were distributed by John Comb; which so soon as it was known, the Magistrates pronounces them all guilty, as breakers of the Peace, and distur­bers of the Government; and sends the Mayor, Wyth, who seizes the Printer and Publisher, and carries them from their Houses, into Prison; and withal, as if he had been in his own Possession or Estate, takes out of their Work-houses what Tools or Utensils he pleases, and carries them a­way. The next day the Magistrate orders the Mayor to lay his Action against Keith and his Companions, and partners in his Crime, joyning for help, two of the Colledge of the Magistrates, who were not Quakers, namely, Lucius Coke, a Lutheran, and John Holmes, a Baptist, who, as being of a different Perswasion, and partial to [Page 175] neither side, might pass for upright Judges. But these Gentlemen declin'd the Office for this rea­son, because the thing which these Men were ac­cus'd of, arose from Religion and Tending thereunto, had nothing of concern with the civil Government, and therefore was more proper to be decided by those Men from whom it came, and who were concern'd in it. To which they added, that since neither Humane nor Divine Laws al­low'd, that any one should be Condemned without being first heard, it was just and right that Keith, before any Judgment pass'd upon him, should be heard. This was an answer that did not please those, whose designs seem'd not to aim at the quieting of the present Disorders, but rather to the increase of them, and raising of new. And so they go on with their Intention, and without hearing of Keith proceed to sentence. They give Judgment for Keith's Condemnation, in a long Writing, of which these were the heads. That the Governours have declared Keith to be a wick­ed Man, an ill Citizen, a Teacher ill Principled, and Disaffected to the Government, King and Queen. And this they order the Cryer to publish in the Court, before a great Concourse of People. In the Ecclesiastical Convention, where the de­bate between Keith and his Adversaries was hand­led, the Governour and other of the Magistracy be­ing present, there happen'd a dispute between Keith and the Governour himself; about a place which the Governour had quoted out of a book formerly written by Keith. Which place when Keith had said it made nothing to the purpose, nor was it rightly cited by the Governour, he went on and added that the Governour was also one of those, who had not cited him to the hearing of the cause, but had Condemned him unheard. This slipt from Keith in his heat and suddain transport of mind, and by a slip of the Tongue, which often happens in hot disputes, that the Governour was an Impu [...]ent Man and his Name would rot. [Page 176] Which words, tho the Governour had more than once said that he would not take notice of as spoken upon such a time and occasion, yet now he lays to Keiths charge as an Egregious reproach to Magistracy, not to be pass'd by without pun­ishment: It was added; that Keith at the same time Reproached the Governour as a person not capable for the due discharge of his Office. But as to that Keith says, that he neither said nor thought so. In the said sentence of Condemna­tion also it is contained; that Keith should call another of the Magistrates by a Name which in English Signifies one or all of these, viz. Scolder, Quareller, wrody deceiver, Sordid fellow, Seoundel, Knave. Which accusation Keith thus wip'd off, Not denying the fact, he said he call'd that Man by that Name; as being one who indeed was not of the Magistracy, and yet notwithstanding sate in that assembly that Condemned Keith, and as such concurred with them in the same sentence, and subscribed his Condemnation. Amongst these Disputes and Wranglings there was a New Court of Judicature held at Philadelphia; for the passing an Impartial Sentence upon these three Men, who had lain under so much prejudice. Jenings was President, and Cook one of the Judg­es, who, I have both said before, were Quaker Ministers. Now hither were cited to plead their own Cause, Keith, Bradford, Combe, Bud, Buss, and others of the Keithians, who all came; all and every of them were Indicted of this Crime, of Writing, Uttering and Devising a Book, inti­tuled an Appeal, being a very Seditious, Scanda­lous Book, and full of a great many Lies, in which particularly Jennings, the President of this Assembly, was Charged as a proud, imperious Man, and insolent in his Discourse and Demean­our, and the said book did Print, concealing the Printers Name, Buss, whose Christian Name was Peter, was charged over and above the rest, to have said many other things of Jennings, more [Page 177] than was contained in the book. Wonderful this. The case with Jennings the president and the whole Senate, was whether they that were brought afore them as Criminals, or Jennings himself were guil­ty; he an untainted and unblamable person, or they foul Detractors, worthy the highest punish­ment; The Court was full of Scolding and Quar­relling. Whatsoever (they alledged) had been said or written against Jennings was not against him, as a Magistrate but an Ecclesiastical person, a Preacher, and if he pleased his Colleague, not with an intent to reproach or accuse him; but for his Correction, and to try all things; as bre­thren us'd, or ought, to do. And these Criminals prov'd by good Witnesses and Evidences; that they, who complained so much of the Calumnies laid to their Charge, were worse than the Ob­jections against them insinuated; Namely that they were not onely Proud and Imperious per­sons, but so far from having the Command of themselves, that they could scarce contain them­selves within any bounds of their Lusts and Plea­sures. In this troublesome assembly, Keith made many grave Speeches; whereof this was the sense and sum. Will there never an end be put to these sort of Controversies and Quarrels, or will these La­tentions be always continued which (whether we be Victors or Vanquished) are so Shameful and Com­mentable to us, and wish'd for and laughed at by those who once seeming desirous of our Friendship and Amity, now are turn'd our Haters and Enemies and curse us. And as if in this Case we had lost all our wisdom, and there was no further place left for a remedy to this mischief, which if it remains, and spreads farther, will not onely reflect an Eternal Dis­grace upon our Truth, but also, will so afflict and spoil it, especially in these parts, amongst these Bar­barians, as will at last bring on it all manner of Ru­ine and Destruction to its utter Subversion. The State of the Case lies here. While those whose pro­vince it is to take care of the safety of this Country [Page 178] and Religion, find it a difficult task, to please all parties; but much more so to set themselves open­ly against all; hence comes there to be called so many Concur [...]ions, and so many various and dif­ferent events, till its come to that pass, by the set­ting up a few bold Men against all Laws; that some narrow Soul'd people, terrified in Conscience, and fearful of appearing Criminal; not only now don't stand as Criminals, but themselves sit and act, as Judges in their own Cause, and as such pass Sentances, as their own private Animosities, and prejudice and desire of revenge which they have been now along while Hatching and Consult­ing amongst themselves, promp't them to. And what such great Crime is there Committed, that should occasion so great disputes and strife. Isai­as, that great and excellent Prophet cries out, that there are those who make a Man guilty for a word, and lay a stumbling block for him that is ready to fall in the gate. And lately, into what Snares, what Streights have I been brought; and all for a word, which besides that it was spoken hastily and not stood in, if it were examined to the bottom, and might receive a true proper and fair Inter­pretation, or if taken in the best sense, which al­waies ought to be follow'd, would not onely have been pardoned, but brought me Commendation too, now for the like cause of Truth and Virtue, are I and my Companians arraigned as Criminals. For here we are charged with Sedition, Dishonouring the Magistrates, Treason. Yea, as if we were al­most all guilty of every of these Crimes, who are so far from them, as we study nothing more than obedience to lawful Power and Authority. But what Conviction is there of this? What the least proof of it? Or what that bears the least Resem­blance [Page 179] of it? For if to accuse alone be enough, neither any of you, or any Man living will be in­nocent, and there will be no need to fear those pun­ishments that these Men deserve. But here lies the Conviction and proof of the Crime, because we have spoken somewhat tartly against some of your order and have us'd sharp Language. We hear it. After a hostile manner? No, this your modesty will not give you leave to say, tho all the rest you affirm with a geeat deal of Confidence. But we have written and spoken a great many Scan­dalous things against them. Whom? Those who were and as yet are of our order. Who tho they are, Ecclesiasticks, Doctors, Ministers, now at this time lay aside those Characters, and take upon them to be Magistrates and Judges. But what are these Scandalous things? Are they such, as both they and we do mutually exhort one another to, and if that be not enough, such as our places and duties oblige us publickly to admonish those that are Com­mitted to our charge? Is there any thing more than this? That the Printers Name is not prefixt to the Book. But what harm is there in that? What ne­cessity, or Law, Custom, or Example is there for that? I appeal to you O my Companions, who have published so many famous books in England, and the most Illustrious Penn, the Lord and chief Go­vernour of this Countrey, of whom there are so many Monuments extant, not bearing thy Name, or the Names of those that Printed them: Which since it is so, let all Honest and Impartial people see and Judge, who in this place principally are to be esteemed innocent, and who guilty; whereof the one do not in any wise refuse to stand before their Judges, and to have their whole cause plainly de­termined; The others fly from Justice and mock [Page 180] their Judges. Now see and consider ye, what ye have to determine, that it may be that against Truth and Probability, falsity and fraud, which Tempests and Impure breaths are against the Sun; and that it may come to pass, if not at present, yet that at last, oppressed truth may have a Glorious resurrecti­on and light up her head, and slighted and injur'd vertue shine forth spendidly, as the Suns raies break out so much the more Illustrious after the Gloomy Clouds are dispelled; and at last that happy time may come, in which the allwise, incorrupt, and Al­mighty Judge shall lay open and make manifest those things that are at present obscur'd in an abyss of Darkness, and shall reveal the thoughts and counsels of the Heart, and every one shall receive their re­ward from God. After a long, Quarrelsome, and Confus'd disputing of the Case pro and con, in which some of 'em so thought their Tongues to be their own, as they said what they pleased, the Judges having concluded, and all people a-gape to hear the sentences: They laid upon Keith and Bud the penalty of five pounds each. Bradford's Tryal was put off till the next Sessions. That which with these Men seems unjust, they call the Judiciary Court of the whole province. What these Judges seem to think of themselves, as if from them there could be no appeal, they don't allow of King Charles had reserved to himself (in the assignment he had made of the Countrey to W. Penn, in the Grand Charter, or Grant he gave him,) the final Decision of such Cases, wherein the Inhabitants of the Countrey themselves in­jured in the highest Tribunal of that Countrey, and no other redress was to be had. Therefore these Men appeal, to the Cognizance of the King and Queen in England, and to stand by their De­cision. And this was denied them, by a bold and strong power than which nothing is more for­midable or pernicious. Wherefore these Men yeilding to their pleasure, and the present time reserved their own right to themselves till ano­ther [Page 181] time. There came in this time of great streights and trouble of mind and dejection these Men lay under, two of these kind of people from England, who advised Keith, out of the ancient Friendship nearness and dearness, which he had enter'd into with them and the whole Society, that as much as in him lay and as Much as he could, and should forego his own private Incon­venience for the sake of the publick, and follow peace, and avoid the scandal of such a Discension, and so great a Distraction. And that thereunto they would lend him their advice. Which ad­vice of thens Keith liked and approv'd of very well; and altho he knew how uncertain a thing it was and full of Danger, and that it was no part of a wise Man to follow that that he could not overtake, yet that a dubious probability of good, was better than an uncertain Evil. And so weighing all things well first, he proposes to his Adversaries several Terms of Accommodation by Letters sent to them. But they, things succeed­ing now according to their wishes, and their hearts being harden'd with inveterate hatred, Interpret­ed this Change of his for an inconstancy unbe­coming wise Men, and were angry at him for re­questing this at their hands. Wherefore the Kei­thians seeing that neither so could this business be brought about, and considering that it would be labour in vain, and to no purpose, but rather hurtful, to make any further overtures of peace, or if they should obtain any thing, that it would not be peace but a Slavish kind of Agreement, therefore they kept themselves to themselves, and within the bounds of their own Confession, which Keith and some others in his own Name, and of those of his party signed. And so much for the passages in Philadelphia till towards the end of the year 93. But when the News of all these things was sent into England, and to London, it is hard to say, what a great Grief and Trouble these things were, to these Friendly People, and gave [Page 182] Occasion to their Enemies to inveigh against, and insuit over the whole Sect; hitting them in the Teeth, that now they plainly saw what they had long suspected, of their distinction and difference of Religion; and now they both heard and saw what they profess'd themselves, and what they practised.

This was no ways pleasing to the Quakers in these parts; nay, it was very grievous and intoler­able for them to hear of. And they laboured might and main to wipe off all Suspicion from themselves; and shewed, That if any where, or at any time, there should be such an unwary dis­agreement in Doctrine and Manners amongst those of their Sect; That these Objections therefore did not lie against them all, and that they in England and these parts, did agree very well together, and were consonant in Faith and Prayer, and kept up the ancient Glory of their People. But they were so far from beating any body off of this Opinion by their Speeches and protestations, that they en­creas'd it the more; For in a short time there a­rose amongst the Quakers themselves, some that so engaged themselves in this Difference, every one taking his side; and so prosecuted one another with Hatred, Ignominy and Reproaches, that at last they began to talk of dissenting and departing from one another, and making Schisms; So that there was no body, of any Parts or Sense, who did not see that that Excuse was not only very useless, but also extreamly vain and ridiculous.

Things going thus, there were nevertheless some of these People, of the greatest Name and Place amongst them, towards the ending, as I said of this Year, who gave in charge to some of the Leading Men of the Church at London, and those of the most ancient Professors. Whitehead, Park, Mar­shal, and Eight more; that in the Name of the Society, they should write, subscribe, and publish a Confession of the Faith of them all in their own Eng­lish Tongue, as an Answer to their Adversaries Ob­jections, [Page 183] Which work they perform, entituling their book, The Christian Doctrine and Society of the People called Quakers, Vindicated from the Re­proach of the late Division of some, in some parts of America, as being unjustly charged upon the body of the said People, either here or elsewhere. And when they come to declare and profess their mind and belief of the several Articles of their Faith, in that Article that treats of Christ, they deny that to preach Christ within, and Christ without, is to preach Two Christs. But when they treat of Christ's Resurrection and Ascension, and of Hea­ven and Hell, they oppose themselves to the o­thers New Doctrines. At last, in the end of the Work, they reject the Notion of the Transmigra­tion of Souls, after the Death of their Bodies, in­to New Bodies, and declare they know none who say, that God has revealed any such thing to them. In these things they make mention of no Mens Names, and before they conclude the Work, they take occasion to exhort all to sound Faith, Peace and Charity.

In the mean while, divers Complaints, both of the Keithians and their Adversaries, were at several times sent over to London, to the General Yearly Meeting: This Meeting, which was thereupon first held, considering, what a disgrace and pre­judice this Dissension would be to their People, not only in these Parts, but also all the World over; and that if they should delay the time, and go slowly to work, to remedy this Inconveni­ence, it would be in vain to bring help afterwards; if they would; they leave no stone unturn'd to a­vert this Mischief and Danger. Yet this Meeting lost all their labour. And that was not all neither: For now at London and elsewhere, and all Eng­land over, there were some of the Quakers that in­teressed themselves in this Dispute; and growing sharp upon it, while some of them could not, or would not, without Passion, refute the others, they stood stiffly to their own Opinions, and would [Page 184] not be refuted. Hence Hatred, and at last, Facti­on arising, they were distracted among them­selves, and some strive to dissolve the Society alto­gether. These indeed at first were not many, but as sometimes a little Cloud raises a great Tempest, so this insolence and Vehemence of a few, stirred up greater Concussions and Motion, amongst ma­ny: Wherefore the next Year's General Meeting, who easily might see, that such Dissentions and Strifes, could have no other end than their mutual destruction, being very desirous of Peace and A­mity, were so much the more intent upon this, to bring things to that pass, That all, laying aside their Controuersies, and Enmities, and Quarrels, the Event of which was so dubious, and no advan­tage, or next to none could redound to the Vi­ctors, but the detriment would be mortal and perpetual, should study to preserve Peace, and without any fraud, desist from such Wars; and sice what they had hitherto done, in accusing one another, and quarrelling together, could not be helpt, that they should not go on so to do, and blot out the memory of all things said and done, that were past, by a perpetual Oblivion of 'em, and thereupon shake hands together, in Token of Faith and Amity. But neither could this Meet­ing, altho they imploy'd all the Vigour both of their Minds and Discourse to this purpose, decide the Controversie, or put an end to this business, and bring the Contending Parties to an Agree­ment. But they were so far from leaving off the thing they had attempted, that though they heard these Parties as Brethren and Judges, yet the strife did but increase, and the longer it continued, the sharper it was. The time of the last Meeting, or of the last Year 94. came on. And now Keith was come back from Pensilvania into England, to Lon­don, he on whose account all this Difference had risen. Therefore it second good to the Meeting held that Year, that in so great and long continu­ed motions of their distracted People, the Heads [Page 385] and Chieftains of the contending Parties, and like­wise Keith should be present, and plead their own Causes before this whole Assembly. So in the first place there were read several Letters, writ and sent from Pensilvania to this Assembly upon this Occa­sion. Then the Parties were heard, and every one had the liberty of Defending and Proving. But here the Dissention and Vehemence of some of them was so greet, and they were so provoking and con­tentious in their Language, that the more the mat­ter was debated, the farther off still they were.

This Meeting lasted for Twelve Days; whereas never any before had been above Four Days. So after a long while, since the aforementioned Or­der for Oblivion, signified nothing, and there was no End made of contending, no Cessation of the Assembly's Trouble, and and at last there seem'd to be more need for doing something than further consulting, the major part of the Meeting, and those of the greatest Anthority, concluded upon, and determined this Sentence; And having consi­dered the Case, since there was no hopes now of a Reconciliation; That Keith should acknowledge himself to have very much burthened the Church, and take upon himself the Occasion of this so great Disturbance, and beg pardon for this miscar­riage; and moreover, leave off the maintaining and dispersing of, and forsake his Opini­ons, Novelties and Sophisms, whereby he has so much either adulrerated the Church, or despoiled her of her former splendor, and enfeebled her; and that he should follow after this, to consult the Ho­nour and Interest of the whole Society, and de­fend and promote that.

Which Sentence struck this man with such a sudden and vehement Impulse, as made him break out into a Speech, in these Terms: ‘That no­thing could be better entertain'd by him, than this Endeavour of the Meeting, as it relates to the Establishing a mutual Peace and Concord, and that there was nothing that he would more [Page 186] willingly perform than Obedience to this Assem­bly, and to have the happiness to be serviceable to them and all theirs. And therefore that he did in no respect decline the Authority and De­cision of this so great assembly, but so. While these things consist with Equity and Reason, and he may without prejudice to himself and them? But now since he is free from Error, and no fault or Crime is found in him, he has nothing to excuse himself for, or ask pardon of, and that it was not he that is liable to blame, or had involv'd himself in guilt, but they which do not Comprehend what he had taught, and presently and rashly believe and spread about reports of things, that they do not rightly un­derstand. And so, that they deserve most to be blam'd, that they may not go on so to in­sult over the name and fame of other [...], and those their Brethren, and to set the whole Church in an uproar, that every one of them may receive such a sentence as they have de­serv'd. Lastly, since that it had happen'd so, that his Adversaries would not forsake their private Animosities and Singular Opinions, as for their own, so for the peace and profit of the publick; but lay the faults which belong to themselves, at his door, that he relying upon the justice and innocency of his Cause, and rest­ing satisfied with the Testimony of the Spirit and Witness of his Conscience, whatsoever should happen, so long as he was not Culpa­ble, he would moderately bear, and in the mean while he would unburthen himself and do what became a good Christian, to defend his reputa­tion and good Name, least seeming regardless of that, he should seem, not to value, and be­tray his Religion and Honesty.’ So since there was no hopes of a peace, the Meeting being end­ed, after it had held so long; Keith appears a­broad again, and defends his Speech, and excuses himself in the best terms he could; both by spea­king, [Page 187] in his Sermons; and publishing Books in Print; and altho he confesses that thro' mistake, not wilful culpability, he had formerly written some things, which now a-days were not approv'd of, yet that as for his Doctrine of the humanity of Christ, being what he had the greatest reason himself to approve of, and being indeed most justly approvable and a principal Article, and foun­dation of the Doctrine and Faith of Christians he would to his utmost power Preach it abroad. On the other hand his Adversaries also with equal Zeal go on to observe Keith in the Meetings, to refute his opinions, and inveigh against him with hard Speeches. Amongst which the chief were Dan. Whirley and W. Penn, which Penn, as Keith was in the middle of his Discourse, before the whole Meeting, could not forbear more than once to call him Apostate, and an open Enemy to the truth and the whole Society. Others, as Tho. Ell­wood and John Pennington, not onely by their books impugned the Tenents of this Man, and refelled his Arguments; but also traduc'd his person, ren­dred him infamous. So at last some began to find fault with others, and use a greater liberty in accusing them, and to hate them, and provoke them to anger, and fury as it were, and euery one strove to bring others to his own party, and in­spire them with Enmity against the others. These things lasted till the late General Meeting held at Lon [...]. this year 95. Which as soon as it began to be held. Keith came hither with an Intention to lay all things clearly open, in hopes to find more Equitable Treatment from his Judges. But when he came to the door, which he did the first day, he was stop't by the Door-Keepers (who knew a­forehand what his mind and Intentions were) but the day after, tho 'twere late, first getting ad­mittance, he came before his Adversaries (who he knew were within, and whose Intentions against him he was sensible of beforehand) and not Viva vo [...], which would have had more of a forcible [Page 188] Energy in it, but in Writing, the more carefully and moderately to Express himself, he deliver'd a Speech to this purpose. That he was never convinc'd either by any assembly, or by that which was held in that place the year before, of any Errour of his either in Doctrine or Life, tho he don't pretend to exempt himself from Errour, being a frailty incident to all Men, and not for­reign to himself; but he Confessed himself to have said and written several things heretofore, in which at this time he acknowledges his frailty. And be­cause no assembly of those people who are com­monly called Quakers, lawfully and rightly con­veen'd, has condemned him of them, as by the silence of them all on that account appears, he therefore looks upon himself as free from all Er­rour. That he well knows the Council the last Meeting gave him; but since that was onely Counsel, which obliges no Man, and infers no ne­cessity, equal to a Command, that he was at his own liberty, either to follow it or let it alone. But that he had omitted it, because, he thought, he had done all that was his duty to do in this business, and that there was none of the Brethren of the Society, who, if they would but consider the deeds both of him and his Adversaries, with­out prejudice, or being byass'd by others opini­ons, or making a rash Determination of things; and weigh them in the Ballance of the sacred Scriptures and right reason, but what would ap­prove of his doings and condemn theirs. This [...] was searce read, but it rais'd a mighty commotion in the minds of them all. But the principal adversaries of Keith and speakers in this Contention were W. Penn, W. Bingley. G. Withale, J. Vaughton, J. Feild, and J. Waldenfield. And Penn and Withade had so little Command of their minds and tongues, as Keith also was so una­ble to contain himself (by which you may see the Prudence and Moderation both of him and them) that they urged one another with this Crime; that [Page 189] each of them spread abroad detestable and cursed Doctrines, and ensnared Men in them to the haz­zard or loss of their salvation. And Keith told, that Bingly, Vaughton, and others, when any of them seem'd to speak to another, either not in good time, or not readily or plainly enough (because they first staid to meditate, or wait the motion of the Spirit, before they spake) were us'd to nod one at another, point, or make signs to them to speak, and if that would not do, to pluck them by the sleeves, and so to put them upon speaking. Which certainly was not that that they had in their minds, or what the Spirit mov'd them, to speak, which was contrary to the Doctrine and Funda­mental Principles of these Men. But as there was neither Measure nor end of these disputes; nor was there any respite of this Contention and Scold, tho they were now grown hoarse again; and it was not time as yet for them to break up; Bing­ly and Waldenfield perswade the rest not to treat with Keith any further, and so presently dissolv­ing the assembly they go away, and withal cause all the rest to do so to and disperse. After they had left of dealing with Keith, they consulted, what was best to be done about him. In which Consultation some of them complain'd with Re­lation to Keith, that they had not the priviledge given them of speaking their minds, and that there were some, that by their talkativeness, and proud way of speaking, and with their looks and aspect took the words out of their Mouths, or made them hold their Tongues, or altogether silenc'd them; there were others who were so frighted and overaw'd, that they could not bring out what they differ'd and were of a contrary mind from others, in: And there were some also, that dissem­blingly and against their wills had spoken, and who were sorry for what they had done, and retracted from the sentence that was given. At the last with the suffrages of the greatest part of them, this decree was made and agreed to: ‘That [Page 188] [...] [Page 189] [...] [Page 190] Keith was of a Spirit no ways Christian, and was the cause of these differences and divisions, and openly Injurious to the Brethren: And therefore that he had withdrawn and separated himself from the Holy Communion of the Church of Christ, and was gone off from the power of Preaching and Praying in the Meet­ings of Friends: Wherefore he was not to be accounted or receiv'd as one of them, unless he first publickly confess'd his Crime, and gave some tokens of amendment.’ And moreover, by the Acts of the Meeting, this sentence was sent in Writing to all the Meetings of the Quakers all the World over: ‘That this Meeting in London was no ways concerned in the late differences in some parts of America, tho now there was hopes things would succeed there better than formerly. But that the Christian Advice and Councill that had been given to Keith and others in the yearly Meeting before, Keith had openly in his Printed books, set himself against and oppos'd, and so betray'd himself to have turn­ed aside from the peaceable Spirit of our Lord Jesus Christ, and to persevere in the Spirit of Discord and Contradiction, and by so doing has given great trouble and grief to the Church of Christ, and especially, to the last, and likewise to this Meeting too. And so, that now they had born Witness against him, untill he had truly repented and reconciled himself to the faithful friends and Brethren.’ So then, in this Meeting now so lately held, when all hopes of re­conciliation was taken away, and no other end of any other advice likely to be; and a Man Ex­communicated and cast out, whom the Generali­ty of People looked upon as one of the most In­genious and best defenders of the Quakers and their Religion; this seem'd to be a Schism amongst Men so joyn'd and united together amongst them­selves as they were. And now redounded to their great disgrace, thro' the accusations and sharp [Page 191] Speeches of those that withdrew from amongst them. Wherefore these now are their Adversaries, and now and then have a fling at them after this manner, that now they may see themselves, what a sort of Men they are, and how much worse than those they would Condemn; and this was laid to their Charge, that having been free from Dome­stick jars within, and fears from without, of a long while, that now with such intestine and dead­ly hatred, strife, and sedition, they should fall to­gether by the Ears amongst themselves, instead of that Spiritual and Heavenly Wisdom and Prudence they always bragg'd of; and that incredible A­mity and Concord, that by a nod or sign onely they could have had any thing one of another; that it seem'd they would shew, that those that formerly were so unconquerable without were now so very weak within, and in a short time would fall by their own Weapons; and that now the times were changed they would bring upon themselves the total loss of that liberty, in hopes of which they promis'd themselves Perpetuity. And thus much of the beginning, progress and in­crease of these People, and of their Actions and Sufferings in their own Country and those depend­ing upon it, to this very time, in which, that odi­ous to be nam'd and terrible persecution, is quell'd and taken off, and not onely these Men, but all those differing from the publick Churches, are protected in their Civil Liberties in all those Coun­trys, and peace and liberty of Conscience is esta­blished, and that Confirm'd by the Laws. One­ly excepting Papists and Socinians, and the like Propagators of the old Arian Heresy, the causes and reasons of which I have treated on elsewhere. Which Favour and Indulgence, how it was grant­ed to these people both by the equal bountys of that King, than whom a better can't be wish'd for, and to whom therefore all good Men wish a long and happy Reign; especially being now alwaies in Arms and Venturing his life for the Common [Page 192] good, and of his Queen who is lately deceased, but her Soul being rendred to God, the Memory of her lives and alwaies will do so to the latest surviving Posterity, for those many and illustri­ous Virtues that concentred in her Royal Person; and also by the joint Consent of the Lords and Commons in both Houses of Parliament, assem­bled readily Complying with the Royal pleasure herein, I have likewise before set forth. This I must note before I go any farther, that this pru­dence and clemency, of the King and Queen, and of those great Men, was so much glorious to them­selves, and worthy to be acknowledged by these Men, because in all the times aforepast there were not onely, so many and great Vexations, Prosecu­tions, Afflictions, unsufferable Slaughters, every where laid upon all sorts of People, which, either indeed, were Acted by Erronious Principles, or the Pride and Envy of some Men, had a mind to load with false Accusations; as if they were very great Hereticks, when as they onely differed from them in Church Government, and some Eternal Rites and Modes, and otherwise held the same true and Catholick Faith and Doctrine with these Men, but also because all those penal Laws, which were made and ordained, before the time of the Reformation, against Hereticks, as they call'd them, stood still in force and none of them was repeal­ed not so much as that De Comburendo Haeretico, or for burning the Heretick; so that if at any time, any one of Eminent power had a mind he might by Virtue of that Law Arraign any one and bring him to that dismal and horrid punish­ment, and have it Executed upon him. Which appears by the Examples of two Men under the Reign of K. James the 1st, in the 11th year of this Century. Which because it has not of a long while been taken notice of by most Writers, and yet it is not amiss to be known, especially at this time, I shall briefly relate. One of these Men was Bartholmew Legate, of the County of Essex, a [Page 193] Man of an unblamable Life, ready wit, and well read in the H. Scriptures, but disliking the Nicene Creed, and denying the plurality of persons in the God-head, and the Divinity of our Lord Jesus Christ; after he had been for some time kept in Prison at London, and being enlarged again, more boldly defended his impious Errors, and could not be brought to desist from it, even by these reasons the King himself brought, at last in an Assembly of Bishops, was Condemned of Contumacious and Irreclaimable Heresy, and delivered over to the secular Judges, and by the Kings command ac­cording to the Act de haeretico comburendo, the 18. day of March, about Noon, was publickly burn't and Consumed to Ashes. The other was one R. Wightman of the Town of Burton near the River Trent, who was Condemned by the Bishop of Co­ventry and Litchfield of several Heresies, the first was that he was an Ebionite, the last an Anabap­tist, and burn't at Litchfield the 11th day of Ap. 'Tis true indeed, that this Law for burning the Heretick, as also for putting him to Death in any wise, was repeal'd in the Reign of Charles the Second; but this is true also, that that repeal was not made without a great deal of Difficulty and Repugnance of some Men, and it was so done too, that tho the Clergy had this power of Life and Death taken away from them; and yet still out of this power they had so much Authority left them, as to Excommunicate, as they call it, those that they should account Hereticks; and thereup­on to deprive them of their Liberty, and take away their goods, and the Consequences which follow thereupon. Which thing I have thought fit to take notice as being not well known, and yet worth the while to know. This repeal was made in the 29th year of his Reign, and 77th of the Century, in that memorable Parliament Which was continued from the year 61 by seve­ral Propagations down to that time: There was a certain Man of the Country of Middlesex, whose [Page 194] Name was Taylor, who had defil'd himself with so many and great Crimes and Vices, that he had no fear, notice, or Apprehension of God, where­fore he was sent to London, and brought before the Spiritual or Ecclesiastical Court. In which Court, as they were deliberating what to Determine a­bout a Man so very impious, or rather an impure beast, one of the younger Bishops, being more vehement and hot in his Censures than the rest, gave his Judgment that this Man should be Ex­terminated from humane Society by burning, and alledges that Law for the Burning of Hereticks with fire. Which seeming somewhat harsh to o­thers of the Bishops, and some giving their opini­on one way, others another; The Earl of Hall, the next day, in Parliament in the House of Lords proposes and perswades, that that Law for the Burning of Hereticks might be Abolished, for as long as that Law was not yet taken away and repeal'd, it might come to pass that what Reli­gion or Sect soever came uppermost, the professors of that, by Virtue of this Law, might put to Death by burning all those that they should count Hereticks. The Bishops opposed and cried out a­gainst this Petition. But when it came to the Vote the present Earl of Hallefax, and likewise the Duke of Buckingham; and Earl of Shaftsbury and other great Men, Considering that at that time things look'd with a fearful aspect, and that it was often seen in the Course of Nature, that many times things which had been hindred and delayed might break out again (as in that cursed Popish Plot, and the preparations of the Papists for the Destruction of the reformed Religion, at that time was easily to be seen) and that that Law particularly might one day be signally Injurious and Destructive they so perswade the rest, and make it out so plain by force of Argument that, the repeal of that Law is concluded upon and de­creed, contrary to the mind and will of the Bi­shops, which Bill being carried down to the House [Page 195] of Commons, some Excellent Men (among which the principal was W. Russell, a great Lover of his Countrey and Religion (and a Man worthy of im­mortal honour) presently Vote for it, and pro­cured the Bill to pass. And so by Authority of the King and both Houses of Parliament, this ancient Law was Abrogated and Repealed by this Act: ‘That from henceforth, by Authority of the King and Parliament, the writ de heretico com­burendo, (or, for burning Hereticks) and all Ca­pital punishments, following upon any Eccle­siastical Censures, should be taken off: Not taking away nevertheless or diminishing, the Jurisdiction of the Protestant Arch-Bishops or Bishops, or any other Ecclesiastical Court to punish Atheism, Blasphemy, Heresy, or Schism, or any other Damnable Doctrines or Opinions; So that Nevertheless, it shall and may be law­ful to them to punish such Men according to the Kings Ecclesiastical Laws, by Excommu­nication, Deprivation, Deposition, and other Censures, not Extending to Death.’ What, but also, how fraudulent a Liberty to all Religions was granted by K. James the 2d, and what care the Bishops, most of them, but not all, took to oppose it, is not necessary now to be insisted on, But to return from whence I have digressed; Now because these Quakers had made no inconsiderable progress in their Affairs in America, that new, and to the Ancients unknown part of the World; there were some of them, who thought it might be a work worth the while to attempt the like all over this part of the World, which we inha­bit, and of which for the most part we have a more ancient knowledge of; and that not onely in the European Countreys, where we have great dealings, but also in Asia it self and Africa among the remotest Nations, Destitute of the right know­ledge of God, and brought up in the profoundest Ignorance of the truth and true Religion, with a design to enlighten them, and by their Arguments [Page 196] and Sollicitations to bring them over into their Society and the same belief with themselves. And so John Stubs and Henry Fell took up a resolution, and prepared themselves for a Voyage into China, that farthermost bound of Asia, and most Easter­ly Region of the Earth. But when they under­stood how difficult, or indeed almost impossible, it was to gain access into those parts, especially for such sort of Men as they, who, wherever they went, were the laughing stock and hatred of all people, and found matter of discourse and ridicule for all that saw them; and Considering that the safest way for them to go would be if first they could get into the East-Indies, and there travel about the places that were possess'd by the English and Dutch, and under their Jurisdiction and Government, they apply'd themselves to the Governour and Com­mittee of the East-India Company in England, for leave to make a Voyage thither in their Ships. But they slighted these peoples requests. So they in­treat the same favour of the Governours of the Dutch East-India Company. But they neither did not grant them their desire. Wherefore both of them, seeing all hopes and opportunity of this Voyage lost, laid aside their intended design. A like memorable instance there is of one Alexander Parker, who not only proposed, but made a Voy­age into Africa, to endeavour if there were any opportunity to bring those poor people to the knowledge of the Truth and Godliness. But he came back again after he had been gone a year, but gave no account (as these people are us'd al­waies to know more than they say) what he had done in those parts, and why he had made so quick a return. So these Men made a great bustle and stir to no purpose at all. And when thereupon they became very Despicable and Ridiculous in the Eyes of their Adversaries; who had not fail'd to pry into, and to take exact notice of all that they did, and thence raise objections against them, they [Page 167] made use of this excuse to defend themselves with, when they had not accomplished what they aimed at, that it appear'd plainly that they were not frighted, or deterred by any dangers or diffi­culties from Prosecuting what they desired and in­tended, but only were compell'd by necessity to leave it off; and that as the Deeds of all Men, so theirs too, ought not to be measured and approv'd of by the Event, but from the goodness of inten­tion and well meaning the design was begun with. Now leaving these remote quarters of the world, I will return again into Europe, and first into our own Country. For so it was that whilst these Men, as we have seen, travers'd the remotest Re­gions of the Earth; others of them came over into our provinces, and from hence went to other places, to propagate and spread abroad their Doc­trines; these being of the most skillful and fit a­mongst them for these purposes, and especially being indefatigably industrious in labours, and pa­tient under Adversities. But nevertheless, as none of these Men, except one or two, was so furnished by the Holy Spirit, as to be able to speak the Language of the Nation they came to wherever it was, without the help of an Interpreter, who himself seldom knew how to translate their say­ings into the same sense and words, as they spake them, and besides might either, through mistake or on set purpose render them amiss. So all of them with great vehemence, Zeal and Industry, set about this work, but for all their care and pains could not do much good at it. Besides, that they also, which follow'd those that had gone afore them, altho they understood the Languages of the Countreys they went into well enough, yet made but small progresses. Wherefore in all those parts where these Preachers had travelled, at this day you shall find very few or no Quakers. Now these Emissaries came over I believe into our pro­vinces first, I believe because of the nearness of the Country and Liberty and toleration of Reli­gion, [Page 168] and the Multitude of Divers people follow­ing their own particular Sects of Religion, where­fore there were several of them that did not much differ in Principles of Religion, and very little in their way of living from the Quakers. The first of these Emissaries and Missionaries, that came over hither, were William Ames, John Stubs, and William Caton. This was in the year 55. Not long after these, followed John Higgins, Steven Crisp, William Baily, Josias Cole, and others. When Ames, Stubbs and Caton were come over to Holland, they mov'd some of their own Countrymen with their new Doctrines, to such a Degree, that they raised some little Disturbance in the Reformed Eng­lish Church, and brought a few of our Countrey Mennonites, or Anabaptists, over to their side And these made the Name of Quakers to be first known in these Provinces. After these things Ames tra­vels to other places, but Stubs and Caton betake themselves to Rotterdam, where at that time, as well as now, a great many English Merchants re­sided. And here Caton held forth, in an English Merchant's House, to a great Number of English and Dutch there assembled, in his own mother Tongue, English; but his words were rendered in Dutch by another Man, for the sake of those Hol­landers that did not understand English: But this was labour in vain, for which they gave this rea­son; that their Interpreter had not rightly given the Auditors the true sense and meaning of what Caton had said, and the due Emphasis of his words: So Caton, leaving Stubs at Rotterdam, goes back again to Amsterdam, in which City there was now a little small Church gathered, and that princi­pally of Dutch Anabaptists. Where coming into the Assembly of these people, and there making a long Discourse by an Interpreter, for here also they did not understand English, he met with the same success as before at Rotterdam: For before the coming of these Men to Rotterdam, there were certain Citizens of that City, for their singular [Page 169] way of living and manners, however suspected and hated by the others, that met together in a certain house. There was a rumour spread a­broad that within that house, there was a par­cel of foolish, triffling, juggling fellows met to­gether. So there runs a great Concourse of Peo­ple thither, ready to set upon them in great fury. But the Burgomaster of the City, comes thither with the officers that usually attend him. They knockt at the door, and because no body opened it, they break it open, and there find out this un­usual Meeting, and see one Isaac Ferner a Preach­ing to them, not out of a Pulpit, but standing upon the stairs. Him the Burgomaster commands to be apprehended and 3 of his hearers, for the rest of them were fled away in a great fright. These 4 Men were presently carried away to a Bethlem-house, or place where Madmen and those that were distracted us'd to be kept, as if they were such a kind of people. There was one of these, to whose feet they ty'd a Wooden Clog so that he might walk indeed, but could not go far. He takes his Clog, and as if he had got a battering Ram, falls a beating the Wall with it, to such a degree, that at last he broke it thorow, and made a whole big enough to Creep thorow, and so away he runs with his Clog on, and gets home to his own house. The rest of them, fol­low his Example, and get away too, all but one softly fellow, who thought, that if he should go away without the Magistrates leave, it would be a betraying of his cause, a Condemning of him­self, and Confession of his Guilt, and therefore he thought it was better to stand to it stoutly, than to run away shamefully. But when the Burgo-master had more exactly considered these people's Case, and reflected that their Crime was not of so high a nature as to deserve a very severe punish­ment he recall'd his own order, and caused him that staid behind to be set at liberty, and made no search after those that were gone away. But [Page 170] these Men were no ways belonging to the Society and Communion of Quakers, as was then gene­rally believed and as our little News-Mongers writ in their Letters, following the Common Vogue, Whereof this is an Argument that happen'd a lit­tle after, for Caton and others of his Society, coming hither, and hearing of what these people had done blam'd their doings as being a foolish and mad action, and utterly refused to joyn Communion with them. As those people themselves after­wards did not joyn with the Quakers, but also mightily opposed them and set themselves as great Adversaries against their Discipline ways and man­ners. And altho, Ferner, he who had been their Preacher, afterwards joyned himself with the Qua­kers, yet at last he fell off from them again, and casting of all manner, of goodness, probity, and religion, he turn'd Physician, but he took more care of and looked after his own body, and indul­ged himself in Riot and Luxury, than regard to the health of his patients, and after he had rio­tously consumed his Estate, he betook himself to little triffling Vanities and joyn'd in Communion, Friendship, and faith with the Papists, in which State not long after he died, and like a good Ca­tholick, stept aside into some of the better sort of the internal Mansions And so I have said enough of this Meeting, and the more because I was wil­ling to Vindicare those that truly are Quakers from this Crime, of which they are innocent; and to undeceive others that may lye under a mistake about it, by relating the whole story as I have been certified it was transacted. To return therefore to the main stream of our discourse, when neither Ames, or his Companions could do any thing, or very little to the purpose, Caton and Stubs truly they lay still for one while, Consider­ing what to do. But Ames left Holland and went into Germany, to the Palatinate of the Rhine, but notwithstanding, a while after returns into Hol­land again, and goes to Amsterdam. But it being [Page 171] known▪ [...]hat he came for, and what he would be at, the Burgomaster sends for him by a Sergeant, and one one of the Citizens of the City with him; and when they were come with undaunted Cou­rages; he commands them within 24 hours to de­part the City. Which they delaying to do the next day the Burgomaster gives them the same charge again. Which new order, besides that they refus'd to obey, they spoke against, and said that they neither deserved to be used so, nor could they bring themselves to Comply with it, so the Burgomaster, finding them so twice disobedient, and giving ill Examples to the City, commands them to be apprehended and publickly kept in Custody for six days, and then in the Evening to be obscurely, and secretly carried without the Gates of the City, and there left with a charge never to return again. But this command also they took no notice of, so that notwithstanding, they returned back again the next day, and Ames, in the middle of the day, in the sight of all the people, walked in the Market and went up to the very Court it self: Which one of the Burgomasters seeing through the Lattices, is said to have ex­press'd himself to his Colleagues thus, Denoting not his own desire, but the merit of the Man, Lo, yonder's that Quaker that we might make a Martyr of now if we would. Yet these great Men, who would have punished such a deed severly, if it had been in another case, thought fit to wink at this, Concluding amongst themselves, that as long as it was doubtful and uncertain, what the designs or doings of these people were, that mercy was to be prefer'd before the strictness of justice; and that whatsoever the Enterprises or Intentions of them were, yet that a Command of Prohibition was alwaies less available, than one that prescribed any thing to be done; and that many Men, if they are not restrained from any thing of their own accord, are but so much the more eager after, and desirous of it if they [Page 127] are forbidden: Moreover, that in a great Multi­tude sometimes it is a point of principal prudence to take no notice of some things which we know, and that in great Governments oftentimes, the Authority is better preserved, by dissembling, than punishing, small faults. And indeed it was not long, before Ames seeing that he could do no good by his presence, boldne [...]s, or confidence, went a­way of his own accord out of the City. From thence he goes to Scheidam, and Rotterdam, and Goud, and staid in these places for sometime, and oftentimes went and return'd the same way, and trys the same thing over and over, and sounds the minds of the people; when at the same time, he could do, almost nothing by all his great la­bour and pains and travel, but onely set the minds of some people against him, and brought upon himself and his followers the hatred of the Clergy. For as some of those, who were Ames his most Zealous Auditors and followers, which for the most part were Mennonites a bold sort of people, very talkative and Litigions, began more freely and petulantly to give out their Speeches, and hold their Conventicles; so also those, who look'd upon it to be their duty and place, to suffer no Diminution of the esteem and dignity of their Church, began to hate those Men, and look upon them not only as Fools, but as Mad­men, Men of a Malignant seditious temper, whose assemblies were nothing else, but Semina­ries of discord and wickedness. Wherefore these Men gave warning to their Auditors both private­ly and publickly, that they should have nothing to do with them in any wise: And those that were most zealous and intent upon this Argument insi­nuated them to be a sort of Hereticks, and that they ought to be punish'd and their Meetings re­stramed: And at last advised Classes and Synods to be held for asserting the rights, and warding off Injuries from the Church, and that nothing should be wanting thereunto, and to make satisfaction [Page 173] for any Dammages sustained. This was done first in the Synod of Rotterdam, An. 57. It happen'd at Goud that one William Tick, a Man much ad­dicted to the Quaker's opinions and ways, call'd a Council or Assembly, of some of his own Gang; which the Magistrate looking upon as a Compa­ny of Infidels, and sending for Tick, he would neither declare what his intention was, or in the least uncover his head, so he was sent into an House of Correction. There was a Town not far from Goud in the way to Rotterdam; In which Ames had drawn a certain Cooper, one Martin's Son into his Society, and here this Man also one time inviting Ames to his house, gets together there some of his Neighbours to discourse of the Things of Faith, and the good ordering of their Lives. News of this being brought to the Mini­ster of the Place, and known to others, they ran from every side to this house, crying out, That there was a Conventicle of seditious wicked men assem­bled there. Which Tumult roused up Ames, so that he walks out in a Calm Mood, and very leisurely paces it along, but all of a suddain they fall a reproaching him with a thousand opprobri­ous terms; and handle him so at last, that if he had not betook himself to his heels, he had run in danger of his Life. But a little while after, these same Men, nothing fearing the violence of the Mob, reassembling in the same place again, some run away and told the Burgomaster, what they were a doing. And when they had told him what these Men had done heretofore, and so be­ing induc'd to believe, that these Meetings were Conspiracies against the Common Weal and the peace and security of the State; he sent Sergeants and Officers, to take Ames and his Landlord, and carry them to Rotterdam; and there put them in the Bethlem-house I made mention of not long a­go. Which coming to be known in the City, some of the Ministers, both of the reformed Church, and the Remonstrants too, go to Ames, to see [Page 127] [...] [Page 173] [...] [Page 174] him and talk with him. And they discourse much with him of many points, both of his Doctrine and Religion, and that several times; but he handling things so obscurely and perplexedly to any Man's apprehension; that other people could scarcely tell what he would have; and they on all occasions starting such objections; as he, either could not tell how or declin'd to give a plain an­swer to, this Discourse was to no purpose at all Ames published a little book not long after, in which he proposes to the Ministers of our reform­ed Churches, 83 questions of several Articles of Faith, for them to solve. To these Answers James Coleman, then a youth, and then also of a happy wit, and Eloquent Tongue, as also one of known piety and probity, integrity, and uprightness, both in life and manners (for all those that were any ways considerable for Age or Learning, despis'd and pass'd by in silence, as things not worth the minding, those little triffling questions of this Quaker, propos'd onely for ostentation and shew) and that lest these people should boast them­selves, as if we were silent and refus'd to answer them, in despair of the Victory. And he answer­ed them not with a youthful heat, but with mo­deration and wisdom. And this young Man in like manner proposed 60 questions to Ames, and the rest of his Brethren the Quakers that they might have whereon to exercise themselves, and shew their wit and parts. Now whilest Ames was consined to this solitary place he spent his time principally in Writing. And so besides several Letters to his friends, he makes and publishes a reply to Coleman's Answers, not forreign indeed from the purpose, but bitter and not to be suf­fered in those that so much reprehend the same fault in others. But as to the Questions that Cole­man proposed to the Quakers, those, not Ames, but Higgins Answers, but so as not onely, partly declining that wherein the State of the Case lay partly improperly and absurdly, partly obscurely [Page 175] and in dark terms, but also roughtly and with ill Language he mannages, and if it were but by this alone, betrays his cause. Ames at last being set at liberty from this place comes to Leyden, and there also going on with the same work as before, he was cast into such another like place, full of Spiders and Cobwebs, and there he was kept, till the Burgomaster, weary of his Idleness, or Misery and Sickness, sent him away from thence. Then away he travels into other provinces of Holland. 'Tis a wonder, he being a Man, than whom there was scarce any of those people more forward, and travelling, over so many Towns and Places, un­derstanding both Languages very well, both Eng­lish and Dutch and bestowing so much labour and pains amongst all sorts of People, that there were no more that joyned themselves with him and the Quakers, not even in the most populous Cities where there were so many Inhabitants English, and all sorts and kinds of Men, and some very near the Quakers in a great many things. But as the coming and motion of these Men had rais'd these little Disturbances here and there, and greater troubles and confusions were fear'd in other pla­ces, these things principally stir'd up the Careful­ness and Diligence of the Clergy, every where, as there was occasion to be on the watch, and look out, least they should cause any inconvenience or do any damage to their flock. And so this gave occasion to the Synod of Goud An. 59. To make this decree, that all Pastors should take a diligent observation of these Quaker's Meetings, and the books they should disperse, and apply themselves to the Magistrates by their Authority to suppress these things, and that, if these Men should any where give any Trouble to our People, the Mini­sters of the word should well confirm the minds of their Auditors in their Sermons, Catechisings and Visitations. After this there was little heard of the Quakers. For it was a long while before the people knew what the Quakers were. Whence [Page 176] at first they were look'd upon as a poor sort of people without a Name, or place of habitation, as a kind of Fools, and Madmen. Then as an unquiet and troublesome sort of people; For which reasons they were cast into Bonds and Pri­sons. And at last they were accounted for bring­ers up of some new Sects of Religion, which wanted a new place of residence. And therefore now as defiled persons they seem'd fit to be re­moved a far off. Some therefore in their progress sate down amongst the Anabaptists or Mennonites, an unquiet sort of people, alwaies hunting after Novelties. Others are believ'd to have gone over to the Socinians, a pestilent deceitful sort of Here­ticks; from whom nevertheless they are so far off, that except the Papists there's none they are more averse from. It happen'd that in the year 64, the Socinians, of which there was a great Number in those Countries, every day grew more and more, and made some Commotions again and again, and also here and there began to raise Disturbances. Nor must I pass over in silence, that among the principal Asserters and Defenders of the Socinian cause, there was one especially; who, as a Cock can Crow best upon his own Dunghil, who, not onely upon all occasions rail'd furiously against the Quakers, and not onely thwarted their Coun­cils and Designs in some parts of these provinces, but also could not restrain the force of his anger, before he had done Considerable dammages to some of them. Now this I find by the Acts of the Synod of Woerd, held the year aforemention­ed, that our people then also were afraid of the Quakers, and took care lest by any means, any dammage should accrew to their Churches by them. And moreover the Quakers to be Enume­rated with the Socinians.

Hence a Decree was made in that Synod, That care should be taken, that the Interdict of the States should be put in Execution; by which they had cau­tiously provided a few years before, That none should [Page 177] bring the Socinian Errors, or Books into these Coun­treys, or keep any such sort of Meetings, or Conventi­cles, under the Penalty, That if any one should do any such thing, for the first time as a Blasphemer against the Divine Name, and Disturber of the Peace, he should be banish'd out of the Province; and for the second Offence should be punished for so great a Crime, at the Will and Pleasure of his Judges. Then Two years afterwards the Legates of the Synod of Dort presented a supplicatory Treatise to the States, in which they pray the order I before mentioned may be put in Execution. The States refer that trea­tise to the Session of their senate. The senate, by reason of other grave and difficult businesses of the common Weal which they had in hand, pro­tract and delay the Cognizance of this affair. Af­terwards the Treatise was not to be found. The Legates write it over again and tender it De novo. And yet for all that could get no Answer. So now three whole years were run on. Wherefore in the year 69. In the Synod of Goud and that other of Schonhove since the Legates had been for so long time imployed in this affair to no purpose at all, and every one easily saw, what it was that caus'd this delay, the further Prosecution of this affair was quite left off. But Ames and his first Com­panions departing out of these Countreys, the Quaker's affairs in Holland were principally pro­moted by the Council and Assistance of one Ben­jamin Furley, an English Merchant, first at Amster­dam, then at Rotterdam, who, together with his Merchandize, had addicted himself to the study of Learning, and in the favour of these Men, wrote several little Tracts in Divers Languages. But yet refrain'd himself from exercising the office of a Teacher or Minister amongst them, alledging this reason for it, that he could safely enough be taught at all times, but could scarce be a Teacher himself without danger. Altho, as time and age teach Men many things, this same Man afterwards found fault with and went off from many things [Page 178] in the Doctrine and Manners of the Quakers. From hence it appears what the Number of the Quakers might be in Holland, and after what manner at this Day it is included in a few familys, there are not so many as that the Number of fami­lyes can equallize that of the Citys throughout the whole Province. And so long as they used all manner of moderation in their way of Living, and only took care about their own Religion, without concerning themselves with that of others, they enjoy'd as much Liberty as themselves could wish for,

While these things were doing in Holland; in Zealand, in the City of Middleburgh, Christopher Bertrad, an English Seaman (the same Man who caused such a Disturbance in the Church at Bri­stol in England, and carried himself so insolenty be­fore the Magistrate as we took notice of in the First Book) in an Assembly of the Church of England, in Prayer-time, he made such a noise with his Dis­course and Clamours, and angred them to such a de­gree, that they thrust him out of the Church; Whither he presently runing in again, they sent for Officers who conducted him to Prison. Where, when he had remained for a year and a half, there came to him, moved at his long Confinement, and affected with a like Sense of his Griefs, Caton, who, assoon as 'twas known who he was, was put into the same place. Then both of them, at the request of the States Ambassadour to the Commonwealth of England, at Newport, were sent and put into a Man of War, and carried over into England, being jeered, reproach'd and vex'd all the way by the Sea­men and Soldiers. Now Ames, who was always the chief man in action, as long as he remained in these Parts; Considering, that things did not go to his mind in Holland, and that Caton had reap'd such fruits of his Labour in Zealand; he undertakes a journey into Gelderland, and from thence to Over­yssell, and goe's thro' almost all the Meetings of the Mennonites in both those Provinces, trying if he [Page 179] could bring over any of these people, who seem'd better affected to his party, and indeed were pretty near the Quakers, if not in all, yet at least in many Opinions and Customes. But here neither Ames could make any advantage or do any thing worth the speaking of.

After this he and Caton, who was now come back out of England, took a journey into Friesland, to try the Mennonites there, who, in that Province, more than in any other part of these Countryes, not only in their Institutions, but also in their Country Customes, and the Nature of the people, were harmless, temperate, precise, and came nearer the Discipline of the ancient Anabaptists, not that which of late dayes has prevailed amongst that sort of People. But here, these men onely shew themselves, and go away again as wise as they went without any good or hurt done. But after these men were gone, there were not a few, that embrac'd the very same Doctrine, that these men came to declare, and join'd themselves to them with the same ninds and desires. These Mennonites, and a pareel of Socinians, that shrouded themselves under their Meetings; and that sort of Men, [the Family of Love] who are full of Love and Humanity, cross to none, open and free to all, who hold this Notion of God, (and herein their Worship of God lyes) That God is not Evil; and that they themselves are not so nither, nor would do any ill to any body. Which sort of men increasing every day more and more, and now coming abroad and meeting together both publickly and privately, and holding their general Assemblys for publck Wor­ship, and constantly observing their meetings, and by this meanes making way for the comission of many other penicious and ill things; the Menno­nites being a more Religious and strict sort of Peo­ple, began to look upon them with evill Eyes, and be displeased with them, and lay many things to their charge, and fill their Sermons with them. And the Ministers and Overseers of our Churche [Page 180] complain'd much of this new sort of People, and painted them in all their Colours, and accus'd them of being the worst of Hereticks, guilty of all maner of Vices, and admonished their Auditors in long and Earnest Discourses, that they should by all meanes have a care of them. Moreover there were Councils and Synods held to Consider of the best ways and meanes to Suppress and Extinguish in the bud this growing mischief, and it was Or­dained; that they should be debarr'd both from their private Consultations, and also, their publick meetings; Whereupon the Delegates of the Synod present a Writing to the Counselors or Delegates of the States, (we call both the one and the other Deputies) in which they grievously complain, That there were to be found in these Provinces, both elsewhere and in Friesland several of the impious sect of the Quakers, and they desire of them, that the States would maturely advise about it and take care to put a stop to the farther Spreading of those diabolical Errours: Whereupon the States of Fri [...]sland make this Law, That no Socinians, Quakers, or Dippers (for what other Name to give them I cannot tell) should come within those Territories; or if they did should be shut up in a Bride-well, and there kept Constantly to hard Labour, with a reward moreover of 25 Gelders of Friesland for any Person that should discover any of these People. This fell out in the Year 62. After this Order Friesland enjoyed peace and quiet from these People, either they keept themselves close within their own houses, or the Government was not very inqusitive after them, and thought they had a sufficient awe upon them. And now also, in the rest of the Provinces, after this time there was no great account made of these People, both by reason of the smal numbers there was of them, and that they themselves grew more moderate. Where­fore tho at the first they were had in Contempt of all People every where, and in their Meetings, and goings in and out, and at their funeral Solemnities and Burials, the Boys and Mob, often us'd to abuse [Page 181] them to a high degree; yet afterwards they grow­ing more cautious and circumspect in their Actions, in some things, and omitting others, even this in­solence of the People against them was left of by degrees. Nor must we pass over, how that for a long time, a great many Pamphlets, written not so much for the instruction of others, as the Osten­tation of their own Sect; and besides, a great many of those bolted-out-Extempore, ill-composed, rash, tumultuous, weak, triffling, unfit not only to be Read again, but also to be look'd upon, came out of these men's Shops, and little Libels of Questions were put out, in favour or for the defence of that Sect; or for the exalting that, and depression of other Religions, (although some of these Libels and Pamphlets were made and writ by ill Men, and with a base design father'd upon the Quakers.) Afterwards this kind of Writing, and that plenty of Writers, was displeasing to the wiser men among the Quakers, and they concluded that these foolish Triffles, and the multitudes of them, had done more hurt than good to their Doctrine and People, and procured them more disgrace than Credit. Then by degrees there arose others, who treated of their Affairs with a finer Wit, and more polite Judgment, using more cogent Arguments, and a more exact style of Discourse, with easie and fluent Language, not like the former Scriblers; And these took of the ill-will and aversion which some had entertained against them, and reconcil'd them to a better Opinion of their Religion, making it ap­pear more Weighty and Momentous. There came over in the year 1670. into Holland, one James Park, and from thence he went on into Friesland to Harling: And in that City observing many things that he dislik'd, both amongst the Refor­med and amongst the Mennonites: Of which two sort of People, almost all the whole City confisted: He returned back again into Holland, and coming to Amsterdam, writes a Letter to the People of both those Churches: 'Twas a tart Letter, and full [Page 180] of contumelious Accusations and Reproofs, as if the Religion of them both were only a barren Pro­fession, and their Lives the heigth of all manner of Hipocrisie and Impiety, and a Denial of God, con­cluding with a denunciation of Threats and Exe­crations against them, as if it were in the Name, and by the Command of the Divine Being himself. This Letter was sent to Harling, by Cornelius Ru­dolph, and James and Isaac Buylard, the Father and Son, all of them Citizens of Amsterdam, and formerly Mennonites, but now turn'd Quakers. So to Harling they all go. They purposed first to Read the Letter in one of the Mennonite's Meet­ings, and then send it to the Ministers of the Re­formed Churches in Friesland, for them to Read. Moreover, they concluded to send and disperse se­veral Pamphlets treating of their Opinions, up and down the Country; and to possess People's Minds as much as they could, and try all ways and means that they could possibly think of to promote the interest of their Society throughout Friseland: For which thing, the Buylards seem'd the most proper Instruments, both by reason of their long Dealing and Commerce, and Acquaintance and Familiarity with many in those parts.

With these designs therefore and hopes they all three together go directly to Harling, the entrance and gate of that Province. Cornelius Rudolph (it being an Holiday) goes presently into one of the Mennonite's Meetings; (the Buylards staying in the mean while in their Inn to rest themselves) and after all the Exercises were over, draws the Letter out of his Bosom; and the Chief of them not seeming averse to it, tho' many of the People were against it, yet at least he reads it over to them all, that they might all know what they were to be accounted of, who they were that corrected, and took such care of them. This almost all of them resent as a very hainous thing; and set upon him with great clamour and violence. Not to make more Words of it, they fetch the Beadle of the Ci­ty, [Page 213] and he carries Rudolph away into a secret place. Then the Buylards are fetch out of their Inn and carried thither too. And thence, two days after, to render their Undertaking the more contemptible to some, and inspire others with the greater Aver­sion against them, they are tied together by night; and because they would not go of themselves, are carried to Leeweward, the Capital City of the Pro­vince, and put into the Bridewell there. Where at their first coming they were kindly received and civilly entertained by the Governors of the place, who did for them what they would, that they might go into the Conclave which they would have them: Afterwards, when they were grieved to accept the offer'd civility, they thrust them into such a kind of a Cellar, as they, not being us'd to such a horrid and dark Habitation, and accustomed at home at their own Houses to live plentifully, through want and grief within a short space of time fell very Sick together. Several sorts of men come to visit them, and they Discourse with them all of Religion, and bestow their Pamphlets upon several of them. They write also to the Magistrates, complaining that they, being innocent People, should be so used as if they were the greatest Criminals in the World. After this they are taken out of this place, and carried into the City Prison, which they call the Fort, and were brought to their Trial, which was held before three of the chief Council of the Court; They deny no­thing that was alledged against them, but only plead that they did not know, that what they had done was contrary to Law; for they had heard, and were of that Opinion, that the Decree that the Law had made against the Quakers, was some time since repealed. And indeed, since there was no reason to suppose that these Men should tell a Lie in this case; and since for a good while there had no force or effect of this Law appeared; and, as 'tis a Maxim in Law, that a Law ceases for want of being put in Execution, it might be likely enough that these People might not know it. And they [Page 214] gave great Commendations of the Moderation and Temper of the Senator Vierssen in this Cause. But whereas these Men also did not, nor indeed could deny the Fact charged upon them; That they had done such a thing amongst the Mennonites; and that that was the design they went upon, with an intention also by the same Letter to defame and disturb our Churches: And moreover all of them refusing, during their Trial, to be uncovered, and to Sit in the seats where the Prisoners, or Criminals as they call them us'd to Sit; the Judges reputing their intended Crime as if it had been a thing ac­complished, commanded them to be carried back and put in the same Prison from whence they came. Now Isaac grew very ill; therefore he had a Bed sent him for him to lie upon; but his Father, and Companion Rndolph, being soon taken away from him, were thrust into the company of divers Er­roneous and wicked Men, wich afflicted them with a double grief, both because they were dragg'd away from their dear Friend, and he too drawing near, as it should seem, to Death, and so he should be taken from their Embraces who was a Person so desirable to them; and they penn'd up amongst a parcel of wicked Varlets, and as they aggravated it, wild Beasts disguising their Cruelty under the appearance of an human shape. And now these Captives, being shut up in a Prison together among these cursed Villains, were plagued and tormented night and day continually, not only with the beast­ly Discourses, but also the filthy and villanous Acti­ons of those wretched Rogues; at last they grew very weak; James moreover being an old man of 70 years old; Rudolph indeed began to grow much worse; but James to such a degree, that he fell in­to a deadly Disease. So this old Man had the favour of a more open and commodious place granted him; but then it was too late: for now his Breast being stuff [...] [...] with a Cold and the smoaky Air, after three days time he died of a Ptysick. After these things were over, in 7 months time, his Son [Page 215] is let out of Prison, but so as he is banish'd that whole Province for the space of ten years. Rudolph is not only kept in Prison, but is also order'd not to stir out thence till after 5 years were over.

The Quakers make a great complaint, and also publish it in Writing, What great injury and vio­lence is offered to their Friends in Friesland by the Mennonites, and Reformed, and the Governors there, they as the Beginners, these as the Promoters, and those as the Executioners in their Persecution. And when it was objected to them, What they had done in a Congregation of the Mennonites, and intended to do in our Churches, they replied; That they had done nothing else, but only publickly reprov'd those that had cast Aspersions and Reproaches upon them and their Doctrine; and so that it was not they that were the Revilers, but they had only given an answer to the Calumnies of those that had set upon them first. And that the Mennonites had lit­tle reason to complain or find fault with such a thing in other People, whereas 'twas common with them to do the same thing among themselves every day, and that they often fell from their Duty in this case; so that there was scarce any City, but in which they gave a great deal of trouble to the Magistrates by their Quarrelli [...]. But to return from whence I have digressed; Cornelius remains in Prison for 3 years; till that first, most pernicious, and to our Provinces almost fatal War with the French, at what time the Bishop of Munster drew his Troops to­wards this Province of Friesland. At what time they dismissed this Man out of Custody, and com­manded him to depart out of their Territories. And from that time the Quakers began to shew themselves more in Friesland, and to increase more and more, and more freely to act; they now be­coming better acquainted, and reconciling them­selves to the Opinions and Discourses of the People, and being less uncouth to their sight and hearing.

At several times there went through these Coun­tries to visit their Friends, Fox, Barclay; Penn, [Page 216] Keith, and others. But there was nothing worth remembring done by these Men; save that Barclay at such time, as the Ambassadors of several Kings and Princes were met together at Nimeguen to Treat about a general Peace; he also interceeds to procure a Peace for all their Churches, and de­livers a Letter thereupon to each of these Gentle­men, and withall certain Theological Theses, con­taining the Heads of their Doctrines, and after­wards affixes them to the Doors of a certain Uni­versity, and submits them to the Examination of all Men: And also, That William Penn and Galen Abraham, a Physician, and also a Preacher amongst those Mennonites, which we account all, or for the most part of them at least, to be Socinians: At the same time almost at Amsterdam disputed in a pri­vate House, of the signs of the New Church, and extraordinary Call of Ministers; and that after such a manner, as Penn, who, after the manner of his Nation, spake nothing but in a premeditated and set form of Speech; shew'd upon this occasion that when he had a mind to it, he was not want­ing in the faculty of answering Extempore, to the suddain and large Discourses of others; but the other so abounded in multitudes of words, as he never came at the stress of the matter where the cause lay; And where he could not tell how to bring close Arguments to the purpose, he either very ingeniously put of giving an answer at all, or turn'd it into Joke and Banter, and so it ended after the same rate as Disputations most commonly do. The Quakers are wont when they talk of the Things that happen'd to them in these Countries, to say, That they never suffered so much, but that the benefits they now enjoy do more than counter­vail it; and that whatsoever they have suffered, that they have suffered nothing for any ill Deed or Crime, which even those that are most inraged a­gainst them, never pretended to object against any one of them; and that indeed they have not suffe­red for their Doctrine and Religion, since that at [Page 217] the time they suffered, those who were their Per­secutors did not so much as know what their Do­ctrine and Religion was; and such their Religion was looked upon as Error through mistake had ap­prehended it; and when afterwards, what their Doctrine and Religion was, began to be more exact­ly known and conceived by Men, and that not up­on suspicion and by conjecture only, but certain no­tices and due apprehensions thereof, that thence­forward no Injury or Violence was offer'd to them by any Persons whatsoever, upon the account of their Doctrine and Religion. Moreover, thus they will go on to argue with you, and say, That al­though they cannot absolutely forget, nor totally blot out of their mind the remembrance of what had befallen them in these Countries, yet that this they can do nevertheless, to take no notice of, but bury them in perpetual silence, and to rejoyce in their present enjoyment.

Now there springs up a new race of Men, a new Sect, Discipline, and new way of living, in these Provinces. These were comprehended in that Communion and Society, which they called Labadistic, from the Author and Gatherer of it, one John Labadee, a French Walloon, formerly a Papist and Jesuit; afterwards coming over to our side, a Minister of the Gospel in several of the French Churches; last of all, at Middleburgh in Zealand, but he was put out of his place for refusing to sub­mit to the Judgment and Decree of the Walloon Synod, (for so here they call the French Churches) of some Fact he had done; A very ripe-witted and subtle Man he was indeed, moderately Learned, but above measure Eloquent and Rhetorical, and beyond expression, prompt and ready to speak Ex­tempore upon any subject: Of this Man various were the Opinions and Senses of the People. For thus they that were Adversaries to him described him, as a Man of a sickle temper, and always changing, disdainful, yielding to none that were his Superiours, to his Equals arrogant and proud, [Page 218] and to his Inferiours altogether intollerable; nei­ther in Mind nor Manners the same sort of a Man that in Countenance and Habit he seem'd to be, making shew of a great deal of Modesty and Hu­mility, but full of Craft in Counterfeiting and Dis­simulation; though better at playing the Counter­feit of what he was not, than Dissembling what he was; so that there was no Man living more fit or better qualified, under a specious pretence of Goodness, and shew of Religion, to tickle the Minds of unwary People, and circumvent them as he pleas'd. There were others that lov'd the Man well, and were his Followers, and familiar Friends, and most intimate Acquaintance, as could scarce ever endure to be out of his Sight; and these ce­lebrated his Praises, as one that far exceeded all the Doctors of the Churches, and a Man sent on a Di­vine Embassy from Heaven to Mankind, who thought and did all things Divinely, and with a Mind perpetually conversant in Heaven, and from thence deriv'd, instituted, and was to perfect the Work of Reformation, to others either altogether unknown, or an ungrateful task they would not care to undertake, or that it would seem an insup­portable burthen, or of such a kind as no body would be able to go through with. Others there were that had entertained a middling sort of an Opi­nion of him, between both these Extreams, and they look'd upon him as a very excellent Man, and a very useful and necessary instrument for the Reformation of Life and Manners, and likely to become their undoubted Restorer, but that he was a little too hasty and severe, and almost passionate­ly intent in the weighing and correcting of Men; and so by over-doing, did undo and spoil what his Intentions aim'd at.

Of thi [...] Society there was as it were another Pa­rent, one Anna Maria a Schurman, a noble Maid, and very Rich; and more than that, which is sel­dom heard of or found, I had almost said known, [...] Person endued with most singular Piety and In­tegrity, [Page 219] abounding in a universal Learning and Knowledge, skill'd in various Arts and Sciences, and the Knowledge of very many Languages, not only of the European, but also of the Oriental Tongues, and that not only of those that were more anciently in use, but of the modern times; so that in this Sex there has either never, or at least very seldom been seen, a more illustrious or emi­nent Example; so that hereby she was become the love and delight, and as it were, the Lady Patro­ness of the Learned of her time; which she her self afterwards took notice of, and deplored, in a Book which she Writ, and Intituled it, [...]. Of this Society there were Members, many of the Nobility and People, but they were such as were of the best Esteem, and Monied Men in whom there was either an inclination or intention of Pie­ty, and a forsaking of evil Company, and a Con­tempt and avoidance of the frail and fleeting things of this World. A fit Society this, for those that were thus disposed; for those I say, who in this light, transient, and soon perishing state of the Affairs of the whole Universe, and in so great an abundance of the wickedness of Mankind, and those great numbers of Christians as they pretend them­selves, who only are so in name, and not reality, were nauseated and tired with what they heard and saw, and to whom Christ alone and their Salvati­on of their Souls by him, was their only desire and care. The first House this Society had was at Amsterdam. Then at Altona upon the Elbe, where Labadee deceased, being a Man mightily belov'd by all those of his Party. Last of all at Wiewerd, a Town in Friesland, not far distant from Leeweward, where they had a very ample House, formerly the Mansion-House of the Waltars, and then afterwards Hereditary to the Family of the Sommeldices. In which place not long after this Society was dissolved and dispers'd about, rfter the manner of the Primitive and most blessed State of the Church, which a great many People presag'd [Page 220] and foretold from the very first, and so all this ex­pectation was lost, and all those Treasures which several of the Society had contributed towards it▪ were turned into Ashes. Now before this came to pass, this noble Maid, being now stricken in years, and almost decripit, arriv'd at the end of her Race, and Dying, was Cloth'd with Immortality: Happy she, had she not in the very midst of her Glory turn'd aside to this By-Way, and having run through part of her life, in that very House, on which she, had, with those prodigious Endowments of Mind, bestow'd so much Cost, she was forsaken of all those that gap'd after her Estate, and all her Family, and left all alone; but only not forsaken of God, or abandoned to Desperation, and so in her mournful Seat she breath'd out her Soul, when she had first recommended it to God in Christ. Of this excel­lent Maid, (to add this by the by) What was mor­tal and perishing was repos'd not in the Sepulchral Monument or Tomb belonging to the Family of the Waltars, erected in the Church, as it might have been; but without in the Church-yard, or Ground lying about it, in the common Earth, a­mongst the rest of her Brothers and Sisters, accor­ding to her own desire, leaving that Monument out of Modesty, that Familiarizer and Governess of all other Virtues, of which this Lady in her life-time was always the perfect Pattern. But since, what the Doctrine of these People was, what their Reli­gion, and how their way of Living, what their In­tention, and what their aims and enterprises about the Church and other Men were, may be fully known by their Writings, which several Men a­mong them, yea, and some Women too, have published concerning themselues, and many of our Learned Men, of them; I shall not now stay to Recapitulate. But because all this Relation tends to this end, to shew what Agreement there was between the Quakers, of whom alone in this Work we treat, and these Labadists (I call them so be­cause I know no better name to call them by) in [Page 221] Doctrine, and what Institution to one and the same purpose; and lastly, what intentions they had to joyn in Friendships, and contract Acquaintances, I will shortly and in few words relate it. As to their Doctrine, although these Men at first in­troduced little or nothing which was different from our Faith, yet in process of time they brought in divers Innovations about the use of the Holy Scriptures, and the guidance and operations of the Holy Spirit, and Prayers, and the remaining parts of Worship, and the Sacraments and Discipline of the Church, so that they came nearer to the Opi­nions of the Quakers in these things, than to our Doctrine. Now it appears that these Men, no less than the Quakers, reprehended and found fault with many things in our Churches, and those of all Protestants, that they were all so corrupt and deprav'd, that no effect, no fruit of the Spirit of God appeared amongst them, nor no Worship of God, but only a carnal and external One; no mutual attention, no conjunction of Minds, no love, no will, no endeavours for the good, one of another, or the common good, that was to be seen. Lastly, That no one's Life and Manners answered what they all profess'd, or the Example and Precepts of Christ. And as this was the com­plaint and quarrel of the Quakers, so in like man­ner was it of these People too, that with these vices above others were infected those that were the Prelates and Preachers of the Word, and Stewards of the Mysteries of God. Lastly, these People thought thus, that they were the Men from whom the beginning and first Examples of the Restitu­tion of the Church was to be expected, who also were wholly intent upon the famous work of this Reformation; Just as the Quakers thought, that this was chiefly reserv'd for them, and that they were in a special manner obliged to go on with this Work of Reformation. So great was the Fame of this Society, that there was scarce any place in these Countries where there was not a great talk [Page 222] talk about these Teachers and Workers, so that in Foreign Countries there was scarce any where, unless it were among such People, who have no regard to what is done abroad, who had not heard something of them. Therefore when these Re­ports were gone over into England and Scotland; at first indeed there were some of these Men who, being averse from the State of the Church as un­der the Bishops, contained themselves within their own Churches which were more remote from, ex­ternal rites and splendor, and a worldly and de­licate polite, as they call it, and elegant Life and Conversation, who also undertook the Ministerial Function. At last, also the Quakers, who as soon as ever they heard of this sort of Men, and their plain Religion, and way of Life that they fol­lowed, they began to think in good earnest of this Society of People, and to be better acquaint­ed with them, and to consider ways and means amongst themselves how they should come to enter into Consultation with them. I know that there was one of those Ministers of the Gospel, so averse from the Episcopal way, and addicted to Presbyterial Churches, who not only himself writes to this Society, but also communicates his thoughts upon this subject to an eminent Quaker, which Man when after that time he foresaw many things from the face of the Kingdom, which tho not alto­gether true indeed, yet seeming very probable and likely to come to pass, at that time he was not such a fearer of Episcopacy, but that one might read in his Countenance, and since he was a Man, that one time or another it would come to pass, as afterwards it happen'd, that he was made a Bishop. The first of the Quakers that came from Scotland to the Labadists to Amsterdam, was George Keith, a Man both very skillful in, and much us'd to Controversie and Disputes. After him, comes out of England, R. Barclay, a Man likewise of great Experience, and well seen in the Defence of his Religion. These Men, one af­ter [Page 223] another, treat about this matter with Labadee, and the rest of them, on whom the Government of the Society lay. But when the Quakers o­pened their Mind briefly, and in a common Style, but they on the other hand us'd such deep and far fetch'd Speeches, and those so round about the bush, and turning and winding, and so much Elo­quence, or endless Talkativeness, that the Qua­kers knew not what these Men would say, or how to know or find out and discern their Opinions, Institutions, and Intentions, or where to have them, (which also had often happen'd to our People en­quiring of these Men about these things) and now began to suspect, that they were not such a pure sort of People, and were either bordering upon some Errors, or privately entertain'd and bred some monstrous Opinion. And when the Quakers tried again at another time, to see further if by any means they could bring things to a Consent and Agreement, and a conjunction together that they might act in common Concert, the Laba­dists not only drew back, but also resented it ill, and were so angry, that they thought it would be to no purpose to try any farther Conclusions with them. And either upon the occasion of these Meetings together, or from the designs of some of their Adversaries to reproach them, it came to pass, that from that time the Labadists came to be call'd Quakers, which name followed them from Amsterdam to Hereford, and there ac­companied them, so that Men all abroad not only call'd them by the Name of Quakers, which to them appeared as a horrible Title, but also of­tentimes us'd to throw Stones at them. To a­void which reproach, and withal to shew, how much they hated both Name and Thing, they, out of their Printing-Office which they carried about with 'em, publish'd a Writing by the Title, shewing what the Argument of the Book was; An Examination and Confutation of the Quakers. Nevertheless after this, there went to these Laba­dists [Page 224] in Friesland, William Penn, that most famous Man amongst the Quakers; A Man of such Spirit and Wit, as was both willing and able to en­counter with all their Adversaries. But the end of all was the same.

To which I will add this Relation, That Willi­am Penn at this time being so near the—Wood, the Summer Residence of that Illustrious Lady, the Princess of—of whom, as indeed she was, and is a Princess who has a peculiar Talent of Wis­dom, and Piety, and Greatness of Soul, in assert­ing and promoting the Interest of Religion, he had heard much talk, and this Princess being now there present, it comes in his mind, and he in­treats it as an extraordinary Favour, that he may have the Liberty of Access to wait upon her High­ness. And she her self too having heard much of Penn, admits him; but so, as what she had heard many say, runs in her highness's mind, that Penn was not the Man that he desired to be taken for, but was either a Jesuit, or else an Emissary of his King's sent to sound the minds of the People and Gran­dees of this Country, and therefore she fore-armes her self against him. But when this Princess had admitted Penn to her Speech; and he composes his Speech not with those Artificial Elegancies and Courtly Niceties, which his former Inclination, Education, and Customs had enabled him to; but with the highest gravity, and as far as Religion would permit, in the most exquisite terms he could devise; and thinking this discourse might not be displeasing to the Princess, at the end of it, he begs leave to make a Sermon before her Highness. To which the Princess, to make short with him, Answers, that she had very good Preachers of her own, whom he might hear; and she had not far off David Fluda Giffen, a Preach­er worthy of such a Princess; as who besides his natural parts, Learning, and sweetness of Con­versation, [...] with Probity of Life, and endued with a singular gift in Preaching, was now the [Page 225] worthy pastor of the Church at Dort, a Man to us well known and our very great friend. Which Answer Penn taking in the stead of a civil Refu­sal, with a chearful Countenance and in kind terms asks her Highness, if in any other respect he might be serviceable to her; and so takes his leave of her Highness. Now from Friesland a province of our Belgium, which is simply called Friesland, I go on to that they call East-Fries­land. In that Countrey, in the chief City call'd Embden, in the 74th year of this Century, there were a few Quakers that appear'd there, of whom the Principal or chief Men were John William Ha­asbaard, a Doctor of Physick; John Borsome and Cornelius Andrews. These Men began first to hold their Meetings privately, afterwards more openly, then to publish books of their Tenets; to allure and invite the more to their Communion. Which being known, and growing publick, to the Magi­strates, convened most of the Quakers before them into their Courts. They appear there. By the Magistrates order there came thither two of their Ministers, one the Presidents of the Meeting of East-Friesland, and another next to him, Fre­deric Vlderic, and John Alardin. The Senate has under Deliberation, that whereas, as yet, they did not rightly understand, other than by Rela­tions from other hands, what the sentiments of these Men was, what they did, or what they aim'd at and pretended to, that therefore it would be their best way, to hear and understand these things from themselves, least they should seem to pass a sentence upon people before they had heard, or known what their Cause was; and on the other hand, if they were indeed found to be such as fame reported them, that they might, in due time, obviate and prevent their attempts, and mix them as it were in the bud before they grew to greater strength. But when these Quakers appeared before the Magistrates, they stood with their hats on, and would not pull them off altho they were ordered so to do; not out of Pride or from In­nation [Page 226] or Contempt of them, but because it was the Custom and Fashion of those of their opini­on, and they thought that such sort of honours were not due to Men. A great deal of Dispute there was about this business between the Quak­ers and those Ecclesiastical persons. Which Dis­course, being drawn out to a great length, and nothing brought to the purpose that was intend­ed, the Magistrate Haasbaard, as being the prin­cipal and most skillful mannager of this affair that 2 days afterwards he should appear before a Convention of the Pastors, and Synod of the Church, and there, before them, state the Case of his Religion, under the penalty of 10 Imperials Haasbaard refus'd this Meeting, and appears not at the Stated day▪ But the Quakers however go on, and in the mean while; and afterwards meet in Haasbaard's house. Wherefore the Magistrate lays a fine upon them of 100 Imperials a time, as often as they met together after that manner. They take no notice of that, neither. So the Ma­gistrate taking this as an affront to his Authority and Dispising of his gentle Government and Cle­mency, concluded to take another course with this People. Which yet before he would do, he thought fit once again to try if he could pick out of [...] Men, what their Intentions, desires and aimes were, therefore the next day he causes them to be call'd into Court before him, and to­gether with them the two Ministers before mentioned were order'd to be present, that they might Examine them about these things, and maturely deliberate upon them. For they thus thought that it was absolutely belonging to the Duty and Business of the Political and Eccle­siastical Order, to look after and enquire, what was done in the City, and in the Church, and with all Care and Diligence, to provide and take Order that no Disturbance, Faction, Tumult, or any pernicious Error, Deceit, or Seduction should arise, and spread about among the People; [Page 227] and that the Quakers themselves, in this case, ought not only to pay their Obedience to the Ma­gistrates, but also themselves, of their own ac­cord, and free will, by the impulse of their Religi­on, and monitions of our Lord Christ, and the Motions of the Holy Spirit, not to decline the Ex­position of what it was they insisted on, and the Principles they so much Gloried in, but with all im­aginable Readiness to comply with the Magistrates desire herein, and to render an Account of their Faith and Actions before these men.

The Quakers made their appearance, and stood with their Hats on to plead their own Cause, and First the Magistrates began to reprove them, not only for refusing to obey their Order, but also, that they had so far cast of all manner of Obedi­ence to them, to whom, by the Laws of the City, they were subject; and the Confession of their Life and Faith they left to them to declare to those, who with so much mildness attended their Answer as to these things; Then both those Mi­nisters began, with a great deal of Modesty and Simplicity, to ask them their Opinion of the seve­ral chief Heads of Divinity, and the Christian Re­ligion, and where they Esteem'd them to lye un­der any Error to instruct them. To whom the Quakers opposing their Answers, both Parties en­tered into a Dispute amongst themselves; and in the Disputation the Quakers at last grew so far out of patience, that they inveighed against the Prea­chers and Ministers of the Word, and term'd their Examination a Spanish-Inquisition, and them Hire­ling Ministers; and thereupon cry'd out, That they would have nothing to do with them; with which immoderation the Magistrate being moved, against forbid them to Meet under the same Pe­nalty: And tells them withal, that if yet they would so do, that he would take Order that they should depart the City, and his Jurisdiction. This was done in full Senate; But yet this Threatning was so far from deterring them, that [Page 228] presently after, in the very same place, they held their Meetings again. The number of the Quakers was found to be about 10, or at the most, not a­bove 12 Families. Therefore the Magistrate sup­posing that so far he might possibly give License to their obstinacy; but their Confidence increas­ing, that it would be a troublesome thing always to Contest with People of this sort of Temper, and that therefore it would not be Proper to de­fer the Punishing of them any longer, but to In­flict it as far as his Power, and the Condition of the City requir'd it; so he calls the Quakers afore him again, and they continuing still to be in their former tune and Refractory as before; by his Edict and Command he orders them within 3 days to depart the City, and his whole Jurisdicti­on; and if they would not Obey, they were to expect a severe Sentence to be passed upon them, and this interdict they despise, and again reiterate their Facts, and meet together nevertheless. This was told again to the Magistrate, and the Penalty they had incurr'd was found and read; So they together, being ten in number, both Men and Women, as being Disobedient to the Laws of the City, were sent aboard a Ship, and carried out of the jurisdiction of the City, with Charge that they should never, in their whole life-time, re­turn into the Province again. So the Magistrate unwillingly, and contrary to his Nature and Cu­stom, dealt the more sharply with these Men, only to set an example before other stubborn Persons, and those that might be ready to do ill Deeds; as not, unless compell'd, we cut of a Limb of the Body, least it should infect the rest, and bring the whole to Destruction. But they being sent away, scarce tarried one day before they came back again. Then they were all com­mitted to Prison, which was a Cellar under the Burgo-master's House, and had nothing else allow'd them for Food, but only Bread and Water, and were denied the priviledge of having their Friends [Page 229] come to see them, or bringing any better Pro­vision for their Accommodation. But if any of them was not well, he had the liberty granted him of going home to his House, and there re­maining till he was recovered. A little while after they were again sent out of the Country, all but Haasbaard: And though they had under­gone so many Hardships, yet resolved to lose their very lives rather than give over their En­terprizes, they return back again. Being pro­vok'd, now after the usual manner, and as it were, made a joke and [...]aughing-stock, they were clapt into the same Prison again, and afterwards transported in a Ship out of the City and all the Province; except Haasbaard again, upon whom, as the Ringleader of the rest, the Indignation and Anger of the Magistrates principally fell. And the Quakers complained and wrote, that some of the Magistrates, especially the Consuls (they give you both the Deeds and Names of them, I only, which is enough for my purpose, shall take no­tice of the thing it self) at this time were very vehement against their Friends, and especially very high in their Words. They added also, that the Ministers of the Word were also more hard and rigid against them, except one of whom they said and wrote, that in a publick Sermon he had declaim'd against the Persecution of the Quakers. They pass over his Name. I shall speak both of the Name and Passage, what was told me by Reverend Men, who both at this day are Pastors and Elders of the Church of Embden, and chief Men in the Ecclesiastical As­sembly of that Tract; to wit, That there was none of the Ministers and Pastors of the Church who, besides Refuting the Opinions of the Qua­kers in Words, did any thing more; And a­mongst those Ministers there was then one Her­man Holthuse, now of Pious Memory, of whom I remember that he was a Man both of great strictness as to other things, and also as to his [Page 230] Life and Conversation; joyned with the highest lenity and goodness towards all other Men; who deeply Commiserating the Case and Affli­ctions of the Quakers, thought and said, that they were too too severely prosecuted, but this in his private Discourses, never abroad and in the Pulpit. Now an ill Omen follow'd; there was an Order issued out to the Chamberlain to confis­cate the Goods of the Captives and Exiles. When neither Haasbaard nor his Mother, being called upon, would lay down the Fine, his Goods were all Sealed up in the House, and he again driven into Exile; from whence nevertheless he quick­ly returns, with the fresher and more eager heat, because of his loss by Death of the dearer part of himself, his Wife, and his little Children left behind; the Mother now, out of her Goods fal­len to her, paying the Chamberlain the Sum of 200 Imperials. The Goods of another, a bani­shed Maid, were sold by publick Outcry. More­over, about the end of the year there was an Order set out, That no body should let his House to a Quaker, or take any of them for Lodgers. Now return back as I said before all the expelled Quakers. But all of them are again thrust into the same place, and also a Woman with Child, but not so near her time as the Quakers thought. As also, that was too great a glory of Martyr­dom, which the Quakers told of a certain Qua­kers Child of 3 years old, or scarce so much, which upon a disturbance made in the House, fell into such a Fit of Trembling, with Convulsions of the whole Body, that that day prov'd to it the last of its Life. But not to repeat the same thing so often over and over again, and to reduce our discourse to a narrower compass, this send­ing out and coming back, expulsion again and return was made about 20 times in this and the ensuing year. For it seem'd hard to the Magistrate to enact any thing so grievous against his own Citizens, against whom there could no [Page 231] other Charge be laid than Constancy in their Re­ligion; and to the Quakers so to forsake their Na­tive Country and Houses, and whatsoever else that was dear to them; and not endeavour to regain their old Seats, and way of Life and Re­ligion, and the exercise hereof, and without which it cannot consist. The Quakers writ boldly and amply of this to the Magistracy of Embden, as well the Dutch as English, in the Sentences and grave Language of Fox, Green, Crocius, and Penn. The subject and scope of them all was he same. What fury possess'd their Spirits, or what weakness their Minds, that had enraged them to such a Degree against those People, that had never done any thing that could merit their Just Displeasure, or in the least diminish their Rights. For that they loved their Houses, and were ready on all occasions to return to the City, and to their Families, and to their Native Soil; and preferr'd this before the Will of the Magistrates, the Magistrates might easily know the Cause of that, unless that being impatient of the Truth, by prejudice against these mens Discourse, they hindred their De­fence, and themselves a right Judgment. For that was not their Principle to think themselves exempt from all Laws, subject to no Government, or touch'd with no fears, or any Expectation of Evil. That they were not so lame or faultring in their Duties, nor had so put off the Sense of all common Humanity. But they were of another Opinion, That it was God, and the guidance of the Spirit, and their Conscience, which carried them on; and that there was a Religion which they had from God, in which the first principle head, Strength and Defence, was Liberty, and that not only private, but open, publick and common; That we should not abstain from the Presence or Companies of Men, or sight and speech of friends and acquaintance, or be be­hindhand in the daily performance of Good Offices and Turns one for another; which things they that deny or take away, totally subvert not only, Liberty, but also all Religion. Wherefore also this thing ought not to be e­steemed as a Disgrace to these Men, or a Crime, but [Page 232] rather in their praise, as a good Action that they might estimate them by themselves, if they re-call'd to mind, that if any humane Affection, or any desire of a glori­ous shew, had put them upon these Thoughts, that they might, if they travell'd elsewhere, live a quiet and honest Life, remote from these Storms of Contentions and Ignominy; whereas they chose rather to undergo so many Miseries and Calamities. And that that they could affirm, which they said without Arrogance or Pride, That if the Magistrates were resolv'd to go on as they had begun, that their Friends also were de­termin'd, rather than forsake their Places, or forego their Religion, they would suffer the last Extremities, and not only endure and undergo the most continual Torments, but even the cruellest Deaths that could be inflicted.

Also Haasbaard sent a Leter to the Senate, out of Prison, whose last words, at the End of it, are memorable: That he long'd for the time wherein God would open the Eyes of Men, that they might see how that himself and the Quakers were injuriously and falsly accused, and to that Judge they committed their integrity. In the time following, the Edict against the Reception of the Quakers, was put in Execu­tion upon those who were thereof convicted, as the Mother of Haasbaard, for receiving her said Son in her house, was fined 50 Imperials; and a certain woman, a member of the Reformed Church, be­cause she did not deny her Husband, who was a Quaker, to lodge, bed and board with her, was mulcted 50 Golden Florens. In the mean time, Haasbard, besides his Exile, being oppressed with so many Cares and Griefs, which lead to Distempers and Death, was over-taken by his last Day, and dies. Who being dead when the persecution seem'd to die too, it reviv'd again a little after in his 3 Sisters, whereof two were unmarried, and one Married, but who at this time did not Co-habit with her husband. For when these women and likewise 6 Men of their Acquaintance met toge­ther to see one another and for mutual Exhorta­tion's [Page 233] sake, by and by the Sergeants and Souldiers come in unto them, and run upon them, and car­ry them away to Prison, and take away out of the Womens pockets Money and Silver Cases, and a watch of great Value, which they wear not out of Pride, or for Ornament or Ostentations sake, but for use, and while these Varlets spend one part of their prey and suppress another part, the rest they carry to the Burgomaster. Yet these people some daies after were dismissed, instead of a fine which they would not pay, the things that they had taken from the Women being detain'd. The last assault was in the year 79, Then the hatred began by degrees to grow less and less, and to wax old, when it was better seen and known, That the Qua­kers were not such a sort of people as the Magistrates and Citizens had taken them for. A Wonder this, but yet neither new nor unknown. Charles King of England dying, and James succeeding him, some rich Quakers flying out of England came hi­ther to Embden. These the Senate were so far from repelling that they receiv'd them very kind­ly, and not onely granted them houses, but also the Exercise of their Religion, and access to it, and leave to build a publick Meeting place and proffer'd them ground to build it upon, hoping that that would now tend to the Increase and Riches and Splendor of their City, and Neverthe­less without any Detriment, or Disgrace to their Religion. Moreover, the year following, after that, a Quaker-woman, a Citizen of Embden, a woman of eminent Condition, and some other Rich and Honest Citizens, who had been against the Persecution, had well prepar'd the Matter; the Senate, that had been so severe against the banish'd Citizens, do now no less Hospitably invite them home, than formerly they had in hostile manner expell'd them, and permit them the free Exercise of their Religion, and promise and engage them­selves to Protect and Defend them therein, and Confirm the same by a Decree, of which I have [Page 234] had the liberty of Perusal. Altho this Liberality and Beneficence of theirs was now in vain, and too late, for these English afterwards having heard that William Prince of Orange was made King, whose alone Name allur'd the minds of these Men to return home to their former Seats, and these Exiles of Emden, now residing in other places, without fear or care Transacted in their affairs with good success, and therefore return'd their very hearty thanks to the Magistrate, and profes­sed themselves to have forgotten all former Inju­ries, and that they should ever retain a grateful sense of the present favour, Nevertheless that they should more willingly choose to remain in the present repose and haven, wherein they were now settled than to return back from whence they came.

There are no Quakers at this day in East Fries­land, save four or five Families at Embden; Ames, one of those Quakers who came first into our Pro­vinces, thought fit to go from thence to Germany, and pass through the Palatinate of the Rhine; as being one who was not only sufficiently ver­sed in his own Countrey Language, and ours, but also in the German Tongue; And here he first makes his Application to his Electoral Highness, who ha­ving had some Account of these sort of men, and being very desirous both to see and discourse with some of them, as 'tis the Genius of those Great Men often to hear, learn and attain to the Know­ledge of many Things, he sends for Ames to come to him, and after he had seriously discoursed with him, dismiss'd him kindly. When Ames had left the Court and City, he wanders over the Countrey, and there makes several Essays to promote his De­sign, but it came to nothing; and therefore he re­turns to Holland. But having afterwards taken Two of his Companions along with him, to wit, Bat and Higginson, he goes again for the Palatinate, and addrest himself to the Prince, offering, both to him and to his Courtiers, the books of his Sect, [Page 235] designing thereby to engage the Favour and Good Will of the Prince towards himself and his La­bourers. But the Prince was not so readily taken therewith; and besides that, the Princes Eyes and Ears were intent upon those Affairs that concern Religion; The Ecclesiastical Orders were also in the way, who informed the Prince of the Nature of these Mens Institutions and ways, and advised him, that he should rather silence them as Men bent to raise Storms and Tempests in his Country, and keep them off and send them away parting before they did any mischief: So they went their ways elsewhere but yet kept in this part of the Countrey, and followed their design, and after many windings and turnings, found some Coun­trymen at Kircheim, near Wormes, whom, after they had for some time heard them, they brought over to their way, and this was all they could, af­ter all their indefatigable Labour and Toil, effect and bring about.

In pursuance to these mens Practices, William Penn, Barclay and Keith, at that time they came with Fox into Holland, steered their Course for these Parts, but being ignorant in the German Tongue, they took some of the Natives of the Country along with them to be their Interpreters; but there was nothing done by them that is wor­thy of mentioning. But those few Quakers, who I have said, lived in these places, did afterwards increase to Seven or Eight Families; who after they had by little and little united Men, and Asso­ciated together, they declined to go to the pub­lick Churches, and refused to pay for the subsi­stance of the Clergy, and therefore as well the Rectors and Pastors of the Churches thereabouts, as also the Priests of the Territories of Wormes looked with an evil Eye upon them, and so go­ing on from one thing to another began to accuse and sue them, and when they could not be satisfi­ed in their demands, which the others would not comply with, alledging the unlawfulness of pay­ing [Page 236] such Tythes and Products from their Lands they did, instead of the Money due upon the ac­count, take what they pleased from among their Sheep, Swine, and other Cattle, whereas those Men did in the mean time by their diligence, as it were, singular Providence bear up still against their losses and poverty, so as that they had yearly where­withal both to subsist upon, and for fear of trou­ble, or greater constraint and violence to satisfy their Adversaries; but after they had for some years lived in this manner, they did that very year that preceded the German War, wherein all that Fruitful and Delicious Countrey was wasted with Fire and Sword, by those Men who shewed them­selves so much more skillful and ready to De­stroy then to Conqer especially these late years, of their own accord and in a considerate manner, so as if they had foreseen so great a War and been af­fraid of such an impending Calamity, forsake their Native Countrey those Villages and Cot­tages, which they could scarce bear up with props and stakes, and entred into a voluntary and per­petual Banishment, so passed over into Pensilva­nia, being that part of English America that I have before described in which part of the world, each of them having Land Distributed and Assign­ed unto them by the Proprietor of that part, Wil­liam Penn, they live now in the greatest Freedom and plentifully enough: I have a little before spoken of Penn, and some other of his Compani­ons Travelling from Holland into Germany, to those People that were of their Sect at the same time; Isabel Fell, Fox's Daughter in Law and Wife to Keith, together with a certain Dutch Wo­man, went from Amsterdam to Herword in West­phalia, there to speak with the Princess Elizabeth, eldest Daughter to Frederick once King of Bohe­mia, and Elector Palatine, a Lady truly renown­ed and famous for her wit, Learning and Piety, and if so be the endowments of the mind are to be looked upon and esteemed of themselves with­out [Page 237] the goods of Fortune, a Princess the most happy and famous of any of her Age, with a de­sign by their Conversation and Pamphlets, to work somewhat upon her, that might tend to the use and benefit of their Religion and Society. Fox, who thought that the Fame of his Name was no less known to this Princess, than it was in Eng­land, his Native Country, delivers these Women a Letter for them to carry in his Name to the Princess, that they might, by that means, have ea­sier access unto her, and their Discourses be of more weight with her; in which Epistle Fox ad­drest himself unto her in a little more neat and civil manner, than he was wont to do, laying aside that fusty harshness and Rusticity he was ac­custom'd to, whereby he made no distinction be­tween Persons of high Birth and Quality, and the meanest Gar-men and Porters, but now he car­resses and saluteth the Princess in the most engag­ing manner, and highly extolls her Piety and Modesty, as being Vertues worthy of a Princess, and sets forth how much all mankind at this time receed from these offices and duties incumbent up­on them, and as the State of the Church stood at this present time, there was more need then ever to keep fast to them, and at last exhorts the Prin­ces that, as she had been engaged in the work, she should go on more and more. When these wo­men came to the Princess's Court, and desir­ed liberty to speak with her, she who was full of humanity and gentleness, and never disdained any tho never so mean and unequal to her Condition, that desired to apply themselves unto her, admits and hears them with chearful and favourable Countenance, being especially pleased with. Isa­bells Discourse, who indeed had a curious voice and a freer way of delivering her self, and having heard what they had to say, dismist them with a short and pithy answer, and having afterward opened and read Fox's Epistle; She takes care to deliver unto them her own Letter, writ in the [Page 238] Language he had done, to wit, English, that they might give it to Fox, which Letter was to this effect.

Dear Friend,

I cannot chuse but tenderly Love all those that Love the Lord Jesus Christ; and who not only believe in him, but also suffer for his Sake; where­fore I was mightily pleased with the Letter which you sent me, and your Friends that visited me. I shall pursue the Advice, both of the one and of the other, as far as God shall grant me his [...]ight and Motion; and in the mean time remain,

Your Loving Friend, Elizabeth.

And about this time, William Penn being on his German Expedition, together with his other Friends, directs his Course to this Princess; and, that I may not multiply many words, Preach'd twice in the Princesses Inner-Chamber, there be­ing some few of the Towns-men present, con­cerning the Vanity and Rejection of Earthly Things, and the Elevation of the Mind to higher Speculations; and did so far prevail by his po­lite Eloquence, and Approbation of the Auditors, that the Princess declared that she had been al­ways intent upon the Duty Penn spoke off, and did not yet cease to go on the same Work and Duty; with which answer those Men departed: And because that the attempt of these Quakers in their Opinions, had hitherto met with no bad success in this part of Germany, the same Men egg'd on with the same hope, go into Hol­satia, and the parts adjacent.

There were yet in these parts amongst the Men­nonites or Anabaptists, who were few, a small number still remaining and lurking here of those Sectaries wherewith Germany in the preceeding Age had been plagued, being those who sprung up from the School, or rather Stall and Hog-sty of David George, not from the Family of Love, as they called it, and such scum and off-scourings as these, and who still retained their foolish and vain Imagina­tions, [Page 239] and, according to their vain and vile Inven­tions and Examples, united together and entred into a Fraternity more feignedly then truly and really. Now these itinerant Quakers found some of these Men at Hamburg, which is the most fa­mous City of Holsatia, as also at Fredricburg, (a place upon the Eyder, and frequented and partly inhabited by the Arminians and Remonstrants of our Country) who looking upon these Men to come up very near to their Opinions, Tenets, and Ways, and so begin of their own accord prepared and fitted thereunto, they did easily fall in with them; though there were also some that were not of this Sect, but intensly addicted to the Mennonites, who now as­sociated together, and applied themselves with all their might and main to maintain the Assertors of the Quaker's Doctrines; All these that lurked a­mong the Anabaptist, and even others also, tho' they were like unto them, and followed their ways still in many things, were always suffered upon the account of their Ignorance, and suppo­sed Innocence, to live quietly; untill that about two years before, the Mayor of the City of Fre­dricburg, then newly created, and that he himself, might do somewhat new, and make himself to be taken notice of, began to disturb the Peace of these Quakers that had hitherto been left alone, and to create them some Molestation and Trouble; Which when the Remonstrants of Amsterdam came to understand, and particularly, Ph. Limburg, their Pastor and worthy Professor; and being careful of the Safety of those Men, and concerned to main­tain the esteem of their own Religion, urge, least that now all Men, both good and bad, should say they were become other sort of Persons and cruel, whom most Men looked upon always remote from all manner of Persecution, that they should Re­voke their Proceedings against those Men, and in­tercede for the continuation of their Liberty, that had been hitherto unviolable, and entirely respite them and cease their Persecution. Fox Travels [Page 240] from Holland, through the Countries of Friesland and Aldenburg, to go to these Men, taking more Consolation with his Friends than doing any good to others. Those fame Itinerants and Emissaries of whom I have made mention before, went for­wards, and came to Regal Prussia, as far as the Baltick Sea; where at Dantzick a very few also of the remainder of those old Fanaticks and of the Mennonites (Men who could discern little what belonged to Religion, or was to be pursued therein, and poor, who could scarce by their daily and hard labour get daily sustenance) applied them­selves to them, and fell in with their Doctrine and Counsels. These Men from this time forwards have been continually harrassed by the Lutherans, in whose Hands the Supream Power and Magistra­cy is, and heavily Fined and Imprisoned. Where­fore G. Fox did upon their behalf, as being his Friends, Brethren and Equals, in the year 1677, send a Letter to John III. King of Poland, and in­tercedes with him thereby for a Tolleration for them; concerning which Epistle, which Fox took care should be published in his long Diary after his Death, this is worthy to be noted, That at first it was written in England in the English Tongue, then sent into Holland and there Translated into the German Language; and lastly, sent from thence and delivered to the King. The substance where­of was this: ‘That it was a most equitable and righteous thing, that all Kings, Princes, and Ma­gistrates should grant Liberty of Conscience to all their Subjects; and by no means disturb nor ob­struct their Assemblies and Divine Exercises:’ He set forth, that this was the judgment of the Fa­thers, and ancient Doctors of the Church, as also the modern ones, and even the Learned Men of the present time we live in; And that many Kings and Princes had Indulged this Grace and Favour to their People, and for that reason were highly worthy of Praise, and were really extolled by worthy honest and wise Men: He also col­lected [Page 241] and pick'd out several Sayings and Sentences turned out of Greek, Latin, French, and other Languages; as also Examples and Precepts found in Histories, to press this matter more upon him. But this Epistle was so written, that it look'd and represented not the Work and Sentiment only of one single Person, but of many, and seemed to take in the Complicated Sence and Advice of the whole Society of the Quakers: Yet this Letter had the name of George Fox only subscribed to it, and that without any other Mark and Designati­on of Persons or Authority; so that Fox, though a most-illiterate and unlearned Man, and who, besides the common English Books; had ne're looked into any other, nor could he Read them, would by no means have it thought or doubted, that this weighty Epistle, [...]o full of Learning, and compos'd and written in so Elaborate a man­ner, and with so much Pains and Study, was not Written by him, and his own Production, and that he was not the Man who had daily perused all those Books, and made them his own; or that it was thus Written by a Multitude or whole So­ciety of Men; yet so as that they should leave it to the Judgment of one Fox an ignorant Fellow, and upon his Approbation look upon it to be firm and good; and he to approve of the same, by the greatness and Authority of his Name affixed to it. And hence it's apparent, that there is no mind so Humble, but is apt to be carried away with the Air of Glory; yea, many times Glory and Ap­plause is mostly coveted by those who most contemn it, and endeavour to introduce a Contempt thereof, glorying and taking Pride herein, in that they despised all manner of Glory so much. But how­ever it were; the Letter pleased the King, and the Matter of it was very grateful to him; inso­much, that the King, either by his own Autho­rity, or other Engagements, brought it so about, that they ceased to persecute them; But the same Persecution was in a short time after revived and introduced upon them: When Fox writes a new [Page 242] Epistle to the King; and deprecates the Injuries and Dangers brought upon those People his Friends, interceding with the King thereby on their be­half; discovering now, in this his Letter, himself entirely as he was, and not as before, hand over head, without all manner of shame and blushing, Arrogating to himself the Work of other Men, and a false praise: But this Letter did not please the King so well, so as either to purge them from what was laid to their Charge, or to free them from their Sufferings. These Quakers are even to the present time a prey and a laughing-stock to almost all the Inhabitants; and they had long since been utterly ruined and destroyed, all of them, had it not been for a few among them that had some small Substance, who out of their own Necessities have sustained them under their oppressive Poverty; And had it not been also for those Quakers in Holland, who are superiour to these in Fortunes and Estates. And now, that I may pass over nothing that may appertain to the State and Concerns of the Quakers, before I de­part from these Men in Germany. It will not be impertinent to insert the short History of those Men, lately sprung up in Germany, and who still coverse and are scattered up and down in divers parts of the same Country, which are called by the name of Pretists, and whom many look upon as the Brood and Offspring of the Quakers, or Enthusiasts, sprung up again in these times, and being as it were lopped off, grow again, and bud out from the old Stock; concerning which Men, there are many who have taken upon them to write, who have discovered themselves to have heard and imagined more things concerning them than they really know; but I shall not take in all herein, but will leave out the larger passages, and only take notice of the Principal Heads. For seeing that in so great a multitude of Christians, as well else where as in Germany, who declare themselves to be the Disciples of [Page 243] blessed Luther, and to follow his Doctrine, and way of Living, most of them all were indeed affected with a great desire of, and love to their Religion, but yet retained, through great Igno­rance and intollerable superstition, the observance of some Rites and Ceremonies, and which in ve­ry deed had little or nothing in common, with some Religion, Piety and Holiness, and this was not so abstruse, but that it was apparent to all, so as that they might behold it with their Eyes, and handle it with their Hands; yea, and the same was now consined, and, as it were, [...]ealed by ex­amples and manners, some Godly Men, zealous towards God, and for the good of Men, and such as were also▪ both Learned and Experienced, bethought themselves, that it was every ones du­ty, with the utmost care and Diligence, to heal, or cut off this Malady, or Pestilence in the Church, which crept dayly more and more into Men's Lives and Conversations.

Among these, in the Year sixty one, one Theo­philus Brosgeband, a Deacon of the Lutheran Church, in the City of Rostock, in the Duchy ef M [...]chelen­burg, sets up in Opposition to these Practices, and, so in a book written by him in the German Tongue, sets forth, and notes the various Errors that the Lutherans were conscious of; and at the same time speaks moderately and gently concern­ing the Controversies that were between the Lu­therans and other Reformed, concerning the Lord's Supper, and sets down his own Opinion in the matter, with his Reasons for the same. He was indeed a man that studied, and was a lover of Concord and Peace between Friends, who held the same Faith, which is very good, and the very name delectable: but he got little Praise and Thanks for his Pains; nay, this his labour and endeavour went scarce unpunished; for there were many Persons that forthwith fell at variance with him hereupon, reviled him, were very bitter against, and trouble­some to him, which he by his long-suffering and [Page 244] patience, wore out, and diverted. After this Henry Muller became one of this number, who in the same City was Teacher and Professor of Divinity in the Church and University, and a Person of ex­quisite Learning and Piety, and who about five or six years after Brosgeband did in like manner re­prove those of his own Religion, concerning their Errors, and Lives and Conversations, that were unsuitable to Religion, and especially in a book written also in the German Tongue (that it might come into the hands of all those to whom it did more peculiarly belong) handling that Passage of the Apostle Paul, which is in his First Epistle to the Corinthians, 12. c. 2. v. (in which place the Holy Apostle, that he might make way for to shew to those Men, how much they were now Honoured and Enrich'd by the Spirit of God, puts them in mind, how in times past they were carried away to dumb Idols, led and driven there­unto by unclean Spirits) he wrote that Christians now a-days, had not left their dumb Idols, where­unto they cleaved, to whom they attributed all things (neglecting true Religion, and setting true Godliness at naught) to wit, The Pulpit, from whence they Preach to the People, The Baptismal Font, The Confessor's Tribunal, and the Altar. By which words many that were of the same Functi­on with him, took themselves to be much Inspired, and so lookt upon him to be their Enemy, and did not only content themselves with injuring of him in his fame, and the esteem had of him; and seeing that the Name of the Quakers was at this time very rife every where in Germany, and that the same, especially with the rude multitude, and men of the most abject Condition; who catch hold of all things without any distinction of Truth or Falshood, was much envied and hated, and not free from danger. There was a certain Person of some note at Hamburg (for the thing may be said without nameing his Name) though of no great fame as to his Learning, and of an [Page 245] immoderate and proud Disposition, and full of words, who was so transported with Rage a­gainst Muller, that he accused him, and laid to his charge, That he was not only guilty of other Errors, but more especially of Quakerism, and thus by stirring up the People, did, as it were, en­force the Laws with Menaces, that he should de­sist and proceed no further, which matters▪ Muller, though he was willing, but not able to bring a­bout to his designed purpose; yet he was desirous to be freed from the scandal cast upon him, and to remove the ignominy, [...]rging, That he intro­duced no perverse or strange Doctrine, and was not the man his Enemy represented him to be, which he brought so about, that having got the clear Testimonies of several Professors in the U­niversities of his Orthodoxy, and of Doctors in Churches; he Published the same in his Apology, and set them in opposition to the Reflections and Scandals cast upon him by his Enemies: Now Philip James Spener, Minister at Francford upon the Mease, of a Church Constituted according to the same Augustine Confession, did within a few years prosecute the Foot-steps of these Men; as also John Heari [...]k Harby, Minister of a Church of the same Confession at Trarback on the Mosel; both of them men of that Industry and Conversa­tion, as to be able easily to keep up the Fame of their great Learning and Probity, and not be thought to seek after the Favour and Glory of Men herein; these Men did, in their Publick Ser­mons, Discourses, and Private Exercises, bend all their Endeavours this way, that they might ex­tirpate and root up these Evil Weeds and Thistles from Mens minds. Spener began his Work with those things, which did more immediately incu [...] into the Senses of Men, and which seemed to imitate, and have relation to Popery, that was so hateful to the Lutherans; by reason of the dull, foolish and profane Rites and Ceremonies that are therein, and such as are not barely estranged from [Page 246] true Worship and Sanctity; to wit, in their Churches and Publick Assemblies, and particular­ly in their Pompous Tables, Organs, Altars, Priest­ly Garments, &c. And from hence he proceeds to other things, which men do measure by use a­lone, and meer handling, so as that a pretty num­ber of People, in a short space of time, did, by his means, not only Loath all that Pompousness in their Churches, but also laying aside many other ex­ternal Rites, applyed themselves to Exercise the true Faith and Life of Christians: But this was not all, but they did often times meet together in their Houses, and so did instruct and exhort one ano­ther; every one, as well as they were enabled out of the Holy Scripture to follow the same Sincere Life and Faith, and to do all the Duties incum­bent upon them towards Men: Hereby also in the same manner, by his Instructions, did so stir up and affect the Minds and Consciences of his Hear­ers, that very many of them, in those places, and adjacent to the Rhine, did often times meet together in one place; and this they did assume as a common Rule and constant Practice among them, that laying aside those Discourses which concerned Questions and Disputes, or idle and unnecessary Enquiries, which were more fit for the Schools than for the Formation of Manners, they only imployed themselves herein, that hav­ing come to know and discern Christian Truths, without which, Faith and a Christian Life cannot be; they insisted upon the ways and means how to attain to this Life and Faith, and Instructed and Exhorted one another, in shewing and ex­ercising of the Same. Spener is called from Franc­ford to Drosden, into the Elector's Court, there to exercise the Office of Chief Preacher; and seeing there were many things to be Corrected and A­mended in the Court, and that this could not be done by gentleness and pleasant Artifice, but by a Tragick Gravity and severity, and that there was not, besides this, such a number and choice of [Page 247] then for the purpose, which withal, required one endued with much Religion and Good­ness; in the mean time, there were some Stu­dents in the University of Lipsick, designed and appointed for the Ministerial Office (they were only two at first) that began to stir in this matter, and this they made the chief exercise of their capacities, this was the bent of their studies, that being themselves stored with this knowledge, and exercised in this sort of Life, they might afterwards teach their Auditors com­mitted to their care, the like documents and stir them up to the same; and therefore they daily in­structed their people and held their Assemblies, and did not only urge their Discourses from the Scripture-Authority, but did draw out from the proper and Genuine Fountain of Divine writ, [...] excellent order, the meaning of one or more pla­ces, and the mind of the Holy Spirit, and the Energy of Faith and true Piety, and adopted them to the certain uses and cases of Men, every one according to the Conscience and Experience he had in such a thing, and setting this for a rule, in these words to be observed by all, That the sacred Books of the Old and New Testament, are to be read▪ expounded and converted to various uses, to the glory of the sacred Trinity, to the increase of the New Man, of holy Instruction, and exegetical Divinity, as also to an example of an holy Couversation. They were termed the Philobiblick Colledges. These Students Endeavours and Studies were some time after imitated by others, and even by such as were of greater years, and Masters themselves; so that some of them handled the same with the Profes­sors Consent, in the Publick Auditories, in their Academical Lectures; the Chief whereof were Augustus H. Francus, the Disciple and Companion for a long time of Spener, and John L' Schadeus, Francus's Chamberber-Fellow both of them Masters of Art, and Learned and Eloquent. There was moreover a new Accession of Citizens, and of wo­men [Page 248] too to these Collegiates, who also encouraged their Pastors and Guides in Divine Things, to the same work; but as for the most part it happens in such Assemblies, there was in process of time so great a desire in some to frequent these Colledges▪ that some Students declined to go to the Publick and Private Schools; some of the People would not go to the Churches, some despised them, o­thers went thither to partake only of the Lord's Supper sparingly, and some disregarded all other ordinances and institutions in comparison of these Congregations and Meetings. But these Students were for the most part persons of a mean conditi­on and of no fortune, and but of very indifferent Parts and Learning, or only of such a plebean stamp, or late initiation into the republick of lite­rature, and that their [...]udition, as a natural Con­sequence and Principal vice attending of it, was tumultuary, but Masters over Boys, and for that reason seeming themselves to be capable to do any thing, yea, as, the saying is, to hit the Crow in the Eye, whereof there is good store in that City and Country; and the people, especially the women, were very rude and mean, who every where fol­lowed the Crows through dirt and mire, and lived from hand to mouth, and were in the mean time puffed up with the ostentation of being honoured and esteemed, and with some ensigns of a triffling glory. And tho some of those Masters and Ru­lers, of whom I have just spoken, would not seem to be of the like Sentiments and Act in the same manner as these Men, yet they did not gain-say, when it was not expedient they should be silent; wherefore that silence of theirs did at length bring them under no small suspicion, and they were ad­judged to be not much remote and distant from those extreams. Whence they became at first en­vied and hated by the other Students, Citizens, Teachers, Professors and Pastors, then they put an ill Construction upon all their doings and spoke evilly concerning them, and last of all, became to [Page 249] be interdicted and prohibited: But those Counsels were found to be of no effect; for the more the one was enraged and bent to suppress, and utter­ly to extinguish the Sect the more did the other hold to it stiffly and obstinately. But least too great a disturbance might be wrought and trou­bles ensue thereon, for the further avoiding of danger, some of the Colledges were dissolved or diminished: While these things were in Agitation H. Francus, and some other Students came accord­ing to the Citation of the Senate, and order of the Professors of Lipsick into that City; where each of them were by some delegated for that purpose Interrogated and wearied with innumerable cap­tious and fallacious questions in reference to their sentiments concerning every Article of their Reli­gion, and what it was they did reject, who hav­ing therein abundantly satisfied their inquisitors, they were dismist, upon condition that they car­ried themselves so as to have a regard both to their Dignity and Advantage, and neither publickly nor privately to teach the people any otherwise. Next year, there were Letters sent from the great Consistory or Ecclesiastical Senate from Dresden, of which Consistory the Elector is Principal, to the Academical Senate of Lipsick, wherein they were Commanded to Abolish all such Colledges, and that he should commit all that made resi­stance to Prison, as a just punishment of their Contumacy and for a check upon their further opposition; which thing struck such a fear into some of them, that they lost all their courage and withdrew from the whole assembly and their for­mer purposes. But others on the other hand with great constancy and contumacy, proceeding from the greatness and hardiness of their minds, per­sisted and went on in their design and purpose. And others of these thought it their duty to pro­ceed unweariedly in the reformation and to apply themselves to that work with all their might, but to Act with Moderation not by Popular Tumults, [Page 250] but that so necessary a thing was not to be omitted▪ for all the many enviers, adversaries and enemies they had and what injuries, Inconveniences and Dangers soever befell them. Others moreover would have it be looked upon as a firm and sta­ble way and method to meet together, and instruct privately among any sorts of men, whether Citi­zens, Men or Women; neither did they think they ought to depart thence, tho they were ne're so much hated, and suffered never so many afflictions; so those who stood in opposition to them, thought fit, be­fore that they had gathered greater strength, to deal with them another way: I shall, in the first place, speak of the more maddest sort of them; for thus it was, That those who were more moderate of them (and they were all of them followers of Sener, or most part of them) did prove their design and en­terprise, and refelled the wrath & persecution of their Adversaries against 'em, & together with the calum­nies and furious outrages of some towards 'em, by saying and writing, That they fully Embraced the Doctrin and Confession of Luther, (as he was always in the mouths of the Adversaries, and the only hea­venly and Divine Man in his Doctrine), and of the Lutherans; and that their Desire was only this, That in reference to the Modes and Propositions, some Cha­pters might be more clearly and explicitly taught: such as these are, The Knowledge of God and ones self in his own mind, the Knowledge of Justification and Sanctification, and the Connection and Cohseren­ [...]y of both, as also of Regeneration. Then Self-De­nial, the Life of Faith, the Power of Christ in such as are his, Christian Prayers, Christian Perfection, the Vnion of the Soul with Christ, and the Operati­on of Christ in it. And this was their Censure concerning the Life and Conversation of Men, That Men are [...]rably slothful, languid and cold in all Christian [...]; and if they do any thing, they are wonderfully taken up and pleased with their own enter­ [...] Works, and trust in their own performances, and [...] those things that are of a solid Faith [Page 251] and tr [...]e Piety; and bewailed, besides, the in­termission and neglect of Ecclesiastical Discipline.

Lastly, They added, That the Ministers and Pastors of Churches, did not, as they ought to have done, discharge their Functions in instructing and stirring up their Hearers to these more necessary Duties, neither in their Sermons, nor Catechisings; and that the Professors and Doctors in the Schools, did not instruct, encourage, form and prepare their Students for these things; and the Students did not take care to apply their Minds thereunto, yea, that they rather thought the same to be al­most a Disgrace unto them, and so contenting themselves in this manner with the instruction they receive, and sticking fast to their former youthful Ways and Practices, the same evil Disposition be­ing still ripe in them, and the remembrance of their preceeding Life not obliterated, and only filled with a vain noise of Philosophy, but void of the Spirit and any inward Experience, they apply them­selves to the Ministry; And when by these Arts, they come as it were to their own Possessions, then they deliver from the Pulpit what they have learnt of Men, and strenuously apply themselves to be skillful at Words only, to handle the Tongue, &c. and if they attain to the knack of it, they dis­course copiously of some Word or Sentence, but with no Argument, no subject Matter, that tends to Ingenerate Piety, as Declaimers do in the Schools, or Petty-Foggers in Courts of Judicature, and Places all their Duty herein, and so finish it; but otherwise take little care of their Auditors, but of themselves are very tender and nice, and their Families live deliciously, and they esteem nothing more honourable and desirable than this. On the other hand, their Enemies lay a long Ca­talogue of foul Errors to their Charge, and send them up and down every where, and so recount them all, and confute them in the Chairs and Au­ditories of the Universities, and Churche [...], before the Students and People, who at least are of them­selves inclined; and when there is so great a stress [Page 252] laid upon it, to run altogether head-long there­unto, so as to take all things in a perverted Sence, and to entertain a most ill Opinion of those Men. And that the Sect might be the better known, and a summary given of their Errors, and the great­ness and horridness of their Faults, they gave those Men the Name of Pietists, and the Sect it self they dignified with the Appellation of Pietism, which name those Men in the mean time looked upon to be their Honour and Glory, these their Enemies put upon them as a mark of their Crime, and a term of Ignominy and Reproach, as if they thought all Vices were to be couched under this one alone; And the Envy and Rage of some proceeded so far, that if any one explained who those Pietests were, and how this name might rightly and pro­perly be taken, they inveighed also against this, as a most horrid Wickedness, and a capital Crime. An Example, where you have in these four Verses, written in the German Tongue, but turned for your better Information into Latin, and are as followeth:

Quum nomen Pictesta omnem sic personat orbe [...],
Quis Pictista? Studens noscere verba Dei;
Et Juxta hanc normam vi am emendare laborans
Illius, at quantum hoc, Christianumque decus.

But that these Men might be distinguish'd by their proper Forms and Characters, they called them also by the Names of the Illuminate, Cathari, Puritans, &c. as being those who were full of their own most proud but vain Conceit, or boasted themselves to be the only Persons that had the Light, when in the mean time they had not a spark of Knowledge and Truth, and in their whole life seemed to be so pure and perfect, when as in truth there was an Ulcer within them, which in time would break out, that in publick, continu­ally carried a counterfeit face of Goodness, but did in the mean time defile themselves secretly, and in their Recesses, with the most notorious Vices: This was the common Opinion, By-Word, and Laughing-stock of all, that these Men were Imita­tors [Page 253] of the old Enthusiasts, and the Inventors of new; That they were like the Quakers, and that they followed their Doctrine and Discipline through­out; when, at the same time, all, or the most part of them, scarce knew what the Opinions, Consti­tutions, and Heresies of the Quakers were; which thing is evident from Spener's Book in the Ger­man Tongue, wherein that Person defending his own Cause, and as to Quakerism, going about to remove that suspicion Men had of him upon that account, while he quotes the Opinions of the Quakers, he alledged them in such a manner, that he, to whom the Opinion of the Quakers was known, understood at the first Reading of them, (saving the Man's Honour) that he had not known what the Quakers meant: And so grievously were these Men dealt with, after they had thus loaded them with these obnoxious Names, that those Stu­dents who would not leave these ways, and who from their Dependencies were called the Elector's Scholars, were deprived of their Stipends, others of all hopes of Preferment by Men of their own Functions, who most of them betook themselves to the Territories of the Elector of Brandenburg, who granted these Distressed Men not only a place of Refuge, but also whatever they had occasion for; and did moreover assign to their principal Doctors a place in the University of Halen, that every one might instruct his Pupils as he pleased.

Now Horbius, upon the French War, if that may be called a War, wherein there has been such un­heard of Devastations made, and Barbarities com­mitted, went from Trarback to Wishenheim upon the Neckar, and from thence to Hamburg, and there was made Minister of St. Nicholas's Church; where, according to his wonted manner, he applied him­self to instruct his hearers in true Piety, and par­ticularly in his Catechisings, to instil his Princi­ples into the Youth, and even young Children▪ but soon after, the Fame and Dignity of Horbius stirred his two Colleagues, whose Eyes and Ears he had offended above the rest of the People, to [Page 254] Envy and Cavil at him; as if Horbius brought hi­ther also these odious Precepts and Opinions of Enthusiasts and Quakers; which accusation, 'tis strange too believe, how it increased, after that Horbius had distributed a little Book among those that were Catechised by him, not written by him­self, but by another, concerning the Rudiments of Christian Education; for when the elder of the two Colleagues aforesaid, who became Horbius's Adversaries, (there is no occasion to name his Name, seeing its common in the Mouths of all Men) had concluded with himself that the Book was Writ by a Pietist, he immediately proscribes it as an Heretical Book, and sets Horbius forth to his Au­ditors; and by his Rhetorical Flourishes, as if he were an Heretical Doctor, a Quaker, and such an one as ought to be expelled out of the City. And as there is nothing so easily given out, and harder stopped, nothing nearer received and further spread, then Lies, and Mens Evil Reports, concerning their Guides and Rulers; so the same report in the twink­ling (as it were) of an Eye, without any more ado, did so dilate it self not only through the whole Ci­ty, but all the Country over, so as that Horbius was known by no other Name than the Quaker-Doctor. Moreover, the rude multitude, and the most ab­ject sort of Men, some of them through a stupid Ignorance, as being not able to distinguish the first Principles of the Christian Doctrine; others, partly through Ignorance, and partly through an uncertain Authority and blind Guidance of other Men, as if they were Slaves or Brute-Beasts; Some seeing themselves unable to try the thing it self, and being very much afraid of the Evil, least that also should fall upon them, so referring the first beginning thereof to one which they much sus­pected; And lastly, others through a blinded pre­judice, and accustomed to raillery, and to do ill turns, received Horbius every where with Hissing and Reproaches, railed at him, and did really per­secute the Man; so as that unless his Life had been [Page 255] preserved, through the faithfulness of honest Men, and they his Friends too, he had through the fury and violence of those his Enemies been certainly deprived of it. Wherefore, when Horbius saw, that his hopes was over-born by the Malice and Envy of so many Men, and that there was nothing now left for him but Dangers, he chose rather to forsake his Ministry and the City, and by giving way rather than by resisting, to break those im­petuous Spirits: For seeing that all the rest, ex­cept those two Colleagues aforesaid, stuck to Hor­bius's side, there was at that time very great Dis­sention and Strife between those Pastors who stood in opposition to Horbius and those that were on his part; and that by Sermons, Pamphlets, and Let­ters, every one according to his Faculty in Speak­ing, or Writing, putting forth his utmost in de­fence of his side, and in opposition to his Enemies, and placing the victory in the last action, untill at length, the matter was brought to that pass by the Interposition and Authority of the Senate, Magistrates, and Supream Power of the City, (a special and principal Remedy for such sort of divi­ded Men and Assemblies) that all the quarrel and difference in Words and Writings was taken off by an Amnesty, as they call it, or General Act of Indemnity; and each of them were to forgive what was past, as much as all good Men hoped it would be so. It's sad to consider what a vast num­ber of things have been written all this time, through all Germany that is of the Lutheran Religion, not in the Latin Tongue, save a very few, but in the German Language, that so now the whole Dispute which so many Learned Men could not find an end to, should be equally committed to the Judg­ment of the Learned and Unlearned, and especially be the entertainment of the vulgar and abject sort of Mankind, whose Judgment, they who thus contended, are so far from expecting, that they even Despise, and desire not to have them named with them. In the mean time we must pre­termit, [Page 256] that the Quakers abiding elsewhere, and very well knowing and retaining an account, and the particulars of all their own Conveniences, neg­lected nothing wherein they thought there was any thing to their Advantage, that might be done in this Commotion and Division of these Men. They had certainly in those places, at this time, a certain Hope wrought in them, and their Spi­rits were raised with some joy, that it might come thereby to pass, that there should be such Persons that would Judge more favourably of the Do­ctrine of the Quakers, and that perhaps they would apply their Minds to them, the Words of their Epistle in an Anniversary Meeting at London the preceeding year, writ to all the Churches of the Quakers, bear witness hereunto, which were to this purpose; That they had Thoughts, and some Hopes, that the falling out of the Lutherans in those places amongst themselves, might tend to a farther Dis­covery and Promotion of the Truth in those Parts.

Moreover, there was in Germany, as it were, three sorts of Pietists (pardon the expression.) One, which I have described, consists of those who sought, and pressed nothing else, but sincere Reli­gion and true Piety; and the greatest part of those are among the Learned and better sort of men, through Saxony and all Germany.

Another sort of them was that cryed, That the Church was much Corrupted, and loved Pie­ty; but such, who themselves on the other hand, stagger not a little in the Faith and True Religi­on, and these same are commonly less moderate and more violent in Celebrating their Assemblies together. These came near the Weiglian Sect, and such sort of Fanatical People that sprung up about an hundred year ago, and not dead in all that intermediate time in Misnia and other Countries about, who imagined, as if it had been an Opinion not yet received in the Church, and yet necessarily to be delivered, That there is one certain Divine Seed in all Men, and that God and [Page 257] Christ do so infuse themselves into Men, that they are one. Moreover, That man becomes God and Christ, and that so he ought to Worship God and Christ in himself, and a great deal more of such stuff: Which Tenents, seeing they were of them­selves very obscure and incomprehensible, or only an empty sound without any Sence, they by their winding cants did yet further involve and make more intricate; and these men dreamt of I know not what Millenary Kingdom and Golden Age, and continued watching among all who should be no longer Mortal, in which Kingdom all things should be restored to their former state and condition, and the Blessed abound with all Spiritual and Corporal Pleasures and Delights, and should be satisfied at a Thought in what they desired or Wished, from the Divine and Celestial Affluence of the Holy Spirit; wherefore seeing, that they now thought the same time was at hand. They so settled their Rules, that laying aside all Controversies among Christians, they now with one mind, by mutual instructions and exhortati­ons, looked to that Kingdom, prepared themselves for it, and invited other men unto it, and made it their business so to do.

The Third sort of them was that which may be called Behmists or Teutonists; these called back, as it were, Jacob Behman, the Shoemaker of Gar­lingen in Silesia, from the Dead, who was called Tutonick, and did both Broach those Opinions, which had been really delivered by him, as also those Errors that had been falsly laid upon him, and ascribed to him, yea, and horrid and hellish Blasphemy, and cried them up as worthy of all Esteem and Glory. But before I give the particu­lars hereof, I do not think it absur'd to say some­what concerning the Doctrine and Writings of this Behman, and the rather, because of the great va­riety of Opinions, and Observations of Learned and famous Men concerning them. He had wrote and published in the German Tongue, some [Page 258] Books, or rather Pamphlets, wherein (as he would perswade himself) he discovered many things necessary to be known, or the Foundations of true Religion, and Piety, in dark words, dis­joyned from the usual and known names, and such as he that would, could not perceive and ap­prehend; producing some of his own, and adding, as his own invention, some other things which he had heard or road else where: But when it came to pass, as it often happens, that those Germans, especially the Lutherans, who Assumed to them­selves the Appellation of Learned Men, and who were eager in a search after Knowledg, Science and Truth, and durst attempt any thing; and were already puffed up with their own and other mens Opinions concerning the Excellency of their Learning, alight upon these Notions; these, as coming nigh unto Behman's Principles, but look­ing upon them, yet to be ruder, and as it were, but rough drawn, as being what he had only be­gun, they go on to compleat them; and from the Store-house of their own Wisdom, build up, and heap together many Opinions, but such as were Monstrous and Horrid, and digest them into books and Publish them, and render the Behman Name well known in Germany, Holland and England, by their writing in those several Languages: Some things also they Publish'd in Latin; and they prove and extol the whole with a wondrous Character, as if they were Golden Books, and to be got all by Heart, by those who followed the Christian Religion, and loved their own Everlasting Salva­tion. In the mean, as every Man has his Free­dom to Judg, there were various Judgments made concerning the Writings of Jacob Behman himself; some thinking moderately concerning them; and tho there were some Light things and mistakes in them yet they adjudged there was no Heresy contained in them, but others again deter­mined otherwise, that they were very Heretical Writings; to which some added also, that they [Page 259] had been all written by a Man, who if he was not stark Mad, was yet highly disturbed in his Mind and Understanding, and that he himself had after­wards confest the same thing, when he came to his right Mind, and so at length by confessing and bewailing his own Temerity and unconsiderate­ness, as indeed it was highly to be Rejected, as be­ing foolish, and unfruitful as to any good; yet his Offence pardoned by his Country-men the Silesians, wherein, because the Fame of the Man has certainly been injured, I do not think it im­pertinent to declare in a few words, what his case was, and how terminated, as to the Event there­of; therefore seeing there were such various Opi­nions concerning this Man made by the World; the Elector of Saxeny caused him to come to Dr [...]s [...], and there to present himself, and be Ex­amined, and stand to the Judgment of certain Divines, who after they had seriously and atten­tively Examined him, and tryed his Sentiments also as to every Article of faith, and what he meant in his Books which he had Published; they not only Absolved him of Heresy, but did more­over acknowledg he had in him some singular gift from God, and dismist him in Peace; which Ex­amination and Matter of Fact when Anthony Wock, who kept the Princess Archicus about 15▪ years ago, took [...]otice of in his History of Dres­den; and that he transmitted the same Work to Noremburg, to be printed and Published there; the Censors of Books, who were better pleased that this passage concerning Behman should not be known, and that the Work of Dishonour, already put upon him, might remain, quite struck out this Part of the History, that related to Behman's Examination, and the event thereof.

But [...] that in the great Dissention and Con­tention between the Ministers of Hamburg, those Men would not also leave Behman alone but con­demned him as an Heretick, Ph. J. Spener, who judged more favourably concerning him, consult­ing [Page 260] the Man's Credit, and fearing least an Error once seising upon the Minds of Men, should by con­tinuance attain to a suspicion of Truth, and utter­ly take away the Man's good Name, which was hitherto in suspence, did in a certain Writing of his, in opposition to the Hamburgers, shew the whole matter as it was transacted at Dresden, according to what W [...]ck had wrote, and affirm the same, as having seen and read the Original Writing himself, taken out of the Elector's Archives; and who in­deed is a Person worthy of Commendation and Credit. But Behman returning into his own Na­tive City, when after an hard Sickness, he drew near unto his last end, he had the Lord's Supper Administred to him by the Minister of the place, according to the manner of the Lutheran Church; and when he had there paid his last Debt to Na­ture, he was by the Magistrates command honour­ably Buried, and a Funeral Sermon Preach'd for him. And now to return to the matter I was upon, the Results of these mens Inventions and Toyl, some of them, interpreting Behman's Wri­tings one way, some another way; and while in the mean time they endeavoured to increase, and also to amend them, basely depraving of them, was this (as to the Substance thereof; for there is no need to relate the singular Di­stinctions therein, as there is no occasion to se [...] down this stuff it self, but for these mens sakes who cease not to blab it out, and to breath it in­to, and infect the unwary with their stinking breath, and for them who are not aware of it, but when once they discern it, will hate and shun the same for ever, that God is one Essence, but a Threefold Principle in a Successive Order: That he is the Spring of, and doth influence all things; to wit, a fire, wherein there is the Light, Under­standing and Wisdom of God, which is the Son of God; and Oyl, wherein that Light of God burns, which is the holy Spirit. And that in this manner all and singular things are for God, of his [Page 261] own proper Nature, and that of Three Principles, which Three Principles are in Nature called by the Name of Sulphur, Salt and Water. Moreover, That God created all Things in Number, Weight and Measure, which so again consist in various Di­vine Delicacies, especially in the Rational Crea­tures, as being those in whom God hath, as it were, created himself, so as to divide a Particle of his own certain Quality into New Creatures.

Lastly, That Man restored, shall enjoy the Ele­ment of Gracious Light, which Element is Christ himself, and that the holy Spirit shall rest upon him for his further Vivification. It's needless to add the rest.

These same Sentiments of these Men, which I believe they acquired by revealing upon, but not un­derstanding the Platonick Writings, by polishing and mixing of them, they heaped up together into a Book. And this, which is not Christian Theolo­gy, but is uttered by men that think themselves in their Right Wits, rather a War of the Giants a­gainst Heaven; and in reference to the matter thereof, not only unconceivable and horrible▪ but so as to the words also, was esteemed by these men (among whom, tho there were some, who tho their Noddles were not souud altogether, yet there were certainly others of sound Understanding, and in their right Wits; yea, active, learned and indu­strious, laying aside these Sentiments and Speeches) as some very sub [...]il and sublime Contemplation and Knowledge of God, if any such could be in the World. This they called Mystical Theology: they made so much account thereof, that unless any one had attain'd to it, held it and profest it, he knew nothing of Divine Matters. If any denied it, they adjudged him by no means capable of Salvation. On the other hand, their Adversaries looked upon this their Theology to be so gastly, and even ter­rible to be uttered; and upon all the Writings which these Teutonicks put forth, with so hard [...] Censure, as if written not with Ink, but with a Pe [...]